[Transcriber's Notes: These modifications are intended to provide
continuity of the text for ease of searching and reading.

1. To avoid breaks in the narrative, page numbers (shown in curly
   brackets "{1234}") are usually placed between paragraphs. In this
   case the page number is preceded and followed by an empty line.

   To remove page numbers use the Regular Expression:
     "^{[0-9]+}" to "" (empty string)

2. If a paragraph is exceptionally long, the page number is
   placed at the nearest sentence break on its own line, but
   without surrounding empty lines.

3. Blocks of unrelated text are moved to a nearby break
   between subjects.

5. Use of em dashes and other means of space saving are
   replaced with spaces and newlines.

6. Subjects are arranged thusly:

---------------------------------
MAIN SUBJECT TITLE IN UPPER CASE
   Subheading one.
   Subheading two.

   Subject text.

      See CROSS REFERENCE ONE.

      See Also CROSS REFERENCE TWO.

      _John Smith,
      External Citation Title,
      Chapter 3, page 89._
---------------------------------

   Main titles are at the left margin, in all upper case
   (as in the original) and are preceded by an empty line.

   Subheadings (if any) are indented three spaces and
   immediately follow the main title.

   Text of the article (if any) follows the list of subtitles
   (if any) and is preceded with an empty line and indented
   three spaces.

   References to other articles in this work are in all upper
   case (as in the original) and indented six spaces. They
   usually begin with "See", "Also" or "Also in".

   Citations of works outside this book are indented six spaces
   and in italics (as in the original). The bibliography in
   Volume 1, APPENDIX F on page xxi provides additional details,
   including URLs of available internet versions.

   ----------Subject: Start--------
   ----------Subject: End----------
   indicates the start/end of a group of subheadings or other
   large block.

   To search for words separated by an unknown number of other
   characters, use this Regular Expression to find the words
   "first" and "second" separated by between 1 and 100 characters:
     "first.{1,100}second"

   A list of all words used in this work is found at the end of 
   this file as an aid for finding words with unusual spellings 
   that are archaic, contain non-Latin letters, or are spelled 
   differently by various authors. Search for:

   "Word List: Start".

   I use these free search tools:
   Notepad++ -- https://notepad-plus-plus.org
   Agent Ransack or FileLocator Pro -- https://www.mythicsoft.com

   Several tables are best viewed using a fixed spacing font such
   Courier New.

End Transcriber's Notes.]

----------------------------------


[Image: Spine]

[Image: Map of Asia]
[Image: Map of Asia]


HISTORY FOR READY REFERENCE.

FROM THE BEST HISTORIANS, BIOGRAPHERS, AND SPECIALISTS

      THEIR OWN WORDS IN A COMPLETE SYSTEM OF HISTORY
      FOR ALL USES, EXTENDING TO ALL COUNTRIES AND SUBJECTS,
      AND REPRESENTING FOR BOTH READERS AND STUDENTS THE BETTER
      AND NEWER LITERATURE OF HISTORY IN THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE

      BY
      J. N. LARNED

      WITH NUMEROUS HISTORICAL MAPS FROM ORIGINAL
      STUDIES AND DRAWINGS BY

      ALAN O. REILEY

      REVISED AND ENLARGED EDITION

      IN SIX VOLUMES

      VOLUME VI—RECENT HISTORY
      1894-5 TO 1901
      A to Z

      SPRINGFIELD, MASS.

      THE C. A. NICHOLS CO., PUBLISHERS

      COPYRIGHT, 1901,
      BY J. N. LARNED.

      The Riverside Press,
      Cambridge, Massachusetts, U. S. A.
      Printed by H. O. Houghton & Company.

PREFACE TO THE SIXTH VOLUME.

   The six years that have passed since the original five volumes
   of this compilation were published, in 1894-5, have been
   filled with events so remarkable and changes so revolutionary
   in political and social conditions that the work has seemed to
   need an extension to cover them. The wish for such an
   extension, expressed by many people, led to the preparation of
   a new volume, in which all the lines of the historical record
   are taken from the points at which they were dropped in the
   early volumes, and are carried to the end of the Nineteenth
   Century, and beyond it, into the opening months of the present
   year.

   In plan and arrangement this additional volume is uniform with
   the preceding ones; but the material used in it is different
   from that dealt with before, and a quite different character
   is given consequently to the book. The former compilation
   represented closet-studies of History—perspective views of a
   past more or less remote from those who depicted it. This one,
   on the contrary, exhibits History in the making,—the day by
   day evolution of events and changes as they passed under the
   hands and before the eyes and were recorded by the pens of the
   actual makers and witnesses of them. If there is crudeness in the
   story thus constructed, there is life in it, to quite make good
   the lack of literary finish; and the volume is expected to
   prove as interesting and as useful as its predecessors. It
   sets forth, with the fulness which their present-day interest
   demands, all the circumstances that led to the
   Spanish-American war; the unforeseen sequences of that war, in
   the Philippine Islands, in Cuba, in Porto Rico, and in
   American politics; the whole controversy of Great Britain with
   the South African Boers and the resulting war; the shameful
   dealings of western nations with China, during late years,
   which provoked the outbreak of barbaric hostility to
   foreigners, and the dreadful experiences of the siege and
   relief of Peking; the strange Dreyfus agitations in France;
   the threatening race-conflicts in Austria; the change of
   sovereign in England; the Peace Conference at The Hague and
   its results; the federation of the Australian colonies; the
   development of industrial combinations or trusts in the United
   States; the archæological discoveries of late years in the
   East, and the more notable triumphs of achievement in the
   scientific world. On these and other occurrences of the period
   surveyed, the record of fact is quoted from sources the most
   responsible and authentic now available, and always with the
   endeavor to present both sides of controverted matters with
   strict impartiality.

   For purposes of reference and study, a large number of
   important documents—laws, treaties, new constitutions of
   government, and other state papers—are given in full, and, in
   most instances, from officially printed texts.

   BUFFALO, NEW YORK; May, 1901.


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.


   I am indebted to the following named authors, editors, and
   publishers, for permission kindly given me to quote from books
   and periodicals, all of which are duly referred to in
   connection with the passages severally borrowed from them:

   The manager of The American Catholic Quarterly Review;
   the editor of The American Journal of Archæology;
   the editor of The American Monthly Review of Reviews;
   General Thomas F. Anderson;
   Messrs. D. Appleton & Company;
   Messrs. Wm. Blackwood's Sons (Blackwood's Magazine);
   Mr. Andrew Carnegie;
   Messrs. Chapman & Hall (The Fortnightly Review);
   Mr. Samuel L. Clemens (Mark Twain);
   Hon. W. Bourke Cockran;
   the editor of The Contemporary Review;
   Prof. John Franklin Crowell;
   the G. W. Dillingham Company;
   Messrs. Dodd, Mead & Company;
   Messrs. Doubleday, Page & Company;
   The Ecumenical Conference on Foreign Missions;
   Mr. J. Foreman;
   The Forum Publishing Company;
   Harper & Brothers (Harper's Magazine);
   Mr. Howard C. Hillegas;
   Prof. H. V. Hilprecht;
   Hon. Frederick W. Holls;
   Messrs. Houghton, Mifflin & Company (The Atlantic Monthly);
   Mr. George Iles;
   the editor of The Independent;
   Prof. John H. Latané;
   Messrs. Longmans, Green & Company (The Edinburgh Review);
   Mr. Charles F. Lummis;
   Messrs. McClure, Philips & Company (The Popular Science Monthly);
   Messrs. MacMillan & Company (London);
   The New Amsterdam Book Company;
   the editor of The Nineteenth Century Review;
   the editor of The North American Review;
   the editors of The Outlook;
   the managing editor of The Political Science Quarterly;
   Mr. Edward Porritt;
   Messrs. G. P. Putnam's Sons;
   Messrs. Charles Scribner's Sons;
   George M. Sternberg, Surgeon-General, U. S. A.;
   The Frederick A. Stokes Company;
   the managing editor of The Sunday School Times;
   Prof. F. W. Taussig;
   Prof. Elihu Thomson;
   the manager of The Times, London;
   The University Press, Cambridge;
   Mr. Herbert Welsh; the editors of The Yale Review.

   My acknowledgments are likewise due to the Hon. D. S.
   Alexander, Representative in Congress, and to many officials
   at Washington, for courteous assistance in procuring
   publications of the national government for my use.


LIST OF MAPS.

   Map of Asia,                           Preceding the title page

   Map of Africa,                         Following page 2

   Map of Alaska,                         Following page 8

   Map of Australia,                      Following page 30

   Map of Central America,
      showing the Isthmian Canal routes,  Following page 66

   Map of the East Coast of China,        Following page 76

   Map of Cuba and the West Indies,       Following page 170

   Map of Hawaii,                         Following page 254

   Map of the Philippine Islands,
      and of the seat of war in Luzon,    Following page 368

   Map of Porto Rico,                     Following page 410

   Map of the Boer Republics
     and their surroundings,              Following page 492

   Map illustrating the Santiago campaign
      in the Spanish-American war,                 On page 603


LIST OF TABLES.

   The descendants of Queen Victoria,              Page 215

   Protestant foreign missions
      and missionary societies,                    Pages 311-313

   Navies of the Sea Powers,                       Page 318

   Philippine Islands, area and population,        Pages 367-369

   The Shipping of the World in 1900,              Page 452

   British military forces in South African war,   Pages 509-510

   Statistics of the Spanish-American War,         Pages 628-631

   Twelfth Census of the United States (1900),     Pages 645-646

   Revenues and expenditures of the government
   of the United States for the fiscal
   year ended June 30, 1900,                       Page 666
     Losses from all causes in the armies
      of the United States from
      May 1, 1898, to May 20, 1900,                Pages 666-667

   Qualifications of the elective franchise
   in the several States of the United States,     Pages 676-677

   Military and naval expenditures of
      the greater Powers,                          Pages 694-697

   Chronological record of events, 1895 to 1901,   Pages 702-720


{1}

HISTORY FOR READY REFERENCE.


ABORIGINES, American.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIANS, AMERICAN.

ABRUZZI, the Duke of: Arctic expedition.

      See (in this volume) POLAR EXPLORATION, 1899-1900, 1901.

ABYDOS, Archæological exploration at.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: RESULTS.

ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1895-1896.
   Successful war with the Italians.

      See (in this volume) ITALY: A. D. 1895-1896.

ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1897.
   Treaty with Great Britain.

   A treaty between King Menelek of Abyssinia and the British
   Government was concluded in May, 1897. It gives to British
   subjects the privileges of the most favored nations in trade;
   opens the port of Zeyla to Abyssinian importations; defines
   the boundary of the British Somali Protectorate, and pledges
   Abyssinia to be hostile to the Mahdists.

ACETYLENE GAS, Production of.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

ADOWA, Battle of.

      See (in this volume) ITALY; A. D. 1895-1896.

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1893-1895.
   Relinquishment of claims over Swat, Bajaur and Chitral.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1895 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1894.
   The Waziri War.

      See (in this volume) INDIA: A. D. 1894.

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1895.
   Anglo-Russian Agreement.
   Determination of the northern frontier.

   The joint Anglo-Russian Commission for fixing the northern
   frontier of Afghanistan, from Zulfikar on the Heri-Rud to the
   Pamirs, finished its work in July, 1895. This was consequent
   upon an Agreement between the governments of Great Britain and
   Russia which had been reduced to writing on the previous 11th
   of March. In part, that Agreement was as follows:

   "Her Britannic Majesty's Government and the Government of His
   Majesty the Emperor of Russia engage to abstain from
   exercising any political influence or control, the former to
   the north, the latter to the south, of the above line of
   demarcation. Her Britannic Majesty's Government engage that
   the territory lying within the British sphere of influence
   between the Hindu Kush and the line running from the east end
   of Lake Victoria to the Chinese frontier shall form part of
   the territory of the Ameer of Afghanistan, that it shall not
   be annexed to Great Britain, and that no military posts or
   forts shall be established in it. The execution of this
   Agreement is contingent upon the evacuation by the Ameer of
   Afghanistan of all the territories now occupied by His
   Highness on the right bank of the Panjah, and on the
   evacuation by the Ameer of Bokhara of the portion of Darwaz
   which lies to the south of the Oxus, in regard to which Her
   Britannic Majesty's Government and the Government of His
   Majesty the Emperor of Russia have agreed to use their
   influence respectively with the two Ameers."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command: Treaty Series,
      Number 8, 1895._

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1896.
   Conquest of Kafiristan.

   By the agreement of 1893, between the Ameer of Afghanistan and
   the government of India (see, in this volume, INDIA. A. D.
   1895-MARCH-SEPTEMBER), the mountain district of Kafiristan was
   conceded to the former, and he presently set to work to
   subjugate its warlike people, who had never acknowledged his
   yoke. By the end of 1896 the conquest of these Asiatic Kafirs
   was believed to be complete.

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1897-1898.
   Wars of the British with frontier tribes.

      See (in this volume) INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1900.
   Russian railway projects.

      See (in this volume) RUSSIA-IN-ASIA: A. D. 1900.


   ----------AFRICA: Start--------

AFRICA: A. D. 1891-1900
   (Portuguese East Africa).
   Delagoa Bay Railway Arbitration.

      See (in this volume)
      DELAGOA BAY ARBITRATION.

AFRICA: A. D. 1893 (Niger Coast Protectorate).
   Its growth.

      See (in this volume)
      NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

AFRICA: A. D. 1894 (The Transvaal).
   The Commandeering question.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1894.

AFRICA: A. D. 1894 (The Transvaal).
   Dissatisfaction of the Boers with the
   London Convention of 1884.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1884-1894.

AFRICA: A. D. 1894-1895 (British South Africa Company).
   Extension of charter and enlargement of powers.
   Influence of Cecil J. Rhodes.
   Attitude towards the Transvaal.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA
      (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY): A. D. 1894-1895.

AFRICA: A. D. 1894-1895 (Rhodesia).
   Extended territory and enlarged powers of the British
   South Africa Company.
   Ascendancy of Cecil J. Rhodes.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA
      (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY): A. D. 1894-1895.

AFRICA: A. D. 1894-1898
   (British Central Africa Protectorate: Nyassaland).
   Administrative separation from British South Africa Company's
   territory.
   Conflicts with natives.
   Resources and prospects.

      See (in this volume)
      BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE.

{2}

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (Bechuanaland).
   Partial conveyance to British South Africa Company.

   Several Bechuana chiefs visited England to urge that their
   country should not be absorbed by Cape Colony or the British
   South Africa Company. An agreement was made with them which
   reserved certain territories to each, but yielded the
   remainder to the administration of the British South Africa
   Company.

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (British East Africa).
   Transfer of territory to the British Government.

   The territories previously administered by the Imperial
   British East Africa Company (excepting the Uganda
   Protectorate, which had been transferred in 1894) were finally
   transferred to the British Government on the 1st of July. At
   the same time, the dominion of the Sultan of Zanzibar on the
   mainland came under the administrative control of the British
   consul-general at Zanzibar.

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (Cape Colony).
   Annexation of British Bechuanaland.

   Proceedings for the annexation of British Bechuanaland to Cape
   Colony were adopted by the Cape Parliament in August.

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (French West Africa).
   Appointment of a Governor-General.

   In June, M. Chaudie was appointed Governor-General of French
   West Africa, his jurisdiction extending over Senegal, the
   Sudan possessions of France, French Guinea, Dahomey, and other
   French possessions in the Gulf of Benin.

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (Orange Free State).
   Proposed federal union of the Free State with the Transvaal.

   A resolution making overtures for a federal union with the
   Transvaal was passed by the Volksraad of the Orange Free State
   in June.

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (Sierra Leone).
   Establishment of a British Protectorate over the
   Hinterland of Sierra Leone.
   Anglo-French boundary agreement.

      See (in this volume)
      SIERRA LEONE PROTECTORATE.

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (Transvaal).
   Action in Swaziland.

   By a proclamation in February, the Transvaal Government
   assumed the administration of Swaziland and installed King
   Buna as paramount chief.

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (The Transvaal).
   Closing of the Vaal River Drifts.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
      A. D. 1895 (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER).

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (The Transvaal).
   Discontent of the Uitlanders.
   The Franchise question.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
      A. D. 1895 (NOVEMBER).

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (The Transvaal).
   Opening of Delagoa Bay Railway.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
      A. D. 1895 (JULY).

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (Zululand).
   Extension of Boundary.

   A strip of territory west of Amatongaland, along the Pondoland
   River to the Maputa was formally added to Zululand in May, the
   South African Republic protesting.

AFRICA: A. D. 1895-1896 (Portuguese East Africa).
   War with Gungunhana.

   The Portuguese were involved in war with Gungunhana, king of
   Gazaland, which lasted from September, 1895, until the
   following spring, when Gungunhana was captured and carried a
   prisoner, with his wives and son, to Lisbon.

AFRICA: A. D. 1895-1896 (The Transvaal).
   Revolutionary conspiracy of Uitlanders at Johannesburg.
   The Jameson raid.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
      A. D. 1895-1896.

AFRICA: A. D. 1895-1897 (British East Africa Protectorate).
   Creation of the Protectorate.
   Territories included.
   Subjugation of Arab chiefs.
   Report of commissioner.

      See (in this volume)
      BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE:
      A. D. 1895-1897.

AFRICA: A. D. 1896 (Ashanti).
   British conquest and occupation.

      See (in this volume)
      ASHANTI.

AFRICA: A. D. 1896 (British South Africa Company).
   Resignation of Mr. Rhodes.
   Parliamentary movement to investigate.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
      A. D. 1896 (JUNE); and (JULY).

AFRICA: A. D. 1896 (Cape Colony).
   Investigation of the Jameson raid.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1896 (JULY).

AFRICA: A. D. 1896 (Rhodesia).
   Matabele revolt.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA):
      A. D. 1896 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

AFRICA: A. D. 1896 (Zanzibar).
   Suppression of an usurper by the British.

   On the sudden death (supposed to be from poison) of the Sultan
   of Zanzibar, August 25, his cousin, Said Khalid, seized the
   palace and proclaimed himself sultan. Zanzibar being an
   acknowledged protectorate of Great Britain, the usurper was
   summoned by the British consul to surrender. He refused, and
   the palace was bombarded by war vessels in the harbor, with
   such effect that the palace was speedily destroyed and about
   500 of its inmates killed. Khalid fled to the German consul,
   who protected him and had him conveyed to German territory. A
   new sultan, Said Hamud-bin-Mahomed was at once proclaimed.

AFRICA: A. D. 1896-1899 (The Transvaal).
   Controversies with the British Government.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
      A. D. 1896 (JANUARY-APRIL), to 1899 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (Congo Free State).
   Mutiny of troops.

   The Congo troops of an expedition led by Baron Dhanis mutinied
   and murdered a number of Belgian officers. Subsequently they
   were attacked in the neighborhood of Lake Albert Edward Nyanza
   and mostly destroyed.

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (Dahomey and Tongoland).
   Definition of boundary.

   By a convention concluded in July between Germany and France,
   the boundary between German possessions in Tongoland and those
   of France in Dahomey and the Sudan was defined.

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (Nigeria).
   Massacre at Benin.
   British expedition.
   Capture of the town.

      See (in this volume)
      NIGERIA: A. D. 1897.

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (Nigeria).
   Subjugation of Fulah slave-raiders.

   In January and February, the forces of the Royal Niger Company
   successfully invaded the strong Fulah states of Nupé and
   Ilorin, from which slave raiding in the territory under
   British protection was carried on. Bida, the Nupé capital, was
   entered on the 27th of January, after a battle in which 800
   Hausa troops, led by European officers, and using heavy
   artillery, drove from the field an army of cavalry and foot
   estimated at 30,000 in number. The Emir of Nupé was deposed,
   another set up in his place, and a treaty signed which
   established British rule. The Emir of Ilorin submitted after
   his town had been bombarded, and bowed himself to British
   authority in his government. At the same time, a treaty
   settled the Lagos frontier. Later in the year, the stronghold
   at Kiffi of another slave-raider, Arku, was stormed and
   burned.

[Image: Map of Africa]

{3}

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (Orange Free State and Transvaal).
   Treaty defensive between the two republics.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE AND TRANSVAAL):
      A. D. 1897 (APRIL).

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (Sudan).
   Beginning of the Anglo-Egyptian conquest.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

A. D. 1897 (Zanzibar).
   Abolition of slavery.

   Under pressure from the British government, the Sultan of
   Zanzibar issued a decree, on the 6th or April, 1897,
   terminating the legal status of slavery, with compensation to
   be awarded on proof of consequent loss.

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (Zululand).
   Annexation to Natal.

   By act of the Natal Parliament in December, 1897, Zululand
   (with Amatongaland already joined to it) was annexed to Natal
   Colony, and Dinizulu, son of the last Zulu king, was brought
   from captivity in St. Helena and reinstated.

AFRICA: A. D. 1897-1898 (Sudan).
   Completion of the Anglo-Egyptian conquest.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1897-1898.

AFRICA: A. D. 1897-1898 (Uganda).
   Native insurrections and mutiny of Sudanese troops in Uganda.

      See (in this volume)
      UGANDA: A. D. 1897-1898.

AFRICA: A. D. 1898 (Abyssinia).
   Treaty of King Menelek with Great Britain.

      See (in this volume)
      ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1898.

AFRICA: A. D. 1898 (British South Africa Company).
   Reorganization.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA):
      A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY).

AFRICA: A. D. 1898 (Egypt).
   The Nile question between England and France.
   Marchand's expedition at Fashoda.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

AFRICA: A. D. 1898 (Nigeria and the French Sudan).
   Definition of French and English possessions in
   West and North Africa.

      See (in this volume)
      NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

AFRICA: A. D. 1898 (Rhodesia).
   Reorganization of the British South Africa Company and
   the administration of its territories.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA
      (RHODESIA AND THE BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
      A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY).

AFRICA: A. D. 1898 (Tunis).
   Results of the French Protectorate.

      See (in this volume)
      TUNIS: A. D. 1881-1898.

AFRICA: A. D. 1899.
   Railway development.

   "Railroad development in Africa has been rapid in the past few
   years and seems but the beginning of a great system which must
   contribute to the rapid development, civilization, and
   enlightenment of the Dark Continent. Already railroads run
   northwardly from Cape Colony about 1,400 miles, and
   southwardly from Cairo about 1,100 miles, thus making 2,500
   miles of the 'Cape to Cairo' railroad complete, while the
   intermediate distance is about 3,000 miles. Mr. Rhodes, whose
   recent visit to England and Germany in the interest of the
   proposed through line from the Cape to Cairo is a matter of
   record, and whose visit to Germany was made necessary by the
   fact that in order to pass from the southern chain of British
   territory to the northern chain he must cross German or
   Belgian territory, is reported as confident that the through
   line will be completed by the year 1910. Certainly it may
   reasonably be assumed that a continuous railway line will be
   in operation from the southern to the northern end of Africa
   in the early years of the twentieth century. Toward this line,
   present and prospective, which is to stretch through the
   eastern part of the continent, lateral lines from either coast
   are beginning to make their way. A line has already been
   constructed from Natal on the southeast coast: another from
   Lourenço Marquez in Portuguese territory and the gold and
   diamond fields: another from Beira, also in Portuguese
   territory, but considerably farther north, and destined to
   extend to Salisbury in Rhodesia, where it will form a junction
   with the 'Cape to Cairo' road; still another is projected from
   Zanzibar to Lake Victoria Nyanza, to connect, probably, at
   Tabora, with the transcontinental line; another line is under
   actual construction westward from Pangani just north of
   Zanzibar, both of these being in German East Africa; another
   line is being constructed northwestwardly from Mombasa, in
   British territory, toward Lake Victoria Nyanza, and is
   completed more than half the distance, while at the entrance
   to the Red Sea a road is projected westwardly into Abyssinia,
   and is expected to pass farther toward the west and connect
   with the main line. At Suakim, fronting on the Red Sea, a road
   is projected to Berber, the present terminus of the line
   running southwardly from Cairo. On the west of Africa lines
   have begun to penetrate inward, a short line in the French
   Sudan running from the head of navigation on the Senegal
   eastwardly toward the head of navigation on the Niger, with
   the ultimate purpose of connecting navigation on these two
   streams. In the Kongo Free State a railway connects the Upper
   Kongo with the Lower Kongo around Livingstone Falls; in
   Portuguese Angola a road extends eastwardly from Loanda, the
   capital, a considerable distance, and others are projected
   from Benguela and Mossamedes with the ultimate purpose of
   connecting with the 'Cape to Cairo' road and joining with the
   lines from Portuguese East Africa, which also touch that road,
   thus making a transcontinental line from east to west, with
   Portuguese territory at either terminus. Farther south on the
   western coast the Germans have projected a road from Walfisch
   Bay to Windhoek, the capital of German Southwest Africa, and
   this will probably be extended eastwardly until it connects
   with the great transcontinental line from 'Cape to Cairo,'
   which is to form the great nerve center of the system, to be
   contributed to and supported by these branches connecting it
   with either coast. Another magnificent railway project, which
   was some years ago suggested by M. Leroy Beaulieu, has been
   recently revived, being no less than an east and west
   transcontinental line through the Sudan region, connecting the
   Senegal and Niger countries on the west with the Nile Valley
   and Red Sea on the east and penetrating a densely populated
   and extremely productive region of which less is now known,
   perhaps, than of any other part of Africa. At the north
   numerous lines skirt the Mediterranean coast, especially in
   the French territory of Algeria and in Tunis, where the length
   of railway is, in round numbers, 2,250 miles, while the
   Egyptian railroads are, including those now under
   construction, about 1,500 miles in length.
{4}
   Those of Cape Colony and Natal are nearly 3,000 miles, and
   those of Portuguese East Africa and the South African Republic
   another thousand. Taking into consideration all of the roads
   now constructed, or under actual construction, their total
   length reaches nearly 10,000 miles, while there seems every
   reason to believe that the great through system connecting the
   rapidly developing mining regions of South Africa with the
   north of the continent and with Europe will soon be pushed to
   completion. A large proportion of the railways thus far
   constructed are owned by the several colonies or States which
   they traverse, about 2,000 miles of the Cape Colony system
   belonging to the Government, while nearly all that of Egypt is
   owned and operated by the State."

      _United States Bureau of Statistics,
      Monthly Summary, August, 1899._

      See, also, (in this volume),
      RAILWAY, CAPE TO CAIRO.

AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (June).
   International Convention respecting the liquor traffic.

   Representatives of the governments of Great Britain, Germany,
   Belgium, Spain, the Congo State, France, Italy, the
   Netherlands, Portugal, Russia, Sweden and Norway, and Turkey,
   assembled at Brussels, in June, 1899, with due authorization,
   and there concluded an international convention respecting the
   liquor traffic in Africa. Subsequently the governments of
   Austria-Hungary, the United States of America, Liberia and
   Persia, gave their adhesion to the Convention, and
   ratifications were deposited at Brussels in June, 1900. The
   Convention is, in a measure, supplemental to what is known as
   "the General Act of Brussels," relative to the African slave
   trade, which was framed at a conference of the representatives
   of European, American, African, and Asiatic states, at
   Brussels. The treaty known as the General Act of Brussels was
   signed July 2, 1890, but did not come into force until April
   2, 1894. The text of it may be found in (United States) House
   Doc. Number 276, 56th Congress, 3d Session. The Convention of
   1899 provides:

   "Article I.
   From the coming into force of the present Convention, the
   import duty on spirituous liquors, as that duty is regulated
   by the General Act of Brussels, shall be raised throughout the
   zone where there does not exist the system of total
   prohibition provided by Article XCI, of the said General Act,
   to the rate of 70 fr. the hectolitre at 50 degrees centigrade,
   for a period of six years. It may, exceptionally, be at the
   rate of 60 fr. only the hectolitre at 50 degrees centigrade in
   the Colony of Togo and in that of Dahomey. The import duty
   shall be augmented proportionally for each degree above 50
   degrees centigrade; It may be diminished proportionally for
   each degree below 50 degrees centigrade. At the end of the
   above-mentioned period of six years, the import duty shall be
   submitted to revision, taking as a basis the results produced
   by the preceding rate. The Powers retain the right of
   maintaining and increasing the duty beyond the minimum fixed
   by the present Article in the regions where they now possess
   that right.

   Article II.
   In accordance with Article XCIII of the General Act of
   Brussels, distilled drinks made in the regions mentioned in
   Article XCII of the said General Act, and intended for
   consumption, shall pay an excise duty. This excise duty, the
   collection of which the Powers undertake to insure as far as
   possible, shall not be lower than the minimum import duty
   fixed by Article I. of the present Convention.

   Article III.
   It is understood that the Powers who signed the General Act of
   Brussels, or who have acceded to it, and who are not
   represented at the present Conference, preserve the right of
   acceding to the present Convention."

      _Great Britain, Parliamentary Publication.
      (Papers by Command: Treaty Series, Number 13, 1900)._

AFRICA: A. D. 1899.
   Progress of the Telegraph line from the Cape to Cairo.

      See (in this volume)
      TELEGRAPH, CAPE TO CAIRO.

AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (German Colonies).
   Cost to Germany, trade, etc.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (Nigeria).
   Transfer of territory to the British Crown.

      See (in this volume)
      NIGERIA: A. D. 1899.

AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (Orange Free State).
   Treaty of alliance with the Transvaal.
   Making common cause.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE):
      A. D. 1897 (APRIL); and 1899 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).

AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (The Sudan).
   Anglo-Egyptian Condominium established.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (Transvaal and Orange Free State).
   Outbreak of war with Great Britain.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (TRANSVAAL AND ORANGE FREE STATE):
      A. D. 1899 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).

AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (West Africa).
   Definition of British and German frontiers.

      See (in this volume)
      SAMOAN ISLANDS.

AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (Zanzibar).
   Renunciation of rights of extra-territoriality by Germany.

      See (in this volume)
      SAMOAN ISLANDS.

AFRICA: A. D. 1899-1900.
   Summary of the partition of the Continent.

   "Seven European nations, as before remarked, now control
   territories in Africa, two of them having areas equal in each
   case to about the entire land area of the United States, while
   a few small territories remain as independent States.
   Beginning at the northeast, Egypt and Tripoli are nominally at
   least tributaries of Turkey, though the Egyptian Government,
   which was given large latitude by that of Turkey, has of late
   years formed such relations with Great Britain that, in
   financial matters at least, her guidance is recognized; next
   west, Algeria, French; then Morocco on the extreme northwest,
   an independent Government and an absolute despotism; next on
   the south, Spain's territory of Rio de Oro; then the Senegal
   territories, belonging to the French, and connecting through
   the desert of Sahara with her Algeria; then a group of small
   divisions controlled by England, along the Gulf of Guinea;
   then Liberia, the black Republic; Togoland, controlled by the
   Germans; Dahomey, a French protectorate; the Niger territory,
   one-third the size of the United States, controlled by
   England; Kamerun, controlled by Germany; French Kongo; then
   the Kongo Free State, under the auspices of the King of
   Belgium, and occupying the very heart of equatorial Africa;
   then Portuguese Angola; next, German South west Africa; and
   finally in the march down the Atlantic side, Cape Colony,
   British.
{5}
   Following up the eastern side comes the British colony of
   Natal; then just inland from this the two Boer Republics, the
   Orange Free State and the South African Republic, both of
   which are entirely in the interior, without ocean frontage;
   next, Portuguese Africa, and west of this the great territory
   known as 'Rhodesia'; then German Africa, which extends almost
   to the equator; north of these, British East Africa, fronting
   on the Indian Ocean, and merging northwardly with the Egyptian
   Sudan, which was recently recovered from the Mahdi by the joint
   operation of British and Egyptian troops, and the British flag
   placed side by side with that of Egypt; next north, upon the
   coast, Italian territory and a small tract opposite the
   entrance to the Red Sea controlled by England; and a few
   hundred miles west of the entrance to the Red Sea, the
   independent Kingdom of Abyssinia. This division of African
   territory, nearly all of it made within the memory of the
   present generation, forms the present political map of Africa.
   With England and France controlling an area equal in each case
   to that of the United States; Germany, a territory one-third
   the size of the United States; Portugal, with an area somewhat
   less; the Kongo Free State in the great equatorial basin, but
   having a frontage upon the Atlantic with an area nearly
   one-third that of the United States; Italy and Spain, each
   with a comparatively small area of territory; Egypt, with
   relations quite as much British as Turkish; Tripoli, Turkish,
   and the five independent States of Morocco, Liberia,
   Abyssinia, and the two Boer Republics—nothing remains
   unclaimed, even in the desert wastes, while in the high
   altitudes and subtropical climate of southeast Africa
   civilization and progress are making rapid advancement."

      _United States Bureau of Statistics,
      Monthly Summary, August, 1899._

   The following table, given in an article in "The Forum,"
   December, 1899, by Mr. O. P. Austin, Chief of the United
   States Bureau of Statistics, shows the area, total population,
   foreign population, and imports and exports of the territory
   in Africa held by each European Government and by the
   independent States of that continent, at the time of its
   compilation so far as could be ascertained; but the statistics
   of area and population, especially the latter, are in many
   cases necessarily estimates:
                                                         POP.
                   TOTAL                      FOREIGN    PER SQ.
                         AREA.    POPULATION. POPULATION MILE     IMPORTS.     EXPORTS.
French Africa.        3,028,000   28,155,000   922,000    9.3   $70,116,000  $69,354,000
British Africa.       2,761,000   35,160,000   455,000   12.8   131,398,000  131,835,000
Turkish Africa.       1,760,000   21,300,000   113,000   12.2    54,091,000   62,548,000
German Africa.          944,000   11,270,000     4,000   12.0     4,993,000    2,349,000
Belgian Africa.         900,000   30,000,000     2,000   33.3     4,522,000    3,309,000
Portuguese Africa.      790,000    8,059,000     3,000   10.2    11,863,000    6,730,000
Spanish Africa.         243,000       36,000         …    0.5             …            …
Italian  Africa.        188,000      850,000         …    4.5             …            …

Independent States.

Morocco.                219,000    5,000,000         …   22.8     6,402,000    6,261,000
Abyssinia.              150,000    3,500,000         …   23.3             …            …
South African Republic. 120,000    1,096,000   346,000    9.2   104,703,000   53,532,000
Orange Free State.       48,500      208,000    78,000    4.3     5,994,000    8,712,000
Liberia.                 48,000    1,500,000    25,000   31.3     1,217,000    1,034,000

Total.               11,189,500  146,133,000  1,948,000     …  $395,299,000 $345,714,000

   According to a statistical table in the twentieth volume of
   Meyer's Konversations-Lexicon (third annual supplement), based
   upon the latest data furnished by the boundary treaties
   between the Powers, it would appear that all but about
   one-seventh of the African continent is now (A. D. 1900)
   included in some "protectorate" or "sphere of influence." The
   French sphere is the largest, comprising about 3,700,000
   square miles (about the extent of Europe) out of a total area
   of 11,600,000. England comes next with 2,400,000 (including
   the Boer territories). Then follow in order Germany, Belgium
   (Congo Free State), and Portugal, each with somewhat less than
   a million square miles. The Egyptian sphere (about 400,000
   square miles) may properly be regarded as part of the British.
   The extent of the French sphere will appear less imposing on
   consulting the map of Africa here given, which shows that it
   takes in the greater part of the sands of the Sahara. The
   British sphere (including Egypt and her dependencies) is
   estimated to contain in round numbers about 50,000,000 souls;
   the French, 35,000,000; the Belgian, 17,000,000; the German,
   9,000,000; the Portuguese, 8,000,000.

AFRICA: A. D. 1900 (Ashanti).
   Revolt of the tribes.
   Siege and relief of Kumasai.

      See (in this volume)
      ASHANTI.

AFRICA: A. D. 1900 (Togoland and Gold Coast).
   Demarcation of the Hinterland.

   Late in November it was announced from Berlin that conferences
   regarding the British and German boundaries in West Africa
   were then in progress in the Colonial Department of the German
   Foreign Office, their principal object being the demarcation
   of the Hinterland of Togoland and of the Gold Coast, and in
   particular the partition of the neutral zone of Salaga as
   arranged in Article 5 of the Samoa Agreement between Great
   Britain and Germany.

      See (in this volume)
      SAMOAN ISLANDS.

AFRIDIS, British Indian war with the.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

AFRIKANDER BUND, The.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE, COLONY):
      A. D. 1881-1888; 1898; and 1898 (MARCH-OCTOBER).

AFRIKANDER CONGRESS.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (Cape Colony): A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

AFRIKANDERS:
   Joining the invading Boers.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER.).

AFRIKANDERS:
   Opposition to the annexation of the Boer Republics.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1900 (MAY).

{6}

AGRARIAN PROTECTIONISTS, The German.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1895-1898; 1899 (AUGUST); and 1901 (FEBRUARY).

AGRICULTURAL LAND BILL, The.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1896.

AGUINALDO y FAMY, Emilio.
   First appearance in the Filipino insurrection.
   His treaty with the Spaniards and departure from the Islands.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1896-1898.

AGUINALDO y FAMY, Emilio.
   Circumstances in which he went to Manila to co-operate with
   American forces.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY: PHILIPPINES).

AGUINALDO y FAMY, Emilio.
   Arrival at Manila, May 19, 1898.
   His organization of insurgent forces.
   His relations with Admiral Dewey.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

AGUINALDO y FAMY, Emilio.
   Correspondence with General Anderson.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PHILIPPINES).

AGUINALDO y FAMY, Emilio.
   Relations with American commander at Manila.
   Declared President of the Philippine Republic.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

AGUINALDO y FAMY, Emilio.
   Conflict of his army with American forces.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS:
      A. D. 1898 (AUGUST-DECEMBER), and after.

ALABAMA: A. D. 1899.
   Dispensary Laws.

   Acts applying the South Carolina "dispensary" system of
   regulation for the liquor traffic to seventeen counties, but
   not to the State at large, were passed by the Legislature.

      See, in this volume,
      SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899.

ALASKA: A. D. 1898-1899.
   Discovery of the Cape Nome gold mining region.

   "The Cape Nome mining region lies on the western coast of
   Alaska, just beyond the military reservation of St. Michael
   and about 120 miles south of the Arctic Circle. It can be
   reached by an ocean voyage of ten or twelve days from Seattle.
   It has long been known that gold exists in the general vicinity
   of Cape Nome, and during the last five or six years a few
   adventurous miners have done more or less prospecting and
   claim staking throughout the district lying between Norton and
   Kotzebue sounds. During the winter of 1898-99, a large number
   of miners entered the Kotzebue country, while others spent the
   season in the vicinity of Golofnin Bay." On the 15th of
   October, 1898, a party of seven men reached Snake River in a
   schooner. "Between that date and the 18th a miners' meeting
   was held, the boundaries of a district 25 miles square were
   established, local mining regulations were formulated, and Dr.
   Kittleson was elected recorder for a term of two years. After
   organizing the district natives were hired to do the necessary
   packing, and a camp was established on Anvil Creek. The
   prospecting outfits were quickly brought into service. In one
   afternoon $76 was panned out on Snow Creek. Encouraged by this
   showing lumber was carried up from the schooner and two
   rockers were constructed. … In four or five days over $1,800
   was cleaned up with these two rockers. … The weather turned
   cold and the water was frozen up. As it was impossible to do
   any more work with the rockers the party broke camp on the 3d
   of November and returned to the schooner, which they found
   frozen solid in 2 feet of ice. They then made their way in a
   small boat to an Indian village, near Cape Nome, where they
   obtained dogs and sleds, and a little farther on they were met
   by reindeer from the Swedish Mission, with which they returned
   to Golofnin Bay.

   "The lucky miners had agreed among themselves that their
   discovery should be held secret, but the news was too good to
   keep, and soon leaked out. A general stampede commenced at
   once and continued all winter. Every available dog and
   reindeer was pressed into the service, and they were soon
   racing with each other for the valuable claims which had been
   left unstaked in the vicinity of Anvil Creek. As soon as that
   creek had been all taken up the stampede extended to the
   neighboring streams and gulches, and Glacier and Dexter
   creeks, as well as many others which have not proved equally
   valuable, were quickly staked and recorded. By the 25th of
   December a large party armed with numerous powers of attorney
   had entered the district, and as the local regulations allowed
   every man to stake on each creek one claim of the full legal
   dimensions (660 by 1,320 feet), it was not long until the
   whole district had been thoroughly covered, and nearly every
   stream had been staked with claims, which in some cases were
   'jumped' and the right of possession disputed.

   "The news of a rich strike at Nome worked its way up the Yukon
   River during the winter, and as soon as the ice broke in June
   a large crowd came down from Rampart City, followed by a
   larger crowd from Dawson. The 'Yukoners,' as these people were
   called, were already disgusted with the hardships,
   disappointments, and Canadian misgovernment which they had met
   with on the upper river. … Those to whom enough faith had been
   given to go over to Cape Nome were disgusted and angered to
   find that pretty much the whole district was already staked,
   and that the claims taken were two or three times as large as
   those commonly allowed on the upper river. Another grievance
   was the great abuse of the power of attorney, by means of
   which an immense number of claims had been taken up, so that
   in many cases (according to common report) single individuals
   held or controlled from 50 to 100 claims apiece. …

   "A miners' meeting was called by the newcomers to remedy their
   grievances. Resolutions were prepared, in which it was
   represented that the district had been illegally organized by
   men who were not citizens of the United States and who had not
   conformed with the law in properly defining the boundaries of
   the district with reference to natural objects, in enacting
   suitable and sufficient mining regulations, and in complying
   with any of the details of organization required by law. It
   was intended by the promoters of this meeting to reorganize
   the district in such a way as would enable them to share the
   benefits of the discovery of a new gold field with the men who
   had entered it the previous winter, and, as they expressed it,
   'gobbled up the whole country.' It is, of course, impossible
   to say what would have been the result if their attempt had
   not been interfered with. … On the 28th of June Lieutenant
   Spaulding and a detachment of 10 men from the Third Artillery
   had been ordered to the vicinity of Snake River, and on the
   7th of July their numbers were increased by the addition of 15
   more.
{7}
   As soon as it was proposed to throw open for restaking a large
   amount of land already staked and recorded an appeal was made
   to the United States troops to prevent this action by
   prohibiting the intended meeting, which was called to assemble
   July 10. It was represented to them that if the newcomers
   should attempt, under the quasi-legal guise of a miners'
   meeting, to take forcible possession of lands already claimed
   by others, the inevitable consequence would be a reign of
   disorder and violence, with the possibility of considerable
   bloodshed. On the strength of this representation and appeal
   the army officers decided to prevent the adoption of the
   proposed resolutions. The miners were allowed to call their
   meeting to order, but as soon as the resolutions were read
   Lieutenant Spaulding requested that they be withdrawn. He
   allowed two minutes for compliance with his request, the
   alternative being that he would clear the hall. The
   resolutions were not withdrawn, the troops were ordered to fix
   bayonets, and the hall was cleared quietly, without a
   conflict. Such meetings as were subsequently attempted were
   quickly broken up by virtue of the same authority. The light
   in which this action is regarded by the people at Nome
   depends, of course, upon the way in which their personal
   interests were affected. …

   "The great discontent which actually did exist at this time
   found sudden and unexpected relief in the discovery of the
   beach diggings. It had long been known that there was more or
   less gold on the seashore, and before the middle of July it
   was discovered that good wages could be taken out of the sand
   with a rocker. Even those who were on the ground could hardly
   believe the story at first, but its truth was quickly and
   easily demonstrated. Before the month was over a great army of
   the unemployed was engaged in throwing up irregular
   intrenchments along the edge of the sea, and those who had
   just been driven nearly to the point of desperation by the
   exhaustion of all their resources were soon contentedly
   rocking out from $10 to $50 each per day and even more than
   that. This discovery came like a godsend to many destitute
   men, and was a most fortunate development in the history of
   the camp.

   "Meantime the men who were in possession of claims on Anvil
   and Snow creeks were beginning to sluice their ground and
   getting good returns for their work, while others were
   actively making preparations to take out the gold which they
   knew they had discovered. More sluice boxes were constructed
   and put into operation as rapidly as possible. A town site was
   laid off at the mouth of Snake River, and on the 4th of July a
   post-office was established. The town which has sprung so
   suddenly into existence is called 'Nome' by the Post-Office
   Department, but at a miners' meeting held February 28, it was
   decided to call it 'Anvil City,' and this is generally done by
   the residents of the district, as well as in all official
   records. At a meeting held in September, however, the name was
   again changed to 'Nome.'"

      _United States, 56th Congress, 1st session,
      Senate Document Number 357, pages. 1-4._

   "A year ago [that is, in the winter of 1898-1899] a few Eskimo
   huts and one or two sod houses of white men were the only
   human habitations along 60 miles of the present Nome coast.
   Last June [1899] a dozen or score of tents contained the whole
   population. By October a town of 5,000 inhabitants fronting
   the ocean was crowded for a mile or more along the beach.
   Hundreds of galvanized-iron and wooden buildings were
   irregularly scattered along two or three thoroughfares,
   running parallel with the coast line. There is every
   description of building, from the dens of the poor
   prospectors, built of driftwood, canvas, and sod, to the large
   companies' warehouses, stores, and the army barracks—a city,
   as it were, sprung up in the night, built under the most
   adverse circumstances on the barren seacoast, a coast without
   harbor, all the supplies being landed through the surf. … The
   country contributes nothing toward the support of the
   population except a few fish and a limited supply of
   driftwood.

   "The city is of the most cosmopolitan type and contains
   representatives of almost every nationality on the globe:
   Germans, Canadians, Frenchmen, Englishmen, Russians, Swedes,
   Norwegians, Poles, Chinese, negroes, Italians, Spaniards,
   Greeks, Jews, and Americans. The dominant type is the
   American, through whose efforts, with that inherent talent of
   the Anglo-Saxon race for self-government, this isolated
   community at once organized a city government. Before the
   close of the summer Nome had a mayor, councilmen, a police
   force, a deputy United States marshal, a United States
   post-office, a fire department with town well, a board of
   health, a hospital corps, and charitable organizations. A
   majority of the people consists of the shifting population of
   the Yukon country, which, upon hearing the news of the
   discovery of gold, poured itself into Nome. … Along with the
   shifting population of the Yukon from Dawson and other camps
   came also many would-be explorers, adventurers, and especially
   gamblers, but good order prevails throughout. Drunkenness,
   disorderly conduct, and theft are promptly tried before the
   police justice and punished by fine and imprisonment. Copies
   of the official rules and regulations are kept posted before
   the city hall and in other conspicuous places, as a warning to
   all: 'Ignorance of the law is no excuse.' Some of the well-known
   'toughs' and most undesirable characters are reported to have
   been rounded up by the authorities late in the fall and
   exported to the States. … There are several printing presses
   and three newspapers—the Nome News, Nome Herald, and Nome Gold
   Digger. … There are at least 2,500 people now [February, 1900]
   wintering at Nome, and, by estimate, at least several thousand
   are on their way there by winter routes. …

   "Since, according to the conservative estimate of those who
   are best situated to judge, it is believed that the Nome
   region will have a population of at least 30,000 or 40,000
   people this year (1900), some public improvements there seem
   not only commendable but urgently necessary. Among these the
   most important are: Some municipal form of government, water
   supply, land-office service, and harbor facilities. As the
   General Government had never made provision for any form of
   municipal government in Alaska, the people of Nome, in
   response to the urgency of the hour, called a mass meeting,
   and organized the present government of Nome, with a complete
   corps of city officers, as aforesaid, though they were
   conscious at the time that it was without authority from the
   United States Government."

      _F. C. Schrader and A. H. Brooks,
      Preliminary Report on the Cape Nome Gold Region, Alaska
      (United States Geological Survey), pages 45-47._

{8}

ALASKA: A. D. 1900.
   Civil Government.

   Better provision for the civil government of Alaska was made
   by an Act which passed Congress after much debate and was
   approved by the President on the 6th of June, 1900. It
   constitutes Alaska a civil and judicial district, with a
   governor who has the duties and powers that pertain to the
   governor of a Territory, and a district court of general
   jurisdiction, civil and criminal, and in equity and admiralty,
   the court being in three divisions, each with a district
   judge. The act provides a civil code for the district.

ALASKA: A. D. 1900.
   Exploration of Seward peninsula.

      See (in this volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION, 1900.

ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION, The.

   The boundary between Alaska, when it was Russian territory,
   and the British possessions on the western side of the
   American continent, was settled by an Anglo-Russian treaty in
   1825. The treaty which ceded the Russian territory to the
   United States, in 1867, incorporated the definition of
   boundary given in Articles III. and IV. of the above-mentioned
   convention, which (translated from French to English) read as
   follows:

   "III.
   The line of demarcation between the possessions of the High
   Contracting Parties upon the Coasts of the Continent and the
   Islands of America to the North-West, shall be drawn in the
   following manner: Commencing from the southernmost point of
   the Island called Prince of Wales Island, which point lies in
   the parallel of 54 degrees 40 minutes, North Latitude, and
   between the 131st and 133d Degree of West Longitude (Meridian
   of Greenwich), the said line shall ascend to the North along
   the Channel called Portland Channel, as far as the Point of
   the Continent where it strikes the 56th Degree of North
   Latitude; from this last mentioned Point the line of
   demarcation shall follow the summit of the mountains situated
   parallel to the coast, as far as the point of intersection of
   the 141st Degree of West Longitude (of the same meridian),
   and, finally, from the said point of intersection, the said
   Meridian Line of the 141st Degree, in its prolongation as far
   as the Frozen Ocean, shall form the limit between the Russian
   and British Possessions on the Continent of America to the
   North West.

   "IV.
   With reference to the line of demarcation laid down in the
   preceding Article, it is understood:

   1st.
   That the Island called Prince of Wales Island shall belong
   wholly to Russia.

   2d.
   That wherever the summit of the mountains which extend in a
   direction parallel to the Coast, from the 56th Degree of North
   Latitude to the point of intersection of the 141st Degree of
   West Longitude, shall prove to be at the distance of more than
   ten marine leagues from the Ocean, the limit between the
   British Possessions and the line of Coast which is to belong
   to Russia, as above mentioned, shall be formed by a line
   parallel to the windings of the Coast, and which shall never
   exceed the distance of ten marine leagues therefrom."

   When attempts to reduce this description in the treaty to an
   actually determined boundary-line were begun, disagreements
   arose between Canada and the United States, which became
   exceedingly troublesome after the Klondike gold discoveries
   had given a new importance to that region and to its
   communications with the outside world. The Alaska boundary
   question proved, in fact, to be considerably the most
   difficult of settlement among all the many subjects of
   disagreement between the United States and Canada which a
   Joint High Commission was created in 1898 (see—in this
   volume—CANADA: A. D. 1898-1900) to adjust. It was the one
   question on which no ground of compromise could then be found,
   and which compelled the Commission to adjourn in February,
   1899, with its labors incomplete. The disputable points in the
   definition of the boundary by the Anglo-Russian treaty of 1825
   are explained as follows by Professor J. B. Moore,
   ex-Assistant Secretary of State, in an article contributed to
   the "North American Review" of October, 1899: "An examination
   of the boundary defined in Articles III. and IV. of the
   convention of 1825 shows," says Professor Moore, "that it is
   scientifically divisible into two distinct sections, first,
   the line from the southernmost point of Prince of Wales
   Island, through Portland Channel and along the summit of the
   mountains parallel to the coast, to the point of intersection
   of the 141st meridian of longitude; and, second, the line from
   this point to the Arctic Ocean. With the latter section, which
   is merely a meridian line, and as to which the United States
   and Canadian surveys exhibit no considerable difference, we
   are not now concerned. The section as to which material
   differences have arisen is the first. The principal
   differences in this quarter are two in number, first, as to
   what channel is meant by Portland Channel (sometimes called
   Portland Canal); and, second, as to what is the extent of the
   line or strip of coast (la lisière de côte) which was assigned
   to Russia."

[Image: Map of Alaska]

   The following is an English statement of the situation of the
   controversy at the time the Joint High Commission adjourned:
   "The adjournment of the Commission with nothing accomplished
   is fresh in all our memories. Nor is it easy to determine on
   whose shoulders lies the blame of this unfortunate break down.
   America has been blamed for her stubbornness in refusing to
   submit to an arbitration which should take into consideration
   the possession of the towns and settlements under the
   authority of the United States and at present under their
   jurisdiction; while they have also been charged with having
   made no concessions at all to Canada in the direction of
   allowing her free access to her Yukon possessions. I am
   enabled to say, however, in this latter respect the Americans
   have not been so stiff-necked as has been made to appear.
   Although it was not placed formally before the Commission, it
   was allowed clearly to be understood by the other side, that
   in regard to Skagway, America was prepared to make a very
   liberal concession. They were ready, that is, to allow of the
   joint administration of Skagway, the two flags flying side by
   side, and to allow of the denationalisation, or
   internationalisation as it might otherwise be termed, of the
   White Pass and the Yukon Railroad, now completed to Lake
   Bennett, and the only railroad which gives access to the
   Yukon. They were even prepared to admit of the passage of
   troops and munitions of war over this road, thus doing away
   with the Canadian contention that, should a disturbance occur
   in the Yukon, they are at present debarred from taking
   efficient measures to quell it.
{9}
   This proposition, however, does not commend itself to the
   Canadians, whose main object, I think I am justified in
   saying, is to have a railroad route of their own from
   beginning to end, in their own territory, as far north as
   Dawson City. At one time, owing to insufficient information
   and ignorance of the natural obstacles in the way, they
   thought they could accomplish this by what was known as the
   Stikine route. They even went so far as to make a contract
   with Messrs. McKenzie and Mann to construct this road, the
   contractors receiving, as part of their payment, concessions
   and grants of territory in the Yukon, which would practically
   have given them the absolute and sole control of that
   district. The value of this to the contractors can hardly be
   overestimated. However, not only did the natural obstacles I
   have referred to lead to the abandonment of the scheme, but
   the Senate at Ottawa threw out the Bill which had passed
   through the Lower House, affording a striking proof that there
   are times when an Upper House has its distinct value in
   legislation. It has been suggested (though I am the last to
   confirm it) that it was the influence of the firm of railroad
   contractors, to whose lot it would probably fall to construct
   any new line of subsidised railway, which caused the Canadian
   Commission to reject the tentative American proposal regarding
   Skagway, and to put forward the counter claim to the
   possession of Pyramid Harbour (which lies lower down upon the
   west coast of the Lynn Canal), together with a two mile wide
   strip of territory reaching inland, containing the Chilcat
   Pass, and through it easy passage through the coast ranges,
   and so by a long line of railroad to Fort Selkirk, which lies
   on the Yukon River, to the south and east of Dawson City. It
   is said also, though of this I have no direct evidence, that
   the Canadians included the right to fortify Pyramid Harbour.
   It is not surprising that the Americans rejected this
   proposal, for they entered into the discussion convinced of
   the impossibility of accepting any arrangement which would
   involve the surrender of American settlements, and though it
   is not so large or important as Skagway or Dyea, Pyramid
   Harbour is nevertheless as much an American settlement as the
   two latter. I am bound to point out that just as the Dominion
   of Canada, as a whole, has a keener interest in this dispute
   than has the Home Government, so the Government of British
   Columbia is more closely affected by any possible settlement
   than is the rest of the Dominion. And British Columbia is as
   adverse to the Pyramid Harbour scheme as the United States
   themselves. This is due to the fact that when finished the
   Pyramid Harbour and Fort Selkirk railroad would afford no
   access to the British Columbia gold fields on Atlin Lake,
   which would still be reached only by way of Skagway and the
   White Pass, or by Dyea and the Chilcat Pass. But quite apart
   from this view of the matter, we may take it for granted that
   the United States will never voluntarily surrender any of
   their tide-water settlements, while the Canadian Government,
   on the other hand, are no more disposed to accept any
   settlement based on the internationalisation of Skagway, their
   argument probably being that, save as a temporary 'modus
   vivendi,' this would be giving away their whole case to their
   opponents."

      _H. Townsend,
      The Alaskan Boundary Question
      (Fortnightly Review, September, 1899)._

   Pending further negotiations on the subject, a "modus vivendi"
   between the United States and Great Britain, "fixing a
   provisional boundary line between the Territory of Alaska and
   the Dominion of Canada about the head of Lynn Canal," was
   concluded October 20, 1899, in the following terms:

   "It is hereby agreed between the Governments of the United
   States and of Great Britain that the boundary line between
   Canada and the territory of Alaska in the region about the
   head of Lynn Canal shall be provisionally fixed as follows
   without prejudice to the claims of either party in the
   permanent adjustment of the international boundary: In the
   region of the Dalton Trail, a line beginning at the peak West
   of Porcupine Creek, marked on the map No. 10 of the United
   States Commission, December 31, 1895, and on Sheet No. 18 of
   the British Commission, December 31, 1895, with the number
   6500; thence running to the Klehini (or Klaheela) River in the
   direction of the Peak north of that river, marked 5020 on the
   aforesaid United States map and 5025 on the aforesaid British
   map; thence following the high or right bank of the said
   Klehini river to the junction thereof with the Chilkat River,
   a mile and a half, more or less, north of Klukwan,—provided
   that persons proceeding to or from Porcupine Creek shall be
   freely permitted to follow the trail between the said creek
   and the said junction of the rivers, into and across the
   territory on the Canadian side of the temporary line wherever
   the trail crosses to such side, and, subject to such
   reasonable regulations for the protection of the Revenue as
   the Canadian Government may prescribe, to carry with them over
   such part or parts of the trail between the said points as may
   lie on the Canadian side of the temporary line, such goods and
   articles as they desire, without being required to pay any
   customs duties on such goods and articles; and from said
   junction to the summit of the peak East of the Chilkat river,
   marked on the aforesaid map No. 10 of the United States
   Commission with the number 5410 and on the map No. 17 of the
   aforesaid British Commission with the number 5490. On the Dyea
   and Skagway Trails, the summits of the Chilcoot and White
   Passes. It is understood, as formerly set forth in
   communications of the Department of State of the United
   States, that the citizens or subjects of either Power, found
   by this arrangement within the temporary jurisdiction of the
   other, shall suffer no diminution of the rights and privileges
   which they now enjoy. The Government of the United States will
   at once appoint an officer or officers in conjunction with an
   officer or officers to be named by the Government of Her
   Britannic Majesty, to mark the temporary line agreed upon by
   the erection of posts, stakes, or other appropriate temporary
   marks."

   In his Annual Message to Congress, December 3, 1900, the
   President of the United States stated the situation as
   follows:

   "The work of marking certain provisional boundary points, for
   convenience of administration, around the head of Lynn Canal,
   in accordance with the temporary arrangement of October, 1899,
   was completed by a joint survey in July last.
{10}
   The modus vivendi has so far worked without friction, and the
   Dominion Government has provided rules and regulations for
   securing to our citizens the benefit of the reciprocal
   stipulation that the citizens or subjects of either Power
   found by that arrangement within the temporary jurisdiction of
   the other shall suffer no diminution of the rights and
   privileges they have hitherto enjoyed. But however necessary
   such an expedient may have been to tide over the grave
   emergencies of the situation, it is at best but an
   unsatisfactory makeshift, which should not be suffered to
   delay the speedy and complete establishment of the frontier
   line to which we are entitled under the Russo-American treaty
   for the cession of Alaska. In this relation I may refer again
   to the need of definitely marking the Alaskan boundary where
   it follows the 141st meridian. A convention to that end has
   been before the Senate for some two years, but as no action
   has been taken I contemplate negotiating a new convention for
   a joint determination of the meridian by telegraphic
   observations. These, it is believed, will give more accurate
   and unquestionable results than the sidereal methods
   heretofore independently followed, which, as is known, proved
   discrepant at several points on the line, although not varying
   at any place more than seven hundred feet."

ALEXANDRIA:
   Discovery of the Serapeion.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH:
      EGYPT: DISCOVERY OF THE SERAPEION.

ALEXANDRIA:
   Patriarchate re-established.

      See (in this volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (MARCH).

ALIENS IMMIGRATION LAW, The Transvaal.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
      A. D. 1896-1897 (MAY-APRIL).

ALPHABET, Light on the origin of the.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: CRETE.

AMATONGALAND:
   Annexed, with Zululand, to Natal.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (ZULULAND).

AMERICA:
   The Projected Intercontinental Railway.

     See (in this volume)
     RAILWAY, THE INTERCONTINENTAL.

AMERICA, Central.

      See (in this volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA.

AMERICAN ABORIGINES.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIANS, AMERICAN.

AMERICAN REPUBLICS, The Bureau of the.

   "The idea of the creation of an international bureau, or
   agency, representing the Republics of the Western Hemisphere,
   was suggested to the delegates accredited to the International
   American Conference held in Washington in 1889-90, by the
   conference held at Brussels in May, 1888, which planned for an
   international union for the publication of customs tariffs,
   etc. … On March 29, 1890, the International American
   Conference, by a unanimous vote of the delegates of the
   eighteen countries there represented, namely: The Argentine
   Republic, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica,
   Ecuador, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua,
   Paraguay, Peru, Salvador, United States, Uruguay, and
   Venezuela, provided for the establishment of an association to
   be known as 'The International Union of American Republics for
   the Prompt Collection and Distribution of Commercial
   Information,' which should be represented at the capital of
   the United States by a Bureau, under the title of 'The Bureau
   of the American Republics.' This organ, so to speak, of the
   independent governments of the New World was placed under the
   supervision of the Secretary of State of the United States,
   and was to continue in existence for a period of ten years,
   and, if found profitable to the nations participating in its
   advantages, it was to be maintained for successive periods of
   ten years indefinitely. At the first session of the
   Fifty-first Congress of the United States, that body, in an
   'Act making appropriations for the support of the Diplomatic
   and Consular Service, etc.,' approved July 14, 1890, gave the
   President authority to carry into effect the recommendations
   of the Conference so far as he should deem them expedient, and
   appropriated $36,000 for the organization and establishment of
   the Bureau, which amount it had been stipulated by the
   delegates in the Conference assembled should not be exceeded,
   and should be annually advanced by the United States and
   shared by the several Republics in proportion to their
   population. … The Conference had defined the purpose of the
   Bureau to be the preparation and publication of bulletins
   concerning the commerce and resources of the American
   Republics, and to furnish information of interest to
   manufacturers, merchants, and shippers, which should be at all
   times available to persons desirous of obtaining particulars
   regarding their customs tariffs and regulations, as well as
   commerce and navigation."

      _Bulletin of the Bureau of American Republics,
      June, 1898._

   A plan of government for the International Union, by an
   executive committee composed of representatives of the
   American nations constituting the Union, was adopted in 1896,
   but modified at a conference held in Washington, March 18,
   1899. As then adopted, the plan of government is as follows:

   "The Bureau of the American Republics will be governed under
   the supervision of the Secretary of State of the United
   States, with the cooperation and advice of four
   representatives of the other Republics composing the
   International Union, the five persons indicated to constitute
   an Executive Committee, of which the Secretary of State is to
   be ex-officio Chairman, or, in his absence, the Acting
   Secretary of State. The other four members of the Executive
   Committee shall be called to serve in turn, in the
   alphabetical order of the official names of their nations in
   one of the four languages of the Union, previously selected by
   lot at a meeting of the representatives of the Union. At the
   end of each year the first of these four members shall retire,
   giving place to another representative of the Union, in the
   same alphabetical order already explained, and so on until the
   next period of succession."

{11}

   "The interest taken by the various States forming the
   International Union of American Republics in the work of its
   organic bureau is evidenced by the fact that for the first
   time since its creation in 1890 all the republics of South and
   Central America are now [1899] represented in it. The unanimous
   recommendation of the International American Conference,
   providing for the International Union of American Republics,
   stated that it should continue in force during a term of ten
   years from the date of its organization, and no country
   becoming a member of the union should cease to be a member
   until the end of said period of ten years, and unless twelve
   months before the expiration of said period a majority of the
   members of the union had given to the Secretary of State of
   the United States official notice of their wish to terminate
   the union at the end of its first period, that the union
   should continue to be maintained for another period of ten
   years, and thereafter, under the same conditions, for
   successive periods of ten years each. The period for
   notification expired on July 14, 1899, without any of the
   members having given the necessary notice of withdrawal. Its
   maintenance is therefore assured for the next ten years."

      _Message of the President of the United States.
      December 5, 1899._

AMERICANISM:
   Pope Leo XIII. on opinions so called.

      See (in this volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

AMNESTY BILL, The French.

   See (in this volume)
   FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

ANARCHIST CRIMES:
   Assassination of Canovas del Castillo.

      See (in this volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1897 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

   Assassination of the Empress of Austria.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER).

   Assassination of King Humbert.

      See (in this volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1899-1900;
      and 1900 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

ANATOLIAN RAILWAY, The.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (NOVEMBER).

ANCON, The Treaty of.

      See (in this volume)
      CHILE: A. D. 1894-1900.

ANDERSON, General Thomas M.:
    Correspondence with Aguinaldo.

       See (in this volume)
       UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
       A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PHILIPPINES).

ANDRÉE, Salamon August:
   Arctic balloon voyage.

      See (in this volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION, 1897, 1898, 1899, 1900-.

ANGLO-AMERICAN POPULATION.

      See (in this volume)
      NINETEENTH CENTURY: EXPANSION.

ANGONI-ZULUS, The.

      See (in this volume)
      BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE.

ANTARCTIC EXPLORATION.

      See (in this volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION.

ANTEMNÆ, Excavations at.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: ITALY.

ANTIGUA: Industrial condition.

      See (in this volume)
      WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.

ANTITOXINE, Discovery of.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL.

ANTI-IMPERIALISTS, The League of American.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

ANTI-REVOLUTIONARY BILL, The German.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1895.

ANTI-SEMITIC AGITATIONS.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896, and after;
      and FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899, and after.

ANTI-SEMITIC LEAGUE, Treasonable conspiracy of the.

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1899-1900 (AUGUST-JANUARY).

APPORTIONMENT ACT.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

ARBITRATION, Industrial:
   In New Zealand.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1891-1900.

ARBITRATION, Industrial:
   In the United States between employees and employers
   engaged in inter-state commerce.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1896-1900.
   Boundary dispute between Colombia and Costa Rica.

      See (in this volume)
      COLOMBIA: A. D. 1893-1900.

ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1897.
   Nicaragua and Costa Rica.

      See (in this volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA (NICARAGUA-COSTA RICA): A. D. 1897.

ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1897-1899.
   Venezuela and Great Britain.
   Guiana boundary.

      See (in this volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1898.
   Argentine Republic and Chile.

      See (in this volume)
      ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1898.

ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1898.
   Treaty between Italy and the Argentine Republic.

      See (in this volume)
      ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1898.

ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1899.
   The Treaty for the Pacific Settlement of International
   Disputes concluded at the Peace Conference at the Hague (Text).
   The Permanent Court created.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1900.
   Brazil and French Guiana boundary dispute.

      See (in this volume)
      BRAZIL: A. D. 1900.

ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1900.
   Compulsory arbitration voted for at Spanish-American Congress.

      See (in this volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER).

ARBITRATION TREATY, Great Britain and the United States.
   Its defeat.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1897 (JANUARY-MAY).


   ----------ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Start--------

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH:
   The Oriental Field.
   Recent achievements and future prospects.

   "Three successive years have just added to the realm of
   Egyptian archaeology, not only the period of the first two
   dynasties, hitherto absolutely unrecognized from contemporary
   remains, but also a long prehistoric period. Assyriology
   likewise has lately been pushed back into antiquity with
   almost equal rapidity. Though the subjects will probably
   always have their limitations, yet the insight of scholars and
   explorers is opening up new vistas on all sides. … Our
   prospect for the future is bright. Egypt itself seems
   inexhaustible. Few of the cities of Babylonia and Assyria have
   yet been excavated, and each of them had its library and
   record office of clay-tablets as well as monuments in stone
   and bronze. In Northern Mesopotamia are countless sites still
   untouched; in Elam and in Armenia monuments are only less
   plentiful.
{12}
   In Arabia inscriptions are now being read which may perhaps
   date from 1000 B. C. The so-called Hittite hieroglyphs still
   baffle the decipherer; but as more of the documents become
   known these will in all likelihood prove a fruitful source for
   the history of North Syria, of Cappadocia, and of Asia Minor
   throughout. Occasionally, too, though it is but rarely, an
   inscription in the Phaenician type of alphabet yields up
   important historical facts. When all is done, there is but
   scant hope that we shall be able to construct a consecutive
   history of persons and events in the ancient world. All that
   we can be confident of securing, at any rate in Egypt, is the
   broad outline of development and change, chronologically
   graduated and varied by occasional pictures of extraordinary
   minuteness and brilliancy."

      _F. LL. Griffith,
      Authority and Archaeology Sacred and Profane,
      part 2, pages. 218-219
      (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons)._

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: In Bible Lands:
   General results as affecting our knowledge
   of the ancient Hebrews.

   "The general result of the archaeological and anthropological
   researches of the past half-century has been to take the
   Hebrews out of the isolated position which, as a nation, they
   seemed previously to hold, and to demonstrate their affinities
   with, and often their dependence upon, the civilizations by
   which they were surrounded. Tribes more or less closely akin
   to themselves in both language and race were their neighbours
   alike on the north, on the east, and on the south; in addition
   to this, on each side there towered above them an ancient and
   imposing civilization,—that of Babylonia, from the earliest
   times active, enterprising, and full of life, and that of
   Egypt, hardly, if at all, less remarkable than that of
   Babylonia, though more self-contained and less expansive. The
   civilization which, in spite of the long residence of the
   Israelites in Egypt, left its mark, however, most distinctly
   upon the culture and literature of the Hebrews was that of
   Babylonia. It was in the East that the Hebrew traditions
   placed both the cradle of humanity and the more immediate home
   of their own ancestors; and it was Babylonia which, as we now
   know, exerted during many centuries an influence, once
   unsuspected, over Palestine itself.

   "It is true, the facts thus disclosed, do not in any degree
   detract from that religious pre-eminence which has always been
   deemed the inalienable characteristic of the Hebrew race: the
   spiritual intuitions and experiences of its great teachers
   retain still their uniqueness; but the secular institutions of
   the nation, and even the material elements upon which the
   religious system of the Israelites was itself constructed, are
   seen now to have been in many cases common to them with their
   neighbours. Thus their beliefs about the origin and early
   history of the world, their social usages, their code of civil
   and criminal law, their religious institutions, can no longer
   be viewed, as was once possible, as differing in kind from
   those of other nations, and determined in every feature by a
   direct revelation from Heaven; all, it is now known, have
   substantial analogies among other peoples, the distinctive
   character which they exhibit among the Hebrews consisting in
   the spirit with which they are infused and the higher
   principles of which they are made the exponent. …

   "What is called the 'witness of the monuments' is often
   strangely misunderstood. The monuments witness to nothing
   which any reasonable critic has ever doubted. No one, for
   instance, has ever doubted that there were kings of Israel (or
   Judah) named Ahab and Jehu and Pekah and Ahaz and Hezekiah, or
   that Tiglath-Pileser and Sennacherib led expeditions into
   Palestine; the mention of these (and such like) persons and
   events in the Assyrian annals has brought to light many
   additional facts about them which it is an extreme
   satisfaction to know: but it has only 'confirmed' what no
   critic had questioned. On the other hand, the Assyrian annals
   have shewn that the chronology of the Books of Kings is, in
   certain places, incorrect: they have thus confirmed the
   conclusion which critics had reached independently upon
   internal evidence, that the parts of these books to which the
   chronology belongs are of much later origin than the more
   strictly historical parts, and consequently do not possess
   equal value.

   "The inscriptions, especially those of Babylonia, Assyria, and
   Egypt, have revealed to us an immense amount of information
   respecting the antiquities and history of these nations, and
   also, in some cases, respecting the peoples with whom, whether
   by commerce or war, they came into contact: but (with the
   exception of the statement on the stele of Merenptah that
   'Israel is desolated') the first event connected with Israel
   or its ancestors which they mention or attest is Shishak's
   invasion of Judah in the reign of Rehoboam; the first
   Israelites whom they specify by name are Omri and his son
   Ahab. There is also indirect illustration of statements in the
   Old Testament relating to the period earlier than this; but
   the monuments supply no 'confirmation' of any single fact
   recorded in it, prior to Shishak's invasion."

      _S. R. Driver,
      Authority and Archaeology Sacred and Profane,
      part 1, pages 150-151
      (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons)._

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Babylonia:
   Earlier explorations in.

   For some account of the earlier archæological explorations in
   Babylonia and their results,

      See (in volume 1) BABYLONIA, PRIMITIVE;
      and (in volume 4) SEMITES.

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Babylonia:
   American exploration of the ruins of ancient Nippur.

   [Footnote: Quotations in this account from Professor
   Hilprecht's copyrighted reports in the "Sunday School Times"
   are used with permission from the publishers of that journal.]

   "In the summer of 1888, the University of Pennsylvania fully
   equipped and sent out the first American expedition to the
   northern half of the plains of Babylonia to effect a thorough
   exploration of the ruins of Nippur—the modern Niffer, or, more
   correctly, Nuffar—on the border of the unwholesome swamps of
   the Affej, and to undertake extensive excavations. A few
   intelligent citizens of Philadelphia had met in the house of
   Ex-Provost Dr. William Pepper, and formed 'The Babylonian
   Exploration Fund,' a short time before this with the purpose
   of effecting a systematic exploration of ancient Babylonia.
   What science owes to this unselfish undertaking can be
   adequately estimated only by posterity. … Two professors,
   Peters and Hilprecht, were entrusted with the management of
   the expedition, Dr. Peters as director, and Dr. Hilprecht as
   Assyriologist."

      _H. V. Hilprecht, editor,
      Recent Research in Bible Lands,
      page 47._

{13}

   Professor Hilprecht, who conducts for the "Sunday School
   Times" a most interesting and important department, in which
   the proceedings and principal results of archæological
   exploration in Bible Lands have been currently chronicled
   during several years past, gave, in that journal of December
   I, 1900, the following description of the scene and the
   historical importance of the ruins in which the excavations
   above mentioned have been carried on: "Nuffar is the modern
   Arabic name of an old Babylonian ruin situated about half-way
   between the Euphrates and Tigris, at the northeastern boundary
   of the great Affej swamps, which are formed by the regular
   annual inundations of the Euphrates. In a straight line, it is
   nearly eighty miles to the southeast from Baghdad. A large
   canal, now dry, and often for miles entirely filled with
   rubbish and sand, divides the ruins into two almost equal
   parts. On an average about fifty or sixty feet high, these
   ruins are torn up by frequent gulleys and furrows into a
   number of spurs and ridges, from the distance not unlike a
   rugged mountain range on the bank of the upper Tigris. In the
   Babylonian language, the city buried here was called Nippur.
   According to Jewish tradition, strongly supported by arguments
   drawn from cuneiform texts and archaeological objects found at
   the ruins themselves, Nippur was identical with the Biblical
   Calneh, mentioned in Genesis 10: 10, as one of the four great
   cities of the kingdom of Nimrod. It was therefore natural that
   the public in general should take a warm interest in our
   excavations at Nuffar. This interest grew considerably in
   religious circles when, a few years ago, I announced my
   discovery of the name of the 'river Chebar' in two cuneiform
   texts from the archives of Nippur. It became then evident that
   this 'river Chebar,' which hitherto could not be located, was
   one of the four or five large canals once bringing life and
   fertility to the fields of Nippur; that, furthermore, a large
   number of the Jewish captives carried away by Nebuchadrezzar
   after the destruction of Jerusalem were settled in the plains
   around this city; and that even Ezekiel himself, while
   admonishing and comforting his people, and holding out to them
   Jehovah's mercy and never-failing promise of a brighter
   future, stood in the very shadow of Babylonia's ancient
   national sanctuary, the crumbling walls of the great temple of
   Bêl at Nippur. The beginning and end of Old Testament history
   thus point to Nippur as the background and theater for the
   first and final acts in the great drama of divine selection
   and human rejection in which Israel played the leading role."

   In the same article, Professor Hilprecht indicated in a few
   words what was done at Nuffar by the first three of the four
   expeditions sent out from Philadelphia since 1888. "It was
   comparatively easy," he said, "to get a clear idea of the
   extent of the city and the life in its streets during the last
   six centuries preceding our era. Each of the four expeditions
   to Nuffar contributed its peculiar share to a better knowledge
   of this latest period of Babylonian history, particularly,
   however, the third and the present campaigns. But it was of
   greater importance to follow up the traces of a very early
   civilization, which, accidentally, we had met during our first
   brief campaign in 1889. By means of a few deep trenches, the
   second expedition, in the following year, had brought to light
   new evidence that a considerable number of ancient monuments
   still existed in the lower strata of the temple mound. The
   third expedition showed that the monuments, while numerous,
   are mostly very fragmentary, thereby offering considerable
   difficulties to the decipherer and historian. But it also
   showed that a number of platforms running through the temple
   mound, and made of baked bricks, frequently bearing
   inscriptions, enable us to fix the age of the different strata
   of this mound with great accuracy. The two lowest of these
   platforms found were the work of kings and patesis
   (priest-kings) of 4000-3800 B. C., but, to our great
   astonishment, they did not represent the earliest trace of
   human life at Nippur. There were not less than about thirty
   feet of rubbish below them, revealing an even earlier
   civilization, the beginning and development of which lie
   considerably before the times of Sargon the Great (3800 B. C.)
   and Narâm-Sin, who had been generally regarded as
   half-mythical persons of the first chapter of Babylonian
   history."

   Of the results of the work of those three expeditions of the
   University of Pennsylvania, and of the studies for which they
   furnished materials to Professor Hilprecht, Professor Sayce
   wrote with much enthusiasm in the "Contemporary Review" of
   January, 1897, as follows: "In my Hibbert Lectures on the
   'Religion of the Ancient Babylonians' I had been led by a
   study of the religious texts of Babylonia to the conclusion
   that Nippur had been a centre from which Babylonian culture
   was disseminated in what we then regarded as prehistoric
   times. Thanks to the American excavations, what were
   prehistoric times when my Hibbert Lectures were written have
   now become historic, and my conclusion has proved to be
   correct. … For the first time in Babylonia they have
   systematically carried their shafts through the various strata
   of historical remains which occupy the site, carefully noting
   the objects found in each, and wherever possible clearing each
   stag away when once it had been thoroughly examined. The work
   began in 1888, about two hundred Arabs being employed as
   labourers. … The excavations at Nippur were carried deeply and
   widely enough not only to reveal the history of the city
   itself but also to open up a new vista in the forgotten
   history of civilised man. The history of civilisation has been
   taken back into ages which a short while since were still
   undreamed of. Professor Hilprecht, the historian of the
   expedition, upon whom has fallen the work of copying,
   publishing, and translating the multitudinous texts discovered
   in the course of it, declares that we can no longer 'hesitate
   to date the founding of the temple of Bel and the first
   settlements in Nippur somewhere between 6000 and 7000 B. C.,
   possibly even earlier.' At any rate the oldest monuments which
   have been disinterred there belong to the fifth or sixth
   millennium before the Christian era. Hitherto we have been
   accustomed to regard Egypt as the land which has preserved for
   us the earliest written monuments of mankind, but Babylonia
   now bids fair to outrival Egypt. The earliest fixed date in
   Babylonian history is that of Sargon of Akkael and his son
   Naram-Sin. It has been fixed for us by Nabonidos, the royal
   antiquarian of Babylonia. In one of his inscriptions he
   describes the excavations he made in order to discover the
   memorial cylinders of Naram-Sin, who had lived '3200 years'
   before his own time. In my Hibbert Lectures I gave reasons for
   accepting this date as approximately correct. The recent
   discoveries at Niffer, Telloh, and other places have shown
   that my conclusion was justified. …

{14}

   "Assyriologists have long had in their possession a cuneiform
   text which contains the annals of the reign of Sargon, and of
   the first three years of the reign of his son. It is a late
   copy of the original text, and was made for the library of
   Nineveh. Our 'critical' friends have been particularly merry
   over the credulity of the Assyriologists in accepting these
   annals as authentic. … So far from being unhistorical, Sargon
   and Naram-Sin prove to have come at the end of a
   long-preceding historical period, and the annals themselves
   have been verified by contemporaneous documents. The empire of
   Sargon, which extended from the Persian Gulf to the
   Mediterranean, was not even the first that had arisen in
   Western Asia. And the art that flourished under his rule, like
   the art which flourished in Egypt in the age of the Old
   Empire, was higher and more perfect than any that succeeded it
   in Babylonia. … Henceforward, Sargon and Naram-Sin, instead of
   belonging to 'the grey dawn of time,' must be regarded as
   representatives of 'the golden age of Babylonian history.'
   That they should have undertaken military expeditions to the
   distant West, and annexed Palestine and the Sinaitic Peninsula
   to the empire they created need no longer be a matter of
   astonishment. Such campaigns had already been undertaken by
   Babylonian kings long before; the way was well known which led
   from one extremity of Western Asia to the other. …

   "It is Mr. Haynes [Director of the explorations from 1893] who
   tells us that we are henceforth to look upon Sargon of Akkad
   as a representative of 'the golden age of Babylonian history,'
   and his assertion is endorsed by Professor Hilprecht. In fact,
   the conclusion is forced upon both the excavator and the
   palæographist. Professor Hilprecht, who, thanks to the
   abundant materials at his disposal, has been able to found the
   science of Babylonian palæography, tracing the development of
   the cuneiform characters from one stage of development to
   another, and determining the age of each successive form of
   writing, has made it clear to all students of Assyriology that
   many of the inscriptions found at Niffer and Telloh belong to
   a much older period than those of the age of Sargon. The
   palæographic evidence has been supplemented by the results of
   excavation. … As far back as we can penetrate, we still find
   inscribed monuments and other evidences of civilisation. It is
   true that the characters are rude and hardly yet lifted above
   their pictorial forms. They have, however, ceased to be
   pictures, and have already become that cursive script which we
   call cuneiform. For the beginnings of Babylonian writing we
   have still to search among the relics of centuries that lie
   far behind the foundation of the temple of Nippur.

   "The first king whom the excavations there have brought to
   light is a certain En-sag(sak)-ana who calls himself 'lord of
   Kengi' and conqueror of Kis 'the wicked.' Kengi—'the land of
   canals and reeds,' as Professor Hilprecht interprets the
   word—was the oldest name of Babylonia, given to it in days
   when it was still wholly occupied by its Sumerian population,
   and when as yet no Semitic stranger had ventured within it.
   The city of Kis (now El-Hy-mar) lay outside its borders to the
   north, and between Kis and Kengi there seems to have been
   constant war. … Nippur was the religious centre of Kengi, and
   Mul-lil, the god of Nippur, was the supreme object of Sumerian
   worship. … A king of Kis made himself master of Nippur and its
   sanctuary, and the old kingdom of Kengi passed away. The final
   blow was dealt by the son of the Sumerian high priest of the
   'Land of the Bow.' Lugal-zaggi-si was the chieftain who
   descended from the north upon Babylonia and made it part of
   his empire. … Lugal-zaggi-si lived centuries before Sargon of
   Akkad in days which, only a year ago, we still believed to lie
   far beyond the horizon of history and culture. We little
   dreamed that in that hoar antiquity the great cities and
   sanctuaries of Babylonia were already old, and that the
   culture and script of Babylonia had already extended far
   beyond the boundaries of their motherland. The inscriptions of
   Lugal-zaggi-si are in the Sumerian language, and his name,
   like that of his father, is Sumerian also. … The empire of
   Lugal-zaggi-si seems to have passed away with his death, and
   at no long period subsequently a new dynasty arose at Ur. …
   According to Professor Hilprecht, this would have been about
   4000 B. C. How long the first dynasty of Ur lasted we cannot
   tell. It had to keep up a perpetual warfare with the Semitic
   tribes of northern Arabia, Ki-sarra, 'the land of the hordes,'
   as it was termed by the Sumerians. Meanwhile a new state was
   growing up on the eastern side of the Euphrates in a small
   provincial city called Lagas, whose ruins are now known as
   Telloh. Its proximity to Eridu, the seaport and trading depot
   of early Babylonia, had doubtless much to do with its rise to
   power. At all events the kings of Telloh, whose monuments have
   been brought to light by M. de Sarzec, became continually
   stronger, and the dynasty of Lagas took the place of the
   dynasty of Ur. One of these kings, E-Anna-gin, at length
   defeated the Semitic oppressors of northern Chaldæa in a
   decisive battle and overthrew the 'people of the Land of the
   Bow.' …

   "The kings of Lagas represent the closing days of Sumerian
   supremacy. With Sargon and his empire the Semitic age begins.
   The culture of Chaldæa is still Sumerian, the educated classes
   are for the most part of Sumerian origin, and the literature of
   the country is Sumerian also. But the king and his court are
   Semites, and the older culture which they borrow and adopt
   becomes Semitised in the process. … For many generations
   Sumerians and Semites lived side by side, each borrowing from
   the other, and mutually adapting and modifying their own forms
   of expression. … Sumerian continued to be the language of
   religion and law—the two most conservative branches of human
   study—down to the age of Abraham. … The new facts that have
   been disinterred from the grave of the past furnish a striking
   confirmation of Professor Hommel's theory, which connects the
   culture of primitive Egypt with that of primitive Chaldæa, and
   derives the language of the Egyptians, at all events in part,
   from a mixed Babylonian language in which Semitic and Sumerian
   elements alike claimed a share. We now know that such a mixed
   language did once exist, and we also know that this language
   and the written characters by which it was expressed were
   brought to the shores of the Mediterranean and the frontiers
   of Egypt in the earliest age of Egyptian history."

      _A. H. Sayce,
      Recent Discoveries in Babylonia
      (Contemporary Review, January, 1897)._

{15}

   The third of the Pennsylvania expeditions closed its work at
   Nippur in February, 1896. There was then an interval of three
   years before a fourth expedition resumed work at the ruins in
   February, 1899. In the "Sunday School Times" of April 29 and
   May 27, 1899, Professor Hilprecht (who did not go personally
   to Nuffar until later in the year) gave the following account
   of the friendly reception of the exploring party by the Arabs
   of the district, from whom there had been formerly much
   experience of trouble: "The Affej tribes, in whose territory
   the large mounds are situated, had carefully guarded the
   expedition's stronghold,—a mud castle half-way between the
   ruins and the marshes, which had been sealed and entrusted to
   their care before we quitted the field some years ago. They
   now gave to the expedition a hearty welcome, accompanied by
   shooting, shouting, dancing, and singing, and were evidently
   greatly delighted to have the Americans once more in their
   midst. In the presence of Haji Tarfa, their
   commander-in-chief, who was surrounded by his minor shaykhs
   and other dignitaries of the El-Hamza tribes, the former
   arrangements with the two shaykhs Hamid el-Birjud and Abud
   el-Hamid were ratified, and new pledges given for the security
   and welfare of the little party of explorers, the question of
   guards and water being especially emphasized. In accordance
   with the Oriental custom, the expedition showed its
   appreciation of the warm reception by preparing for their
   hosts in return a great feast, at which plenty of mutton and
   boiled rice were eaten by some fifty Arabs, and the old bond
   of friendship was cemented anew with 'bread and salt.'" …

   "Doubtless all the advantages resulting for the Affej Bed'ween
   and their allies from the presence of the Americans were
   carefully calculated by them in the three years (February,
   1896-1899) that we had withdrawn our expedition from their
   territory. They have apparently found out that the
   comparatively large amount of money brought into their country
   through the wages paid to many Arabs employed as workmen, and
   through the purchase of milk, eggs, chicken, mutton, and all
   the other material supplied by the surrounding tribes for our
   camp, with its about two hundred and fifty persons, has done
   much to improve their general condition. The conviction has
   been growing with them that we have not come to rob them of
   anything to which they attach great value themselves, nor to
   establish a new military station for the Turkish government in
   order to gather taxes and unpaid debts. Every Arab engaged by
   the Expedition has been fairly treated, and help and
   assistance have always been given cheerfully and gratis to the
   many sick people who apply daily for medicine, suffering more
   or less during the whole year from pulmonary diseases, typhoid
   and malarial fevers, easily contracted in the midst of the
   extended marshes which they inhabit."

   In the "Sunday School Times" of August 5, in the same year,
   Professor Hilprecht reported: "The mounds of Nippur seem to
   conceal an almost inexhaustible treasure of inscribed
   cuneiform tablets, by means of which we are enabled to restore
   the chronology, history, religion, and the high degree of
   civilization, obtained at a very early date by the ancient
   inhabitants between the lower Euphrates and Tigris. More than
   33,000 of these precious documents were found during the
   previous campaigns. Not less than 4,776 tablets have been
   rescued from February 6 to June 10 this year, averaging,
   therefore, nearly 1,200 'manuscripts in clay,' as we may style
   them, per month. About the fourth part of these tablets is in
   perfect condition, while a very large proportion of the
   remaining ones are good-sized fragments or tablets so
   fortunately broken that their general contents and many
   important details can be ascertained by the patient
   decipherer."

   In November, 1899, Professor Hilprecht started for the field,
   to superintend the explorations in person, and on the way he
   wrote to the "S. S. Times" (published December 13): "The
   deeper the trenches of the Babylonian Expedition of the
   University of Pennsylvania descend into the lower strata of
   Nippur, the probable site of the biblical Calneh, the more
   important and interesting become the results obtained. The
   work of clearing the northeastern wall of the high-towering
   temple of Bel was continued with success during the summer
   months. Particularly numerous were the inscribed vase
   fragments brought to light, and almost exclusively belonging
   to the pre-Sargonic period,—3800 B. C. and before. As I showed
   in the second part of Volume I of our official University
   publication, this fragmentary condition of the vases is due to
   the wilful destruction of the temple property by the
   victorious Elamitic hordes, who, towards the end of the third
   pre-Christian millennium, ransacked the Babylonian cities,
   extending their conquest and devastation even as far as the
   shores of the Mediterranean Sea (comp. Gen. 14). From the
   earliest historical period down to about 2200 B. C., when this
   national calamity befell Babylonia, the large temple
   storehouse, with its precious statues, votive slabs and vases,
   memorial stones, bronze figures, and other gifts from powerful
   monarchs and governors, had practically remained intact. What,
   therefore, is left of the demolished and scattered contents of
   this ancient chamber as a rule is found above the platform of
   Ur-Ninib (about 2500 B. C.), in a layer several feet thick and
   about twenty-five feet wide, surrounding the front and the two
   side walls of the temple. The systematic clearing and
   examination of this layer, and of the huge mass of ruins lying
   above it, occupied the attention of the expedition
   considerably in the past years, and was continued with new
   energy during the past six months." At the end of January,
   1900, Professor Hilprecht arrived in Babylonia, and wrote some
   weeks later to the "Sunday School Times" (May 3): "As early as
   eleven years ago, the present writer pointed out that the
   extensive group of hills to the southwest of the temple of Bel
   must be regarded as the probable site of the temple library of
   ancient Nippur. About twenty-five hundred tablets were rescued
   from the trenches in this hill during our first campaign.
   Later excavations increased the number of tablets taken from
   these mounds to about fifteen thousand. But it was only within
   the last six weeks that my old theory could be established
   beyond any reasonable doubt.
{16}
   During this brief period a series of rooms was exposed which
   furnished not less than over sixteen thousand cuneiform
   documents, forming part of the temple library during the
   latter half of the third millennium B. C. In long rows the
   tablets were lying on ledges of unbaked clay, serving as
   shelves for these imperishable Old Babylonian records. The
   total number of tablets rescued from different parts of the
   ruins during the present campaign amounts even now to more
   than twenty-one thousand, and is rapidly increased by new
   finds every day. The contents of this extraordinary library
   are as varied as possible. Lists of Sumerian words and
   cuneiform signs, arranged according to different principles,
   and of fundamental value for our knowledge of the early
   non-Semitic language of the country, figure prominently in the
   new 'find.' As regards portable antiquities of every
   description, and their archeological value, the American
   expedition stands readily first among the three expeditions at
   present engaged in the exploration of Ancient Babylonia and
   the restoration of its past history."

   Three weeks later he added: "The Temple Library, as indicated
   in the writer's last report, has been definitely located at
   the precise spot which, in 1889, the present writer pointed
   out as its most probable site. Nearly eighteen thousand
   cuneiform documents have been rescued this year from the
   shelves of a series of rooms in its southeastern and
   northwestern wings. The total number of tablets (mostly of a
   didactic character) obtained from the library up to date is
   from twenty-five thousand to twenty-six thousand tablets
   (whole and broken). In view, however, of more important other
   duties to be executed by this expedition before we can leave
   Nippur this year, and in consideration of the enormous amount
   of time and labor required for a methodical exploration of the
   whole mound in which it is concealed, I have recently ordered
   all the gangs of Arabic workmen to be withdrawn from this
   section of ancient Nippur, and to be set at work at the
   eastern fortification line of the city, close to the
   temple-complex proper. According to a fair estimate based upon
   actual finds, the unique history of the temple, and
   topographical indications, there must be hidden at least from
   a hundred thousand to a hundred and fifty thousand tablets
   more in this ancient library, which was destroyed by the
   invading Elamites about the time of Abraham's emigration from
   Ur of the Chaldees. Only about the twentieth part of this
   library (all of Dr. Haynes's previous work included) has so
   far been examined and excavated."

   In the same letter the Professor described the uncovering of
   one façade of a large pre-Sargonic palace—"the chief
   discovery," in his opinion, "of this whole campaign." "A
   thorough excavation of this large palace," he wrote, "will
   form one of the chief tasks of a future expedition, after its
   character, age, and extent have been successfully determined
   by the present one. Important art treasures of the Tello type,
   and literary documents, may reasonably be expected to be
   unearthed from the floor-level of its many chambers. It has
   become evident, from the large number of pre-Sargonic
   buildings, walls, and other antiquities discovered on both
   sides of the Shatt-en-Nil, that the pre-Sargonic Nippur was of
   by far greater extent than had been anticipated. This
   discovery, however, is only in strict accord with what we know
   from the cuneiform documents as to the important historical
   rôle which the temple of Bel ('the father of the gods'), as
   the central national sanctuary of ancient Babylonia, played at
   the earliest period, long before Babylon, the capital of the
   later empire, achieved any prominence."

   The work at Nippur was suspended for the season about the
   middle of May, 1900, and Professor Hilprecht, after his return
   to Philadelphia, wrote of the general fruits of the campaign,
   in the "Sunday School Times" of December 1: "As the task of
   the fourth and most recent expedition, just completed, I had
   mapped out, long before its organization, the following work.
   It was to determine the probable extent of the earliest
   pre-Sargonic settlement at ancient Nippur; to discover the
   precise form and character of the famous temple of Bêl at this
   earliest period; to define the exact boundaries of the city
   proper; if possible, to find one or more of the great city
   gates frequently mentioned in the inscriptions; to locate the
   great temple library and educational quarters of Nippur; to
   study the different modes of burial in use in ancient
   Babylonia; and to study all types and forms of pottery, with a
   view to finding laws for the classification and determination
   of the ages of vases, always excavated in large numbers at
   Nuffar. The work set before us has been accomplished. The task
   was great,—almost too great for the limited time at our
   disposal. … But the number of Arab workmen, busy with pickax,
   scraper, and basket in the trenches for ten to fourteen hours
   every day, gradually increased to the full force of four
   hundred. … In the course of time, when the nearly twenty-five
   thousand cuneiform texts which form one of the most
   conspicuous prizes of the present expedition have been fully
   deciphered and interpreted; when the still hidden larger mass
   of tablets from that great educational institution, the temple
   library of Calneh-Nippur, discovered at the very spot which I
   had marked for its site twelve years ago, has been brought to
   light,—a great civilization will loom up from past
   millenniums before our astonished eyes. For four thousand
   years the documents which contain this precious information
   have disappeared from sight, forgotten in the destroyed rooms
   of ancient Nippur. Abraham was about leaving his ancestral
   home at Ur when the great building in which so much learning
   had been stored up by previous generations collapsed under the
   ruthless acts of the Elamite hordes. But the light which
   begins to flash forth from the new trenches in this lonely
   mound in the desert of Iraq will soon illuminate the world
   again. And it will be no small satisfaction to know that it
   was rekindled by the hands of American explorers."

{17}

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Babylonia:
   German exploration of the ruins of Babylon.

   An expedition to explore the ruins of Babylon was sent out by
   the German Orient Society, in 1899, under the direction of Dr.
   Koldewey, an eminent architect and archæologist, who had been
   connected with previous works of excavation done in Babylonia
   and northern Syria. In announcing the project, in the "Sunday
   School Times" of January 28, 1899, Professor Hilprecht
   remarked: "These extended ruins will require at least fifty
   years of labor if they are to be excavated as thoroughly and
   systematically as the work is done by the American expedition
   at Nippur, which has employed in its trenches never less than
   sixty, but frequently from two hundred to four hundred, Arabic
   workmen at the same time during the last ten years. Certain
   parts of the ruins of Babylon have been previously explored
   and excavated by Layard, Rawlinson, and the French expedition
   under Fresnel and Oppert, to which we owe the first accurate
   details of the topography of this ancient city." Writing
   somewhat more than a year later from Nippur, after having
   visited the German party at Babylon, Professor Hilprecht said
   of its work: "The chief work of the expedition during the past
   year was the exploration of the great ruin heap called
   El-Kasr, under which are hidden the remains of the palace of
   Nebuchadrezzar, where Alexander the Great died after his
   famous campaign against India. Among the few important
   antiquities so far obtained from this imposing mound of
   Ancient Babylon is a new Hittite inscription and a
   neo-Babylonian slab with an interesting cuneiform legend. Very
   recently, Dr. Koldewey, whose excellent topographical surveys
   form a conspicuous part of the results of the first year, has
   found the temple of the goddess Nin-Makh, so often mentioned
   in the building inscriptions of the neo-Babylonian rulers, and
   a little terra-cotta statue of the goddess. The systematic
   examination of the enormous mass of ruins covering Ancient
   Babylon will require several decenniums of continued hard
   labor. To facilitate this great task, a bill has been
   submitted to the German Reichstag requesting a yearly
   government appropriation of over fifteen thousand dollars,
   while at the same time application has been made by the German
   Orient Committee to the Ottoman Government for another firman
   to carry on excavations at Warka, the biblical Erech, whose
   temple archive was badly pillaged by the invading Elamites at
   about 2280 B. C."

   Some account of results from the uncovering of the palace of
   Nebuchadrezzar are quoted from "Die Illustrirte Zeitung" in
   the "Scientific American Supplement," December 16, 1899, as
   follows: "According to early Babylonian records,
   Nebuchadnezzar completed the fortifications of the city, begun
   by his father Narbolpolassar, consisting of a double inclosure
   of strong walls, the inner called Imgur-Bel ('Bel is
   gracious'), the outer Nemitti-Bel ('foundation of Bel'). The
   circumference of the latter according to Herodotus was 480
   stades (55 miles), its height 340 feet, and its thickness 85
   feet. At the inner and outer peripheries, one-story houses
   were built, between which was room enough for a chariot drawn
   by four horses harnessed abreast. When Koldewey cut through
   the eastern front of Al Kasr, he came upon a wall which was
   undoubtedly that described by Herodotus. The outer eastern
   shell was composed of burnt brick and asphalt, 24 feet in
   thickness; then came a filling of sand and broken stone 70½
   feet in thickness, which was followed by an inner western
   shell of 43 feet thickness. The total thickness was,
   therefore, 137.5 feet. By dint of hard work this wall was cut
   through and the entrance to Nebuchadnezzar's palace laid bare.
   Koldewey and his men were enabled to verify the description
   given by Diodorus of the polychromatic reliefs which graced
   the walls of the royal towers and palaces. It still remains to
   be seen how trustworthy are the statements of other ancient
   historians. The city itself, as previous investigators have
   found, was adorned with many temples, chief among them Esaglia
('the high towering house'), temple of the city, and the national
   god Marduk (Merodach) and his spouse Zirpanit. Sloping toward
   the river were the Hanging Gardens, one of the world's seven
   wonders, located in the northern mound of the ruins of Babel.
   The temple described by Herodotus is that of Nebo, in
   Borsippa, not far from Babylon, which Herodotus included under
   Babylon and which the cuneiform inscriptions term 'Babylon the
   Second.' This temple, which in the mound of Birs Nimrûd is the
   most imposing ruin of Babylon, is called the 'eternal house'
   in the inscriptions; it was restored by Nebuchadnezzar with
   great splendor. In form, it is a pyramid built in seven
   stages, for which reason it is sometimes referred to as the
   'Temple of the Seven Spheres of Heaven and Earth.' The Tower
   of Babel, described in Genesis x., is perhaps the same
   structure. It remains for the German expedition to continue
   its excavations in Nebuchadnezzar's palace."

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Babylonia:
   Discovery of an inscription of Nabonidos,
   the last of the Babylonian kings.

   "A discovery of the greatest importance has just been made by
   Father Scheil, who has for some time been exploring in
   Babylonia. In the Mujelibeh mound, one of the principal heaps
   of ruins in the 'enciente' of Babylon, he has discovered a
   long inscription of Nabonidos, the last of the Babylonian
   Kings (B. C. 555-538), which contains a mass of historical and
   other data which will be of greatest value to students of this
   important period of Babylonian history. The monument in
   question is a small 'stela' of diorite, the upper part of
   which is broken, inscribed with eleven columns of writing, and
   which appears to have been erected early in the King's reign.
   It resembles in some measure the celebrated India-House
   inscription of Nebuchadnezzar, but is much more full of
   historical matter. Its value may be estimated when it is
   stated that it contains a record of the war of revenge
   conducted by the Babylonians and their Mandian allies against
   Assyria, for the destruction of the city by Sennacherib, in B.
   C. 698; an account of the election and coronation of Nabonidos
   in B. C. 555, and the wonderful dream in which Nebuchadnezzar
   appeared to him; as well as an account of the restoration of
   the temple of the Moon god at Kharran, accompanied by a
   chronological record which enables us to fix the date of the
   so-called Scythian invasion. There is also a valuable
   reference to the murder of Sennacherib by his son in Tebet, B.
   C. 681."

      _American Journal of Archœology,
      January-March, 1896._

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Persia:
   French exploration of the ruins of Susa,
   the capital of ancient Elam.

   "In 1897 an arrangement was completed between the French
   Government and the Shah of Persia by which the former obtained
   the exclusive right of archeological explorations in the
   latter's empire, coupled with certain privileges for the
   exportation of different kinds of antiquities that might be
   unearthed. Soon afterwards, M. J. de Morgan, late director of
   excavations in Egypt, who had made archeological researches in
   the regions east of the Tigris before, was placed at the head
   of a French expedition to Susa, the ancient capital of Elam,
   the upper strata of which had been successfully explored by M.
   Dieulafoy.
{18}
   In the Babylonian cuneiform inscriptions Elam appears as the
   most terrible foe of the Babylonian empire from the earliest
   time: and the name of its capital, Susa, or Shâsha, was
   discovered by the present editor several years ago on a small
   votive object in agate, originally manufactured and inscribed
   in southern Babylonia, in the first half of the third
   pre-christian millennium, several hundred years afterwards
   carried away as part of their spoil by the invading Elamites,
   and in the middle of the fourteenth century B. C. recaptured,
   reinscribed, and presented to the temple of Nippur by King
   Kurigalzu, after his conquest of Susa. It was therefore
   evident that, if the same method of excavating was applied to
   the ruins of Susa as had been applied so successfully by the
   University of Pennsylvania's expedition in Nippur, remarkable
   results would soon be obtained, and amply repay all labor and
   money expended. M. de Morgan, accompanied by some engineers
   and architects, set hopefully to work, cutting his trenches
   more than fifty feet below the ruins of the Achæmenian
   dynasty. The first campaign, 1897-98, was so successful, in
   the discovery of buildings and inscribed antiquities, that in
   October of last year the French government despatched the
   Assyriologist Professor Scheil, in order to decipher the new
   cuneiform documents, and to report on their historical
   bearings.

   "Among the more important finds so far made, but not yet
   published, maybe mentioned over a thousand cuneiform tablets
   of the earlier period, a beautifully preserved obelisk more
   than five feet high, and covered with twelve hundred lines of
   Old Babylonian cuneiform writing. It was inscribed and set up
   by King Manishtusu, who left inscribed vases in Nippur and
   other Babylonian cities. A stele of somewhat smaller size,
   representing a battle in the mountains, testifies to the high
   development of art at that remote period. On the one end it
   bears a mutilated inscription of Narâm-Sin, son of Sargon the
   Great (3800 B. C.); on the other, the name of Shimti-Shilkhak,
   a well-known Elamitic king, and grandfather of the biblical
   Ariokh (Genesis 14). These two monuments were either left in
   Susa by the two Babylonian kings whose names they bear, after
   successful operations against Elam, or they were carried off
   as booty at the time of the great Elamitic invasion, which
   proved so disastrous to the treasure-houses and archives of
   Babylonian cities and temples [see above: BABYLONIA]. The
   latter is more probable to the present writer, who in 1896
   ('Old Babylonian Inscriptions,' Part II, page 33) pointed out,
   in connection with his discussion of the reasons of the
   lamentable condition of Babylonian temple archives, that on
   the whole we shall look in vain for well-preserved large
   monuments in most Babylonian ruins, because about 2280 B. C.
   'that which in the eyes of the national enemies of Babylonia
   appeared most valuable was carried to Susa and other places:
   what did not find favor with them was smashed and scattered on
   Babylonian temple courts.'"

      _Prof. H. V. Hilprecht,
      Oriental Research
      (Sunday School Times, January 28, 1809)._

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Egypt:
   Earlier explorations.

   For some account of earlier archæological explorations in
   Egypt,

      See, in volume 1,
      EGYPT.

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Egypt:
   Results of recent exploration.
   The opening up of prehistoric Egypt.
   The tomb of Mena.
   The funeral temple of Merenptah.
   Single mention of the people of Israel.

   "During all this century in which Egyptian history has been
   studied at first hand, it has been accepted as a sort of axiom
   that the beginnings of things were quite unknown. In the
   epitome of the history which was drawn up under the Greeks to
   make Egypt intelligible to the rest of the world, there were
   three dynasties of kings stated before the time of the great
   pyramid builders; and yet of those it has been commonly said
   that no trace remained. Hence it has been usual to pass them
   by with just a mention as being half fabulous, and then to
   begin real history with Senefern or Khufu (Cheops), the kings
   who stand at the beginning of the fourth dynasty, at about
   4000 B. C. The first discovery to break up this habit of
   thought was when the prehistoric colossal statues of Min, the
   god of the city of Koptos, were found in my excavations in his
   temple. These had carvings in relief upon them wholly
   different from anything known as yet in Egypt, and the
   circumstances pointed to their being earlier than any carvings
   yet found in that country. In the same temple we found also
   statues of sacred animals and pottery which we now know to
   belong to the very beginning of Egyptian history, many
   centuries before the pyramids, and probably about 5000 B. C.
   or earlier.

   "The next step was the finding of a new cemetery and a town of
   the prehistoric people, which we can now date to about 5000 B.
   C., within two or three centuries either way. This place lay
   on the opposite side of the Nile to Koptos—that is to say,
   about 20 miles north of Thebes. At first we were completely
   staggered by a class of objects entirely different from any
   yet known in Egypt. We tried to fit them into every gap in
   Egyptian history, but found that it was impossible to put them
   before 3000 B. C. Later discoveries prove that they are really
   as old as 5000 B. C. They show a very different civilization
   from that of the Egyptians whom we already know—far less
   artistic, but in some respects even more skillful in
   mechanical taste and touch than the historical Egyptians. They
   built brick houses to live in, and buried their dead in small
   chambers sunk in the gravels of the water courses, lined with
   mats, and roofed over with beams. They show several points of
   contact with the early Mediterranean civilization, and appear
   to have been mainly north African tribes of European type.
   Their pottery, in its patterns and painting, shows designs
   which have survived almost unchanged unto the present day
   among the Kabyles of the Algerian Mountains. And one very
   peculiar type of pottery is found spread from Spain to Egypt,
   and indicates a widespread commercial intercourse at that
   remote day. The frequent figures upon the vases of great
   galley ships rowed with oars show that shipping was well
   developed then, and make the evidences of trading between
   different countries easy to be accepted.

{19}

   "An of the above belongs to the age probably before 4700 B.
   C., which is the age given for the first historical king of
   Egypt by the Greek history of Manetho. A keystone of our
   knowledge of the civilization is the identification of the
   tomb of Mena, the first name in Egyptian history, the
   venerated founder of all the long series of hundreds of
   historic kings. This tomb, about 15 miles north of Thebes, was
   found by some Arabs, and shown to Dr. De Morgan, the director
   of the Department of Antiquities. It was a mass of about
   thirty chambers, built of mud brick and earth. Each chamber
   contained a different class of objects, one of stone vases,
   one of stone dishes, one of copper tools, one of water jars,
   etc. And among the things are carvings of lions and vases in
   rock crystal and obsidian, large hard-stone vases, slate
   palettes for grinding paint, pottery vases, and, above all, an
   ivory tablet with relief carvings which show the names of the
   king. Besides this, M. Amelineau has found sixteen tombs of
   this same general character at Abydos, which we can hardly now
   doubt belong to the early kings of the first three dynasties,
   and some four or five have been actually identified with the
   names of these kings in the Greek history. So now instead of
   treating the first three dynasties as half fabulous and saying
   that Egyptian art and civilization begin full blown at 4000 B.
   C., we have the clear and tangible remains of much of these
   early kings back to 4700 B. C., and a stretch of some
   centuries of the prehistoric period with a varied and
   distinctive civilization, well known and quite different from
   anything later, lying before 4700 B. C. To put the earlier
   part of this to 5500 B. C. is certainly no stretch of
   probability. …

   "We now pass entirely from these early times, with their
   fascinating insight into the beginnings of things, long before
   any other human history that we possess, until we reach down
   to what seems quite modern times in the record of Egypt, where
   it comes into contact with the Old Testament history. On
   clearing out the funereal temple of King Merenptah I found in
   that the upper half of a fine colossal statue of his, with all
   the colors still fresh upon it. As this son of Rameses the
   Great is generally believed to be the Pharaoh of the exodus,
   such a fine portrait of him is full of interest. Better even
   than that—I found an immense tablet of black granite over 10
   feet high and 5 feet wide. It had been erected over two
   centuries before and brilliantly carved by an earlier king,
   whose temple was destroyed for materials by Merenptah. He took
   this splendid block and turned its face inward against the
   wall of his temple and carved the back of it with other scenes
   and long inscriptions. Most of it is occupied with the history
   of his vanquishing the Libyans, or North African tribes, who
   were then invading Egypt. But at the end he recounts his
   conquests in Syria, among which occurs the priceless passage:
   'The people of Israel are spoiled; they have no seed.' This is
   the only trace yet found in Egypt of the existence of the
   Israelites, the only mention of the name, and it is several
   centuries earlier than the references to the Israelite and
   Jewish kings in the cuneiform inscriptions of Assyria. "What
   relation this has to our biblical knowledge of the Israelites
   is a wide question, that has several possible answers. Without
   entering on all the openings, I may here state what seems to
   me to be the most probable connection of all the events,
   though I am quite aware that fresh discoveries might easily
   alter our views. It seems that either all the Israelites did
   not go into Egypt or else a part returned and lived in the
   north of Palestine before the exodus that we know, because we
   here find Merenptah defeating Israelites at about 1200 B. C.
   Of his conquest and of those of Rameses III in Palestine there
   are no traces in the biblical accounts, the absence of which
   indicates that the entry into Canaan took place after 1160 B.
   C., the last war of Rameses III. Then the period of the Judges
   is given in a triple record—(l) of the north, (2) of the east
   of the Jordan, (3) of Ephraim and the west; and these three
   accounts are quite distinct and never overlap, though the
   history passes in succession from one to another. Thus the
   whole age of Judges is but little over a century. And to this
   agree the priestly genealogies stretching between the
   tabernacle and temple periods.

   "Leaving now all the monumental age, we come lastly to the
   evidences of the Christian period, preserved in the papyri or
   miscellaneous waste papers left behind in the towns of the
   Roman times. Last winter my friends, Mr. Grenfell and Mr.
   Hunt, cleared out the remains of the town Behnesa, about 110
   miles south of Cairo. There, amid thousands of stray papers,
   documents, rolls, accounts, and all the waste sweepings out of
   the city offices, they found two leaves which are priceless in
   Christian literature—the leaf of Logia, or sayings of Jesus,
   and the leaf of Matthew's Gospel. The leaf of the Logia is
   already so widely known that it is needless for me to describe
   it. … The leaf of Matthew's Gospel is of great interest in the
   literary history of the Gospels. Hitherto we have had no
   manuscripts older than the second great ecclesiastical
   settlement under Theodosius. Now we have a piece two ages
   earlier—before the first settlement of things under
   Constantine at the council of Nicea. Here, in the middle of
   the third century, we find that the beginning of the Gospel,
   the most artificial, and probably the latest, part, the
   introductory genealogy and account of the Nativity, was
   exactly in its present form. This gives us the greatest
   confidence that the Gospel as we have it dates from the time
   of the great persecutions. Such are some of the astonishing
   and far-reaching results that Egypt has given us within three
   years past."

      _W. M. Flinders Petrie,
      Recent Research in Egypt
      (Sunday School Times, February 19, 1898.)_

   In a later article, contributed to the "Popular Science
   Monthly," Professor Petrie has described more fully the
   results of recent exploration in Egypt, especially with
   reference to the discovery and study of prehistoric remains.
   The following are passages from the article: "The great stride
   that has been made in the last six years is the opening up of
   prehistoric Egypt, leading us back some 2000 years before the
   time of the pyramid builders. Till recently nothing was known
   before the age of the finest art and the greatest buildings,
   and it was a familiar puzzle how such a grand civilization
   could have left no traces of its rise. This was only a case of
   blindness on the part of explorers. Upper Egypt teems with
   prehistoric remains, but, as most of what appears is dug up by
   plunderers for the market, until there is a demand for a class
   of objects, very little is seen of them. Now that the
   prehistoric has become fashionable, it is everywhere to be
   seen. The earlier diggers were dazzled by the polished
   colossi, the massive buildings, the brilliant sculptures of
   the well-known historic times, and they had no eyes for small
   graves, containing only a few jars or, at best, a flint knife.

{20}

   "The present position of the prehistory of Egypt is that we
   can now distinguish two separate cultures before the beginning
   of the Egyptian dynasties, and we can clearly trace a sequence
   of manufactures and art throughout long ages before the pyramid
   builders, or from say 6000 B. C., giving a continuous history
   of 8000 years for man in Egypt. Continuous I say advisedly,
   for some of the prehistoric ways are those kept up to the
   present time. In the earliest stages of this prehistoric
   culture metal was already used and pottery made. Why no ruder
   stages are found is perhaps explained by the fact that the
   alluvial deposits of the Nile do not seem to be much older
   than 8000 years. The rate of deposit is well known—very
   closely one metre in a thousand years—and borings show only
   eight metres thick of Nile mud in the valley. Before that the
   country had enough rain to keep up the volume of the river,
   and it did not drop its mud. It must have run as a rapid
   stream through a barren land of sand and stones, which could
   not support any population except paleolithic hunters. With
   the further drying of the climate, the river lost so much
   velocity that its mud was deposited, and the fertile mud flats
   made cultivation and a higher civilization possible. At this
   point a people already using copper came into the country. …

   "The second prehistoric civilization seems to have belonged to
   a people kindred to that of the first age, as much of the
   pottery continued unchanged, and only gradually faded away.
   But a new style arose of a hard, buff pottery, painted with
   patterns and subjects in red outline. Ships are represented
   with cabins on them, and rowed by a long bank of oars. The use
   of copper became more general, and gold and silver appear
   also. … Though this civilization was in many respects higher
   than that which preceded it, yet it was lower artistically,
   the figures being ruder and always flat, instead of in the
   round. …

   "The separation of these two different ages has been entirely
   reached by the classification of many hundreds of tombs, the
   original order of which could be traced by the relation of
   their contents. … The material for this study has come
   entirely from excavations of my own party at Nagada (1895),
   Abadiyeh, and Hu (1899); but great numbers of tombs of these
   same ages have been opened without record by Dr. de Morgan
   (1896-1897), and by French and Arab speculators in
   antiquities. The connection between these prehistoric ages and
   the early historic times of the dynastic kings of Egypt is yet
   obscure. The cemeteries which would have cleared this have
   unhappily been looted in the last few years without any
   record, and it is only the chance of some new discoveries that
   can be looked to for filling up the history.

   "We can at least say that the pottery of the early kings is
   clearly derived from the later prehistoric types, and that
   much of the civilization was in common. But it is clear that
   the second prehistoric civilization was degrading and losing
   its artistic taste for fine work before the new wave of the
   dynastic or historic Egyptians came in upon it. These early
   historic people are mainly known by the remains of the tombs
   of the early kings, found by M. Amelineau at Abydos
   (1896-1899), and probably the first stage of the same race is
   seen in the rude colossi of the god Min, which I found at
   Koptos (1894). … In these great discoveries of the last few
   years we can trace at least three successive peoples, and see
   the gradual rise of the arts, from the man who was buried in
   his goat skins, with one plain cup by him, up to the king who
   built great monuments and was surrounded by most sumptuous
   handiwork. We see the rise of the art of exquisite flint
   flaking, and the decline of that as copper came more commonly
   into use. We see at first the use of signs, later on disused
   by a second race, and then superseded by the elaborate
   hieroglyph system of the dynastic race. …

   "Turning now to the purely classical Egyptian work, the
   principal discoveries of the last few years have given us new
   leading examples in every line. The great copper statue of
   King Pepy, with his son, dates from before 3000 B. C. It is
   over life size, and entirely wrought in hammered copper,
   showing a complete mastery in metal work of the highest
   artistic power. … Many of the royal temples of the 19th
   dynasty at Thebes were explored by the English in 1896. The
   Ramesseum was completely examined, through all the maze of
   stone chambers around it. But the most important result was
   the magnificent tablet of black granite, about 10 feet high
   and 5 wide, covered on one side with an inscription of Amen
   Hotep III, and on the other side with an inscription of
   Merenptah. The latter account, of about 1200 B. C., mentions
   the war with the 'People of Israel'; this is the only naming
   of Israel on Egyptian records, and is several centuries
   earlier than any Assyrian record of the Hebrews. …

   "One of the most important results of historical Egyptian
   times is the light thrown on prehistoric Greek ages. The
   pottery known as 'Mykenæan' since the discoveries of
   Schliemann in the Peloponnesus was first dated in Egypt at
   Gurob in 1889; next were found hundreds of vase fragments at
   Tell el Amarna in 1892; and since then several Egyptian kings'
   names have been found on objects in Greece, along with such
   pottery. The whole of this evidence shows that the grand age
   of prehistoric Greece, which can well compare with the art of
   classical Greece, began about 1600 B. C., was at its highest
   point about 1400 B. C., and became decadent about 1200 B. C.,
   before its overthrow by the Dorian invasion. Besides this
   dating, Greece is indebted to Egypt for the preservation of
   the oldest texts of its classics."

      _W. M. Flinders Petrie,
      Recent Years of Egyptian Exploration
      (Appleton's Popular Science Monthly, April, 1900)._

   Still later, in an address at the annual meeting of the Egypt
   Exploration Fund, November 7, 1900, Professor Petrie summed up
   with succinctness the gains to our knowledge of early man from
   the later researches in Egypt. "How many controversies," he
   said, "had waged over Manetho! And now from the Royal tombs of
   Abydos we had seen and handled this summer the drinking bowls and
   furniture of the Kings of the first dynasty, even the property
   of Menes himself, the first King of United Egypt. The early
   Kings, whom we had scarcely believed in, even Mena who had
   been proclaimed a mythical version of the Cretan Minos and the
   Indian Manu, came now before us as real and as familiarly as
   the Kings of the 30th dynasty or of Saxon England; and never
   before had so remote a period been brought so completely
   before us as it had been in the work this year at Abydos.
{21}
   And how did Manetho and the State history of Seti bear the
   test? Five Kings we could already identify out of the eight
   recorded for the first dynasty. Those five are proved to have
   been recorded in their correct order, although the time of the
   first dynasty was so remote from even that of Seti that all
   the names had become slightly altered by transmission. It was
   to be remembered that the first dynasty was older to Seti than
   the Exodus was to us. Now that we were no longer afraid of our
   own rashness in assigning anything to a date before the fourth
   dynasty, and could deal with the earliest periods back to the
   first entry of agricultural man into Egypt, we could see more
   of the perspective of history. We saw palæolithic man
   scattering his massive flint weapons until the age of Nile mud
   (beginning about 7000 B. C.) made agriculture possible, and a
   Caucasian race ousted the palæolithic folks, whose portraits
   were left us in the figures found in the earliest graves. We
   saw this oldest race of man to have been of the Hottentot
   type, but even more hairy than the Hottentot, with the traces
   of his original Northern habitation not yet wiped off by
   tropical suns. Then we saw a rapidly rising civilization
   already knowing metals linked with the modern Kabyle both by
   bodily formation and by existing products. Next after some
   dozen generations we could trace strong Eastern or Semitic
   influence, which carried on this civilization to a higher
   point in many respects; and then decay set in and the first
   cycle that we could trace was completed. The next cycle began
   with the entry of the dynastic race from the Red Sea,
   possessing the elements of hieroglyphic writing and far more
   artistic sense and power than the earlier people. In some
   three or four centuries they had gradually conquered and
   invaded all the races scattered through Egypt—long-haired,
   short-haired, bearded and unbearded, clothed and unclothed;
   and the first King of all Egypt, who founded his new capital
   at the mouth of the valley, was Mena. The era of consolidation
   which preceded him was stated by Manetho as the dynasty of ten
   Kings of Abydos, who reigned for 300 years; it was a time of
   rapidly increasing civilization, during which most of the main
   features of Egyptian language, life, and art were stamped for
   5,000 years to come. From the Royal tombs of Abydos we could
   see now how this art rose to its finest age in the middle of
   the first dynasty, and was decaying and becoming cheaper and
   more common by the end of that time. Probably we should see
   that this cycle was fading when some new impetus gave birth to
   the colossal ages of the pyramid builders. That grand period
   we now see to have been the third cycle of civilization and
   art, which was renewed again and again until we might see in
   the brilliance of the Fatimite dynasty the seventh of the
   great eras of Egypt. Such was the wider aspect of human
   history which the work solely of English exploration in Egypt
   now put before us. It might be safely said that there had
   never been a greater extension of knowledge of man's past in
   any decade than the discoveries of the last five years had
   unfolded. Details yet awaited us, but the main lines were all
   marked out, and their work of the future was to complete the
   picture of which we now had the full extent before us. What,
   now, would occupy the coming winter was the exploration of the
   remaining Royal tombs."

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Egypt:
   Discovery of a fragment of the Logia, or Sayings of Jesus.

   During the winter of 1896-1897, Messrs. Bernard P. Grenfell
   and Arthur S. Hunt conducted excavations for the Egypt
   Exploration Fund on the site of Oxyrhynchus, which was a
   flourishing city in the time of Roman rule in Egypt. Large
   quantities of papyri were found in the rubbish heaps of the
   town, and among them one fragment of special and remarkable
   interest,—as thus described by the discoverers, in a brief
   report, entitled "Sayings of Our Lord," published by the Egypt
   Exploration Fund in 1897: "The document in question is a leaf
   from a papyrus book containing a collection of Logia or
   Sayings of our Lord, of which some, though presenting several
   novel features, are familiar, others are wholly new. It was
   found at the very beginning of our work upon the town, in a
   mound which produced a great number of papyri belonging to the
   first three centuries of our era, those in the immediate
   vicinity of our fragment belonging to the second and third
   centuries. This fact, together with the evidence of the
   handwriting, which has a characteristically Roman aspect,
   fixes with certainty 300 A. D. as the lowest limit for the
   date at which the papyrus was written. The general
   probabilities of the case, the presence of the usual
   contractions found in biblical MSS., and the fact that the
   papyrus was in book, not roll, form, put the first century out
   of the question, and made the first half of the second
   unlikely. The date therefore probably falls within the period
   150-300 A. D. More than that cannot be said with any approach
   to certainty. … The fragment measures 5¾X3¾ inches, but its
   height was originally somewhat greater, as it is unfortunately
   broken at the bottom."

   The following is a translation of the fragmentary sayings
   inscribed on the leaf:

   "… and then shalt thou see clearly to cast out the mote that
   is in thy brother's eye."

   "Jesus saith, Except ye fast to the world, ye shall in no wise
   find the kingdom of God; and except ye keep the sabbath, ye
   shall not see the Father."

   "Jesus saith, I stood in the midst of the world, and in the
   flesh was I seen of them, and I found all men drunken, and
   none found I athirst among them, and my soul grieveth over the
   sons of men, because they are blind in their heart. …"

   "Jesus saith, Wherever there are … and there is one … alone, I
   am with him. Raise the stone and there thou shalt find me,
   cleave the wood and there am I."

   "Jesus saith, A prophet is not acceptable in his own country,
   neither doth a physician work cures upon them that know him."

   "Jesus saith, A city built upon the top of a high hill, and
   stablished, can neither fall nor be hid."

{22}

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH:Egypt:
   New discoveries in the tombs of the Valley of the Kings.

   In the Valley of the Kings, which extends along the west bank
   of the Nile, in the Libyan Mountains, opposite Luxor, M.
   Loret, director of the Egyptian explorations, discovered in
   1898 the tombs of Thutmosis III. and Amenophis II., and in the
   following year made the more important discovery of the tomb of
   Thutmosis I., "the real founder of the eighteenth dynasty, who
   made Egypt one of the great empires of the ancient world."
   Professor Steindorf of the University of Leipsic, writing of
   this discovery to Professor Hilprecht of the University of
   Pennsylvania, remarked that its special importance "lies in
   the fact that Thutmosis I, the earliest king of the eighteenth
   dynasty, was also the first ruler to depart from the ancient
   custom of the Pharaohs, that of building in the desert lowland
   pyramidal tombs. For himself he had a tomb hewn out of rock in
   the mountains. His predecessor, Amenophis I, according to
   custom, built his tomb in the plain, near the present site of
   Drah-abul-negge, as we know from written records. Thutmosis I,
   on the contrary, chose for his last dwelling-place the lonely
   and majestic valley in the Libyan Mountains. For centuries the
   Pharaohs followed his example, and during the eighteenth,
   nineteenth, and twentieth dynasties were built those
   magnificent sepulchers which in Roman times were still among
   the greatest curiosities of ancient Thebes. …

   "Chief among the articles that Mr. Loret found in the tomb is
   a remarkably well-preserved papyrus containing texts from the
   Book of the Dead, with colored pictures finely executed; also
   a chest in which were kept a draught-board, with a full set of
   draughtmen, and some garlands; likewise fruit, food, poultry,
   and beef. The last-mentioned articles, being intended for the
   sustenance of the dead, each one was wrapped in linen and
   enclosed in a wooden case, exactly corresponding to its form.
   Thirteen large earthen beer jars, most of which, with their
   seals, stood there unmarred, and a large number of other
   vessels, had contained the beverages necessary for the
   refreshment of the dead. Weapons, among others two
   artistically wrought leathern quivers containing arrows, and
   two beautiful armchairs, completed this strange stock of
   equipments. The most remarkable piece of all is a large and
   beautifully preserved couch, the like of which has never been
   found in any other tomb. It consists of a quadrangular wooden
   frame, overspread with a thick rush mat, and over this were
   stretched three layers of linen with a life-size figure of the
   god of death, Osiris, drawn upon the outer layer. The figure
   itself was smeared with some material intended to make the
   under layer waterproof. Over this, mingled with some adhesive
   substance, soil had been spread, in which barley was planted.
   The grains had sprouted, and had grown to the height of from
   two and a half to three inches. The whole, therefore,
   represented a couch whereon the dead Osiris lay figured in
   greensward. Verily, a striking poetical idea, the resurrection
   of the dead symbolized by the picture of the barley springing
   up. The whole tomb, with its numerous equipments, furnishes a
   very important contribution to the history of the methods of
   burial among the ancient Egyptians."

      _Sunday School Times,
      July 8, 1899._

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Egypt:
   Fall of eleven columns of the great temple at Karnak.

   "From Professor Georg Steindorff, of the University of
   Leipsic, comes the following: 'In the covered colonnade of the
   great temple at Karnak extensive restorations have lately been
   undertaken, rendered necessary by a most deplorable accident,
   which, about a year ago, befell this grandest of all Egyptian
   edifices. It occurred on the morning of October 3, 1899, in
   the colonnade which was built by Ramses I, Sethos I, and
   Ramses II, and which is doubtless familiar to all in
   engravings and photographs. In the northeastern part of this
   structure as many as eleven immense columns fell, and were
   totally wrecked, while several others are leaning over so that
   they might fall at any time. By this event the magnificent
   structure has been utterly ruined, and it now presents a
   dreary aspect. The cause of this catastrophe has not been
   definitely ascertained. The first thought was of an
   earthquake, but nothing of the sort was experienced elsewhere
   in Egypt on the morning of the day above mentioned. It is more
   likely that during the thirty-two hundred years of the
   building's existence, the material used in its construction
   had greatly deteriorated, and that this fact increased the
   possibility of a collapse. Then, also, in the main hall during
   recent years, the work of excavation and restoration was carried
   on with little regard for the dilapidated condition of the
   temple, which was weakened rather than strengthened by this
   work. But especially for the last four years, during the
   inundation of the Nile, the hall, by artificial means, has
   been flooded in order to extract and remove the salt which had
   formed. By this periodical flooding and drying of the ground
   the foundations have been very badly damaged. This, according
   to Dr. Borchardt, is the prime cause of the ruin. First the
   ground gave way under a column, which then toppled, and, in
   falling, brought down the others with it.

   "We must recognize the zeal with which the Egyptian
   Government, especially the department of Egyptian Antiquities,
   with its Director-General, Professor Maspero, came to the
   rescue of the ill-fated edifice. To prevent further
   catastrophe, they first proceeded to remove the architraves
   from five of the endangered columns, and to reduce the height
   of the columns to about twenty feet. This was accomplished by
   filling with sand that portion of the hall in which the
   columns stood, and then rolling the separate parts down the
   inclined plane formed by the sand. The north portion of the
   pylon terminating the colonnade toward the east—that is,
   toward the Nile—had badly suffered by the disaster. There were
   cracks in it so large as to cause the fear that it might some
   day collapse. After prompt and thorough work this danger also
   was obviated. Later on the ruins of the eleven fallen columns
   are to be removed, and the foundations of the hall examined.
   Then everything possible will be done to make the ground
   solid, and the attempt will be made to erect again the ruined
   columns. But whether the beautiful colonnade will ever resume
   its former appearance, whether it will ever again make upon
   the visitor such an overpowering impression as formerly, may
   well be a matter of serious doubt. Ancient Thebes has lost one
   of its most beautiful monuments.'"

      _Sunday School Times,
      December 1, 1900._

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Egypt:
   Discovery of the Serapeion at Alexandria.

   "The excavations by Dr. Botti, the Director of the Alexandrian
   Museum, in the neighborhood of Pompey's Pillar, have resulted
   in the discovery of the Serapeion, where the last of the great
   libraries of Alexandria was preserved. An elaborate account of
   his researches, with an admirable plan, has been given by the
   discoverer in a memoir on 'L'Acropole d'Alexandrie et le
   Sérapeum,' presented to the Archæological Society of
   Alexandria. … Dr. Botti was first led to make his explorations
   by a passage in the orator Aphthonios, who visited Alexandria
   about A. D. 315."

      _American Journal of Archœology,
      January-arch, 1896._

{23}

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Crete:
   Recent explorations.
   Supposed discovery of the Palace of Minos
   and the Cretan Labyrinth.
   Fresh light on prehistoric Greece
   and the origin of the alphabet.

   Results of extraordinary importance have been already obtained
   from explorations in Crete, carried on during 1899 and 1900 by
   the British School at Athens, under the direction of Mr. D. G.
   Hogarth, and by Mr. Arthur J. Evans, of the Ashmolean Museum,
   working with the aid of a small Cretan Exploration Fund,
   raised in England. The excavations of both parties were
   carried on at Knossos, but the latter was the most fortunate,
   having opened the site of a prehistoric palace which is
   yielding remarkable revelations of the legendary age in Crete.
   In a communication to the "London Times" of October 31, 1900,
   Mr. Evans gave the following account of the results so far as
   then obtained:

   "The discoveries made at Knossos throw into the shade all the
   other exploratory campaigns of last season in the Eastern
   Mediterranean, by whatever nationality conducted. It is not
   too much to say that the materials already gathered have
   revolutionized our knowledge of prehistoric Greece, and that
   to find even an approach to the results obtained we must go
   back to Schliemann's great discovery of the Royal tombs at
   Mycenae. The prehistoric site, of which some two acres have
   now been uncovered at Knossos, proves to contain a palace
   beside which those of Tiryns and Mycenae sink into
   insignificance. By an unhoped-for piece of good fortune the
   site, though in the immediate neighbourhood of the greatest
   civic centres of the island in ancient, medieval, and modern
   times, had remained practically untouched for over 3,000
   years. At but a very slight depth below the surface of the
   ground the spade has uncovered great courts and corridors,
   propylaea, a long succession of magazines containing gigantic
   store jars that might have hidden the Forty Thieves, and a
   multiplicity of chambers, pre-eminent among which is the
   actual throne-room and council-chamber of Homeric kings. The
   throne itself, on which (if so much faith be permitted to us)
   Minos may have declared the law, is carved out of alabaster,
   once brilliant with coloured designs and relieved with curious
   tracery and crocketed arcading which is wholly unique in
   ancient art and exhibits a strange anticipation of 13th
   century Gothic. In the throne-room, the western entrance
   gallery, and elsewhere, partly still adhering to the walls,
   partly in detached pieces on the floors, was a series of
   fresco paintings, excelling any known examples of the art in
   Mycenaean Greece. A beautiful life-size painting of a youth,
   with a European and almost classically Greek profile, gives us
   the first real knowledge of the race who produced this
   mysterious early civilization. Other frescoes introduce us to
   a lively and hitherto unknown miniature style, representing,
   among other subjects, groups of women engaged in animated
   conversation in the courts and on the balconies of the Palace.
   The monuments of the sculptor's art are equally striking. It
   may be sufficient to mention here a marble fountain in the
   shape of a lioness's head with enamelled eyes, fragments of a
   frieze with beautifully cut rosettes, superior in its kind to
   anything known from Mycenae; an alabaster vase
   naturalistically copied from a Triton shell; a porphyry lamp
   with graceful foliation supported on an Egyptianising lotus
   column. The head and parts of the body of a magnificent
   painted relief of a bull in gesso duro are unsurpassed for
   vitality and strength.

   "It is impossible here to refer more than incidentally to the
   new evidence of intercourse between Crete and Egypt at a very
   remote period supplied by the Palace finds of Knossos. It may
   be mentioned, however, as showing the extreme antiquity of the
   earlier elements of the building that in the great Eastern
   Court was found an Egyptian seated figure of diorite, broken
   above, which can be approximately dated about 2000 B. C. Below
   this again extends a vast Stone Age settlement which forms a
   deposit in some places 24 ft. in thickness.

   "Neither is it possible here to dwell on the new indications
   supplied by some of the discoveries in the 'House of Minos' as
   to the cult and religious beliefs of its occupants. It must be
   sufficient to observe that one of the miniature frescoes found
   represents the façade of a Mycenaean shrine and that the
   Palace itself seems to have been a sanctuary of the Cretan God
   of the Double Axe, as well as a dwelling place of prehistoric
   kings. There can be little remaining doubt that this huge
   building with its maze of corridors and tortuous passages, its
   medley of small chambers, its long succession of magazines
   with their blind endings, was in fact the Labyrinth of later
   tradition which supplied a local habitation for the Minotaur
   of grisly fame. The great figures of bulls in fresco and
   relief that adorned the walls, the harem scenes of some of the
   frescoes, the corner stones and pillars marked with the labrys
   or double axe—the emblem of the Cretan Zeus, explaining the
   derivation of the name 'Labyrinth' itself—are so many details
   which all conspire to bear out this identification. In the
   Palace-shrine of Knossos there stands at last revealed to us
   the spacious structure which the skill of Daedalus is said to
   have imitated from the great Egyptian building on the shore of
   Lake Moeris, and with it some part at least of his fabled
   masterpieces still clinging to the walls.

   "But, brilliant as are the illustrations thus recovered of the
   high early civilization of the City of Minos and of the
   substantial truth of early tradition, they are almost thrown
   into the shade by a discovery which carries back the existence
   of written documents in the Hellenic lands some seven
   centuries beyond the first known monuments of the historic
   Greek writing. In the chambers and magazines of the Palace
   there came to light a series of deposits of clay tablets, in
   form somewhat analogous to the Babylonian, but inscribed with
   characters in two distinct types of indigenous prehistoric
   script—one hieroglyphic or quasi-pictorial, the other linear.
   The existence of a hieroglyphic script in the island had been
   already the theme of some earlier researches by the explorer
   of the Palace, based on the more limited material supplied by
   groups of signs on a class of Cretan seal-stones, and the
   ample corroboration of the conclusions arrived at was,
   therefore, the more satisfactory. These Cretan hieroglyphs
   will be found to have a special importance in their bearing on
   the origin of the Phoenician alphabet.

{24}

   "But the great bulk of the tablets belonged to the linear
   class, exhibiting an elegant and much more highly-developed
   form of script, with letters of an upright and singularly
   European aspect. The inscriptions, over 1,000 of which were
   collected, were originally contained in coffers of clay, wood,
   and gypsum, which had been in turn secured by clay seals
   impressed with finely-engraved signets and counter-marked and
   counter-signed by controlling officials in the same script
   while the clay was still wet. The clay documents themselves
   are, beyond doubt, the Palace archives. Many relate to
   accounts concerning the Royal Arsenal, stores, and treasures.
   Others, perhaps, like the contemporary cuneiform tablets,
   refer to contracts or correspondence. The problems attaching
   to the decipherment of these clay records are of enthralling
   interest, and we have here locked up for us materials which
   may some day enlarge the bounds of history."

   In an earlier communication to "The Times" (September 15), Mr.
   Evans had explained more distinctly the importance of the clay
   tablets found at Knossos, as throwing light on the origin of
   the alphabet: "In my excavation of the pre-historic Palace at
   Knossos," he wrote, "I came upon a series of deposits of clay
   tablets, representing the Royal archives, the inscriptions on
   which belong to two distinct systems of writing—one
   hieroglyphic and quasi-pictorial; the other for the most part
   linear and much more highly developed. Of these the
   hieroglyphic class especially presents a series of forms
   answering to what, according to the names of the Phoenician
   letters, we must suppose to have been the original pictorial
   designs from which these, too, were derived. A series of
   conjectural reconstructions of the originals of the Phoenician
   letters on this line were in fact drawn out by my father, Sir
   John Evans, for a lecture on the origin of the alphabet given
   at the Royal Institution in 1872, and it may be said that
   two-thirds of these resemble almost line for line actual forms
   of Cretan hieroglyphics. The oxhead (Aleph), the house (Beth),
   the window (He), the peg (Vau), the fence (Cheth), the hand
   (Yod) seen sideways, and the open palm (Kaph), the fish (Nun),
   the post or trunk (Samekh), the eye (Ain), the mouth, (Pe),
   the teeth (Shin), the cross-sign (Tau), not to speak of
   several other probable examples, are all literally reproduced.

   "The analogy thus supplied is indeed overwhelming. It is
   impossible to believe that, while on one side of the East
   Mediterranean basin these alphabetic prototypes were naturally
   evolving themselves, the people of the opposite shore were
   arriving at the same result by a complicated process of
   selection and transformation of a series of hieratic Egyptian
   signs derived from quite different objects. The analogy with
   the Cretan hieroglyphic forms certainly weighs strongly in
   favour of the simple and natural explanation of the origin of
   the Phoenician letters which was held from the time of
   Gesenius onwards, and was only disturbed by the extremely
   ingenious, though over-elaborate, theory of De Rougé."

   At the annual meeting of the subscribers to the British School
   at Athens, held in London, October 30, 1900, Mr. Hogarth, the
   Director, spoke with great enthusiasm of the significance of
   the Cretan discoveries already made, and of the promise of
   enlarged knowledge which they gave. He said: "The discovery
   made 25 years ago [by Schliemann] that no barbarians, but
   possessors of a very high and individual culture, preceded the
   Hellenic period in Greece—a culture which could not but have
   affected the Hellenic—had been developed in various ways
   since. It had been established that this culture had had a
   very long existence and development; it covered completely a
   large geographical area; it developed various local
   characteristics in art production which seemed to be gathered
   again into one by the typical art of Mycenae. But the most
   important historical points remained obscure. Where was the
   original home of this new civilization; what family did the
   race or races belong to; of what speech were they and what
   religions; what was the history of their societies and art
   during their dominance, and what became of them after? Neither
   mainland Greece nor the Aegean islands answered these. But
   there were two unknown quantities, Crete and Asia Minor, with
   Rhodes. One of these we have now attacked. Crete by its great
   size and natural wealth, its position, and its mythologic fame
   was bound to inform us of much. It is too early to say that
   the questions will all be answered by Crete, but already we
   have much light. The discovery of written documents and of
   shrines has told us more than any other evidence of the origin
   and family. The Knossos frescoes show us the racial type; the
   Dictaean, Cave, and Knossos houses illuminate the religion.
   New arts have been discovered, and the relation to Egypt and
   Asia are already far better understood. It remains now to find
   the early tombs, and clear the lower stratum of the Palace
   ruins at Knossos, to know more of the earliest Cretan race, to
   explore the cast or 'Eteocretan' end of the island, to obtain
   light on the language and relations to Egypt and Asia, and to
   investigate the 'Geometric' period, which is the transition to
   the Hellenic."

   Commenting in another place on the discoveries in Crete, Mr.
   Hogarth has pointed out their effect in modifying the ideas
   heretofore entertained of the importance of Phoenician
   influence in the rise of European civilization. "For many
   years now," he writes, "we have had before our eyes two
   standing protests against the traditional claim of Phoenicia
   to originate European civilization, and those protests come
   from two regions which Phoenician influence, travelling west,
   ought first to have affected, namely, Cyprus and Asia Minor.
   In both these regions exist remains of early systems of
   writing which are clearly not of Phoenician descent. Both the
   Cypriote syllabic script and the 'Hittite' symbols must have
   been firmly rooted in their homes before ever the convenient
   alphabet of Sidon and Tyre was known there. And now, since Mr.
   Evans has demonstrated the existence of two non-Phoenician
   systems of writing in Crete also, the use of one of which has
   been proved to extend to the Cyclades and the mainland of
   Greece, it has become evident that we have to deal in
   south-eastern Europe, as well as in Cyprus or Asia Minor, with
   a non-Phoenician influence of civilization which, since it
   could originate that greatest of achievements, a local script,
   was quite powerful enough to account by itself also for the
   local art.

{25}

   "Those who continue to advocate the Phoenician claim do not
   seem sufficiently to realize that nowadays they have to take
   account neither only of the Homeric age nor only of even half
   a millennium before Homer, but of an almost geologic
   antiquity. Far into the third millennium B. C. at the very
   least, and more probably much earlier still, there was a
   civilization in the Aegean and on the Greek mainland which,
   while it contracted many debts to the East and to Egypt, was
   able to assimilate all that it borrowed, and to reissue it in
   an individual form, expressed in products which are not of the
   same character with those of any Eastern civilization that we
   know."

      _D. G. Hogarth,
      Authority and Archaeology Sacred and Profane,
      part 2, pages 237-238
      (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons)._

   "During the past season, Evans, discoverer of the now famous
   early Cretan systems of writing, Halbherr and other Italians,
   as well as the French, have been proving what was already
   foreshadowed, that in Crete we find in its purest form and in
   all its historic and racial phases that Mediterranean
   civilization,—Pelasgic and Achæan,—that culminated in Tiryns
   and Mykenae. We now see that Homer sings of the closing years
   of a culture that dates back of the 'Trojan 'War' at least for
   fifteen hundred years. Crete is found to be covered with
   ruined Pelasgic cities, surrounded by gigantic polygonal
   walls, crowned by acropoli, adorned with royal palaces,
   defended by forts, connected by artificial highways, and with
   necropoli of vaulted tombs like those discovered by Schliemann
   at Mykenae. Already the royal palaces and libraries are being
   unearthed at Cnossos and 'Goulâs' with sculptures and
   decoration of the most novel description and early date. A
   literature in an unknown tongue and in undeciphered scripts is
   being found, to puzzle scholars as much perhaps as the Hittite
   and Etruscan languages. Some day these 'Pelasgic' documents
   will disclose the secrets of a neglected civilization and fill
   up the gap between early Eastern and Hellenic cultures."

      _A. L. Frothingham, Jr.,
      Archæological Progress
      (International Monthly, December, 1900)._

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: India:
   Discovery of the birthplace, tomb and relics of Gautama Buddha,

      See (in this volume)
      BUDDHA.

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Troy:
   Later researches on the site.

   "Dr. Doerpfeld finished in 1894 the exploration which he had
   begun in 1893 on the site of the excavations of Schliemann at
   Hissarlik (Troia). It appears to be established that
   Schliemann, carried away by his zeal, had overlooked the very
   end which he wished to attain, and that the burnt city, which
   he thought to be the real Troia, is a more ancient foundation
   going back beyond the year 2000 B. C. M. Doerpfeld discerned,
   in one of the layers of ruins (discovered but disregarded by
   Schliemann), a city which must be the Ilios of Priam
   contemporaneous with the Mykenai of Agamemnon; he removed the
   surrounding walls, the towers, and some of the houses that
   filled it. It is to be understood that this little acropolis,
   analogous to that of Tiryns, is not the whole of the city but
   simply its citadel, which Homer called 'Pergamos.' It was
   surrounded, lower down, by a city reserved for the habitation
   of the common people, some traces of which also have been
   found."

      _American Journal of Archœology, 1896._

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Italy:
   Excavations at Antemnæ disclose what early Rome
   was probably like.

   "We can show what the earliest Rome was, the Rome of Romulus
   on the Palatine, and how it grew to be the City of the Seven
   Hills. The City itself, crowded with the wrecks of twenty-five
   centuries, preserves to-day few memorials of its earliest age;
   but excavations made on two sites, one close to Rome, one a
   little further north in Etruria, explain the process very
   clearly. The traveller who approaches Rome by the Via Salaria
   sees, just where Tiber and Anio join, a modern fort on an
   isolated rock. Here was Antemnae, destroyed (according to
   legend) by Roman jealousy very soon after Rome itself was
   founded. The legend seems to be true, at least in substance.
   On this hilltop excavations have shown a little village within
   a wall of stone: it had its temple and senate-house, its
   water-cistern, and square huts, thatched or timbered, for
   dwelling-houses. The relics found there shew that the site was
   abandoned, never to be again inhabited, about the time at
   which the legend fixes the fall of Antemnae. Here we have
   Rome's earliest rival. From the rival we may guess what the
   earliest Rome was like on the Palatine rock, and what all the
   little Italian towns were in their infancy."

      _F. Haverfield,
      Authority and Archaeology Sacred and Profane,
      part 2, pages 302-303
      (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons)._

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Italy:
   The Etruscans.

   "During the decade which is now ending, archaeology has thrown
   some light on this strange people. Researches in North Italy
   prove that it never entered the Peninsula from the north.
   Researches in Etruria itself prove that the earliest Etruscan
   civilization resembled that which prevailed in the Eastern
   Mediterranean in the last days of the Aegean period. After
   all, the old legends were right. The ancients told how the
   Etruscans came from the east: archaeological evidence is now
   accumulating to confirm the legends. Precisely when they came
   or why is still obscure, nor can we identify them yet with any
   special tribe in pre-historic Greece, Pelasgian or other.
   Probably they were driven from their old homes, like the
   Phoenicians who built Carthage and the Phocaeans who built
   Marseilles."

      _F. Haverfield,
      Authority and Archaeology Sacred and Profane,
      part 2, page 305
      (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons)._

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Italy:
   Sunken Roman vessels in Lake Nemi.

   "A discovery during 1895 which made a great sensation
   throughout Italy, was that of the famous Roman vessels which
   had been sunk for so many centuries at the bottom of Lake
   Nemi, the existence of which has been known or suspected ever
   since the fifteenth century, notwithstanding many sceptics."

      _American Journal of Archœology
      July-September, 1896._

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Syria:
   Ruined cities of the Roman Province.

   An important exploration of ruined cities in the old Roman
   provinces of Syria and Arabia was conducted by an American
   archæological expedition organized in 1899. Mr. Howard Crosby
   Butler, of Princeton, was in charge of the studies made in
   architecture, sculpture and archæological matters generally;
   Professor William K. Prentice devoted attention to classical
   inscriptions, of which a great number were found, while
   Semitic inscriptions were the subjects of the study of Dr.
   Enno Littmann, of the University of Halle. The ruins of
   thirty-three cities, nearly all of them evident places of
   large population in their day, were visited in regions now too
   bare of productive soil to support even the small nomadic
   population of the present day. "The desert conditions have
   preserved the cities intact as they stood at the time when
   they appear to have been abandoned, in the beginning of the
   seventh century." Some account of the expedition and its work
   is given in the "New York Tribune" of February 3, 1901.

   ----------ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: End--------

{26}

ARCTIC EXPLORATION, Recent.

      See (in this volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION.

   ----------ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: Start--------

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1895.
   Census.

   "According to the census, the number of persons in the
   Argentine Republic on May 10, 1895, was 4,042,990; the
   estimated number of Argentines outside the boundaries of the
   Republic on that day is placed at 50,000, thus making the
   total population 4,092,990." Of this population 663,854 is in
   the city of Buenos Ayres. "The increase in the population
   between September 15, 1869 (the last census), and May 10, 1895
   (the date on which the present census was taken), has been
   2,218,776, equivalent to an increase of 120 per cent, or an
   annual increase of 4.6 per cent. The urban population of the
   Republic has increased 1,045,944. … It is estimated that there
   are 345,393 foreigners in the city of Buenos Ayres, and that
   the total number of foreigners in the Republic is about
   1,000,000. … Among the Argentine portion of the population,
   the females exceed the males in number, while it is estimated
   that two-thirds of the foreign population are males."

      _United States Consular Reports,
      November, 1896, page 438._

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1895.
   Resignation of President Peña.

   President Saenz Peña having refused to issue, at the request
   of Congress, a decree of amnesty, extended to all persons
   implicated in the last revolution, his Cabinet resigned
   (January 16), and he found it impossible to form another.
   Thereupon the President himself resigned his office, on the
   22d of January, and his resignation was accepted by the
   Congress. Señor Uriburu was elected President on the following
   day, and promptly issued the desired decree.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1898.
   Settlement of boundary dispute with Chile.
   Election of President.

   "A long unsettled dispute as to the extended boundary between
   the Argentine Republic and Chile, stretching along the Andean
   crests from the southern border of the Atacama Desert to
   Magellan Straits, nearly a third of the length of the South
   American continent, assumed an acute stage in the early part
   of the year, and afforded to this Government occasion to
   express the hope that the resort to arbitration, already
   contemplated by existing conventions between the parties,
   might prevail despite the grave difficulties arising in its
   application. I am happy to say that arrangements to this end
   have been perfected, the questions of fact upon which the
   respective commissioners were unable to agree being in course
   of reference to Her Britannic Majesty for determination. A
   residual difference touching the northern boundary line across
   the Atacama Desert, for which existing treaties provided no
   adequate adjustment, bids fair to be settled in like manner by
   a joint commission, upon which the United States Minister at
   Buenos Aires has been invited to serve as umpire in the last
   resort."

      _Message of the President of the United States of America,
      December, 1898._

   The arbitration of the United States Minister, Honorable
   William I. Buchanan, proved successful in the matter last
   referred to, and the Atacama boundary was quickly determined.

   In June, 1898, General Julio Roca was elected President and
   assumed the office in October. In July a treaty of arbitration
   was concluded with the government of Italy, which provides
   that there shall be no appeal from the decision of the
   arbitrators.

   ----------ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: End--------

ARGON, The Discovery of.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

ARICA, The question concerning.

      See (in this volume)
      CHILE: A. D. 1894-1900.

ARMENIA: A. D. 1895-1899.
   Revolt against Turkish oppression.
   Massacres and atrocities of the conflict.
   Final concessions.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1895; 1896 (JANUARY-MARCH);
      1896 (AUGUST); 1899 (OCTOBER).

ARMENIA: A. D. 1896.
   Attack of Armenian revolutionists on the Ottoman Bank
   and subsequent massacre of Armenians in Constantinople.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY; A. D. 1896 (AUGUST).

ARMIES, European and American:
   Their numbers and cost compared.

      See (in this volume)
      WAR BUDGETS.

ARMY ADMINISTRATION, American:
   Investigation of.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898-1899.

ARMY CANTEEN, Abolition of the American.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

ARMY, United States:
   Act to increase to 100,000 men.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

ASHANTI:
   British occupation of the country.
   Rising of the tribes.
   Siege and relief of Kumassi.

   In 1895, King Prempeh, of Ashanti, provoked a second
   expedition of British troops against his capital, Kumassi, or
   Coomassie, by persistence in slave-catching raids and in human
   sacrifices, and by other violations of his treaty engagements.

   For some account of the former expedition

      See, in volume 2,
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1873-1880)

   Late in the year a strong force was organized in Gold Coast
   Colony, mostly made up of native troops. It marched without
   resistance to Kumassi, which it entered on the 17th of
   January, 1896. Prempeh made complete submission, placing his
   crown at the feet of the Governor of the Gold Coast; but he
   was taken prisoner to Sierra Leone. A fort was built, and
   garrisoned in the center of the town, and the country was then
   definitely placed under British protection, politically
   attached to the Gold Coast Colony. It submitted quietly to the
   practical conquest until the spring of 1900, when a fierce and
   general rising of the tribes occurred. It was said at the time
   that the outbreak was caused by efforts of the British to
   secure possession of a "golden stool" which King Prempeh had
   used for his throne, and which had been effectually concealed
   when Kumassi was taken in 1896; but this has been denied by
   Sir Frederic Hodgson, the Governor of the Gold Coast. "The
   'golden stool,'" he declared, "was only an incident in the
   affair and had nothing to do with the cause of the rising,
   which had been brewing for a long time.
{27}
   In his opinion the Ashantis had been preparing ever since the
   British occupation in 1896 to reassert their independence."
   The Governor was, himself, in Kumassi when the Ashantis first
   attacked it, on the 25th of March, and he has given an account
   of the desperate position in which the few British officials,
   with their small native garrison and the refugees whom they
   tried to protect, were placed. "Our force," said Sir Frederic
   Hodgson, "consisted of only some 200 Hausas, while there is
   reason to believe that we had not less than 15,000 Ashantis
   surrounding us. In addition to our own force we had to protect
   some 3,500 refugees, chiefly Mahomedan traders, Fantis, and loyal
   Kumassis, none of whom we were able to take into the fort,
   where every available bit of space was required for military
   purposes. It was heartrending to see the efforts of these poor
   people to scale the walls or break through the gate of the
   fort, and we had to withdraw the Hausas from the cantonments
   and draw a cordon round the refugees. It is impossible to
   describe the horror of the situation with these 3,500 wretched
   people huddled together without shelter under the walls of the
   fort. That same night a tornado broke over Kumassi, and the scene
   next morning with over 200 children was too terrible for
   words. Afterwards they were able to arrange shelters for
   themselves." Near the end of April, two small reinforcements
   from other posts reached Kumassi; but while this strengthened
   the numbers for defence, it weakened the food supply. Taking
   stock of their food, the besieged decided that they could hold
   out until June 23, and that if the main body then marched out,
   to cut, if possible, their way through the enemy, leaving a
   hundred men behind, the latter might keep the fort until July
   15. This, accordingly, was done. On the 23d of June Governor
   Hodgson, with all but 100 men, stole away from Kumassi, by a
   road which the Ashantis had not guarded, and succeeded in
   reaching the coast, undergoing great hardships and dangers in
   the march. Meantime, an expedition from Cape Coast Castle was
   being energetically prepared by Colonel Sir J. Willcocks, who
   overcame immense difficulties and fought his way into Kumassi
   on Ju]y 15, the very day on which the food-supply of the
   little garrison was expected to give out. The following
   account of his entry into Kumassi is from Colonel Willcocks'
   official report: "Forming up in the main road, we marched
   towards Kumassi, a mile distant, the troops cheering wildly
   for the Queen and then followed silence. No sound came from
   the direction of the fort, which you cannot see till quite
   close. For a moment the hideous desolation and silence, the
   headless bodies lying everywhere, the sickening smell, &c.,
   almost made one shudder to think what no one dared to
   utter—'Has Kumassi fallen? Are we too late?' Then a bugle
   sound caught the ear—'the general salute'—the tops of the
   towers appeared, and again every man in the column, white and
   black, broke into cheers long sustained. The brave defenders
   had at last seen us; they knew for hours' past from the firing
   growing ever nearer that we were coming, yet they dared not
   open their only gate; they perforce must wait, for even as we
   appeared the enemy were making their last efforts to destroy
   the outlying buildings, and were actually setting them on fire
   until after dark, when a party of 100 men went out and treated
   them to volleys and cleared them out. If I have gone too fully
   into details of the final scene, the occasion was one that
   every white man felt for him comes perhaps but once, and no
   one would have missed it for a kingdom."

ASPHYXIATING SHELLS: Declaration against.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of President Barrios.

      See (in this volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA (GUATEMALA): A. D. 1897-1898.

   Of President Borda.

      See (in this volume)
      URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

   Of Canovas del Castillo.

      See (in this volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1897 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

   Of Empress Elizabeth of Austria.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER).

   Of Governor Goebel.

      See (in this volume)
      KENTUCKY: A. D. 1895-1900.

   Of President Heureaux.

      See (in this volume)
      DOMINICAN REPUBLIC: A. D. 1899.

   Of King Humbert.

      See (in this volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1899-1900;
      and 1900 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

   Of Professor Mihaileano.

      See (in this volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

   Of Nâsr-ed-din, Shah of Persia.

      See (in this volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1896.

   Of M. Stambouloff.

      See (in this volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES (BULGARIA).

ASSIOUT, Nile barrage at.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1901.

ASSOCIATIONS BILL, The French.

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1901.

ASSOUAN. Nile barrage at.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1901.

ASSUMPTIONIST FATHERS, Dissolution of the Society of the.

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1899-1900 (AUGUST-JANUARY).

ATACAMA, The question concerning.

      See (in this volume)
      CHILE: A. D. 1894-1900.

ATBARA, Battle of the.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1897-1898.

ATHENS: A. D. 1896.
   The revival of Olympic games.

   As the result of a movement instituted in France by the Baron
   de Coubertin, an interesting attempt to give athletic sports
   the spirit and semblance of the ancient Olympic games was made
   at Athens in the spring of 1896. A number of wealthy Greeks in
   different parts of the world joined generously in the
   undertaking, one gentleman especially, M. Averoff, of
   Alexandria, bearing the cost of a restoration in marble of the
   stadium at Athens, for the occasion. The games were held in
   April, from the 6th to the 15th, and were witnessed by a great
   number of people. Besides Greek competitors, there were 42 from
   Germany, 23 from England, 21 from America, 15 from France. The
   great event of the occasion was the long foot-race from
   Marathon to Athens, which was won by a young Greek.

   The U. S. Consul at Athens, writing of the reconstruction of
   the ancient stadium for the games, described the work as
   follows:

{28}

   "The stadium may be described as an immense open air
   amphitheater constructed in a natural ravine, artificially
   filled in at the end. It is in the shape of an elongated
   horseshoe. The spectators, seated upon the sloping sides of
   the ravine, look down into the arena below, which is a little
   over 600 feet in length and about 100 feet wide at the widest
   part. … The stadium, as rebuilt for the games, will consist of
   (1) the arena, bounded by a marble curbing, surmounted by an
   iron railing adorned with Athenian owls;
   (2) a walk between this curbing and the first row of seats;
   (3) a low retaining wall of marble on which rests the first
   row of seats, the entire row being of marble;
   (4) the seats;
   (5) the underground tunnel.

   In addition to these features there will be an imposing
   entrance, a surrounding wall at the top of the hill, and two
   supporting walls at the entrance. As far as possible, in the
   reconstruction of the stadium, the old portions will be used,
   where these are in a sufficient state of preservation, and an
   effort will be made to reproduce, as nearly as practicable,
   the ancient structure. The seats at present will not all be
   made of pentelic marble, as there is neither time nor money
   for such an undertaking. At the closed end of the arena,
   seventeen rows will be made of pentelic marble, as well as the
   first row all the way around. The remaining rows up to the
   first aisle are being constructed of Pincus stone. These will
   accommodate 25,000 seated spectators. From this aisle to the
   top will be placed wooden benches for 30,000 seated
   spectators. Add to these standing room for 5,000, and we have
   the holding capacity of the stadium 60,000 without crowding."

      _United States Consular Reports,
      March, 1896, pages 353-354._

ATLANTA: A. D. 1895.
   The Cotton States and International Exposition.

   An important exposition, named as above, was held with great
   success at Atlanta, Georgia, from the 18th of September until
   the end of the year 1895. The exhibits from Mexico and many of
   the Central and South American States were extensive and
   interesting; but the main interest and value of the exposition
   were in its showing of the industrial resources of the
   Southern States of the American Union, and of the recent
   progress made in developing them.

AUSGLEICH, The.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: FINANCIAL RELATIONS;
      and A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

AUSTRAL ISLANDS:
   Annexation to France.

   The Austral or Tubuai Islands were formally annexed to France
   by the Governor of Tahiti, on the 21st of August, 1900.

   ----------AUSTRALIA. Start--------

AUSTRALIA:
   Recent extensions of Democracy in the Australian Colonies
   and New Zealand.
   Social experiments.

   "The five colonies of the Australian continent, Tasmania, and
   New Zealand constitute seven practically independent
   commonwealths under the British crown. Australians and New
   Zealanders have therefore been able to develop their countries
   along their own lines, and have surpassed all other
   Anglo-Saxon nations in the number and variety of functions
   which the state is called upon to perform. … The railways
   almost without exception, and all the telegraph and telephone
   lines, are in the hands of the community. In the few cases in
   which there is private ownership of railways, a particular
   line was demanded at a certain time, and the government were
   not then in a position to borrow the funds required for its
   construction. Western Australia has recently purchased the
   entire property of one of the two private undertakings in the
   colony. A mass of sanitary and industrial legislation also has
   been placed upon the statute book.

   "Again, South Australia, Victoria, Western Australia, and New
   Zealand lend money to settlers at low rates of interest; South
   Australia sells its wines in London; Queensland facilitates
   the erection of sugar mills; Victoria and South Australia have
   given a bonus upon the exportation of dairy produce; South
   Australia, New Zealand, and Victoria receive the produce,
   grade and freeze it free of charge, or at a rate which barely
   covers the expenses; Victoria contributes toward the erection
   of butter factories; Victoria and New Zealand have subsidized
   the mining industry; and Western Australia has adopted a
   comprehensive scheme for the supply of water to the Coolgardie
   gold fields. In all the colonies the national system of
   primary education is compulsory and undenominational. In South
   Australia, Victoria, Queensland, and New Zealand it is also free.
   In the other colonies fees are charged, which may be remitted
   wholly or partly if parents are unable to pay them. Assistance
   is given in most cases for the promotion of secondary,
   technical, and university education. New Zealand and South
   Australia have appointed public trustees. New Zealand has long
   possessed a department of life insurance.

   "Finally, … New Zealand has adopted a system of old-age
   pensions. A pension of seven shillings a week is to be given
   to every person above the age of sixty-five years, provided he
   or she has lived in the colony for twenty-five years, and is
   able to pass a certain test in regard to sobriety and general
   good conduct. … In South Australia direct taxation takes two
   forms. There is an income tax at the rate of four and a half
   pence in the pound up to £800, and of six-pence in the pound
   above £800 of taxable amount resulting from personal
   exertions, and at the rate of ninepence and one shilling in
   the pound respectively on incomes from property. Incomes
   between £125 and £425 enjoy exemption on £125 of the amount.
   Again, there is a tax on the unimproved value of land of one
   half-penny in the pound up to, and one penny above, the
   capital value of £5000. …

   "Similar taxation is to be found in New Zealand, and includes
   both a progressive income tax and a tax on land values which
   is more highly graduated than that of South Australia. … All
   improvements are excluded from the assessment of the taxable
   amount. … If the owner of the property is dissatisfied with
   the assessment of the government, he can call upon them to buy
   it of him at their own valuation. In only one case has such an
   extreme step been taken; and it is pleasant to find that it
   has resulted in an annual profit of nearly five per cent upon
   the outlay, and that the land which formerly gave employment
   to a few shepherds is now occupied by a large number of
   thriving settlers.
{29}
   I may add that when the government deem that an estate is not
   being developed as it should be by its owners, they are
   authorized by statute to purchase it—by negotiation if
   possible, otherwise at a price paid by an impartial
   tribunal—with a view to its subdivision into small holdings
   suitable to the requirements of the community. This system of
   taxation, it will be said with some truth, is based upon the
   teachings of Henry George. He travelled in Australia and New
   Zealand, and was listened to with attention; but, while he
   looked to the ultimate absorption of the whole unearned
   increment, his hearers in the antipodes dissociated themselves
   from his conclusions, though they appreciated the value of his
   premises. Consequently, while accepting his principles, they
   did not hesitate to exempt small properties from the tax, and
   to increase its rate progressively in relation to the amount
   of the unimproved value. …

   "One of the most hopeful signs of the day is that, with the
   help of the representatives of labor in Parliament, Australian
   governments have done much within recent years to mitigate the
   excess of population in the large towns, and to replace the
   unemployed upon the land. Of course mistakes have been made.
   In some cases settlers have failed through lack of
   agricultural knowledge; in others, on account of the
   barrenness of the soil. In South Australia, the village
   settlements, which were avowedly started as an alternative to
   relief works, have been only a modified success. In New
   Zealand, village settlements have produced very satisfactory
   results. … In Victoria, a labor colony has been established,
   with the entire support of the trades-unionists, to which the
   unemployed may be sent, and at which they receive, at a very
   low rate of wages, a course of instruction in agricultural
   pursuits which enables them subsequently to obtain private
   employment with farmers or others. In New Zealand, I found a
   very strong feeling among trades-unionists that it would be to
   the interest of the workingmen themselves if a penal colony
   were established, on the lines of those which exist in
   Germany, to which loafers might be sent, and at which they
   would be compelled to work, with the alternative of
   starvation."

      _H. De R. Walker,
      Australasian Extensions of Democracy
      (Atlantic Monthly, May, 1899)._

      See also (in this volume),
      NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1891-1900.

AUSTRALIA: Western Australia:
   The Outlander problem in Australia.

   "Here we have a problem in many respects similar to that which
   has distracted South Africa. In several particulars the
   resemblance is startlingly close. … Many of the elements of
   disorder in the two continents are the same. In Western
   Australia, as in the Transvaal, there is a large population of
   mining residents, who complain that they are treated like
   'helots'—to use Sir Alfred Milner's term—by the privileged
   agricultural burghers. They urge that they are denied fair
   representation, so that the burghers monopolise political
   power; that the administration is in the hands of a knot of
   politicians and place-hunters at Perth—I had almost written
   Pretoria; that they have made the colony wealthy by their
   enterprise and capital, only to see a large part of the fruits
   of their industry drawn from them by excessive taxation, which
   is expended mainly outside their own district; that they are
   burdened by oppressive railway rates and denied access to the
   port which is the natural outlet to the Goldfields, and so on.
   The Kalgoorlie 'Uitlanders,' like the Johannesburgers, have
   sent a petition to the Queen, signed by a larger number of
   persons than those who forwarded the famous memorial which set
   the ball rolling in South Africa and led to the Bloemfontein
   Conference. The case is fully and temperately set forth in
   this petition, and in the Manifesto of the Eastern Goldfields
   Reform League of Western Australia, both of which documents
   are in the last Bluebook relating to Australian Federation.
   The same official compilation contains a statement to Mr.
   Chamberlain from Dr. Paget Thurston, in which the parallel
   between West Australia and the Transvaal is asserted with the
   most uncompromising directness. 'We have here,' says the
   writer, 'a Boer and Outlander question almost parallel to that
   in the Transvaal. As an Outlander I appeal to you.' Dr.
   Thurston adds: 'The old West Australians openly speak as if
   the colony was theirs, and we were interlopers who have no
   course open to us but to leave the colony if we are
   dissatisfied.' This has a very familiar sound, and so has the
   following: 'The great bulk of the taxation is levied through
   duties on food and drink. As the Boer party includes all the
   agricultural producers, and the Outlanders include the great
   bulk of the consumers, this acts injuriously on us in two
   ways. It puts a frightful load on the Outlander taxpayer, and
   enables the Boer producer to command a very high price for his
   food-stuffs. Owing to the limitation of the market by
   excessive protection, many articles of common use reach famine
   prices at times. In the three years I have been here, for
   instance, potatoes have been £22 10s. a ton; apples, 2s. 6d. a
   pound; oranges, 5s. a dozen; new-laid eggs, 4s. a dozen (at
   the time of writing, 3s. 6d.). Fresh butter is practically
   unobtainable for ten months in the year, and common country
   wine (such as I used to buy for 3d. and 4d. a bottle in the
   Canary Islands) is here 2s. a bottle. I ask you, Sir, whether
   any other place in Her Majesty's Empire (not physically
   inaccessible) can show prices one half as high during the past
   three years?'

   "Nor does the ominous kind of hint that preceded the Jameson
   Raid fail to be uttered. Only three terminations, according to
   Dr. Thurston, are possible if Sir John Forrest does not modify
   his Krugerite policy towards the mining settlers:
   '(1) Separation of the goldfields.—This would be only fair to
   the goldfields; but thousands of Outlanders have settled in
   the other parts of the colony, and this step would not redress
   their wrongs. The practical result of this step would be
   prosperity for the goldfields, but almost ruin for the rest of
   the colony.
   (2) Revolution.—I fear this is much more probable than is
   generally thought. Unless a material change takes place
   quickly there will be bloodshed in this colony.
   (3) General depression, practically equivalent to bankruptcy.'
   Separation, however, and the creation of a new colony, which
   would include the Goldfields district and come down to the
   sea, and would immediately join the Australian Federation, is
   the remedy officially proposed by the representatives of the
   Outlanders. …

{30}

   "The Colonial Secretary has deferred his final answer to the
   Goldfields Petition until the comments of the Perth Ministry
   upon that document have been received and considered. But he
   has sent a provisional reply to the representatives of the
   petitioners in London. He sees the solution of the matter in
   getting Western Australia somehow into the new Commonwealth.
   In a communication to Mr. Walter Griffiths, one of the
   Goldfields delegates, the Colonial Secretary says: 'The
   decision of the Government of Western Australia to summon
   Parliament immediately with the view to the passing of a
   measure for the submission of the Commonwealth Bill to the
   electors of the colony has removed the chief of the grievances
   put forward in the petition and has opened up an early
   prospect of obtaining the object which the petitioners had in
   view. An answer will be returned to the petition after a
   careful consideration of its terms and of the comments of the
   Government of the colony thereon, but Mr. Chamberlain trusts
   that before an answer can be returned the people of the colony
   will have decided to join the Commonwealth, for the government of
   which, in that event, it will be to deal with the grievances
   alleged in the petition in so far as they are not exclusively
   within the province of the Parliament and Government of
   Western Australia.' In other words, let the Federation dispose
   of the matter. But the delegates point out that this might not
   remove their grievances. The Federal Parliament would have no
   power to compel the dominant party in the Perth Assembly
   either to redistribute seats fairly, or divide the colony, so
   as to create 'Home Rule for the Rand.' True, we should have
   washed our hands of the affair, and could tell the malcontent
   Uitlanders that it was none of our business. But if Perth
   still remained obstinate, and Coolgardie in consequence began
   to carry out some of those ugly projects hinted at by Dr.
   Thurston, it might become our business in an embarrassing
   fashion. At any rate, it does not seem quite fair to the new
   Commonwealth to start it in life with this grave question,
   still unsettled, upon its hands."

      _S. Low,
      Enigmas of Empire
      (Nineteenth Century, June, 1900)._

AUSTRALIA: New South Wales: A. D. 1894-1895.
   Defeat of the Protectionist policy.
   Adoption of a liberal tariff.

   At the general elections of July, 1894, in New South Wales,
   the tariff issue was sharply defined. "'Protection' was
   inscribed on the banners of the ministerial party, led by the
   then Premier, Sir George Dibbs, while the aggressive
   opposition, led by Mr. Reid, … fought under the banner of
   'free trade.' The Free Traders won the battle in that
   election, as there were 63 Free Traders, 40 Protectionists,
   and 22 labor members, mostly with free-trade leanings,
   returned. On the reassembling of Parliament, Sir George Dibbs
   was confronted with a large majority, and Mr. George H. Reid
   was called to form a government on the lines suggested by the
   issues of the campaign. The Council or 'upper house,'
   consisting of Crown nominees for life, rejected the measures
   suggested by Mr. Reid and passed by the Assembly by an
   overwhelming majority, and Mr. Reid dissolved Parliament on
   July 6, 1895, and appealed to the country. The election was
   held on July 24, and again the issues, as set forth in the
   measures, were fought out vigorously. The great leader of
   protection, Sir George Dibbs, with several of his ablest
   followers, was defeated, and the so-called Free Trade party
   came back, much stronger than before. Thus, it was claimed
   that the mandate of the people, declaring for free trade and
   direct taxation, had been reaffirmed, and on the reassembling
   of Parliament, on August 13, the same measure, as passed by
   the Assembly and rejected by the Council, was again presented
   and passed by the Assembly by a majority of 50 to 26, and
   again went to the upper house. Again it was met with great
   hostility, but the Government party in that chamber, having
   been augmented by ten new appointments, the temper of the
   house was softened and the bill was passed with some two
   hundred and fifty amendments. As, the Assembly could only
   accept some eighty of these without, yielding material points
   … a conference was suggested, which, after several days of
   discussion, agreed to a modified measure, embracing the
   principle of free trade, as interpreted in this colony, and
   direct taxation, and the new law goes into effect as above
   stated, on January 1, 1896.

   "It may be well here to remark that there are a few articles,
   notably raw sugar, glucose, molasses, and treacle, upon which
   the duty will be removed gradually, so as not to wantonly
   disturb vested interests, but, with these exceptions, the
   change is a very sweeping one."

      _United States Consular Reports,
      June, 1896, page 299._

AUSTRALIA: New South Wales: A. D. 1896.
   Change in the government of Norfolk Island.
   Its re-annexation to New South Wales.

   A change in the government of Norfolk Island was proclaimed in
   November, 1896, by the Governor of New South Wales, who came
   to the island, acting under directions from the British
   Colonial Office, and announced that "Her Majesty's Government
   has decided to appoint a resident magistrate. The object
   sought is to secure the impartial administration of justice,
   while leaving the local and municipal affairs of the island to
   be conducted by a council representing the inhabitants. In
   consideration of the fact that the Norfolk Island settlement
   originally formed part of the administrative colony of New
   South Wales, and that the legal business of the island and the
   registration of all land titles and transfers have uniformly
   been conducted by the Government departments at Sydney, Her
   Majesty's Government has decided to transfer the
   administration of the island to the Government of New South
   Wales. The Government of New South Wales has accepted the
   charge and as soon as the necessary arrangements have been
   completed Norfolk Island will be administered by the governor
   of New South Wales in council." "It will thus be seen that the
   Pitcairn community, which, for more than one hundred years,
   has governed itself by its own laws, is now abolished and that
   a new era has begun. The governor's legal right to annul the
   constitution given by the Queen when the community emigrated
   from Pitcairn was questioned. A deputation was appointed to
   wait on the governor, but he refused
   to discuss the subject further."

      _United States Consular Reports,
      May, 1897, page 37._

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1897.
   Conference of colonial premiers with
   the British Colonial Secretary.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

[Image: Map of Australia and Islands of the Pacific.]

{31}

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1900.
   Federation of the Australian Colonies.
   The steps by which the Union was accomplished.
   Passage of the "Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act" by
   the Imperial Parliament.

   "The first indication of a plan for united action among the
   colonies is to be found in a proposal of Earl Grey in 1850.
   The main object of the proposal was to bring about uniformity
   in colonial tariffs; but, though partially adopted, it came to
   nothing. From 1850 to 1860 the project of federation was
   discussed from time to time in several of the colonial
   legislatures, and committees on the subject were appointed.
   But there seems to have been little general interest in the
   question, and up to 1860 all efforts in the direction of
   federation met with complete failure. Shortly after, however,
   a new form of united action, less ambitious but more likely of
   success, was suggested and adopted. From 1863 to 1883
   conferences of colonial ministers were held at various times
   to discuss certain specified topics, with a view to
   introducing identical proposals in the separate colonial
   legislatures. Six of these conferences were held at Melbourne
   and three at Sydney; and one also was held at Hobart in 1895,
   though the period of the real activity of the conference
   scheme practically closed in 1883. The scheme proved a
   failure, because it was found impossible to carry out the
   measures concerted in the conferences. But material events
   were doing more than could any public agitation to draw
   attention to the advantages of closer union. The colonies were
   growing in population and wealth, railroads were building and
   commerce was extending. The inconveniences of border customs
   duties suggested attempts at something like commercial
   reciprocity between two or more colonies. New political
   problems also helped to arouse public interest. Heretofore
   there had been little fear of foreign aggression and, hence,
   no feeling of the need of united action for common defense;
   nor had there been any thought of the extension of Australian
   power and interests beyond the immediate boundaries of the
   different colonies. But the period from 1880 to 1890 witnessed
   a change in this respect. It was during this period that much
   feeling was aroused against the influx of French criminals,
   escaped from the penal settlements in New Caledonia. The
   difficulties in regard to New Guinea belong also to this
   decade. Suspicion of the designs of Germany upon that part of
   the island of New Guinea nearest the Dutch boundary led to the
   annexation of its eastern portion by the Queensland
   government. This action was disavowed by the British
   government under Gladstone, and the fears of the colonists
   were ridiculed; but almost immediately after the northern half
   of New Guinea was forcibly taken possession of by Germany. The
   indignation of Australians was extreme, and the opinion was
   freely expressed that the colonies would have to unite to
   protect their own interests. Finally, this was the time of the
   French designs on the New Hebrides Islands and of German
   movements with reference to Samoa. These conditions, economic
   and political, affected all the colonies more or less
   intimately and resulted in the first real, though loose, form
   of federal union. At the instigation of the Honorable James
   Service, premier of Victoria, a convention met at Sydney,
   November, 1883, composed of delegates from all the colonial
   governments. This convention adopted a bill providing for the
   establishment of a Federal Council, with power to deal with
   certain specified subjects and with such other matters as
   might be referred to it by two or more colonies. … New South
   Wales and New Zealand refused to agree to the bill, but it was
   adopted by the other colonies; and the Imperial Parliament, in
   1885, passed an act permitting such a Council to be called
   into existence at the request of any three colonies, to be
   joined by other colonies as they saw fit. Meetings of the
   Council took place in 1886, 1888, 1889 and 1891, but very
   little was accomplished. That the Federal Council was a very
   weak affair is obvious. … Meanwhile, interest in a more
   adequate form of federation was growing. In 1890 Sir Henry
   Parkes proposed a plan for federal union of a real and
   vigorous sort. At his suggestion, a conference met at
   Melbourne, February 6, 1890, to decide on the best method of
   getting the question into definite shape for consideration. …
   Provision was made … for the calling of a convention to draw
   up a constitution. … In accordance with the decision of the
   conference, delegates from the several colonies convened at
   Sydney, March 2, 1891; and with the work of this convention
   began the third and final stage in the federation movement.
   The Sydney convention formulated a bill, embodying a draft of
   a federal constitution, and then resolved that provision
   should be made by the several parliaments to submit it to the
   people in such manner as each colony should see fit. … But
   there was no sufficient external pressure to bring about an
   immediate discussion and an early settlement. … The result was
   that nothing was done. … Meanwhile, federation leagues had
   been organized in different colonies, and in 1893 delegates
   from a number of these leagues met at Bendigo, Victoria. …
   After adopting the bill of 1891 as a basis of discussion, the
   Bendigo conference resolved to urge the colonial governments
   to pass uniform enabling acts for a new convention—its members
   to be elected by popular vote—to frame a constitution which
   should be submitted to the people for approval. This proposal
   met with general favor and resulted in the calling of a
   meeting of the premiers of all the colonies at Hobart in
   January, 1895. There an enabling bill was drafted which five
   premiers agreed to lay before their respective parliaments. …
   It took two years to get this machinery into working order. At
   length, however, the requisite authority was granted by five
   colonies: New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, Western
   Australia and Tasmania, Queensland and New Zealand declining
   to participate. On March 22, 1897, the second constitutional
   convention assembled at Adelaide. This convention drew up a
   new federal constitution, based upon the draft of 1891.
   Between May 5 and September 2 the constitution was discussed
   in each of the parliaments. When the convention reassembled at
   Sydney on March 2, as many as 75 amendments were reported as
   suggested by the different colonies. Many were of an
   insignificant character and many were practically identical.
   The constitution and proposed amendments were discussed in two
   sessions of the convention, which finally adjourned March 16,
   1898, its work then being ready to submit to the people.
{32}
   In June a popular vote resulted in the acceptance of the
   constitution by Victoria, Tasmania, and South Australia; but
   the failure of the parent colony, New South Wales, to adopt it
   blocked all hope of federal union for the moment. Recently,
   however, at a conference of colonial premiers certain
   amendments demanded by New South Wales were agreed to in part,
   and upon a second vote the constitution, as amended, was
   accepted by that colony."

      _W. G. Beach,
      The Australian Federal Constitution
      (Political Science Quarterly, December, 1899)._

   In August, 1899, the draft of a Constitution thus agreed upon
   was transmitted to England, with addresses from the provincial
   legislatures, praying that it be passed into law by the
   Imperial Parliament. Early in the following year delegates
   from the several colonies were sent to England to discuss with
   the Colonial Office certain questions that had arisen, and to
   assist in procuring the passage by Parliament of the necessary
   Act. Looked at from the Imperial standpoint, a number of
   objections to the draft Constitution were found, but all of
   them were finally waived excepting one. That one related to a
   provision touching appeals from the High Court of the
   Australian Commonwealth to the Queen in Council. As framed and
   adopted in Australia, the provision in question was as
   follows:

   "74. No appeal shall be permitted to the Queen in Council in
   any matter involving the interpretation of this Constitution
   or of the Constitution of a State, unless the public interests
   of some part of Her Majesty's Dominions, other than the
   Commonwealth or a State, are involved. Except as provided in
   this section, this Constitution shall not impair any right
   which the Queen may be pleased to exercise, by virtue of Her
   Royal Prerogative, to grant special leave of appeal from the
   High Court to Her Majesty in Council. But The Parliament may
   make laws limiting the matters in which such leave may be
   asked."

   This was objected to on several grounds, but mainly for the
   reasons thus stated by Mr. Chamberlain: "Proposals are under
   consideration for securing a permanent and effective
   representation of the great Colonies on the Judicial
   Committee, and for amalgamating the Judicial Committee with
   the House of Lords, so as to constitute a Court of Appeal from
   the whole British Empire. It would be very unfortunate if
   Australia should choose this moment to take from the Imperial
   Tribunal the cognizance of the class of cases of greatest
   importance, and often of greatest difficulty. Article 74
   proposes to withdraw from the Queen in Council matters
   involving the interpretation of the Constitution. It is
   precisely on questions of this kind that the Queen in Council
   has been able to render most valuable service to the
   administration of law in the Colonies, and questions of this
   kind, which may sometimes involve a good deal of local
   feeling, are the last that should be withdrawn from a Tribunal
   of appeal with regard to which there could not be even a
   suspicion of prepossession. Questions as to the constitution
   of the Commonwealth or of a State may be such as to raise a
   great deal of public excitement as to the definition of the
   boundaries between the powers of the Commonwealth Parliament
   and the powers of the State Parliaments. It can hardly be
   satisfactory to the people of Australia that in such cases,
   however important and far-reaching in their consequences, the
   decision of the High Court should be absolutely final. Before
   long the necessity for altering the Constitution in this
   respect would be felt, and it is better that the Constitution
   should be enacted in such a form as to render unnecessary the
   somewhat elaborate proceedings which would be required to
   amend it."

      _Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command, April and May, 1900,
      Australia—Cd. 124 and 158)._

   In reply, the Australian delegates maintained that they had no
   authority to amend, in any particular, the instrument which
   the people of the several colonies had ratified by their
   votes; but the Imperial authorities were inflexible, and the
   article 74 was modified in the Act which passed Parliament, on
   the 7th of July, 1900, "to constitute the Commonwealth of
   Australia," as may be seen by reference to the text, published
   elsewhere.

      See (in this volume)
      CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1900.
   The question of the Federal Capital.

   By the Constitution of the Commonwealth, it is required that
   the seat of government "shall be determined by the Parliament,
   and shall be within territory which shall have been granted to
   or acquired by the Commonwealth, and shall be vested in and
   belong to the Commonwealth, and shall be in the State of New
   South Wales, and be distant not less than one hundred miles
   from Sydney;" and "such territory shall contain an area of not
   less than one hundred square miles." "New South Wales," says a
   correspondent, writing from Sydney, "is naturally anxious to
   get the question decided as quickly as possible; but Victoria
   will equally be inclined to procrastinate, and the new
   Parliament—which cannot be more comfortable than it will be
   at Melbourne—will not be in a hurry to shift. The necessity
   for a new and artificial capital arises entirely out of our
   provincial jealousies, and it would have been a great saving
   of initial expense and a great diminution of inconvenience if
   we could have used one of the old capitals for a quarter of a
   century." To remove preliminary difficulties and avoid delay,
   the government of New South Wales appointed a commissioner to
   visit and report on the most likely places. The report of this
   commissioner, made early in October, "reduces the possible
   positions to three—one near Bombala in the south-east corner
   of the colony at the foot of the Australian Alps, one near
   Yass on the line of the railway between Sydney and Melbourne,
   and one near Orange on our western line. On the whole he gives
   the preference to the first named."

AUSTRALIA: New South Wales: A. D. 1900.
   Old-Age Pension Act.

   A letter from Sydney, November 29, 1900, announced: "The
   question of the establishment of an old age pension system,
   similar to that now in successful operation in New Zealand
   [see (in this volume) NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1899], has been
   agitating New South Wales for several months, and to-day the
   bill for that purpose became a law. There has been a desire on
   the part of some members of the Legislature to hold over the
   bill until the convening of the Federal Parliament, in the
   hope that the measure would become universal throughout the
   continent, but the majority, including the Premier, wished the
   bill to be pushed through without loss of time. There is no
   opposition worth mentioning. … At a mass meeting in favor of
   the bill representatives of every political party, of every
   Church and of every profession and trade in the community were
   present.
{33}
   The sentiment of the colony has never been more unanimous. …
   The estimated cost of the scheme is something like £250,000 or
£300,000 a year, but this does not take into consideration the
   amount which will be saved by doing away with the charitable
   institutions now draining the pockets alike of the state and
   of the individual. Private contributions alone amount to
   £600,000 a year; all this will be saved, together with a part
   of the Government's annual expenditure—about £400,000—for
   public institutions. Not all pauper institutions can be
   abolished, for many of the aged and friendless poor are ailing
   or slightly feeble minded, and will continue to need medical
   attention."

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1900 (March).
   New Zealand looking toward federation with the Australian
   Commonwealth.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1900 (MARCH).

AUSTRALIA: West Australia: A. D. 1900 (August).
   Vote to join the Commonwealth.

   The question of union with the other colonies in the
   Commonwealth, from which the West Australians had previously
   held aloof, was submitted to them in August (women voting for
   the first time), and decided affirmatively by 44,704 against
   19,691. Adding the West Australian totals to the aggregate
   vote at the decisive referendum in each of the other
   federating colonies, the following is the reported result:

   For federation.     422,647
   Against federation. 161,024

   Majority.           261,623

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1900 (September-December).
   The Queen's Proclamation of the Australian Commonwealth.
   Contemplated visit of the Duke and Duchess of York
   to open the first session of the Federal Parliament.
   Appointment of Lord Hopetoun to be Governor-General.
   The first Federal Cabinet.

   On the 17th of September the following proclamation of the
   Australian Commonwealth was issued by the Queen:

   "Whereas by an Act of Parliament passed in the sixty-third and
   sixty-fourth years of Our reign, intituled 'An Act to
   constitute the Commonwealth of Australia,' it is enacted that
   it shall be lawful for the Queen, with the advice of the Privy
   Council, to declare by Proclamation that, on and after a day
   therein appointed, not being later than one year after the
   passing of this Act, the people of New South Wales, Victoria,
   South Australia, Queensland, and Tasmania, and also, if Her
   Majesty is satisfied that the people of Western Australia have
   agreed thereto, of Western Australia, shall be united in a
   Federal Commonwealth, under the name of the Commonwealth of
   Australia. And whereas We are satisfied that the people of
   Western Australia have agreed thereto accordingly. We
   therefore, by and with the advice of Our Privy Council, have
   thought fit to issue this Our Royal Proclamation, and We do
   hereby declare that on and after the first day of January, one
   thousand nine hundred and one, the people of New South Wales,
   Victoria, South Australia, Queensland, Tasmania, and Western
   Australia shall be united in a Federal Commonwealth under the
   name of the Commonwealth of Australia. Given at Our Court at
   Balmoral, this seventeenth day of September, in the year of
   our Lord one thousand nine hundred, and in the sixty-fourth
   year of Our reign. God save the Queen."

   At the same time, the following announcement, which caused
   extreme delight in Australia, was published officially from
   the Colonial Office:

   "Her Majesty the Queen has been graciously pleased to assent,
   on the recommendation of the Marquis of Salisbury, to the
   visit of their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess of York
   to the colonies of Australasia in the spring of next year. His
   Royal Highness the Duke of York will be commissioned by her
   Majesty to open the first Session of the Parliament of the
   Australian Commonwealth in her name. Although the Queen
   naturally shrinks from parting with her grandson for so long a
   period, her Majesty fully recognizes the greatness of the
   occasion which will bring her colonies of Australia into
   federal union, and desires to give this special proof of her
   interest in all that concerns the welfare of her Australian
   subjects. Her Majesty at the same time wishes to signify her
   sense of the loyalty and devotion which have prompted the
   spontaneous aid so liberally offered by all the colonies in
   the South African war, and of the splendid gallantry of her
   colonial troops. Her Majesty's assent to this visit is, of
   course, given on the assumption that at the time fixed for the
   Duke of York's departure the circumstances are as generally
   favourable as at present and that no national interests call
   for his Royal Highness's presence in this country."

   To manifest still further the interest taken by the British
   government in the event, it was made known in October that
   "when the Duke of York opens the new Commonwealth Parliament,
   the guard of honour, it is directed, shall be so made up as to
   be representative of every arm of the British Army, including
   the Volunteers. To the Victoria and St. George's Rifles has
   fallen the honour of being selected to represent the entire
   Volunteer force of the country. A detachment of the regiment,
   between 50 and 60 strong, will accordingly leave for Australia
   in about a month and will be absent three or four months."

   The honor of the appointment to be the first Governor-General
   of the new Commonwealth fell to a Scottish nobleman, John
   Adrian Louis Hope, seventh Earl of Hopetoun, who had been
   Governor of Victoria from 1889 to 1895, and had held high
   offices at home, including that of Lord Chamberlain in the
   household of the Queen. Lord Hopetoun landed at Sydney on the
   15th of December and received a great welcome. On the 30th,
   his Cabinet was formed, and announced, as follows:

   Mr. Barton, Prime Minister and Minister for External Affairs;
   Mr. Deakin, Attorney-General;
   Sir William Lyne, Minister for Home Affairs;
   Sir George Turner, Treasurer;
   Mr. Kingston, Minister of Trade and Commerce;
   Mr. Dickson, Minister of Defence;
   Sir John Forrest, Postmaster-General.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1901 (January).
   Inauguration of the Federal Government.

   The government of the Commonwealth was inaugurated with
   splendid ceremonies on the first day of the New Year and the
   New Century, when the Governor-General and the members of the
   Federal Cabinet were sworn and assumed office. Two messages
   from the British Secretary of State for the Colonies were
   read, as follows:

{34}

   "The Queen commands me to express through you to the people of
   Australia her Majesty's heartfelt interest in the inauguration
   of the Commonwealth, and her earnest wish that, under divine
   Providence, it may ensure the increased prosperity and
   well-being of her loyal and beloved subjects in Australia."

   "Her Majesty's Government send cordial greetings to the
   Commonwealth of Australia. They welcome her to her place among
   the nations united under her Majesty's sovereignty, and
   confidently anticipate for the new Federation a future of
   ever-increasing prosperity and influence. They recognize in
   the long-desired consummation of the hopes of patriotic
   Australians a further step in the direction of the permanent
   unity of the British Empire, and they are satisfied that the
   wider powers and responsibilities henceforth secured to
   Australia will give fresh opportunity for the display of that
   generous loyalty and devotion to the Throne and Empire which
   has always characterized the action in the past of its several
   States."

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1901 (May).
   Opening of the first Parliament of the Commonwealth
   by the heir to the British crown.
   The programme of the Federal Government.

   The Duke of Cornwall and York, heir to the British crown (but
   not yet created Prince of Wales), sailed, with his wife, from
   England in March, to be present at the opening of the first
   Parliament of the federated Commonwealth of Australia, which
   is arranged to take place early in May. He makes the voyage in
   royal state, on a steamer specially fitted and converted for
   the occasion into a royal yacht, with an escort of two
   cruisers.

   Preliminary to the election and meeting of Parliament, the new
   federal government has much organizing work to do, and much
   preparation of measures for Parliament to discuss. The
   Premier, Mr. Barton, in a speech made on the 17th of January,
   announced that the Customs were taken over from the several
   States on January 1, and the defences and post-offices would
   be transferred as soon as possible. " Probably the railways
   would be acquired by the Commonwealth at an early date.
   Whether the debts of the several States would be taken over
   before the railways was a matter which had to be decided, and
   was now engaging the attention of the Treasurer. The Ministry
   would not consider the appointment of a Chief Justice of the
   High Court until Parliament had established that tribunal." In
   the same speech, the main features of the programme and policy
   of the federal government were indicated. "The Commonwealth,"
   said the Premier, "would have the exclusive power of imposing
   Customs and excise duties, and it would, therefore, be
   necessary to preserve the States' power of direct taxation.
   There must be no direct taxation by the Commonwealth except
   under very great pressure. Free trade under the Constitution
   was practically impossible; there must be a very large Customs
   revenue. … The policy of the Government would be protective, not
   prohibitive, because it must be revenue-producing. No one
   colony could lay claim to the adoption of its tariff, whether
   high or low. The first tariff of Australia ought to be
   considerate of existing industries. The policy of the
   Government could be summed up in a dozen words. It would give
   Australia a tariff that would be Australian. Regarding a
   preferential duty on British goods, he would be glad to
   reciprocate where possible, but the question would have to
   receive very serious consideration before final action could
   be taken. Among the legislation to be introduced at an early
   date, Mr. Barton continued, were a Conciliation and
   Arbitration Bill in labour disputes, and a Bill for a
   transcontinental railway, which would be of great value from
   the defence point of view. He was in favour of womanhood
   suffrage. Legislation to exclude Asiatics would be taken in
   hand as a matter of course."

   ----------AUSTRALIA: End--------


   ----------AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: Start--------

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY:
   Financial relations of the two countries
   forming the dual Empire.

   "The financial relations of Austria and Hungary fall under
   three main heads. Firstly, the Quota, or proportionate
   contribution to joint expenditure. The Quota is an integral
   portion of the compact of 1867 [see—in volume 1—AUSTRIA: A. D.
   1866-1867], but is revised every ten years. Failing an
   agreement on the proportion to be paid by each half of the
   monarchy, the Quota is fixed from year to year by the Emperor
   till an agreement is arrived at. Secondly, the so-called
   commercial 'Ausgleich' treaty, which provides for a customs
   union, postal and telegraphic union, commercial equality of
   citizens of one state in the other, identical excise duties,
   &c. Thirdly, the Bank Union, by which Austria and Hungary have
   a common Austro-Hungarian bank, and common paper money. The
   Ausgleich and Bank Union are not essential parts of the 1867
   compact; they are really only treaties renewable every ten
   years, and if no agreement is come to, they simply lapse, and
   each state makes its own arrangements, which seems very likely
   to be the fate of the Ausgleich unless the present crisis can
   be got over. The proceeds of the joint customs are applied
   directly to common expenses, and only the difference is made
   up by Quota. But if the Ausgleich falls through, the whole of
   the joint expenditure will have to be settled by quota
   payments. The joint expenditure goes almost wholly to the
   up-keep of the army, navy, and consular and diplomatic
   services. It amounts on an average to about 150 million
   florins or 12½ million £, falling as low as 124½ million
   florins in 1885 and rising to nearly 167 million in 1888. Of
   this total the customs revenues have, in the last few years,
   accounted for nearly a third, usually about 31 per cent. The
   Quota was fixed in 1867 at 70 per cent. for Austria and 30 per
   cent. for Hungary, based on a very rough calculation from the
   yield of common taxation in the years 1860-1865, the last few
   years preceding the restoration of Hungarian independence. On
   the incorporation of the so-called Military Frontier in
   Hungary, the Hungarian proportion was increased to 31.4.
   Hitherto the Hungarians have resisted any attempt to increase
   their quota. This 'non possumus' attitude has provoked great
   resentment in Austria, especially when it is compared with the
   self-complacent tone with which the Magyars dwell on the enormous
   progress made by Hungary since 1867. That progress is
   indubitable. Hungary has not only developed as an agricultural
   state, but is in a very fair way of becoming an industrial and
   manufacturing state as well. …

{35}

   "On all these grounds the Austrians declare that they can no
   longer go on paying the old Quota of 68.6 per cent. The
   Hungarians admit the great progress made by Hungary, but with
   some qualifications. In spite of the growth of Budapest,
   Fiume, and a few other towns, Hungary is still, on the whole,
   very backward when compared with Austria. The total volume of
   her manufactures is very small, in spite of the rapid increase
   of recent years. Hungary is still, to all intents and
   purposes, an agricultural country, and as such, has suffered
   largely from the fall in prices."

      _L. S. Amery,
      Austro-Hungarian Financial Relations
      (Economic Journal, September, 1898)._

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1894-1895.
   The Hungarian Ecclesiastical Laws.
   Conflict with the Church.
   Resignation of Count Kalnoky.

   In the last month of 1894 royal assent was given to three
   bills, known as the Ecclesiastical Laws, which marked an
   extraordinary departure from the old subserviency of the State
   to the Church. The first was a civil marriage law, which made
   civil marriage compulsory, leaving religious ceremonies
   optional with the parties, and which modified the law of
   divorce; the second annulled a former law by which the sons of
   mixed marriages were required to follow the father's religion,
   and the daughters to follow that of the mother; the third
   established an uniform State registration of births, deaths
   and marriages, in place of a former registration of different
   creeds, and legalized marriages between Christians and Jews
   without change of faith. These very radical measures, after
   passing the lower house of the Hungarian legislature, were
   carried with great difficulty through the aristocratic and
   clerical upper house, and only by a strong pressure of
   influence from the emperor-king himself. They were exceedingly
   obnoxious to the Church, and the Papal Nuncio became active in
   a hostility which the Hungarian premier, Baron Banffy, deemed
   offensive to the State. He called upon the Imperial Minister
   of Foreign Affairs, Count Kalnoky, to address a complaint on
   the subject to the Vatican. This led to disagreements between
   the two ministers which the Emperor strove without success to
   reconcile, and Count Kalnoky, in the end, was forced to retire
   from office. The Pope was requested to recall the offending
   Nuncio, and declined to do so.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896.
   Race-jealousies and conflicts.
   The position of Bohemia in the part of the dual Empire
   called Austria.
   Anti-Semitic agitation in Vienna.
   Austrian Ministry of Count Badeni.
   Enlarged parliamentary franchise.

   In the constitutional reconstruction of the Empire after the
   war of 1866, almost everything was conceded to the Magyars of
   Hungary, who acquired independence in matters of internal
   administration, and ascendancy over the other races subject to
   the Hungarian crown. "On the other hand, absolute equality was
   established between the different countries that are not
   connected with Hungary. No greater privileges were granted to
   an ancient historical kingdom such as Bohemia than were given,
   for instance, to the small Alpine district situated between
   the Tyrol and the Boden See (Lake of Constance) known as
   Vorarlberg. … The representatives of these countries were to
   meet at Vienna, and a ministry for 'Cisleithania' was
   appointed. That these measures were injudicious is now the
   opinion of almost all Austrians. Beust [the Saxon statesman
   who was called in to conduct the political reconstruction of
   1867—see, in volume 1, AUSTRIA: A. D. 1866-1867; and
   1866-1887], created a new agglomeration of smaller and larger
   countries, entirely different as regards race, history, and
   culture. It is characteristic of the artificiality of Count
   Beust's new creation that up to the present day no real and
   generally accepted name for it has been found. The usual
   designation of Cisleithania is an obvious absurdity. A glance
   at the map will suffice to show how senseless such a name is
   when applied, for instance, to Dalmatia, one of the countries
   ruled from Vienna. The word 'Austria' also can correctly be
   applied only either to all the countries ruled by the house of
   Habsburg-Lorraine or to the archduchies of Upper and Lower
   Austria, which are the cradle of the dynasty. The official
   designation of the non-Hungarian parts of the empire is 'the
   kingdoms and lands represented in the parliament' (of
   Vienna)—'Die im Reichsrathe vertretenen Königreiche und
   Länder.'

   "Though the Germans willingly took part in the deliberations
   of the Parliament of 'Cisleithania,' the Slavs of Bohemia and
   Poland were at first violently opposed to the new institution.
   They might perhaps have willingly consented to take part in a
   Vienna parliament that would have consisted of representatives
   of the whole empire. But when the ancient historical rights of
   Hungary were fully recognized, countries such as Bohemia and
   Poland … naturally felt offended. Count Beust dealt
   differently with these two divisions of the empire. The partly
   true, partly imaginary, grievances of the Poles were more
   recent and better known thirty years ago than they are now.
   Beust was impressed by them and considered it advisable to
   make large concessions to the Poles of Galicia with regard to
   autonomy, local government, and the use of the national
   language. The Poles, who did not fail to contrast their fate
   with that of their countrymen who were under Russian or
   Prussian rule, gratefully accepted these concessions, and
   attended the meetings of the representative assembly at
   Vienna. Other motives also contributed to this decision of the
   Galician Poles. Galicia is a very poor country, and the Germans
   who then ruled at Vienna, naturally welcoming the
   representatives of a large Slav country in their Parliament,
   proved most generous in their votes in favour of the Galician
   railways. Matters stood differently in Bohemia, and the
   attitude of Count Beust and the new 'Cisleithanian' ministers
   was also here quite different. They seem to have thought that
   they could break the resistance of the Bohemians by military
   force, and with the aid of the German minority of the
   population. A long struggle ensued. … Bohemia is … the
   'cockpit' of Austrian political warfare, and almost every
   political crisis has been closely connected with events that
   occurred in Bohemia. The Bohemian representatives in 1867
   refused to take part in the deliberations of the Vienna
   Parliament, the existence of which they considered contrary to
   the ancient constitution of their country.
{36}
   In 1879 they finally decided to take part in the deliberations
   of the Vienna assembly. … The Bohemians, indeed, entered the
   Vienna Parliament under protest, and declared that their
   appearance there was by no means to be considered as a
   resignation of the special rights that Bohemia had formerly
   possessed. The Bohemian deputies, however, continued
   henceforth to take part in the deliberations of the
   Cisleithanian Parliament and loyally supported those of the
   many Austrian ministers who were not entirely deaf to their
   demands. Some of these demands, such as that of the foundation
   of a national university at Prague, were indeed granted by the
   Vienna ministers. Though a German university continued to exist
   at Prague, this concession was vehemently opposed by the
   Germans, as indeed every concession to appease the Bohemian
   people was."

      _Francis Count Lutzow,
      Austria at the End of the Century
      (Nineteenth Century Review, December, 1899)._

   During recent years, government in the dual empire has been
   made increasingly difficult, especially on the Austrian side,
   by the jealousy, which grows constantly more bitter, between
   the German and Slavic elements of the mixed population, and by
   the rising heat of the Anti-Semitic agitation. The latter was
   brought to a serious crisis in Vienna during 1895 by the
   election of Dr. Lueger, a violent leader of Anti-Semitism, to
   the office of First Vice-Burgomaster, which caused the
   resignation of the Burgomaster, and led to such disorders in
   the municipal council that the government was forced to
   intervene. The council was dissolved and an imperial
   commissioner appointed to conduct the city administration
   provisionally; but similar disorders, still more serious,
   recurred in October, when elections were held and the
   Anti-Semites won a majority in the council. Dr. Lueger was
   then elected Burgomaster. The government, supported by a
   majority in the Austrian Reichsrath, refused to confirm the
   election. A second time Dr. Lueger was elected; whereupon the
   municipal council was again dissolved and the municipal
   administration transferred to an imperial commissioner. This
   measure was followed by scenes of scandalous turbulence in the
   Reichsrath and riotous demonstrations in the streets, which
   latter were vigorously suppressed by the police. Some
   considerable part of the temper in these demonstrations was
   directed against the Austrian premier, Count Badeni, and still
   more against the Polish race, to which he belonged. Count
   Badeni, who had been Governor of Galicia, had just been called
   to the head of affairs, and gave promise of an administration
   that would be strong; but several other members of his cabinet
   were Poles, and that fact was a cause of offense. He gave an
   early assurance that the demand for an enlargement of the
   parliamentary franchise should be satisfactorily met, and that
   other liberal measures should be promptly taken in hand. These
   promises, with the show of firmness in the conduct of the
   government, produced a wide feeling in its favor. The promise
   of an enlargement of the parliamentary franchise in Austria
   was redeemed the following February (1896), by the
   introduction and speedy passage of a parliamentary reform
   bill, which embodied an important revision of the Austrian
   constitution. Seventy-two new members were added to the 353
   which formerly constituted the lower or Abgeordneten House of
   the Austrian Reichsrath. The original body of 353 remained as
   it had been, made up in four sections, elected by four classes
   in the community, namely: owners of large estates, electing 85
   members; doctors of the universities and town taxpayers who
   pay five florins of direct taxation yearly, these together
   electing 115; chambers of commerce and industry, electing 22;
   country taxpayers who pay five florins of direct taxation
   yearly, electing 131. The number of voters in these four
   privileged classes were said to number 1,732,000 when the
   Reform Bill passed. The new voters added by the bill were
   estimated to number about 3,600,000. But the latter would
   elect only the 72 new members added to the House, while the
   former continued to be exclusively represented by the 353
   members of its former constitution. In other words, though the
   suffrage was now extended to all male adults, it was not with
   equality of value to all. For about one-third of the political
   community, the franchise was given five times the weight and
   force that it possessed for the remaining two-thirds.
   Nevertheless, the bill seems to have been accepted and passed
   with no great opposition. In Vienna, the Anti-Semitic
   agitation was kept up with violence, Dr. Lueger being elected
   four times to the chief-burgomastership of the city, in
   defiance of the imperial refusal to sanction his election.
   Finally the conflict was ended by a compromise. Lueger
   resigned and was permitted to take the office of Vice
   Burgomaster, while one of his followers was chosen to the
   Chief Burgomaster's seat.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1896.
   Celebration of the Millennium of the Kingdom of Hungary.

   The millennial anniversary of the Kingdom of Hungary was
   celebrated by the holding of a great national exposition and
   festival at Buda-Pesth, from the 2d of May until the end of
   October, 1896. Preparations were begun as early as 1893, and
   were carried forward with great national enthusiasm and
   liberality, the government contributing nearly two millions of
   dollars to the expense of the undertaking. The spirit of the
   movement was expressed at the beginning by the Minister of
   Commerce, Bela Lukács, by whose department it was specially
   promoted. "The government," he said, "will take care that the
   national work be exhibited in a worthy frame, so as to further
   the interests of the exhibitors. May everyone of you, its
   subjects, therefore show what he is able to attain by his
   diligence, his taste, and his inventive faculty. Let us all,
   in fact, compete—we who are working, some with our brains,
   others with our hands, and others with our machines—like one
   man for the father-land. Thus the living generation will be
   able to see what its fore-fathers have made in the midst of
   hard circumstances, and to realize what tasks are awaiting us
   and the new generations in the path which has been smoothed by
   the sweat, labor, and pain of our ancestors. This will be a
   rare family festival, the equal of which has not been granted
   to many nations. Let the people gather, then, round our august
   ruler, who has guided our country with fatherly care and
   wisdom in the benevolent ways of peace to the heights which
   mark the progress of to-day, and who—a faithful keeper of the
   glorious past of a thousand years—has led the Hungarian people
   to the threshold of a still more splendid thousand years to
   come!"

{37}

   Writing shortly before the opening, the United States Consul
   at Buda-Pesth, Mr. Hammond, gave the following description of
   the plans and preparations then nearly complete: "The series
   of official festivities will be diversified by those of a
   social and popular character. These will be the
   interparliamentary conference for international courts of
   arbitration; the congress of journalists, with the view to
   constitute an international journalistic union; international
   congresses of art and history, of actors, tourists, athletes,
   etc.; numerous national congresses embracing every
   intellectual and material interest of the country, in which
   the leading personages of all groups and branches of national
   production, the highest authorities in the field of commerce,
   industry, communication, etc., as well as those who are in the
   forefront of the literary, spiritual, and philanthropic
   movements of the country will take part.

   "There is activity in all classes of Hungarian society, with a
   view to carrying out the ingenious project of the artist Paul
   Vágó—the great historical pageant. Several municipal bodies
   have already promised their cooperation, while scores of men
   and women, bearers of historic names, have declared their
   readiness to take part at their own expense. All the costumes
   of all the races and social classes who have inhabited this
   country during ten centuries will pass before our eyes in this
   beautiful cortege. The genius of the artist will call into life
   in their descendants the warriors who conquered Pannonia under
   Arpad, and, during the reign of Louis the Great, annexed to
   this realm all the neighboring countries; all the dignitaries,
   both civil and ecclesiastical, who, under Stephen the Saint, King
   Kálman, and Mathias Corvinus, spread Christianity,
   enlightenment, liberty, and wealth to the extreme confines of
   this part of Europe; all the crusaders of Joannes Hunyady, who
   drove back the Crescent for a century and thus defended
   western civilization against eastern fanaticism; all the
   kings, princes, noblemen, and poets of modern times who have
   led the nation in her struggle for modern ideas. These
   historical figures will be followed by their retainers or
   surrounded by the popular types of the respective epochs. To
   judge by the sketches of the artist, this pageant promises to
   surpass anything that has hitherto been offered on similar
   occasions.

   "All these festivals will move, as it were, within the fixed
   frame of the Millennial National Exhibition, which will cover
   an area of 500,000 square meters (5,382,100 square feet) and
   consist of 169 buildings and pavilions, erected at a total
   cost (including private expenses) of 10,000,000 florins
   ($4,020,000). This exhibition is divided into two sections,
   viz:

   (1) The historical section, containing art treasures, relics,
   and antiquities of the past, which will illustrate the
   political, religious, military, and private life of each
   principal period in the history of the nation. …
  (2) The section of modern times will embrace everything offered
  by similar exhibitions.

   Nevertheless, the visitor's mind will here, too, be impressed
   with the solemnity of the millennium and the enthusiasm
   inspiring the nation at this momentous period of its history.
   The programme embraces the national life in all its
   manifestations. Not only will the present condition of Hungary
   be laid open to general view, but the world will also be
   impressed with the great progress Hungary has made since the
   reestablishment of her constitution in 1867."

      _United States Consular Reports,
      April, 1896._

   By every possible arrangement of facilitation and cheapening,
   a visit to the Exposition was placed within the means of all
   the inhabitants of the kingdom; and especial provision was
   made for bringing schools and teachers to receive the
   object-lessons which it taught.

   Among the ceremonies which attended the ending of the great
   national festival, was the formal opening, at Orsova, of a
   ship channel through the rocky obstructions that have been
   known since the days when they troubled the Romans as the
   "Iron Gates of the Danube."

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.
   Industrial combinations.

      See (in this volume)
      TRUSTS: IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.
   The forces of feudalism and clericalism in Austria.
   Austrian parties in the Reichsrath.
   Their aims, character and relative strength.
   Count Badeni's language decrees for Bohemia.

   "In no European country have the forces of feudalism and
   clericalism such an enormous influence as they have in
   Austria. The Austrian nobility is supreme at Court and in the
   upper branches of the Administration. In Hungary the small
   nobility and landed gentry exercise a preponderating
   influence, but they are a wide class and filled with the
   national spirit. The Austrian nobility forms a narrow,
   intensely exclusive and bigoted caste, whose only political
   interest is the maintenance of its own class supremacy. The
   large Protestant element in Hungary has in no small degree
   contributed to the success of the Magyars, both in its effect
   on the national character and by the secondary position to
   which the mixture of creeds has relegated the Church. In
   Austria the Church of Rome is all-powerful. The House of
   Habsburg has always been bigotedly Catholic: Francis Joseph
   himself was a pupil of the Jesuits. The triumph of the
   reaction after 1848 was the establishment in 1855 of that
   'written Canossa' the Concordat, which made the Church
   absolute in all matters relating to education and marriage.
   And even though the Concordat was got rid of in 1870, the
   energies of the clerical party have been but little weakened.
   The real explanation of the whole course of Austrian politics
   lies in the interaction of the two conflicts—of reaction,
   clerical or aristocratic, against liberalism, and of Slav
   against German. …

   "In March 1897 came the general elections, to which a special
   interest was lent by the first appearance of the fifth class
   of voters. The most striking feature of the elections was the
   complete and final break up of the German Liberal party. … The
   history of the German Liberal party has been one of a
   continuous decline both in numbers and importance. It counted
   200 members in 1873, 170 in 1879, 114 in 1885-1891, and only
   77 out of a total of 425 in 1897. … Their political theories
   are those of moderate constitutional liberalism as understood
   on the Continent in the middle of the century—i. e. belief in
   the efficacy of parliamentary government, in commercial and
   industrial freedom, hostility to military bureaucracy and
   clericalism. … The most radical group among them, the
   Progressists, an offshoot of the last election, is about as
   radical as the ordinary English Conservative of to-day. The
   views of the Verfassungstreue Grossgrundbesitz are those of
   the English Tory of fifty years ago.

{38}

   "Of the fractions into which the Liberal party is now divided
   the most important is the Deutsch Fortschrittliche, or
   Progressive, which split off from the main body in November
   1896. Its chief object was to direct a stronger opposition on
   national and liberal lines to Count Badeni. Its 35 members are
   almost exclusively recruited from Bohemia and Moravia. They
   differ from the German 'Volkspartei' mainly in their refusal
   to accept anti-Semitism, which would be both against their
   liberal professions and their economic convictions as
   representatives of the commercial and manufacturing classes.
   The constitutional landowners (Verfassungstreue
   Grossgrundbesitz, 30 seats) represent the most conservative
   element of the old Liberal party. … The 12 members of the Free
   German Union (Freie Deutsche Vereinigung) may perhaps consider
   themselves the most authentic remnant of the great Liberal
   party—it is their chief claim to distinction. The German
   National or People's party (Deutsche Volkspartei, 43 seats)
   first made its appearance at the elections of 1885. It
   rejected the old idea of the Liberals that the Germans were
   meant, as defenders of the State, to look to State interests
   alone without regard to the fate of their own nationality, and
   took up a more strictly national as well as a more democratic
   attitude. It has also of late years included anti-Semitism in
   its programme. Its main strength lies in the Alpine provinces,
   where it heads the German national and Liberal opposition to
   the Slovenes on the one side, and the German clericals on the
   other. It is at present the largest of the German parties. …

   "Least but not last of the German parties comes the little
   group of five led by Schönerer and Wolf. Noisy, turbulent, and
   reckless, this little body of extremists headed the
   obstruction in the Reichsrath, the disorganised larger German
   parties simply following in its wake. The object these men aim
   at is the incorporation of German Austria in the German
   Empire, the non-German parts being left to take care of
   themselves. Both the German National party and Schönerer's
   followers are anti-Semitic, but anti-Semitism only plays a
   secondary part in their programme. The party that more
   specially claims the title of anti-Semite is the Christian
   Social (Christlich-Soziale, 27 seats). The growth of this
   party in the last few years has been extraordinarily rapid. In
   Dr. Lueger and Prince Alois Liechtenstein it has found leaders
   who thoroughly understand the arts of exciting or humouring
   the Viennese populace. … The characteristic feature of
   Austrian anti-Semitism, besides the reaction against the
   predominance of the ubiquitous Jew in commerce, journalism,
   and the liberal professions, is that it represents the
   opposition of the small tradesman or handicraftsman to the
   increasing pressure of competition from the large Jewish shops
   and the sweating system so frequently connected with them. The
   economic theories of the party are of the crudest and most
   mediæval kind; compulsory apprenticeship, restricted trade
   guilds, penalties on stock exchange speculation, &c., form the
   chief items of its programme. …

   "The German Clericals and the Clerical Conservatives
   (Katholische Volkspartei and Centrum) number some 37 votes
   together; but their importance has always been increased by
   the skilful and unscrupulous parliamentary tactics of the
   party. The strength of the Clerical party lies in the ignorant
   and devotedly pious peasantry of Upper Austria and the Alpine
   provinces. The defence of agrarian interests is included in
   its programme; but its only real object is the maintenance of
   the moral and material power of the Church. Its policy looks
   solely to the interests of the Vatican. …

   "The best organised of the national parties is the Polish Club
   (59 seats). It represents the national and social interests of
   the Polish nobility and landed gentry. … Standing outside of
   Austrian interests, they exercise a controlling voice in
   Austrian affairs. The three-score well-drilled Polish votes
   have helped the Government again and again to ride roughshod
   over constitutional opposition. The partition of Poland has
   thus avenged itself on one at least of its spoilers. The
   Germans have long resented this outside interference which
   permanently keeps them in a minority. … The Czechs are a party
   of 60, and together with the 19 representatives of the Czech
   landed aristocracy, form the largest group in the Reichsrath.
   The Young Czech party began in the seventies as a reaction
   against the Old Czech policy of passive resistance. In
   contra-distinction to the Old Czechs, they also professed
   radical and anti-clerical views in politics generally. … In
   1897 the Old Czechs finally withdrew from the contest or were
   merged in the victorious party. … Of the other nationalist
   parties the most important is the Slav National Christian
   Union (35 seats), comprising the Slovenes, Croatians, and some
   of the more moderate Ruthenians from Galicia. Their programme
   is mainly national, though tinged with clericalism; equality
   of the Slav languages with German and Italian in mixed
   districts; and ultimately a union of the southern Slavs in an
   autonomous national province. The Italians are divided into 5
   Clerical Italians from the Tirol and 14 Liberals from Trieste,
   Istria, &c. The Tirolese Italians desire a division of the
   Tirol into a German and an Italian part. …

   "The most interesting, and in some ways the most respectable,
   of all Austrian parties is the Socialist or Social Democratic
   party (15 seats). It is the only one that fights for a living
   political theory—German liberalism being to all intents and
   purposes defunct—and not for mere national aggression. The
   Social Democrats hold the whole national agitation to be an
   hysterical dispute got up by professors, advocates, and other
   ne'er-do-weels of the unemployed upper classes. … Their
   support is derived from the working classes in the industrial
   districts, and not least from the poorer Jews, who supply
   socialism with many of its keenest apostles. …

   "Altogether a most hopeless jumble of incoherent atoms is this
   Austrian Reichsrath. The chariots driving four-ways on the
   roof of the Houses of Parliament are a true symbol of the
   nature of Austrian politics. To add to the confusion, all the
   parties are headless. Able men and men of culture, there are a
   good many in the House; but political leaders there are none.
   The general tone of the House is undignified, and has been so
   for some time. …

{39}

   "On April 5, 1897, Count Badeni published the notorious
   language decrees for Bohemia. This ordinance placed the Czech
   language on an absolute equality with the German in all
   governmental departments and in the law courts all over
   Bohemia. … After 1901 all officials in every part of Bohemia
   were to be obliged to know both languages. The refusal of the
   Germans to admit the language spoken by 62 per cent. of the
   population of Bohemia to an equality with their own is not
   quite so preposterous as would at first sight appear. Without
   subscribing to Professor Mommsen's somewhat insolent dicta
   about 'inferior races,' one must admit that the Czech and
   German languages do not stand on altogether the same footing.
   German is a language spoken by some 60,000,000 of people, the
   language of a great literature and a great commerce. Czech is
   difficult, unpronounceable, and spoken by some 5,000,000 in
   all. It must be remembered, too, that the two nations do not
   really live together in Bohemia, but that the Germans live in
   a broad belt all round the country, while the Czechs inhabit
   the central plain. There is no more reason for a German
   Bohemian to acquire Czech than there is for a citizen of
   Edinburgh to make himself master of Gaelic. On the other hand,
   every educated Czech naturally learns German, even in a purely
   Czech-speaking district. … It must also be remembered that the
   decrees, as such, were of doubtful constitutionality; the
   language question was really a matter for the Legislature to
   settle. The decrees at once produced a violent agitation among
   the Germans, which rapidly spread from Bohemia over the whole
   Empire."

      _The Internal Crisis in Austria-Hungary
      (Edinburgh Review, July, 1898)._

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (October-December).
   Scenes in the Austrian Reichsrath described by Mark Twain.

   "Here in Vienna in these closing days of 1897 one's blood gets
   no chance to stagnate. The atmosphere is brimful of political
   electricity. All conversation is political; every man is a
   battery, with brushes overworn, and gives out blue sparks when
   you set him going on the common topic. … Things have happened
   here recently which would set any country but Austria on fire
   from end to end, and upset the government to a certainty; but
   no one feels confident that such results will follow here.
   Here, apparently, one must wait and see what will happen, then
   he will know, and not before; guessing is idle; guessing
   cannot help the matter. This is what the wise tell you; they
   all say it; they say it every day, and it is the sole detail
   upon which they all agree. There is some approach to agreement
   upon another point: that there will be no revolution. … Nearly
   every day some one explains to me that a revolution would not
   succeed here. 'It couldn't, you know. Broadly speaking, all
   the nations in the empire hate the government—but they all
   hate each other too, and with devoted and enthusiastic
   bitterness; no two of them can combine; the nation that rises
   must rise alone; then the others would joyfully join the
   government against her, and she would have just a fly's chance
   against a combination of spiders. This government is entirely
   independent. It can go its own road, and do as it pleases; it
   has nothing to fear. In countries like England and America,
   where there is one tongue and the public interests are common,
   the government must take account of public opinion; but in
   Austria-Hungary there are nineteen public opinions—one for
   each state. No—two or three for each state, since there are
   two or three nationalities in each. A government cannot
   satisfy all these public opinions; it can only go through the
   motions of trying. This government does that. It goes through
   the motions, and they do not succeed; but that does not worry
   the government much.' …

   "The recent troubles have grown out of Count Badeni's
   necessities. He could not carry on his government without a
   majority vote in the House at his back, and in order to secure
   it he had to make a trade of some sort. He made it with the
   Czechs—the Bohemians. The terms were not easy for him: he must
   pass a bill making the Czech tongue the official language in
   Bohemia in place of the German. This created a storm. All the
   Germans in Austria' were incensed. In numbers they form but a
   fourth part of the empire's population, but they urge that the
   country's public business should be conducted in one common
   tongue, and that tongue a world language—which German is.
   However, Badeni secured his majority. The German element was
   apparently become helpless. The Czech deputies were exultant.
   Then the music began. Badeni's voyage, instead of being
   smooth, was disappointingly rough from the start. The
   government must get the 'Ausgleich' through. It must not fail.
   Badeni's majority was ready to carry it through; but the
   minority was determined to obstruct it and delay it until the
   obnoxious Czech-language measure should be shelved.

   "The 'Ausgleich' is an Adjustment, Arrangement, Settlement,
   which holds Austria and Hungary together [see above; also, in
   volume 1, AUSTRIA: A. D. 1866-1867]. It dates from 1867, and
   has to be renewed every ten years. It establishes the share
   which Hungary must pay toward the expenses of the imperial
   government. Hungary is a kingdom (the Emperor of Austria is
   its King), and has its own parliament and governmental
   machinery. But it has no foreign office, and it has no army—at
   least its army is a part of the imperial army, is paid out of
   the imperial treasury, and is under the control of the
   imperial war office. The ten-year rearrangement was due a year
   ago, but failed to connect. At least completely. A year's
   compromise was arranged. A new arrangement must be effected
   before the last day of this year. Otherwise the two countries
   become separate entities. The Emperor would still be King of
   Hungary—that is, King of an independent foreign country. There
   would be Hungarian custom-houses on the Austrian frontier, and
   there would be a Hungarian army and a Hungarian foreign
   office. Both countries would be weakened by this, both would
   suffer damage. The Opposition in the House, although in the
   minority, had a good weapon to fight with in the pending
   'Ausgleich.' If it could delay the 'Ausgleich' a few weeks,
   the government would doubtless have to withdraw the hated
   language bill or lose Hungary.

   "The Opposition began its fight. Its arms were the Rules of
   the House. It was soon manifest that by applying these Rules
   ingeniously, it could make the majority helpless, and keep it
   so as long as it pleased. It could shut off business every now
   and then with a motion to adjourn. It could require the ayes
   and noes on the motion, and use up thirty minutes on that
   detail. It could call for the reading and verification of the
   minutes of the preceding meeting, and use up half a day in
   that way.
{40}
   It could require that several of its members be entered upon
   the list of permitted speakers previously to the opening of a
   sitting; and as there is no time limit, further delays could
   thus be accomplished. These were all lawful weapons, and the
   men of the Opposition (technically called the Left) were
   within their rights in using them. They used them to such dire
   purpose that all parliamentary business was paralyzed. The
   Right (the government side) could accomplish nothing. Then it
   had a saving idea. This idea was a curious one. It was to have
   the President and the Vice-Presidents of the parliament
   trample the Rules under foot upon occasion! …

   "And now took place that memorable sitting of the House which
   broke two records. It lasted the best part of two days and a
   night, surpassing by half an hour the longest sitting known to
   the world's previous parliamentary history, and breaking the
   long-speech record with Dr. Lecher's twelve-hour effort, the
   longest flow of unbroken talk that ever came out of one mouth
   since the world began. At 8.45, on the evening of the 28th of
   October, when the House had been sitting a few minutes short
   of ten hours, Dr. Lecher was granted the floor. … Then burst
   out such another wild and frantic and deafening clamor as has
   not been heard on this planet since the last time the
   Comanches surprised a white settlement at midnight. Yells from
   the Left, counter-yells from the Right, explosions of yells
   from all sides at once, and all the air sawed and pawed and
   clawed and cloven by a writhing confusion of gesturing arms
   and hands. Out of the midst of this thunder and turmoil and
   tempest rose Dr. Lecher, serene and collected, and the
   providential length of him enabled his head to show out above
   it. He began his twelve-hour speech. At any rate, his lips
   could be seen to move, and that was evidence. On high sat the
   President imploring order, with his long hands put together as
   in prayer, and his lips visibly but not hearably speaking. At
   intervals he grasped his bell and swung it up and down with
   vigor, adding its keen clamor to the storm weltering there
   below. Dr. Lecher went on with his pantomime speech,
   contented, untroubled. … One of the interrupters who made
   himself heard was a young fellow of slight build and neat
   dress, who stood a little apart from the solid crowd and
   leaned negligently, with folded arms and feet crossed, against
   a desk. Trim and handsome; strong face and thin features;
   black hair roughed up; parsimonious mustache; resonant great
   voice, of good tone and pitch. It is Wolf, capable and
   hospitable with sword and pistol. … Out of him came early this
   thundering peal, audible above the storm:

   "'I demand the floor. I wish to offer a motion.'

   "In the sudden lull which followed, the President answered,
   'Dr. Lecher has the floor.'

   "_Wolf._ 'I move the close of the sitting!'

   "_President._ 'Representative Lecher has the floor.'
   [Stormy outburst from the Left—that is, the Opposition.]

   "_Wolf._ 'I demand the floor for the introduction of a
   formal motion. [Pause.] Mr. President, are you going to grant
   it, or not? [Crash of approval from the Left.] I will keep on
   demanding the floor till I get it.'

   "_President._ 'I call Representative Wolf to order. Dr.
   Lecher has the floor.' …

   "'Which was true; and he was speaking, too, calmly, earnestly,
   and argumentatively; and the official stenographers had left
   their places and were at his elbows taking down his words, he
   leaning and orating into their ears—a most curious and
   interesting scene. … At this point a new and most effective
   noisemaker was pressed into service. Each desk has an
   extension, consisting of a removable board eighteen inches
   long, six wide, and a half-inch thick. A member pulled one of
   these out and began to belabor the top of his desk with it.
   Instantly other members followed suit, and perhaps you can
   imagine the result. Of all conceivable rackets it is the most
   ear-splitting, intolerable, and altogether fiendish. … Wolf
   went on with his noise and with his demands that he be granted
   the floor, resting his board at intervals to discharge
   criticisms and epithets at the Chair. … By-and-by he struck
   the idea of beating out a tune with his board. Later he
   decided to stop asking for the floor, and to confer it upon
   himself. And so he and Dr. Lecher now spoke at the same time,
   and mingled their speeches with the other noises, and nobody
   heard either of them. Wolf rested himself now and then from
   speech-making by reading, in his clarion voice, from a
   pamphlet.

   "I will explain that Dr. Lecher was not making a twelve-hour
   speech for pastime, but for an important purpose. It was the
   government's intention to push the 'Ausgleich' through its
   preliminary stages in this one sitting (for which it was the
   Order of the Day), and then by vote refer it to a select
   committee. It was the Majority's scheme—as charged by the
   Opposition—to drown debate upon the bill by pure noise—drown
   it out and stop it. The debate being thus ended, the vote upon
   the reference would follow—with victory for the government.
   But into the government's calculations had not entered the
   possibility of a single-barrelled speech which should occupy
   the entire time-limit of the sitting, and also get itself
   delivered in spite of all the noise. … In the English House an
   obstructionist has held the floor with Bible-readings and
   other outside matters; but Dr. Lecher could not have that
   restful and recuperative privilege—he must confine himself
   strictly to the subject before the House. More than once, when
   the President could not hear him because of the general
   tumult, he sent persons to listen and report as to whether the
   orator was speaking to the subject or not.

   "The subject was a peculiarly difficult one, and it would have
   troubled any other deputy to stick to it three hours without
   exhausting his ammunition, because it required a vast and
   intimate knowledge—detailed and particularized knowledge—of
   the commercial, railroading, financial, and international
   banking relations existing between two great sovereignties,
   Hungary and the Empire. But Dr. Lecher is President of the
   Board of Trade of his city of Brünn, and was master of the
   situation. … He went steadily on with his speech; and always
   it was strong, virile, felicitous, and to the point. He was
   earning applause, and this enabled his party to turn that fact
   to account. Now and then they applauded him a couple of
   minutes on a stretch, and during that time he could stop
   speaking and rest his voice without having the floor taken
   from him. …

{41}

   "The Minority staid loyally by their champion. Some
   distinguished deputies of the Majority staid by him too,
   compelled thereto by admiration of his great performance. When
   a man has been speaking eight hours, is it conceivable that he
   can still be interesting, still fascinating? When Dr. Lecher had
   been speaking eight hours he was still compactly surrounded by
   friends who would not leave him and by foes (of all parties)
   who could not; and all hung enchanted and wondering upon his
   words, and all testified their admiration with constant and
   cordial outbursts of applause. Surely this was a triumph
   without precedent in history. …

   "In consequence of Dr. Lecher's twelve-hour speech and the
   other obstructions furnished by the Minority, the famous
   thirty-three-hour sitting of the House accomplished nothing. …
   Parliament was adjourned for a week—to let the members cool
   off, perhaps—a sacrifice of precious time, for but two months
   remained in which to carry the all-important 'Ausgleich' to a
   consummation. …

   "During the whole of November things went from bad to worse.
   The all-important 'Ausgleich' remained hard aground, and could
   not be sparred off. Badeni's government could not withdraw the
   Language Ordinance and keep its majority, and the Opposition
   could not be placated on easier terms. One night, while the
   customary pandemonium was crashing and thundering along at its
   best, a fight broke out. … On Thanksgiving day the sitting was
   a history-making one. On that day the harried, bedeviled and
   despairing government went insane. In order to free itself
   from the thraldom of the Opposition it committed this
   curiously juvenile crime: it moved an important change of the
   Rules of the House, forbade debate upon the motion, put it to
   a stand-up vote instead of ayes and noes, and then gravely
   claimed that it had been adopted. … The House was already
   standing up; had been standing for an hour; and before a third
   of it had found out what the President had been saying, he had
   proclaimed the adoption of the motion! And only a few heard
   that. In fact, when that House is legislating you can't tell
   it from artillery-practice. You will realize what a happy idea
   it was to sidetrack the lawful ayes and noes and substitute a
   stand-up vote by this fact: that a little later, when a
   deputation of deputies waited upon the President and asked him
   if he was actually willing to claim that that measure had been
   passed, he answered, 'Yes—and unanimously.' …

   "The 'Lex Falkenhayn,' thus strangely born, gave the President
   power to suspend for three days any deputy who should continue
   to be disorderly after being called to order twice, and it
   also placed at his disposal such force as might be necessary
   to make the suspension effective. So the House had a
   sergeant-at-arms at last, and a more formidable one, as to
   power, than any other legislature in Christendom had ever
   possessed. The Lex Falkenhayn also gave the House itself
   authority to suspend members for thirty days. On these terms
   the 'Ausgleich' could be put through in an hour—apparently.
   The Opposition would have to sit meek and quiet, and stop
   obstructing, or be turned into the street, deputy after
   deputy, leaving the Majority an unvexed field for its work.

   "Certainly the thing looked well. … [But next day, when the
   President attempted to open the session, a band of the
   Socialist members made a sudden charge upon him, drove him and
   the Vice President from the House, took possession of the
   tribune, and brought even the semblance of legislative
   proceedings to an end. Then a body of sixty policemen was
   brought in to clear the House.] Some of the results of this
   wild freak followed instantly. The Badeni government came down
   with a crash; there was a popular outbreak or two in Vienna;
   there were three or four days of furious rioting in Prague,
   followed by the establishing there of martial law; the Jews
   and Germans were harried and plundered, and their houses
   destroyed; in other Bohemian towns there was rioting—in some
   cases the Germans being the rioters, in others the Czechs—and
   in all cases the Jew had to roast, no matter which side he was
   on. We are well along in December now; the new
   Minister-President has not been able to patch up a peace among
   the warring factions of the parliament, therefore there is no
   use in calling it together again for the present; public
   opinion believes that parliamentary government and the
   Constitution are actually threatened with extinction, and that
   the permanency of the monarchy itself is a not absolutely
   certain thing!

   "Yes, the Lex Falkenhayn was a great invention, and did what
   was claimed for it—it got the government out of the
   frying-pan."

      _S. L. Clemens (Mark Twain),
      Stirring Times in Austria
      (Harper's Magazine, March, 1898)._

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (December).
   Imperial action.

   On the last day of the year the Emperor closed the sittings of
   the Austrian Reichsrath by proclamation and issued a rescript
   continuing the "Ausgleich" provisionally for six months.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898.
   Prolongation of factious disorders.
   Paralysis of constitutional government.

   Though scenes in the Austrian Chamber were not quite so
   violent, perhaps, as they had become near the close of 1897,
   the state of factious disorder continued much the same
   throughout the year, and legislation was completely stopped.
   The work of government could be carried on only by imperial
   decrees. The ministry of Baron von Gautsch, which had
   succeeded that of Count Badeni, attempted a compromise on the
   language question in Bohemia by dividing the country into
   three districts, according to the distribution of the several
   races, in one of which German was to be the official tongue,
   in another Czech, while both languages were to be used in the
   third. But the Germans of the empire would accept no such
   compromise. In March, Baron von Gautsch retired, and Count
   Thun Hohenstein formed a Ministry made up to represent the
   principal factions in the Reichsrath; but, the scheme brought
   no peace. Nor did appeals by Count Thun, "in the name of
   Austria," to the patriotism and the reason of all parties, to
   suspend their warfare long enough for a little of the
   necessary work of the state to be done, have any effect. The
   turbulence in the legislature infected the whole community,
   and especially, it would seem, the students in the schools,
   whose disorder caused many lectures to be stopped. In Hungary,
   too, there was an increase of violence in political agitation.
   A party, led by the son of Louis Kossuth, struggled to improve
   what seemed to be an opportunity for breaking the political
   union of Hungary with Austria, and realizing the old ambition
   for an independent Hungarian state.
{42}
   The ministry of Baron Banffy had this party against him, as
   well as that of the clericals, who resented the civil marriage
   laws, and legislation came to a deadlock nearly as complete in
   the Hungarian as in the Austrian Parliament. There, as well as
   in Austria, the extension of the Ausgleich, provisionally for
   another year, had to be imposed by imperial decree.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (April).
   Withdrawal from the blockade of Crete and
   the "Concert of Europe."

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1897-1899.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (June).
   The Sugar Conference at Brussels.

      See (in this volume)
      SUGAR BOUNTIES.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (September).
   Assassination of the Empress.
   Jubilee of the Emperor's reign.

   On the 10th of September, Elizabeth, Empress of Austria and
   Queen of Hungary, was assassinated at Geneva by an Italian
   anarchist, named Luigi Luccheni, who stabbed her with a small
   stiletto, exceedingly thin and narrow in the blade. The
   murderer rushed upon her and struck her, as she was walking,
   with a single attendant, on the quay, towards a lake steamer
   on which she intended to travel to Montreux. She fell, but
   arose, with some assistance, and walked forward to the
   steamer, evidently unaware that she had suffered worse than a
   blow. On the steamer, however, she lost consciousness, and
   then, for the first time, the wound was discovered. It had
   been made by so fine a weapon that it showed little external
   sign, and it is probable that the Empress felt little pain.
   She lived nearly half an hour after the blow was struck. The
   assassin attempted to escape, but was caught. As Swiss law
   forbids capital punishment, he could be only condemned to
   solitary confinement for life. This terrible tragedy came soon
   after the festivities in Austria which had celebrated the
   jubilee year of the Emperor Francis Joseph's reign. The
   Emperor's marriage had been one of love: he had suffered many
   afflictions in his later life; the state of his realm was such
   as could hardly be contemplated without despair; men wondered
   if he could bear this crowning sorrow and live. But he had the
   undoubted affection of his subjects, much as they troubled him
   with their miserably factious quarrels, and that consciousness
   seems to have been his one support.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
   Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1900.
   Continued obstruction by the German parties in Austria.
   Extensive secession of German Catholics from their
   Church, and its significance.
   Withdrawal of the Bohemian language decrees.
   Obstruction taken up by the Czechs.

   During most of the year the German parties in the Austrian
   Reichsrath continued to make legislation impossible by
   disorderly obstruction, with the avowed purpose of compelling
   the government to withdraw the language decrees in Bohemia. A
   still more significant demonstration of German feeling and
   policy appeared, in a wide-spread and organized movement to
   detach German Roman Catholics from their church, partly, it
   would seem, as a proceeding of hostility to the Clerical
   party, and partly as a means of recommending the Germans of
   the Austrian states to the sympathy of the German Empire, and
   smoothing the approach to an ultimate union of some of those
   states with the Germanic federation. The agitation against the
   Catholic Church is called "Los von Rom," and is said to have
   had remarkable results. "Those acquainted with the situation
   in Austria," says a writer in the "Quarterly Review," "do not
   wonder that in various parts of the Empire there is a marked
   tendency among the German Catholics to join Christian
   communions separated from Rome. Many thousand Roman Catholics
   have recently renounced their allegiance to the Holy See.
   Further secessions are announced as about to take place. The
   movement is especially strong in great centres like Eger,
   Asch, and Saatz, but has made itself felt also in Carinthia,
   and even in coast districts. This is a grave political fact,
   for it is a marked indication of serious discontent, and a
   sure sign that some arrangement under which certain districts
   of Austria might be joined to Germany would not be unwelcome
   to a section of the people."

      _Quarterly Review,
      January, 1899._

   In September the Austrian Ministry of Count Thun resigned, and
   was succeeded by one formed under Count Clary-Aldingen. The
   new premier withdrew the language decrees, which quieted the
   German obstructionists, but provoked the Czechs to take up the
   same rôle. Count Clary-Aldingen resigned in December, and a
   provisional Ministry was formed under Dr. Wettek, which lasted
   only until the 10th of January, 1900, when a new Cabinet was
   formed by Dr. von Körber. In Hungary, Baron Banffy was driven
   from power in February, 1899, by a state of things in the
   Hungarian Parliament much like that in the Austrian. M.
   Koloman Szell, who succeeded him, effected a compromise with
   the opposition which enabled him to carry a measure extending
   the Ausgleich to 1907. This brought one serious difficulty of
   the situation to an end.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1901.
   Attitude towards impending revolt in Macedonia.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901;
      and BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900.
   Military and naval expenditure.

      See (in this volume)
      WAR BUDGETS.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (February).
   Attempted pacification of German and Czech parties by a
   Conciliation Board.

   "On Monday last [February 5] the German and Czech Conciliation
   Board met for the first time in Vienna, under the presidency of
   the Austrian Premier, Dr. von Körber, and conferred for two
   hours. … Dr. von Körber is at the head of what may be called a
   'business' Ministry, composed largely of those who had filled
   subordinate offices in previous Ministries. It was hoped,
   perhaps, that, since the leading politicians with a political
   'past' could apparently do nothing to bring about a
   settlement, men with no past, but with a capacity for
   business, and in no way committed on the racial question,
   might do better in effecting a working arrangement. The
   appointment of this Conciliation Board seemed a promising way
   of attempting such a settlement. Dr. von Körber opened
   Monday's proceedings with a strong appeal to both sides,
   saying: 'Gentlemen, the Empire looks to you to restore its
   happiness and tranquillity.' It cannot be said that the Empire
   is likely to find its wishes fulfilled, for when the Board came
   down to hard business, the old troubles instantly revealed
   themselves.
{43}
   The Premier recommended a committee for Bohemia of twenty-two
   members, and one for Moravia of fifteen members, the two
   sitting in joint session in certain cases. Dr. Engel then set
   forth the historical claims of the Czechs, which immediately
   called forth a demand from Dr. Funke, of the German party,
   that German should be declared the official language
   throughout Austria. Each speaker seems to have been supported
   by his own party, and so no progress was made, and matters
   remain in 'statu quo ante.' The singularly deficient
   constitution of this Board makes against success, for it seems
   that the German Nationalists and Anti-Semites have only one
   delegate apiece, the Social Democrats were not invited at all,
   while the extreme Germans and extreme Czechs, apparently
   regarding the Board as a farce, declined to nominate delegates
   to its sittings. … There is unhappily little reason for
   believing that the Board of Conciliation will effect what the
   Emperor himself has failed to accomplish."

      _Spectator (London),
      February 10, 1900._

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (June-December).
   Co-operation with the Powers in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (September-December).
   Warnings by the Emperor.
   Clerical interference in politics.
   The attitude of Hungary.
   Economic decline of Austria.
   Pessimistic views in Vienna.
   The pending elections.

   The Vienna correspondence of the "London Times" seems to be
   the best source of information concerning the critical
   conditions that are prevailing in the composite Empire, as the
   Nineteenth Century closes, and the events by which those
   conditions are from time to time revealed. The writer, whose
   reports we shall quote, is evidently well placed for
   observation, and well prepared for understanding what he sees.

   In a dispatch of September 14, he notes the significance of a
   reprimand which the Emperor had caused to be administered to
   the Archbishop of Sarajevo, for interference in political
   affairs:

   "The chief of the Emperor's Cabinet called the Archbishop's
   attention to newspaper reports of a speech made by him at the
   close of the Catholic Congress recently held at Agram, in
   which he was represented to have expressed the hope that
   Bosnia would be incorporated with Croatia at the earliest
   possible date. As that question was a purely political one and
   foreign to the sacred vocation of the Archbishop, and as its
   solution fell exclusively within the jurisdiction of certain
   lay factors, and more especially within the Sovereign
   prerogatives of his Majesty, the chief of the Cabinet was
   instructed, in case the reports were correct, to communicate
   to his Grace the serious warning and firm expectation of the
   Emperor that his Grace would abstain in future, both in word
   and deed, from interference in political questions. As was to
   be expected, this sharp reprimand to an ecclesiastic of such
   high position and repute has made a great sensation. It meets
   with warm approval from the entire Hungarian Press. … There
   is, on the other hand, bitter mortification in Clerical
   circles. It is evidently felt that the warning to abstain from
   politics may be of more than mere local and individual
   significance."

   In another dispatch on the same day the correspondent reported
   a still more significant imperial utterance, this time from
   the Emperor's own lips: "Yesterday the Emperor, who is
   attending the manœuvres in Galicia, received the Polish
   Parliamentary Deputation and, addressing their president,
   informed him that the dissolution of the Reichsrath and the
   coming elections were the last constitutional means which
   would be employed by his Government. That implies that, if the
   new Parliament will not work, the Constitution will be
   suspended. … The dissolution of the Reichsrath takes place in
   opposition to the wish of the moderate element of all parties,
   who did their utmost to dissuade the Prime Minister from
   taking such a drastic measure. The opinion of those who did
   not approve of dissolution is that in the absence of a new
   suffrage the next Parliament will prove more unruly than the
   last. … Yesterday's Imperial warning requires no comment.
   It means no more than it says—namely, an eventual suspension
   of the Constitution. It does not point to any alternative
   regime in case the Parliamentary system should break down.
   Indeed, there is nothing to show that any such alternative has
   been under the consideration of the Emperor and his Ministers. No
   less an authority than Dr. Lueger, the Anti-Semitic
   burgomaster of Vienna, has just expressed his opinion on the
   subject to a local journalist in the following words:

   'I am firmly convinced that nobody, not a single man in
   Austria, including all statesmen and Parliamentary
   politicians, has the faintest idea of how the situation will
   develop.'"

   A few days later (September 25) the "Times" correspondence
   summarized an important speech by the Hungarian statesman,
   Count Apponyi, to his constituents, in which the same forecast
   of a political catastrophe in Austria was intimated. Count
   Apponyi,—"after dwelling upon the importance of maintaining
   the Ausgleich, remarked that affairs in Austria might take a
   turn which would render its revision indispensable owing
   either to a complete suspension of the constitutional system
   in Austria, the maintenance of which was one of the conditions
   of the arrangement of 1867, or such modifications thereof as
   would make the existing form of union between the two
   countries technically untenable or politically questionable.
   In either case the revision could only confirm the
   independence of Hungary. But even then Count Apponyi believed
   that by fallowing the traditions of Francis Deák it would be
   possible to harmonize the necessary revision with the
   fundamental principles of the Dual Monarchy. It would,
   however, be a great mistake to raise that question unless
   forced to do so by circumstances. Count Apponyi went on to say
   that the importance of Hungary, not only in the Monarchy but
   throughout the civilized world, was enormously increased by
   the fact that it secured the maintenance of Austria-Hungary,
   threatened by the destructive influence of the Austrian chaos,
   and thus constituted one of the principal guarantees of
   European tranquillity. The peace-abiding nations recognized
   that this service to the dynasty, the Monarchy, and the
   European State system was only possible while the
   constitutional independence and national unity of Hungary was
   maintained. It was clear to every unprejudiced mind that
   Hungarian national independence and unity was the backbone of
   the Dual Monarchy and one of the most important guarantees of
   European peace. But the imposing position attained by Hungary
   through the European sanction of her national ideal would be
   imperilled if they were of their own initiative to raise the
   question of the union of the two countries and thus convert
   the Austrian crisis into one affecting the whole Monarchy."

{44}

   An article in the "Neue Freie Presse," of Vienna, on the
   hostility of the Vatican to Austria and Hungary was partially
   communicated in a despatch of October 11. The Vienna journal
   ascribes this hostility in part to resentment engendered by
   the alliance of Catholic Austria with Italy, and in part to
   the Hungarian ecclesiastical laws.

      See above: A. D. 1894-1895.

   It remarked: "Never has clericalism been so influential in the
   legislation and administration of this Empire. The most
   powerful party is the one that takes its 'mot d'ordre' from
   the Papal Nunciature. It guides the feudal nobility, it is the
   thorn in the flesh of the German population, it has provoked a
   20 years' reaction in Austria, and, unhindered and protected,
   it scatters in Hungary that seed which has thriven so well in
   this half of the Monarchy that nothing is done in Austria
   without first considering what will be said about it in Rome."
   A day or two later some evidence of a growing resentment in
   Austria at the interference of the clergy in politics was
   adduced: "Thus the Czech organ, inspired by the well-known
   leader of the party, Dr. Stransky, states that a deputation of
   tradespeople called on the editor and expressed great
   indignation at the unprecedented manner in which the priests
   were joining in electoral agitation. They added that they
   'could no longer remain members of a Church whose clergy took
   advantage of religious sentiment for political purposes.' The
   Peasants' Electoral Association for Upper Austria has just
   issued a manifesto in which the following occurs:—'We have for
   more than 20 years invariably elected the candidates proposed by
   the Clerical party. What has been done during that long period
   for us peasants and small tradespeople? What have the Clerical
   party and the Clerical members of Parliament done for us? How
   have they rewarded our long fidelity? By treason. … We have
   been imposed upon long enough. It is due to our self-respect
   and honour to emancipate ourselves thoroughly from the
   mamelukes put forward by the Clerical wirepullers. We must
   show that we can get on without Clerical leadingstrings.'"

   On the 26th of October the writer summarized a report that day
   published by the Vienna Stock Exchange Committee, as
   furnishing "fresh evidence of the disastrous effects of the
   prolonged internal political crisis." "The report begins by
   stating that the Vienna Stock Exchange, formerly the leading
   and most important one in Europe, and which, in consequence of
   the geographical situation of the town, was called upon to be
   the centre of financial operations with the Near East, has for
   years past been steadily declining. Every year the number of
   those frequenting the Bourse diminishes, and there has been an
   annual decrease in the amount of capital that has changed
   hands. Of late years, and particularly within the last few
   months, this has assumed such dimensions that it has become an
   imperative duty for the competent authorities to investigate the
   causes of the evil and to seek a remedy. It is recognized that
   the deplorable domestic situation has largely contributed to
   the decline of the Bourse. The deadlock in the Legislative
   Assembly has occasioned stagnation in industry and commerce,
   whereas outside the Monarchy there has been an unprecedented
   development of trade. Further prejudice has been caused by
   what is called in the report the anti-capitalist tendencies,
   which represent all gains and profits to be ill-gotten. The
   profession of merchant has been held up by unprincipled
   demagogues as disreputable. The authorities are reproached
   with having encouraged those tendencies by undue tolerance."

   Early in November, the Vienna letters began accounts of the
   electioneering campaign then opening, though elections for the
   new House were not to take place until the following January:
   "Every day," wrote the correspondent, "brings its contingent
   of electoral manifestos, and all parties have already had
   their say. Unfortunately, nothing could be less edifying. It
   may be said of them all that they have profited little by
   experience, and it is vain to search for any indication of a
   conciliatory disposition among Czechs or Germans, Liberals or
   Clericals. One and all are as uncompromising as ever, and
   neither the leaders nor the rank and file are prepared to
   reckon with the real exigencies of the situation, even to save
   their own Parliamentary existence. The feudal nobility, who
   stand aloof from Parliamentary strife, have alone lost nothing
   of their position and influence. They disdainfully refuse to
   take either the requirements of the State or the legitimate
   wishes of the Crown into account. They are preparing in
   alliance with Ultramontanism to hold their own against the
   coming storm. Their action in the pending electrical campaign
   is of an occult nature; their proceedings are seldom reported
   by the newspapers, and when they meet it is by groups and
   privately.

   "The political speeches which have hitherto been delivered in
   various parts of the country are bewildering. The Germans are
   split up into several fractions, and even on the other side
   there have been separate manifestos from the Young Czechs and
   also from the Old Czechs, who have long ceased to play a part
   in the Reichsrath. It is confusion worse confounded, in fact
   complete chaos. The prospect of a rallying of the
   heterogeneous and mutually antagonistic groups on the basis of
   resistance to Hungarian exigencies, though possible, is not
   yet at hand, whatever the future may reserve. … The words of
   warning that came from the Crown as to this being the last
   attempt that would be made to rule by constitutional methods
   has clearly failed to produce that impression among
   Parliamentary politicians which might justly have been
   anticipated. Not even the most experienced and best informed
   among the former members of the Reichsrath are disposed to
   make any prophecy as to what will follow the dissolution of
   the next Chamber."

{45}

   In the following month, a significant speech in the Reichsrath
   at Buda-Pesth, by the very able Hungarian Prime Minister, M.
   Szell, WIIS reported. "He foreshadowed the possibility of a
   situation in which Austria would not be able to fulfil the
   conditions prescribed in the Ausgleich Act of 1867 with regard
   to the manner of dealing with the affairs common to both halves
   of the Monarchy. He himself had, however, made up his mind on
   the subject, and was convinced that even in those
   circumstances the Hungarians would by means of provisional
   measures regulate the common affairs and interests of the two
   States, 'while specially asserting the rights of Hungary and
   its independence.' Another version of this somewhat oracular
   statement runs as follows:—'Hungary, without infringing the
   Ausgleich law, will find ways and means of regulating those
   affairs which, in virtue of the Pragmatic sanction, are common
   to both States, while at the same time protecting her own
   interests and giving greater emphasis to her independence.'
   Dr. Szell added:—'When the right time comes I shall explain my
   views, and eventually submit proposals to the House.
   Meanwhile, let us husband our strength and keep our powder
   dry.' The self-confident and almost defiant tone of this
   forecast, coming from a responsible statesman accustomed to
   display such prudence and moderation of language as M. Szell,
   has made a profound impression in Austria. It assumes the
   breakdown of the Austrian Parliamentary system to be a
   certainty, and anticipates the adoption by Hungary of
   one-sided measures which, according to M. Szell, will afford
   more effective protection to its interests and confirm its
   independence. This seems to be interpreted in Vienna as an
   indication that the Hungarian Premier has a cut and dry scheme
   ready for the revision of the Ausgleich in a direction which
   bodes ill for Austria. The gravity of the Ministerial
   statement is recognized by journals of such divergent views as
   the semi-official 'Fremdenblatt,' the pan-Germanic and
   Anti-Semitic 'Deutsche Zeitung,' and the 'Neues Wiener
   Tagblatt,' which is the organ of the moderate German element.
   The 'Neues Wiener Tagblatt' frankly acknowledges that, in
   addition to all her other cares, Austria has now to consider
   the crucial question of the form which her relations with
   Hungary will assume at no distant date. Commercial severance
   and declarations of independence are, it says, being discussed
   by the initiated sections of the community in both countries,
   as if it were a matter of merely economic concern, instead of
   the greatest and most perilous political problem that the
   Monarchy has been called upon to solve since the establishment
   of the Dual system, which, in spite of its complexity, has
   worked well for such a long period. The 'Neues Wiener
   Tagblatt,' nevertheless, admits that things have now reached a
   stage at which economic severance is no longer impossible." In
   a subsequent speech on New Year's Day, M. Szell declared that
   it "would be a fatal mistake to sever the ties which had so
   long connected the two countries, as the objects for which
   they were called into existence still remained and their
   fundamental basis was not shaken."

   The Vienna journals, on that New Year's Day of 1901, reviewed
   the past and surveyed the prospects of the future in gloomy
   and pessimistic tones. Heading its article "Progress
   Backward," the "Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung" said: "It is true
   that Austria has at her disposal a larger and more efficiently
   trained army than ever. The natural resources of the country
   have been better developed than in the past. The progress of
   the century has not been without influence upon ourselves.
   But, whereas other nations are more vigorous, greater, and
   mightier, we have become weaker, smaller, and less important.
   The history of the world during the second half of the past
   century has been made at our expense. … In the new partition
   of the world no room has been reserved for Austria. The most
   important events which will perhaps give the world a new
   physiognomy are taking place without Austria's being able to
   exercise the slightest influence thereon. We are living upon
   our old reputation, but in the long run that capital will
   prove insufficient."

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (December).
   Census of Vienna.

      See (in this volume)
      VIENNA: A. D. 1900.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1901.
   Parliamentary elections.
   Weakening of the Clerical and Anti-Semitic parties.
   Gains for the ultra-radical German parties.
   Disorderly opening of the Reichsrath.
   Speech of the Emperor from the throne.

   From the parliamentary elections held in January the Clerical
   and Anti-Semitic parties came back to the Reichsrath shorn of
   about one-third of their strength, while the various radical
   factions, especially those among the Germans, appear to have
   made considerable gains. Even in the Tyrol, one of the
   strongest of the Clerical leaders, Baron Di Pauli, was
   defeated, and in Vienna the Anti-Semitic majority was cut to
   less than one-fourth of what it had been three years before.
   "The Pan-Germanic group," writes "The Times" correspondent
   from Vienna, "which only numbered five in the last Parliament,
   now musters 21. It will be remembered that it openly advocates
   incorporation with the German Empire, and as a preparatory
   measure the wholesale conversion of the German population of
   Austria to Protestantism. It has hitherto been to a certain
   extent boycotted by the other German parties, being excluded
   from their so-called union for mutual defence and joint
   action." "But the programme which had thus been boycotted by
   the bulk of the German members has been the most successful of
   all in the recent general election. The position of its
   leading representative, Herr Schönerer, has been so
   strengthened that he has been able to impose upon the whole
   group the title of Pan-Germanic Union, and to enforce the
   acceptance of the principle of 'emancipation from Rome.' The
   latter demand caused a certain hesitation on the part of some
   of his new followers, who, however, ultimately decided to
   adopt it, although not to the full extent of renouncing the
   Roman Catholic faith, as Herr Schönerer and his principal
   lieutenant, Herr Wolf, themselves had done. At a conference of
   the party its programme was declared to be the promotion of
   such a federal connexion of the German provinces of Austria
   with the German Empire as would furnish a permanent guarantee
   for the maintenance of the German nationality in this country.
   The party would oppose every Government that resisted the
   realization of that object, and it could not participate in
   any manifestations of loyalty while such a Government policy
   was maintained. At the same time, the party regarded it as
   their obvious duty to emancipate themselves from Rome in a
   political but not religious sense—that is to say, to free
   themselves from the influence of the Roman Curia in affairs of
   State.

{46}

   "This boycotted party and programme now threatens to win the
   voluntary or enforced adherence of the advanced section of the
   other German groups which had hitherto declined to commit
   themselves to such an extreme policy. The most moderate of all
   the German parties, that of the constitutional landed
   proprietors, has felt called upon to enter an energetic and
   indignant protest against the foregoing Pan-Germanic
   programme. While they are convinced supporters of the
   Austro-German alliance, they unconditionally reject
   aspirations which they hold to be totally inconsistent with
   the tried and reliable basis of that agreement, and which
   would constitute an undignified sacrifice of the independence
   of the Monarchy. They further decline to make their
   manifestations of loyalty to the Sovereign dependent upon any
   condition; and they strongly condemn the emancipation from
   Rome movement as a culpable confusion of the spheres of
   religion and politics, and an infringement of the liberty of
   conscience which is calculated to sow dissension among the
   German nationality in Austria.

   "It now remains to be seen to which side the bulk of the
   German representatives will rally; to that of the Moderates,
   who have re-affirmed their devotion to the Dynasty and the
   existing Constitution, or to that of the Pan-Germanic
   revolutionaries, who have decided to make their manifestations
   of loyalty dependent upon the adoption by the Crown of their
   programme.

   "The outlook has thus undergone, if anything, a change for the
   worse since the last Reichsrath was dissolved. The only
   reassuring feature of the situation is that the fall of the
   Ministry is not a primary end with any of the parties in the
   Reichsrath. Dr. von Körber, who is a politician of great tact
   and experience, has avoided friction on all sides."

   The opening session of the newly elected Reichsrath was held
   on the 31st of January, and the disorderly temper in it was
   manifested upon a reference by the President to the death of
   Queen Victoria, which called out cries of hostility to England
   from both Germans and Czechs.

   "In the course of the proceedings some of the members of the
   Extreme Czech fraction warned the Prime Minister in
   threatening terms against introducing a single word hostile to
   the Czech nation in the coming Speech from the Throne. They
   also announced their intention of squaring accounts with him
   so soon as the Speech from the Throne should be delivered. The
   whole sitting did not last an hour, but … what happened
   suffices to show that not only the Pan-Germanic Union, but
   also the Extreme section of the German People's party and a
   couple of Radical Czechs, are ready at a moment's notice to
   transform the Reichsrath into a bear garden."

   On the 4th of February the two Houses of the Reichsrath were
   assembled at the Palace and addressed by the Emperor, in a
   speech from the throne of which the following is a partial
   report: "His Majesty referred to various features of
   legislation, including the Budget, the revision of the Customs
   tariff, the promotion of trade, industry, and navigation, the
   protection of the working classes and the regulation of the
   hours of labour, the Government railway projects and the
   Bosnian lines, and Bills for the regulation of emigration, the
   construction of dwellings for the lower classes, the
   repression of drunkenness, the development of the University
   system and other educational reforms, and a revision of the
   Press laws—in fact a whole inventory of the important
   legislative arrears consequent upon the breakdown of
   Parliament.

   "The following passage occurs in the further course of the
   speech: 'The Constitution which I bestowed upon my dominions
   in the exercise of my free will ought to be an adequate
   guarantee for the development of my people. The finances of
   the State have been put in order in exemplary fashion and its
   credit has been raised to a high level. The freedom of the
   subject reposes upon a firm foundation, and thanks to the
   scholastic organization and the extraordinary increase of
   educational establishments general culture has reached a
   gratifying standard, which has more especially contributed to
   the efficiency and intelligence of my army. The Provincial
   Diets have been able to do much within the limits of their
   jurisdiction. The beneficial influence of the constitutional
   system has penetrated as far as the communal administrations.
   I am thus justified in saying that the fundamental laws of the
   State are a precious possession of my loyal people.
   Notwithstanding the autonomy enjoyed by certain kingdoms and
   provinces, they constitute for foreigners the symbol of the
   strength and unity of the State. I was, therefore, all the
   more grieved that the last sessions of the Legislature should
   have had no result, even if I am prepared to acknowledge that
   such business as affected the position of the Monarchy was
   satisfactorily transacted by all parties.'

   "The Emperor then expressed his regret that other matters of
   equal importance affecting the interests of Austria had not
   been disposed of. His Majesty made an appeal to the
   representatives of the Reichsrath to devote their efforts to
   the necessary and urgent work awaiting them, and assured them
   that they might count upon the Government. All attempts at the
   moral and material development of the Empire were, he said,
   stultified by the nationality strife. Experience had shown
   that the efforts of the Government to bring about a settlement
   of the principal questions involved therein had led to no
   result and that it was preferable to deal with the matter in
   the Legislature. The Government regarded a generally
   satisfactory solution of the pending language question as
   being both an act of justice and a necessity of State.
   Trusting in the good will manifested by all parties, the
   Ministry would do its utmost to promote a settlement which
   would relieve the country of its greatest evil. At the same
   time, the Cabinet was under the obligation of maintaining
   intact the unity of language in certain departments of the
   Administration, in which it constituted an old and well-tested
   institution. Success must never again be sought through
   paralysing the popular representation. The hindrance of
   Parliamentary work could only postpone or render quite
   impossible the realization of such aspirations as most deeply
   affected the public mind. The Sovereign then referred to the
   damage done to the interests of the Empire by the obstacles
   placed in the way of the regular working of the Constitution,
   and pointed to the indispensable necessity of the vigorous
   co-operation of Parliament in the approaching settlement of
   the commercial relations between the two halves of the
   Monarchy. The speech concluded with a warmly-worded appeal to
   the representatives to establish a peace which would
   correspond to the requirements of the time and to defend as
   their fathers had defended 'this venerable State which accords
   equal protection to all its peoples.'"

{47}

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1901 (March).
   Continued turbulence of the factions
   in the Austrian Reichsrath.
   Outspoken aim of the Pan-Germans.

   At this writing (late in March), the disgraceful and
   destructive conflict of reckless factions is still raging in
   the Austrian Reichsrath, and the parties have come to blows
   several times. The hope of the German extremists for a
   dissolution of the Empire seems to be more and more openly
   avowed. On one occasion, "a Czech member, Dr. Sieleny, having
   accused the Pan-Germans of wistfully glancing across the
   frontier, Herr Stein, a member of the Pan-Germanic group,
   replied, 'We do not glance, we gaze.' Being reproached with
   looking towards Germany with an ulterior motive, the same
   gentleman answered, 'You Czechs want to go to Russia, and we
   Germans want to go to Germany.' Again, on being told that he
   would like to become a Prussian, he exclaimed, 'I declare
   openly that we want to go to the German Empire.' Finally, in
   reply to another remark, Herr Stein observed that everybody in
   the country who was an Austrian patriot was stupid."

   ----------AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: End--------

AUTONOMY, Constitutional:
   Granted by Spain to Cuba and Porto Rico.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER);
      and 1897-1898 (NOVEMBER-FEBRUARY).

AYUNTAMIENTOS.

   Town councillors in Spain and in the Spanish American states.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

B.

BABYLON: Exploration of the ruins of the city.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH:
      BABYLONIA: GERMAN EXPLORATION.

BABYLON: Railway to the ruins.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (NOVEMBER).

BABYLONIA: Archæological Exploration in.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

BACHI,
BASHEE ISLANDS, The American acquisition of.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

BACTERIAL SCIENCE, Recent.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL.

BADENI, Count: Austrian ministry.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896.

BADEN-POWELL, General R. S. S.: Defense of Mafeking.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER); and 1900 (MARCH-MAY).

BAGDAD, Railways to.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (NOVEMBER); and JEWS: A. D. 1899.

BAJAUR.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A.D. 1895 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

BALFOUR, Arthur J.:
   First Lord of the Treasury in the British Cabinet.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895; and 1900 (NOVEMBER-DECEMBER).

BALFOUR, Arthur J.:
   Tribute to Queen Victoria.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES, The.

   "The States of the Balkan Peninsula, ever since the practical
   disruption of European Turkey after the war of 1877-78, have
   been in a condition of chronic restlessness. Those who desire
   the repose of Europe have hoped against hope that the new
   communities which were founded or extended on the ruins of the
   Ottoman dominion in Europe would be able and willing to keep
   the peace among themselves and to combine in resisting the
   intrusion of foreign influences. These expectations have been
   too frequently disappointed. The lawlessness of Bulgaria and
   the unsettled state of Servia, more especially, continue to
   constitute a periodical cause of anxiety to the diplomacy of
   Europe. The recent murder at Bukharest of Professor
   Mihaileano, a Macedonian by birth and a Rumanian by
   extraction, appears to be a shocking example of the teaching
   of a school of political conspirators who have their centre of
   operations at Sofia. These persons had already combined to
   blackmail and terrorise the leading Rumanian residents in the
   capital of Bulgaria, where the most abominable outrages are
   stated to have been committed with impunity. Apparently, they
   have now carried the war, with surprising audacity, into the
   Rumanian capital itself. Two persons marked out for vengeance
   by the terrorists of Sofia had previously been murdered in
   Bukharest, according to our Vienna Correspondent, but these
   were Bulgarians by birth. It is a further step in this
   mischievous propaganda that a Rumanian subject, the occupant
   of an official position at the seat of the Rumanian
   government, should be done to death by emissaries from the
   secret society at Sofia. His crime was that, born of Rumanian
   parents in Macedonia, he had the boldness to controvert in the
   Press the claims of the Bulgarians to obtain the upper hand in
   a Turkish province, where Greeks, Turks, Bulgarians,
   Albanians, and Serbs are inextricably mixed up. Professor
   Mihaileano had probably very good reasons for coming to the
   conclusion that, whatever may be the evils of Ottoman rule,
   they are less than those which would follow a free fight in
   the Balkans, ending, it may be, in the ascendency of Bulgarian
   ruffianism.

   "It is for this offence that M. Mihaileano suffered the
   penalty of death by the decree of a secret tribunal, and at
   the hands of assassins sent out to do their deadly work by
   political intriguers who sit in safety at Sofia. The most
   serious aspect of the matter, however, is the careless and
   almost contemptuous attitude of the Bulgarian Government. The
   reign of terror at Sofia and the too successful attempts to
   extend it to Rumania have provoked remonstrances not only from
   the government at Bukharest, but from some of the Great
   Powers, including Austria-Hungary, Germany, and Italy. … There
   is only too much reason to fear, even now, that both the
   Bulgarian Government and the ruler of the Principality are
   afraid to break with the terrorists of Sofia.
{48}
   Political assassination is unfortunately among the traditions
   of the Bulgarian State, but it has never been practised with
   such frequency and impunity as under the rule of Prince
   Ferdinand. … His own conduct as a ruler, coupled with the
   lamentable decline of the spirit of Bulgarian independence,
   which seemed to be vigorous and unflinching before the
   kidnapping of Prince Alexander, has steadily lowered his
   position. The Bulgarian agitation—to a large extent a sham
   one—for the 'redemption,' as it is called, of Macedonia is a
   safety-valve that relieves Prince Ferdinand and those who
   surround him from much unpleasant criticism. …

   "The situation in the Balkans is in many respects disquieting.
   The Bulgarian agitation for the absorption of Macedonia is not
   discouraged in high quarters. The hostility of the Sofia
   conspirators to the Koutzo-Wallachs, the Rumanians of
   Macedonia, is due to the fact that the latter, being a small
   minority of the population, are ready to take their chance of
   equal treatment under Turkish rule, subject to the supervision
   of Europe, rather than to be swallowed up in an enlarged
   Bulgaria, dominated by the passions that now prevail in the
   Principality and that have been cultivated for obvious
   reasons. Russia, it is believed, has no wish to see Bulgarian
   aspirations realized, and would much rather keep the
   Principality in a state of expectant dependence. Servia and
   Greece would be as much embarrassed as Rumania by the success
   of the Bulgarian propaganda, and Austria-Hungary would regard
   it as a grave menace. Of course the Turkish government could
   not be expected to acquiesce in what would, in fact, be its
   knell of doom. … In Greece, the insubordination in certain
   sections of the army is a symptom not very alarming in itself,
   but unpleasantly significant of latent discontent. In Turkey,
   of course, the recrudescence of the fanaticism which
   periodically breaks out in the massacres of the Armenians
   cannot be overlooked. A more unfortunate time could not be
   chosen for endeavouring to reopen the Eastern question by
   pressing forward the Bulgarian claim to Macedonia. Nor could a
   more unfortunate method be adopted of presenting that claim than
   that of the terrorists who appear to be sheltered or screened
   at Sofia."

      _London Times, August 23, 1900._

      See, also (in this volume),
      TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES:
   Bulgaria.

   On the 15th of July, 1895, M. Stambouloff, lately the powerful
   chief minister in the Bulgarian government, but now overthrown
   and out of favor, was attacked by four assassins, in the
   streets of Sofia, and received wounds from which he died three
   days afterwards.

   The increasing influence of Russia in Bulgaria was manifested
   unmistakably on the 14th of February, 1896, when Prince Boris,
   the infant son and heir of the reigning Prince Ferdinand, was
   solemnly baptised into the Orthodox Greek Church, the Tzar of
   Russia, represented by proxy at the ceremony, acting as
   sponsor. This is understood to have been done in opposition to
   the most earnest remonstrances of the mother of the child, who is
   an ardent Roman Catholic, the father being nominally the same.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Montenegro:
   Recent changes.

   "The accession of territory obtained under the Berlin Treaty
   has already begun to alter the character of the country. The
   area of the Principality has been almost doubled, and fertile
   valleys, tracts of rich woodland and a strip of sea-coast have
   been added to the realm of Prince Nikolas. Montenegro is now
   something more than the rocky eyrie of a warlike clan, and the
   problem of its commercial development constantly occupies the
   mind of its ruler. The state of transition is reflected in the
   aspect of the capital. A tiny hamlet in 1878, Tzetinye now
   bears witness to the growth of civilisation and to the
   beneficent influence of a paternal despotism. … Nikolas I.,
   'Prince and Gospodar of free Tzrnagora and the Berda,' is the
   most picturesque and remarkable figure in the South Slavonic
   world. Descended from a long line of heroes, the heir of the
   Vladikas, he has, like them, distinguished himself in many a
   hard-fought conflict with the hereditary foe. In the field of
   poetry he has also won his triumphs; like his father Mirko,
   'the Sword of Montenegro,' he has written lyric odes and
   ballads; like his ancestor, the Vladika Petar II., he has
   composed historical dramas, and his poems and plays hold a
   recognised place in contemporary Slavonic literature. The
   inheritor of a splendid tradition, a warrior and a bard,
   gifted by nature with a fine physique and a commanding
   presence, he forms the impersonation and embodiment of all
   that appeals most to the imagination of a romantic and
   impressionable race, to its martial instinct, its poetic
   temperament, and its strange—and to us
   incomprehensible—yearning after long-vanished glories. … Any
   attempt to describe Prince Nikolas' work as an administrator
   and a reformer would lead me too far. The codification of the
   law, which was begun by his ancestors, Danilo I. and Petar I.,
   has been almost completed under his supervision. … The
   suppression of the vendetta is one of the greatest of the
   Prince's achievements. … Crime is now rare in the
   Principality, except in the frontier districts, where acts of
   homicide are regarded as justifiable, and indeed laudable, if
   perpetrated in payment of old scores, or if the victim is an
   Albanian from over the border. Primary education has been made
   universal, schools have arisen in every village, and lecturers
   have been appointed to explain to the peasants the advantages
   of learning. Communications are being opened up, and the
   Principality, which a few years since possessed nothing but
   mule-tracks, can now boast of 138 miles of excellent
   carriage-road, better engineered and maintained than any I
   have seen in the Peninsula. The construction of roads is
   viewed with some apprehension by the more conservative
   Montenegrins, who fear that their mountain stronghold may lose
   its inaccessible character. But the Prince is determined to
   keep abreast of the march of civilisation. Nine post-offices
   and thirteen telegraph stations have been established. The
   latter, which are much used by the people, will play an
   important part in the next mobilization of the Montenegrin
   army. Hitherto the forces of the Principality have been called
   together by stentorian couriers who shouted from the tops of
   the mountains. A great reform, however, still remains to be
   attempted—the conversion of a clan of warriors into an
   industrial nation. The change has been rendered inevitable by
   the enlargement of the bounds of the Principality, and its
   necessity is fully recognised by the Prince.
{49}
   Once the future of the country is assured, his order will be
   'à bas les armes.' He is aware that such an edict would be
   intensely unpopular, but he will not flinch when the time for
   issuing it arrives. Every Montenegrin has been taught from his
   cradle to regard warfare as his sole vocation in life, and to
   despise industrial pursuits. The tradition of five hundred
   years has remained unbroken, but the Prince will not hesitate
   to destroy it. So enormous is his influence over the people,
   that he feels confident in his ability to carry out this
   sweeping reform."

      _J. D. Bourchier,
      Montenegro and her Prince
      (Fortnightly Review, December, 1898)._

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Montenegro:
   New title of the Prince.

   On the 19th of December, 1900, at Tzetinye, or Cettigne, "the
   President of the Council of State, in the presence of the
   other Ministers and dignitaries and of the members of the
   Diplomatic Corps, presented an address to the Prince of
   Montenegro praying him, in token of the gratitude of the
   Montenegrin people for the benefits which he had conferred on
   them during his 40 years' reign, to take the title of Royal
   Highness. The Prince acceded to the request, and, replying to
   the President, thanked all the European rulers who on this
   occasion had given him a fresh proof of their friendship by
   their recognition of his new title. After the ceremony a Te
   Deum was celebrated in the Cathedral, and the Prince
   subsequently reviewed the troops, receiving a great welcome
   from the people."

      _Telegram,
      Reuter's Agency._

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES:
   Servia.

   In January, 1894, the young king, Alexander, called his
   father, the ex-king, Milan (abdicated in 1889—see, in volume
   1. BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1879-1889), to Belgrade
   to give him help against his Radical ministers, who had been
   taking, the latter thought, too much into their own hands. The
   first result was a change of ministry, soon followed by a
   decision from the synod of Servian bishops annulling the
   divorce of ex-King Milan and Queen Natalie; by a public
   announcement of their reconciliation, and by an ukase from
   King Alexander, cancelling all laws and resolutions which
   touched his parents and restoring to them their rights and
   privileges as members of the royal house. This, again, was
   followed, on the 21st of May, by a royal proclamation which
   abolished the constitution of December, 1888, and restored the
   old constitution of 1869. This was a tremendous step backward, to
   a state of things in which almost no protection against
   arbitrary kingship could be found.

   For some years the ex-king exercised considerable influence
   over his son, and was again an uncertain and much distrusted
   factor in the troubled politics of southeastern Europe. In
   1898 the son appointed him commander-in-chief of the Servian
   army, and he is said to have ably and energetically improved
   its efficiency during the brief period of his command. A
   breach between father and son was brought about before long,
   however, by the determination of the latter to marry a lady,
   Madame Draga Maschin, considerably older than himself, who had
   been lady-in-waiting to his mother; while the father was
   arranging a political marriage for him with a German princess.
   The young king married his chosen bride in August, 1900, and
   guarded his frontier with troops to bar the return of his
   father, then sojourning at a German watering place, to the
   kingdom. It was a final exile for the ex-king. He visited
   Paris for a time; then went to Vienna, and there, on the 11th
   of February, 1901, he died, at the age of 47.

BALLOONS, Declaration against explosives from.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

BALTIC and NORTH SEA CANALS.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (JUNE); and 1900 (JUNE).

BANK OF FRANCE: Renewal of privileges.

      See (in this volume)
      MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897.

BANKING: Its effect on the Nineteenth Century.

      See (in this volume)
      NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE TREND.

BANKRUPTCY LAW, National.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY 1).

BARBADOS: Condition and relief measures.

      See (in this volume)
      WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.

BARCELONA: A. D. 1895.
   Student riots.

      See (in this volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1895-1896.

BAROTSILAND:
   British Protectorate proclaimed.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA): A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER).

BARRAGE WORKS, Nile.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1901.

BARRIOS, President: Assassination.

      See (in this volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA (GUATEMALA): A. D. 1897-1898.

BARTON, Miss Clara, and the Red Cross Society.
   Relief work in Armenia and Cuba.

      See (in this volume)
      ARMENIA: A. D. 1896 (JANUARY-MARCH);
      and CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

BASHEE,
BACHI ISLANDS, The American acquisition of.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

BECHUANALAND, British:
   Annexation to Cape Colony.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (CAPE COLONY).

BECHUANALAND, British:
   Partial conveyance to the British South Africa Company.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (BECHUANALAND).

BEEF INVESTIGATION, The American Army.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899.

BEET SUGAR.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1896 (MAY);
      and SUGAR BOUNTIES.

BEHRING SEA.

      See (in this volume)
      BERING SEA.

BÊL, Temple of:
   Exploration of its ruins at Nippur.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

BELGIAN ANTARCTIC EXPEDITION.

      See (in this volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION, 1897-1899.

{50}

BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.
   The first election under the new constitution.
   Victory of the Catholics and surprising Socialist gains.

   Elsewhere in this work the full text of the Belgian
   constitution as it was revised in 1893;

      See in volume 1
      CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM).

   The peculiar features of the new constitution, especially in
   its provision of a system of cumulative or plural voting, are
   described.

      See in volume 3
      NETHERLANDS (BELGIUM): A. D. 1892-1893)

   The singularity of the experiment thus introduced caused the
   elections that were held in Belgium in 1894 and 1895 to be
   watched with an interest widely felt. Elections for the
   Chamber of Representatives and the Senate occurred on the same
   day, October 14, 1894. Previously the Belgian suffrage had
   been limited to about 130,000 electors. Under the new
   constitution the electors numbered no less than 1,370,000, and
   the working of the plural system gave them 2, 111,000 votes.
   The result was a more crushing victory for the Catholics than
   they had ever won before. Of 152 Representatives they elected
   no less than 104. The Liberal party was almost annihilated,
   securing but 20 seats in the Chamber; while the Socialists
   rose to political importance, winning 28 seats. This
   representation is said to be not at all proportioned to the
   votes cast by the several parties, and it lent force to the
   demand for a system of proportional representation, as the
   needed accompaniment of plural voting, which had been urged
   when the constitution was revised. In the Senate the
   Conservatives obtained 52 seats and the Liberals 24. In the
   next year an electoral law relating to communal councils was
   passed. In this law, the principle of proportional
   representation was introduced, along with that of cumulative
   or plural voting. Compulsory voting, enforced by penalties
   more or less severe, was also a feature of the law. In
   November, the first election under it was held, and again the
   Socialists made surprising gains, at the expense of the
   Radical party, the Catholics and Liberals generally holding
   their ground.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1895.
   New School Law.
   Compulsory religious teaching restored.

      See (in this volume)
      EDUCATION: A. D. 1895 (BELGIUM).

BELGIUM: A. D. 1897.
   Industrial combinations.

      See (in this volume)
      TRUSTS: IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1897 (July).
   British notice to terminate existing commercial treaties.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

BELGIUM: A. D. 1898 (June).
   The Sugar Conference at Brussels.

      See (in this volume)
      SUGAR BOUNTIES.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1898 (July-December).
   In the Chinese "battle of concessions."

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

BELGIUM: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
   Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1899-1900.
   Threatened revolution.

   An explosion of discontent with the working of the electoral
   provisions of the new constitution (see above) occurred in
   June, and created for a time an exceedingly dangerous
   situation. It was precipitated by an attempt on the part of
   the government to pass a bill providing for proportional
   representation in certain districts, which was expected to
   increase the advantage already possessed by the Clerical or
   Catholic party. Excitement in the Chamber of Deputies reached
   such a height on the 28th of June that fighting among the
   members occurred, and soldiers were called in. That night and
   the next day there was serious rioting in Brussels; barricades
   were built; sharp battles between citizens and soldiers were
   fought, and a general strike of working men was proposed. On
   the 30th, the government arranged a compromise with the
   Socialist and Liberal leaders which referred the question of
   proportional representation to a committee in which all
   parties were represented. This quieted the disorder. In due
   time the committee reported against the measure which the
   government had proposed; whereupon a change of ministry was
   made, the new ministry being expected to bring forward a more
   satisfactory plan of proportional representation. It produced
   a bill for that purpose, the provisions of which failed to
   give satisfaction, but which was passed, nevertheless, near
   the end of the year.

   Commenting, in July, on the disturbances then just quieted in
   Belgium, the "Spectator," of London, remarked: "The recent
   explosion of political feeling in Belgium was a much more
   serious event than was quite understood in this country. It
   might have involved all Europe, as, indeed, it may even yet.
   There was revolution in the air, and a revolution in Belgium
   would gravely affect the military position both of France and
   Germany, would rouse keen suspicions and apprehensions in this
   country, and would perturb all the dynasties with fears of
   coming change. The new electoral bill drove the Liberals and
   Socialists of the little kingdom into one another's arms—both
   believing that it would give the Clericals a permanent hold on
   power—and whenever these two parties are united they control
   the majority of the Belgian people. That majority is a most
   dangerous one. It controls all the cities, and it includes
   hundreds of thousands of men who resent their economic
   condition with justifiable bitterness, and who are penetrated
   with a tradition of victories achieved by insurrection. At the
   same time they have no pacific vent for their discontents, for
   the suffrage gives double votes to the well-to-do, and secures
   to both Liberals and laborers on all economic or religious
   questions a certainty of defeat. With the inhabitants of the
   cities all rioting and killing the officials, the government
   would have been compelled to resort to force, and it is by no
   means clear that force was decidedly on their side. The
   Belgian army is not a caste widely separated in feeling from
   the people; it has no instinctive devotion to the Clerical
   party, and it has no great soldier whom it admires or to whom
   it is attached. The king is distrusted and disliked both
   personally and politically; and the dynasty, which has no
   historic connection with Belgium, has never taken root in the
   soil as the Bernadottes, for example, have done in Sweden. If
   the revolutionists had been beaten, they would have appealed
   to France, where Belgium is regarded as a reversionary estate;
   while if they had been victorious, they might—in our judgment,
   they certainly would—have proclaimed a republic. … The danger
   has, we suppose, for the moment been smoothed away; but it has
   not been removed, probably can not be removed, while the
   conditions which produce it continue to exist. The Belgians,
   who are commonly supposed to be so prosperous and pacific, are
   divided by differences of race, creed, and social condition
   more violent than exists in Ireland, where at all events, all
   alike, with insignificant exceptions, speak one tongue.
{51}
   The French-speaking Belgians despise the Flemish-speaking
   Belgians, and the Flemish speaking Belgians detest the
   French-speaking Belgians, with a rancor only concealed by the
   long habit of living and acting together,—a habit which,
   remember, has not prevented the same contempts and aversions
   from continuing to exist in Ireland. The Clericals and the
   Secularists hate each other as only religious parties can
   hate; far more than Catholics and Protestants in any of the
   countries where the two creeds stand side by side. The
   Secularist seems to the Clerical a blasphemer, against whom
   almost all devices are justifiable, while the Clerical is held
   by the Secularist to be a kind of evil fool, from whom nothing is
   to be expected except cunningly concealed malignity. The
   possessors of property expect that the 'ugly rush' which used
   to be talked of in England will occur tomorrow, while the wage
   receivers declare that they are worked to death for the
   benefit of others, who will not leave them so much as a living
   wage. All display when excited to a noteworthy fierceness of
   temper, a readiness to shed blood, and a disposition to push
   every quarrel into a sort of war,—tendencies visible
   throughout the history of the country."

   At the parliamentary election in June, 1900, under the new law
   providing for proportional representation, the Socialists
   gained seventeen seats from the Clerical party.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1900.
   Relations with the Congo State.

      See (in this volume)
      CONGO FREE STATE: A. D. 1900.

BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM, Recent development of.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

BELMONT, Battle of.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

BENIN:
   Massacre of British officials.
   Capture of the town.

      See (in this volume)
      NIGERIA: A. D. 1897.

BERGENDAL FARM, Battle of.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

   "Several vexatious questions were left undetermined by the
   decision of the Bering Sea Arbitration Tribunal.

      See, in volume 5,
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1886-1893.

   The application of the principles laid down by that august
   body has not been followed by the results they were intended
   to accomplish, either because the principles themselves lacked
   in breadth and definiteness or because their execution has
   been more or less imperfect. Much correspondence has been
   exchanged between the two Governments [of Great Britain and
   the United States] on the subject of preventing the
   exterminating slaughter of seals. The insufficiency of the
   British patrol of Bering Sea under the regulations agreed on
   by the two Governments has been pointed out, and yet only two
   British ships have been on police duty during this season in
   those waters. The need of a more effective enforcement of
   existing regulations as well as the adoption of such
   additional regulations as experience has shown to be
   absolutely necessary to carry out the intent of the award have
   been earnestly urged upon the British Government, but thus far
   without effective results. In the meantime the depletion of
   the seal herds by means of pelagic hunting [that is, in the
   open sea] has so alarmingly progressed that unless their
   slaughter is at once effectively checked their extinction
   within a few years seems to be a matter of absolute certainty.
   The understanding by which the United States was to pay and Great
   Britain to receive a lump sum of $425,000 in full settlement
   of all British claims for damages arising from our seizure of
   British sealing vessels unauthorized under the award of the
   Paris Tribunal of Arbitration was not confirmed by the last
   Congress, which declined to make the necessary appropriation.
   I am still of the opinion that this arrangement was a
   judicious and advantageous one for the Government, and I
   earnestly recommend that it be again considered and
   sanctioned. If, however, this does not meet with the favor of
   Congress, it certainly will hardly dissent from the
   proposition that the Government is bound by every
   consideration of honor and good faith to provide for the
   speedy adjustment of these claims by arbitration as the only
   other alternative. A treaty of arbitration has therefore been
   agreed upon, and will be immediately laid before the Senate,
   so that in one of the modes suggested a final settlement may
   be reached."

      _Message of the President of the United States to Congress,
      December, 1895._

   The treaty thus referred to by the President was signed at
   Washington, February 8, 1896, and ratifications were exchanged
   at London on the 3d of June following. Its preamble set forth
   that, whereas the two governments had submitted certain
   questions to a tribunal of arbitration, and "whereas the High
   Contracting Parties having found themselves unable to agree
   upon a reference which should include the question of the
   liability of each for the injuries alleged to have been
   sustained by the other, or by its citizens, in connection with
   the claims presented and urged by it, did, by Article VIII of
   the said Treaty, agree that either party might submit to the
   Arbitrators any questions of fact involved in said claims, and
   ask for a finding thereon, the question of the liability of
   either Government on the facts found to be the subject of
   further negotiation: And whereas the Agent of Great Britain
   did, in accordance with the provisions of said Article VIII,
   submit to the Tribunal of Arbitration certain findings of fact
   which were agreed to as proved by the Agent of the United
   States, and the Arbitrators did unanimously find the facts so
   set forth to be true, as appears by the Award of the Tribunal
   rendered on the 15th day of August, 1893: And whereas, in view
   of the said findings of fact and of the decision of the
   Tribunal of Arbitration concerning the jurisdictional rights
   of the United States in Behring Sea, and the right of
   protection of property of the United States in the fur-seals
   frequenting the islands of the United States in Behring Sea,
   the Government of the United States is desirous that, in so
   far as its liability is not already fixed and determined by
   the findings of fact and the decision of said Tribunal of
   Arbitration, the question of such liability should be
   definitely and fully settled and determined, and compensation
   made, for any injuries for which, in the contemplation of the
   Treaty aforesaid, and the Award and findings of the Tribunal
   of Arbitration, compensation may be due to Great Britain from
   the United States: And whereas it is claimed by Great Britain,
   though not admitted by the United States, that prior to the
   said Award certain other claims against the United States
   accrued in favour of Great Britain on account of seizures of
   or interference with the following named British
   sealing-vessels, to wit: the 'Wanderer,' the 'Winifred,' the
   'Henrietta,' and the 'Oscar and Hattie,' and it is for the
   mutual interest and convenience of both the High Contracting
   Parties that the liability of the United States, if any, and
   the amount of compensation to be paid, if any, in respect to
   such claims, and each of them should also be determined under
   the provisions of this Convention—all claims by Great Britain
   under Article V of the modus vivendi of the 18th April, 1892,
   for the abstention from fishing of British sealers during the
   pendency of said arbitration having been definitely waived
   before the Tribunal of Arbitration"—therefore the two nations
   have concluded the Convention referred to, which provides that
   "all claims on account of injuries sustained by persons in
   whose behalf Great Britain is entitled to claim compensation
   from the United States, and arising by virtue of the Treaty
   aforesaid, the Award and the findings of the said Tribunal of
   Arbitration, as also the additional claims specified in the
   5th paragraph of the preamble hereto, shall be referred to two
   Commissioners, one of whom shall be appointed by Her Britannic
   Majesty, and the other by the President of the United States,
   and each of whom shall be learned in the law."

      _Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command: Treaty Series, Number 10, 1896)._

{52}

   Judges William L. Putnam, of the United States, and George E.
   King, of Canada, were subsequently appointed to be the two
   commissioners provided for in the treaty. Meantime each
   government had appointed a number of men of science to
   investigate the condition of the herds of fur-seals on
   Pribilof Islands, President David S. Jordan, of Leland
   Stanford Junior University being director of the American
   investigation and Professor D'Arcy W. Thompson having charge
   of the British. The two bodies of investigators reached quite
   different conclusions. Professor Jordan, in a preliminary
   statement, announced; "There is still a vast body of fur seals
   on the islands, more than the commissioners were at first led
   to expect, but the number is steadily declining. The only
   cause of this decline is the killing of females through
   pelagic sealing. The females are never molested on the
   islands, but three-fourths of those killed in Bering sea are
   nursing females. The death of the mother causes the death of
   the young on shore, so that for every four fur seals killed at
   sea three pups starve to death on shore. As each of those
   females is also pregnant, a like number of unborn pups is
   likewise destroyed." His formal report, made in January, 1897,
   was to the same effect, and led to the following conclusion:
   "The ultimate end in view should be an international
   arrangement whereby all skins of female fur seals should be
   seized and destroyed by the customs authorities of civilized
   nations, whether taken on land or sea, from the Pribilof herd,
   the Asiatic herds, or in the lawless raiding of the Antarctic
   rookeries. In the destruction of the fur seal rookeries of the
   Antarctic, as well as those of the Japanese islands and of
   Bering sea, American enterprise has taken a leading part. It
   would be well for America to lead the way in stopping pelagic
   sealing by restraining her own citizens without waiting for
   the other nations. We can ask for protection with better grace
   when we have accorded, unasked, protection to others." The
   report of Professor Thompson, made three months later, agreed
   but partially with that of the American experts. He admitted
   the extensive starving of the young seals, caused by the
   killing of the mothers, but contended that the herd was
   diminishing slightly, if at all, and he did not favor drastic
   measures for the suppression of pelagic sealing.

   The government of the United States adopted measures in
   accordance with the views of Professor Jordan, looking to an
   international regulation of the killing of seals. Hon. John W.
   Foster was appointed a special ambassador to negotiate
   arrangements to that effect. Through the efforts of Mr.
   Foster, an international conference on the subject was agreed
   to on the part of Russia and Japan, but Great Britain declined
   to take part. While these arrangements were pending, the
   American Secretary of State, Mr. Sherman, addressed a letter
   to the American Ambassador at London, Mr. Hay, criticising the
   conduct of the British government and its agents in terms that
   are not usual among diplomats, and which excited much feeling
   when the letter was published in July. This called out a reply
   from the British Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, in which
   he wrote: "When Her Majesty's government sent their agents to
   inquire into the actual facts in 1896, it was found that, in
   spite of the large catch of 1895, the herd actually numbered
   more than twice as many cows as it had been officially
   asserted to contain in 1895. The result of these
   investigations, as pointed out in Lord Salisbury's dispatch of
   May 7, has further been to show that pelagic sealing is much
   less injurious than the practice pursued by the United States'
   lessees of killing on land every male whose skin was worth
   taking. If the seal herd to-day is, as Professor Jordan
   estimates, but one-fifth of what it was in 1872-74, that
   result must be, in great measure, due to the fact that, while
   the islands were under the control of Russia, that power was
   satisfied with an average catch of 33,000 seals; subsequently
   under the United States' control more than three times that
   number have been taken every year, until the catch was,
   perforce, reduced because that number of males could no longer
   be found.

   "Last year, while the United States government were pressing
   Her Majesty's government to place further restrictions on
   pelagic sealing, they found it possible to kill 30,000 seals
   on the islands, of which Professor Jordan says (in one place
   in his report) 22,000 were, to the best of his information,
   three-year-olds, though (in another place) he estimated the
   total number of three-year-old males on the islands as 15,000
   to 20,000. If such exhaustive slaughter is continued, it will,
   in the light of the past history of the herd, very quickly bring
   about that commercial extermination which has been declared in
   the United States to be imminent every year for the last
   twelve years. Enough has perhaps been said to justify the
   refusal of Her Majesty's government to enter on a precipitate
   revision of the regulations."

{53}

   The two countries were thus being carried into serious
   opposition, on a matter that looks contemptible when compared
   with the great common interests which ought to bind them in
   firm friendship together. But, while the government of Great
   Britain declined to enter into conference with those of
   Russia, Japan and the United States, on general questions
   relating to the seals, it assented at length to a new
   conference with the United States and Canada, relative to the
   carrying out of the regulations prescribed by the Paris
   tribunal of 1893. Both conferences were held at Washington in
   October and November of 1897. The first resulted in a treaty
   (November 6) between Russia, Japan, and the United States,
   providing for a suspension of pelagic sealing during such time
   as might be determined by experts. The other conference led,
   after some interval, to the creation of a Joint High
   Commission for the settlement of all questions in dispute
   between the United States and Canada, the sealing question
   included.

      See (in this volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1898-1899.

   So far as concerned its own citizens, the American government
   adopted vigorous measures for the suppression of pelagic
   sealing. An Act of Congress, approved by the President on the
   29th December, 1897, forbade the killing of seals, by any
   citizen of the United States, in any part of the Pacific Ocean
   north of 35 degrees north latitude. The same act prohibited
   the importation into the United States of sealskins taken
   elsewhere than in the Pribilof Islands, and very strict
   regulations for its enforcement were issued by the Treasury
   Department. No sealskins, either in the raw or the
   manufactured state, might be admitted to the country, even
   among the personal effects of a traveller, unless accompanied
   by an invoice, signed by an United States Consul, certifying
   that they were not from seals killed at sea. Skins not thus
   certified were seized and destroyed.

   In his annual report for 1898, the United States Secretary of
   the Treasury stated that no pelagic sealing whatever had been
   carried on by citizens of the United States during the season
   past; but that 30 British vessels had been engaged in the
   work, against 32 in the previous year, and that their total
   catch had been 10,581, against 6,100 taken by the same fleet
   in 1897. The number of seals found on the Islands was reported
   to be greatly reduced.

BERLIN: A. D. 1895.
   Census.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

BERLIN: A. D. 1896.
   Industrial exposition.

   An exposition of German industries and products was opened at
   Berlin on the 1st of May, 1896. which excited wide interest
   and had an important stimulating effect in Germany.

BERLIN: A. D. 1900.
   Growth shown by the latest census.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

BERLIN: A. D. 1901.
   The Berlin and Stettin Ship Canal.

      See GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

BETHLEHEM, Capture of.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

BIAC-NA-BATO, Treaty of.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1896-1898.

BIBLE LANDS, Archæological exploration in.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

BICOLS, The.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

BIDA, British subjugation of.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (NIGERIA).

BIG SWORD,
BIG KNIFE SOCIETY.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

BISMARCK, Prince Otto von: Death.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JULY).

BLACK FLAG REBELLION.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

BLANCO, General Ramon, Captain-General of Cuba.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

BLANCOS.

      See (in this volume)
      URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

BLOEMFONTEIN:
   Taken by the British.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (MARCH—MAY).

BLOEMFONTEIN CONFERENCE, The.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1899 (MAY-JUNE).

BLUEFIELDS INCIDENT, The.

      See (in this volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA (NICARAGUA): A. D. 1894-1895.

BOARD SCHOOLS, English.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1896-1897.

BOERS.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL).

BOHEMIA:
   Recent situation in the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896, and after.

BOHEMIA: A. D. 1897.
   The language decrees.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897; and 1898.

BOLIVIA: A. D. 1894-1900.
   The dispute with Chile concerning Atacama.

      See (in this volume) CHILE: A. D. 1894-1900.

BOLIVIA: A. D. 1899.
   Revolution.

   The government of President Alonzo (elected in 1896) was
   overthrown in April, 1899, by a revolutionary movement
   conducted by General José Manuel Pando, who was elected
   President by the legislative chambers in the following
   October.

BOMBAY: A. D. 1896-1901.
   The Bubonic Plague.

      See (in this volume)
      PLAGUE.

BOMBAY: A. D. 1901.
   Census returns.
   Decrease of population.

   A telegram from Bombay, March 6, 1901, reports that "the
   census returns show the city of Bombay has 770,000
   inhabitants, a decrease of over fifty thousand in ten years,
   mainly due to the exodus of the last two months on account of
   the plague. Partial returns from the rural districts show
   terrible decreases in population through famine."

BORDA, President: Assassination.

      See (in this volume)
      URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

BORIS, Prince: Conversion.

      See (in this volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES (BULGARIA).

{54}

BOSTON: A. D. 1895-1899.
   The municipal experiments of Mayor Quincy.

   First elected Mayor of Boston in 1895, and reelected in 1897,
   the two terms of the administration of Mayor Josiah Quincy
   were made remarkable by the number, the originality and the
   boldness of the experiments which he introduced in extension
   of the functions of municipal government. They consisted on
   the one hand in the substitution, in certain branches of
   public work, of direct labor for the contract system, and on
   the other in the provision of new facilities for promoting
   popular health, recreation, and instruction. He established a
   municipal printing office, a municipal department of
   electrical construction, and another municipal department
   which conducts every kind of repairing work that the city
   requires; all of these to supersede the old system of
   contracts and jobs. He instituted a great number and variety
   of public baths,—floating baths, beach baths, river baths and
   swimming pools. He opened playgrounds and gymnasiums, both
   outdoor and indoor. He carried the city into the work of the
   fresh air missions for poor children. He reorganized the
   administration of public charities. He placed the artistic
   undertakings of the city under the supervision of a competent
   board. He instituted cheap concerts of a high order, as well
   as popular lectures. Boston at length took alarm at the extent
   of the ventures of Mayor Quincy, complained of the cost, and
   refused him reelection for a third term. But the Boston
   correspondent of a New York journal opposed in politics to
   Mayor Quincy, writing on the 15th of December, 1900, testifies
   that "most of the experiments are working well, and a study of
   them cannot fail to be beneficial to those who have the
   government of other cities in their hands. … The madness of
   Mayor Quincy had evidently a method. It seems to have made
   permanent a good many excellent institutions. Some good
   citizens say that things were done too quickly, that they cost
   too much money, that the Mayor was always robbing Peter to pay
   Paul, as it were. But, after all, it seems cause for
   thankfulness that they were done at all."

BOSTON: A. D. 1899.
   Completion of the Subway.

   In this year the city of Boston completed a very important
   public improvement, undertaken in 1895, and carried out under
   the direction of a commission appointed that year. This was
   the construction of a Subway under Boylston and Tremont
   streets, and under various streets in the northern district,
   for the transit of electric cars through the crowded central
   parts of the city. The section of Subway from Park Square to
   Park Street was finished in the fall of 1897; the remainder in
   1899. The entire length of underground road is one and
   two-thirds miles. The cost of work done was $4,686,000: cost
   of real estate taken, $1,100,000. The legislative Act
   authorizing the work provided further for the construction of
   a tunnel to East Boston, and for the purchase of rights of way
   for an elevated road to Franklin Park, with new bridges to
   Charlestown and West Boston.

BOWER, Sir Graham:
   Testimony before British Parliamentary Committee on
   the Jameson Raid.

      See (in this volume))
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

BOXERS, The Chinese:
   The secret society and the meaning of its name.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH), and after.

BRADFORD'S HISTORY:
   Return of the manuscript to Massachusetts.

      See (in this volume)
      MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1897.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1897.
   Conflict with the "Fanatics."

   A religious enthusiast, called Conselheiro (Counsellor), who
   had made his appearance in the State of Bahia and gathered a
   great number of followers, began in 1897 to become dangerous
   to the government, which he denounced as atheistic; his
   following grew disorderly, and political malcontents were
   taking advantage of the disturbance which he caused. Attempts
   on the part of the government to stop the disorder were
   fiercely resisted, and its conflict with "the Fanatics," as
   Conselheiro and his followers were known, soon became a very
   serious war, demanding many thousands of troops, and spreading
   over wide regions of the country. Amazonian bands of women
   fought with "the Fanatics," and were among the most dreaded
   forces on their side. The headquarters and stronghold of the
   movement were finally taken in July, after an obstinate
   defense, and in October Conselheiro was killed; after which
   the rebellion came to an end.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1898.
   Election of Dr. Campos Salles to the Presidency.

   The nomination and election of Dr. M. F. de Campos Salles, who
   was inaugurated President of the United States of Brazil on
   the 15th of November, 1898, "marks the decided distinction of
   parties in Brazil. Previously, there had been various
   divergencies among the Republicans, but no distinct party
   differences. But at that time there arose a party advocating
   the selection of a candidate who would favor the national
   against the foreign (naturalized) element; one who would have
   influence with the few remaining advocates of the monarchical
   government; who would give preference to a military over a
   civil government; finally, one who would introduce into the
   government the system called 'Jacobinism,' a designation which
   the new party did not refuse to accept. Dr. Campos Salles was
   the candidate of the moderate Republicans or Conservatives,
   who were organized under the name of the Republican party,
   with a platform demanding respect for the constitution and
   declaring for the institution of such reforms as only reason
   and time should dictate. The sympathies of the conservative
   element and of foreigners who had interests in the country
   were with the candidate of this party and gave him their
   support. The election of Dr. Campos Salles inspired renewed
   confidence in the stability of Brazil, a confidence which was
   at once manifested by the higher quotation of the national
   bonds, by an advance in the rate of exchange, and by greater
   activity in business throughout the country. Brazil, in spite
   of all hindrances, has prospered since 1889."

      _Bulletin of the Bureau of American Republics,
      December, 1898._

{55}

BRAZIL: A. D. 1900.
   Arbitration of the French Guiana boundary dispute.
   Award of the Swiss Government.

   A dispute with France concerning the boundary of the French
   possessions in Guiana, which Brazil inherited from Portugal,
   and which dates back to the 17th century, was submitted at
   last to the Swiss Federal Council, as a tribunal of
   arbitration, and settled by the award of the Council on
   December 1, 1900. The decision fixes the River Oyapok and the
   watershed of the Tumuc Humac Mountains as the boundary. It is
   practically in favor of Brazil, for France had claimed, a year
   before, a territory of not less than 400,000 square
   kilomètres, ten times the area of Switzerland itself. Even
   after a large abatement had been made, the claim was still for
   260,000 square kilometres, or 100,000 square miles, much more
   than the area of Great Britain. The actual territory allotted
   to France by the Federal Government of Switzerland is about
   3,000 square miles. The arbitrators had no excuse for saying
   that the case was not brought before them in all its length
   and breadth. The documents presented by France formed four
   large volumes, supplemented by an atlas of 35 maps, while
   Brazil, not to be outdone, put in 13 volumes of documents and
   three atlases, with about 200 maps.

BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE:
   Administrative separation from British
   South Africa Company's territory.
   Conflicts with natives.
   Resources and prospects of the country.

   Until 1894, the territory north of the Zambezi over which the
   British South Africa Company claimed a "sphere of influence,"
   and the region covered by the British Protectorate that was
   declared in 1889-1890 over Nyassaland and the Shiré Highlands,
   were administered together by Sir Harry Johnston. But in that
   year the South Africa Company undertook the administration of
   its own portion of British Central Africa, and Commissioner
   Johnston became the Administrator of the remaining "British
   Central Africa Protectorate." In his report for 1895-1896
   (April to April) the Commissioner estimated the native
   population of the Protectorate at 844,420; British subjects,
   259; other Europeans, 30; Indians, 263; half-castes, 23. Of
   hostilities with the natives, Commissioner Johnston gave the
   following report:

   "In the autumn of 1895, … a campaign lasting four months was
   commenced and carried to a successful conclusion against all
   the independent Yao Chiefs who dwelt on the south-eastern
   border of the Protectorate, and who continued to raid our
   territories for slaves. This campaign culminated in the
   complete defeat and death or expulsion of those Arabs who had
   created an independent power in the North Nyasa district.
   Action was also taken against the Angoni Chief, Mwasi Kazungu,
   in the interior of the Marimba district, who had made common
   cause with the Arabs, and was attempting to form against us a
   league of the Angoni-Zulus. … The only people likely now to
   give trouble in any way are the Angoni-Zulus, who are to the
   west of the Protectorate what the Yaos and Arabs have been to
   the north. For the past 40 years the western portions of the
   Protectorate have been the happy hunting-ground of the
   descendants of the Zulu bands who quitted Matabeleland at
   various periods during the last 70 years, and who penetrated
   into Central Africa as far as the eastern part of Tanganyika
   and the south shores of the Victoria Nyanza. They established
   themselves strongly as a ruling caste on the high plateaux to
   the west and to the north-east of Lake Nyasa. From these
   plateaux they raided perseveringly for slaves, chiefly in the
   regions of the Great Luangwa valley, but also to some extent
   the coast lands of Lake Nyasa.

   "Not a few of the Angoni Chiefs are friendly and well disposed
   towards the British, and seem likely to settle down quietly as
   they appreciate the futility of continued defiance of our
   power; but we may have yet a little trouble from the Western
   Angoni, and also from an ill-conditioned young Chief
   ordinarily known by his father's name, Chikusi, but whose
   private appellation is Gomanikwenda. Chikusi lives on the
   wedge of Portuguese territory which penetrates the
   southwestern part of the Protectorate. Secure in the knowledge
   that our forces cannot infringe the Portuguese border, he
   occasionally makes raids for slaves into the Upper Shire and
   Central Angoniland districts."

      _Sir Harry Johnston,
      Report
      (Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications:
      Papers by Command, Africa, Number 5, 1896),
      pages 12-13._

   In the autumn of 1896, Chikusi raided one of the mission
   stations at Ntonda, killing many native Christians. An
   expedition was then sent against him, which pursued him to his
   chief kraal, and took him prisoner. He was tried for murder,
   condemned and shot.

   "Nyasaland, or British Central Africa as it is officially
   called, is now [1898] in a fair way of becoming one of the
   richest coffee and tobacco growing districts of the world. It
   enjoys the immense advantage of direct water communication
   with the coast and, with the exception of a stretch of one
   hundred miles, the River Shiré, which runs out of Lake Nyasa,
   is navigable along its whole course. Before long the Upper and
   Lower Shiré will be connected by a railway line, and goods
   will then be landed at the northern extremity of Lake Nyasa—a
   distance of 700 miles from the mouth of the Zambezi—at a
   trifling cost. At present the journey can already be
   accomplished in a week. Ten steamers navigate Lake Nyasa, and
   double that number run on the Zambezi and the Shiré Rivers.
   This mighty task—accomplished, we must not forget it, without
   the cost of a single penny to the British tax-payer—did not
   benefit Great Britain alone. The Portuguese, who, for the last
   three centuries were slumbering in their East African
   possessions, were aroused by the extraordinary activity which
   was displayed at their door. At first they raised objections,
   but they soon understood what advantages they would derive
   from the situation, and gave their hearty co-operation to
   Great Britain. It brought more wealth than they had ever
   dreamt of to their Zambezi provinces, now a busy centre of
   trade, in telegraphic communication with the Cape in the South
   and Lake Nyasa in the North. The Portuguese port of Beira, a
   sandbank some years ago, has become the most important harbour
   between Zanzibar and Delagoa Bay, and owes its present
   position to the railway line which runs to Mashonaland."

      _L. Decle,
      The Fashoda Question
      (Fortnightly Review, November, 1898)._

BRITISH COLUMBIA.

      See (in this volume)
      CANADA.

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1895.
   Territory transferred to the British Government.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (BRITISH EAST AFRICA).

{56}

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1895-1897.
   Its creation and extent.
   Existence of slavery.
   War in the Province of Seyyidieh.
   Report of the commissioner.

   "The British East Africa Protectorate is bounded on the east
   by the Indian Ocean, on the west by the Uganda Protectorate,
   and on the south-west by the Anglo-German frontier, which,
   starting from the mouth of the River Umba, runs in a generally
   north-west direction till it strikes the eastern shore of Lake
   Victoria Nyanza at the point at which it is intersected by the
   1st parallel of south latitude. To the north and north-east it
   is bounded by the Italian sphere of influence from which it is
   divided by the River Juba up to parallel 6° of north latitude,
   and thence by a line running along that parallel until it
   reaches the Blue Nile. The frontier between the East Africa
   and Uganda Protectorates is only partially defined: starting
   from the German frontier, it follows the Guaso Masai River as
   far as Sosian, thence strikes north-cast to the Kedong River,
   which it follows to its source, and thence runs in a northerly
   direction along the Likipia escarpment or eastern lip of the
   great 'meridional rift.' It is, however, still undecided
   whether or not it should be deflected, for greater convenience
   in dealing with the Uganda Masai, so as to leave to Uganda the
   region between the southern portion of the Likipia escarpment
   and the so-called Aberdare range. In view of the uncertainty
   existing as to the inland boundaries, it is impossible to give
   the exact area of the territory, though it may be estimated
   roughly at 280,000 square miles. It will be sufficient here to
   state that its coast-line, including in the term the Islands
   of Lamu, Manda, and Patta, which are separated from the
   mainland by narrow channels, is 405 miles long, whilst its
   greatest breadth, measured from the centre of the district of
   Gosha on the Juba, to the Likipia escarpment, is 460 miles.

   "The Protectorate in its present form was constituted on the
   1st July, 1895. Previous to that date a Protectorate had been
   declared on the 4th November, 1890, over those portions of the
   territory which formed part of the Zanzibar Sultanate, and on
   the 19th November of the same year over Witu and the whole of
   the coast between the Tana and Juba Rivers. The administration
   of this second Protectorate was confided in 1893, with the
   exception of those portions of the coast between the Tana and
   Juba which belonged to the Zanzibar Sultanate and were rented
   by the Imperial British East Africa Company from him, to the
   Sultan of Zanzibar, but without being fused in or united to
   the Sultanate. In September, 1894, a Protectorate was
   established under an independent Commissioner over Uganda, and
   was subsequently defined as extending over the whole of the
   intervening territory from which the Imperial British East
   Africa Company had withdrawn its effective control, that is,
   as far as the western limits of its district of Kikuyu, which
   still constitutes the frontier between the East Africa and
   Uganda Protectorates. The remainder of the British sphere
   between the Zanzibar and Uganda boundaries and the Tana River
   and German frontier was placed under Her Majesty's protection
   on the 1st July, 1895, and the whole of the above-described
   territories to the east of the Uganda Protectorate were at the
   same time fused into one administrative whole under the title
   of the' East Africa Protectorate.'

   "British East Africa includes three district sovereignties, i.
   e.: 1. The mainland territories of the Sultan of Zanzibar. 2.
   The Sultanate of Witu. 3. The remainder of the Protectorate
   consisting of the old 'chartered territory' of the Imperial
   British East Africa Company and of the region between the Tana
   and the Juba not included either in Zanzibar or Witu. This
   division, which I propose for the sake of convenience to style
   British East Africa proper, is not, of course, technically
   under Her Majesty's sovereignty, and is divided among a number
   of tribes and races under our Protectorate, but it differs from
   Zanzibar and Witu in that the status of the Chiefs exercising
   authority there is not recognized by international law or at
   least by any international engagement.

   "The mainland dominions of the Sultan of Zanzibar included in
   the Protectorate (for he possesses certain coast ports to the
   north of it now leased to Italy) consist—(1.) Of a strip of
   coast 10 miles deep from high-water mark, extending from the
   mouth of the River Umba on the south to Kipini on the Ozi on
   the north; and (2.) Of a series of islands off the coast
   between the Ozi and the Juba and of the mainland town of
   Kismayu with a radius of 10 miles around it. … The State of
   Witu extends along the coast from Kipini to Kwyhoo, its
   northern boundary being a straight line drawn in 1887 by
   Commissioners representing the German and Zanzibar Governments
   due west from Kwyhoo to a point a few miles east of the Ozi
   River. It was founded, or rather gradually grew up, in the
   years from 1860 to 1885, round a colony of outlaws. … When the
   German Government first interested itself, about a decade ago,
   in East African affairs, it recognized the little colony of
   outlaws and refugees from the coast towns which had grown up
   in Witu, as an independent State. … Accordingly, on
   transferring this Protectorate by the Treaty of 1890 to Great
   Britain, it stipulated by Article II of that Agreement, that
   the sovereignty of the Sultan of Witu over the territory
   formally defined as his in 1887 should be recognized by the
   new Protecting Power. …

   "Beyond the Zanzibar and Witu limits, the territories
   comprised in the Protectorate are ruled directly under Her
   Majesty by the British officers in charge of them. All the
   various tribes, Mahommedan and heathen, retain, however, their
   respective native Rulers and institutions. … For a period of ten
   months from the transfer from the Imperial British East Africa
   Company to Her Majesty's Government, the country now forming
   the Province of Seyyidieh, was the theatre of disturbances,
   which for a time retarded the development of the territory,
   and diverted the attention of the Administration from useful
   schemes of improvement that might otherwise have been
   immediately set on foot. These disturbances began under the
   Administration of the Imperial British East Africa Company,
   their immediate cause being a dispute over the succession to
   the Chieftainship of Takaungu between Rashid-bin-Salim, the
   son, and Mubarak-bin-Rashid, the nephew of the former Chief. …
   The Company supported Rashid, who, though younger in years
   than Mubarak, was friendly to the English. … Though the
   rebellion of the Mazrui Chiefs retarded to some extent the
   development of the province, and entailed in its suppression
   considerable expense, its occurrence, under the special
   circumstances which attended it, has not been an unmixed evil.
   We have broken once for all the power of several influential
   Arab potentates, who were never thoroughly subjugated either
   by the Sultans or the Company, and whose ambitions and
   semi-independent position would sooner or later have involved
   us in trouble with them had we attempted to make the authority
   of our Administration effective, and to interfere with the
   slavery, and even Slave Trade, which flourished under their
   protection."

      _Sir A. Hardinge,
      Report
      (Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications:
      Papers by Command, Africa, Number 7, 1897),
      page 1-3, and 65._

{57}

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1900-1901.
   Rising of Ogaden Somalis.

   In the later part of November, 1900, news reached Zanzibar of
   a rising of the Somali tribe called Ogadens in the Jubaland
   province of the British East Africa Protectorate, and that the
   British Sub-Commissioner, Mr. Jenner, had probably been killed.
   The Somalis are a very war-like race, supposed to be Gallas by
   descent, with an admixture of Arab blood. In the following
   February it was announced that Aff-Madu, the headquarters of
   the Ogaden Somalis, had been occupied without opposition by
   the British punitive expedition sent to exact reparation for
   the murder of Mr. Jenner, and that the Ogaden Sultan was a
   prisoner.

BRITISH EMPIRE, Penny postage in.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (DECEMBER).

BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY: A. D. 1889.
   The founding of the Company.

      See (in volume 4)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1885-1893.

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1894-1895.
   Extended charter and enlarged powers.
   Its master spirit, Mr. Rhodes.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
      A. D. 1894-1895.

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1895.
   Arrangements in Bechuanaland.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (BECHUANALAND).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1896.
   Revocation of the Company's charter called for
   by President Kruger.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
      A. D. 1896 (JANUARY-APRIL).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1896.
   Resignation of Mr. Rhodes.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
      A. D. 1896 (JUNE).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1896.
   Parliamentary investigation of its administration.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
      A. D. 1896 (JULY).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1896.
   Complicity of officials in the Jameson Raid.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1896 (JULY).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1896-1897.
   Demands from President Kruger for proceedings
   against the Directors.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1896-1897 (MAY-APRIL).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1897.
   Convicted of subjecting natives to forced labor.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
      A. D. 1897 (JANUARY).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1898.
   Reorganization.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA
      (RHODESIA AND THE BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
      A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1900.
   Administration extended over Barotsiland.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA): A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER).

BRONX, The Borough of the.
      See (in this volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.

BROOKE, General John R.: Military Governor of Cuba.
   Report.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER).

   Commanding in Porto Rico.

      See (in this volume)
      PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (OCTOBER-OCTOBER).

BROOKLYN:
   Absorption in Greater New York.

      See (in this volume) NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.

   Tunnel from New York.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

BRUGES: A. D. 1900.
   The new canal from the city to the sea.

   "On the 25th day of February, the inauguration of the new
   canal was celebrated at Bruges. … The canal runs from
   Zeebrugge, a port on the North Sea 14.29 miles north of
   Ostend, to the city of Bruges, a total distance of 7.46 miles.
   The work is now so far completed that vessels of a draft of 25
   feet can enter and pass to the port of Bruges. The locks are
   fully completed, as well as three-fifths of the wharf wall at
   Bruges; when finished, the wharf wall will have a total length
   of 1,575 feet. The canal has a width of 72 feet 6 inches at
   the bottom and 229 feet 4 inches at the water level and will
   have, when completed, a depth of 26 feet 3 inches; this will
   also be the depth of the interior port and of the great basin
   of Bruges. Bruges is an old, inland deep-water port, having
   connection with the sea by canal from Ostend, but this only
   for vessels of very light draft."

      _United States Consular Reports,
      July, 1900, page 346._

BRUSSELS: A. D. 1898.
   Sugar Conference.

      See (in this volume)
      SUGAR BOUNTIES.

BRUSSELS:
   The General Act of.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

BRYAN, William J.:
   Candidacy for the American Presidency.
   His speech of acceptance, 1900.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
      and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

BUBONIC PLAGUE, The.

      See (in this volume)
      PLAGUE.

BUDA-PESTH: A. D. 1896.
   Celebration of the Hungarian Millennium.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1896.

BUDDHA, Gautama:
   Discovery of his birthplace and his tomb, with personal relics.

   "Mr. Vincent Smith, of the Bengal Civil Service, a learned
   antiquary, has published in the Allahabad 'Pioneer' a
   statement as to the nature and significance of recent
   discoveries of Buddhist antiquities in India. The first of
   these is the home of Gautama Buddha, who lived about 500 B.
   C., and who is known to have been the son of the Raja of
   Kapilavastu, a small state in the Nepal Terai, bordering on
   the modern Oudh. The site of Kapilavastu has long been eagerly
   sought for, and it is only within the past three years that
   the accidental discovery of an inscribed pillar erected by the
   Emperor Asoka, in the third century B. C., fixed with
   certainty the site of the city. The ruins, which were lately
   visited by Mr. Smith, are, so far as is yet known, all of
   brick; they are for the most part buried in jungle, and are so
   extensive that many years would be required for their
   exploration. The city was destroyed during the lifetime of
   Gautama, and when the first of the famous Chinese pilgrims
   visited the place, in 410 A. D., it was a mass of desolate
   ruins, and there is no indication that it has since been
   occupied. This fact gives exceptional interest to the
   excavations now in progress, for they are bringing to light
   buildings more ancient than any previously known in India.
{58}
   More interesting even than Kapilavastu is the discovery of the
   Lumbini Garden, the traditional birthplace of Gautama. The
   sacred spot has been found marked by another of Asoka's
   pillars, on which the inscription is perfect. This is also in
   Nepalese territory, five miles from the British frontier. The
   pillar stands on the western edge of a mound of ruins, about a
   hundred yards in diameter, and on the south side of the mound
   is the tank in which the child's mother bathed after his
   birth. Another discovery which was made in a stupa, or brick
   tumulus, close to the British frontier, is that of relics of
   Buddha himself. These consist only of fragments of bone, which
   were deposited in a wooden vessel that stood on the bottom of
   a massive coffer, more than four feet long and two feet deep,
   cut out of a solid block of fine sandstone. This coffer was
   buried under eighteen feet of masonry, composed of huge
   bricks, each sixteen inches long. The wooden vessel was
   decayed, and with it was an exquisitely finished bowl of rock
   crystal, the largest yet discovered in India, and also five
   small vases of soapstone. All these vessels were partially
   filled, in honor of the relics, with a marvellous collection
   of gold stars, pearls, topazes, beryls, and other jewels, and
   of various objects delicately wrought in crystal, agate, and
   other substances. An inscription on the lid of one of the
   soapstone vases declares the relics to be those of Buddha
   himself, and the characters in which the inscription is
   written are substantially the same as those of the Asoka
   inscriptions, and indicate that the tumulus was constructed
   between 300 and 250 B. C."

      _London Times,
      May, 1898._

   The relies discovered, as described above, were presented by
   the Indian government to the King of Siam, he being the only
   existing Buddhist monarch, with the proviso that he offer a
   portion of them to Buddhists of Ceylon and Burmah.

BUENOS AYRES: A. D. 1895.
   Population.

      See (in this volume)
      ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1895.

BUFFALO: A. D. 1896.
   First reception of electric power from Niagara Falls.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.
   The Pan-American Exposition.

   As this volume goes to press, the preparations are about
   completed for holding a great Exposition at Buffalo, which
   promises to be second in importance only to the Columbian
   Exposition at Chicago, in 1893, so far as concerns
   undertakings of like character in America. The Columbian
   Exposition was a "World's Fair"; this at Buffalo is
   "Pan-American,"—an exhibition, that is, of the arts, the
   industries, and all the achievements in civilization of the
   peoples of the Western hemisphere, from Bering Strait to Cape
   Horn. Very nearly every country in North, South and Central
   America has taken a warmly interested part in the preparations
   for the Exposition, and many have erected special buildings
   for their exhibits. The States of the Union have likewise been
   active, and few of them will be unrepresented in the numerous
   buildings on the grounds. Cuba, Porto Rico, and the West
   Indies generally, as well as Hawaii and the Philippine
   Islands, in their new character as dependencies of the United
   States, are brought importantly into the scheme.

   The enterprise received official endorsement from the Federal
   Government when Congress in July, 1898, by resolution declared
   that "A Pan-American Exposition will undoubtedly be of vast
   benefit to the commercial interests of the countries of North,
   South and Central America, and it merits the approval of
   Congress, and of the people of the United States." In March,
   1899, Congress appropriated $500,000, and declared that "it is
   desirable to encourage the holding of a Pan-American Exposition
   on the Niagara Frontier in the City of Buffalo, in the year
   1901, fittingly to illustrate the marvelous development of the
   Western Hemisphere during the Nineteenth Century, by a display
   of the arts, industries, manufactures and the products of the
   soil, mine and sea," and also declared that "the proposed
   Pan-American Exposition being confined to the Western
   Hemisphere, and being held in the near vicinity of the great
   Niagara Cataract, within a day's journey of which reside forty
   million people, would unquestionably be of vast benefit to the
   commercial interests, not only of this country, but of the
   entire hemisphere, and should therefore have the sanction of
   the Congress of the United States."

   The grounds of the Exposition are in the northern part of the
   city of Buffalo, taking in a portion of its most beautiful
   public park. They extend about one mile in length, from north
   to south, and about half a mile in width, containing 350
   acres. A general plan of landscape and building architecture,
   with which every detail of form and color should be made to
   harmonize, was worked out at the beginning by a board of the
   leading architects of the United States, and has been adhered
   to with beautifully harmonious effects.

   In one of the circular announcements of the Exposition it is
   said: "In planning the Exposition the management early decided
   upon giving to electricity special homage. The progress of the
   electrical science has been so marked in recent years as to
   excite the wonderment of the scientific world. Buffalo is,
   perhaps, more than any other city on the globe, interested in
   this science, owing to the nearness of Niagara Falls, where
   the greatest electric power plants known to this class of
   engineering have been installed. In fact the electrical
   displays here contemplated would be impossible except where a
   large volume of power is available, such as Buffalo receives
   from the great Falls of Niagara. … The Pan-American Exposition
   will far surpass former enterprises of this kind in six
   important features:

   First, the electrical effects:
   second, the hydraulic and fountain effects;
   third, the horticultural, floral and garden effects;
   fourth, the original sculptural ornamentation;
   fifth, the color decorations;
   sixth, the court settings.

   Particular attention has been given by the designers in the
   arrangement of its court settings, to provide unusually large
   vistas, both for the purpose of providing a memorable picture
   and for the utility reason of accommodating large crowds of
   people."

   The Pan-American Exposition is under the management of a
   strong company of professional and business men in Buffalo,
   with Mr. John G. Milburn for its President. The
   Director-General is Honorable William I. Buchanan, former
   United States Minister to the Argentine Republic.

{59}

BULGARIA: A. D. 1895-1900.
   Condition.

      See (in this volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES;
      and TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901.

BULGARIA: A. D. 1899(May-July).
   Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

BULLER, General Sir Redvers:
   In the South African War.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER), and after.

BULLETS, Declaration against certain.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

BULLETS, Dum-dum.

      See (in this volume)
      DUM-DUM BULLET.

BUREAU OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

      See (in this volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS, BUREAU OF THE.

BURMAH: A. D. 1897.
   Raised in status as a British dependency.

   Burmah was raised in status as a British dependency, under the
   government of India, by royal proclamation in 1897. The chief
   commissioner became lieutenant-governor, and a local
   legislative council was to be created.

C.

CAGAYAN,
KAGAYAN: The American acquisition.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

CAGAYANS, The.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

CALCIUM CARBIDE, The production of.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

CALNEH, The ancient city of:
   Its identity with Nippur.
   Exploration of its ruins.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL, RESEARCH:
      BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

CAMBON, M. Jules:
   Action for Spain in making overtures for peace
   with the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

CAMEROONS,
KAMERUNS, The:
   Cost of maintenance.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

   ----------CANADA: Start--------

CANADA: A. D. 1890-1896.
   The Manitoba School Question.

   "When Manitoba in 1870 passed from the position of a Crown
   territory, managed by the Hudson's Bay Company, into that of a
   province of Canada, its area, which is considerably greater than
   that of England and Wales, was peopled by about 12,000
   persons, whites and half-breeds. In religion this population
   was about equally divided into Catholics and Protestants.
   Previous to the Union there was no State system of education.
   A number of elementary schools existed, but they owed their
   foundation entirely to voluntary effort, and were supported
   exclusively by private contributions, either in the form of
   fees paid by some of the parents or of funds supplied by the
   Churches. In every case these schools were conducted and
   managed on strictly denominational lines. When the Act of
   Union was passed it was sought to secure the continuance of
   this state of things, and to safeguard the rights of whichever
   Church should in the hereafter be in the minority by the
   following sub-sections in the 22nd section, which gave to the
   legislature of the province the power to make laws in relation
   to education: '(1) Nothing in any such law shall prejudicially
   affect any right or privilege with respect to denominational
   schools which any class of persons have by law or practice in
   the province at the Union. (2) An appeal shall lie to the
   Governor-General in Council from any act or decision of the
   legislature of the province, or of any provincial authority,
   affecting any right or privilege of the Protestant or Roman
   Catholic minority of the Queen's subjects in relation to
   education.' Those two clauses of the Manitoba Act, 1870,
   govern the whole situation.

   "The attention of the new provincial legislature was at once
   directed to the condition of the elementary schools. The
   Government decided to supersede the old voluntary system by
   one of State-aided schools, which, however, were still to be
   scrupulously denominational in character. The legislature
   simply took the educational system as it found it and improved
   it by assistance from public funds. Thus it was arranged that
   the annual public grant for common school education was to be
   appropriated equally between the Protestant and the Catholic
   schools. … The only important amendment to this Act was passed
   in 1875, and provided that the legislative grant, instead of
   being divided between the Protestant and Catholic schools as
   heretofore, should in future be distributed in proportion to
   the number of children of school age in the Catholic and
   Protestant districts. Already immigration had begun to upset
   the balance of numbers and power, and as the years went on it
   became evident that the Catholics were destined to be in a
   permanent minority in Manitoba. This trend of immigration,
   which in 1875 made legislation necessary, has continued ever
   since; and to-day the Catholics of the province number only
   20,000 out of a total population of 204,000. No further change
   was made in the educational system of Manitoba until the
   memorable year of 1890. In that year the provincial
   legislature boldly broke all moorings with the past, and,
   abolishing the separate denominational schools, introduced a
   system of free compulsory and unsectarian schools, for the
   support of which the whole community was to be taxed. … To
   test the legality of the change, what is known as Barrett's
   case was begun in Winnipeg. It was carried to the Supreme
   Court of Canada, and the Canadian judges by a unanimous
   decision declared that the Act of 1890 was ultra vires and
   void.
{60}
   The city of Winnipeg appealed to the Privy Council, and that
   tribunal in July 1892 reversed the decision of the Canadian
   Court and affirmed that the Act was valid and binding. … The
   second subsection of the 22nd section of the Manitoba Act
   already quoted says: 'An appeal shall lie to the
   Governor-General in Council from any Act or decision of the
   legislature of the province, or of any provincial authority,
   affecting any right or privilege of the Protestant or Roman
   Catholic minority of the Queen's subjects in relation to
   education.' But if the legislation of 1890 was intra vires,
   and expressly declared to be so on the ground that it had not
   prejudicially affected the position which the minority held at
   the time of the Union, how could there be an appeal from it? …
   The Governor-General, however, consented to refer the question
   as to his jurisdiction to the courts of justice. What is known
   as Brophy's case was begun, and in due course was carried to
   the Supreme Court of Canada. The decision of that tribunal,
   though not unanimous, was in accord with public expectation.
   The majority of the judges felt that the previous judgment of
   the Privy Council had settled the matter beforehand. The Act
   of 1890 had been declared intra vires on the ground that it
   had not interfered with the rights which the minority
   possessed before the Union, and therefore there could be no
   appeal from it. …

   "Still the undaunted Archbishop of St. Boniface went on, and
   for a last time appealed to that Judicial Committee of the
   Privy Council which two years and a half before had so spoiled
   and disappointed the Catholic hopes. In January 1894 the final
   decision in Brophy's case was read by the Lord Chancellor. For
   a second time the Lords of the Council upset the ruling of the
   Supreme Court of Canada, and treated their reasoning as
   irrelevant. It will be remembered that both the appellant
   prelates and the Canadian judges had assumed that the clause
   in the Manitoba Act, which conferred the right of appeal to
   the Governor-General, was limited to one contingency, and
   could be invoked only if the minority were robbed at any time
   of the poor and elementary rights which they had enjoyed
   before the Act of Union. But was the clause necessarily so
   limited? Could it not be used to justify an appeal from
   legislation which affected rights acquired after the Union? …
   In the words of the judgment: 'The question arose: Did the
   sub-section extend to the rights and privileges acquired by
   legislation subsequent to the Union? It extended in terms to
   "any" right or privilege of the minority affected by any Act
   passed by the legislature, and would therefore seem to embrace
   all the rights and privileges existing at the time when such
   Act was passed. Their lordships saw no justification for
   putting a limitation on language thus unlimited. There was
   nothing in the surrounding circumstances or in the apparent
   intention of the legislature to warrant any such limitation.'
   … In other words, the dispute was referred to a new tribunal,
   and one which was free to consider and give effect to the true
   equities of the case. The Governor-General and his responsible
   advisers, after considering all the facts, found in favour of
   the Catholic minority, and at once issued a remedial Order to
   the Government of Manitoba, which went far beyond anything
   suggested in the judgment in Brophy's case. The province was
   called upon to repeal the legislation of 1890, so far as it
   interfered with the right of the Catholic minority to build
   and maintain their own schools, to share proportionately in
   any public grant for the purposes of education, and with the
   right of such Catholics as contributed to Catholic schools to
   be held exempt from all payments towards the support of any
   other schools. In a word, the Governor-General and Sir
   Mackenzie Bowell's Administration, exercising, as it were,
   appellate jurisdiction, decided that the minority were
   entitled to all they claimed. The Government of Manitoba,
   however, had hardened their hearts against the minority in the
   province, and refused to obey the remedial Order. …

   "The refusal of the provincial Government 'to accept the
   responsibility of carrying into effect the terms of the
   remedial Order' for the first time brought the Parliament of
   Canada into the field, and empowered them to pass coercive
   legislation. A remedial Bill was accordingly, after an
   inexplicable delay, brought into the Federal Parliament to
   enforce the remedial Order. … The Cabinet recognised that the
   Federal Parliament had no power to spend the money of the
   province, and so all they could do was to exempt the minority
   from the obligation to contribute to the support of schools
   other than their own. The Bill bristled with legal and
   constitutional difficulties; it concerned the coercion of a
   province; it contained no less than 116 clauses; it was
   introduced on the 2nd of March 1896, when all Canada knew that
   the life of the Federal Parliament must necessarily expire on
   the 24th of April. Some fifteen clauses had been considered
   when the Government admitted, what all men saw, the
   impossibility of the task, and abandoned the Bill. … While the
   fate of the remedial Bill was still undecided, Sir Donald
   Smith and two others were commissioned by the Federal
   Government to go to Winnipeg and see if by direct negotiations
   some sort of tolerable terms could be arranged. … Sir Donald
   Smith proposed that the principle of the separate school
   should be admitted wherever there were a reasonable number of
   Catholic children—thus, wherever in towns and villages there
   are twenty-five Catholic children of school age, and in
   cities where there are fifty such children, they should have
   'a school-house or school-room for their own use,' with a
   Catholic teacher. … In the event the negotiations failed; the
   baffled Commissioners returned to Ottawa, and on the 24th of
   April 1896 Parliament was dissolved. The Government went to
   the country upon the policy of the abandoned Bill. On the
   other hand, many of the followers of Mr. Laurier in the
   province of Quebec pledged themselves to see justice done to
   the Catholics of Manitoba, and let it be understood that they
   objected to the remedial Bill only because it was not likely
   to prove effective in the face of the combined hostility of
   the legislature and the municipalities of the province. …
   Catholic Quebec gave Mr. Laurier his majority at Ottawa. …

{61}

   "When the Liberal party for the first time for eighteen years
   found itself in power at Ottawa, Mr. Laurier at once opened
   negotiations with Manitoba. The result was a settlement which,
   although it might work well in particular districts, could not be
   accepted as satisfactory by the Catholic authorities. It arranged
   that where in towns and cities the average attendance of
   Catholic children was forty or upwards, and in villages and
   rural districts the average attendance of such children was
   twenty-five or upwards, one Catholic teacher should be
   employed. There were various other provisions, but that was
   the central concession. … Leo the Thirteenth, recognising the
   difficulties which beset Mr. Laurier's path, mindful, perhaps,
   also that it is not always easy immediately to resume friendly
   conference with those who have just done their best to defeat
   you, has sent to Canada an Apostolic Commissioner."

      _J. G. Snead Cox,
      Mr. Laurier and Manitoba
      (Nineteenth Century, April, 1897)._

CANADA: A. D. 1895.
   Northern territories formed into provisional districts.

   "The unorganized and unnamed portion of the Dominion this year
   was set apart into provisional districts. The territory east of
   Hudson's Bay, having the province of Quebec on the south and
   the Atlantic on the east, was to be hereafter known as Ungava.
   The territory embraced in the islands of the Arctic Sea was to
   be known as Franklin, the Mackenzie River region as Mackenzie,
   and the Pacific coast territory lying north of British
   Columbia and west of Mackenzie as Yukon. The extent of Ungava
   and Franklin was undefined. Mackenzie would cover 538,600
   square miles, and Yukon 225,000 square miles, in addition to
   143,500 square miles added to Athabasca and 470,000 to
   Keewatin. The total area of the Dominion was estimated at
   3,456,383 square miles."

      _The Annual Register, 1895,
      page 391._

CANADA: A. D. 1895.
   Negotiations with Newfoundland.

   Negotiations for the entrance of Newfoundland into the
   federation of the Dominion of Canada proved ineffectual and
   were abandoned in May. The island province refused the terms
   proposed.

CANADA: A. D. 1896 (June-July).
   Liberal triumph in Parliamentary elections.
   Formation of Ministry by Sir Wilfred Laurier.

   General elections held in Canada on the 23d of June, 1896,
   gave the Liberal Party 113 seats out of 213 in the Dominion
   House of Commons; the Conservatives securing 88, and the
   Patrons of Industry and other Independents 12. Much to the
   general surprise, the scale was turned in favor of the
   Liberals by the vote of the province of Quebec,
   notwithstanding the Manitoba school question, on which
   clerical influence in the Roman church was ranged against that
   party. The effect of the election was to call the Liberal
   leader, Sir Wilfred Laurier, of Quebec, to the head of the
   government, the Conservative Ministry, under Sir Charles
   Tupper, retiring on the 8th of July.

CANADA: A. D. 1896-1897.
   Policy of the Liberal Government.
   Revision of the tariff, with discriminating duties
   in favor of Great Britain, and provisions for reciprocity.

   "The position of the Canadian Liberals, when they came into
   power after the General Election of 1896, was not unlike that
   of the English Liberals after the General Election of 1892.
   Both Liberal parties had lists of reforms to which they were
   committed. The English measures were in the Newcastle
   Programme. Those of the Canadian Liberals were embodied in the
   Ottawa Programme, which was formulated at a convention held at
   the Dominion Capital in 1893. … A large part of the Ottawa
   Programme was set out in the speech which the Governor-General
   read in the Senate when the session of 1897 commenced. There was
   then promised a measure for the revision of the tariff; a bill
   providing for the extension of the Intercolonial railway from
   Levis to Montreal; a bill repealing the Dominion Franchise Act
   and abolishing the costly system of registration which goes
   with it; and a measure providing for the plebiscite on the
   Prohibition question. Neither of these last two measures was
   carried through Parliament. Both had to be postponed to
   another session; and the session of 1897 was devoted, so far
   as legislation went, chiefly to the tariff, and to bills, none
   of which were promised in the Speech from the Throne, in
   retaliation for the United States Contract Labor Laws, and the
   new United States tariff. …

   "The new tariff was a departure from the tariffs of the
   Conservative regime in only one important direction.
   Protective duties heretofore had been levied on imports from
   England, in the same way as on imports from the United States
   or any other country. The 'National Policy' had allowed of no
   preferences for England; and during the long period of
   Conservative rule, when the Conservatives were supported by
   the Canadian manufacturers in much the same way as the
   Republican party in the United States is supported by the
   manufacturing interests, the Canadian manufacturers had been
   as insistent for adequate protection against English-made
   goods, as against manufactured articles from the United States
   or Germany. The Conservative party had continuously claimed a
   monopoly of loyalty to England; but in its tariffs had never
   dared to make any concession in favour of English goods. In
   the new tariff, preferences for England were established; and
   with these openings in favour of imports from Great Britain,
   there came a specific warning from the Minister of Finance
   that Canadian manufacturers must not regard themselves as
   possessing a vested interest in the continuance of the
   protective system. …

   "When the Minister of Finance laid the tariff before the House
   of Commons, he declared that the 'National Policy,' as it had
   been tried for eighteen years, was a failure; and … claimed
   that lowering the tariff wall against England was a step in
   the direction of a tariff 'based not upon the protective
   system but upon the requirements of the public service.'
   During the first fifteen months of the new tariff, the
   concession to England consists of a reduction by one-eighth of
   the duties chargeable under the general list. At the end of
   that time, that is on the last of July, 1898, the reduction
   will be one-fourth. The reductions do not apply to wines, malt
   liquors, spirits and tobacco, the taxes on which are
   essentially for revenue. While England was admitted at once to
   the advantages of the reduced tariff, this tariff is not to be
   applicable to England alone. In July, it was extended to the
   products of New South Wales, the free-trade colony of the
   British Australasian group; and any country can come within
   its provisions whose government can satisfy the Comptroller of
   Customs at Ottawa, that it is offering favourable treatment to
   Canadian exports, and is affording them as easy an entrance
   through its customs houses as the Canadians give by means of
   the reciprocal tariff. It is also possible, under a later
   amendment to the Tariff Act, for the Governor in Council to
   extend the benefits of the reciprocal tariff to any country
   entitled thereto by virtue of a treaty with Great Britain.
{62}
   Numerous alterations were made in the general list of import
   duties. Some of these involved higher rates; others lowered
   the duties. But if the changes in the fiscal system had been
   confined to these variations, the new tariff would not have
   been noteworthy, and it would have fulfilled few of the
   pledges made by the Liberals when they were in Opposition. It
   owes its chief importance to the establishment of an inner
   tariff in the interests of countries which deal favourably
   with Canada."

      _E. Porritt,
      The New Administration in Canada
      (Yale Review, August, 1897)._

CANADA: A. D. 1897 (June-July).
   Conference of colonial premiers with
   the British Colonial Secretary.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

CANADA: A. D. 1897 (October).
   Self-government for the Northwestern Territories.

   By an Act passed in October, a system of self-government,
   going far towards the full powers of a provincial government,
   but having some limitations, was provided for the Northwest
   Territories.

CANADA: A. D. 1898 (January).
   Encyclical Letter of the Pope on the Manitoba School Question.

   On the report made by his delegate, Monsignor Merry del Val,
   Pope Leo XIII. addressed an encyclical letter to the Roman
   Church in Canada, concerning the duty of Catholics in the
   matter of the Manitoba schools (see above: A. D. 1890-1896),
   which was made public at Quebec on the 9th of January, 1898.
   The letter has great general importance, as defining with
   precision the attitude of the Church towards all secular
   school systems. With a few unessential passages it is given in
   what follows:

   "It was with extreme solicitude," wrote the Pope, "that we
   turned our mind to the unhappy events which in these later
   years have marked the history of Catholic education in
   Manitoba. … And since many expected that we should make a
   pronouncement on the question, and asked that we should trace
   a line of conduct and a way to be followed, we did not wish to
   decide anything on this subject before our Apostolic delegate
   had been on the spot, charged to proceed to a serious
   examination of the situation, and to give an account to us of
   the state of affairs. He has faithfully and diligently
   fulfilled the command which we had given him. The question
   agitated is one of great and exceptional importance. We speak
   of the decision taken seven years ago by the parliament of
   Manitoba on the subject of education. The act of Confederation
   had secured to Catholic children the right of education in public
   schools in keeping with their conscientious convictions. The
   parliament of Manitoba abolished this right by contrary law.
   By this latter law a grave injury was inflicted, for it was
   not lawful for our children to seek the benefits of education
   in schools in which the Catholic religion is ignored or
   actively combated, in schools where its doctrine is despised
   and its fundamental principles repudiated. If the Church has
   anywhere permitted this, it was only with great reluctance and
   in self-defense, and after having taken many precautions,
   which, however, have too often been found unequal to parrying
   the danger. In like manner one must at all cost avoid, as most
   pernicious, those schools wherein every form of belief is
   indifferently admitted and placed on an equal footing—as if in
   what regards God and Divine things, it was of no importance
   whether one believed rightly or wrongly, whether one followed
   truth or falsehood. You well know, venerable brothers, that
   all schools of this kind have been condemned by the Church,
   because there can be nothing more pernicious nor more fitted
   to injure the integrity of faith and to turn away the tender
   minds of youth from the truth. … For the Catholic there is but
   one true religion, the Catholic religion; hence in all that
   concerns doctrine, or morality, or religion, he cannot accept
   or recognize anything which is not drawn from the very sources
   of Catholic teaching. Justice and reason demand, then, that
   our children have in their schools not only scientific
   instruction but also moral teachings in harmony, as we have
   already said, with the principles of their religion, teachings
   without which all education will be not only fruitless but
   absolutely pernicious. Hence the necessity of having Catholic
   teachers, reading books, and textbooks approved of by the
   bishops, and liberty to organize the schools, that the
   teaching therein shall be in full accord with Catholic faith
   as well as with all the duties that flow therefrom. For the
   rest, to decide in what institutions their children shall be
   instructed, who shall be their teachers of morality, is a
   right inherent to parental authority. When, then, Catholics
   demand, and it is their duty to demand, and to strive to
   obtain, that the teaching of the masters shall be in
   conformity with the religion of their children, they are only
   making use of their right; and there can be nothing more
   unjust than to force on them the alternative of allowing their
   children to grow up in ignorance, or to expose them to
   manifest danger in what concerns the supreme interests of
   their souls. It is not right to call in doubt or to abandon in
   any way these principles of judging and acting which are
   founded on truth and justice, and which are the safe-guards
   both of public and private interests. Therefore, when the new
   law in Manitoba struck a blow at Catholic education, it was
   your duty, venerable brothers, to freely protest against the
   injury and disaster inflicted; and the way in which you all
   fulfilled that duty is a proof of your common vigilance, and
   of a spirit truly worthy of bishops; and, although each one of
   you will find on this point a sufficient approbation in the
   testimony of his own conscience, learn, nevertheless, that you
   have also our conscience and our approbation, for the things
   which you sought and still seek to protect and defend are most
   sacred. The difficulties created by the law of which we speak by
   their very nature showed that an alleviation was to be sought
   for in a united effort. For so worthy was the Catholic cause
   that all good and upright citizens, without distinction of
   party, should have banded themselves together in a close union
   to uphold it. Unfortunately for the success of this cause, the
   contrary took place. What is more deplorable still, is that
   Catholic Canadians themselves failed to unite as they should
   in defending those interests which are of such importance to
   all—the importance and gravity of which should have stilled
   the voice of party politics, which are of much less
   importance. We are not unaware that something has been done to
   amend that law. The men who are at the head of the federal
   government and of the Province of Manitoba have already taken
   certain measures with a view to decreasing the difficulties of
   which the Catholics of Manitoba complain, and against which
   they rightly continue to protest.
{63}
   We have no reason to doubt that these measures were taken from
   love of justice and from a laudable motive. We cannot, however,
   dissimulate the truth; the law which they have passed to
   repair the injury is defective, unsuitable, insufficient. The
   Catholics ask—and no one can deny that they justly ask—for
   much more. Moreover, in the remedial measures that have been
   proposed there is this defect, that in changes of local
   circumstances they may easily become valueless. In a word, the
   rights of Catholics and the education of their children have
   not been sufficiently provided for in Manitoba. Everything in
   this question demands, and is conformable to justice, that
   they should be thoroughly provided for, that is, by placing in
   security and surrounding with due safe-guards those
   unchangeable and sacred principles of which we have spoken
   above. This should be the aim, this the end to be zealously
   and prudently sought for. Nothing can be more injurious to the
   attainment of this end than discord; unity of spirit and
   harmony of action are most necessary. Nevertheless since, as
   frequently happens in things of this nature, there is not only
   one fixed and determined but various ways of arriving at the
   end which is proposed and which should be obtained, it follows
   that there may be various opinions equally good and
   advantageous. Wherefore let each and all be mindful of the
   rules of moderation, and gentleness, and mutual charity; let
   no one fail in the respect that is due to another; but let all
   resolve in fraternal unanimity, and not without your advice,
   to do that which the circumstances require and which appears
   best to be done. As regards especially the Catholics of
   Manitoba, we have every confidence that with God's help they
   will succeed in obtaining full satisfaction. This hope is
   founded, in the first place, in the righteousness of the
   cause, next in the sense of justice and prudence of the men at
   the head of the government, and finally in the good-will of all
   upright men in Canada. In the meantime, until they are able to
   obtain their full rights, let them not refuse partial
   satisfaction. If, therefore, anything is granted by law to
   custom, or the good-will of men, which will render the evil
   more tolerable and the dangers more remote, it is expedient
   and useful to make use of such concessions, and to derive
   therefrom as much benefit and advantage as possible. Where,
   however, no remedy can be found for the evil, we must exhort
   and beseech that it be provided against by the liberality and
   munificence of their contributions, for no one can do anything
   more salutary for himself or more conducive to the prosperity
   of his country, than to contribute, according to his means, to
   the maintenance of these schools. There is another point which
   appeals to your common solicitude, namely, that by your
   authority, and with the assistance of those who direct
   educational institutions, an accurate and suitable curriculum
   of studies be established, and that it be especially provided
   that no one shall be permitted to teach who is not amply
   endowed with all the necessary qualities, natural and
   acquired, for it is only right that Catholic schools should be
   able to compete in bearing, culture, and scholarship with the
   best in the country. As concerns intellectual culture and the
   progress of civilization, one can only recognize as
   praiseworthy and noble the desire of the provinces of Canada
   to develop public instruction, and to raise its standard more
   and more, in order that it may daily become higher and more
   perfect. Now there is no kind of knowledge, no perfection of
   learning, which cannot be fully harmonized with Catholic
   doctrine."

CANADA: A. D. 1898 (September).
   Popular vote on the question of Prohibition.

   Pursuant to a law passed by the Dominion Parliament the
   previous June, a vote of the people in all the Provinces of
   the Dominion was taken, on the 29th of September, 1898, upon
   the following question: "Are you in favor of the passing of an
   act prohibiting the importation, manufacture or sale of
   spirits, wine, ale, beer, cider, and all other alcoholic
   liquors for use as beverages?" The submitting of this question
   to a direct vote of the people was a proceeding not quite
   analogous to the Swiss Referendum, since it decided the fate
   of no pending law; nor did it imitate the popular Initiative
   of Swiss legislation, since the result carried no mandate to
   the government. It was more in the nature of a French
   Plébiscite, and many called it by that name; but no Plebiscite
   in France ever drew so real an expression of popular opinion
   on a question so fully discussed. The result of the voting was
   a majority for prohibition in every Province except Quebec,
   Ontario pronouncing for it by more than 39,000, Nova Scotia by
   more than 29,000, New Brunswick by more than 17,000, Manitoba
   by more than 9,000, Prince Edward's Island by more than 8,000,
   and the Northwest Territories by more than 3,000, while
   British Columbia gave a small majority of less than 600 on the
   same side. Quebec, on the other hand, shouted a loud "No" to
   the question, by 93,000 majority. The net majority in favor of
   Prohibition was 107,000. The total of votes polled on the
   question was 540,000. This was less than 44 per cent of the
   total registration of voters; hence the vote for Prohibition
   represented only about 23 per cent of the electorate, which
   the government considered to offer too small a support for the
   measure asked for.

CANADA: A. D. 1898-1899.
   The Joint High Commission for settlement of all unsettled
   questions between Canada and the United States.

   As the outcome of negotiations opened at Washington in the
   previous autumn by the Canadian Premier, relative to the
   seal-killing controversy, an agreement between Great Britain,
   Canada and the United States was concluded on the 30th of May,
   1898, for the creation of a Joint High Commission to negotiate
   a treaty, if possible, by which all existing subjects of
   controversy between the United States and Canada should be
   settled with finality. Appointments to the Commission by the
   three governments were made soon afterwards, Great Britain
   being represented by the Lord High Chancellor, Baron
   Herschell; Canada by Sir Wilfred Laurier, Premier, Sir Richard
   Cartwright, Minister of Trade and Commerce, and Sir Louis
   Henry Davies, Minister of Marine and Fisheries; the United
   States by Honorable John W. Foster, ex-Secretary of State,
   Senator Charles W. Fairbanks, Senator George Gray,
   Representative Nelson Dingley, and the Honorable John A.
   Kasson, Reciprocity Commissioner. Senator Gray having been
   subsequently appointed on the Commission to negotiate peace
   with Spain, his place on the Anglo-American Commission was
   taken by Senator Faulkner.
{64}
   The Joint Commission sat first in Quebec and later in
   Washington. Among the questions referred to it were those
   relating to the establishment of the boundary between Alaska
   and British Columbia; the issues over Bering Sea and the catch
   of fur seals; the unmarked boundary between Canada and the
   United States near Passamaqnoddy Bay in Maine and at points
   between Wisconsin and Minnesota and Canada; the northeast
   fisheries question, involving the rights of fishing in the
   North Atlantic off Newfoundland and other points; the
   regulation of the fishing rights on the Great Lakes;
   alien-labor immigration across the Canadian-American border;
   commercial reciprocity between the two countries; the
   regulation of the bonding system by which goods are carried in
   bond across the frontier and also the regulation of traffic by
   international railways and canals of the two countries;
   reciprocal mining privileges in the Klondyke, British North
   America and other points; wrecking and salvage on the ocean
   and Great Lakes coasting waters; the modification of the
   treaty arrangement under which only one war vessel can be
   maintained on the Great Lakes, with a view to allowing
   warships to be built on the lakes and then floated out to the
   ocean. The sessions of the Joint Commission were continued at
   intervals until February, 1899, when it adjourned to meet at
   Quebec in the following August, unless further adjournment
   should be agreed upon by the several chairmen. Such further
   adjournment was made, and the labors of the Joint Commission
   were indefinitely suspended, for reasons which the President
   of the United States explained in his Message to Congress,
   December, 1899, as follows: "Much progress had been made by
   the Commission toward the adjustment of many of these
   questions, when it became apparent that an irreconcilable
   difference of views was entertained respecting the
   delimitation of the Alaskan boundary. In the failure of an
   agreement as to the meaning of articles 3 and 4 of the treaty
   of 1825 between Russia and Great Britain, which defined the
   boundary between Alaska and Canada, the American Commissioners
   proposed that the subject of the boundary be laid aside and
   that the remaining questions of difference be proceeded with,
   some of which were so far advanced as to assure the
   probability of a settlement. This being declined by the
   British Commissioners, an adjournment was taken until the
   boundary should be adjusted by the two Governments. The
   subject has been receiving the careful attention which its
   importance demands, with the result that a modus vivendi for
   provisional demarcations in the region about the head of Lynn
   Canal has been agreed upon [see (in this volume) ALASKA
   BOUNDARY QUESTION] and it is hoped that the negotiations now
   in progress between the two Governments will end in an
   agreement for the establishment and delimitation of a
   permanent boundary."

CANADA: A. D. 1899 (October).
   Modus Vivendi, fixing provisional boundary line of Alaska.

      See (in this volume)
      ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION.

CANADA: A. D. 1899-1900.
   Troops to reinforce the British army in South Africa.

   A proposal from the Canadian government to assist that of the
   Empire in its South African War was gratefully accepted in the
   early stages of the war, and a regiment of infantry called the
   Royal Canadian, numbering a little more than 1,000 men, sailed
   from Quebec, October 30. In the following January a second
   contingent of more than 1,000 men was sent to the field. This
   latter comprised squadrons of mounted rilles and rough-riders,
   and three batteries of field artillery. In the same month the
   Canadian government accepted an offer from Lord Strathcona to
   raise, equip and transport at his own expense a body of 500
   mounted men from the Northwest.

CANADA: A. D. 1900 (November).
   General election.

   The general election of members of the Dominion House of
   Commons was held November 7, resulting as follows:

Provinces.           Liberal.  Conservative. Independent.  Total.

Nova Scotia.            15          5            0          20
New-Brunswick.           9          5            0          14
Prince Edward Island.    3          2            0           5
Quebec.                 57          8            0          65
Ontario.                33         54            5          92
Manitoba.                2          3            2           7
Northwest Territories.   2          0            2           4
British Columbia.        3          2            1           6

Totals.                124         79           10         213


   As in the election of 1896, the Liberal Ministry of Sir
   Wilfred Laurier found its strong support in the province of
   Quebec. Its party suffered unexpected losses in Ontario. The
   slight meaning of the election was summed up by Professor
   Goldwin Smith as follows: "The net result of the elections
   seems to be a Government resting on French Quebec and an
   Opposition resting on British Ontario. The minor provinces
   have been carried, as usual, by local interests rather than on
   general questions. Apart from the distinction of race between
   the two great provinces and the antagonism, before dormant but
   somewhat awakened by the war, there was no question of importance
   at issue between the parties. Both concurred in sending
   contingents to South Africa. The Liberals, though they went in
   at first on the platform of free trade—at least, of a tariff
   for revenue only—have practically embraced protection under
   the name of stability of the tariff, and are believed to have
   received from the protected manufacturers contributions to
   their large election fund. The other special principles, such
   as the reduction of expenditure and discontinuance of the
   bonus to railways, proclaimed by Liberals before the last
   election, have been dropped. So has reform of the Senate. It
   is not likely that the Liberal victory will be followed by any
   change either in legislation or government, or by any special
   reform. Mr. Bourassa and Monet, of the French-Canadian members
   who protested against the contingent, have been re-elected.
   Great as may be the extent and warmth of British feeling, the
   statement that Canadians were unanimously in favour of
   participation in the war must not be taken without
   qualification. For myself, I felt that so little principle was
   at stake that I voted for two Conservatives on their personal
   merits."

{65}

CANAL, The new Bruges.

      See (in this volume)
      BRUGES: A. D. 1900.

CANAL, The Chicago Drainage.

      See (in this volume)
      CHICAGO: A. D. 1900.

CANAL, City of Mexico Drainage.

      See (in this volume)
      MEXICO: A. D. 1898.

CANAL, The Elbe and Trave.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (JUNE).

CANAL, Interoceanic, The Project of the: A. D. 1581-1892.
   The early inception of the project.
   Movements towards its realization.

   "The thought of uniting the two great oceans by means of a
   canal across the American isthmus sprang up, as is known, from
   the moment the conviction was reached that the passage which,
   from the days of Columbus, was thought to exist towards the
   Southern Sea, was not a reality. … Nevertheless the first
   survey of the land was not carried out until the year 1581,
   when, in obedience to superior instructions, Captain Antonio
   Pereira, Governor of Costa Rica, organized an expedition and
   explored the route by way of the San Juan river, the lake, and
   the rivers emptying into Gulf Nicoya, Costa Rica. Thirty-nine
   years later Diego de Mercado submitted to King Philip III his
   famous report of January 23, 1620, suggesting the route by the
   river and lake, and thence through Costa Rican territory along
   the Quebrada or Barranca Honda to Salinas Bay, then called
   Puerto del Papagayo. Either because the magnitude of the
   undertaking was at that time superior to the necessities of
   trade, or, as was said, because Spain considered the canal
   antagonistic to her interests, the era of independence arrived
   without the execution of the project ever having been entered
   upon. After independence the Congress of Central America, in
   which Costa Rica and Nicaragua were represented as States of
   the Federation which succeeded the Colonial Government,
   enacted on June 16, 1825, a decree providing for the
   construction of the canal, and in that same year Don Antonio
   José Cañas, Diplomatic Representative of Central America in
   Washington, addressed the Secretary of State, Mr. Henry Clay,
   informing him of this resolution and stating that: 'A company
   formed of American citizens of respectability was ready to
   undertake the work as soon as a treaty with the United States
   insuring the coöperation of the latter was signed; that he was
   ready to enter into negotiations for the treaty, and that
   nothing would be more pleasant for Central America than to see
   the generous people of the United States joining her in the
   opening of the canal, sharing the glory of the enterprise, and
   enjoying the great advantages to be derived from it.' The
   Government of Central America could not carry the undertaking
   into effect, notwithstanding that among the means employed to
   reach the desired result there figures the arrangement
   concluded with the King of Holland in October, 1830. But,
   though the hopes centered in the undertaking were frustrated,
   to the honor of Central America the declarations of that
   Congress, which constitute, like the concession for the canal
   itself, one of the loftiest public documents ever issued by
   any nation of the earth, have become a matter of record. The
   Central American Federation dissolved, this important matter
   attached to Nicaragua and Costa Rica directly, and the
   boundary line between the two republics having been determined
   by the treaty of April 15, 1858, as were also the points
   relative to the canal, the two governments jointly granted a
   concession on May 1 of that same year to Mr. Felix Belly, a
   distinguished French writer, to whom the Emperor Napoleon gave
   his support to carry forward the undertaking. This failing of
   accomplishment, the two governments, in perfect accord,
   concluded the contract known as the Ayon-Chevalier, signed by
   Nicaragua on October 16, 1868, and by Costa Rica on June 18,
   1869, which, it is unnecessary to say, also failed to produce
   any results whatever. Some years after the expiration of this
   last contract Nicaragua promoted a discussion as to the
   validity of the treaty and the meaning of some of its
   stipulations, which Costa Rica upheld in its original form,
   and the question was submitted to the decision of the
   President of the United States, Mr. Cleveland, who in his
   award of March 22, 1888, accepted by both parties, declared
   the treaty valid and binding upon each Republic and
   interpreted the points which in the opinion of Nicaragua were
   doubtful. According to the provisions of both of these
   documents, the treaty and award, even in the remote event that
   the natural rights of Costa Rica should not be injured, Nicaragua
   is bound not to make any grants for canal purposes across her
   territory without first asking the opinion of the Republic of
   Costa Rica. Three years prior, and while this question was
   still pending, Nicaragua concluded the treaty known as the
   Zavala-Frelinghuysen, signed in Washington on December 1,
   1884, whereby the title to the canal was conveyed to the
   United States, and Costa Rica adhered to this treaty under
   date of February 23, 1885; but the negotiations remained
   without effect, because, ratification having been denied in
   the Senate, although a reconsideration of the subject had been
   agreed to, President Cleveland, on inaugurating his first
   administration, withdrew the document from the Senate. Things
   then returned to the status they formerly maintained, and
   Nicaragua in April, 1887, and Costa Rica in July, 1888,
   respectively granted the concessions pursuant to which the
   construction of the American waterway has been pending of late
   years. The Congress of the United States has been giving
   special attention to this important matter since the year
   1892, and commissions have been created charged with the
   survey and location of the route, as well as the study of the
   influence of the canal in its different aspects. Recently the
   investigation is not limited to the route by Nicaragua and
   Costa Rica alone, but extends to Panama."

      _Speech of Señor Calvo, Costa Rican Minister,
      at the International Commercial Congress,
      Philadelphia, October 24, 1899._

{66}

CANAL, Interoceanic, The Project of the: A. D. 1889-1899.
   The Maritime Canal Company.
   Investigation of Nicaragua routes.

   "The failure of the Frelinghuysen-Zavala treaty [see above]
   was a severe disappointment to the friends of the canal
   project, but it did not discourage them. A company of private
   citizens, capitalists and promoters, was organized, which at
   length took the name of the Maritime Canal Company. Fair and
   full concessions were secured from the government of
   Nicaragua, while similar articles were also signed with the
   Republic of Costa Rica on account of imagined ownership of a
   portion of the territory through which the canal was to pass,
   though it has been shown subsequently, in the settlement of
   the boundary dispute between those two governments, that Costa
   Rica's rights in the matter were solely riparian. In due time
   Congress was called upon to grant a charter to the Maritime
   Company, which asked nothing more than this." The chartering
   act was passed by Congress in 1889, with an important
   amendment proposed by Judge Holman of Indiana, providing that
   "nothing in this act contained shall be so construed as to
   commit the United States to any pecuniary liability whatever
   for any account of said company, nor shall the United States
   be held in any wise liable or responsible in any form or by
   any implication for any debt or, liability in any form which
   said company may incur, nor as guaranteeing any engagement or
   contract of said company." But two years afterwards, the
   company having failed to enlist the necessary capital for its
   undertaking, an attempt was made to set aside the above
   provision and to persuade Congress to guarantee $100,000,000
   of bonds, taking $70,000,000 of stock and making the
   government a partner in the enterprise. The proposal was
   rejected. Congress "did not guarantee the company's bonds. The
   company, without such guarantee, was unable to raise the
   necessary capital, either in the United States or abroad, and
   the financial crisis of 1893 so overwhelmed it that all active
   operations on the isthmus were suspended, and they have never
   been resumed. The same issue, the guaranteeing of bonds, has
   come up from time to time in succeeding Congresses, but not
   until the second session of the Fifty-fourth [1897] did it
   appear to have much chance of being decided in favor of the
   company. The opposition in the Senate, where it was first
   considered, was strong, and the arguments advanced against the
   bill were clear, sound and forceful. The advocates of the
   measure were pressing for a vote, but almost at the supreme
   moment a note was received from the State Department,
   accompanied by a communication from Minister Rodriguez, the
   representative of the Greater Republic of Central America,
   setting forth several unassailable objections of his
   government to the methods of procedure. This final thrust
   determined the fate of the bill, and a vote on it was not
   taken. … The material points of Minister Rodriguez's
   criticism, which caused the Senate bill in 1897 to be
   withdrawn, were that some of the vital provisions of the
   cessions under which the Maritime Canal Company had the right
   to construct the canal were violated."

      _C. M. Stadden,
      Latest Aspects of the Nicaragua Canal Project
      (North American Review, December, 1898)._

   Congress now (June 4, 1897) passed an Act which created a
   commission to examine all practicable routes for a canal
   through Nicaragua, and report its judgment as to the best,
   with an estimate of the cost of the work on such route. The
   commissioners appointed were Admiral Walker, Professor Haupt,
   and Colonel Hains. Their report, submitted to the President in
   May, 1899, unanimously recommended the route described as
   follows: "This line, leaving Brito, follows the left bank of
   the Rio Grande to near Bueno Retiro, and crosses the western
   divide to the valley of the Lajas, which it follows to Lake
   Nicaragua. Crossing the lake to the head of the San Juan
   river, it follows the upper river to near Boca San Carlos;
   thence, in excavation, by the left bank of the river to the
   San Juanillo and across the low country to Greytown, passing
   to the northward of Lake Silico." But while the commissioners
   agreed in finding this route preferable to any others in the
   Nicaragua region, they disagreed seriously in their estimates
   of cost, Colonel Hains, putting it at nearly $135,000,000,
   while Admiral Walker and Professor Haupt placed the cost at
   little more than $118,000,000. Before the report of this
   Nicaragua Canal Commission was made, however, Congress (March
   3, 1899) had directed the appointment of another commission to
   examine and report upon all possible routes for an
   interoceanic canal, in the Panama region and elsewhere, as
   well as through Nicaragua and to determine the cost of
   constructing such a canal and "placing it under the control,
   management and ownership of the United States." This later
   commission, known as the Isthmian Canal Commission, was made
   up as follows:
   Rear-Admiral John G. Walker, U. S. N.;
   Samuel Pasco, of Florida;
   Alfred Noble, C. E. of Illinois;
   George S. Morrison, C. E., of New York;
   Colonel Peter C. Hains, U. S. A.;
   Professor William H. Burr, of Connecticut;
   Lieutenant-Colonel Oswald H. Ernst, U. S. A.;
   Professor Lewis M. Haupt, C. E., of Pennsylvania;
   Professor Emory R. Johnston, of Pennsylvania.

   In his Message to Congress the next December, President
   McKinley stated: "The contract of the Maritime Canal Company
   of Nicaragua was declared forfeited by the Nicaraguan
   Government on the 10th of October, on the ground of
   nonfulfillment within the ten years' term stipulated in the
   contract. The Maritime Canal Company has lodged a protest
   against this action, alleging rights in the premises which
   appear worthy of consideration. This Government expects that
   Nicaragua will afford the protestants a full and fair hearing
   upon the merits of the case." But another company had been put
   into the place of the Maritime Canal Company, by action of
   President Zelaya, of Nicaragua, who, in 1898, granted to
   Edward Eyre and E. F. Cragin, who represented an American
   Syndicate, the right to construct the canal when the contract
   with the Maritime should have lapsed. This transaction,
   however, lacked confirmation by Costa Rica and the United
   States.

CANAL, Interoceanic, A. D. 1893-1900.
   The Panama Canal Concession twice extended.
   Formation of new company.

      See (in this volume)
      COLOMBIA: A. D. 1893-1900.

CANAL, Interoceanic, A. D. 1899 (December).
   Transfer of the Panama Canal to an American company.

   The transfer of the Panama Canal from the later French company
   to an American company, chartered in New Jersey, was
   accomplished in December, 1899. The new company received all
   the property, rights, and powers of its French predecessor,
   the consideration to be paid to the latter being mainly in the
   form of shares in the American company.

[Image: Map of Central America showing the Isthmian Canal Routes]

{67}

CANAL, Interoceanic, A. D. 1900 (November).
   Preliminary report of the Isthmian Canal Commission in
   favor of the Nicaragua route.

   The preliminary report of the Isthmian Canal Commission,
   appointed under the Act of March 3, 1899, was presented to the
   President on the 30th November, 1900, and communicated to
   Congress at the opening of the session. The Commission
   reported in favor of the Nicaragua route, essentially on the
   lines laid down by the previous Nicaragua Canal Commission, as
   defined above. It found that the choice of routes lies between
   this and the route of the partly constructed Panama Canal, and
   its discussion of the question presented the following views:

   "(a) Between New York and San Francisco, the Nicaragua Canal
   route would be 377 nautical miles shorter than the Panama
   route. Between New Orleans and San Francisco 579 miles would
   be saved, and, in general, the distances between the Atlantic
   and Pacific ports of the United States are less by way of
   Nicaragua. Between our east coast and Yokohama and Shanghai
   the Nicaragua route is somewhat shorter, but for the trade of
   our eastern ports with the west coast of South America the
   Panama route is not so long as the Nicaragua.

   (b) A part of the saving in distance effected by using a
   Nicaragua canal instead of one at Panama would be offset by
   the longer time of transit at Nicaragua. An average steamer
   would require twelve hours to make the passage through the
   Panama Canal, and thirty-three through one across Nicaragua.
   For a 10-knot steamer this difference of twenty-one hours
   would be equivalent to 210 knots difference in distance, and
   for a 13-knot steamer, the difference in time of transit would
   be equivalent to 273 knots.

   (c) The Nicaragua route would be the more favorable one for
   sailing vessels because of the uncertain winds in the bay of
   Panama. It would not be impossible for sailing vessels to use
   the Panama Canal, but for average voyages between the two
   seaboards of the United States, a sailing vessel would require
   about nine days additional time to make the passage by way of
   the Panama Canal. However, neither route would be much used by
   sailing vessels, because of their inability to compete with
   steamers. They would certainly not be able to compete with
   steamers, both using the Panama Canal.

   (d) For the promotion of the domestic trade of the United
   States, the Nicaragua route would possess advantages over the
   Panama route, because the distance between our two seaboards
   is less. For our trade with Japan, China, the Philippines, and
   Australia, the advantages of the two routes are nearly equal,
   the distance by way of the Nicaragua route being slightly
   less. For our trade with South America the Panama route is
   shorter and more direct.

   (e) The industrial changes which the Nicaragua Canal would
   produce in the countries through which it will pass would be
   great. Nicaragua and Costa Rica comprise a region capable of
   producing a large amount of tropical products for which there
   is a demand in Europe and the United States. A canal across
   their territory would give a great impetus to their economic
   development.

   "A careful examination has been made of all the rights,
   privileges, and franchises held and owned by corporations,
   associations, and individuals at the different canal routes.
   This necessarily included a study of the treaties relating to
   the establishment of an interoceanic communication made by the
   Republics, whose territory is to be occupied, and by the
   United States, with one another, and also with foreign
   governments. The treaties heretofore made exclude all idea of
   a relinquishment of sovereignty over any of the proposed
   routes. In most of them the right of transit and the innocent
   use of the communication, whether by railway or canal, is
   granted to the other contracting party, its citizens and
   subjects, to be enjoyed upon equal terms with other
   governments and people; and the leading commercial nations of
   the world have committed themselves to the policy of
   neutrality at the different routes, and some of them have
   obligated themselves to use their influence to induce other
   nations to agree to the same policy. No existing treaties
   between the United States and the Republics of Nicaragua and
   Costa Rica, or of Colombia, give our Government the right to
   excavate and operate a maritime canal through any of these
   countries. The concessions granted by the different Republics
   through whose territory the lines of the projected canals
   extend, in terms, exclude the right of the companies holding
   them to transfer them to any foreign government, and further
   treaty rights must be acquired to enable the United States to
   undertake the excavation of a navigable waterway between the
   two oceans in a governmental capacity. The only prior
   obligations to corporations, associations, or individuals in
   the way of a direct agreement between the United States and
   Nicaragua authorizing our Government to construct a canal
   across the territory of the latter, to be under its control,
   management, and ownership, have been eliminated by the
   forfeiture and termination of the contracts with the Maritime
   Canal Company of Nicaragua and the Interoceanic Canal Company.
   In view of this declaration the Commission has not made any
   effort to ascertain the cost at which the concessions of these
   companies can be purchased, for if these forfeitures are final
   the rights formerly granted to these companies are not in the
   way of diplomatic negotiations with the Government interested
   to acquire the consent and authority necessary for the
   construction of a canal by this route. The situation in Costa
   Rica is practically the same.

   "The situation at Panama is different. The Republic of
   Colombia first granted a concession to the Panama Railroad
   Company, giving it exclusive privileges on the Isthmus, which
   will continue according to modifications afterwards made for
   ninety-nine years from August 16, 1867. A later concession to
   the Panama Canal Company required it to enter into some
   amicable arrangement with the railroad company under which the
   former might occupy the territory along or near its line. The
   canal company acquired by purchase a majority of the railroad
   stock, and the necessary arrangements were made. This stock is
   now under the control of the New Panama Canal Company, which
   gives it a directing influence in both organizations. The
   canal concession is to continue according to its latest
   extension for ninety-nine years from the day on which the
   canal shall be wholly or partially opened to public service,
   and the date fixed for this in the contract is October 31,
   1910. Should it fail and the concession be forfeited the
   company will still have exclusive control of the territory
   through which its line extends till 1966 under the railroad
   concession. The canal company is absolutely prohibited to cede
   or mortgage its rights under any consideration whatever to any
   nation or foreign government under penalty of forfeiture.
{68}
   The contract with the railroad company contains a like
   prohibition and declares further that the pain of forfeiture
   will be incurred by the mere act of attempting to cede or
   transfer its privilege to a foreign government and such an act
   is declared absolutely null and of no value or effect. These
   concessions, if acquired by the United States, would not give
   to the Government the control and ownership evidently
   contemplated by the law, that is, an absolute ownership in
   perpetuity. The right under the contract with the railroad
   company is designated as 'the use and possession' of the
   property for ninety-nine years, and it is provided that 'at
   the expiration of the term of the privilege' and by the sole
   fact of the expiration, the Government of Colombia shall be
   substituted in all the rights of the company and shall
   immediately enter into the enjoyment of the line of
   communication, its fixtures, dependencies and all its
   products. The right of the canal company is substantially of
   the same character. … An examination of the charter rights of
   the New Panama Canal Company under the general incorporation
   laws of France and the special legislation in its behalf
   resulted in finding an enactment, included in a law passed
   June 8, 1888, requiring that all the plant necessary for the
   construction of the canal shall be manufactured in France and
   that the material must be of French origin. This being the
   situation, it was manifest that, even if the privileges of the
   companies could be purchased by and transferred to the United
   States, they were encumbered with charges and conditions that
   would not permit this Government to exercise all the rights of
   complete ownership over a canal constructed by it at the
   Panama route. A new arrangement is necessary if the United
   States is to undertake such a work. The relinquishment by the
   canal company, with the consent of Colombia, of the privileges
   it has under existing concessions, for a consideration to be
   agreed upon with the United States, would leave the way open
   for treaty negotiations between the two governments to
   ascertain whether Colombia will consent to the occupation of
   its territory by the United States for the construction of a
   canal to be under Government control, management, and
   ownership, and, if so, whether they can agree upon terms
   mutually satisfactory. The situation is peculiar, as there are
   three parties in interest. The United States can enter into no
   agreement with Colombia that does not have the approval of the
   company, and the concessions do not permit the company to
   transfer or attempt to transfer its rights to a foreign
   government.

   "The Commission has, however, attempted to ascertain the views
   of the New Panama Canal Company with reference to a
   disposition and transfer of its rights. Interviews were had
   with its president and other officers during the visit to
   Paris and on several occasions from time to time since then,
   and on the 10th day of April last a formal letter was
   addressed to Mr. Maurice Hutin, the president and
   director-general, asking whether he was in a position to name
   terms upon which the company would dispose of its property and
   interests to the United States. At different times since then
   the subject has been discussed by the representatives of the
   company with the Commission and its committee on rights,
   privileges, and franchises, but no formal reply to the letter
   was received until this report was being closed. These
   conferences and correspondence have resulted in no offer to
   dispose of the property and privileges of the company to the
   United States upon any terms, even with the consent of the
   Colombian Government, nor has the company expressed any desire
   or wish to enter into any negotiations with the United States
   with reference to such a disposition of its property and
   rights. It was proposed by President Hutin that the United
   States might obtain control of the canal scheme as a majority
   stockholder of a new organization to which the present company
   could contribute its concession, plant, unfinished work, and
   other property, at a valuation to be determined by
   arbitration, and he expressed the opinion that such an
   arrangement could be made without violating the concessions.
   But this must include some plan for the protection of the
   minority stockholders in the financial management, for they
   would favor a policy that would realize liberal dividends in
   proportion to the commercial value of the canal, while the
   policy of this Government might be to reduce tolls and charges
   to the cost of maintenance or even below it, if the interests
   of the people would be thereby advanced. The plan, however,
   which the company prefers is that outlined in its letter of
   February 28, 1899, addressed to the President of the United
   States, which has been published in Senate Document No. 188,
   Fifty-Sixth Congress, first session, pages 41 and 42. This was
   to reincorporate under the laws of New York or some other
   State, and accord to the United States such representation in
   its board of directors and such opportunity to acquire an
   interest in its securities as its concessions permitted. And
   an assurance was added to the effect that if the United States
   should desire to perpetuate or enlarge its existing rights and
   privileges acquired under the treaty of 1846, the company
   would conform to such supplemental treaty as might be entered
   into between the United States and Colombia. The Commission
   having no other authority than to make investigations and
   obtain information submits this result of its efforts to
   ascertain upon what terms the rights and privileges at the
   Panama route can be obtained. It is proper to add that the
   examination of the title of the present company to the canal
   property under the laws of France and Colombia has satisfied
   this Commission that the New Panama Canal Company has the
   entire control and management of the canal property. …

   "The estimated cost of building the Nicaragua Canal is about
   $58,000,000 more than that of completing the Panama Canal,
   leaving out the cost of acquiring the latter property. This
   measures the difference in the magnitude of the obstacles to
   be overcome in the actual construction of the two canals, and
   covers all physical considerations such as the greater or less
   height of dams, the greater or less depth of cuts, the
   presence or absence of natural harbors, the presence or
   absence of a railroad, the exemption from or liability to
   disease, and the amount of work remaining to be done. The New
   Panama Canal Company has shown no disposition to sell its
   property to the United States. Should that company be able and
   willing to sell, there is reason to believe that the price
   would not be such as would make the total cost to the United
   States less than that of the Nicaragua Canal. … In view of all
   the facts, and particularly in view of all the difficulties of
   obtaining the necessary rights, privileges, and franchises on
   the Panama route, and assuming that Nicaragua and Costa Rica
   recognize the value of the canal to themselves and are
   prepared to grant concessions on terms which are reasonable
   and acceptable to the United States, the Commission is of the
   opinion that 'the most practicable and feasible route for' an
   isthmian canal to be 'under the control, management, and
   ownership of the United States' is that known as the Nicaragua
   route."

      _United States, 56th Congress,
      2d Session, Senate Doc. Number 5._

{69}

CANAL, Interoceanic, A. D. 1900 (December).
   The Hay-Pauncefote Treaty between the United States and
   Great Britain, to facilitate the construction of the Canal,
   as amended by the United States Senate.

   In his annual Message to Congress, December 3, 1900, President
   McKinley had the following to say on the subject of the
   Interoceanic Canal: "The all important matter of an
   interoceanic canal has assumed a new phase. Adhering to its
   refusal to reopen the question of the forfeiture of the
   contract of the Maritime Canal Company, which was terminated
   for alleged non-execution in October, 1899, the Government of
   Nicaragua has since supplemented that action by declaring the
   so-styled Eyre-Cragin option void for non-payment of the
   stipulated advance. Protests in relation to these acts have
   been filed in the State Department, and are under
   consideration. Deeming itself relieved from existing
   engagements, the Nicaraguan Government shows a disposition to
   deal freely with the canal question either in the way of
   negotiations with the United States or by taking measures to
   promote the waterway. Overtures for a convention to effect the
   building of a canal under the auspices of the United States
   are under consideration. In the mean time, the views of the
   Congress upon the general subject, in the light of the report
   of the Commission appointed to examine the comparative merits
   of the various trans-isthmian ship canal projects, may be
   awaited. I commend to the early attention of the Senate the
   convention with Great Britain to facilitate the construction
   of such a canal, and to remove any objection which might arise
   out of the convention commonly called the Clayton-Bulwer
   Treaty."

   On the terms of the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty:

      See, in volume 4,
      NICARAGUA: A. D. 1850.

   The Convention thus referred to was negotiated by the
   Secretary of State of the United States. Mr. John Hay, with
   the British Ambassador to the United States, Lord Pauncefote.
   It was signed at Washington on the 5th of February, 1900, and
   communicated by the President to the Senate on the same day.
   The action of the Senate on the Convention was not taken until
   after the opening of the session of Congress in December. It was
   then ratified (December 20), but with three amendments which
   seriously changed its character. The following is the text of
   the Convention as ratified, with the Senate amendments
   indicated:

   "ARTICLE I.
   It is agreed that the canal may be constructed under the
   auspices of the Government of the United States, either
   directly at its own cost, or by gift or loan of money to
   individuals or corporations or through subscription to or
   purchase of stock or shares, and that, subject to the
   provisions of the present Convention, the said Government
   shall have and enjoy all the rights incident to such
   construction, as well as the exclusive right of providing for
   the regulation and management of the canal.

   "ARTICLE II.
   The High Contracting Parties, desiring to preserve and
   maintain the 'general principle' of neutralization established
   in Article VIII of the Clayton-Bulwer Convention, [Added by
   the Senate] which convention is hereby superseded, adopt, as
   the basis of such neutralization, the following rules,
   substantially as embodied in the convention between Great
   Britain and certain other Powers, signed at Constantinople,
   October 29, 1888, for the Free Navigation of the Suez Maritime
   Canal, that is to say:

   1. The canal shall be free and open, in time of war as in time
   of peace, to the vessels of commerce and of war of all
   nations, on terms of entire equality, so that there shall be
   no discrimination against any nation or its citizens or
   subjects in respect of the conditions or charges of traffic,
   or otherwise.

   2. The canal shall never be blockaded, nor shall any right of
   war be exercised nor any act of hostility be committed within
   it.

   3. Vessels of war of a belligerent shall not revictual nor
   take any stores in the canal except so far as may be strictly
   necessary; and the transit of such vessels through the canal
   shall be effected with the least possible delay, in accordance
   with the regulations in force, and with only such intermission
   as may result from the necessities of the service. Prizes
   shall be in all respects subject to the same rules as vessels
   of war of the belligerents.

   4. No belligerent shall embark or disembark troops, munitions
   of war or warlike materials in the canal except in case of
   accidental hindrance of the transit, and in such case the
   transit shall be resumed with all possible despatch.

   5. The provisions of this article shall apply to waters
   adjacent to the canal, within three marine miles of either
   end. Vessels of war of a belligerent shall not remain in such
   waters longer than twenty-four hours at any one time except in
   case of distress, and in such case shall depart as soon as
   possible; but a vessel of war of one belligerent shall not
   depart within twenty-four hours from the departure of a vessel
   of war of the other belligerent. [Added by the Senate] It is
   agreed, however, that none of the immediately foregoing
   conditions and stipulations in sections numbered one, two,
   three, four and five of this article shall apply to measures
   which the United States may find it necessary to take for
   securing by its own forces the defense of the United States
   and the maintenance of public order.

   6. The plant, establishments, buildings, and all works
   necessary to the construction, maintenance and operation of
   the canal shall be deemed to be part thereof, for the purposes
   of this Convention, and in time of war as in time of peace
   shall enjoy complete immunity from attack or injury by
   belligerents and from acts calculated to impair their
   usefulness as part of the canal.

   7. No fortifications shall be erected commanding the canal or
   the waters adjacent. The United States, however, shall be at
   liberty to maintain such military police along the canal as
   may be necessary to protect it against lawlessness and
   disorder.

   "ARTICLE III.
   The High Contracting Parties will, immediately upon the
   exchange of the ratifications of this Convention, bring it to
   the notice of the other Powers [and invite them to adhere to
   it].
   [Stricken out by the Senate.]

   "ARTICLE: IV.
   The present Convention shall be ratified by the President of
   the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the
   Senate thereof, and by Her Britannic Majesty; and the
   ratifications shall be exchanged at Washington or at London
   within six months from the date hereof, or earlier if
   possible."

      _United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,
      Senate Document Number 160._

{70}

   Anticipating the ratification of the above Treaty with Great
   Britain, the President of the United States, in December,
   1900, concluded agreements with the governments of Costa Rica
   and Nicaragua, both of which were in the following terms:

   "It is agreed between the two Governments that when the
   President of the United States is authorized by law to acquire
   control of such portion of the territory now belonging to [Costa
   Rica and Nicaragua] as may be desirable and necessary on which
   to construct and protect a canal of depth and capacity
   sufficient for the passage of vessels of the greatest tonnage
   and draft now in use from a point near San Juan del Norte, on
   the Caribbean Sea, via Lake Nicaragua, to Brito, on the
   Pacific Ocean, they mutually engage to enter into negotiations
   with each other to settle the plan and the agreements, in detail,
   found necessary to accomplish the construction and to provide
   for the ownership and control of the proposed canal. As
   preliminary to such future negotiations it is forthwith agreed
   that the course of said canal and the terminals thereof shall
   be the same that were stated in a treaty signed by the
   plenipotentiaries of the United States and Great Britain on
   February 5, 1900, and now pending in the Senate of the United
   States for confirmation, and that the provisions of the same
   shall be adhered to by the United States and [Costa Rica and
   Nicaragua]." No action on these agreements was taken in the
   Senate.

CANAL, Interoceanic, A. D. 1901 (March).
   Rejection by the British Government of the Hay-Pauncefote
   Treaty as amended by the U. S. Senate.

   Early in March, soon after the adjournment of Congress, a
   communication from Lord Lansdowne, the British Secretary of
   State for Foreign Affairs, declining with courtesy and in
   friendly terms to accept the Senate amendments to the
   Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, was received by Lord Pauncefote, the
   British Ambassador at Washington. The objections urged most
   strongly are against those amendments which touch the
   neutrality of the proposed canal and its unimpeded use in time
   of war as well as in time of peace. "The first of them," said
   Lord Lansdowne, "which reserves to the United States the right
   of taking any measures which they may find necessary to secure by
   their own forces the defence of the United States, appears to
   His Majesty's government to involve a distinct departure from
   the principle which has until now found acceptance with both
   governments; the principle, namely, that in time of war, as
   well as in time of peace, the passage of the canal is to
   remain free and unimpeded, and is to be so maintained by the
   power or powers responsible for its control. Were this
   amendment added to the convention the United States would, it
   is presumed, be within their rights, if, at any moment when it
   seemed to them that their safety required it, in view of
   warlike preparations not yet commenced, but contemplated or
   supposed to be contemplated by another power, they resorted to
   warlike acts in or near the canal—acts clearly inconsistent
   with the neutral character which it has always been sought to
   give it, and which would deny the free use of it to the
   commerce and navies of the world. … If the new clause were to
   be added, the obligation to respect the neutrality of the
   canal in all circumstances would, so far as Great Britain is
   concerned, remain in force; the obligation of the United
   States, on the other hand, would be essentially modified. The
   result would be a onesided arrangement, under which Great
   Britain would be debarred from any warlike action in or around
   the canal, while the United States would be liable to resort to
   such action to whatever extent they might deem necessary to
   secure their own safety."

   To the contention that there is a specific prohibition in the
   Hay-Pauncefote treaty against the erection of fortifications,
   and that this would sufficiently insure the free use of the
   canal, Lord Lansdowne replies that this "contention is one
   which His Majesty's government are quite unable to admit." He
   notes the vagueness of language in the amendment, and says:
   "Even if it were more precisely worded it would be impossible
   to determine what might be the effect if one clause permitting
   defensive measures and another forbidding fortifications were
   allowed to stand side by side in the convention. To His
   Majesty's government it seems, as I have already said, that
   the amendment might be construed as leaving it open to the
   United States at any moment, not only if war existed, but even
   if it were anticipated, to take any measures, however
   stringent or far-reaching, which in their own judgment might
   be represented as suitable for the purpose of protecting their
   national interests. Such an enactment would strike at the very
   root of that 'general principle' of neutralization upon which
   the Clayton-Bulwer treaty was based, and which was reaffirmed
   in the convention as drafted."

   As to the third Senate amendment, which struck out the
   provision inviting the adherence of other powers, Lord
   Lansdowne says: "The amendment not only removes all prospect
   of the wider guarantee of the neutrality of the canal, but
   places this country in a position of marked disadvantage
   compared with other powers which would not be subject to the
   self-denying ordinance which Great Britain is desired to
   accept. It would follow, were His Majesty's government to
   agree to such an arrangement, that while the United States
   would have a treaty right to interfere with the canal in time
   of war, or apprehended war, and while other powers could with
   a clear conscience disregard any of the restrictions imposed
   by the convention, Great Britain alone, in spite of her
   enormous possessions on the American Continent, in spite of
   the extent of her Australasian colonies and her interests in
   the East, would be absolutely precluded from resorting to any
   such action or from taking measures to secure her interests in
   and near the canal."

   The British Minister closes his communication to Lord
   Pauncefote as follows: "I request that your excellency will
   explain to the Secretary of State the reasons, as set forth in
   this dispatch, why His Majesty's government feel unable to
   accept the convention in the shape presented to them by the
   American Ambassador, and why they prefer, as matters stand at
   present, to retain unmodified the provisions of the
   Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. His Majesty's government have
   throughout these negotiations given evidence of their earnest
   desire to meet the views of the United States.
{71}
   They would on this occasion have been ready to consider in a
   friendly spirit any amendments of the convention not
   inconsistent with the principles accepted by both governments
   which the government of the United States might have desired
   to propose, and they would sincerely regret a failure to come
   to an amicable understanding in regard to this important
   subject."

CANAL, The Kaiser Wilhelm Ship.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (JUNE).

CANAL, Manchester Ship.

   On the 1st of January, 1894, the ship canal from Liverpool to
   Manchester, which had been ten years in course of construction
   and cost £15,000,000, was formally opened, by a long
   procession of steamers, which traversed it in four and a half
   hours.

CANAL: The Rhine-Elbe, the Dortmund-Rhine,
and other Prussian projects.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1890 (AUGUST);
      and 1901 (JANUARY).

CANDIA: A. D. 1898 (September).
   Fresh outbreak.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1897-1899.

CANEA: Christian and Moslem conflicts at.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

CANOVAS DEL CASTILLO, Antonio:
   Formation of Spanish Cabinet.

      See (in this volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1895-1896.

CANOVAS DEL CASTILLO, Antonio:
   Assassination.

      See (in this volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1897 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

CANTEEN, The Army.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER), THE PROHIBITION PARTY;
      and 1901 (FEBRUARY).

CANTON: A. D. 1894.
   The Bubonic Plague.

      See (in this volume)
      PLAGUE.

CANTON: A. D. 1899.
   Increasing piracy in the river.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1899.

CAPE COLONY.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY).

CAPE NOME, Gold discovery at.

      See (in this volume)
      ALASKA: A. D. 1898-1899.

CAPE SAN JUAN, Engagement at.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).

CARNEGIE, Andrew: Gifts and offers to public libraries.

      See (in this volume)
      LIBRARIES;
      and LIBRARY, NEW YORK PUBLIC.

CARNEGIE COMPANY, Sale of the interests of the.

      See (in this volume)
      TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

CAROLINE and MARIANNE ISLANDS:
   Their sale by Spain to Germany.

   By a treaty concluded in February, 1899, the Caroline Islands,
   the Western Carolines or Pelew Islands, and the Marianne or
   Ladrone Islands (excepting Guam), were sold by Spain to
   Germany for 25,000,000 pesetas—the peseta being equivalent to
   a fraction less than twenty cents. Spain reserved the right to
   establish and maintain naval and mercantile stations in the
   islands, and to retain them in case of war. Spanish trade and
   privileges for the Spanish religious orders are guaranteed
   against interference.

CARROLL, Henry K.:
   Report on Porto Rico.

      See (in this volume)
      PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (AUGUST-JULY).

CASSATION, The Court of.
   The French Court of Appeals.

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899.

CASTILLO, Pedro Lopez de:
   Letter to the soldiers of the American army.

      See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (AUGUST 21).

CATALOGUE, International, of Scientific Literature.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: SCIENTIFIC LITERATURE.

CATALONIA: Independent aspirations in.

      See (in this volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

CATASTROPHES, Natural: A. D. 1894.

   Late in December, the orange groves of Florida were mostly
   destroyed or seriously injured by the severest frost known in
   more than half a century.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

   On January 8, a severe earthquake shock was felt at Meshed,
   Kelat and other Persian towns, causing over 1,100 deaths.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

   In March, the Tigris overflowed its banks, causing
   incalculable loss of life and property in Mesopotamia.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

   A succession of earthquake shocks in March, 1896, did great
   damage at Santiago, Valparaiso, and other parts of Chile.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

   On May 15, a cyclone destroyed part of the town of Sherman, in
   Texas, killing more than 120 persons, mostly negroes. The same
   day a waterspout burst over the town of Howe in the same state,
   killing 8 people.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

   On May 27, a fierce cyclone swept the city of St. Louis,
   Missouri, completely devastating a large part of the city, and
   causing great loss of life and property.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

   A destructive wave swept the Japanese coast in June.

      See (in this volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1896.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

   On July 26, a tidal wave, 5 miles in width, inundated the
   coast of Kiangsu, in China, destroying many villages and more
   than 4,000 inhabitants.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896-1897.

   A severe famine prevailed in India from the spring of 1896
   until the autumn of 1897.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1896-1897.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

   A severe earthquake occurred at the island of Kishm in the
   Persian Gulf, in January, causing great loss of life.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

   In March and April of this year the floods along the
   Mississippi river and its tributaries reached the highest
   level ever recorded. In extent of area and loss of property
   these floods were the most remarkable in the history of the
   continent. The total area under water on April 10 was about
   15,800 square miles, containing about 39,500 farms, whose
   value was close upon $65,000,000. The loss of life was small.
   Congress gave relief to the extent of $200,000, besides
   appropriating $2,583,300 for the improvement of the
   Mississippi.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

   Extensive floods occurred in Galatz, Moldavia, in June,
   rendering 20,000 people homeless.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

   The islands of Leyte and Samar, in the Visayas group, were
   swept by an immense wave caused by a cyclone, in October,
   thousands of natives being killed, and much property
   destroyed.

{72}

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

   On October 6, the Philippine Islands were swept by a typhoon,
   which destroyed several towns. The loss of life was estimated
   at 6,000, of whom 400 were Europeans. This was followed on
   October 12 by a cyclone which destroyed several villages and
   caused further loss of life.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

   By an eruption of the Mayon volcano in the island of Luzon,
   Philippine Islands, four hundred persons were buried in the
   lava, and the large town of Libog completely destroyed.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

   A series of earthquake shocks in Asia Minor during the month
   of January occasioned considerable loss of life and property.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

   In January, Amboyna, in the Molucca Islands, was almost
   destroyed by an earthquake, in which about 50 persons were
   killed and 200 injured.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

   On January 11, a tornado wrecked many buildings in Fort Smith,
   Ark. The loss of life was reported as 50, with hundreds
   injured.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

   A disastrous blizzard occurred in New England, January 31 and
   February 1. Fifty lives were reported as lost, and the damage
   in Boston alone amounted to $2,000,000. Many vessels were
   driven ashore or foundered, with further loss of life.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

   Floods on the Ohio river in March and April caused much loss
   of life and property. Shawneetown, Illinois on the Ohio river,
   was almost entirely destroyed by the flood, more than 60 lives
   being lost.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

   On the night of September 10, the island of Barbados was swept
   by a tornado which destroyed 10,000 houses and damaged 5,000
   more. Three-fourths of the inhabitants were left homeless, and
   about 100 were killed. The islands of St. Vincent and St.
   Lucia also suffered great losses of life and property.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

   A typhoon swept the central provinces of Japan in September,
   causing heavy floods, and destroying 100 lives.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

   Severe floods on the Brazos river, in Texas, occasioned the
   death of about 100 people, and property losses to the extent
   of $15,000,000.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

   A destructive tornado in Northern Missouri, in April, did much
   damage in the towns of Kirksville and Newtown. Over fifty
   persons were killed.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

   An almost unprecedented failure of crops in eastern Russia
   caused famine, disease and awful destruction of life.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

   A terrific hurricane visited the West Indies August 7 and 8.
   Of the several islands affected, Porto Rico suffered most,
   three-fourths of the population being left homeless. The total
   loss of life in the West Indies was estimated at 5,000.

      See (in this volume)
      PORTO RICO: A. D. 1899 (AUGUST).

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

   About 1,500 people lost their lives in an earthquake around
   Aidin, Asia Minor, September 2.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

   The island of Ceram, in the Moluccas, was visited by an
   earthquake and tidal wave, November 2. Many towns were
   destroyed, and 5,000 people killed.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899-1900.
   Recurrence of famine in India.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA A. D. 1899-1900.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1900.

   The city of Galveston, Texas, was overwhelmed and mostly
   destroyed, on the 9th of September, by an unprecedented
   hurricane, which drove the waters of the Gulf upon the
   low-lying town.

      See (in this volume)
      GALVESTON.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1901.
   Famine in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

CATHOLICS, Roman:
   Protest of British peers against the declaration required from
   the sovereign.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

CATHOLICS, Roman:
   Victory in Belgium.

      See (in this volume)
      BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

      See, also, PAPACY.

CEBU: The American occupation of the island.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

CENSUS: Of the United States, A. D. 1900.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (MAY-OCTOBER).

CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE, British.

      See (in this volume)
      BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE.

CENTRAL AMERICA, A. D. 1821-1898.
   Unsuccessful attempts to unite the republics.

   "In 1821, after numerous revolutions, Central America
   succeeded in throwing off the yoke of Spain. A Congress
   assembled at Guatemala in March, 1822, and founded the
   Republic of Central America, composed of Guatemala, Salvador,
   Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica. The new Republic had but
   a short existence; after numerous civil wars the Union was
   dissolved, October 26, 1838, and the five States of the
   Republic became so many independent countries. Several
   attempts toward a reorganization of the Constitution of the
   Republic of Central America remained fruitless and had cost
   the lives of certain of their authors, when, through the
   influence of Dr. P. Bonilla, President of the Republic of
   Honduras, a treaty was concluded between Nicaragua and
   Salvador, according to which the three Republics constituted a
   federation under the name of the Greater Republic of Central
   America. The three Republics became States, and the
   sovereignty of the federation was exercised by a Diet composed
   of three members, one for each State, and which convened every
   year in the capital of the Federal States.

   "On the invitation of this Diet, the three States appointed a
   delegation which met as a Constituent Assembly at Managua,
   Nicaragua, and established a constitution, according to the
   terms of which the three States took the name of the United
   States of Central America, November 1, 1898. This
   Constitution, grand and patriotic, which, in the minds of
   those who had elaborated it, meant a complete consolidation of
   the three Federal States and a speedy realization of a
   reorganization of the Grand Republic of Central America,
   dreamed of by Morazan, had a sad ending. The day after the
   meeting of the Constituent Assembly a revolutionary movement
   hostile to the new federation broke out in Salvador and gave a
   new administration to this State. Its first act was to retire
   from the Union, and this secession brought about the
   dissolution of the United States of Central America; for,
   following the example of Salvador, Honduras and Nicaragua took
   back their absolute sovereignty."

      _H. Jalhay,
      quoted in Bulletin of American Republics, March, 1899._

{73}

   The secession of Salvador was brought about by a revolutionary
   movement, which overthrew the constitutional government of
   President Gutierrez and placed General Tomas Regolado at the
   head of a provisional government, which issued the following
   manifesto on the 25th of November, 1898: "Considering—That the
   compact of Amapala, celebrated in June, 1895, and all that
   proceeds therefrom, has not obtained the legitimate sanction
   of the Salvadorean people, and, moreover, has been a violation
   of the political constitution of Salvador; That in the
   assembled Constituent Assembly of Managua, reunited in June of
   the present year, the deputies of Salvador were not directly
   elected by the Salvadorean people, and for that reason had no
   legal authority to concur to a constituent law that could bind
   the Republic; That the union with the Republics of Honduras
   and Nicaragua under the contracted terms will seriously injure
   the interests of Salvador: Decrees. ART. 1. The Republic of
   Salvador is not obliged by the contract of Amapala to
   acknowledge any authority in the constitution of Managua of
   the 27th August of the current year, and it is released from
   the contract of union with the Republics of Honduras and
   Nicaragua. ART. 2. The Republic of Salvador assumes in full
   its self-government and independence, and will enter the union
   with the sister Republics of Central America when same is
   convenient to its positive interests and is the express and
   free will of the Salvadorean people."

      _United States, 55th Congress, 3d Session,
      Senate Document Number 50._

CENTRAL AMERICA, A. D. 1884-1900.
   Interoceanic Canal measures of later years.

      See (in this volume)
      CANAL, INTEROCEANIC, with accompanying map.

CENTRAL AMERICA, Nicaragua: A. D. 1894-1895.
   Insurrection in the Mosquito Indian Strip.
   The Bluefields Incident.

   In his Annual Message to Congress, December, 1894, President
   Cleveland referred as follows to disturbances which had
   occurred during the year at Bluefields, the principal town of
   the Mosquito district of Nicaragua, and commonly known as "the
   Bluefields Incident:" "By the treaty of 1860 between Great
   Britain and Nicaragua, the former Government expressly
   recognized the sovereignty of the latter over the strip, and a
   limited form of self-government was guaranteed to the Mosquito
   Indians, to be exercised according to their customs, for
   themselves and other dwellers within its limits. The so-called
   native government, which grew to be largely made up of aliens,
   for many years disputed the sovereignty of Nicaragua over the
   strip and claimed the right to maintain therein a practically
   independent municipal government. Early in the past year
   efforts of Nicaragua to maintain sovereignty over the Mosquito
   territory led to serious disturbances, culminating in the
   suppression of the native government and the attempted
   substitution of an impracticable composite administration in
   which Nicaragua and alien residents were to participate.
   Failure was followed by an insurrection, which for a time
   subverted Nicaraguan rule, expelling her officers and
   restoring the old organization. This in turn gave place to the
   existing local government established and upheld by Nicaragua.
   Although the alien interests arrayed against Nicaragua in
   these transactions have been largely American and the commerce
   of that region for some time has been and still is chiefly
   controlled by our citizens, we can not for that reason
   challenge the rightful sovereignty of Nicaragua over this
   important part of her domain."

      _United States, Message and Documents
      (Abridgment, 1894-1895)._

   In his Message of 1895 the President summarized the later
   history of the incident as follows: "In last year's message I
   narrated at some length the jurisdictional questions then
   freshly arisen in the Mosquito Indian Strip of Nicaragua.
   Since that time, by the voluntary act of the Mosquito Nation,
   the territory reserved to them has been incorporated with
   Nicaragua, the Indians formally subjecting themselves to be
   governed by the general laws and regulations of the Republic
   instead of by their own customs and regulations, and thus
   availing themselves of a privilege secured to them by the
   treaty between Nicaragua and Great Britain of January 28,
   1860. After this extension of uniform Nicaraguan
   administration to the Mosquito Strip, the case of the British
   vice-consul, Hatch, and of several of his countrymen who had
   been summarily expelled from Nicaragua and treated with
   considerable indignity, provoked a claim by Great Britain upon
   Nicaragua for pecuniary indemnity, which, upon Nicaragua's
   refusal to admit liability, was enforced by Great Britain.
   While the sovereignty and jurisdiction of Nicaragua was in no
   way questioned by Great Britain, the former's arbitrary
   conduct in regard to British subjects furnished the ground for
   this proceeding. A British naval force occupied without
   resistance the Pacific seaport of Corinto, but was soon after
   withdrawn upon the promise that the sum demanded would be
   paid. Throughout this incident the kindly offices of the
   United States were invoked and were employed in favor of as
   peaceful a settlement and as much consideration and indulgence
   toward Nicaragua as were consistent with the nature of the
   case."

      _United States,
      Message and Documents (Abridgment, 1895-1896)._

CENTRAL AMERICA, Guatemala: A. D. 1895.
   Mexican boundary dispute.

      See (in this volume)
      MEXICO: A. D. 1895.

CENTRAL AMERICA, Nicaragua: A. D. 1896-1898.
   Revolutionary conflicts.

   Vice President Baca of Nicaragua joined a revolutionary
   movement which was set on foot in February, 1896, by the
   Clericals, for the overthrow of President Zelaya, and was
   declared Provisional President. The rebellion had much support
   from exiles and friends in Honduras; but the government of
   that State sustained and assisted Zelaya. The insurgents were
   defeated in a number of battles, and gave up the contest in
   May. During the civil war American and British marines were
   landed on occasions at Corinto to protect property there. In
   1897, and again in 1898, there were renewed insurrections,
   quickly suppressed.

CENTRAL AMERICA, Costa Rica: A. D. 1896-1900.
   Boundary dispute with Colombia settled by arbitration.

      See (in this volume)
      COLOMBIA: A. D. 1893-1900.

{74}

CENTRAL AMERICA, Nicaragua—Costa Rica: A. D. 1897.

   A dispute between Nicaragua and Costa Rica, as to the eastern
   extremity of their boundary line, was decided by General
   Alexander, a referee accepted by the two republics. The
   boundary had not been well defined in a treaty negotiated for
   its settlement in 1858. According to the terms of the treaty,
   the line was to start from the Atlantic at the mouth of the
   San Juan river; but changes of current and accumulation of
   river drift, etc., gave ground for dispute as to where the
   river actually made its exit. President Cleveland in 1888,
   acting as arbitrator at the request of the two countries,
   decided that the treaty of 1858 was valid, but was not clear
   as to which outlet of the delta was the boundary. Finally, in
   1896, an agreement was reached for a final survey and marking
   of the boundary line, and President Cleveland, on request,
   appointed General Alexander as arbitrator in any case of
   disagreement between the surveying commissions. The decision
   gives to Nicaragua the territory upon which Greytown is
   situated, and practical control of the mouth of the canal.

CENTRAL AMERICA, Guatemala: A. D. 1897-1898.
   Dictatorship of President Barrios.
   His assassination.

   In June, 1897, President José M. Reyna Barrios, whose six
   years term in the presidency would expire the next March,
   fearing defeat in the approaching election, forcibly dissolved
   the National Assembly and proclaimed a dictatorship. Three
   months later a revolt was organized by General Prospero
   Morales; but Barrios crushed it with merciless energy, and a
   veritable reign of terror ensued. In February, 1898, the
   career of the Dictator was cut short by an assassin, who shot
   him to avenge the death of a wealthy citizen, Don Juan
   Aparicio, whom Barrios had executed for expressing sympathy
   with the objects of the rebellion of the previous year.
   Control of the government was then taken by Dr. Cabrera, who
   had been at the head of the party which supported Barrios. A
   rising under Morales was again attempted, but failed. Morales,
   in a dying condition at the time, was betrayed and captured.
   Cabrera, with no more opposition, was elected President for
   six years.

CENTRAL AMERICA, Nicaragua—Costa Rica: A. D. 1900.
   Agreements with the United States respecting the control of
   territory for interoceanic canal.

      See (in this volume)
      CANAL, INTEROCEANIC, A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

CENTURY, The Nineteenth:
   Date of its ending.
   Its character and trend.
   Comparison with preceding ages.
   Its failures.

      See (in this volume)
      NINETEENTH CENTURY.

CERVERA, Rear-Admiral,
   and the Spanish Squadron at Santiago de Cuba.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE);
      and (JULY 3).

CHAFFEE, General Adna R.:
   At Santiago.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

CHAFFEE, General Adna R.:
   Commanding American forces in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE-AUGUST);
      (JULY); and (AUGUST).

CHAFFEE, General Adna R.:
   Report of the allied movement to Peking
   and the capture of the city.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST 4-16).

CHAKDARRA, Defense of.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

CHALDEA, New light on ancient.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA.

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
   Appointed British Secretary of State for the Colonies.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895; and 1900 (NOVEMBER-DECEMBER).

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
   Conference with Colonial Premiers.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
   Controversies with the government of
   the South African Republic.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1896 (JANUARY-APRIL);
      1896-1897 (MAY-APRIL), and after.

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
   Testimony before British Parliamentary Committee
   on the Jameson Raid.
   Remarks in Parliament on Mr. Rhodes.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
   Instructions to the Governor of Jamaica.

      See (in this volume)
      JAMAICA: A. D. 1899.

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
   Reassertion of British suzerainty over
   the South African Republic.
   Refusal to arbitrate questions of disagreement.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (MAY-OCTOBER);
      and 1898-1899.

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
   Declaration of South African policy.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1901.

CHANG CHIH-TUNG, Viceroy:
   Admirable conduct during the Chinese outbreak.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

CHEMICAL SCIENCE, Recent advances in.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

CHEROKEES, United States agreement with the.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1894.
   Destruction of the Columbian Exposition buildings.

   By a succession of fires, January 9, February 14, most of the
   buildings of the Exposition, with valuable exhibits not yet
   removed, were destroyed.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1896.
   Democratic National Convention.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

CHICAGO: A. D. 1899.
   Significance of the municipal election.

   The municipal election of April 4, 1899, in Chicago, resulted
   in the reelection of Mayor Carter H. Harrison, Democrat, by
   149,000 votes, against 107,000 cast for Zina R. Carter,
   Republican, and 46,000 for Ex-Governor Altgeld, radical
   Democrat, running independently. In the opinion of a
   correspondent of the "Review of Reviews," "The campaign
   disclosed three interesting results—namely: (1) the growth of
   independence and of attention to local issues; (2) the
   dominance of the street-railroad issue; and (3) the growth of
   sentiment in favor of municipal ownership. Nearly two-thirds
   of all the votes cast were against the Republican candidate,
   and our correspondent regards this as largely due to the
   belief that he, more than any of the others, represented the
   interests of the street-railroad corporations." This writer
   holds that "in all probability any practical proposition for
   municipal ownership and operation of the street-railroads
   would to-day be approved by a popular vote in Chicago."

{75}

CHICAGO: A. D. 1900.
   Opening of the Drainage Canal.

   An extraordinary public work was brought into use early in the
   year, by the opening of what is known as the Chicago Drainage
   Canal. This was constructed for the purpose of turning the
   natural flow of water in Chicago River backward, away from
   Lake Michigan, its natural embouchure, into the small Des
   Plaines River, which runs to the Illinois, and the Illinois to
   the Mississippi,—the object being to carry the sewage of
   Chicago away from the Lake, where it contaminates the water
   supply of the city. Part of the city sewage was already being
   sent in that direction by a pumping system which carried it
   over the divide; the purpose of the canal is to take the
   whole. The work was begun in September, 1892, and practically
   finished, so far as concerns the canal, in little more than
   seven years, at a cost of about $34,500,000. Changes in the
   city sewage system, to fully utilize the object of the canal,
   were still to be completed. When the full use is realized,
   there is said to be provision in the canal for a maximum
   discharge of 600,000 cubic feet of water per minute. Some have
   anticipated that such an outflow would seriously lower the
   level of the lakes; but there were no signs of that effect in
   the season of 1900. Nor did it seem to appear that the sewage
   then passing by river flow westward was doing harm to towns on
   the Illinois and Mississippi, as they had apprehended; but the
   discharge was, as yet, far short of what it is intended to be.
   It is possible that ultimately the Chicago Drainage Canal may
   become part of a navigable water-way from the lakes to the
   Mississippi, realizing an old project of water transportation
   in that direction to compete with the rails. The canal has
   been constructed upon a scale to suffice for that use; but the
   river-improvement called for is one of formidable cost.

   About the time of the opening of the canal, the State of
   Missouri, by its Attorney-General, moved in the Supreme Court
   of the United States for leave to file a bill of complaint
   against the State of Illinois and the Sanitary District of
   Chicago, the purpose of which was to enjoin the defendants
   from discharging the sewage and noxious filth of the Sanitary
   District of Chicago into the Mississippi River by artificial
   methods. The complaint alleged that unless the relief sought
   is granted the water of the Mississippi, which is used for
   drinking and other domestic purposes by many thousands of
   inhabitants of the State, will be polluted, and that the
   public health will be endangered. The Court granted leave to
   file the bill. The defendants then interposed a demurrer,
   claiming that the controversy, not being in reality between
   two States, but between two cities, was one over which the
   Supreme Court has no jurisdiction. On the 28th of January,
   1901, the Court rendered its decision, overruling the demurrer
   to its jurisdiction. The effect of the opinion is that the
   Drainage Canal attorneys now must answer the complaint that
   the sewage and noxious filth of the sanitary district are
   contaminating the waters of the Mississippi River at St.
   Louis. No evidence of the facts will be taken in court. On the
   request of the parties to the suit, a commission will be
   appointed to take testimony and make a report.

CHICAGO UNIVERSITY:
   Dedication of the Yerkes Observatory.

      See (in this volume)
      YERKES OBSERVATORY.

CHICKASAWS, United States agreement with the.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

CHIH-LI, The "Boxer" outbreak in.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

CHILE: A. D. 1894-1900.
   The questions with Bolivia and Peru concerning Atacama,
   Tacna and Arica.

   Of the treaties which closed the war of 1879-84 between Chile,
   Bolivia and Peru (see, in volume 1, CHILE: A. D. 1833-1884),
   that between Chile and Bolivia contained the following curious
   provision, of "indefinite truce," as it has been called:
   "Until the opportunity presents itself of celebrating a
   definite treaty of peace between the Republics of Chile and
   Bolivia, both countries duly represented by … have agreed to
   adjust a treaty of truce in accordance with the following
   bases: First, the Republics of Chile and Bolivia agree to
   celebrate an indefinite truce; and, in consequence, declare at
   an end the state of war, which will not be renewed unless one
   of the contracting parties should inform the other, with at
   least a year's notification, of its intention to recommence
   hostilities. In this case the notification will be made
   directly, or through the diplomatic representative of a
   friendly nation. Second, the Republic of Chile, while this
   truce is in force, shall continue to rule, in accordance with
   the political and administrative system established by Chilian
   law, the territories situated between parallel 238 and the
   mouth of the Loa in the Pacific, such territories having for
   their eastern boundary a straight line." Under this agreement
   Chile has held ever since the territory in question (which is
   the province of Atacama) and has claimed that her possession
   of it should be made conclusive and permanent by such a
   "definite treaty" as the "treaty of truce" in 1884
   contemplated. In her view it was taken in lieu of a war
   indemnity. Bolivia has disputed this view, maintaining that a
   permanent cession of the province, which was her only
   seaboard, and without which she has no port, was not intended.
   The Bolivian government has continually urged claims to the
   restoration of a seaport for Bolivian trade, which Chile has
   refused.

   At the same time when Atacama was taken from Bolivia, the
   provinces of Tacna and Arica were taken by Chile from Peru,
   with a stipulation in the peace treaty of Ancon (1884) that
   she should hold them for ten years, pending the payment by
   Peru of a war indemnity, and that the inhabitants should then
   decide by vote to which country they would belong. But, down
   to the close of the year 1900, the Chilian government had not
   allowed the vote to be taken.

   In September, 1900, the dispute, as between Chile and Bolivia,
   was brought to what seemed to be an ultimate stage by an
   incisive note from the Chilian to the Bolivian government,
   proposing to grant to the latter "in exchange for a final
   cancelling of all claims to the littoral, three compensations,
   viz.: First, to pay all obligations contracted by the Bolivian
   Government with the mining enterprises at Huaichaca, Corocoro
   and Oruro, and the balance of the Bolivian loan contracted in
   Chile in 1867: second, an amount of money, to be fixed by
   mutual agreement, for the construction of a railroad
   connecting any port on the Chilian coast with the interior of
   Bolivia, or else to extend the present Oruro Railway; and,
   third, to grant free transit for all products and merchandise
   passing into and out of Bolivia through the port referred to."
   Bolivia has not seemed to be disposed to accept this proposal,
   and the situation is likely to become more strained than before.

{76}

CHILI: A. D. 1896.
   Presidential election.

   An excited but orderly presidential election held in June,
   1896, without government interference, resulted in the choice
   of Senor Errazuriz, to succeed Admiral Jorge Montt, who had
   been at the head of the government since the overthrow and
   death of Balmaceda in 1891.

CHILI: A. D. 1898.
   Settlement of boundary dispute with Argentine Republic.

      See (in this volume)
      ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1898.

CHILI: A. D. 1900.
   Adoption of compulsory military service.

   The "Diario Oficial" of Chile of September 5, 1900, published
   a decree of the Chilian Government establishing compulsory
   military service in Chile. By the decree all Chileans will be
   liable to military service from their 20th to their 45th year.
   Every man on completing his 20th year will be liable to be
   chosen by lot to serve one year with the colors, after which,
   if so chosen, he will pass into the first reserve, where he
   will remain for nine years. Those not chosen by lot to serve
   one year with the colors will pass directly into the first
   reserve. The second reserve will consist of men of from 30 to 45
   years of age. Among those who will be exempt from compulsory
   military service are the members of the Government, members of
   Congress, State and municipal councillors, Judges, the clergy,
   including all those who wear the tonsure, or belong to any
   religious order, the directors and teachers of public schools
   and colleges, and the police. The last, however, will be
   liable to military duty if called upon by the President.
   Various civil servants and every only son, or every one of two
   only sons of a family which he assists to maintain, may be
   excused service under certain conditions.

CHILI: A. D. 1900.
   Vote against compulsory arbitration at
   Spanish-American Congress.

      See (in this volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER).

   ----------CHINA: Start--------

CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.
   The war with Japan.
   The peace treaty of Shimonoseki.
   Recognition of Korean independence.
   Cession of part of Fêng-tien, of Formosa,
   and of the Pescadores Islands to Japan.
   Relinquishment of Fêng-tien by Japan.

   In the original edition of this work, the causes of the war of
   1894-1895 between China and Japan will be found stated in the
   Supplement (volume 5, page 3736), under "COREA." In the new,
   revised edition, the same appears in volume 3, under "Korea."
   At the close of the year 1894 the Japanese were pressing their
   campaign, with little heed to the cold of winter, for which they
   seemed to be well prepared. They had won, almost with ease,
   every serious engagement of the war. They had half destroyed
   the Chinese navy, on the 18th of September, in a great battle
   at the mouth of the Yalu River, and, on the 21st-22d of
   November, they had captured Port Arthur, the strongest
   fortress in China, with costly dockyards and great stores of
   the munitions of war. In the first month of the new year the
   successes of the Japanese were renewed. Kaiphing was taken on
   the 10th; a vigorous Chinese attack was repulsed, near
   Niuchuang, on the 16th; a landing of 25,000 troops on the
   Shantung Peninsula was effected on the 20th, and a combined
   attack by army and navy on the strong forts which protected
   the important harbor of Wei-hai-wei, and the Chinese fleet
   sheltered in it, was begun on the 30th of the month. The
   attack was ended on the 13th of February, when the Chinese
   admiral Ting-Ju-chang gave up the remnant of his fleet and
   then killed himself. The Chinese general, Tai, had committed
   suicide in despair on the third night of the fighting. There
   was further fighting around Niuchuang and Yingkow during
   February and part of March, while overtures for peace were
   being made by the Chinese government. At length the famous
   viceroy, Li Hung-chang, was sent to Japan with full powers to
   conclude a treaty. Negotiations were interrupted at the outset
   by a foul attack on the Chinese ambassador by a Japanese
   ruffian, who shot and seriously wounded him in the cheek. But
   the Mikado ordered an armistice, and the Treaty of Shimonoseki
   was concluded and signed on the 17th of April. The essential
   provisions of the treaty are as follows:

   "Article I.
   China recognizes definitely the full and complete independence
   and autonomy of Corea, and, in consequence, the payment of
   tribute and the performance of ceremonies and formalities by
   Corea to China in derogation of such independence and autonomy
   shall wholly cease for the future.

   "Article II.
   China cedes to Japan in perpetuity and full sovereignty the
   following territories, together with all fortifications,
   arsenals, and public property thereon:
   (a.) The southern portion of the Province of Fêng-tien, within
   the following boundaries—The line of demarcation begins at the
   mouth of the River Yalu, and ascends that stream to the mouth
   of the River An-Ping: from thence the line runs to Fêng Huang;
   from thence to Haicheng; from thence to Ying Kow, forming a
   line which describes the southern portion of the territory.
   The places above named are included in the ceded territory.
   When the line reaches the River Liao at Ying Kow it follows
   the course of that stream to its mouth, where it terminates.
   The mid-channel of the River Liao shall be taken as the line
   of demarcation. This cession also includes all islands
   appertaining or belonging to the Province of Fêng-tien
   situated in the eastern portion of the Bay of Liao Tung, and
   in the northern part of the Yellow Sea.
   (b.) The Island of Formosa, together with all islands
   appertaining or belonging to the said Island of Formosa. (
   (c.) The Pescadores Group, that is to say, all islands lying
   between the 119th and 120th degrees of longitude east of
   Greenwich and the 23rd and 24th degrees of north latitude. …

[Image: China East Coast.]

{77}

   "Article IV.
   China agrees to pay to Japan as a war indemnity the sum of
   200,000,000 Kuping taels. The said sum to be paid in eight
   instalments. The first instalment of 50,000,000 taels to be
   paid within six months, and the second instalment of
   50,000,000 taels to be paid within twelve months after the
   exchange of the ratifications of this Act. The remaining sum
   to be paid in six equal annual instalments as follows: the
   first of such equal annual instalments to be paid within two
   years, the second within three years, the third within four
   years, the fourth within five years, the fifth within six
   years, and the sixth within seven years after the exchange of
   the ratifications of this Act. Interest at the rate of 5 per
   cent. per annum shall begin to run on all unpaid portions of
   the said indemnity from the date the first instalment falls
   due. China shall, however, have the right to pay by
   anticipation at any time any or all of said instalments. In
   case the whole amount of the said indemnity is paid within
   three years after the exchange of the ratifications of the
   present Act, all interest shall be waived, and the interest
   for two years and a half, or for any less period if then
   already paid, shall be included as a part of the principal
   amount of the indemnity.

   "Article V.
   The inhabitants of the territories ceded to Japan who wish to
   take up their residence outside the ceded districts shall be
   at liberty to sell their real property and retire. For this
   purpose a period of two years from the date of the exchange of
   the ratifications of the present Act shall be granted. At the
   expiration of that period those of the inhabitants who shall
   not have left such territories shall, at the option of Japan,
   be deemed to be Japanese subjects. Each of the two Governments
   shall immediately upon the exchange of the ratifications of
   the present Act, send one or more Commissioners to Formosa to
   effect a final transfer of that province, and within the space
   of two months after the exchange of the ratifications of this
   Act such transfer shall be completed.

   "Article VI.
   All Treaties between Japan and China having come to an end in
   consequence of war, China engages, immediately upon the
   exchange of the ratifications of this Act, to appoint
   Plenipotentiaries to conclude with the Japanese
   Plenipotentiaries a Treaty of Commerce and Navigation, and a
   Convention to regulate frontier intercourse and trade. The
   Treaties, Conventions, and Regulations now subsisting between
   China and European Powers shall serve as a basis for the said
   Treaty and Convention between Japan and China. From the date
   of the exchange of the ratifications of this Act until the
   said Treaty and Convention are brought into actual operation
   the Japanese Government, its officials, commerce, navigation,
   frontier intercourse and trade, industries, ships and
   subjects, shall in every respect be accorded by China
   most-favoured-nation treatment. China makes, in addition, the
   following concessions to take effect six months after the date
   of the present Act:

   1. The following cities, towns, and ports, in addition to
   those already opened, shall be opened to the trade, residence,
   industries, and manufactures of Japanese subjects under the same
   conditions, and with the same privileges and facilities as
   exist at the present open cities, towns, and ports of China.
      (1.) Shashih, in the Province of Hupeh.
      (2.) Chung King, in the Province of Szechuan.
      (3.) Suchow, in the Province of Kiang Su.
      (4.) Hangchow, in the Province of Chekiang.

   The Japanese Government shall have the right to station
   Consuls at any or all of the above-named places.

   2. Steam navigation for vessels under the Japanese flag for
   the conveyance of passengers and cargo shall be extended to
   the following places:

      (1.) On the Upper Yangtsze River,
      from Ichang to Chung King.

      (2.) On the Woosung River and the Canal,
      from Shanghae to Suchow and Hangchow. The
      Rules and Regulations which now govern the
      navigation of the inland waters of China by foreign
      vessels, shall, so far as applicable, be enforced
      in respect of the above-named routes, until
      new Rules and Regulations are conjointly agreed to.

   3. Japanese subjects purchasing goods or produce in the
   interior of China or transporting imported merchandize into
   the interior of China, shall have the right temporarily to
   rent or hire warehouses for the storage of the articles so
   purchased or transported, without the payment of any taxes or
   exactions whatever.

   4. Japanese subjects shall be free to engage in all kinds of
   manufacturing industries in all the open cities, towns, and
   ports of China, and shall be at liberty to import into China
   all kinds of machinery, paying only the stipulated import
   duties thereon. All articles manufactured by Japanese subjects
   in China, shall in respect of inland transit and internal taxes,
   duties, charges, and exactions of all kinds and also in
   respect of warehousing and storage facilities in the interior
   of China, stand upon the same footing and enjoy the same
   privileges and exemptions as merchandize imported by Japanese
   subjects into China. In the event additional Rules and
   Regulations are necessary in connection with these
   concessions, they shall be embodied in the Treaty of Commerce
   and Navigation provided for by this Article.

   "Article VII.
   Subject to the provisions of the next succeeding Article, the
   evacuation of China by the armies of Japan, shall be
   completely effected within three months after the exchange of
   the ratifications of the present Act.

   "Article VIII.
   As a guarantee of the faithful performance of the stipulations
   of this Act, China consents to the temporary occupation by the
   military forces of Japan, of Wei-hai-wei, in the Province of
   Shantung. Upon the payment of the first two instalments of the
   war indemnity herein stipulated for and the exchange of the
   ratifications of the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation, the
   said place shall be evacuated by the Japanese forces, provided
   the Chinese Government consents to pledge, under suitable and
   sufficient arrangements, the Customs Revenue of China as
   security for the payment of the principal and interest of the
   remaining installments of said indemnity. In the event no such
   arrangements are concluded, such evacuation shall only take place
   upon the payment of the final instalment of said indemnity. It
   is, however, expressly understood that no such evacuation
   shall take place until after the exchange of the ratifications
   of the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation.

   "Article IX.
   Immediately upon the exchange of the ratifications of this
   Act, all prisoners of war then held shall be restored, and
   China undertakes not to ill-treat or punish prisoners of war
   so restored to her by Japan. China also engages to at once
   release all Japanese subjects accused of being military spies
   or charged with any other military offences. China further
   engages not to punish in any manner, nor to allow to be
   punished, those Chinese subjects who have in any manner been
   compromised in their relations with the Japanese army during
   the war.

   "Article X.
   All offensive military operations shall cease upon the
   exchange of the ratifications of this Act."

{78}

   When the terms of the treaty were made known, Russia, Germany
   and France entered such protests against the cession of a
   portion of the Fêng-tien peninsula, on the main land, and
   brought such pressure to bear on Japan, that the latter was
   compelled to yield, and relinquished the districts in question
   by the following imperial proclamation, dated May 10, 1895:

   "We recently, at the request of the Emperor of China,
   appointed Plenipotentiaries for the purpose of conferring with
   the Ambassadors sent by China, and of concluding with them a
   Treaty of Peace between the two Empires. Since then the
   Governments of the two Empires of Russia and Germany and of
   the French Republic, considering that the permanent possession
   of the ceded districts of the Fêng-tien Peninsula by the
   Empire of Japan would be detrimental to the lasting peace of
   the Orient, have united in a simultaneous recommendation to
   our Government to refrain from holding those districts
   permanently.

   "Earnestly desirous as we always are for the maintenance of
   peace, nevertheless we were forced to commence hostilities
   against China for no other reason than our sincere desire to
   secure for the Orient an enduring peace. The Governments of
   the three Powers are, in offering their friendly
   recommendation, similarly actuated by the same desire, and we,
   out of our regard for peace, do not hesitate to accept their
   advice. Moreover, it is not our wish to cause suffering to our
   people, or to impede the progress of the national destiny by
   embroiling the Empire in new complications, and thereby
   imperilling the situation and retarding the restoration of
   peace. "China has already shown, by the conclusion of the
   Treaty of Peace, the sincerity of her repentance for her
   breach of faith with us, and has made manifest to the world
   our reasons and the object we had in view in waging war with
   that Empire. Under these circumstances we do not consider that
   the honour and dignity of the Empire will be compromised by
   resorting to magnanimous measures, and by taking into
   consideration the general situation of affairs. We have
   therefore accepted the advice of the friendly Powers, and have
   commanded our Government to reply to the Governments of the
   three Powers to that effect.

   "We have specially commanded our Government to negotiate with
   the Chinese Government respecting all arrangements for the
   return of the peninsular districts. The exchange of the
   ratifications of the Treaty of Peace has now been concluded,
   the friendly relations between the two Empires have been
   restored, and cordial relations with all other Powers have
   been strengthened. We therefore command all our subjects to
   respect our will, to take into careful consideration the
   general situation, to be circumspect in all things, to avoid
   erroneous tendencies, and not to impair or thwart the high
   aspirations of our Empire."

      _Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications:
      Papers by Command, Japan, Number 1, 1895._

CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895 (March-July).
   Cession of Kiang-Hung to France protested against by
   Great Britain.

   In March, 1894, the government of China entered into a treaty
   with that of Great Britain, for the settlement of boundaries
   of Burmah, in which it agreed to make no cession of the
   district of Kiang-Hung, or any part of it, to any other Power.
   Notwithstanding this agreement, the eastern part of Kiang-Hung
   was ceded to France in July, 1895; for which proceeding the
   British Government promptly called China to account.

CHINA: A. D. 1895.
   Treaty with Russia, giving railway privileges and
   other rights in Manchuria.

   On the 28th of October, 1896, the "North China Daily News,"
   the leading English newspaper in China, published what
   purports to be, and is believed to be, the text of a secret
   treaty, concluded in the previous year, between Russia and
   China, under which the former is extending her Trans-Siberian
   railway system through Manchuria, and is practically in
   possession of that province. The preamble of the treaty
   declares that the Emperor of China has specially appointed the
   princes and great officers of the Crown composing the Imperial
   Chinese Ministry of War to confer with the Russian Minister
   concerning the connecting of the railway system of the Three
   Eastern Provinces with the Trans-Siberian Railway, "with the
   object of facilitating the transport of goods between the two
   empires and strengthening the frontier defences and sea
   coasts. And, furthermore, to agree upon certain special
   privileges to be conceded by China to Russia as a response to
   the loyal aid given by Russia in the retrocession of Liaotung
   and its dependencies." The articles of the convention relating
   to the route of the railway are as follows:

   "I. Owing to the fact that the Russian Great Siberian Railway
   is on the point of completion, China consents to allow Russia
   to prolong her railway into Chinese territories (a) from the
   Russian port of Vladivostok into the Chinese city of Hunch'un,
   in the province of Kirin, from thence north-westwards to the
   provincial capital of Kirin, and (b) from a railway station of
   some city in Siberia to the Chinese town of Aiyun, in
   Heilungchiang province, from thence southwestwards to the
   provincial capital of Tsitsihar, and from thence to the town
   of Petunê, in Kirin province, and from thence south-eastwards
   to the provincial capital of Kirin.

   "II. All railways built by Russia into the Chinese provinces
   of Heilungchiang and Kirin shall be built at the sole expense
   of Russia, and the regulations and building thereof shall be
   solely on the Russian system, with which China has nothing to
   do, and the entire control shall be in the hands of Russia for
   the space of thirty years. At the end of the said period China
   shall be allowed to prepare the necessary funds wherewith,
   after proper estimation of the value of the said railways, she
   shall redeem them, the rolling stock, machine shops, and
   buildings connected therewith. But as to how China will at
   that date redeem these railways shall be left for future
   consideration.

   "III. China is now in the possession of a railway which she
   intends to extend from Shanhai-kuan into the provincial
   capital of Fêngtien—namely, Mukden (Shenking), and from
   Mukden to the provincial capital of Kirin. If China should
   hereafter find it inconvenient to build this road, she shall
   allow Russia to provide the funds to build the railway from
   the city of Kirin on behalf of China, the redemption of which
   road shall be permissible to China at the end of ten years.
   With reference to the route to be taken by this railway,
   Russia shall follow the surveys already made by China in
   connection therewith, from Kirin to Mukden, Newchwang, &c.

{79}

   "IV. The railway to be built by China, beginning from
   Shanhaikuan, in Fêngtien, to Newchwang, to Kaiping, to
   Chinchou, to Lushunk'ou (Port Arthur), and to Talienwan and
   their dependencies, shall follow the Russian railway
   regulations, in order to facilitate the commercial intercourse
   between the respective empires."

   Article V authorizes Russia to place special battalions of
   horse and foot soldiers at the various important stations for
   the better protection of railway property. Article VII
   "permits" Russians and Chinese to exploit and open any mines
   in the Amur and Kirin provinces, and in the Long White
   Mountain range in the north of Korea. Article VIII "permits"
   Chinese to engage Russian military officers to reform the
   whole army organization of the three Eastern provinces in
   accordance with the Western system. The next three Articles
   are as follows:

   "IX. Russia has never possessed a seaport in Asia which is
   free from ice and open all the year round. If, therefore,
   there should suddenly arise military operations in this
   continent, it will naturally be difficult for the Russian
   Eastern seas and Pacific fleets to move about freely and at
   pleasure. As China is well aware of this, she is willing to
   lease temporarily to Russia the port of Kiaochou (Chiaochou),
   in the province of Shantung, the period of such lease being
   limited to fifteen years. At the end of this period China
   shall buy all the barracks, godowns, machine shops, and docks
   built there by Russia (during her occupation of the said
   port). But should there be no danger of military operations,
   Russia shall not enter immediately into possession of the said
   port or hold the important points dominating the port in order
   to obviate the chance of exciting the jealousy and suspicions
   of other Powers. With reference to the amount of rent and the
   way it is to be paid, this shall form the subject of
   consideration in a protocol at some future date.

   "X. As the Liaotung ports of Lushunk'ou (Port Arthur) and
   Talienwan and their dependencies are important strategical
   points, it shall be incumbent upon China to properly fortify
   them with all haste and to repair all their fortifications,
   &c., in order to provide against future dangers. Russia shall
   therefore lend all necessary assistance in helping to protect
   these two ports, and shall not permit any foreign Power to
   encroach upon them. China, on her part, also binds herself
   never to cede them to another country; but, if in future the
   exigencies of the case require it, and Russia should find
   herself suddenly involved in a war, China consents to allow
   Russia temporarily to concentrate her land and naval forces
   within the said ports in order the better to enable Russia to
   attack the enemy or to guard her own position.

   "XI. If, however, there be no dangers of military operations
   in which Russia is engaged, China shall have entire control
   over the administration of the said ports of Lushunk'ou and
   Talienwan, nor shall Russia interfere in any way therein. But
   as regards the building of the railways in the three Eastern
   Provinces and the exploitation and opening of the mines
   therein, they shall be permitted to be proceeded with
   immediately after the ratification of this convention and at
   the pleasure of the people concerned therein. With reference
   to the civil and military officers of Russia and Russian
   merchants and traders travelling (in any part of the
   territories herein mentioned), wherever they shall go, they
   shall be given all the privileges of protection and facilities
   within the power of the local authorities, nor shall these
   officials be allowed to put obstructions in the way or delay
   the journeys of the Russian officers and subjects herein
   mentioned."

      _Henry Norman,
      Russia and England
      (Contemporary Review, February, 1897)._

CHINA: A. D. 1895 {August).
   Massacre of missionaries at Hua Sang.

   In the fall of 1894 the English and American missionaries at
   Ku Cheng, in the Chinese province of Fu Kien, of which Foochow
   is the capital, began to be threatened by a sect or party
   called the "Vegetarians" (Siah Chai), who were violently
   hostile to foreigners, and said to be revolutionary in their
   aims. The hostile demonstrations were repeated in the
   following April, and the missionary party started upon a
   retreat to Foochow, but were stopped on the way by news that
   the Mandarin at Ku Cheng had pacified the Vegetarians and that
   they might safely return. They did so and were apparently
   secure for some months. In July they retired from the city to
   a mountain sanatorium, named Hua Sang, 12 miles from Ku Cheng,
   and there, on the 1st day of August, without warning, they
   were surrounded by a Vegetarian band of some eighty savage
   men, armed with swords and spears, who performed a rapid work
   of murder, killing eleven persons, including six women and two
   children, and then disappeared. "These men did not belong
   either to Hua Sang or Ku Cheng, but came from some villages at
   a considerable distance. … The city authorities at Ku Cheng
   had no hand in the outrage. It was evidently the work of a
   band of marauders, and the district magistrate seems to have
   done all that could be done under the circumstances."

      _D. M. Berry,
      The Sister Martyrs of Ku Cheng._

   The British and American governments joined in sending a
   consular commission to investigate the crime, and with
   difficulty compelled the Chinese government to execute twenty
   of the ringleaders of the attack. At Fatshan, near Canton,
   there had been mob attacks on the missionary station, with
   destruction of buildings, but no murders, during the same
   month in which the massacre at Hua Sang occurred.

CHINA: A. D. 1896.
   Tour of Li Hung-chang in Europe and America.

   "Li Hung Chang, the Chinese statesman, left Shanghai with a
   numerous suite, March 28, on board a French mail steamer for
   Europe, to represent the Emperor of China at the coronation of
   the Czar of Russia, and afterwards to visit other countries.
   He declared that his object was to see Europe for himself, in
   order to report to the Emperor as to feasible reforms for
   China. A great reception was offered to him at Hong-kong, but
   he refused to land by the advice of the European physician of
   the embassy, who feared lest any member of the suite, by
   catching the plague, would render the party liable to
   quarantine elsewhere. Proceeding to Singapore, via Saigon, he
   visited the Governor of the Straits Settlements. At Colombo he
   was received on landing by a guard of honour. After the
   Russian Coronation he visited Germany, Holland, Belgium and
   France, and arrived in London early in August.
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   Wherever he went he was lionised, and he lost no opportunity
   of asking questions and informing himself concerning the
   manufactures and armaments of the several countries he
   visited. He returned to China via New York and the Canadian
   Pacific Railway, sailing from Vancouver (September 14) for
   Yokohama and Tien-tsin, where he arrived October 3. Thence he
   proceeded to Peking (October 20), where he was received by the
   Emperor, and appointed a member of the Tsung-li-Yamen. At the
   same time for presuming to enter the precincts of the ruined
   Summer Palace while visiting the Empress Dowager after his
   return home, his enemies took occasion of the slight trespass
   to insult him, and proposed that he should be stripped of all
   his titles and honours, with the exception of the earldom,
   which is confirmed to the Li family for twenty-nine
   generations. The case was referred to the Board of Civil
   Appointments, and the Controller-General, Chang-chih-wan,
   decided that 'according to precedent' the ex-Viceroy should be
   cashiered, but on account of his life-long and distinguished
   services to the imperial dynasty he should be recommended to
   the clemency of the Throne, which took the form of a loss of
   one year's salary. He took over his seals of office in the
   Tsung-li-Yamen on November 1, but none of his colleagues were
   present to welcome him."

      _Annual Register, 1896,
      pages 349-50._

CHINA: A. D. 1897.
   The condition of Manchuria and Mongolia.

      See (in this volume)
      MANCHURIA AND MONGOLIA.

CHINA: A. D. 1897.
   Foreigners resident in China.
   Ports open to them.

   "In the 'Bulletin de la Société de Géographie Commerciale,'
   Paris, Volume XIX, a report is published from which the
   following extracts are taken: There are over ten thousand
   Europeans and Americans resident in China. The English head
   the list with 4,000; the Americans number 1,325; Germans, 882;
   French, 875; Portuguese, 805; Spaniards, 461; Norwegians, 375;
   Russians, 116; Italians, 108, etc. There are 669 Japanese.
   Twenty-two ports are open to foreign residence, that is to
   say, that Europeans are allowed to acquire conditional title
   to certain lands, on which they live, govern themselves, and
   have special privileges in judicial matters. The ports are
   Mengtz, Lung Chow, Pakhoi, King Chow, Lappa, Canton, Kowlon,
   Swatow, Amoy, Fuchau, Winchow, Ningpo, Shanghai, Chinkiang,
   Wuhu, Kiukiang, Hankow, Ichang, Chungking, Chefoo, Tientsin,
   and Niuchwang. It is to be noted that Peking does not appear
   on this list, although the embassies and legations are
   established there. The Chinese who find themselves under
   foreign jurisdiction appear more than contented with the
   situation, because, although taxes are high, they are fixed.
   Two hundred thousand natives live in the European settlements
   of Shanghai. Besides the foreign residents of China, a large
   number live in ports that have been ceded to other nations.
   For instance, Hongkong comprises in its civil population 4,195
   Europeans and Americans. With the troops and sailors, this
   number is raised to 8,545. Hongkong is the actual capital of
   foreign industry in the far East. More than 3,000 vessels,
   with a tonnage of nearly 4,000,000 touch there annually. The
   same spirit which caused the development of Singapore,
   Colombo, and Hongkong is to be found in the foreign
   settlements of the open ports of China."

      _United States Consular Reports,
      October, 1897, page 315._

CHINA: A. D. 1897 (May-June).
   Cessions and concessions to England and France.

   In May, the Chinese government sanctioned an extension of the
   British settlement at Tien-tsin from 65 acres to about 300. In
   the next month, it satisfied the complaints of Great Britain
   concerning the cession of Kiang-Hung to France (see above: A.
   D. 1894-1895, MARCH-JULY), by ceding to that Power the Shan
   district of Kokang, about 400 square miles in extent, and
   leasing to Great Britain in perpetuity a considerable tract at
   the south of the Namwan River. The same treaty opened new
   routes to trade across the frontier between Burmah and China,
   and admitted British consuls and merchants to two new ports.
   At about the same time France secured mining privileges on the
   Tonquin frontier and rights for the extension of a railway
   into Chinese territory.

CHINA: A. D. 1897 (November).
   Germany opens the attack of European Powers on the
   integrity of the Chinese Empire.
   Seizure of the port of Kiao-Chau.
   Concessions obtained as reparation for the murder
   of German missionaries.

   "Among the recent events that have attracted especial
   attention to China is the lease to foreign nations of
   important strategic or commercial ports on the coast of the
   Empire. While the Portuguese have controlled the island of
   Macao, near Canton, since 1537, and the English became owners
   of the island of Hongkong, in the same vicinity, by the treaty
   of 1842, no other nation had possessions on or near the coast
   of China until within a comparatively recent date. One result
   of the war between China and Japan was that Japan obtained the
   island of Formosa, lying 90 miles off the coast of central
   China. By this treaty Japan was also to have certain territory
   on the peninsula of Liaotung, which commands from the north
   the entrance to the Gulf of Pechili, the gateway to the
   capital of China; but on the urgent protest of Russia, France,
   and Germany this was abandoned, and the mainland of China up
   to that time thus remained intact. On November 4, 1897,
   however, the German Government seized the port of Kiao-chau,
   on the northeastern coast of China, asserting as the cause of
   its action the desire to obtain satisfaction for the murder of
   [two] German missionaries by Chinese on November 1 of that
   year. This port was held by a German war ship until the
   announcement of a treaty with China by which the port of
   Kiaochau and adjacent territory were leased to Germany for a
   term of ninety-nine years, the German Government being given
   the right to land troops, construct fortifications, and
   establish a coaling and naval station, while German subjects
   were to have the right to construct railways, open mines, and
   transact business in the rich mineral and agricultural
   province of Shantung, in which Kiaochau is located, Chinese
   vessels, however, to have the same privileges in the port of
   Kiaochau that the German Government might decide to give to
   other nations."

      _United States Bureau of Statistics,
      Monthly Summary of Commerce and Statistics,
      March, 1899._

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   The terms of the German acquisition of Kiao-chau, as
   officially communicated to the Reichstag by Herr von Bülow,
   Foreign Secretary of the German Empire, on the 8th of
   February, 1898, were as follows: "The Imperial Chinese
   Government, in fulfilment of the legitimate wish of the German
   Government to possess, in common with other Powers, a point in
   the matters [waters?] of Eastern Asia, where German vessels
   may be fitted out and repaired, where the necessary materials
   can be deposited, and other arrangements made in connection
   with that object, cedes to the German Government in the form
   of a lease, to run, as at present fixed, for a period of
   ninety-nine years, the territory situated on both sides of the
   entrance to the Bay of Kiao-chau, in South Shantung, more
   accurately described below, in such a manner that the German
   Government will be at liberty to erect all necessary
   buildings, &c., within the territory, and take all the
   measures required for their defence. According to the English
   chart of Kiao-chau Bay of 1863, the district leased to the
   German Government consists of the following:

   1. The promontory north of the entrance to the bay, bounded on
   the north-east by a straight line drawn from the extreme
   north-eastern point of Potato Island to the sea-coast in the
   direction of Zoshan.

   2. The promontory south of the entrance to the bay, bounded on
   the south-west by a straight line drawn from the southernmost
   point of the inlet situated to the south-west of Tschiposan,
   in the direction of the Tolosan Islands (Weber chart), to the
   sea-coast.

   3. The Island of Tschiposan and Potato Island, as well as all
   the islands lying at the entrance to the bay, inclusive of
   Tolosan and Seslien. Further, the Chinese Government undertake
   not to frame any Regulations within a zone of 50 kilometers
   round the bay without the consent of the German Government,
   and, in particular, to offer no resistance to any measures
   necessary for regulating the course of the rivers. The Chinese
   Government also grant to German troops the right of passage
   across the zone above described. With the object of avoiding
   every possibility of collision, the Chinese Government will
   exercise no rights of sovereignty within the leased territory
   during the period of the lease, but they cede these rights as
   well as those over the entire water-surface of the Bay of
   Kiao-chau to the German Government. The German Government will
   erect sea-marks on the islands and shallows at the entrance to
   the bay.

   4. In the event of the territory leased not proving to be
   adapted to the requirements of the German Government, the
   Government of China will cede to Germany a more suitable
   district, and will take back the Bay of Kiao-chau, paying
   compensation for any improvements or constructions the Germans
   may have made there.

   5. A more accurate delimitation of the boundaries of the
   district leased will take place in accordance with the local
   conditions, and will be carried out by Commissioners from both
   Governments."

   The Foreign Secretary added the following particulars
   respecting the area, &c., of the territory and the character
   of the lease:

   "The territory leased, the boundaries of which are not yet
   accurately determined, will cover an area of 30 to 50 square
   kilometers. Consequently, it is materially larger than the
   British possession at and opposite Hong Kong. For military
   reasons, the northern boundary had been pushed a little
   further forward than is shown on the map presented to the
   Budget Commission. The number of inhabitants is calculated at
   a few thousand. As regards the size of the bay, accurate
   details are as yet wanting. It runs about 20 geographical
   miles into the mainland. At its narrowest point, the entrance
   to the bay is about 3,000 metres broad. Two-thirds of the bay
   afford harbour accommodation. The rent payable to China, the
   exact amount of which has not yet been determined, is an
   unimportant point, as it possesses a nominal character merely
   representing the continuation in theory of the proprietorship
   of China over the territory ceded. The following stipulations
   have been secured respecting railway and mining
   concessions:—The Chinese Government have consented to hand
   over to a German-Chinese Railway Company, to be formed
   hereafter, the construction of a railway from Kiao-chau, which
   will run first in a northerly and then in a westerly
   direction, to be subsequently connected with the projected
   great railway system of China. The railway will serve the
   coalfields of Weih-sien and Poshan, situated to the north of
   Kiao-chau, which will be exploited by German capital. The
   Chinese Government have further pledged themselves to accord
   to the Railway Company to be thus formed, conditions at least
   as favourable as those granted to any other European Chinese
   Railway Company in China."

   The Foreign Secretary concluded his speech with an exposition
   of the motives which had induced the German Government to
   occupy Kiao-chau in preference to other places. Its proximity
   to the scene of the massacre had been the first consideration.
   Secondly, it was favourably situated from a political point of
   view, being removed from the French and British spheres in
   Southern China and from the Russian base of operations in the
   north. Lastly, the spacious, ice-free harbour, the climate,
   which is probably the best to be met with in China, and the
   existence of coalfields in the vicinity of the coast, offered
   sufficient grounds for the choice of Kiao-chau. Herr von
   Billow might have quoted in this connection a candid remark
   which had been made not long before by the "Kolonial Zeitung:"
"The principal point is that the Power which possesses Kiao-chau
   will control the coal supply in northern Chinese waters."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      China, Number 1, 1898._

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (February).
   British diplomacy in China.
   The tone in which foreign demands were made
   on the Tsung-li Yamên.
   Agreement not to alienate the Yang-tsze region.

   Early in 1898 the Chinese government was in need of money for
   the final payment of indemnity to Japan, and opened
   negotiations with the British government for the guarantee of
   a loan: Her Majesty's Ministers were quite ready to give the
   needed financial aid, for a consideration, requiring, in
   return, that Ta-lien-wan should be opened to trade as a treaty
   port. But Russia was then scheming to secure possession of
   Ta-lien-wan, and interfered with the British negotiation so
   vigorously that the Chinese were frightened into breaking it
   off, even after they had practically accepted the offered
   loan. Not daring, however, to take from Russia the financial
   guarantee which they rejected at British hands, they thought
   to balance themselves between these jealous rivals by
   borrowing without help from either. Both the Powers were thus
   offended, England especially showing stern resentment on
   account of the slight with which she had been treated. The
   following report by Sir Claude MacDonald, the British Minister
   at Peking, of his interviews with the Tsung-li-Yamên on the
   subject, is very interesting, as showing the tone in which the
   European Powers were making demands on the government of China
   at that time. The despatch of Sir Claude MacDonald is dated at
   Peking, February 20, 1898.

{82}

   "Since the 4th of February," he wrote. "I have had four
   interviews with the Yamên for the purpose of extracting some
   concessions in return for the rejection of the offer of a
   guaranteed loan from Great Britain after it had in principle
   been accepted. At the first of these, on the 5th February, the
   Yamên refused to recognize that we had any claim to
   compensation, declaring that the refusal of a Russian as well
   as a British guarantee left no ground for complaint. I told
   them that this argument might have had some plausibility if
   the two offers had been equally advantageous, or if the
   Chinese Government had not committed themselves to serious
   negotiations with us. The British Government had at China's
   own request reluctantly agreed to do her a very exceptional
   favour, and the Yamên could not suppose that we should accept
   with equanimity a brusque intimation that the Chinese
   Government had changed its mind.

   "The Yamên abounded in protestations of their readiness at
   some future date to give proofs of their gratitude to Great
   Britain in the shape of encouragement to commerce, but they
   insisted that the loan negotiations must first be dismissed,
   and all demands for compensation in connection with them
   dropped. I refused to telegraph such a suggestion to your
   Lordship, and as after long debate they still refused to bind
   themselves by any promises, I reminded them that at an earlier
   interview they had asked me whether the action threatened by
   Great Britain in the event of their accepting a Russian
   guarantee would equally be taken if they borrowed from neither
   Power. I could not at the time answer the question, but I
   could now tell them that Her Majesty's Government had a right
   to feel deeply affronted by what had occurred, and I would not
   be answerable for the consequences if they declined to make to
   Great Britain even such concessions as they had frequently
   admitted to be in China's own interests.

   "The Yamên begged me to smooth matters for them, to which I
   answered that their present attitude made it impossible for me
   to do so. Let them permit me to report that China was ready to
   open inland navigation to steamers; to establish Treaty ports
   at Nanning and Hsiang T'an; and to give reasonable security to
   trade by a pledge against alienation of the Yang-tsze region
   to another Power, and the rejection of our loan might be
   forgiven. All these were matters within the Yamên's power.

   "The Ministers did not deny the feasibility of what I had
   asked (except as regarded the opening of Nanning), but
   objected to these measures being tacked on to the loan, for if
   that were done, Russia would at once demand
   counter-concessions for the rejection of her loan, and China
   would be placed in a very difficult position. On this they
   laid much stress. I said I did not insist on the concessions
   being formally announced as made to England in connection with
   the loan, and should be prepared to move Her Majesty's
   Government to treat them as steps taken spontaneously by
   China, but that I absolutely refused to treat the loan account
   as settled until I had some definite assurance that these
   measures would be carried out within a fixed time. The Yamên
   again attempted to persuade me to leave the carrying out of
   the measures indicated entirely to the Chinese Government, and
   it was only after the usual prolonged argument that they
   consented to open internal waters to steam navigation within
   four months; to let me know at an early date when they would
   open a port in Hunan, and to give me a written guarantee
   against the alienation of the Yang-tsze region to a foreign
   Power."

   After reporting conversation on other matters, the Minister
   recounted his action on the subject of the Yang-tsze region,
   and on that of the opening of inland waterways to steam
   navigation, at an interview with the Tsung-li Yamên on the
   9th. "I then produced," he said, "a draft of the note I
   intended addressing to them with regard to non-alienation of
   the Yang-tsze region. This was accepted with little demur,
   with the insertion of the words 'now entirely in China's
   possession,' which, as recording an undeniable fact, I agreed
   to put in. Copies of the notes subsequently exchanged are
   inclosed. I have not thought it necessary to narrate the
   arguments by which I supported the demand for this pledge at
   both these interviews. My chief ground was that we could not
   afford to find one morning that by reason of the murder of a
   foreign subject, or the refusal of some demand by a foreign
   Power, some place on the Yang-tsze had been seized and was to
   be retained on a ninety-nine years' lease. I then handed to
   the Ministers the despatch … recording their assurance with
   regard to steam navigation of inland waterways. They read it
   with attention, and accepted it as satisfactory."

   Of the notes thus passed between the British Minister and the
   Tsung-li Yamên, that of the former, dated February 9, was as
   follows: "Your Highnesses and your Excellencies have more than
   once intimated to me that the Chinese Government were aware of
   the great importance that has always been attached by Great
   Britain to the retention in Chinese possession of the
   Yang-tsze region, now entirely hers, as providing security for
   the free course and development of trade. I shall be glad to
   be in a position to communicate to Her Majesty's Government a
   definite assurance that China will never alienate any
   territory in the provinces adjoining the Yang-tsze to any
   other Power, whether under lease, mortgage, or any other
   designation. Such an assurance is in full harmony with the
   observations made to me by your Highnesses and your
   Excellencies."

   On the 11th, the Yamên returned the following reply: "The
   Yamên have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of the
   British Minister's despatch of the 9th February, stating that
   the Yamên had more than once intimated to him that the Chinese
   Government were aware of the great importance that has always
   been attached by Great Britain to the retention in Chinese
   possession of the Yang-tsze region, now entirely hers, as
   providing security for the free course and development of
   trade. The British Minister would be glad to be in a position
   to communicate to Her Majesty's Government a definite
   assurance that China would never alienate (any territory) in
   the provinces adjoining the Yang-tsze to any other Power,
   whether under lease, mortgage, or any other designation.
{83}
   The Yamên have to observe that the Yang-tsze region is of the
   greatest importance as concerning the whole position (or
   interests) of China, and it is out of the question that
   territory (in it) should be mortgaged, leased, or ceded to
   another Power. Since Her Britannic Majesty's Government has
   expressed its interest (or anxiety), it is the duty of the
   Yamên to address this note to the British Minister for
   communication to his Government."

   The despatch recording the Chinese concession of steam
   navigation on inland waters was in the following terms: "It
   was … with great pleasure that I learnt from your Highnesses
   and your Excellencies at a recent interview that the Chinese
   Government had determined that wherever the use of native
   boats is now by Treaty permitted to foreigners, they shall
   equally be permitted to employ steamers or steam-launches,
   whether Chinese or foreign-owned, or their own boats, and,
   further, that this arrangement would come into effect before
   the end of the 4th Chinese moon. I shall have great pleasure
   in communicating the Chinese Government's decision to my
   Government, for it is an indication that China is prepared to
   take every step open to her to increase the volume of trade,
   and so add to her resources and the wealth of the people."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      China, Number 1, 1899, page 13-18._

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (February-December).
   The "Battle of Concessions," for railway building and mining.

   By summer-time in 1898 the scramble among the Powers for
   footholds of territory on the Chinese coast seemed to be
   giving way to what Lord Salisbury described as "the battle of
   concessions," for the building of railways and the opening of
   mines. This newer battle gave his lordship much anxiety. On
   the 13th of July he cabled to Sir Claude MacDonald: "It does
   not seem that the battle of Concessions is going well for us,
   and that the mass of Chinese railways, if they are ever built,
   will be in foreign hands is a possibility that we must face.
   One evil of this is, that no orders for materials will come to
   this country. That we cannot, help. The other evil is, that by
   differential rates and privileges the Managers of the railways
   may strangle our trade. This we ought to be able to prevent,
   by pressing that proper provisions for equal treatment be
   inserted in every Concession."

   The British Minister at Peking, in reply, dissented warmly
   from Lord Salisbury's opinion. "The battle of Concessions is
   not, in my opinion," he cabled on the 23d of July, "going
   against us. … Up to the present, any concessions granted to
   other nationalities are far out-balanced in financial value by
   the Shansi and Honan mining and railway concession, with its
   possible extensions. I have consistently informed the Chinese
   government that, as to differential rates and privileges, we
   want none ourselves, and cannot admit that other nationalities
   have a claim to them." In due time, as will appear, Sir Claude
   was able to furnish very good evidence in support of his
   contention that the "battle of concessions" was not going
   against Great Britain, by forwarding a list of all the
   concessions granted to clamoring capitalists and promoters of
   the several nationalities. Meantime, he gave close attention
   to the varying fortunes of the battle.

   A concession for the Peking-Hankow Railway was the one which
   interested the English most. Its line would traverse the rich
   and populous provinces of Chi-li, Honan, and Hoa-Pé, and be
   connected by another line, for which the Russo-Chinese Bank
   held concessions, with the valuable coal-mining basin of
   Ping-ting. Early in August, the British found reason to
   believe that the pending agreement with a Belgian syndicate
   for the building of this road was one that would give control
   of it to the Russo-Chinese Bank,—which meant Russian, or
   Russian and French control. He promptly remonstrated to the
   Yamên, and was assured that the agreement had not yet been
   submitted to the throne, and would not be ratified if the
   effect were such as he had described. He cabled this assurance
   to Lord Salisbury on the 6th of August. On the 13th he had a
   very different report to make. "I learnt on the 9th," he says,
   "that the Yamên had, under the influence of Li Hung-chang,
   abandoned this position [that they would not ratify the
   Belgian agreement if its effect was to give control of the
   Peking-Hankow line of railway to the Russo-Chinese Bank], and
   intended to ratify the agreement immediately. In view of the
   urgency of the matter, I addressed a note on the same day to
   the Yamên, in which I asked for an interview on the 10th or
   11th instant, and informed them that the Chinese text of the
   Contract had reached me, warning them at the same time that if
   they did not give me another interview before they ratified
   the Agreement Her Majesty's Government would look upon their
   action as unfriendly, and would probably insist on the same
   rights being given to Great Britain in all the provinces
   adjoining the Yang-tsze.

   "On the evening of the 10th the Yamên answered that they would
   appoint a day for an interview when they had received the
   Contract, which, they said, had not yet reached Peking for
   ratification. On the 11th I replied that I understood from
   this communication that they undertook not to ratify until
   they had seen me. To this they returned an evasive answer to
   the effect that they were all engaged by ceremonies at the
   Palace connected with the Emperor's birthday, which would last
   some days. I should add that I had already, on the 10th, sent
   them a note in which I criticized the Contract in detail,
   stating finally that I should have further objections to bring
   forward at my interview with them. I now hear on good
   authority that the Contract was ratified yesterday, the 12th.
   That the ratification has thus been rushed through is
   undoubtedly due to the influence of Li Hung-chang, combined
   with strong pressure on the part of the Representatives of
   Russia, France, and Belgium, and if heavy payment is not
   exacted from the Chinese Government for their bad faith, Li
   will persuade his colleagues that it is safer to slight
   England than any other Power, and any pressure which we may
   want to bring to bear in other matters will be without weight.
   I therefore think that Her Majesty's Government should insist
   either:—

   "1. On a written assurance from the Yamên that if British
   Syndicates apply for any railway concessions in the Yang-tsze
   provinces, they shall be given on the same terms as those
   which France, under cover of the Belgian Syndicate, has
   received in the Peking-Hankow Contract, and that no mining or
   railway concessions will be granted in those provinces unless
   they have been previously declined by British Syndicates; or

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   "2. On a written assurance that all railways for which British
   Syndicates are now in Treaty, that is to say—
      (a.) The Shan-hai-Kuan-Niuchwang line;
      (b.) The line from Tien-tsin to Chinkiang (the latter, as I
      understand, in conjunction with Germans and Americans);
      (c.) The line from Shanghae to Nanking with its
      continuations and branches;
      (d.) The lines in Honan and Shansi should be granted
      without any further delay on terms identical with those
      contained in the Contract for the Peking-Hankow line. The
      latter consist, so far as I can learn, in complete control
      over the construction, choice of material, working, and
      personnel of the line, together with an Imperial guarantee
      for the repayment of the loan.

   The second demand seems to me to be preferable on the whole;
   it will be impossible to obtain either demand without bringing
   great pressure to bear, and I consider that the demand should
   be made not as a compensatory concession, but as a punishment
   for bad faith."

   On the 17th the reply of the British Foreign Office was sent
   by Mr. Balfour, as follows:

   "With reference to your telegram of the 13th instant, inform
   Yamên that they must assent to your proposal Number 2 without
   delay, omitting from it the Shankaikuan-Newchwang Railway,
   which we must deal with as a separate question. You are
   authorized to inform them, if you have any reason to apprehend
   that they will delay compliance, that, unless they agree at
   once, we shall regard their breach of faith concerning the
   Peking-Hankow Railway as an act of deliberate hostility
   against this country, and shall act accordingly. After
   consultation with the Admiral, you may give them the number of
   days or hours you think proper within which to send their
   reply. The delay should not be of too long duration. It should
   be noted, on face of your demand, that Chingkiang Concession
   is for Americans and Germans, if they desire a share, as well
   as ourselves. Also make it clear that your ultimatum has
   nothing to do with the line to Newchwang."

   The tone of these demands made them effectual. On the 4th of
   September, Sir Claude MacDonald was able to announce to his
   superiors, in London: "At an interview which I had with them
   yesterday, the Yamên entered into the following
   undertaking:—Within the next few days they will address a
   despatch to me, apologising for their action, and consenting
   to the construction of the following lines by British
   Syndicates:

   1. A. line from Shanghae to Nanking with a continuation viâ
   Chinkiang to Sui Yang. They said, however, that the latter
   route was that followed by the line from Tien-tsin to
   Chinkiang, for which they said that a Preliminary Agreement
   had been signed between Yung Wing and the Anglo-American
   Syndicate; and the continuation in question must be dependent
   on the cancellation of that Agreement.

   2. A line connecting Hangchow and Soochow with Shanghae, to be
   continued if required to Ningpo.

   3. A line from Canton to Kowloon.

   4. The Peking Syndicate to be entitled to construct a railway
   to convey minerals from their mines to the Yang-tsze. The
   Yamên have also agreed to send me a Confidential note
   embodying a declaration that the terms accorded for the
   construction of these lines will not be inferior to those
   granted for the construction of any railways in China proper.
   The Manchurian lines are excluded from the scope of this
   Agreement. I venture to think that this is a satisfactory
   settlement. I did not give them an ultimatum, confining myself
   to a warning of the grave consequences which would now attend
   any failure on their part to keep their word. The fact that
   the fleet is concentrating is, of course, known to them."

   Before receiving this announcement, Mr. Balfour had cabled, on
   the 24th of August:

   "Negotiations with Yamên may be facilitated if you informed
   them at once that, unless the very moderate terms already
   demanded are immediately complied with, we shall, in addition,
   require the Concession of another line, on same conditions as
   those granted in case of Peking Hankow line of railway, and
   that additional demands will be preferred as the result of
   further delay. If you think it would conduce to the rapid and
   satisfactory termination of the negotiations, you are
   authorized to make a communication to them in this sense."
   Whether this suggestion was acted upon or not does not appear.

   This transaction, connected with the project of a railway from
   Peking to Hankow, appears to illustrate, not unfairly, on the
   whole, the mode in which speculative concessions were being
   wrung from the Chinese government in the busiest year of
   oriental speculation, 1898. The outcome of the grand "battle"
   was communicated by Sir Claude MacDonald to Lord Charles
   Beresford, on the 23d of November, in a full list of the
   concessions then granted to British subjects, compared with
   the grants to other nationalities. "We do not seem," wrote Sir
   Claude, with pardonable complacency, "to have come out second
   best. … Not a single bona fide or approximately practical
   scheme which has been brought to this Legation has failed to
   be put through." The summarized result in railway concessions
   was

   9 British (2,800 miles);
   3 Russian (1,530 miles);
   2 German (720 miles);
   3 French (420 miles);
   1 Belgian (650 miles);
   1 American (300 miles).

   In detail, the railway and mining concessions were described
   in the list as follows:

CHINA:
   "Railway and other Concessions obtained by British Companies:

   I. Province of Shansi.
   The Peking Syndicate have acquired the 'sole right to open and
   work coal and iron mines throughout the districts of Yu Hsien
   and Ping Ting-chou, and the Prefectures of Lusan Fu, Tsü-chou
   Fu, and Ping Yang Fu, and also petroleum, wherever found.'
   Under their contract, the Syndicate have also the right to
   'construct branch railways to connect with main lines or  with
   water navigation, to facilitate transport of Shansi coal.'
   This has been interpreted officially to include the right of
   connecting the mines with Siang-yang in Hupeh, the nearest
   head of navigation giving access to the Yang-tsze. This means
   a railway of 250 miles. As to the value of this Concession, it
   is not amiss to quote the testimony of Baron von Richthofen,
   the great authority on the geology of China. He says that, 'in
   proportion to its area, Shansi has probably the largest and
   most easily workable coalfield of any region on the globe, and
   the manufacture of iron is capable of almost unlimited
   extension.'

   II. Province of Honan.
   The Peking Syndicate have also acquired rights similar to
   those obtained in Shansi in that part of Honan north of the
   Yellow River.

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   III. Province of Chihli.
   The Hong Kong and Shanghae Bank are financing and controlling
   the North China railways from Peking to Tien-tsin, and thence
   to Shanhaikuan and Newchwang. The total length of these lines
   is about 500 miles, of which 300 miles are completely open to
   traffic.

   IV. This bank has also acquired a half-interest in the
   coal-mines at Nan P'iao, in the Ch'ao-yang district. According
   to experts, these mines possess the best and richest coal
   seams in North China, and they have the immense advantage of
   being close to a line of railway and the sea.

   V. Provinces of Chihli and Kiangsu.
   The Tsung-li Yamên have undertaken officially that the
   construction of the Tien-tsin-Chinkiang line shall be
   intrusted to an Anglo-German Syndicate. The British portion of
   this Syndicate is represented in China by Messrs. Jardine,
   Matheson, and Co., and the Hong Kong and Shanghae Bank. This
   will be a trunk line of 600 miles, passing through more
   populous country than the Lu-Han Railway (the Belgian line),
   with which it is certain to be able to compete successfully.

   VI. Province of Kiangsu.
   A British Syndicate, represented by Messrs. Jardine, Matheson,
   and Co., and the Hong Kong and Shanghae Bank, has obtained the
   Concession to finance and construct the Shanghae-Nanking
   Railway. There is no more paying district than this for a
   railway in China. The length of line will be 170 or 180 miles.

   VII. Provinces of Kiangsu, Anhui, and Honan.
   The same Syndicate has the right to extend the
   Shanghae-Nanking Railway from P'u-k'ou, opposite Nanking, to
   Hsin Yang, in Honan, a distance of 270 miles.

   VIII. Provinces of Kiangsu and Chekiang.
   The same Syndicate has the right to construct a line from
   Soochow to Hangchow, with a possible extension to Ningpo. This
   line will run through very populous districts for over 200
   miles. The last three Concessions all lie within the Yang-tsze
   region.

   IX. Province of Chêkiang.
   The Peking Syndicate have also obtained mining Concessions
   similar to the Shansi and Honan in this province.

   X. Province of Kwangtung.
   The Jardine Syndicate has the right to construct a railway
   from Kowloon to Canton. The length of line will be nearly 100
   miles.

   XI. Provinces of Hupei, Kiangsi, and Kwangtung.
   An American Syndicate signed a preliminary Agreement for the
   construction of a railway from Hankow to Canton in May last.
   Negotiations are now in progress for the amalgamation of this
   Concession with Number 10, Kowloon to Canton, and the working
   of the whole line from Hankow to Kowloon by an Anglo-American
   Company. This will be a trunk line of, approximately, 600
   miles long.

   XII. Provinces of Yünnan, Kweichow, and Ssuchuan.
   The right to extend the Burmah system into China as far as the
   Yang-tsze is admitted, and surveys are now in progress. This
   involves a possible railway of 700 miles.

      See Remarks on French Concessions.

CHINA:
   "Concessions other than British. Russian.

   The Manchurian Railway Concession dates from 1896. As is well
   known, it was obtained as recompense for help given in
   securing the retrocession of Liaotung. From Stretensk on the
   Shilka, where it leaves the main Siberian line, this railway
   will cross the Argun and Hingan Mountains, and reach Kirin viâ
   Petuna. The whole length from Stretensk to Vladivostock is
   estimated at 1,400 miles, of which about 1,000 will pass
   through Chinese territory. The Concession is purely
   strategical. The country traversed, though potentially rich,
   in great part is, and will be for long, sparsely populated,
   and the line cannot, in the near future at any rate, hope to
   pay its working expenses.

   2. The Port Arthur Agreement of March 1898 arranges for the
   conclusion by Russia of a branch from the above line to Port
   Arthur or Talienwan. The length of the railway will be about
   400 miles. Commercially, this branch is more promising than
   the first Concession.

   3. The Russo-Chinese Bank has signed a contract for the
   construction of a branch line from T'ai-yüan Fu to connect
   with the Lu-Han trunk lines near Chêng-tung. Length,
   approximately 130 miles. They have, up to date, been unable to
   raise money for this line. I think it very possible that it
   will eventually be built by an Anglo-Russian Syndicate. I am
   trying to arrange this.

   "French.—The French possess the right to construct three
   lines, but beyond acquiring this right they have done nothing.

   1. From Tonquin up the Red River Valley to Yünnan Fu, say 200
   miles. The impression in French railway circles is that a
   railway through Yünnan will not pay expenses, and if any
   serious attempt is made to carry out the extension of the
   Tonquin system, it will be merely as a stepping-stone to
   Ssü-ch'uan. Yet again, any pretensions that a railway from
   Yünnan to the Yang-tsze may have to rank as a commercial
   project have been pronounced against by every traveller in
   Central China.

   2. Langson-Lungchow-Nanning Railway; length, about 100 miles.
   (There appears to be an alternative open to the French of
   going to Pésé instead of Nanning.) The right to build this
   line has been conceded, but the idea is growing amongst the
   French of Tonquin that, instead of diverting traffic from the
   West River, a line from Langson to Lungchow and Nanning would
   prove an additional feeder of the West River route.

   3. From Pakhoi inland, presumably to Nanning; length, say 120
   miles. The Tonquin press have pointed out that this line will
   benefit English commerce more than French. It will never, in
   my opinion, be built-by the French.

   " German.
   1. Kiao-chau-Yichow-Tsinan line; length, 420 miles. Nothing
   has been done towards the construction of this line, which
   does not promise commercially.

   2. Tien-tsin-Chin-kiang line to be built by an Anglo-German
   Company.

      See Number 5 of the British Concessions.

   "Belgian.
   The Lu-Han or Peking-Hankow Railway. A Franco-Belgian
   Syndicate have secured the Concession for this, a trunk line
   of some 650 or 700 miles, passing north and south through
   Chihli, Honan, and Hupeh. This railway is an old project born
   of Chang-Chih-Tung's objection to building lines near the
   coast, 'lest they should facilitate the access of an enemy.'
   Its prospects as a commercial enterprise are not considered so
   good as those of the rival Tien-tsin-Chinkiang line.

   "American.
   The only railway in which America is at present interested is
   the trunk line projected from Hankow to Canton."

      See British Concessions, Number 11.

{86}

   On the 18th of December the British Minister announced to Lord
   Salisbury: "An Imperial Decree, stating that no more railway
   proposals will be for the present entertained by the Chinese
   government, has been officially communicated to me by the
   Yamên." To which the response from London was: "You should
   inform the Chinese Government that Her Majesty's Government
   claim, in the event of their revoking their present resolve
   not to entertain any more proposals for railways, priority of
   consideration by the Chinese Government of all British
   applications already made." This notice was given, as
   directed, and the Yamên replied to it (December 31) with some
   dignity: "We have the honour to observe that the development
   of railways in China is the natural right and advantage of the
   Chinese Government. If, hereafter, in addition to the lines
   already sanctioned, which will be proceeded with in order,
   China proposes to construct other railways, she will negotiate
   with the nation which she finds suitable. When the time
   arrives China must use her own discretion as to her course of
   action. The applications of British merchants can, of course,
   be kept on record as material for negotiation at that day, but
   it is not expedient to treat them as having a prior claim over
   all others to a settled agreement."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      China, Number 1, 1899, pages 164-69, 190-92, 215-16,
      327, 344-47; and Number 1, 1900, page 22._

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (March).
   An intelligent Chinese view of the situation of the country.

   How well the situation and the dangers of their country were
   understood at this period by some, at least, of the Chinese
   officials, and how intelligently they considered them, may be
   gathered from some passages in a memorial addressed by Viceroy
   Chang Chih-tung and another high official, Sheng Hsuan-huai,
   Director-General of Railways, to the Emperor, on the subject
   of the construction of the Hankow-Kwangtung Railway. A
   translation of the document was transmitted to London at the
   end of March. The memorialists say: "The original idea was
   that the construction of the Hankow-Kwangtung Southern trunk
   line should be postponed for a time, but now, owing to the
   exigencies of the present situation, this work must not be
   delayed. The powerful foreign nations stand around watching
   for their opportunity, and, making use of trivial pretexts in
   the conduct of international affairs, swiftly dispatch their
   war-ships from one end of the Empire to the other. It is
   impossible to say when our communication by sea may be
   blocked, and the establishment of internal communication by
   railways has become a necessity. Kwungtung is a rich province,
   and the defence of the southern territory and waterways must
   not be neglected, so that the making of the Hankow-Kwangtung
   line should be proceeded with at the same time as the northern
   road. The original intention was to construct a road from
   Kwangtung to Hupeh viâ Chiangsi, but this circuitous route is
   longer than the direct route through Hunan Province, and for
   many reasons it will be a source of greater prosperity and
   strength to the Empire if the latter route is adopted. There
   is, moreover, no doubt that the officials and merchants of the
   three provinces are in favour of this scheme. The most direct
   route will be to proceed viâ Ch'en-chou, Yung-chou, Feng-chou,
   and Ch'ang-sha to Wuch'ang, and so to Hankow. … Now Hankow is
   the central point to which all the waterways of the eighteen
   provinces from north, south, east, and west converge. If
   England is allowed to build the Hankow and Kwangtung road,
   passing through this important point, afterwards when the
   Russian line advances southward, and the English line is
   continued to the north, although we shall be in possession of
   the Hankow-Lü Kou-chiao line, we shall be stilled and our
   profits curtailed, for, being between the other lines, we
   shall not be able to defend our own. It is also greatly to be
   feared that our own line would pass into either English or
   Russian hands. In this case not only is our throat stopped by
   the foreigners being in possession of our ports, but our vital
   parts are injuriously affected. Should we wish to raise and
   drill soldiers, make arms, or obtain funds for the necessities
   of the Empire, it will be impossible, and China not only will
   not make progress, but we fear she will barely be able to
   maintain her independence.

   "Your memorialists are distressed when they consider the
   extreme danger of the situation, but they think that the best
   method of meeting it is to proceed ourselves at once with the
   construction of the Hankow-Kwangtung Railway. Should it be
   made by degrees, starting from Kwangtung through Hunan to
   Hankow, it will be seized forcibly before completion, and we
   fear sufficient funds cannot be raised for hurrying forward
   its construction. Your memorialist, Sheng, had the intention
   of employing American capital for the construction of the Lü
   Kou-chaio-Hankow line, but afterwards when the American,
   Washburn, came to China, his conditions were found to be too
   hard, and consequently negotiations were broken off. Your
   servant was thus constrained to approach Belgium. By acting
   thus our privileges would not be lost, nor would ill
   consequences follow. But Belgium is a small country, and her
   strength is inconsiderable, and often she has pointed out that
   an unfinished railroad is hardly a sufficient guarantee for
   the loan. Consequently she is very undecided, but we have
   hopes that by the adoption of some compromise terms may be
   arrived at, though the question is extremely difficult. Thus
   another scheme must be adopted for raising the capital for the
   southern line. There are grave objections to allowing either
   England, France, or Germany to undertake the work, and your
   memorialists suggest that Wu Ting-fang, the Minister at
   Washington, should be communicated with. He is a Cantonese,
   and will not fail to do his best to find a scheme."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      China, Number 1, 1899,pages 87-89._

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (March-July).
   Russian acquisition of Port Arthur and Talienwan.
   Ineffectual British opposition.
   Consequent British demand for Wei-hai Wei.
   Its lease by China.

   While the British Minister at Peking was securing these
   assurances from the Tsung-li Yamên, concerning the
   non-alienation of the Yang-tsze region and the opening of
   inland waters to steam navigation, the Russian Minister was
   equally busy, extorting a cession or lease of Port Arthur and
   Talienwan, with privileges of railway construction through
   neighboring territory which gave immense value to those
   acquisitions. The probability of his success was soon known to
   the British authorities, who made no serious objection to the
   leasing of Talienwan, but were strongly opposed to a Russian
   occupation of Port Arthur.
{87}
   On the 22d of March, 1898, Lord Salisbury wrote to the British
   Ambassador at St. Petersburg: "Her Majesty's Government on
   their part would not regard with any dissatisfaction the lease
   by Russia of an ice-free commercial harbour, connected by
   rail with the trans-Siberian Railway which is now under
   construction. Questions of an entirely different kind are
   opened if Russia obtains control of a military port in the
   neighbourhood of Peking. Port Arthur is useless for commercial
   purposes, its whole importance being derived solely from its
   military strength and strategic position, and its occupation
   would inevitably be considered in the East as a standing
   menace to Peking and the commencement of the partition of
   China."

   On the 28th of March he wrote again: "Port Arthur is not a
   commercial harbour. It is doubtful whether it could be
   converted into one. It is certain that, even if such a project
   were possible, it could never be worth while for the owners or
   lessees of Talienwan to embark upon it. But though not a
   commercial harbour, Port Arthur supplies a naval base, limited
   indeed in extent, but possessing great natural and artificial
   strength. And this, taken in connection with its strategic
   position, gives it an importance in the Gulf of Pechili and
   therefore at Peking, upon which, in their representations to
   Japan at the close of the war with China, the Russian
   Government laid the greatest emphasis. It is from this last
   point of view that the occupation of Port Arthur chiefly
   concerns Her Majesty's Government. It is not because a
   position which can easily be made a naval arsenal of great
   strength has been acquired by Russia that they regret its
   occupation by that Power. It is because the possession, even
   if temporary, of this particular position, is likely to have
   political consequences at Peking of great international
   importance, and because the acquisition of a Chinese harbour
   notoriously useless for commercial purposes by a foreign Power
   will be universally interpreted in the Far East as indicating
   that the partition of China has begun.

   "As regards the second of these reasons nothing further need
   be said, inasmuch as Her Majesty's Government understand from
   Count Mouravieff's communication to you that this result is as
   little desired by the Russian Government as it is by that of
   Her Majesty. As regards the first, it may perhaps be proper to
   observe that a great military Power which is coterminous for
   over 4,000 miles with the land frontier of China, including
   the portion lying nearest to its capital, is never likely to
   be without its due share of influence on the councils of that
   country. Her Majesty's Government regard it as Most
   unfortunate that it has been thought necessary in addition to
   obtain control of a port which, if the rest of the Gulf of
   Pechili remains in hands so helpless as those of the Sovereign
   Power, will command the maritime approaches to its capital,
   and give to Russia the same strategic advantage by sea which
   she already possesses in so ample a measure by land. Her
   Majesty's Government have thought it their duty thus to put on
   record their grave objections to the occupation of Port Arthur
   by Russia."

   Before this despatch was written, Lord Salisbury already knew
   that his remonstrances had failed and that Russia was to
   possess Port Arthur, and he had cabled, March 25, the
   following instructions to Sir Claude MacDonald, the British
   Minister to Peking: "Balance of power in Gulf of Pechili is
   materially altered by surrender of Port Arthur by Yamên to
   Russia. It is therefore necessary to obtain, in the manner you
   think most efficacious and speedy, the refusal of Wei-hai Wei
   on the departure of the Japanese. The terms should be similar
   to those granted to Russia for Port Arthur. British fleet is
   on its way from Hong Kong to Gulf of Pechili." The day
   following, Lord Salisbury advised the British Ambassador at
   Berlin by telegram: "Her Majesty's Government have demanded a
   reversionary lease of Wei-hai Wei, and it is possible that the
   German Government will address you with regard to our
   occupying territory which forms part of the Province of
   Shantung. Should this be the case, you are authorized to
   explain that Wei-hai Wei is not at present, and cannot, we
   believe, be made a commercial port by which access can be
   obtained to any part of the province. We do not wish to
   interfere with the interests of Germany in that region. The
   action, in our opinion very regrettable, of Russia with
   respect to Port Arthur, has compelled us to take the course we
   are now pursuing."

   On the 29th of March the completion of the transaction by
   which China transferred Port Arthur and Talienwan to Russia
   was officially announced at St. Petersburg by the following
   publication in the "Official Messenger": "At Peking on the
   15th (27th) March a special Agreement was signed by the
   Plenipotentiaries of Russia and China, by virtue of which
   Ports Arthur and Talienwan, with the corresponding territory
   and waters, have been ceded to the Imperial Government for
   twenty-five years—which period, by mutual agreement, may be
   still further prolonged—and the construction allowed of
   branches of railways in order to connect these ports with the
   main Great Siberian line. This Agreement is a direct and
   natural outcome of the friendly relations between great
   neighbouring Empires, all of whose endeavours should be
   directed towards the preservation of tranquillity along the
   vast extent of their neighbouring possessions for the common
   benefit of the people of both of them. The peaceful
   occupation, by the diplomatic Agreement of the 15th March, of
   the ports and territory of a friendly nation shows, in the
   best possible way, that the Government of China truly
   appreciates the meaning of the Agreement established between
   us.

   "Securing the inviolability of the sovereign rights of China,
   and satisfying the daily requirements of Russia in her
   capacity of a great and neighbouring naval Power, this
   Agreement can in no way insure [injure?] the interests of any
   other foreign Power; on the contrary, it gives to all nations
   of the world the possibility in the near future of entering
   into communication with this hitherto closed-up country on the
   coast of the Yellow Sea. The opening to the commercial fleets
   of all foreign nations of the port of Talienwan creates in the
   Pacific Ocean a new and extended centre for the commercial and
   trading undertakings of those nations, especially by means of
   the Great Siberian line, henceforth to be taken into account,
   and which, thanks to the friendly Treaty between Russia and
   China, will unite the extreme ends of the Old World. Thus, the
   Agreement signed at Peking has for Russia a deep historical
   signification, and must be joyfully welcomed by all to whom
   happy peace and successes, based on the mutual understandings
   of nations, are dear."

{88}

   On the 3d of April, Sir Claude MacDonald was able to announce
   by cable to Lord Salisbury: "Yamên agreed yesterday to the
   following arrangement: China will lease Wei-hai Wei to Great
   Britain on the same terms as Port Arthur has been leased to
   Russia, but Great Britain agrees not to take possession of the
   place until it has been given up by Japan. The lease will
   continue until Russia ceases to occupy Liaotung Peninsula.
   Details are left for subsequent adjustment." Negotiations
   relative to the terms of the lease of Wei-hai Wei were
   protracted until the first of July, when the Convention
   determining them was signed at Peking. Its provisions were as
   follows: "The territory leased shall comprise the Island of
   Liu-kung and all islands in the Bay of Wei-hai Wei, and a belt
   of land 10 English miles wide along the entire coast line of the
   Bay of Wei-hai Wei. Within the above-mentioned territory
   leased Great Britain shall have sole jurisdiction. Great
   Britain shall have, in addition, the right to erect
   fortifications, station troops, or take any other measures
   necessary for defensive purposes, at any points on or near the
   coast of the region east of the meridian 121° 40' east of
   Greenwich, and to acquire on equitable compensation with that
   territory such sites as may be necessary for water supply,
   communications, and hospitals. Within that zone Chinese
   administration will not be interfered with, but no troops
   other than Chinese or British shall be allowed therein. It is
   also agreed that within the walled city of Wei-hai Wei,
   Chinese officials shall continue to exercise jurisdiction
   except so far as may be inconsistent with naval and military
   requirements for the defence of the territory leased. It is
   further agreed that Chinese vessels of war, whether neutral or
   otherwise, shall retain the right to use the waters herein
   leased to Great Britain. It is further understood that there
   will be no expropriation or expulsion of the inhabitants of
   the territory herein specified, and that if land is required
   for fortifications, public officers, or any official or public
   purpose, it shall be bought at a fair price."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      China, Number 1, 1898, and Number 1, 1899._

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (April-July).
   Charges of corruption against Li Hung-chang and
   the Tsung-li Yamên.

   "One of the censors of highest rank memorialised the Emperor
   early in April, accusing the whole Tsung-li Yamên of being in
   Russian pay, and alleging that the sum of 10,000,000 taels was
   paid to them. He also stated that Li Hung-chang had secured
   from Russia 1,500,000 taels, and he prayed for a full inquiry
   and for the decapitation of Li Hung-chang if the accusation
   were proved, or if he were found guiltless, he himself should
   be decapitated. Li Hung-chang was dismissed on September 6,
   but afterwards in November was appointed an imperial
   commissioner to report on the inundations of the Yellow River,
   an unwelcome post. … A Black Flag rebellion in the southern
   province of Kwang-si, in which the secret society called The
   Triads was said to be concerned, was giving the Pekin
   Government great anxiety in July. The rebels, numbering about
   40,000, were for a time victorious and seemed determined to
   overthrow the dynasty."

      _Annual Register, 1898, pages 333-334._

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (April-August).
   France in the field with demands.
   New demands from Great Britain.

   France had now come forward to seize a place in the attacking
   line, preparatory to what seemed to be the impending partition
   of China. On the 12th of April, Sir Claude MacDonald cabled to
   Lord Salisbury the following despatch: "I had an interview
   with the Yamên yesterday, at which they informed me that
   China, had acceded to the following demands on the part of
   France:

   1. Kwangchow Wan [in the Lei-chau peninsula, on the southern
   coast, near Tonquin] to be leased as a coaling-station to
   France.

   2. The right to construct a railway to Yünnan-fu from the
   Tonquin frontier.

   3. The promise not to alienate any territory in the three
   provinces of Kwangtung, Kwangsi, and Yünnan, which border on
   the French frontier.

   4. The Chinese Government agree that if ever they constitute a
   Postal Department independent of the maritime customs, and if
   a European is to be appointed as Director thereof, France
   shall have an equal right with that of other Powers to
   nominate a candidate for the post of Director.

   The Chinese Government are willing—

   1. To lease us as much additional territory on Kowloon
   promontory [opposite Hong Kong], exclusive of Kowloon city, as
   is required for military and naval purposes.

   2. The Yamên state that China is quite willing to allow the
   extension into Yünnan of the Burmah Railway."

   On the 13th, Mr. Balfour, in the absence of Lord Salisbury,
   cabled from London in reply: "Inform Yamên that, although they
   have not followed our advice, we are anxious to maintain, as
   far as possible, integrity of China, and will, therefore, not
   make new territorial demands upon them. It is, however,
   absolutely necessary, if we are to pursue this policy, that
   they, on their side, should first immediately conclude
   negotiations—

   (a) for giving us an the land required for military defences
   of Hong Kong;

   (b) to fulfil their promise to make Nanning a Treaty port;

   (c) to give some railway concession;

   (d) an agreement as to the non-alienation of Kuang'tung and
   Yünnan.

   In connection with condition (d), it is in the interests of
   the integrity of China, and is justified by the proximity of
   Yünnan to Burmah, and by our commercial preponderance in
   Kuang'tung."

   On the same day (13th April) the British Minister at Paris
   telegraphed to the Foreign Office, London: "It is stated in
   to-night's papers that, at the Cabinet Council held this
   morning, M. Hanotaux was able to announce to his colleagues
   that the French demands on China had been satisfactorily met.
   They are stated in the semi-official 'Temps' to be:—

   1. Concession of a lease of a bay on the south coast of China.

   2. Concession of a railway connecting Tonquin with Yünnan-fu
   by the Red River.

   3. Engagement on the part of China never to alienate the
   territories of the provinces contiguous to Tonquin.

   4. Engagement never to cede to any other Power the Island of
   Hainan.

   5. Arrangement in regard to the constitution of the postal
   service."

   Thus, for the time being, France was satisfied, and England
   would be, before she gave rest to the Tsung-li Yamên. Her
   present demands, as above specified by Mr. Balfour, were
   pressed without ceasing by the pertinacious Sir Claude. On the
   9th of June he obtained from the Yamên a lease for the British
   government of about 200 square miles of territory on the
   mainland opposite its island crown colony of Hong Kong, and
   surrounding the Chinese city of Kowloon, the latter, however,
   to remain under Chinese jurisdiction.
{89}
   The term of the lease was 90 years. With regard to the opening
   of Nanning as a Treaty Port, he received an assurance from the
   Yamên in August that it should be done so soon as the Kwang-si
   rebellion was crushed. On the other points he had equal
   success.

      _Great Britain. Papers by Command:
      China, Number 1, 1899, pages 12, 19, 98-99, 178._

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (May).
   How the murder of a missionary was made the ground of French
   demands for a Railway Concession.

   On the 17th of May, 1898, the British Minister at Peking
   cabled to Lord Salisbury: "Murder of missionary in Kuang-si.
   French demands for compensation. … The Yamên … said they were
   not certain that the murdered missionary was not a Chinaman,
   and that the demands made by the French for compensation
   comprise a Concession for a railway to some point on the
   sea-coast not specified, a chapel to be built, and a pecuniary
   indemnity of 100,000 fr. to be paid. Up to the present they had
   refused all these demands." Later, the following particulars
   of the murder were received from the British Consul at Canton:
   "The occurrence happened about a fortnight ago at
   Yun-gan-chou, in the P'ing-lo Prefecture. While walking
   through the streets the missionary noticed a placard directed
   against the Christian religion. Having discovered the author
   of the placard, the missionary, with two converts, proceeded
   to his house and attempted to arrest him. Out of this a
   disturbance arose in which the passers-by took part, and in
   the end the missionary and the two converts lost their lives."

   On the 21st of May Sir Claude MacDonald reported to Lord
   Salisbury from Peking: "I am very reliably informed that the
   demands made at an interview with the Yamên yesterday by M.
   Pichon, the French Minister, in connection with this case
   were:—

   1. A Concession to construct a railway from Pakhoi to Nanning;

   2. Construction of a chapel at Pakhoi;

   3. A pecuniary indemnity of 100,000 fr.; and

   4. The responsible officials to be punished.

   In response to these demands, the Yamên suggested that the
   Railway Concession should be granted in a document by itself,
   apart from the granting of the other demands, and that the
   chapel should be built at Yungan-chou, the scene of the
   murder, instead of at Pakhoi, and the French Minister
   undertook to refer these modifications to his Government for
   their favourable consideration."

   On the 27th, Sir Claude reported further that he had heard on
   very good authority that all the French demands had been
   granted, and added: "The Yamên have since denied to me that
   they have committed themselves to granting them, but I have
   little doubt that they have practically done so. The reason
   for making the Railway Concession a separate matter is that
   the Chinese are anxious to avoid establishing precedents for
   compensation for attacks on missionaries taking the shape of
   commercial Concessions, and they hope, rather foolishly, to do
   so by nominally closing the missionary case before the other
   matter is taken up. They did this in the case of the German
   Agreement for the lease of Kiao-chau Bay, which begins by
   declaring that the Shantung missionary case has already been
   closed. The French demands are not at all excessive. I have
   already expressed my belief that the proposed railway will not
   injure us commercially, provided, of course, that no
   differential rates are allowed, as to which I shall insist on
   specific assurances from the Yamên."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      China, Number 1, 1899, pages 91, 146, 150._

   Alluding to this incident, and to that which the German
   government made its pretext for seizing Kiao Chau (see, above,
   A. D. 1897-November), a German writer has remarked:

   "Never before, perhaps, has so much material value been
   attached to ministers of the Gospel in foreign lands, and the
   manner in which, after their death, they are used to spread
   civilization is somewhat foreign to our older ideas of the
   functions of the bearers of spiritual blessings."

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (June-September).
   Momentary influence of a reform party in the palace.
   Futile attempt of the young emperor to uphold it.

   The decaying state of the Empire had now become so desperately
   plain, and the predatory swarm of governments and speculators
   which gathered to despoil it had grown so greedy and so bold,
   that a party which could see that the only hope for its
   salvation must be sought in some modernizing reforms, of
   education and administration, was able to win a momentary
   footing of influence in the palace at Peking. Its leading
   spirit appears to have been one Kang Yeu Wei, an extremely
   radical reformer who came from Canton. In an article which he
   wrote some months later, and which was published in the
   "Contemporary Review," Kang Yeu Wei gave this account of
   himself, and of the mode in which he was brought into
   relations with the young Emperor:

   "I was always fond of studying Western learning. After the
   French took Foochow in 1885 there was evident danger of
   China's end drawing nigh. Consequently, in 1889, I
   memorialised about the matter in great grief. I feared
   Russia's advance southward, and pointed out the secret
   intentions of Japan and the latent danger in Corea. I thought
   that China had come to such a pass that if she should devote
   these years for the purpose of speedy reform she might become
   strong, but if there was delay nothing could save her. At that
   time the high Ministers of State were all Conservatives, and
   would not present my memorial to the throne. After the loss of
   Formosa, Wêng Tung Ho [the Emperor's tutor] was sorry that he
   had listened to their advice, and was very cordial to me. Then
   I exhorted him to reform, and I wrote a long memorial, signed
   by 1,300 provincial graduates, to urge reform again and again,
   and a Reform Club was formed in Peking, and the newspaper,
   'Chinese Progress,' was started in Shanghai. At this time
   (1895) Wêng Tung Ho strongly urged reform on the Emperor, but
   was checked by the Empress-Dowager, and almost put aside then,
   and the Reform Club was shut up. I then returned to Canton,
   and founded the Ethical Society in Canton province and the
   Sacred Society in Kwang-Si province. My disciples, Liang Chi
   Chao and Tan Tze Tung, formed the Southern Learning Society in
   Hunan province; Liu Shio started the Fookien Learning Society
   in the Fukien province; Yang Tui the Szechuen Learning
   Society, in the province of Szechuen; Yang Shin Sheu and Sung
   Peh Luh opened the Pass Learning Society in the provinces of
   Shansi and Shensi; I and my brother K'ang Kwang In, with King
   Yuen Shen, opened a Chinese girls' school and formed the
   Anti-foot-binding Society in Shanghai; and many newspapers
   were started. Thus newspapers and new schools flourished in
   all the provinces, and all the empire knew of the reform.

{90}

   "When Kiaochow was taken by the Germans I went to Peking again
   and sent up another memorial strongly urging reform, with the
   same motive as Peter the Great, and on the same political
   lines as have been adopted by the present Emperor of Japan. I
   also presented my books on the history of reform in Japan and
   the history of Peter the Great's reforms, and suggested that
   all the coast of the empire be open to international trade.
   Wêng Tung Ho approved of it, and strongly supported the
   measure at Court. But the crowd of Conservatives opposed, and
   he could not carry it. Then it was proposed to make an
   alliance with England, as was advised in the reform paper of
   Macao. The Government was undecided and feared that a great
   nation like England would not be willing. But when England
   asked that Port Arthur and Ta Lien Wan should be open ports I
   hastened to Wêng Tung Ho and said, 'China is saved and will
   not perish. You must grant the request. Since God gives us
   this opportunity, it should on no account be let slip.' But
   the Empress-Dowager and Li Hung Chang had made up their minds
   to give them to Russia. Again, England promised to lend China
   ten millions at 3 per cent. Russia was forcing China to borrow
   from her at 4 per cent. The Foreign Office was in great fear
   between these two great nations, and undecided. They then
   discussed about borrowing from both, and finally decided not
   to borrow from either. I said, 'You should decline Russia's
   offer and borrow from England. Russia, though she might
   threaten us, will never dare to declare war on this account.'
   The Empress-Dowager favoured Russia and was afraid. In the end
   they did not borrow from either.

   "When Russia was seeking Port Arthur and Ta Lien Wan, I
   presented two memorials that they should be refused to Russia
   and both made open ports. The Emperor blamed Prince Kung and
   Li Hung Chang, and asked, 'What is the use of a secret treaty
   with Russia? Not only does Russia not protect us, but she
   herself takes away territory from us.' Both the Prince and Li
   replied: 'It is by giving Port Arthur and Ta Lien Wan to
   Russia that the secret treaty is preserved.' At this the
   Emperor was very angry. When the Empress-Dowager decided to
   give them to Russia, and Wêng Tung Ho found that all my
   prophecies came true, he strongly recommended me to the
   Emperor.  Kao Hsueh Tseng, the Supervising Censor, Chen Pao
   Chen, the Governor of Hunan, Su Chih Ching, of the Hanlin
   College, and Li Twan Fên, President of the Board of Rites,
   also had recommended me from time to time. When the Emperor
   asked the members of the Cabinet, Wêng-Tung Ho recommended me,
   saying, 'His abilities are a hundred times superior to my
   own,' and prayed the Emperor to listen to me in all matters of
   reform. I also presented to the Emperor a record of England,
   France, and Germany, a comparative diagram of all nations, and
   the Reverend Timothy Richard's 'History of the Nineteenth
   Century' and his 'Essays for the Times,' and translations of
   Western books. The Emperor then understood something of the
   cause of the rise and fall of nations, and made up his mind to
   introduce great reforms. Desiring men to help him, he invited
   me, and acted on my former suggestions."

   But the situation at Peking, as Kang Yeu Wei describes it,—the
   weakness of the young Emperor and the strength of the
   Empress-Dowager,—made the undertaking of reform hopeless from
   the beginning. The Empress-Dowager had professed to resign the
   government, but, says Kang Yeu Wei, "she really still held the
   reins in her hands. She read the memorials about appointments.
   All the Ministers of the first and second rank were her
   nominees. The Emperor had no voice. In all matters he had to
   inform her first before acting. The Emperor was only an
   Emperor in name.

   "The Emperor was of a studious disposition. Since the loss of
   Formosa he has been greatly distressed about the decline of
   the Empire. After this his faithful tutor, Wêng Tung Ho, who
   was a learned man, sought foreign books for study, and
   presented them, with atlases, to the Emperor. These the
   Emperor daily studied, discovered the cause of foreign
   prosperity, discovered the reason of China's weakness and
   conservatism, and made up his mind to reform. But this was not
   in accordance with the view of the Empress-Dowager. At the
   beginning of the war with Japan the Emperor and his Ministers
   wanted war. The Empress-Dowager and Li Hung Chang wanted
   peace. The Empress-Dowager was ready to give up Manchuria and
   Formosa. The Emperor could not think of it for a moment
   without crying with distress; he wanted to make an alliance
   with England and to reform, while the Empress-Dowager was
   equally bent on alliance with Russia without reform. Thus
   their views diverged more and more, so that when the Emperor
   wanted to reform in 1895 the Empress hated him; two of his
   favourite Imperial ladies were beaten: the Vice-Presidents,
   Chang Lin, Wang Ming Luan, and Tsz Tui, a brother of one of
   these Imperial ladies, were driven away: and the Imperial
   ladies' tutor, Wên Ting Shih, was stripped of his honours,
   never to be employed any more. This was because all these
   advised the Emperor to keep the power in his own hands.

   "The eunuch Kow Lang Tsai memorialised the Empress-Dowager to
   resign the government into the hands of the Emperor. For this
   he was put to death. The Emperor himself narrowly escaped
   being put aside then. … Chang Lin was a straightforward man in
   whom Prince Kung put great confidence. In a memorial to the
   Emperor he said: 'The relation of the Empress-Dowager to the
   late Emperor Tung Chih was that of his own mother, but her
   relation to you is that of the widowed concubine of a former
   Emperor.' When the Empress-Dowager came to know this she was
   in a great rage. Prince Kung was also in great fear. When the
   Emperor issued an edict, by command of the Empress-Dowager, to
   degrade Chang Lin, Prince Kung was weeping on his knees. When
   asked the reason of it, the Emperor waved his hand and said,
   'Don't ask him.' The Emperor and the Prince wept together, and
   the Prince wept so bitterly that he had no strength to rise
   up. The Emperor commanded the eunuchs to help him up and lead
   him away. Wên Ting Shih begged the Emperor to exercise his
   rights. The Emperor waved his hand, saying, 'Don't speak,' for
   the Emperor knew long ago that when he took the reins of
   government into his own hands the Empress hated him."

{91}

   Nevertheless, in 1898, the well-meaning but weak young Emperor
   was moved to a spasmodic assertion of his authority, in bold
   strokes of reform. "Rather than lose his empire like those of
   the Chin and the Ming dynasties, and become a by-word of
   disgrace for all future generations, he would risk the dangers
   of reform. If he succeeded, then he would get power into his
   own hands and save his country. If he failed, he would greatly
   open the minds of the people and prepare them for the future,
   and thus, perhaps, preserve a remnant of China. At this time
   the Emperor considered the chief thing was to preserve the
   country from being lost to foreign nations, and looked upon
   his position on the throne as of little consequence in
   comparison—considering the welfare of the people as of
   supreme importance, while his own person was of little
   importance. He had none to consult with, but decided to risk
   all danger and try."

      _Kang Yen Wei,
      The Reform of China and the Revolution of 1898
      (Contemporary Review, August, 1899). _

   Read with a knowledge of what came of them, the futile decrees
   which the helpless young Emperor issued in June, 1898, seem
   pathetic in the extreme. The following is a translation of the
   first of his reform edicts, which bears the date, "Kuang Hsu,
   24th year, 4th moon, 23d day," corresponding to June 11, 1898:

   "For a long time past the condition of Imperial affairs has
   been a subject of discussion among the officials of the
   Empire, both metropolitan and provincial, with a view to bring
   about changes necessary for improvement. Decrees have been
   frequently issued by the Emperor, for a special system of
   examinations, for doing away with the surplus soldiery, for
   the alteration of the military examinations and for the
   institution of colleges. In spite of the fact that these
   things have so often been carefully thought out, and so many
   plans have been formed, there is no general consensus of
   opinion, and discussion is still rife as to which plans are
   best. There are some among the older officials who affirm that
   the old ways are best and need no alteration, and that the new
   plans are not required. Such babblings are vain and useless.

   "The Emperor puts the question before you thus: In the present
   condition of Imperial affairs, with an untrained army, with
   limited funds, with ignorant 'literati,' and with artisans
   untaught because they have no fit teachers, is there any
   difficulty in deciding, when China is compared with foreign
   nations, who is the strong and who is the weak? It is easy to
   distinguish between the rich and the poor. How can a man armed
   with a wooden stick smite his foe encased in a coat of mail?
   The Emperor sees that the affairs of the Empire are in an
   unsettled condition, and that his various Decrees have availed
   nothing, Diversity of opinion, each unlike another as fire
   differs from water, is responsible for the spread of the
   existing evil. It is the same evil as that which existed in
   the Sung and Ming dynasties (circa A. D. 1000 and 1500). Our
   present system is not of the slightest use. We cannot in these
   modern days adhere to the ways of the five Kings(circa B. C.
   2500); even they did not continue exactly after the manner of
   their respective predecessors. It is like wearing thick
   clothes in summer and thin ones in winter. "Now, therefore,
   the Emperor orders all officials, metropolitan and provincial,
   from prince down to 'literati,' to give their whole minds to a
   real endeavour to improvement. With perseverance, like that of
   the saints of old, do your utmost to discover which foreign
   country has the best system in any branch of learning and
   learn that one. Your great fault is the falseness of your
   present knowledge. Make a special effort and determine to
   learn the best of everything. Do not merely learn the outside
   covers of the books of knowledge, and do not make a loud boast
   of your own attainments. The Emperor's wish is to change what
   is now useless into something useful, so that proficiency may
   be attained and handed on to posterity. The Metropolitan
   College will be the chief one, and must be instituted at once.
   The Emperor orders the Grand Councillors to consult with the
   Tsung-li Yamên on the subject, and to come to a decision as
   soon as possible, and then to memorialize the Throne. Any of
   the compilers and graduates of the Hanlin College, the
   secretaries of the Boards, the officers of the Palace Guards,
   expectant Intendants, Prefects, district Magistrates, and
   subordinate officials, sons and brothers of officials, the
   hereditary officials of the Eight Banners, and the sons of the
   military officials of the Empire, can enter the College who wish
   to do so. By this means knowledge will be handed down from one
   generation to another. It will be strictly forbidden to
   members of the College to be careless or dilatory in their
   studies, or to introduce as students any of their friends
   without regard for the latter's capabilities; for such things
   would frustrate the benefit of this excellent plan of His
   Imperial Majesty."

   A day later he issued the following: "The Tsung-li Yamên have
   reported to the Throne that in obedience to instructions they
   have considered the requests contained in the memorial of the
   Vice-President Jung Hui, for the appointment of special
   Ministers of Commerce, and the sending of members of the
   Imperial family to visit foreign nations. Commercial matters
   are of the highest importance, and the suggestion is one which
   deserves to be acted upon. As the result of a former
   consultation of the Tsung-li Yamên on the subject, commercial
   bureaus have been established at the capitals of the
   provinces, and the officials of each province have ordered the
   leading gentry and merchants to elect from their numbers managers
   of the bureaus, who will then draw up commercial regulations.
   It is to be hoped that strict conformity to these Regulations
   will lead to a daily improvement in trade; and the Emperor
   orders the Viceroys and Governors of the provinces to direct
   the gentry and merchants to strictly obey the official
   instructions, and to consult together for the most speedy and
   satisfactory arrangement of commercial matters; it is to be
   hoped that in this way the officials will be kept in touch
   with the merchants. We must not adhere blindly to our old
   customs. Let the officials of each province memorialize the
   Throne, and inform the Emperor how commercial affairs are
   managed in their respective provinces.
{92}
   With regard to the suggestion that members of the Imperial
   Family should go abroad, this is a new departure, but is quite
   in accordance with modern custom. The Emperor, therefore,
   orders the Court of the Imperial clan to select from the
   Princes of the first three ranks any who are well versed in
   modern affairs and ideas, and who are on the side of modern
   improvement, and to inform the Emperor of their selection. The
   selected Princes will then await the Emperor's orders with
   regard to their journey."

   On the 15th the following imperial mandate was published:
   "Wêng T'ung-ho, Assistant Grand Secretary and President of the
   Board of Revenue, has of late made many errors in the conduct
   of business, and has forfeited all confidence; on several
   occasions he has been impeached to the Throne. At his private
   audiences of the Emperor he has replied to His Majesty's
   questions with no regard for anything except his own personal
   feeling and opinion, and he has made no attempt to conceal his
   pleasure or displeasure either in his speech or in his
   countenance. It has gradually become clear that his ambition
   and rebellious feeling have led him to arrogate to himself an
   attempt to dictate to the Emperor. It is impossible to permit
   him to remain in the responsible position of a Grand
   Councillor. In former days a strict inquiry would have been
   held, and his crime punished with the utmost rigour of the
   law. Taking into consideration, however, his long service as
   tutor to the Emperor, His Majesty cannot bring himself to mete
   out to him such a severe penalty. Let Wêng T'ung-ho vacate his
   posts, and retire into private life, as a warning that he is
   preserved (from a worse fate)."

   In transmitting this mandate to the British Foreign Office,
   Sir Claude MacDonald explained that Wêng T'ung-ho was a
   "reactionary," whose "influence was invariably against
   innovation and progress," but personally "prepossessing,
   courteous, and scholarly—an excellent type of the Conservative
   Chinese statesman." But that the dismissal of Wêng T'ung-ho
   did not signify the triumph of the reform party was shown the
   same day by a decree commanding special honors to the Empress
   Dowager, who seemed to be losing no time in reasserting
   herself. "In future," said the edict, "whenever officials
   receive favours or gifts from the Empress Dowager, or receive
   promotion to the highest civil or military rank or to the
   Vice-Presidency of a Board, they must (after thanking the
   Emperor) present themselves before the Empress Dowager and
   thank her; and in similar cases all provincial
   Tartar-Generals, Lieutenant-Generals, Viceroys, Governors, and
   Commanders-in-chief must write their thanks to the Empress
   Dowager (as well as to the Emperor)."

   Other radically reforming decrees that were issued by the
   Emperor during June and early in July were described by the
   British Minister in a despatch dated July 9, as follows:

   "To effect a change in the agricultural methods of an ancient
   Eastern nation would seem a very hopeless task, but from a
   Decree published on the 4th instant, it appears that a censor
   has made proposals for the establishment of a school of
   agriculture, on which the Tsung-Ii Yamên were asked to report.
   The Decree founded on their Report states that agriculture is
   the basis of the States' wealth, and that measures for its
   revival are urgently needed. The provincial authorities are,
   therefore, directed to examine all methods of cultivation,
   whether Chinese or foreign, with a view to their adoption by
   the people. … The Decree proceeds to promise rewards for
   successful treatment of agricultural problems, and to direct
   the translation and circulation in provincial Colleges of
   foreign works on the subject.

   "Two Decrees, published on the 27th June and 5th July, have
   reference to reforms in the Chinese army, but they throw no
   light on the nature of them, and merely refer certain
   suggestions to various Departments for examination. The last
   Decree I shall mention, which appeared on the 5th instant,
   contains a very frank admission of the need of reforms. It
   states that in foreign countries commerce and industry thrive
   and progress, while in China, though there is no lack of
   ability, it is fettered in the bonds of ancient custom, and
   cannot free itself. As one means of assisting in its
   liberation it is ordained that any persons producing 'new
   books' (presumably books that show originality of thought), or
   being the first to use new methods, or to produce new
   instruments or appliances suitable for use, are to receive
   rewards from the State in the shape either of official
   employment, if they are fitted for it, or of some other
   distinction. In the case of inventions a certificate will be
   given, and the profits secured to the inventor for a fixed
   term of years—in fact patent rights will be granted. Rewards
   will also be given to those who, with their own resources,
   establish colleges, open up mines, or set up arsenals for the
   manufacture of rifles and cannon. In conclusion, the Tsung-li
   Yamên are directed to draw up Regulations for effecting the
   above objects."

   The zeal of the reforming movement was kept alive and its
   authors held their ground throughout the summer, and nearly to
   the end of September. On the 17th of that month, Sir Claude
   MacDonald wrote to Lord Salisbury: "Imperial Decrees intended
   to launch China on the path of reform continue to appear,
   though there are few signs of any of them taking practical
   effect. The Emperor is evidently learning that it is one thing
   to issue a reform Edict and another to get it obeyed. Not long
   ago a Decree was issued, the object of which was to make the
   Throne more accessible to the subordinate portion of the
   official world. At the beginning of this month a case was
   brought to His Majesty's notice, in which the Board of
   Ceremonies disobeyed this Decree by refusing to transmit a
   Memorial sent in by a Secretary. He was much enraged, and
   forthwith cashiered the six head officials of the Board, that
   is to say, the two Presidents and four Vice-Presidents.

   "On the 12th instant he followed this up by a fresh Decree
   dwelling on the circumstances and reiterating his previous
   instructions. Memorials were to be presented as they came in,
   it being of the highest importance, in the present critical
   state of public affairs, that all such communications should
   be examined as soon as possible. Obstruction and delay were to
   be punished with the utmost rigour, and special commands were
   given that the previous Edicts on reform, all of which were
   enumerated, were to be hung up in a public place in each Yamên
   throughout the Empire, so that no one should be ignorant of
   their contents.
{93}
   Not satisfied with all this, he issued, also on the 12th
   instant, a long and remarkable Decree calling attention to the
   advantages of Western methods, and inveighing against
   degenerate officials and conservative Ministers, who not only
   could not assist him in adopting their methods, but spread
   reports instead calculated to disturb the minds of the people.
   He wanted his subjects to know that they 'could depend on
   their Prince,' and appealed to them to make China powerful by
   working for reform with 'united minds.' The previous orders
   were amplified, and the privilege of memorializing the Throne,
   which formerly stopped at officers of a high rank, is now
   extended to practically every soul in the Empire.

   "Next day, the 13th September, another Decree repeated the
   terms of the above in clearer detail, and laid down precisely
   the procedure each class was to observe in making itself
   heard. The severest penalties were threatened should there be
   any interference with the free exercise of this privilege by
   the high officers of Government, who were commanded to report
   by telegram the steps they were taking to fulfil the Imperial
   wishes. The series of Decrees above quoted are naturally
   creating a great commotion in the Chinese official world, and
   it will be interesting to note their effect."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      China, Number 1, 1899, page 179-279._

   The effect was soon known. It was one which brought the
   reformers to grief and their reforms to an end.

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (September).
   Overthrow of the Reformers.
   Subjugation of the Emperor by the Empress-Dowager.
   His countermanding decrees.

   The Imperial reformer announced the downfall of his own
   authority on the 21st of September, in the following
   significant decree:

   "The affairs of the nation are at present in a difficult
   position, and everything awaits reform. I, the Emperor, am
   working day and night with all my powers, and every day
   arrange a multitude of affairs. But, despite my careful toil,
   I constantly fear to be overwhelmed by the press of work. I
   reverently recall that Her Majesty the Empress Dowager has on
   two occasions since the reign of Tung Chih (1861) assumed the
   reins of Government with great success in critical periods. In
   all she did Her Majesty showed perfection. Moved by a deep
   regard for the welfare of the nation, I have repeatedly
   implored Her Majesty to be graciously pleased to advise me in
   government, and have received her assent. This is an assurance
   of prosperity to the whole nation, officials and people. Her
   Majesty will commence to transact business from to-day in the
   side Hall. On the 23rd September, I, the Emperor, will lead my
   princes and high officials to make obeisance in the Ch'in
   Chêng Hall. Let the proper officials reverently and carefully
   prepare the fitting programme of the ceremony."

   On the 25th he announced: "Since the 4th moon, I, the Emperor,
   have been frequently ailing in health, and in spite of
   long-continued treatment there is still no great improvement.
   Should there be any persons, either in the capital or the
   provinces, who are highly skilled in the treatment of disease,
   let the officials at once recommend them to the throne and
   await our orders. Should such men be in the provinces let them
   be sent to the capital without the least delay."

   On the 26th the unfortunate Emperor was made to send forth
   another decree, countermanding the greater part of the orders
   he had been giving, on the pretext that they had been
   misunderstood and badly carried out. The obstructive offices
   which he had abolished were restored; the permission given to
   scholars and people to present memorials was withdrawn. "The
   original purpose," said the decree, "was that we should see
   with the eyes and hear with the ears of everybody, but the
   Court has now opened wide the path of access to the throne,
   and if there are useful proposals for reform made in the
   statements of any of the different classes of officials they
   are bound to be observed at once and set into operation. At
   present, careless documents all alike in character pour in.
   All are full of frivolous statements, some even touch on the
   extravagant, and all are much wanting in order. Hereafter all
   officers whose duty it is to speak shall say what they have to
   say in fitting language. In accordance with the prescribed
   rules, persons or officers who are not competent to
   memorialize the throne are not permitted to submit sealed
   documents. The 'Times,' official newspaper, is of no benefit
   to good government and will vainly disturb men's minds: let it
   be abolished at once. The Imperial colleges will be ground for
   the cultivation of talent. Apart from those which are already
   being gradually established in Peking and the provincial
   capitals, let the local officials in all prefectures and
   districts where it is proposed to establish minor colleges
   consider the local conditions and the convenience of the
   people. Let the temples [which were to have been turned into
   colleges] in the provinces remain as before; there is no need
   to make colleges of them and disturb the feelings of the
   people. Over and above the matters above mentioned, there are
   others which have been duly considered and put into operation,
   and others which are under consideration, such as trade,
   agriculture, reorganization of the army, and the development
   of resources, all of which are of undoubted consequence to the
   State and the people, and must imperatively be introduced
   gradually. Those measures which are of no benefit to the
   present system of government, and are detrimental to the
   Constitution, need not be discussed. Let the six Boards and
   the Tsung-li Yamên make an investigation of these matters,
   consider them with special care, and submit a report to the
   throne so that they may be dealt with."

   The events which attended and followed these decrees were
   reported by Sir Claude MacDonald on September 28, as follows:
   "The Decree [of the 21st] naturally created much excitement in
   Peking, and rumours of impending disaster to the most prominent
   of the advocates of reform were prevalent. Subsequent
   proceedings justified the alarm and assumed the character of a
   coup d'etat. The same day the house of Chang Yin-huan was
   surrounded by the police in search of one K'ang Yu-wei. This
   K'ang Yu-wei is a Chinese scholar of high repute who was,
   until lately, editor of a Chinese newspaper in Shanghae known
   as 'Progress.' He was a strong advocate of reform, and was
   this year recommended to the Emperor, and on his arrival in
   Peking was given a position of Secretary in the Board of
   Works. He is said to have acquired great influence over the
   Emperor, and to have been his adviser in his recent reform
   measures. K'ang Yu-wei could not be found, and it has
   subsequently transpired that he has escaped and left Shanghae
   on the 27th in the English mail for Hong Kong.
{94}
   So keen was the hunt for him that on the 22nd all traffic was
   stopped on the Tien-tsin Railway line to prevent his passage.
   On the 24th instant orders were issued for the arrest of
   several officials who had been in relation with him, including
   Chang Yin-huan and Hsü Chih-ch'ing. The latter had recommended
   K'ang to the throne, and had been recently appointed President of
   the Board of Rites. Chang Yin-huan went to the Board of
   Punishments and has remained a prisoner since. The precise
   charge against K'ang and his friends has not transpired, but
   it is supposed to be one of conspiracy against the liberty and
   even the life of the Empress Dowager.

   "It was reported on the 25th that Chang was to be executed the
   same evening or early next morning, and I thought it advisable
   to make an appeal on his behalf for at least due consideration
   of any charge brought against him. The report reached me late
   in the afternoon, and it was therefore necessary to take
   prompt measures. It was supposed that Li Hung-chang had been
   consulted by the Empress Dowager in the matter. I accordingly
   addressed a letter to his Excellency pointing out the horror
   with which such sudden executions were regarded by all Western
   nations, and the bad effect the secret and hasty condemnation
   of an official of Chang's rank, who was so well known in
   Europe, would produce, and begged his Excellency to use what
   influence he possessed to prevent such hurried action. I
   concluded my letter by saying that I appealed to him, Li,
   because he was the only Statesman now in Peking who was
   conversant with European methods, and would, therefore,
   thoroughly realize the disastrous impression which such a
   summary execution would produce throughout the Western world.
   It is well known that Li Hung-chang and Chang Yin-huan are
   deadly enemies, and it was generally reported that Chang's
   imprisonment was due to Li. The Grand Secretary replied saying
   that he highly respected my generous and humane motives, and
   he assured me that no summary action would be taken."

   On the 30th Sir Claude reported: "Six of the reformers
   referred to in my despatch of the 28th September were executed
   on the 28th instant. They included a brother of K'ang Yu-wei,
   the chief reformer, and, though subordinates, all were
   graduates and men of standing. Chang Yin-huan has been
   banished to Chinese Turkestan, where he is to be kept under
   rigorous surveillance. No precise crime is charged against
   him. The Edict announcing his punishment accuses him vaguely
   of being treacherous, fickle, and a sycophant. Last night a
   long Decree appeared dealing with the so-called conspiracy.
   K'ang Yu-wei is declared to have taken advantage of the
   Emperor's leaning towards beneficial reforms to plot a
   revolution, which was to be opened by surrounding the Palace
   at Wan Shoushan and seizing the Empress-Dowager and the
   Emperor. The haste in executing K'ang's chief accomplices, for
   it appears that the legal formalities had not been observed,
   is admitted to have been caused by Memorials, whose dominant
   note was fear of a revolution if punishment was delayed."

      _Great Britain,
      Papers by Command: China,
      Number 1, 1899, pages 291-294._

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (October).
   The Empress-Dowager.
   Her past career.
   Her character.

   The Empress-Dowager, so called, who now recovered her
   ascendancy over the weak young Emperor, which the reformers
   had momentarily overcome, and who became again the real
   Sovereign of the Empire, as she had been for the past thirty
   years, "was never Empress, not even as imperial consort,
   having been but the secondary wife of Hsien-fêng, the Emperor
   who fled from his capital on the approach of the Anglo-French
   forces in 1860 [see, in volume 1, CHINA: A. D. 1856-1860]. But
   she took the title as the mother of that ill-starred monarch's
   heir, in which capacity she was allowed to share with the
   widow proper the regency during the minority of the Emperor
   Tung-Chih (or Che, for there is no agreement as to the
   transliteration of Chinese sounds). … The female duumvirate
   was not what was intended—was in fact an unforeseen result of
   the last will and testament of the Emperor Hsien-fêng, who
   died at his hunting lodge at Jêho, whither he himself had been
   hunted by the victorious invaders. …

   "The fundamental law of the Ta-tsing dynasty is the Salic law.
   No woman and no eunuch can ever reign or rule. Conforming to
   the laws of his house, the Emperor in his will nominated a
   Council of Regency during the minority of his infant son,
   afterwards known as the Emperor Tung-Chih. The Council was
   composed of two imperial princes and the Minister Sun-che. To
   his two wives, the true but childless one and the secondary
   one who was mother of the Prince Imperial, he bequeathed the
   guardianship of the infant. The Emperor placed his real
   confidence in the first, the legal wife; but he was fond of
   the other, the mother of his heir. A serious dilemma thus
   confronted him, which he thought to evade by placing in the
   hands of the Empress a private and personal testament, giving
   her absolute authority over her colleague, only to be
   exercised, however, in certain emergencies. As a matter of
   fact, the power was never called into exercise.

   "The Empress-mother was twenty-seven years old, clever,
   ambitious, and apparently fearless. … She conceived a scheme
   by which the position might be reversed, and confided it to
   her brother-in-law, Prince Kung. … The ambition which the
   Empress-mother confided to Prince Kung was nothing less than
   to suppress the Council of Regency, and set up in its place
   the authority of the two Empresses. Inasmuch, however, as they
   were ignorant of affairs, and women to boot, the Prince
   himself was to be the real executive and de facto ruler of the
   empire. Prince Kung yielded to the seduction, and thus became
   accessory to the violation of the dynastic law. … The Regents
   were returning from the obsequies of the deceased Emperor when
   Prince Kung launched trumped-up charges against them of
   neglect of certain funeral rites, had them arrested on the
   road, and executed. By this summary violence the two Empresses
   were securely established as Regents, with Prince Kung as
   Chancellor of the empire. For a few years things went
   smoothly. … The two Regents seldom met. … From the relative
   position of the buildings in which they had their respective
   apartments, the ladies were known as the Eastern and Western
   Empresses, the former being the title commonly applied to the
   one whom we have termed the true Empress. …

{95}

   "The 'Eastern Empress' was full of gentleness, meditation, and
   widowhood. … She was, therefore, unequally yoked with her
   sterner sister, and the pair could never have really worked
   together to any practical end. The eclipse of the weaker
   luminary was only a question of time. … The life and death of
   the young Emperor Tung-Chih, the son of Hsien-fêng and the
   present Empress-regnante, seems little more than an episode in
   the career of his imperial—and imperious—mother. He died
   within two years of his full accession, removed by his own
   mother as some would have us believe, but by quite other
   agencies as others no less boldly affirm. … With the
   disappearance of her son, the last plank in the legal platform
   of the Empress-mother disappeared. But her appetite had grown
   by what it fed upon. She had now had fourteen years' schooling
   in statecraft, and she resolved that, 'per fas et nefas,'
   reign who might, she would govern. … The story of her second
   coup d'etat of January, 1875, has been often related,—how the
   Empress so-called caused her own sister's child to be snatched
   out of its warm bed on a bitter night and conveyed into the
   Palace, whence he was proclaimed Emperor at daybreak. By this
   stroke the Regent at once aggrandised her own family, made a
   friend of a younger brother-in-law, the father of the child,
   to replace the elder who had become an enemy, and, to sum up
   all, secured for herself a new lease of power. For she who
   could thus make an emperor could also make a regent."

      _The Empress-Regent of China
      (Blackwood's Magazine, November 1898)._

CHINA: A. D. 1898. (October-November).
   Outbreaks of popular hostility to foreigners.
   Guards for the Legations sent to Peking.
   Chinese troops removed.

   The palace revolution which overthrew the reforming party was
   followed quickly by outbreaks of popular hostility to
   foreigners. Two messages were cabled to Lord Salisbury from
   Peking October 1st. One informed him: "A Chinese mob at a
   point between Peking and the railway station yesterday
   afternoon violently assaulted several foreigners who had to
   pass that way from the train. Among those assaulted was Mr.
   Mortimore of this Legation, and an English lady, who were
   severely attacked with mud and stones; a member of the United
   States' Legation had one of his ribs broken. There is a
   decided spirit of disturbance among the Chinese, though the
   fact that many bad characters were about yesterday in
   consequence of the mid-autumn festival may go some way towards
   accounting for these outrages. I have requested Admiral
   Seymour by telegraph to despatch a vessel to Taku, in case a
   guard should be required for the protection of this Legation,
   and I am making strong representations to the Tsung-li Yamên."

   In his second despatch the British Minister announced: "I do
   not anticipate any danger, but a good and reassuring effect
   will be produced, as after the Japanese war, by the presence
   of a guard. The foreign Representatives decided this morning
   to send for a small guard to protect the respective Legations.
   I have asked Admiral Seymour to send me twenty-five marines
   with a machine-gun. The German, Russian, Japanese, and Italian
   Representatives had previously arranged for their guards."

   On the 5th, Sir Claude MacDonald reported: "A meeting of
   foreign Representatives yesterday decided to notify the
   Chinese Government of the proposed departure from Tien-tsin
   for Peking to-morrow of bodies of British, German, and Russian
   marines, and to ask that all facilities, including a special
   train, should be extended to them by the Chinese authorities;
   the French, American, Japanese, and Italian marines to come
   straight on to Peking on their arrival at Tien-tsin. The
   meeting was held in consequence of the refusal of the Viceroy
   of Chihli to permit any foreign soldiers to leave Tien-tsin
   for Peking without special permission from the Tsung-li Yamên.
   It is very likely that the Chinese Government will make a
   protest similar to that of 1895, but it would be very
   ill-advised at the present crisis to give way to their
   protests, and it is absolutely necessary that the decision of
   the foreign Representatives should be put into effect."

   The Chinese government did protest, but without effect. The
   legation guards were insisted upon, and, as speedily as
   possible, they were provided from the war-ships of the several
   powers, and quartered in Peking. Then the Chinese authorities
   brought troops to the capital, and the sense of danger at the
   legations grew. On the 25th of October Minister MacDonald
   cabled to London: "A serious menace to the safety of Europeans
   is the presence of some 10,000 soldiers, who have come from
   the Province of Kansu, and are to be quartered in the hunting
   park, two miles south of Peking. A party of these soldiers
   made a savage assault on four Europeans (including Mr. C. W.
   Campbell, of this Legation), who were last Sunday visiting the
   railway line at Lukou Chiao. The foreign Ministers will meet
   this morning to protest against these outrages. I shall see
   the Yamên to-day, and propose to demand that the force of
   soldiers shall be removed to another province, and that the
   offenders shall be rigorously dealt with."

   On the 29th he telegraphed again: "The Foreign Representatives
   met yesterday, and drafted a note to the Yamên demanding that
   the Kansu troops should be withdrawn at once. The troops in
   question have not been paid for some months, and are in a
   semi-mutinous state. They have declared their intention to
   drive all Europeans out of the north of China, and have cut
   the telegraph wires and destroyed portions of the railway line
   between Lukouchiao and Pao-ting Fu. Some disturbances have
   been caused by them on the railway to Tien-tsin, but the line
   has not been touched, and traffic has not been interrupted. In
   the city here all is quiet. The presence of these troops in
   the immediate vicinity of Peking undoubtedly constitutes a
   serious danger to all Europeans. The Yamên gave me a promise
   that the force should be removed, but have not yet carried it
   into effect."

   On the 6th of November he reported that the Yamên had replied
   to the note of the Diplomatic Body, acknowledging that the
   troops lacked discipline and were a source of danger, and
   again promising their removal, but that nothing had been done.
   He added: "It was decided unanimously to address a note to the
   Yamên, stating that if the troops in question were not
   withdrawn by the 11th instant, our respective Governments
   would adopt such measures as they considered necessary for the
   protection during the winter months of foreigners in Peking and
   Tien-tsin."

{96}

   After several more exchanges of notes between the Diplomatic
   Body and the Yamên, peremptory on one side, apologetic on the
   other, the troops were removed to Chi-chow, about 80 miles
   east of Peking, beginning their march November 15. A few days
   previously Sir Claude MacDonald had been able to report "That
   two of the ringleaders in the attack on Mr. Campbell and other
   Europeans at Lu Kow-chiao [announced in despatch of October
   25] were brought into Peking and flogged in Mr. Campbell's
   presence at the Yamên of the Governor of the city on the 29th
   October. The men were sentenced to 1,000 blows each, but Mr.
   Campbell, after eighty blows had been inflicted, begged that
   the flogging might cease. It turned out that two other
   soldiers were struck by bullets from a small revolver, which
   was used by one of the railway engineers in self-defence, and,
   chiefly for this reason, I did not press for more floggings.

   "I attached more importance to the punishment of the officer
   in command, who, it appears, had been warned beforehand by the
   railway authorities to keep his men away from the railway
   bridge, but had refused to do so. I consider him the person
   really responsible for what happened, and at an interview on
   the 31st October I told the Yamên that I should not be
   satisfied, and the incident would not be closed, until I saw
   his degradation published in the official Gazette. On the 4th
   November an Imperial Decree was issued ordering this officer,
   a Colonel named Chu Wan-jung, to be handed over to the Board
   of War for punishment. The Ministers inform me that this is
   likely to mean his degradation. I have, however, again warned
   their Excellencies that nothing short of this punishment will
   be satisfactory to Her Majesty's Government."

   _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
   China, Number 1, 1899, pages 258-279, and 332._

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (December).
   Reorganization of Chinese armies.
   Reception by the Empress-Dowager to
   the ladies of the Legations.

   On the 20th of December Sir Claude MacDonald reported: "The
   reorganization of the land forces in the north appears to be
   occupying the serious attention of the Central Government. In
   the early half of this month Edicts were issued by the Empress
   Dowager approving proposals made by Jung Lu, who was appointed
   Generalissimo of northern armies immediately after the K'ang
   Yü-wei conspiracy. The following are the principal features of
   these proposals. The armies under the command of Sung Ch'ing
   and others, that is to say all the brigaded troops in North
   China, are to be organized in four corps—front, rear, right,
   and left—to occupy different strategical points. In addition,
   Jung Lu will raise a centre corps of 10,000 men, to be
   stationed presumably in or about Peking. … The importance of
   bringing the other four corps into an efficient state is dwelt
   upon, and the Edicts are stern in demanding the production of
   sufficient funds for the purpose. The Viceroy of Chihli is
   also instructed to closely scrutinize the condition of the
   Peiyang drilled troops—formerly Li Hung-chang's army—and bring
   them into order. They are to be under the orders of Jung Lu,
   instead of the Viceroy.

   "The Viceroys responsible for the Arsenals of North and Mid
   China are also commanded to see to the immediate construction
   of quick-firing guns and Mauser rifles and other war material,
   and to the preparation of maps of the coast-line for military
   purposes. Jung Lu has done nothing yet towards raising the
   centre corps beyond calling in the assistance of a
   German-educated officer named Yin Ch'ang, who holds a post in
   the Tien-tsin Military Academy. He is reputedly able, and
   probably one of the best Chinese available for the work, but I
   question whether he will be given sufficient powers of
   control. He is now engaged in drawing up a scheme."

   Bearing the same date as the above, we find a despatch from
   Sir Claude MacDonald descriptive of a reception given by the
   Empress-Dowager, on the 13th, to the wives of the foreign
   representatives at Peking, "to accept their congratulations on
   the occasion of Her Imperial Majesty's birthday." "The
   ceremony," said the British Minister, "passed off extremely
   well. The Empress Dowager made a most favourable impression by
   her courtesy and affability. Those who went to the Palace
   under the idea that they would meet a cold and haughty person
   of strong imperious manners were agreeably surprised to find
   Her Imperial Majesty a kind and courteous hostess, who
   displayed both the tact and softness of a womanly
   disposition." "Thus ended," writes Sir Claude, in closing his
   despatch, "the incident which may be considered to mark
   another step in the nearer relations of China and foreign
   nations."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      China, Number 1, 1900, pages 12-15._

CHINA: A. D. 1898-1899.
   Rioting in Shanghai consequent on
   French desecration of a cemetery.
   French demand for extension of settlement ground in Shanghai.
   English and American protests.
   The outcome.

   On the 18th of July, 1898, the following was reported by the
   British Consul-General at Shanghai:

   "Serious rioting took place in the French Settlement on the
   16th und the morning of 17th instant, in the course of which
   some fifteen natives lost their lives. The disturbance was due
   to an attempt of the French authorities to take possession of
   certain temple land known as the Ningpo Joss-house Cemetery.
   The ground is full of graves, and it is also used for
   depositing coffins until a favourable opportunity presents
   itself for removing them to the native districts of the
   deceased. The cemetery is within the limits of the French
   Settlement; originally it was far removed from the inhabited
   portion of the Settlement, but by degrees new streets have
   been laid out, and houses have been built, until the cemetery
   is surrounded by dwellings.

   "Twenty-four years ago the French Municipality attempted to
   make a road through the cemetery, but such serious rioting
   broke out that the French Consul thought it prudent to abandon
   his claim to the ground, and gave the Ningpo Guild to
   understand that they would be left in undisturbed possession.
   As years have gone on, the nuisance of having a cemetery in
   the midst of a crowded Settlement has made itself more and
   more felt, and some months ago the French Municipal Council
   decided to expropriate the owners and to pay them
   compensation. The Ningpo Guild and the Chinese authorities
   were duly apprised of the intention, and they were urged to
   make their own arrangements for removing the coffins to some
   other site.
{97}
   They would not admit that the French had any right to
   dispossess them, and they refused to vacate the land. The
   French Consuls then gave the Chinese officials notice that the
   Municipal Council would take possession on a certain day; and
   as the day drew near the Taotai became very uneasy, and
   appealed to the Foreign Consuls to interfere in the matter,
   giving hints that serious rioting and loss of life, would
   result if the French Consul persisted in his intentions.

   "On the morning of the 16th, the day appointed for taking
   possession of the cemetery, a detachment from the French
   cruiser 'Éclaireur' and a strong body of police marched to the
   cemetery, and afforded protection to the workmen who were told
   off to make a breach in the cemetery wall by way of taking
   possession. An angry mob watched these operations, and, as
   time went on, the streets filled with crowds of men, who moved
   about making hostile demonstrations, but the French showed great
   self-restraint, and no serious collision took place on that
   day. All night long the crowds filled the streets, and many
   lamps were smashed and lamp-posts uprooted.

   "Early on Sunday morning a determined attack was made by the
   mob on one of the French police-stations, and when the small
   body of men within saw that their lives were in danger, they
   opened fire. About the same time the police and the
   'Éclaireur's' men attacked bands of rioters in other quarters,
   with the result that on Sunday morning, as far as can be
   ascertained, fifteen men were shot dead or bayoneted, and
   about forty were seriously wounded. After that the rioters
   seemed to have become intimidated for a time, and the streets
   were left to the police. Meanwhile many of the shops in both
   Settlements were closed, and orders were sent to all Ningpo
   men—and they form 50 per cent. of the population—to go out on
   strike.

   "Some of the principal Ningpo merchants came forward in the
   afternoon, and through the good offices of a peacemaker came
   to an understanding with the French Consul, under which it was
   agreed that the French should postpone taking possession of the
   cemetery for one month, during which time the Ningpo Guild
   trust to come to some amicable arrangement. The French Consul
   has given them to understand that he will not recede from his
   position; the cemetery must be given up, but he is willing
   that this should be done in any way that will be most pleasing
   to the Ningpo residents."

   On the 23d of August it was announced by telegram from
   Shanghai that "the dispute arising out of the Ningpo Josshouse
   is about to be settled by French withdrawing their claims to
   remove the buildings in consideration for an extension of
   their concession as far as Si-ca Wei, an addition of 20 square
   miles." This raised protests from Great Britain and the United
   States, many of whose citizens owned property within the area
   thus proposed to be placed under French jurisdiction; and the
   distracted Tsung-li Yamên was threatened and pulled about
   between the contending parties for months. The final outcome
   was an extension of the general Foreign Settlement at Shanghai
   (principally British and American) and a limited extension of
   that especially controlled by the French. The adjustment of
   the question was not reached until near the end of 1899.

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      China, Number 1, 1899. and Number 1, 1900._

CHINA: A. D. 1898-1899 (June-January).
   Anti-missionary insurrection at Shun-ch'ing,
   in Central Szechuan.

   The following is from a communication addressed by the British
   Minister to the Tsung-li Yamên, August 2, 1898:

   "At Shun-ch'ing Fu the local officials, with a few of the
   gentry, have for years shown themselves determinedly hostile
   to foreigners, and have refused to allow houses to be let to
   missionaries. British missionaries have in consequence been
   forced to quarter themselves in an inn for the last six years,
   but even that was apparently objected to; in 1893 there was a
   riot, and in 1895 another, in which two missionaries were
   treated with brutal violence. In May of this year a house was
   finally rented; the District Magistrate was notified, but
   neither he nor the Pao-ning Taotai issued proclamations or
   gave protection, though requested by the missionaries to do
   so. The Shun-ch'ing Prefect, instead of giving protection,
   connived at the local opposition, and with the usual results.
   On the 15th June three missionaries were attacked and stoned,
   and one severely wounded, while passing through the city, and
   though protection was asked of the Prefect, he gave none, and
   later he and the other officials repeatedly refused to issue a
   Proclamation or to take any measures whatever to avert
   disturbances. On the 20th the Prefect feigned sickness, and
   could not be appealed to, and on the 27th the house leased by
   the missionaries was destroyed, with all the property it
   contained. The Roman Catholic establishment was also gutted.

   "As usual the disturbance did not end at Shun-ch'ing. Later on
   a Roman Catholic Chapel at Yung ch'ang Hsien was attacked and
   looted, two native Christians killed, 10,000 taels of silver
   stolen, and a French priest [Father Fleury] seized and held to
   ransom by a band of rioters. I am also informed that other
   acts of brigandage have occurred, and that the Protestant
   missions at Pao-ning and Shê-Hung are in grave danger. The
   Provincial Government appears to absolutely ignore the recent
   Imperial Decrees for the prevention of missionary troubles.
   All the conditions point to this, or to an utter incapacity on
   the part of those officers to exercise satisfactory control. Her
   Majesty's Consul, indeed, informs me that there is one band of
   brigands, led by an outlaw known as Yü Mau Tzu, which is able
   to terrorise two important districts in the centre of Szechuan
   and even to overawe the Chêngtu authorities. In connection
   with the Shun-ch'ing affair Her Majesty's Consul has made the
   following demands:

   1. Immediate restoration of their house to the missionaries,
   the officers to pay the whole cost of repairs;

   2. Punishment of the ring-leaders;

   3. The local headmen to give security for future good conduct;

   4. Compensation for all property destroyed;

   5. Punishment of officials in fault.

   I shall look to the Yamên and see that these demands are fully
   satisfied and with the least possible delay."

{98}

   But urgency from both England and France failed to stimulate
   action on the part of the Chinese government, energetic enough
   to stop this anti-missionary movement in Central Szechuan. What
   seems to have been a riot at first became a formidable revolt.
   "The action of the Provincial Government was paralysed by the
   fact that Father Fleury was still in Yü's hands, and would be
   killed if a move was made against the brigands. On the other
   side the Viceroy was informed by M. Haas, the French Consul,
   that if anything happened to the Father the consequences to
   China would be disagreeable. The Taotai was in consequence
   making efforts to secure the release of the prisoners by
   paying blackmail." In September it was reported that "Yü's
   power was increasing, his emissaries were scattered about in
   places beyond his immediate sphere of influence, and were
   attempting to stir up Secret Societies, and he had issued a
   manifesto. A riot took place at Ho Chou, 60 miles north of
   Chungking, on the 14th September, the American mission
   hospital being partially looted and a Roman Catholic
   establishment destroyed by fire. The Provincial Government was
   acting weakly and unprofitably."

   Towards the end of September, "Yü marched with about 2,000
   uniformed men and took up a position on the Ch'êng-tu road;
   thence he moved east to Tung-Liang, pillaging and burning the
   houses of Christians, and levying contributions on the rich.
   The Viceroy, at the request of the Consuls, was said to have
   sent 4,000 troops from Ch'êng-tu, Lu-chou, and Ho-chiang to
   converge on Chungking. Twelve of the rebels, who had been
   seized at a place only 30 miles south of the port, were
   publicly executed with torture in Chungking on the 30th
   September." In October the report was that "fresh troops were
   arriving, and were taking up positions along the Ch'êng-tu
   road, and the passes north of Chungking. Further executions
   had taken place. … The Procureur of the French Mission
   estimated that up to date the total damage done by Yü Mau-tzu
   was twenty persons killed, the houses of 6,000 Christians
   burned and their property stolen, and twelve Missions
   destroyed."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command: China,
      Number 1, 1899, page 249, and Number 1, 1900, page 152._

   On the 12th of October the United States Minister, Mr. Conger,
   sent to the State Department at Washington the following
   translation of a decree issued by the Empress Dowager on the
   6th:

   "From the opening of ports to foreign trade to the present
   time, foreigners and Chinese have been as one family, with
   undivided interests, and since missionaries from foreign
   countries are living in the interior, we have decreed, not
   three or four times, but many times, that the local officials
   must protect them; that the gentry and people of all the
   provinces must sympathize with our desire for mutual
   benevolence; that they must treat them truthfully and
   honestly, without dislike or suspicion, with the hope of
   lasting peaceful relations.

   "Recently, there have been disturbances in the provinces which
   it has been impossible to avoid. There have been several cases
   of riot in Szechuan, which have not been settled. The stupid
   and ignorant people who circulate rumors and stir up strife,
   proceeding from light to grave differences, are most truly to
   be detested. On the other hand, the officials, who have not
   been able at convenient seasons to properly instruct the
   people and prevent disturbances, can not be excused from
   censure.

   "We now especially decree again that all high provincial
   officials, wherever there are churches, shall distinctly
   instruct the local officials to most respectfully obey our
   several decrees, to recognize and protect the foreign
   missionaries as they go to and fro, and to treat them with all
   courtesy. If lawsuits arise between Chinese and native
   Christians, they must be conducted with justice and speedily
   concluded. Moreover, they must command and instruct the gentry
   and people to fulfill their duties, that there may be no
   quarrels or disagreements. Wherever there are foreigners
   traveling from place to place, they must surely be protected
   and the extreme limit of our hospitality extended. After the
   issue of this decree, if there is any lack of preparation and
   disturbances should arise, the officials of that locality will
   be severely dealt with; whether they be viceroys or governors
   or others they shall be punished, and it will not avail to say
   we have not informed you."

      _United States Consular Reports,
      February, 1899, page 299._

   On the 1st of November the British Consul at Chungking
   announced "an alarming extension of the rebellion. Flourishing
   communities of Christians in four districts were destroyed,
   and heavy contributions were laid on non-Christians. The
   continued inactivity of the Government troops was chiefly
   attributable to orders from the Yamên to the effect that the
   first and foremost consideration was the rescue of Père
   Fleury. Negotiations were being carried on by the Chungking
   Taotai and the Chinese Generals for the Father's release; a
   ransom of 100,000 taels was offered, presents were sent to Yü
   and his mother, and he and his lieutenants were given buttons
   of the third rank." The next month, however, brought on the
   scene a new Viceroy who really wished to suppress the
   insurrection, though he "complained that his hands were tied
   by the Yamên's instructions, which urged him to come to terms
   with Yü." At last this singularly energetic Viceroy got
   permission to fight the rebels. On arriving in front of the
   terrible Yü he "found that the troops who had been stationed
   there previously were quite untrustworthy, and that the
   Generals and local officials were all more or less in league
   with the rebels. However, as soon as it was learnt that the
   Treasurer meant business, a number of the rebels dispersed.
   The main band, under Yü Mau-tzu, about 6,000 in number, was
   then surrounded in Ta Tsu Hsien, after a preliminary encounter
   in which the rebels lost some 100 men. By the 19th January, a
   Maxim was brought to bear on Yü's camp, and the rebels fled
   like rabbits. Yü begged Père Fleury to save his life, and next
   day released the Father, who found his way to the Treasurer,
   after some narrow escapes. Yü then surrendered."

   It was said at the time that the French government was
   demanding an indemnity in this case to the amount of £150,000.
   Later it was understood that the French Minister at Peking
   "had taken advantage of the pending missionary ease to revive
   an old request for a Mining Concession."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      China, Number 1, 1900._

{99}

CHINA: A. D. 1899.
   Anti-missionary outbreaks, increasing piracy, and other
   signs of growing disorder in the country.

   During 1899 there was a notable relaxation of the hard and
   ceaseless pressure upon China which governments, capitalists
   and speculators had been keeping up of late, in demands more
   or less peremptory for harbor leases, settlement grounds,
   railway franchises, mining privileges, and naval, military and
   commercial advantages of every possible sort. But the irritation
   of the country under the bullying and "nagging" of the
   treatment it had received from the European nations revealed
   itself in increasing outbreaks of popular hostility to
   foreigners; and these called out threats and demands, for
   indemnity and punishment, which were made, as a rule, in the
   truculent tone that had become habitual to western diplomacy
   in dealing with the people of the East. It was a tone which
   the Chinese provoked, by the childish evasions and treacherous
   deceptions with which their officials tried to baffle the
   demands made on them; but it gave no less offense, and is no
   less plainly to be counted among the causes of what afterwards
   occurred.

   Throughout most of the year, the British Legation at Peking
   and the Consulate at Chungking were busied in obtaining
   satisfaction for the murder of Mr. Fleming, a missionary in
   the China Inland Mission, stationed at Pang Hai, near
   Kwei-Yang. He had been killed and the mission looted in
   November, 1898. The Chinese authorities claimed that he had
   been killed by a band of rebels. The British Consul
   investigated and became convinced that the missionary had been
   the victim of a deliberate plot, directed by the headman of the
   village of Chung An Chiang, where the murder occurred, and
   connived at by the military official Liu. The Chinese
   government, yielding to this conviction, caused two of the
   murderers to be executed, degraded and exiled all of the local
   officials who were involved in the crime, except the headman,
   and paid an indemnity of $30,000. But the headman escaped, and
   it was claimed by the governor of the province that he could
   not be found. The British authorities found evidence that he
   was being shielded by the governor, and demanded the dismissal
   of the governor, which was persistently refused. Finally, in
   October, 1899, the guilty headman was hunted down.

   On the 18th of February, the British Minister complained
   energetically to the Tsung-li Yamên of the rapid increase of
   piracy on the Canton River. "Since November, 1898," he wrote,
   "that is in three months, no less than forty-seven cases of
   piracy in the Canton waters have been reported in the papers.
   In several of these cases life was taken, and it may almost be
   said that a reign of terror exists on the waterways of the Two
   Kuang. Cargo boats are afraid to travel at night, or to move
   about except in company, and trade is becoming to a certain
   extent paralysed. The Viceroy is always ailing, and it is
   difficult to obtain an interview with him. Her Majesty's
   Consul has repeatedly addressed him on the subject of these
   piracies in the strongest terms, but can only obtain the
   stereotyped reply that stringent instructions have been sent
   to the officials concerned. Admiral Ho, the
   Commander-in-chief, who should properly be the officer to
   inaugurate a vigorous campaign against the pirates, appears
   absolutely supine and incapable of dealing with the evil. The
   complaints of the Hong Kong Government and Her Majesty's
   Consuls show a state of affairs in Canton waters which is
   quite intolerable. There is no security for life or property,
   and as British subjects are closely concerned, it is my duty
   to inform your Highness and your Excellencies that unless
   measures are immediately taken to prevent such outrages, I
   shall have to report, for the consideration of Her Majesty's
   Government, the advisability of taking steps to protect
   British lives and property, either by patrolling the waterways
   or by placing guards on the steamers, the expense of which
   would be the subject of a claim on the Chinese Government."

   On the 28th of February, Herr von Billow, the German Imperial
   Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, announced in the
   Reichstag, at Berlin, the reception of a telegram from
   Tien-tsin, reporting that several Germans had been attacked
   and insulted in that town on the 24th, and had been compelled
   to take refuge in the side streets and narrow alleys. The
   Imperial Government, he said, had been already aware for some
   weeks past that a considerable feeling of irritation had
   manifested itself against foreigners in China, especially in
   the southern portion of the Province of Shantung. The Chinese
   Government were thereupon warned of the necessity of
   maintaining order and securing public safety, and, upon the
   receipt of the telegram above referred to, the German Minister
   at Peking was instructed to impress upon the Chinese
   Government that, if such incidents were permitted to recur, or
   the perpetrators allowed to escape unpunished, the
   consequences for China would be very serious. "We have," Herr
   von Bülow declared, "neither the occasion nor the desire to
   interfere in the internal affairs of China. But it is our duty
   to watch lest the life and property of our fellow subjects,
   whether missionaries or traders, should be made to suffer
   through the internal complications in China."

   In March, however, the state of things at and near Peking was
   so far improved that the Legation guards were being withdrawn.
   Sir Claude MacDonald obtained leave of absence and left Peking
   on the 23d for a visit to England, and the business of the
   Legation was conducted for a time by Mr. Bax-Ironside, the
   Charge d'Affaires.

   In June there was an anti-missionary riot at Kienning, in the
   neighborhood of Foochow, excited by the murder of a boy,
   popular rumor ascribing the murder to foreigners. "In all
   directions," wrote one of the threatened missionaries, who
   gave an account of the occurrence, "murders were said to be
   taking place, though no bodies were ever found; that seemed of
   no consequence to the people, and the story was current, and
   was apparently generally believed, that these murders were
   done by men in our employ, and that we used the eyes and legs
   to make medicine. There were endless stories of people being
   kidnapped, chloroformed in the road by a bottle being held out
   to their nose, and the day I arrived it was said that eyes had
   been found at Tai-lui, a suburb of Kienning, and as I passed a
   crowd was actually on the spot seeking for the said eyes." The
   missionaries succeeded in escaping from the mob; but one
   native convert was killed, and the mission hospital and other
   premises were looted.

   The ideas and the state of feeling out of which this attack on
   the missionaries and their converts grew are revealed in the
   following translation of a placard that was posted in Kienning
   in June:

   "We of this region have hitherto led a worthy life. All the
   four castes (scholars, agriculturists, artizans, traders) have
   kept the laws and done their duty. Of late foreigners have
   suddenly come among us in a disorderly march and preaching
   heretical doctrines. They have had from us indulgent
   treatment, but they have repaid us by endangering our lives.
   This year, in town and country, people have been hewn in two,
   men and women in numbers have fallen upon evil days.
{100}
   Everywhere the perpetrators have been seized, and everyone of
   them has confessed that it was by the missionary chapels they
   were ordered to go forth and slay men and women; to cut out
   their brains and marrow to make into medicine. The officials
   deliberately refrained from interfering. They garbled the
   evidence and screened the malefactors. The whole country side
   is filled with wrath; the officials then posted Proclamations,
   and arrested spreaders of false reports. The hewing down of
   men is hateful; but they issued no Proclamations forbidding
   that. Now fortunately the people is of one mind in its wrath.
   They have destroyed two chapels. The Ou-ning ruffian has
   issued another Proclamation, holding this to be the work of
   local rowdies. He little knows that our indignation is
   righteous, and that it is a unanimous expression of feeling.
   If the officials authorize the police to effect unjust
   arrests, the people will unite in a body, in every street
   business will be stopped, and the Wu-li missionary chapel will
   be destroyed, while the officials themselves will be turned
   out of the city, and the converts will be slain and
   overthrown. When cutting grass destroy the roots at the same
   time. Do not let dead ashes spring again into flame."

   A settlement of the Kienning case was arranged locally between
   the British Consul at Foochow, Mr. Playfair, and the Viceroy
   of the province. The views of the Consul were expressed in a
   communication to Mr. Bax-Ironside as follows:

   "Since the missionaries established themselves there it is the
   sixth attempt made to drive them out of the region. The common
   people (from what I can gather) have no animus against the
   foreign preacher of the Gospel, and show none. On the
   contrary, whether moved to accept Christianity or not, they
   appear to recognize that missionaries are in any case there
   for benevolent and beneficial objects. Schools and hospitals
   are independent of proselytizing, and, even if the
   missionaries were never to make another convert, they would be
   doing good and useful work in spreading Western knowledge and
   healing the sick. In addition to this, the presence of
   missionaries in out-of-the-way places in China has one
   unquestionable advantage. To use the phrase of Sir Thomas
   Wade, they 'multiply the points of contact,' and familiarize
   the Chinese with the sight of the European. To the missionary,
   either as a preacher of the Gospel or as a dispenser of benefits,
   the populace at Kienning does not seem to have shown any
   aversion; yet six times this populace has risen and tried to
   drive the missionaries from the place. The logical inference
   is that the Kienning peasant, though tolerant by nature, is
   subject to some outside influence. He is moved, not by what he
   sees, but by what he is told exists beyond his range of
   vision; and these things are pointed out to him by such as he
   believes to be his intellectual superiors, and as have,
   therefore, the faculty of perceiving what is hid from himself.
   The history of almost every anti-missionary movement in China
   points to the same process. Why the educated classes of this
   land should be so inveterately hostile to the foreigner is a
   difficult question to answer. It has been suggested that the
   Chinese of this type have an ineradicable conviction that
   every European is at heart a 'land-grabber'; that missionaries
   are the advance agents of their Governments; that the Bible is
   the certain forerunner of the gun-boat; and that where the
   missionary comes as a sojourner he means to stay as a
   proprietor; consequently, that the only hope of integrity for
   China is that her loyal sons should on every occasion destroy
   the baneful germ. Extravagant and (in the instance of
   Kienning) far-fetched as these notions may seem, I am
   convinced that the literati and gentry have been at the root
   not only of the present outbreak, but of the others which have
   preceded it. While, therefore, I have insisted throughout that
   Kienning must be made a place of safe residence for the
   British missionary, I have considered that the only way to
   attain that result will be to shackle the hands of the gentry
   by making any further breach of the peace a sure precursor of
   punishment."

   To this end, Mr. Playfair's exactions included, not only the
   trial and punishment of those guilty of the riot and the
   murder, but the signing of a bond by twenty-four leading
   notables of Kienning, binding them, with penalties, to protect
   the missionaries. His demand was complied with, and, on the
   29th of September, he reported that the required bond had been
   given. He added: "Before accepting it, however, I required the
   authorities to inform me officially that the terms, which to me
   seemed somewhat vague, were understood by the authorities to
   extend the responsibility of the gentry to any outbreak of the
   populace. I received this intimation and I consider that it
   supplements the original wording effectually."

   In November the German government made public the substance of
   an official telegram received from Peking, reporting a serious
   state of disturbance in the German missionary districts of
   Shantung: "It appears from this communication that the
   followers of the sects of the 'Red Fist' and the 'Great Knife'
   are in a state of revolt against the Administration and the
   people in that province, and are engaged in plunder and rapine
   in many places. The native Christians suffer no less than the
   rest of the population by this revolt. Money was usually
   extorted from them, and their dwellings were pillaged or
   destroyed. The Italian Mission, situated in the adjoining
   district, were faring no better, and their chapel had just
   been burned down. Owing, however, to the unremitting
   representations of the German Minister, the Chinese Government
   have caused several of the agitators to be arrested by the local
   authorities, and they are taking further steps in this
   direction, with the result that order is gradually being
   restored. At several places the native Christians, with their
   non-Christian fellow-countrymen, repulsed the rebels by force
   of arms. The Provincial Governor has promised the authorities
   of the Mission a full indemnity for the losses suffered by
   them and by the other Christians, and several payments have
   already been made."

   On the 4th of December, the following despatch was sent to
   London from the British Legation at Peking:

   "During the delimitation of French leased territory at
   Kwang-chou-wan on the 13th November, Chinese villagers seized
   two French officers and decapitated them. The execution of a
   dignitary—the Prefect concerned in the murder—has been
   demanded by the French Minister, as well as the dismissal of
   the Canton Viceroy, who is also implicated. The Chinese
   Commissioner engaged in the delimitation and the gunboat in
   which he travelled are held by the French as hostages."

{101}

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (March).
   The Tsung-li Yamên.
   Its character and position.
   The power of the Empress Dowager.

   The Tsung-li Yamên is a small body of Councillors who form a
   species of Cabinet, with a special obligation to advise the
   Emperor on foreign affairs. "They have no constitutional
   position whatever, they have no powers except those derived
   from the Emperor, and they are very much afraid for
   themselves. He may by mere fiat deprive them of their rank,
   which is high; he may 'squeeze' them of their wealth, which is
   often great; he may banish them from the delights of Pekin to
   very unpleasant places; or he may order them to be quietly
   decapitated or cut slowly into little pieces. At such times
   their preoccupation is neither their country nor their
   immediate business, nor even their own advancement, but to
   avoid offending the irritable earthly deity who holds their
   lives and fortunes in his hands. Such a time it is just now.
   The Empress-Dowager is Emperor in all but name, she has ideas
   and a will, and she is suspicious to the last degree. There is
   no possibility of opposing her, for she has drawn together
   eighty thousand troops round Pekin, who while she pays their
   Generals will execute anybody she pleases; there is no
   possibility of appeal from her, for she represents a
   theocracy; and there is no possibility of overpowering her
   mind, for she is that dreadful phenomenon four or five times
   revealed in history, an Asiatic woman possessed of absolute
   power, and determined to sweep away all who oppose, or whom
   she suspects of opposition, from her path. Under her regime
   the members of the Tsung-li Yamên are powerless nonentities,
   trembling with fear lest, if they make a blunder, they may
   awaken the anger of their all-powerful and implacable
   Sovereign, whose motives they themselves often fail to
   fathom."

      _The Spectator (London),
      March 18, 1899._

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (March-April).
   Agreement between England and Russia concerning
   their railway interests in China.

   On the 28th of April, 1899, the governments of Great Britain
   and Russia exchanged notes, embodying an agreement
   (practically arrived at in the previous month) concerning
   their respective railway interests in China, in the following
   terms:

   "Russia and Great Britain, animated by the sincere desire to
   avoid in China all cause of conflict on questions where their
   interests meet, and taking into consideration the economic and
   geographical gravitation of certain parts of that Empire, have
   agreed as follows:

   1. Russia engages not to seek for her own account, or on
   behalf of Russian subjects or of others, any railway
   concessions in the basin of the Yang-tsze, and not to
   obstruct, directly or indirectly, applications for railway
   concessions in that region supported by the British
   Government.

   2. Great Britain, on her part, engages not to seek for her own
   account, or on behalf of British subjects or of others, any
   railway concessions to the north of the Great Wall of China,
   and not to obstruct, directly or indirectly, applications for
   railway concessions in that region supported by the Russian
   Government. The two contracting parties, having nowise in view
   to infringe in any way the sovereign rights of China or of
   existing treaties, will not fail to communicate to the Chinese
   Government the present arrangement, which, by averting all
   cause of complication between them, is of a nature to
   consolidate peace in the far East, and to serve the primordial
   interests of China herself."

   Second Note. "In order to complete the notes exchanged this
   day respecting the partition of spheres for concessions for
   the construction and working of railways in China, it has been
   agreed to record in the present additional note the
   arrangement arrived at with regard to the line
   Shanghaikuan-Newchwang, for the construction of which a loan
   has been already contracted by the Chinese Government with the
   Shanghai-Hongkong Bank, acting on behalf of the British and
   Chinese corporation. The general arrangement established by
   the above-mentioned notes is not to infringe in any way the
   rights acquired under the said loan contract, and the Chinese
   Government may appoint both an English engineer and a European
   accountant to supervise the construction of the line in
   question, and the expenditure of the money appropriated to it.
   But it remains understood that this fact can not be taken as
   constituting a right of property or foreign control, and that
   the line in question is to remain a Chinese line under the
   control of the Chinese Government, and can not be mortgaged or
   alienated to a non-Chinese Company. As regards the branch line
   from Siaoheichan to Sinminting, in addition to the aforesaid
   restrictions, it has been agreed that it is to be constructed
   by China herself, which may permit European—not necessarily
   British—engineers to periodically inspect it, and to verify
   and certify that the work is being properly executed. The
   present special agreement is naturally not to interfere in any
   way with the right of the Russian Government to support, if it
   thinks fit, applications of Russian subjects or establishments
   for concessions for railways, which, starting from the main
   Manchurian line in a southwesterly direction, would traverse
   the region in which the Chinese line terminating at Sinminting
   and Newchwang is to be constructed."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command,
      Treaty Series, Number 11, 1899._

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (April).
   Increasing ascendancy of Manchus in the government.

   On the 17th of April, Mr. Bax-Ironside reported to Lord
   Salisbury: "There has been no change of importance to note in
   the political situation. The tendency to replace Chinese by
   Manchus in the important political posts of the Empire is
   increasing. There are sixty-two Viceroys, Governors,
   Treasurers, and Judges of the eighteen provinces and the New
   Dominion. Twenty-four of these posts are now held by Manchus,
   whereas before the coup d'etat only thirteen of them were so
   occupied. So large a percentage of Manchus in the highest
   positions tends to indicate a retrograde administration, as
   the Manchus are, as a race, very inferior to the Chinese in
   intelligence and capacity, and their appointment to important
   positions is viewed with disfavour by the Chinese themselves.
   The Dowager-Empress has sent special instructions both to
   Moukden and Kirin to raise the present standard of the Manchu
   schools in those towns to that existing in the ordinary
   schools in Peking."-

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command,
      China, Number 1, 1900, page 129._

{102}

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
   Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (August).
   Talienwan declared a free port.

   "The Emperor of Russia in a quaintly worded Imperial Order
   issued on Sunday last [August 13] and addressed to the
   Minister of Finance, has declared that after the completion of
   the railway Talienwan shall be a free port during the whole
   duration of the lease from China. In the course of the Order
   the Emperor says: 'Thanks to the wise decision of the Chinese
   Government, we shall through the railway lines in course of
   construction be united with China,—a result which gives to all
   nations the immeasurable gain of easy communication and
   lightens the operations of the world's trade.' The Emperor
   also speaks of 'a rapprochement between the peoples of the
   West and East' (brought about apparently by obtaining an
   outlet for the great Siberian rail way) as 'our historic
   aim.'"

      _Spectator (London),
      August 19, 1899._

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (December).
   Li Hung-chang appointed Acting Viceroy at Canton.

   On the 20th of December it was announced that the Viceroy at
   Canton had been ordered to Peking and that Li Hung-chang had
   been appointed Acting Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi—the
   provinces of which Canton is the Viceroyal seat.

CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (September-February).
   Pledges of an "open-door" commercial policy in China obtained
   by the government of the United States from the governments of
   Great Britain, Russia, France, Germany, Italy and Japan.

   On the 6th of September, 1899, the American Secretary of
   State, Mr. John Hay, despatched to the United States
   Ambassador at Berlin the following instructions, copies of
   which were forwarded at the same time to the Ambassadors at
   London and St. Petersburg, to be communicated to the British
   and Russian governments:

   "At the time when the Government of the United States was
   informed by that of Germany that it had leased from His
   Majesty the Emperor of China the port of Kiao-chao and the
   adjacent territory in the province of Shantung, assurances
   were given to the ambassador of the United States at Berlin by
   the Imperial German minister for foreign affairs that the
   rights and privileges insured by treaties with China to
   citizens of the United States would not thereby suffer or be
   in anywise impaired within the area over which Germany had
   thus obtained control. More recently, however, the British
   Government recognized by a formal agreement with Germany the
   exclusive right of the latter country to enjoy in said leased
   area and the contiguous 'sphere of influence or interest'
   certain privileges, more especially those relating to
   railroads and mining enterprises: but, as the exact nature and
   extent of the rights thus recognized have not been clearly
   defined, it is possible that serious conflicts of interest may
   at any time arise, not only between British and German
   subjects within said area, but that the interests of our
   citizens may also be jeopardized thereby. Earnestly desirous
   to remove any cause of irritation and to insure at the same
   time to the commerce of all nations in China the undoubted
   benefits which should accrue from a formal recognition by the
   various powers claiming 'spheres of interest,' that they shall
   enjoy perfect equality of treatment for their commerce and
   navigation within such 'spheres,' the Government of the United
   States would be pleased to see His German Majesty's Government
   give formal assurances and lend its cooperation in securing
   like assurances from the other interested powers that each
   within its respective sphere of whatever influence—

   "First. Will in no way interfere with any treaty port or any
   vested interest within any so-called 'sphere of interest' or
   leased territory it may have in China.

   "Second. That the Chinese treaty tariff of the time being
   shall apply to all merchandise landed or shipped to all such
   ports as are within said 'sphere of interest' (unless they be
   'free ports'), no matter to what nationality it may belong,
   and that duties so leviable shall be collected by the Chinese
   Government.

   "Third. That it will levy no higher harbor duties on vessels
   of another nationality frequenting any port in such 'sphere'
   than shall be levied on vessels of its own nationality' and no
   higher railroad charges over lines built, controlled, or
   operated within its 'sphere' on merchandise belonging to
   citizens or subjects of other nationalities transported
   through such 'sphere' than shall be levied on similar
   merchandise belonging to its own nationals transported over
   equal distances.

   "The liberal policy pursued by His Imperial German Majesty in
   declaring Kiao-chao a free port and in aiding the Chinese
   Government in the establishment there of a custom-house are so
   clearly in line with the proposition which this Government is
   anxious to see recognized that it entertains the strongest
   hope that Germany will give its acceptance and hearty support.
   The recent ukase of His Majesty the Emperor of Russia declaring
   the port of Ta-lien-wan open during the whole of the lease
   under which it is held from China, to the merchant ships of
   all nations, coupled with the categorical assurances made to
   this Government by His Imperial Majesty's representative at
   this capital at the time, and since repeated to me by the
   present Russian ambassador, seem to insure the support of the
   Emperor to the proposed measure. Our ambassador at the Court
   of St. Petersburg has, in consequence, been instructed to
   submit it to the Russian Government and to request their early
   consideration of it. A copy of my instruction on the subject to
   Mr. Tower is herewith inclosed for your confidential
   information. The commercial interests of Great Britain and
   Japan will be so clearly served by the desired declaration of
   intentions, and the views of the Governments of these
   countries as to the desirability of the adoption of measures
   insuring the benefits of equality of treatment of all foreign
   trade throughout China are so similar to those entertained by
   the United States, that their acceptance of the propositions
   herein outlined and their coöperation in advocating their
   adoption by the other powers can be confidently expected. I
   inclose herewith copy of the instruction which I have sent to
   Mr. Choate on the subject. In view of the present favorable
   conditions, you are instructed to submit the above
   considerations to His Imperial German Majesty's minister for
   foreign affairs, and to request his early consideration of the
   subject. Copy of this instruction is sent to our ambassadors
   at London and at St. Petersburg for their information."
   Subsequently the same proposal was addressed to the
   governments of France, Italy and Japan.

{103}

   On the 30th of November, Lord Salisbury addressed to
   Ambassador Choate the reply of his government, as follows: "I
   have the honor to state that I have carefully considered, in
   communication with my colleagues, the proposal contained in
   your excellency's note of September 22 that a declaration
   should be made by foreign powers claiming 'spheres of
   interest' in China as to their intentions in regard to the
   treatment of foreign trade and interest therein. I have much
   pleasure in informing your excellency that Her Majesty's
   Government will be prepared to make a declaration in the sense
   desired by your Government in regard to the leased territory
   of Wei-hai Wei and all territory in China which may hereafter
   be acquired by Great Britain by lease or otherwise, and all
   spheres of interest now held or that may hereafter be held by
   her in China, provided that a similar declaration is made by
   other powers concerned."

   Ambassador Porter, at Paris, received a prompt reply, December
   16, from the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, M. Delcassé,
   in the following note:

   "The declarations which I made in the Chamber on the 24th of
   November last, and which I have had occasion to recall to you
   since then, show clearly the sentiments of the Government of
   the Republic. It desires throughout the whole of China and,
   with the quite natural reservation that all the powers
   interested give an assurance of their willingness to act
   likewise, is ready to apply in the territories which are
   leased to it, equal treatment to the citizens and subjects of
   all nations, especially in the matter of customs duties and
   navigation dues, as well as transportation tariffs on rail
   ways."

   Viscount Aoki, Minister for Foreign Affairs, replied for the
   government of Japan, December 26, in the following note to
   Minister Buck: "I have the happy duty of assuring your
   excellency that the Imperial Government will have no
   hesitation to give their assent to so just and fair a proposal
   of the United States, provided that all the other powers
   concerned shall accept the same."

   The reply of the Russian government was addressed to
   Ambassador Tower by Count Mouravieff, on the 30th of December,
   in the following terms:

   "In so far as the territory leased by China to Russia is
   concerned, the Imperial Government has already demonstrated
   its firm intention to follow the policy of 'the open door' by
   creating Dalny (Ta-lien-wan) a free port; and if at some
   future time that port, although remaining free itself, should
   be separated by a customs limit from other portions of the
   territory in question, the customs duties would be levied, in
   the zone subject to the tariff, upon all foreign merchandise
   without distinction as to nationality. As to the ports now
   opened or hereafter to be opened to foreign commerce by the
   Chinese Government, and which lie beyond the territory leased
   to Russia, the settlement of the question of customs duties
   belongs to China herself, and the Imperial Government has no
   intention whatever of claiming any privileges for its own
   subjects to the exclusion of other foreigners. It is to be
   understood, however, that this assurance of the Imperial
   Government is given upon condition that a similar declaration
   shall be made by other Powers having interests in China. With
   the conviction that this reply is such as to satisfy the
   inquiry made in the aforementioned note, the Imperial
   Government is happy to have complied with the wishes of the
   American Government, especially as it attaches the highest
   value to anything that may strengthen and consolidate the
   traditional relations of friendship existing between the two
   countries."

   On the 7th of January the reply of the Italian government was
   addressed to Minister Draper, at Rome, by the Marquis Visconti
   Venosta, as follows: "Supplementary to what you had already
   done me the honor of communicating to me in your note of
   December 9, 1899, your excellency informed me yesterday of the
   telegraphic note received from your Government that all the
   powers consulted by the cabinet of Washington concerning the
   suitability of adopting a line of policy which would insure to
   the trade of the whole world equality of treatment in China
   have given a favorable reply. Referring to your communications
   and to the statements in my note of December 23 last, I take
   pleasure in saying that the Government of the King adheres
   willingly to the proposals set forth in said note of December
   9."

   Finally, on the 19th of February, Count von Bülow wrote to
   Ambassador White, at Berlin:

   "As recognized by the Government of the United States of
   America, according to your excellency's note, … the Imperial
   Government has from the beginning not only asserted but also
   practically carried out to the fullest extent in its Chinese
   possessions absolute equality of treatment of all nations with
   regard to trade, navigation, and commerce. The Imperial
   Government entertains no thought of departing in the future
   from this principle, which at once excludes any prejudicial or
   disadvantageous commercial treatment of the citizens of the
   United States of America, so long as it is not forced to do
   so, on account of considerations of reciprocity, by a
   divergence from it by other governments. If, therefore, the
   other powers interested in the industrial development of the
   Chinese Empire are willing to recognize the same principles,
   this can only be desired by the Imperial Government, which in
   this case upon being requested will gladly be ready to
   participate with the United States of America and the other
   powers in an agreement made upon these lines, by which the
   same rights are reciprocally secured."

   Having, now, the assent of all the Powers which hold leased
   territory or claim "spheres of interest" in China, Secretary
   Hay sent instructions to the Ambassadors and Ministers
   representing the government of the United States at the
   capital of each, in the following form:

   "The —— Government having accepted the declaration suggested
   by the United States concerning foreign trade in China, the
   terms of which I transmitted to you in my instruction Number
   —— of ——, and like action having been taken by all the various
   powers having leased territory or so-called 'spheres of
   interest' in the Chinese Empire, as shown by the notes which I
   herewith transmit to you, you will please inform the
   government to which you are accredited that the condition
   originally attached to its acceptance—that all other powers
   concerned should likewise accept the proposals of the United
   States—having been complied with, this Government will
   therefore consider the assent given to it by —— as final and
   definitive."

      _United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,
      House Document Number 547._

{104}

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (January).
   Imperial Decree relative to the succession to the Throne.

   The following is a translation of an Imperial Decree, "by the
   Emperor's own pen," which appeared in the "Peking Gazette,"
   January 24, 1900:

   "When at a tender age we entered into the succession to the
   throne, Her Majesty the Empress-Dowager graciously undertook
   the rule of the country as Regent, taught and guided us with
   diligence, and managed all things, great and small, with
   unremitting care, until we ourself assumed the government.
   Thereafter the times again became critical. We bent all our
   thoughts and energies to the task of ruling rightly, striving
   to requite Her Majesty's loving kindness, that so we might
   fulfil the weighty duties intrusted to us by the late Emperor
   Mu Tsung Yi (T'ung Chih). But since last year we have suffered
   from ill-health, affairs of State have increased in magnitude
   and perplexity, and we have lived in constant dread of going
   wrong. Reflecting on the supreme importance of the worship of
   our ancestors and of the spirits of the land, we therefore
   implored the Empress-Dowager to advise us in the government.
   This was more than a year ago, but we have never been restored
   to health, and we have not the strength to perform in person
   the great sacrifices at the altar of Heaven and in the temples
   of the spirits of the land. And now the times are full of
   difficulties. We see Her Gracious Majesty's anxious toil by
   day and by night, never laid aside for rest or leisure, and
   with troubled mind we examine ourself, taking no comfort in
   sleep or food, but ever dwelling in thought on the labours of
   our ancestors in founding the dynasty, and ever fearful lest
   our strength be not equal to our task.

   "Moreover, we call to mind how, when we first succeeded to the
   throne, we reverently received the Empress-Dowager's Decree
   that as soon as a Prince should be born to us he should become
   the heir by adoption to the late Emperor Mu Tsung Yi (T'ung
   Chih). This is known to all the officials and people
   throughout the Empire. But we suffer from an incurable
   disease, and it is impossible for us to beget a son, so that
   the Emperor Mu Tsung Yi has no posterity, and the consequences
   to the lines of succession are of the utmost gravity.
   Sorrowfully thinking on this, and feeling that there is no
   place to hide ourself for shame, how can we look forward to
   recovery from all our ailments? We have therefore humbly
   implored Her Sacred Majesty carefully to select from among the
   near branches of our family a good and worthy member, who
   should found a line of posterity for the Emperor Mu Tsung Yi
   (T'ung Chih), and to whom the Throne should revert hereafter.
   After repeated entreaties, Her Majesty has now deigned to
   grant her consent that P'u Chün, son of Tsai Yi, Prince Tuan,
   should be adopted as the son of the late Emperor Mu Tsung Yi
   (T'ung Chih). We have received Her Majesty's Decree with
   unspeakable joy, and in reverent obedience to her gracious
   instruction we appoint P'u Chün, son of Tsai Yi, as Prince
   Imperial, to carry on the dynastic succession. Let this Decree
   be made known to all men."

      _Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command: China, Number 3, 1900, pages 15-16)._

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (January-March).
   First accounts of the secret society of "the Boxers"
   and their bloody work.
   The murder of Mr. Brooks, the missionary.
   Prolonged effort of foreign Ministers to procure an Imperial
   Edict for the suppression of the hostile secret societies.
   A naval demonstration recommended.
   Testimony of Sir Robert Hart as to the causes and the
   patriotic inspiration of the Boxer movement.

   The year 1900 opened with news of the murder of Mr. Brooks, of
   the Church of England Mission in northern Shantung, who was
   wounded and captured December 30 and beheaded the day
   following, by a band of marauders belonging to a secret
   organization which soon became notorious under the name of the
   society of "the Boxers." The British Minister at Peking
   reported it to London on the 4th of January, and on the 5th he
   gave the following account of the state of affairs in northern
   Shantung, where the outrage occurred:

   "For several months past the northern part of the Province of
   Shantung has been disturbed by bands of rebels connected with
   various Secret Societies, who have been defying the
   authorities and pillaging the people. An organization known as
   the 'Boxers' has attained special notoriety, and their ravages
   recently spread over a large portion of Southern Chihli, where
   the native Christians appear to have suffered even more than
   the rest of the inhabitants from the lawlessness of these
   marauders. The danger to which, in both provinces, foreign
   missionary establishments have been thus exposed, has been the
   subject of repeated representations to the Chinese Government
   by others of the foreign Representatives—especially the German
   and United States' Ministers—and myself. Early last month the
   Governor of Shantung, Yü Hsien, was ordered to vacate his post
   and come to Peking for audience, and the General Yüan
   Shih-K'ai was appointed Acting Governor in his place. In
   Southern Chihli the task of dealing with the disturbances was
   entrusted to the Viceroy at Tien-tsin. Her Majesty's Consul at
   Tien-tsin has had repeatedly to complain to the latter of the
   inadequacy of the protection afforded to British life and
   property in the districts affected by the rebellion; and in
   consequence of these representations and of my own
   communications to the Tsung-li Yamên, guards of soldiers have
   been stationed for the special protection of the missionary
   premises which were endangered. On the 29th ultimo I took
   occasion to warn the Yamên by letter that if the disorder were
   not vigorously quelled, international complications were
   likely to ensue."

   After narrating an interview with the Tsung-li Yamên on the
   subject of the murder of Mr. Brooks, and repeating the
   assurances he had received of vigorous measures to punish the
   murderers, Minister MacDonald concluded his despatch by
   saying: "In a note which I addressed to the Yamên this morning
   I took occasion to remind the Ministers that there were other
   British missionaries living in the district where Mr. Brooks
   was killed, and to impress upon their Excellencies the
   necessity of securing efficient protection to these. I do not,
   however, entertain serious apprehensions as to their safety,
   because guards of soldiers have been for some time past
   stationed to protect the various missionary residences. The
   unfortunate man who was murdered was seized when he was
   travelling by wheel-barrow, without escort, through the
   country infested by the rebels."

{105}

   A few days later, Bishop Scott, of the Church of England
   Mission, at Peking, received from Mr. Brown, another
   missionary in Shantung province, the following telegram:
   "Outlook very black; daily marauding; constant danger; Edict
   suppressing published; troops present, but useless; officials
   complete inaction: T'ai An Prefect blocks; secret orders from
   Throne to encourage." On this Sir Claude again called upon the
   Yamên, and "spoke to them," he says, "in terms of the gravest
   warning. While I could not believe it possible, I said, that
   the rumours of secret orders from the Throne were true, the
   mere fact of the currency of such rumours showed the
   impression which the conduct of the Prefect conveyed to the
   public. So much was I impressed by this, that I had come
   to-day especially to protest against the behaviour of the
   Shantung officials. The whole of the present difficulty could
   be traced to the attitude of the late Governor of Shantung, Yü
   Hsien, who secretly encouraged the seditious Society known as
   'the Boxers.' I had again and again pointed out to the
   Ministers that until China dealt with the high authorities in
   such cases these outrages would not cease. I asked the
   Ministers to telegraph to the new Governor Yüan that I had
   called at the Yamên that day to complain of the conduct of the
   Prefect of T'ai An. The Ministers attempted to excuse the
   inertia of the local officials on the plea that their
   difficulties were very great. The primary cause of the trouble
   was the bad feeling existing between the converts and the
   ordinary natives. This had developed until bands of marauders
   had formed, who harassed Christians and other natives alike.
   The local officials had hitherto not had sufficient force to
   cope with so widespread a rising, but now that Yüan and his
   troops had been sent to the province they hoped for the speedy
   restoration of order. I impressed upon the Ministers in the
   most emphatic manner my view of the gravity of the situation.
   The Imperial Edict expressing sorrow for what had occurred and
   enjoining strong measures was satisfactory so far as it went; but
   Her Majesty's Government required something more than mere
   words, and would now await action on the part of the Chinese
   Government in conformity with their promises."

   On the day of this interview (January 11), an Imperial Decree
   was issued by the Chinese government, opening in ambiguous
   terms and decreeing nothing. "Of late," it said, "in all the
   provinces brigandage has become daily more prevalent, and
   missionary cases have recurred with frequency. Most critics
   point to seditious Societies as the cause, and ask for
   rigorous suppression and punishment of these. But reflection
   shows that Societies are of different kinds. When worthless
   vagabonds form themselves into bands and sworn confederacies,
   and relying on their numbers create disturbances, the law can
   show absolutely no leniency to them on the other hand, when
   peaceful and law-abiding people practise their skill in
   mechanical arts for the self-preservation of themselves and
   their families, or when they combine in village communities
   for the mutual protection of the rural population, this is in
   accordance with the public-spirited principle (enjoined by
   Mencius) of 'keeping mutual watch and giving mutual help.'
   Some local authorities, when a case arises, do not regard this
   distinction, but, listening to false and idle rumours, regard
   all alike as seditious Societies, and involve all in one
   indiscriminate slaughter. The result is that no distinction
   being made between the good and the evil, men's minds are
   thrown into fear and doubt. This is, indeed, 'adding fuel to
   stop a fire,' 'driving fish to the deep part of the pool to
   catch them.' It means, not that the people are disorderly, but
   that the administration is bad."

   The foreign ministers at Peking soon learned that this
   ambiguous decree had given encouragement to the "Boxers," and
   the British, American, German, French and Italian
   representatives, by agreement, addressed an "identic note" to
   the Yamên, dated January 27, in which, referring to the state
   of affairs in north Shantung and in the centre and south of
   Chihli, each one said: "This state of affairs, which is a
   disgrace to any civilized country, has been brought about by
   the riotous and lawless behaviour of certain ruffians who have
   banded themselves together into two Societies, termed
   respectively the 'Fist of Righteous Harmony' and the 'Big
   Sword Society,' and by the apathy, and in some instances
   actual connivance and encouragement of these Societies by the
   local officials. The members of these Societies go about
   pillaging the homes of Christian converts, breaking down their
   chapels, robbing and ill-treating inoffensive women and
   children, and it is a fact, to which I would draw the special
   attention of your Highness and your Excellencies, that on the
   banners which are carried by these riotous and lawless people
   are inscribed the words, 'Exterminate the Foreigners.'

   "On the 11th January an Imperial Decree was issued drawing a
   distinction between good and bad Societies. The wording of
   this Decree has unfortunately given rise to a widespread
   impression that such Associations as the 'Fist of Righteous
   Harmony' and the 'Big Sword Society' are regarded with favour
   by the Chinese Government, and their members have openly
   expressed their gratification and have been encouraged by the
   Decree to continue to carry on their outrages against the
   Christian converts. I cannot for a moment suppose that such
   was the intention of this Decree. These Societies are, as I
   have shown, of a most pernicious and rebellious character.

   "I earnestly beg to draw the serious attention of the Throne
   to the circumstances above described: the disorders have not
   reached such a stage that they cannot be stamped out by prompt
   and energetic action: but if such action be not immediately
   taken, the rioters will be encouraged to think that they have
   the support of the Government and proceed to graver crimes,
   thereby seriously endangering international relations. As a
   preliminary measure, and one to which I attach the greatest
   importance, I have to beg that an Imperial Decree be published
   and promulgated, ordering by name the complete suppression and
   abolition of the 'Fist of Righteous Harmony' and the 'Big
   Sword Societies,' and I request that it may be distinctly
   stated in the Decree that to belong to either of these
   Societies, or to harbour any of its members, is a criminal
   offence against the laws of China."

{106}

   In communicating the above note to Lord Salisbury, Sir Claude
   MacDonald explained: "The name of the Society given in the
   note as 'The Fist of Righteous Harmony' is the same as the
   'Boxers.' The latter name was given in the first instance,
   either by missionaries or newspapers, but does not convey the
   meaning of the Chinese words. The idea underlying the name is
   that the members of the Society will unite to uphold the cause
   of righteousness, if necessary by force."

   On the 21st of February no reply to the identic note had been
   given, and the five foreign Ministers then wrote again. This
   brought an answer so evasive that they asked for an interview
   with the Yamên, and it was appointed for March 2d. On the
   evening of the 1st they received copies of a proclamation
   which the Governor-General of Chihli had been commanded to
   issue. The proclamation embodied an Imperial Decree,
   transmitted to the Governor-General on the 21st of February,
   which said: "Last year the Governor of Shantung telegraphed
   that the Society known as 'the Fist of Righteous Harmony' in
   many of his districts, under the plea of enmity to foreign
   religions, were raising disturbances in all directions, and
   had extended their operations into the southern part of
   Chihli. We have repeatedly ordered the Governor-General of
   Chihli and the Governor of Shantung to send soldiers to keep
   the peace. But it is to be feared that if stern measures of
   suppression of such proceedings as secretly establishing
   societies with names and collecting in numbers to raise
   disturbances be not taken, the ignorant populace will be
   deluded and excited, and as time goes on things will grow
   worse, and when some serious case ensues we shall be compelled
   to employ troops to extirpate the evil. The sufferers would be
   truly many, and the throne cannot bear to slay without
   warning. Let the Governor-General of Chihli and the Governor
   of Shantung issue the most stringent Proclamations admonishing
   the people and strictly prohibiting (the societies) so that
   our people may all know that to secretly establish societies
   is contrary to prohibition and a breach of the law."

   To this the Governor-General of Chihli added, in his own name:
   "I (the Governor-General) find it settled by decided cases
   that those people of no occupation, busybodies who style
   themselves Professors, and practise boxing, and play with
   clubs, and teach people their arts; those also who learn from
   these men, and those who march about and parade the villages
   and marts flourishing tridents, and playing with sticks,
   hood-winking the populace to make a profit for themselves, are
   strictly forbidden to carry on such practices. Should any
   disobey, on arrest the principals will receive 100 blows with
   the heavy bamboo, and be banished to a distance of 1,000
   miles. The pupils will receive the same beating, and be
   banished to another province for three years, and on
   expiration of that period and return to their native place be
   subjected to strict surveillance. Should any inn, temple or
   house harbour these people without report to the officials, or
   should the police and others not search them out and arrest
   them, the delinquents will be sentenced to eighty blows with
   the heavy bamboo for improper conduct in the higher degree.

   "From this it appears that teaching or practising boxing and
   club play, and deluding the people for private gain are
   fundamentally contrary to law. But of late some of the
   ignorant populace have been deluded by ruffians from other
   parts of the Empire who talk of charms and incantations and
   spiritual incarnations which protect from guns and cannon.
   They have dared to secretly establish the Society of the Fist
   of Righteous Harmony and have practised drill with fists and
   clubs. The movement has spread in all directions, and under
   the plea of hatred of foreign religions these people have
   harried the country. When soldiers and runners came to make
   arrests, turbulent ruffians had the audacity to defy them,
   relying on their numbers, thereby exhibiting a still greater
   contempt for the law. …

   "In addition to instructing all the local officials to adopt
   strict measures of prohibition and to punish without fail all
   offenders, I hereby issue this most stringent admonition and
   notify all people in my jurisdiction, gentry and every class
   of the population, that you should clearly understand that the
   establishment and formation of secret societies for the
   practice of boxing and club exercises are contrary to
   prohibition and a breach of the law. The assembly of mobs to
   create disturbances and all violent outrages are acts which
   the law will still less brook. … The converts and the ordinary
   people are all the subjects of the throne, and are regarded by
   the Government with impartial benevolence. No distinction is
   made between them. Should they have lawsuits they must bow to
   the judgments of the officials. The ordinary people must not
   give way to rage, and by violent acts create feuds and
   trouble. The converts on the other hand must not stir up
   strife and oppress the people or incite the missionaries to
   screen them and help them to obtain the upper hand."

   According to appointment, the interview with the Yamên took
   place on the 2d of March: "Mr. Conger, United States'
   Minister, Baron von Ketteler, German Minister, Marquis
   Salvago, Italian Minister, Baron d'Anthoüard, French Charge d'
   Affaires, and myself," writes Sir Claude MacDonald, "were
   received at the Yamên by Prince Ch'ing and nearly all the
   Ministers. On behalf of myself and my colleagues I
   recapitulated the circumstances, as detailed above, which had
   led to the demand which we now made. My colleagues all
   expressed to the Prince and Ministers their entire concurrence
   with the language I used, Mr. Conger reminded the Yamên of the
   incredulity with which they had listened to his
   representations regarding these disturbances over three months
   ago, and the promises they had been making ever since, from
   which nothing had resulted. Baron von Ketteler laid special
   stress on the fact that in the Decree just communicated no
   mention was made of the 'Ta Tao Hui,' or 'Big Knife Society,'
   the denunciation of which, equally with that of the
   'I-Ho-Ch'uan,' or 'Fist of Righteous Harmony,' had been
   demanded. The Prince and Ministers protested emphatically that
   the Throne was earnest in its determination to put a stop to
   the outrages committed by these Societies. They maintained
   that the method adopted for promulgating the Imperial Decree,
   that of sending it to the Governors of the provinces
   concerned, to be embodied in a Proclamation and acted upon,
   was much speedier and more effective than that of publishing a
   Decree in the 'Peking Gazette,' as suggested by us. With regard
   to the omission of the term 'Ta Tao Hui' from the Decree, they
   declared that this Society was now the same as the
   'I-Ho-Ch'uan.'"

{107}

   At the close of the interview the five Ministers presented
   identic notes to the Yamên, in which each said: "I request
   that an Imperial Decree may be issued and published in the
   'Peking Gazette' ordering by name the complete suppression and
   abolition of the 'Fist of Righteous Harmony' and 'Big Sword
   Societies,' and I request that it may be distinctly stated in
   the Decree that to belong to either of these societies or to
   harbour any of its members is a criminal offence against the
   law of China. Nothing less than this will, I am convinced, put
   an end to the outrages against Christians which have lately
   been so prevalent in Chihli and Shantung. Should the Chinese
   Government refuse this reasonable request I shall be compelled
   to report to my Government their failure to take what may be
   called only an ordinary precaution against a most pernicious
   and anti-foreign organization. The consequences of further
   disorder in the districts concerned cannot fail to be
   extremely serious to the Chinese Government."

   The reply of the Yamên to this "identic note" was a lengthy
   argument to show that publication in the "Peking Gazette" of
   the Imperial Edict against "Boxers" would be contrary to "an
   established rule of public business in China which it is
   impossible to alter"; and that, furthermore, it would be
   useless, because the common people of the provinces would not
   see it. Not satisfied with this reply, the Ministers, on the
   10th of March, addressed another identic note to the Yamên, in
   the following words: "Acknowledging receipt of your Highness'
   and your Excellencies' note of the 7th March, I regret to say
   that it is in no way either an adequate or satisfactory reply
   to my notes or my verbal requests concerning the suppression
   of the two Societies known as the 'Big Sword' and 'Fist of
   Righteous Harmony.' I therefore am obliged to repeat the
   requests, and because of the rapid spread of these Societies,
   proof of which is accumulating every day, and which the
   Imperial Decree of the 11th January greatly encouraged, I
   insist that an absolute prohibitive Decree for all China,
   mentioning these two Societies by name, be forthwith issued
   and published in the 'Peking Gazette,' as was done with the
   Decree of the 11th January. Should I not receive a favourable
   answer without delay, I shall report the matter to my
   Government, and urge strongly the advisability of the adoption
   of other measures for the protection of the lives and property
   of British subjects in China."

   On the same day, each of the Ministers cabled the following
   recommendation to his government:

   "If the Chinese Government should refuse to publish the Decree
   we have required, and should the state of affairs not
   materially improve, I would respectfully recommend that a few
   ships of war of each nationality concerned should make a naval
   demonstration in North Chinese waters. Identic recommendations
   are being telegraphed home by my four colleagues
   above-mentioned."

   On the 16th, Sir Claude wrote: "No reply has yet been received
   from the Tsung-li Yamên to the note of the 10th March, and it
   was with serious misgivings as to the attitude of the Chinese
   Government on this question that I read yesterday the official
   announcement of the appointment of Yü Hsien, lately Governor
   of Shantung, to the post of Governor of Shansi. The growth and
   impunity of the anti-Christian Societies in Shantung has been
   universally ascribed to the sympathy and encouragement
   accorded to them by this high officer, and his conduct has for
   some time past formed the subject of strong representations on
   the part of several of the foreign Representatives."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      China, Number 3, 1900, pages 3-26._

   "The foundation of the 'Boxers' can be traced to one man, Yü
   Hsien, who, when Prefect of Tsao-chau, in the south-west
   corner of Shan-tung, organized a band of men as local militia
   or trainbands. For them he revived the ancient appellation of
   'I-Ho-Ch'üan,' the Patriotic Harmony Fists. Armed with long
   swords, they were known popularly as the Ta-tao-huei, or Big
   Knife Society. After the occupation of Kiao-chau Bay the
   society grew in force, the professed objects of its members
   being to oppose the exactions of native Catholics and to
   resist further German aggression. They became anti-Christian
   and anti-foreign. They became a religious sect, and underwent
   a fantastic kind of spiritual training of weird incantations
   and grotesque gymnastics, which they professed to believe
   rendered them impervious to the sword and to the bullet of the
   white man. Three deities they specially selected as their
   own—namely, Kwanti, the God of War and patron deity of the
   present dynasty, Kwang Chéng-tze, an incarnation of Laotze,
   and the Joyful Buddha of the Falstaffian Belly. They made
   Taoist and Buddhist temples their headquarters. Everywhere
   they declared that they would drive the foreigner and his
   devilish religion from China. To encourage this society its
   founder, Yü Hsien, was in March, 1899, appointed by the Throne
   Governor of Shan-tung. In four years he had risen from the
   comparatively humble post of Prefect to that of the highest
   official in the province."

      _Peking Correspondence London Times,
      October 13, 1900._

   Sir Robert Hart, an English gentleman who had been in the
   service of the Chinese government at Peking for many years,
   administering its maritime customs, is the author of an
   account of the causes and the character of the Boxer movement,
   written since its violent outbreak, from which the following
   passages are taken:

   "For ages China had discountenanced the military spirit and
   was laughed at by us accordingly, and thus, ever since
   intercourse under treaties has gone on, we have been lecturing
   the Government from our superior standpoint, telling it that
   it must grow strong—must create army and navy—must adopt
   foreign drill and foreign weapons—must prepare to hold its own
   against all comers—must remember 'Codlin' is its friend, not
   'Short': our words did not fall on closed ears—effect was
   given to selected bits of advice—and various firms did a very
   remarkable and very remunerative trade in arms. But while the
   Chinese Government made a note of all the advice its generous
   friends placed at its disposal, and adopted some suggestions
   because they either suited it or it seemed polite and harmless
   to do so, it did not forget its own thirty centuries of
   historic teaching, and it looked at affairs abroad through its
   own eyes and the eyes of its representatives at foreign
   Courts, studied their reports and the printed utterances of
   books, magazines, and newspapers, and the teaching thus
   received began gradually to crystallise in the belief that a
   huge standing army on European lines would be wasteful and
   dangerous and that a volunteer association—as suggested by the
   way all China ranged itself on the Government side in the
   Franco-Chinese affair—covering the whole Empire, offering an
   outlet for restless spirits and fostering a united and
   patriotic feeling, would be more reliable and effective, an
   idea which seemed to receive immediate confirmation from
   without in the stand a handful of burghers were making in the
   Transvaal: hence the Boxer Association, patriotic in origin,
   justifiable in its fundamental idea, and in point of fact the
   outcome of either foreign advice or the study of foreign
   methods.

{108}

   "In the meanwhile the seeds of other growths were being sown
   in the soil of the Chinese mind, private and official, and
   were producing fruit each after its kind: various commercial
   stipulations sanctioned by treaties had not taken into full
   account Chinese conditions, difficulties, methods, and
   requirements, and their enforcement did not make foreign
   commerce more agreeable to the eye of either provincial or
   metropolitan officials,—missionary propagandism was at work
   all over the country, and its fruits, Chinese Christians, did
   not win the esteem or goodwill of their fellows, for, first of
   all, they offended public feeling by deserting Chinese for
   foreign cults, next they irritated their fellow villagers by
   refusing, as Christians, to take part in or share the expenses
   of village festivals, and lastly, as Christians again, they
   shocked the official mind, and popular opinion also, by
   getting their religious teachers, more especially the Roman
   Catholics, to interfere on their behalf in litigation, &c., a
   state of affairs which became specially talked about in
   Shantung, the native province of the Confucius of over 2,000
   years ago and now the sphere of influence of one of the
   Church's most energetic bishops,—the arrangement by which
   missionaries were to ride in green chairs and be recognised as
   the equals of Governors and Viceroys had its special
   signification and underlined missionary aspiration telling
   people and officials in every province what they had to expect
   from it: on the top of this came the Kiao Chow affair and the
   degradation and cashiering of a really able, popular, and
   clean-handed official, the Governor Li Ping Hêng, succeeded by
   the cessions of territory at Port Arthur, Wei-Hai-Wei, Kwang
   Chow Wan, &c., &c., &c., and these doings, followed by the
   successful stand made against the Italian demand for a port on
   the Coast of Chekiang, helped to force the Chinese Government
   to see that concession had gone far enough and that opposition
   to foreign encroachment might now and henceforth be the key-note
   of its policy.

   "Li Ping Hêng had taken up his private residence in the
   southeastern corner of Pecheli, close to the Shantung
   frontier, and the Boxer movement, already started in a
   tentative way in the latter province, now received an immense
   impetus from the occurrences alluded to and was carefully
   nurtured and fostered by that cashiered official—more
   respected than ever by his countrymen. Other high officials
   were known to be in sympathy with the new departure and to
   give it their strongest approval and support, such as Hsü
   Tung, Kang I, and men of the same stamp and standing, and
   their advice to the throne was to try conclusions with
   foreigners and yield no more to their demands. However
   mistaken may have been their reading of foreigners, and
   however wrong their manner of action, these men—eminent in
   their own country for their learning and services—were
   animated by patriotism, were enraged at foreign dictation, and
   had the courage of their convictions: we must do them the
   justice of allowing they were actuated by high motives and
   love of country—but that does not always or necessarily mean
   political ability or highest wisdom. …

   "The Chinese, an intelligent, cultivated race, sober,
   industrious, and on their own lines civilised, homogeneous in
   language, thought, and feeling, which numbers some four
   hundred millions, lives in its own ring fence, and covers a
   country which—made up of fertile land and teeming waters, with
   infinite variety of mountain and plain, hill and dale, and
   every kind of climate and condition—on its surface produces
   all that a people requires and in its bosom hides untold
   virgin wealth that has never yet been disturbed—this race,
   after thousands of years of haughty seclusion and
   exclusiveness, has been pushed by the force of circumstances
   and by the superior strength of assailants into treaty
   relations with the rest of the world, but regards that as a
   humiliation, sees no benefit accruing from it, and is looking
   forward to the day when it in turn will be strong enough to
   revert to its old life again and do away with foreign
   intercourse, interference, and intrusion: it has slept long,
   as we count sleep, but it is awake at last and its every
   member is tingling with Chinese feeling—'China for the
   Chinese and out with the foreigners!'

   "The Boxer movement is doubtless the product of official
   inspiration, but it has taken hold of the popular imagination
   and will spread like wildfire all over the length and breadth
   of the country: it is, in short, a purely patriotic volunteer
   movement, and its object is to strengthen China—and for a
   Chinese programme. Its first experience has not been
   altogether a success as regards the attainment through
   strength of proposed ends,—the rooting up of foreign cults and
   the ejection of foreigners, but it is not a failure in respect of
   the feeler it put out—will volunteering work?—or as an
   experiment that would test ways and means and guide future
   choice: it has proved how to a man the people will respond to
   the call, and it has further demonstrated that the swords and
   spears to which the prudent official mind confined the
   initiated will not suffice, but must be supplemented or
   replaced by Mauser rifles and Krupp guns: the Boxer patriot of
   the future will possess the best weapons money can buy, and
   then the 'Yellow Peril' will be beyond ignoring."

      _Robert Hart,
      The Peking Legations
      (Fortnightly Review, November, 1900)._

{109}

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (March-April).
   Proposed joint naval demonstration of the Powers
   in Chinese waters.

   On receipt of the telegram from Peking (March 10) recommending
   a joint naval demonstration in North Chinese waters, the
   British Ambassador at Paris was directed to consult the
   Government of France on the subject, and did so. On the 13th,
   he reported M. Delcassé, the French Minister for Foreign
   Affairs, as saying that "he could not, of course, without
   reflection and without consulting his colleagues, say what the
   decision of the French Government would be as to taking part
   in a naval demonstration, but at first sight it seemed to him
   that it would be difficult to avoid acting upon a suggestion
   which the Representatives of Five Powers, who ought to be good
   judges, considered advisable." On the 16th, he wrote to Lord
   Salisbury: "M. Delcassé informed me the day before yesterday
   that he had telegraphed to Peking for more precise
   information. I told him that I was glad to hear that no
   precipitate action was going to be taken by France, and that I
   believed that he would find that the United States' Government
   would be disinclined to associate themselves with any joint
   naval demonstration. I added that, although I had no
   instructions to say so, I expected that Her Majesty's
   Government would also adhere to their usual policy of
   proceeding with great caution, and would be in no hurry to
   take a step which only urgent necessity would render
   advisable."

   On the 23d of March, Sir Claude MacDonald telegraphed to Lord
   Salisbury: "I learn that the Government of the United States
   have ordered one ship-of-war to go to Taku for the purpose of
   protecting American interests, that the Italian Minister has
   been given the disposal of two ships, and the German Minister
   has the use of the squadron at Kiao-chau for the same purpose.
   With a view to protect British missionary as well as other
   interests, which are far in excess of those of other Powers, I
   would respectfully request that two of Her Majesty's ships be
   sent to Taku."

   On the 3d of April, the Tsung-li Yamên communicated to the
   British Ambassador the following information, as to the
   punishment of the murderers of Mr. Brooks, and of the
   officials responsible for neglect to protect him: "Of several
   arrests that had been made of persons accused of having been
   the perpetrators of the crime or otherwise concerned in its
   committal, two have been brought to justice and, at a trial at
   which a British Consul was present, found guilty and sentenced
   to be decapitated—a sentence which has already been carried
   into effect. Besides this, the Magistrate of Feichen, and some
   of the police authorities of the district, accounted to have
   been guilty of culpable negligence in the protection of Mr.
   Brooks, have been cashiered, or had other punishments awarded
   them of different degrees of severity."

   For some weeks after this the Boxer movement appears to have
   been under constraint. Further outrages were not reported and
   no expressions of anxiety appear in the despatches from
   Peking. The proposal of a joint naval demonstration in the
   waters of Northern China was not pressed.

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      China, Number 3, 1900, pages 6-17._

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (May-June).
   Renewed activity of the "Boxers" and increasing gravity of
   the situation at Peking.
   Return of Legation guards.
   Call upon the fleets at Taku for reinforcement and rescue.

   About the middle of May the activity of the "Boxers" was
   renewed, and a state of disorder far more threatening than
   before was speedily made known. The rapid succession of
   startling events during the next few weeks may be traced in
   the following series of telegrams from the British Minister at
   Peking to his chief:

   "May 17.
   The French Minister called to-day to inform me that the Boxers
   have destroyed three villages and killed 61 Roman Catholic
   Christian converts at a place 90 miles from Peking, near
   Paoting-fu. The French Bishop informs me that in that
   district, and around Tien-tsin and Peking generally, much
   disorder prevails."

   "May 18.
   There was a report yesterday, which has been confirmed to-day,
   that the Boxers have destroyed the London Mission chapel at
   Kung-tsun, and killed the Chinese preacher. Kung-tsun is about
   40 miles south-west of Peking."

   "May 19.
   At the Yamên, yesterday, I reminded the Ministers how I had
   unceasingly warned them during the last six months how
   dangerous it was not to take adequate measures in suppression
   of the Boxer Societies. I said that the result of the apathy
   of the Chinese Government was that now a Mission chapel, a few
   miles distant from the capital, had been destroyed. The
   Ministers admitted that the danger of the Boxer movement had
   not previously appeared to them so urgent, but that now they
   fully saw how serious it was. On the previous day an Imperial
   Decree had been issued, whereby specified metropolitan and
   provincial authorities were directed to adopt stringent
   measures to suppress the Boxers. This, they believed, would
   not fail to have the desired effect."

   "May 21.
   All eleven foreign Representatives attended a meeting of the
   Diplomatic Body held yesterday afternoon, at the instance of
   the French Minister. The doyen was empowered to write, in the
   name of all the foreign Representatives, a note to the Yamên
   to the effect that the Diplomatic Body, basing their demands
   on the Decrees already issued by the Palace denunciatory of
   the Boxers, requested that all persons who should print,
   publish, or disseminate placards which menaced foreigners, all
   individuals aiding and abetting, all owners of houses or
   temples now used as meeting places for Boxers, should be
   arrested. They also demanded that those guilty of arson,
   murder, outrages, &c., together with those affording support
   or direction to Boxers while committing such outrages, should
   be executed. Finally, the publication of a Decree in Peking
   and the Northern Provinces setting forth the above. The
   foreign Representatives decided at their meeting to take
   further measures if the disturbances still continued, or if a
   favorable answer was not received to their note within five
   days. The meeting did not decide what measures should be
   taken, but the Representatives were generally averse to
   bringing guards to Peking, and, what found most favour, was as
   follows:—

   With the exception of Holland, which has no ships in Chinese
   waters, it was proposed that all the Maritime Powers
   represented should make a naval demonstration either at
   Shanhaikuan, or at the new port, Ching-wangtao, while, in case
   of necessity, guards were to be held ready on board ship. My
   colleagues will, I think, send these proposals as they stand
   to their governments. As the Chinese Government themselves
   seem to be sufficiently alarmed, I do not think that the above
   measure will be necessary, but, should the occasion arise, I
   trust that Her Majesty's Government will see fit to support
   it. … I had a private interview with my Russian colleague, who
   came to see me before the matter reached its acute stages. M. de
   Giers said that there were only two countries with serious
   interests in China: England and Russia. He thought that both
   landing guards and naval demonstrations were to be
   discouraged, as they give rise to unknown eventualities.
   However, since the 18th instant, he admits that matters are
   grave, and agreed at once to the joint note."

{110}

   "May 24.
   Her Majesty's Consul at Tien-tsin reported by telegraph
   yesterday that a Colonel in charge of a party of the Viceroy's
   cavalry was caught, on the 22nd instant, in an ambuscade near
   Lai-shui, which is about 50 miles south-west of Peking. The
   party were destroyed."

   "May 25.
   Tsung-li Yamên have replied to the note sent by the doyen of
   the Corps Diplomatique, reported in my telegram of the 21st
   May. They state that the main lines of the measures already in
   force agree with those required by the foreign
   Representatives, and add that a further Decree, which will
   direct efficacious action, is being asked for. The above does
   not even promise efficacious action, and, in my personal
   opinion, is unsatisfactory."

   "May 27.
   At the meeting of the Corps Diplomatique, which took place
   yesterday evening, we were informed by the French Minister
   that all his information led him to believe that a serious
   outbreak, which would endanger the lives of all European
   residents in Peking, was on the point of breaking out. The
   Italian Minister confirmed the information received by M.
   Pichon. The Russian Minister agreed with his Italian and
   French colleagues in considering the latest reply of the Yamên
   to be unsatisfactory, adding that, in his opinion, the Chinese
   Government was now about to adopt effective measures. That the
   danger was imminent he doubted, but said that it was not
   possible to disregard the evidence adduced by the French
   Minister. We all agreed with this last remark. M. Pichon then
   urged that if the Chinese Government did not at once take
   action guards should at once be brought up by the foreign
   Representatives. Some discussion then ensued, after which it
   was determined that a precise statement should be demanded
   from the Yamên as to the measures they had taken, also that
   the terms of the Edict mentioned by them should be
   communicated to the foreign Representatives. Failing a reply
   from the Yamên of a satisfactory nature by this afternoon, it
   was resolved that guards should be sent for. Baron von
   Ketteler, the German Minister, declared that he considered the
   Chinese Government was crumbling to pieces, and that he did
   not believe that any action based on the assumption of their
   stability could be efficacious. The French Minister is, I am
   certain, genuinely convinced that the danger is real, and
   owing to his means of information he is well qualified to
   judge. … I had an interview with Prince Ch'ing and the Yamên
   Ministers this afternoon. Energetic measures are now being
   taken against the Boxers by the Government, whom the progress
   of the Boxer movement has, at last, thoroughly alarmed. The
   Corps Diplomatique, who met in the course of the day, have
   decided to wait another twenty-four hours for further
   developments."

   "May 29.
   Some stations on the line, among others Yengtai, 6 miles from
   Peking, together with machine sheds and European houses, were
   burnt yesterday by the Boxers. The line has also been torn up
   in places. Trains between this and Tien-tsin have stopped
   running, and traffic has not been resumed yet. The situation
   here is serious, and so far the Imperial troops have done
   nothing. It was unanimously decided, at a meeting of foreign
   Representatives yesterday, to send for guards for the
   Legations, in view of the apathy of the Chinese Government and
   the gravity of the situation. Before the meeting assembled,
   the French Minister had already sent for his."

   "May 30.
   Permission for the guards to come to Peking has been refused
   by the Yamên. I think, however, that they may not persist in
   their refusal. The situation in the meantime is one of extreme
   gravity. The people are very excited, and the soldiers
   mutinous. Without doubt it is now a question of European life
   and property being in danger here. The French and Russians are
   landing 100 men each. French, Russian, and United States'
   Ministers, and myself, were deputed to-day at a meeting of the
   foreign Representatives to declare to the Tsung-li Yamên that
   the foreign Representatives must immediately bring up guards
   for the protection of the lives of Europeans in Peking in view
   of the serious situation and untrustworthiness of the Chinese
   troops. That the number would be small if facilities were
   granted, but it must be augmented should they be refused, and
   serious consequences might result for the Chinese Government
   in the latter event. In reply, the Yamên stated that no
   definite reply could be given until to-morrow afternoon, as
   the Prince was at the Summer Palace. As the Summer Palace is
   within an hour's ride we refused to admit the impossibility of
   prompt communication and decision, and repeated the warning
   already given of the serious consequences which would result
   if the Viceroy at Tien-tsin did not receive instructions this
   evening in order that the guards might be enabled to arrive
   here to-morrow. The danger will be greatest on Friday, which
   is a Chinese festival."

   "May 31.
   Provided that the number does not exceed that of thirty for
   each Legation, as on the last occasion, the Yamên have given
   their consent to the guards coming to Peking. … It was decided
   this morning, at a meeting of the foreign Representatives, to
   at once bring up the guards that are ready. These probably
   include the British, American, Italian, and Japanese."

   "June 1.
   British, American, Italian, Russian, French and Japanese
   guards arrived yesterday. Facilities were given, and there
   were no disturbances. Our detachment consists of three
   officers and seventy-five men, and a machine gun."

   "June 2.
   The city is comparatively quiet, but murders of Christian
   converts and the destruction of missionary property in
   outlying districts occur every day, and the situation still
   remains serious. The situation at the Palace is, I learn from
   a reliable authority, very strained. The Empress-Dowager does
   not dare to put down the Boxers, although wishing to do so, on
   account of the support given them by Prince Tuan, father of
   the hereditary Prince, and other conservative Manchus, and
   also because of their numbers. Thirty Europeans, most of whom
   were Belgians, fled from Paoting-fu via the river to
   Tien-tsin. About 20 miles from Tien-tsin they were attacked by
   Boxers.
{111}
   A party of Europeans having gone to their rescue from
   Tien-tsin severe fighting ensued, in which a large number of
   Boxers were killed. Nine of the party are still missing,
   including one lady. The rest have been brought into Tien-tsin.
   The Russian Minister, who came to see me to-day, said he
   thought it most imperative that the foreign Representatives
   should be prepared for all eventualities, though he had no
   news confirming the above report. He said he had been
   authorized by his Government to support any Chinese authority
   at Peking which was able and willing to maintain order in case
   the Government collapsed."

   "June 4.
   I am informed by a Chinese courier who arrived to-day from
   Yung-Ching, 40 miles south of Peking, that on the 1st June the
   Church of England Mission at that place was attacked by the
   Boxers. He states that one missionary, Mr. Robinson, was
   murdered, and that he saw his body, and that another, Mr.
   Norman, was carried off by the Boxers. I am insisting on the
   Chinese authorities taking immediate measures to effect his
   rescue. Present situation at Peking is such that we may at any
   time be besieged here with the railway and telegraph lines
   cut. In the event of this occurring, I beg your Lordship will
   cause urgent instructions to be sent to Admiral Seymour to
   consult with the officers commanding the other foreign
   squadrons now at Taku to take concerted measures for our
   relief. The above was agreed to at a meeting held to-day by
   the foreign Representatives, and a similar telegram was sent
   to their respective Governments by the Ministers of Austria,
   Italy, Germany, France, Japan, Russia, and the United States,
   all of whom have ships at Taku and guards here. The telegram
   was proposed by the French Minister and carried unanimously.
   It is difficult to say whether the situation is as grave as
   the latter supposes, but the apathy of the Chinese Government
   makes it very serious."

   "June 5.
   I went this afternoon to the Yamên to inquire of the Ministers
   personally what steps the Chinese Government proposed to take
   to effect the punishment of Mr. Robinson's murderers and the
   release of Mr. Norman. I was informed by the Ministers that
   the Viceroy was the responsible person, that they had
   telegraphed to him to send troops to the spot, and that that
   was all they were able to do in the matter. They did not
   express regret or show the least anxiety to effect the relief
   of the imprisoned man, and they displayed the greatest
   indifference during the interview. I informed them that the
   Chinese Government would be held responsible by Her Majesty's
   Government for the criminal apathy which had brought about
   this disgraceful state of affairs. I then demanded an
   interview with Prince Ching, which is fixed for to-morrow, as
   I found it useless to discuss the matter with the Yamên. This
   afternoon I had an interview with the Prince and Ministers of
   the Yamên. They expressed much regret at the murder of Messrs.
   Robinson and Norman, and their tone was fully satisfactory in
   this respect. … No attempt was made by the Prince to defend
   the Chinese Government, nor to deny what I had said. He could
   say nothing to reassure me as to the safety of the city, and
   admitted that the Government was reluctant to deal harshly
   with the movement, which, owing to its anti-foreign character,
   was popular. He stated that they were bringing 6,000 soldiers
   from near Tien-tsin for the protection of the railway, but it
   was evident that he doubted whether they would be allowed to
   fire on the Boxers except in the defence of Government
   property, or if authorized whether they would obey. He gave me
   to understand, without saying so directly, that he has
   entirely failed to induce the Court to accept his own views as
   to the danger of inaction. It was clear, in fact, that the Yamên
   wished me to understand that the situation was most serious,
   and that, owing to the influence of ignorant advisers with the
   Empress-Dowager, they were powerless to remedy it."

   "June 6.
   Since the interview with the Yamên reported in my preceding
   telegram I have seen several of my colleagues. I find they all
   agree that, owing to the now evident sympathy of the
   Empress-Dowager and the more conservative of her advisers with
   the anti-foreign movement, the situation is rapidly growing
   more serious. Should there be no change in the attitude of the
   Empress, a rising in the city, ending in anarchy, which may
   produce rebellion in the provinces, will be the result,
   'failing an armed occupation of Peking by one or more of the
   Powers.' Our ordinary means of pressure on the Chinese
   Government fail, as the Yamên is, by general consent, and
   their own admission, powerless to persuade the Court to take
   serious measures of repression. Direct representations to the
   Emperor and Dowager-Empress from the Corps Diplomatique at a
   special audience seems to be the only remaining chance of
   impressing the Court."

   "June 7.
   There is a long Decree in the 'Gazette' which ascribes the
   recent trouble to the favour shown to converts in law suits
   and the admission to their ranks of bad characters. It states
   that the Boxers, who are the objects of the Throne's sympathy
   equally with the converts, have made use of the anti-Christian
   feeling aroused by these causes, and that bad characters among
   them have destroyed chapels and railways which are the
   property of the State. Unless the ringleaders among such bad
   characters are now surrendered by the Boxers they will be
   dealt with as disloyal subjects, and will be exterminated.
   Authorization will be given to the Generals to effect arrests,
   exercising discrimination between leaders and their followers.
   It is probable that the above Decree represents a compromise
   between the conflicting opinions which exist at Court. The
   general tone is most unsatisfactory, though the effect may be
   good if severe measures are actually taken. The general
   lenient tone, the absence of reference to the murder of
   missionaries, and the justification of the proceedings of the
   Boxers by the misconduct of Christian converts are all
   dangerous factors in the case."

   "June 8.
   A very bad effect has been produced by the Decree reported in
   my immediately preceding telegram. There is no prohibition of
   the Boxers drilling, which they now openly do in the houses of
   the Manchu nobility and in the temples. This Legation is full
   of British refugees, mostly women and children, and the London
   and Church of England Missions have been abandoned. I trust
   that the instructions requested in my telegrams of the 4th and
   5th instant have been sent to the Admiral. I have received the
   following telegram, dated noon to-day, from Her Majesty's Consul
   at Tien-tsin:

{112}

   'By now the Boxers must be near Yang-tsun. Last night the
   bridge, which is outside that station, was seen to be on fire.
   General Nieh's forces are being withdrawn to Lutai, and 1,500
   of them have already passed through by railway. There are now
   at Yang-tsun an engine and trucks ready to take 2,000 more
   men.' Lutai lies on the other side of Tien-tsin, and at some
   distance. Should this information be correct, it means that an
   attempt to protect Peking has been abandoned by the only force
   on which the Yamên profess to place any reliance. The 6,000
   men mentioned in my telegram
   of the 5th instant were commanded by General Nieh."

   "Tong-ku, June 10.
   Vice-Admiral Sir E. Seymour to Admiralty.
   Following telegram received from Minister at Peking:

   'Situation extremely grave. Unless arrangements are made for
   immediate advance to Peking it will be too late.'

   "In consequence of above, I am landing at once with all
   available men, and have asked foreign officers' co-operation."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      China, Number 3, 1900, pages 26-45._

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June 10-26).
   Bombardment and capture of Taku forts by the allied fleets.
   Failure of first relief expedition started for Peking.

   The following is from an official report by Rear-Admiral
   Bruce of the British Navy, dated at Taku June 17, 1900:

   "On my arrival here on the 11th inst. I found a large fleet,
   consisting of Russian, German, French, Austrian, Italian,
   Japanese, and British ships. In consequence of an urgent
   telegram from Her Majesty's Minister at Peking, Vice-Admiral
   Sir Edward H. Seymour, K. C. B., Commander-in-Chief, had
   started at 3 o'clock the previous morning (10th June), taking
   with him a force of 1,375 of all ranks, being reinforced by
   men from the allied ships as they arrived, until he commanded
   not less than 2,000 men. At a distance of some 20 to 30 miles
   from Tientsin—but it is very difficult to locate the place, as
   no authentic record has come in—he found the railway destroyed
   and sleepers burned, &c., and every impediment made by
   supposed Boxers to his advance. Then his difficulties began,
   and it is supposed that the Boxers, probably assisted by
   Chinese troops, closed in on his rear, destroyed
   railway-lines, bridges, &c., and nothing since the 13th inst.
   has passed from Commander-in-Chief and his relief force and
   Tientsin, nor vice versa up to this date. …

   "During the night of the 14th inst. news was received that all
   railway-carriages and other rolling stock had been ordered to
   be sent up the line for the purpose of bringing down a Chinese
   army to Tong-ku. On receipt of this serious information a
   council of Admirals was summoned by Vice-Admiral Hiltebrandt,
   Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Squadron, and the German,
   French, United States Admirals, myself, and the Senior
   Officers of Italy, Austria, and Japan attended; and it was
   decided to send immediate orders to the captains of the allied
   vessels in the Peiho River (three Russian, two German, one
   United States, one Japanese, one British—'Algerine') to
   prevent any railway plant being taken away from Tong-ku, or
   the Chinese army reaching that place, which would cut off our
   communication with Tientsin; and in the event of either being
   attempted they were to use force to prevent it, and to destroy
   the Taku Forts. By the evening, and during the night of 15th
   inst., information arrived that the mouth of the Peiho River
   was being protected by electric mines. On receipt of this,
   another council composed of the same naval officers was held
   in the forenoon of 16th June on board the 'Rossia,' and in
   consequence of the gravity of the situation, and information
   having also arrived that the forts were being provisioned and
   reinforced, immediate notice was sent to the Viceroy of Chili
   at Tientsin and the commandant of the forts that, in
   consequence of the danger to our forces up the river, at
   Tientsin, and on the march to Peking by the action of the
   Chinese authorities, we proposed to temporarily occupy the
   Taku Forts, with or without their good will, at 2 a.m. on the
   17th inst." Early on Sunday, 17th June, "the Taku Forts opened
   fire on the allied ships in the Peiho River, which continued
   almost without intermission until 6.30 a.m., when all firing
   had practically ceased and the Taku Forts were stormed and in
   the hands of the Allied Powers, allowing of free communication
   with Tientsin by water, and rail when the latter is repaired."

   The American Admiral took no part in this attack on the forts
   at Taku, "on the ground that we were not at war with China and
   that a hostile demonstration might consolidate the
   anti-foreign elements and strengthen the Boxers to oppose the
   relieving column."

   From the point to which the allied expedition led by Admiral
   Seymour fought its way, and at which it was stopped by the
   increasing numbers that opposed it, it fell back to a position
   near Hsiku, on the right bank of the Peiho. There the allies
   drove the Chinese forces from an imperial armory and took
   possession of the buildings, which gave them a strong
   defensive position, with a large store of rice for food, and
   enabled them to hold their ground until help came to them from
   Tientsin, on the 25th. They were encumbered with no less than 230
   wounded men, which made it impossible for them, in the
   circumstances, to fight their way back without aid; though the
   distance was so short that the return march was accomplished, on
   the 26th, between 3 o'clock and 9 of the same morning. In his
   report made the following day Admiral Seymour says: "The
   number of enemy engaged against us in the march from Yungtsin
   to the Armoury near Hsiku cannot be even estimated; the
   country alongside the river banks is quite flat, and consisted
   of a succession of villages of mud huts, those on the
   out-skirts having enclosures made of dried reeds; outside,
   high reeds were generally growing in patches near the village,
   and although trees are very scarce away from the River,
   alongside it they are very numerous; these with the graves,
   embankments for irrigation and against flood, afforded cover
   to the enemy from which they seldom exposed themselves,
   withdrawing on our near approach. Had their fire not been
   generally high it would have been much more destructive than
   it was. The number of the enemy certainly increased gradually
   until the Armoury near Hsiku was reached, when General Nieh's
   troops and the Boxers both joined in the attack. In the early
   part of the expedition the Boxers were mostly armed with
   swords and spears, and not with many firearms; at the
   engagement at Langfang on 18th, and afterwards, they were
   armed with rifles of late pattern; this together with banners
   captured and uniform worn, shows that they had either the
   active or covert support of the Chinese Government, or some of
   its high officials."

{113}

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June 11-29).
   Chinese Imperial Edicts.

   "On June 11 Mr. Sugiyama, the Chancellor of the Japanese
   Legation, was brutally murdered [in Peking] by the soldiers of
   General Tung-fuh-siang. Two days later the following Imperial
   edict was published in the 'Peking Gazette': 'On June 11 the
   Japanese Chancellor was murdered by brigands outside the
   Yung-ting Mên. On hearing this intelligence we were
   exceedingly grieved. Officials of neighbouring nations
   stationed in Peking ought to be protected in every possible
   way, and now, especially, extra diligence ought to be
   displayed to prevent such occurrences when banditti are as
   numerous as bees. We have repeatedly commanded the local
   officials to ensure the most efficient protection in their
   districts, yet, in spite of our frequent orders, we have this
   case of the murder of the Japanese Chancellor occurring in the
   very capital of the Empire. The civil and military officials
   have assuredly been remiss in not clearing their districts of
   bad characters, or immediately arresting such persons, and we
   hereby order every Yamên concerned to set a limit of time for
   the arrest of the criminals, that they may suffer the extreme
   penalty. Should the time expire without any arrest being
   effected, the severest punishment will assuredly be inflicted
   upon the responsible persons.' It is needless to add that the
   'criminals' were never arrested and the 'responsible persons'
   were never punished. In the same 'Gazette' another decree
   condemns the 'Boxer brigands' who have recently been causing
   trouble in the neighbourhood of the capital, who have been
   committing arson and murder and revenging themselves upon the
   native converts. Soldiers and 'Boxers,' it says, have leagued
   together to commit acts of murder and arson, and have vied
   with one another in disgraceful acts of looting and robbery.
   The 'Boxers' are to disband, desperadoes are to be arrested,
   ringleaders are to be seized, but the followers may be allowed
   to disband.

   "Similar decrees on the 14th and 15th show alarm at the result
   of the 'Boxer' agitation and lawlessness within the city.
   Nothing so strong against the 'Boxers' had previously been
   published. Fires were approaching too Closely to the Imperial
   Palace. No steps had been taken by the Court to prevent the
   massacre and burning of Christians and their property in the
   country, but on the 16th the great Chien Mên gate fronting the
   Palace had been burned and the smoke had swept over the
   Imperial Courts. Yet even in these decrees leniency is shown
   to the 'Boxers,' for they are not to be fired upon, but are,
   if guilty, to be arrested and executed. On June 17th the edict
   expresses the belief of the Throne that:—'All foreign
   Ministers ought to be really protected. If the Ministers and
   their families wish to go for a time to Tien-tsin, they must
   be protected on the way. But the railroad is not now in
   working order. If they go by the cart road it will be
   difficult, and there is fear that perfect protection cannot be
   offered. They would do better, therefore, to abide here in
   peace as heretofore and wait till the railroad is repaired,
   and then act as circumstances render expedient.'

   "Two days later an ultimatum was sent to the Ministers
   ordering them to leave Peking within 24 hours. On the 20th
   Baron von Ketteler was murdered and on June 21 China
   published, having entered upon war against the whole world,
   her Apologia:—

   'Ever since the foundation of the Dynasty, foreigners coming
   to China have been kindly treated. In the reigns Tao Kuang,
   and Hsien Feng, they were allowed to trade and they also asked
   leave to propagate their religion, a request that the Throne
   reluctantly granted. At first they were amenable to Chinese
   control, but for the past 30 years they have taken advantage
   of China's forbearance to encroach on China's territory and
   trample on Chinese people and to demand China's wealth. Every
   concession made by China increased their reliance on violence.
   They oppressed peaceful citizens and insulted the gods and
   holy men, exciting the most burning indignation among the
   people. Hence the burning of chapels and slaughter of converts
   by the patriotic braves. The Throne was anxious to avoid war, and
   issued edicts enjoining the protection of Legations and pity
   to the converts. The decrees declaring 'Boxers' and converts
   to be equally the children of the State were issued in the
   hope of removing the old feud between people and converts.
   Extreme kindness was shown to the strangers from afar. But
   these people knew no gratitude and increased their pressure. A
   despatch was yesterday sent by Du Chaylard, calling us to
   deliver up the Ta-ku Forts into their keeping, otherwise they
   would be taken by force. These threats showed their aggressive
   intention. In all matters relating to international
   intercourse, we have never been wanting in courtesies to them,
   but they, while styling themselves civilized States, have acted
   without regard for right, relying solely on their military
   force. We have now reigned nearly 30 years, and have treated
   the people as our children, the people honouring us as their
   deity, and in the midst of our reign we have been the
   recipients of the gracious favour of the Empress-Dowager.
   Furthermore, our ancestors have come to our aid, and the gods
   have answered our call, and never has there been so universal
   a manifestation of loyalty and patriotism. With tears have we
   announced war in the ancestral shrines. Better to enter on the
   struggle and do our utmost than seek some measures of
   self-preservation involving eternal disgrace. All our
   officials, high and low, are of one mind, and there have
   assembled without official summons several hundred thousand
   patriotic soldiers (I Ping "Boxers"). Even children carrying
   spears in the service of the State. Those others relying on
   crafty schemes, our trust is in Heaven's justice. They depend
   on violence, we on humanity. Not to speak of the righteousness
   of our cause, our provinces number more than 20, our people over
   400,000,000, and it will not be difficult to vindicate the
   dignity of our country.' The decree concludes by promising
   heavy rewards to those who distinguish themselves in battle or
   subscribe funds, and threatening punishment to those who show
   cowardice or act treacherously.

   "In the same 'Gazette' Yü Lu reports acts of war on the part
   of the foreigners, when, after some days' fighting, he was
   victorious. 'Perusal of his memorial has given us great
   comfort,' says the Throne. Warm praise is given to the
   'Boxers,' 'who have done great service without any assistance
   either of men or money from the State. Marked favour will be
   shown them later on, and they must continue to show their
   devotion.' On the 24th presents of rice are sent to the
   'Boxers.' Leaders of the 'Boxers' are appointed by the
   Throne—namely, Prince Chuang, and the Assistant Grand
   Secretary Kang-Yi to be in chief command, and Ying Nien and
   Duke Lan (the brother of Prince Tuan, the father of the Crown
   Prince) to act in cooperation with them, while another high
   post is given to Wen Jui."

       _London Times, October 16, 1900
       (Peking Correspondence)._

{114}

   Very different in tone to the imperial decree of June 21,
   quoted above, was one issued a week later (June 29), and sent
   to the diplomatic representatives of the Chinese government in
   Europe and America. As published by Minister Wu Ting-fang, at
   Washington, on the 11th of July, it was in the following
   words:

   "The circumstances which led to the commencement of fighting
   between Chinese and foreigners were of such a complex,
   confusing and unfortunate character as to be entirely
   unexpected. Our diplomatic representatives abroad, owing to
   their distance from the scene of action, have had no means of
   knowing the true state of things, and accordingly cannot lay
   the views of the government before the ministers for foreign
   affairs of the respective Powers to which they are accredited.
   Now we take this opportunity of going fully into the matter
   for the information of our representatives aforesaid.

   "In the first place there arose in the provinces of Chih Li
   and Shantung a kind of rebellious subjects who had been in the
   habit of practicing boxing and fencing in their respective
   villages, and at the same time clothing their doings with
   spiritualistic and strange rites. The local authorities failed
   to take due notice of them at the time. Accordingly the
   infection spread with astonishing rapidity. Within the space
   of a month it seemed to make its appearance everywhere, and
   finally even reached the capital itself. Everyone looked upon
   the movement as supernatural and strange, and many joined it.
   Then there were lawless and treacherous persons who sounded
   the cry of 'Down with Christianity!' About the middle of the
   fifth moon these persons began to create disturbances without
   warning. Churches were burned and converts were killed. The
   whole city was in a ferment. A situation was created which
   could not be brought under control. At first the foreign
   Powers requested that foreign troops be allowed to enter the
   capital for the protection of the legations. The imperial
   government, having in view the comparative urgency of the
   occasion, granted the request as an extraordinary mark of
   courtesy beyond the requirements of international intercourse.
   Over five hundred foreign troops were sent to Pekin. This
   shows clearly how much care China exercised in the maintenance
   of friendly relations with other countries.

   "The legations at the capital never had much to do with the
   people. But from the time foreign troops entered the city the
   guards did not devote themselves exclusively to the protection
   of their respective legations. They sometimes fired their guns
   on top of the city walls and sometimes patrolled the streets
   everywhere. There were repeated reports of persons being hit
   by stray bullets. Moreover they strolled about the city
   without restraint, and even attempted to enter the Tung Hua
   gate (the eastern gate of the palace grounds). They only
   desisted when admittance was positively forbidden. On this
   account, both the soldiers and the people were provoked to
   resentment, and voiced their indignation with one accord.
   Lawless persons then took advantage of the situation to do
   mischief, and became bolder than ever in burning and killing
   Christian converts. The Powers thereupon attempted to
   reinforce the foreign troops in Pekin, but the reinforcements
   encountered resistance and defeat at the hands of the
   insurgents on the way and have not yet been able to proceed.
   The insurgents of the two provinces of Chih Li and Shantung
   had by this time effected a complete union and could not be
   separated. The imperial government was by no means reluctant
   to issue orders for the entire suppression of this insurgent
   element. But as the trouble was so near at hand there was a
   great fear that due protection might not be assured to the
   legations if the anarchists should be driven to extremities,
   thus bringing on a national calamity. There also was a fear
   that uprisings might occur in the provinces of Chih Li and
   Shantung at the same time, with the result that both foreign
   missionaries and Chinese converts in the two provinces might
   fall victims to popular fury. It was therefore absolutely
   necessary to consider the matter from every point of view.

   "As a measure of precaution it was finally decided to request
   the foreign ministers to retire temporarily to Tien-Tsin for
   safety. It was while the discussion of this proposition was in
   progress that the German minister, Baron Von Ketteler, was
   assassinated by a riotous mob one morning while on his way to
   the Tsung-Li-Yamen. On the previous day the German minister
   had written a letter appointing a time for calling at the
   Tsung-Li-Yamen. But the Yamen, fearing he might be molested on
   the way, did not consent to the appointment as suggested by
   the minister. Since this occurrence the anarchists assumed a
   more bold and threatening attitude, and consequently 'it was
   not deemed wise to carry out the project of sending the
   diplomatic corps to Tien-Tsin under an escort. However, orders
   were issued to the troops detailed for the protection of the
   legations to keep stricter watch and take greater precaution
   against any emergency.

   "To our surprise, on the 20th of the fifth moon (June 16th),
   foreign (naval?) officers at Taku called upon Lo Jung Kwang,
   the general commanding, and demanded his surrender of the
   forts, notifying him that failing to receive compliance they
   would at two o'clock the next day take steps to seize the
   forts by force. Lo Jung Kwang, being bound by the duties of
   his office to hold the forts, how could he yield to the
   demand? On the day named they actually first fired upon the
   forts, which responded, and kept up fighting all day and then
   surrendered. Thus the conflict of forces began, but certainly
   the initiative did not come from our side. Even supposing that
   China were not conscious of her true condition, how could she
   take such a step as to engage in war with all the Powers
   simultaneously? and how could she, relying upon the support of
   anarchistic populace, go into war with the Powers?

{115}

   "Our position in this matter ought to be clearly understood by
   all the Powers. The above is a statement of the wrongs we have
   suffered, and how China was driven to the unfortunate position
   from which she could not escape. Our several ministers will make
   known accurately and in detail the contents of this decree and
   the policy of China to the ministers of foreign affairs in
   their respective countries, and assure them that military
   authorities are still strictly enjoined to afford protection
   to the legations as hitherto to the utmost of their power. As
   for the anarchists they will be as severely dealt with as
   circumstances permit. The several ministers will continue in
   the discharge of the duties of their office as hitherto
   without hesitation or doubt. This telegraphic decree to be
   transmitted for their information. Respect this."

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June-July).
   Failure of attempt to entrust Japan with the rescuing of
   the Legations at Peking.

   A British Blue Book, issued on the 18th of February, 1901,
   contains correspondence that took place between the Powers
   late in June and early in July, looking to an arrangement for
   the immediate sending of a large force from Japan to the
   rescue of the beleaguered Legations in Peking. As summarized
   in the "London Times," this correspondence showed that "the
   necessity of asking the help of the only Power that was near
   enough to intervene promptly was strongly pressed by Lord
   Salisbury on the other Powers in the beginning of July. M.
   Delcassé fell in entirely with the scheme and insisted on the
   need of putting aside all jealousies or afterthoughts which
   might hinder unity of action on the spot. The Russian
   Government, however, seems to have misunderstood Lord
   Salisbury's meaning and to have conceived him to wish Japan to
   settle the Chinese crisis by herself and with a view to her
   own interests, a misunderstanding which it required a whole
   series of despatches to clear up completely. The Japanese
   Government itself showed the most commendable readiness to
   act, and on July 11 Mr. Whitehead telegraphed from Tokio, in
   reply to an appeal from Lord Salisbury to the Japanese
   Government, that 'in consequence of the friendly assurances'
   given by Lord Salisbury the Japanese Government had decided to
   send one or two more divisions to China. To this Lord
   Salisbury replied on July 13 that her Majesty's Government
   were willing to assist the Japanese Government up to
   £1,000,000 if they at once mobilized and despatched an
   additional 20,000 men to Peking. But the latter, in the
   absence of any definite scheme of operations on the part of
   the Powers, showed an unwillingness to accede to this
   proposal, which thus fell through."

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June-August).
   The siege of the Foreign Legations at Peking.
   The story of two dreadful months as told by one of the besieged.

   The most detailed and altogether best account of the dreadful
   experience which the foreigners besieged in the quarter of the
   Legations at Peking underwent, from the first week in June
   until the 14th day of August, when a rescuing army forced its
   way into the city, is that furnished to the "London Times" by
   its Peking correspondent, who was one of the besieged. His
   narrative, forwarded immediately upon the opening of
   communication with the outer world, was published in "The
   Times" of October 13 and 15. With some abridgment it is given
   here under permission from the Manager of "The Times."

   "Missionaries in Peking began collecting together into the
   larger mission compounds for common protection. Many ladies
   went for safety into the British Legation. Railway
   communication was now severed and the telegraph communication
   threatened. Our isolation was being completed. In the country
   disaffection spread to the districts to the east of Peking,
   and the position of the American missionaries at Tung-chau
   became one of great danger. It was decided to abandon their
   great missionary establishments, and with the native
   Christians that could follow them to come into Peking. They
   asked for an escort, but Mr. Conger felt himself compelled to
   decline one, on the ground that he did not venture to send the
   small body of men that he could spare from the Legation
   through so dangerous a district. Protection must be looked for
   from the Chinese Government. What soldiers could not be sent
   to do one fearless American missionary succeeded in doing.
   Late in the evening of June 7 the Rev. W. S. Ament, of the
   Board Mission, left Peking in a cart, and with 20 other carts
   journeyed 14 miles to Tung-chau through a country palpitating
   with excitement. It was an act of courage and devotion that
   seemed to us who knew the country a deed of heroism. His
   arrival was most opportune. He brought safely back with him to
   Peking the whole missionary body then in Tung-chau—five men,
   including the author of 'Chinese Characteristics,' 11 ladies,
   and seven children, together with their Christian servants. …

   "More troops were sent for to reinforce the Legation guards in
   Peking, but they were sent for too late. Already many miles of
   the railway had been torn up, and it was hopeless to expect an
   early restoration of communication. … The Empress-Dowager and
   the Emperor, who had been for some time past at the Summer
   Palace, returned to Peking, entering the city at the same hour
   by different gates. Large escorts of cavalry and infantry
   accompanied them; Manchu bannermen in large numbers were
   posted on the walls. It was noticeable that the body-guard of
   the Empress was provided by the renegade Mahomedan rabble of
   Tung-fuh-siang, who had long been a menace to foreigners in
   the province. The return of the Court was expected to have a
   tranquillizing effect upon the populace. But this was not the
   case. Students were attacked when riding in the country; our
   race-course, grand stand, and stables were burnt by 'Boxers'
   armed with knives; Europeans could not venture along the
   streets outside the foreign quarter without being insulted.
   People were saying everywhere, 'The foreigners are to be
   ended.' Streets were being patrolled by cavalry, but there was
   every fear that the patrols were in league with the 'Boxers,'
   who were marching through the streets bearing banners
   inscribed 'Fu Ching Mieh Yang.' 'Protect Pure (the Dynasty),
   exterminate the foreigner.'

   "The London Mission and the Society for the Propagation of the
   Gospel handed over their buildings to the Chinese authorities,
   holding them responsible for their safe keeping, and all
   missionaries and their families went to the British Legation.
   The American Board Mission likewise delivered over their
   valuable property to the Government and fell back upon the
   great Methodist Episcopalian Mission near the Hata Mên Gate,
   beyond the foreign quarter. Tung-chau missionaries and their
   families and several hundred Christian converts were already
   gathered there. Steps were at once taken to fortify the
   compound. Under the direction of Mr. F. D. Gamewell deep
   trenches were cut, earthworks thrown up, and barbed-wire
   entanglements laid down.
{116}
   Watch was kept and sentries posted, provisions laid in, and
   all preparations made to withstand a siege. Twenty marines and
   a captain from the American Legation were sent as a guard, and
   some spare rifles were obtained from the British Legation.
   Converts were armed with pikes and knives, and a determined
   effort was to be made in case of attack. The mission was,
   however, absolutely at the mercy of any force holding the high
   city wall and Hata Mên Gate. Without the power of reply the
   small garrison could have been shot down from the wall, which
   is little more than a stone's throw from the nearest point of
   the compound. Shell-fire such as was subsequently used against
   the Legations would have smashed the buildings into fragments.
   All the Maritime Customs staff and their families living in
   the East City, a mile or more beyond the foreign quarter, the
   professors and teachers of the Tung-wen-Kuan, Dr. Dudgeon, Mr.
   Pethick, the secretary of Li Hung Chang, and others, were
   forced to abandon their homes and come in for protection.
   Preparations for defence went on at all the Legations, for it
   was now inevitable that we should have to fight. A 'conseil de
   guerre' was held, attended by all the military officers, and a
   plan of defence determined. The palace and grounds of Prince
   Su, opposite the British Legation, were to be held for the
   Christian refugees, and an area was to be defended some half a
   mile long by half a mile broad, bounded by the Austrian and
   Italian Legations to the east, the street running over the
   north bridge of the canal to the north, the British, Russian,
   and American Legations to the west, while the southern
   boundary was to be the street running at the foot of the great
   City Wall from the American Legation on the west, past the
   German Legation on the east, to the lane running from the Wall
   north past the French Legation, the buildings of the
   Inspectorate General of Customs, and the Austrian Legation.
   All women and children and non-combatants were to come into
   the British Legation. Each position was to be held as long as
   possible, and the final stand was to be made at the British
   Legation. No question of surrender could ever be entertained,
   for surrender meant massacre.

   "On the 10th it was announced that reinforcements were on the
   way and that they were coming with the approval of the Viceroy
   and of the Chinese Government, an approval more readily
   accorded since it was known to the Viceroy that the troops
   could not come by train. More than one of the Ministers was so
   confident that they were coming that carts were sent to await
   their arrival at Machia-pu, the terminal railway station at
   Peking. … Then Government gave its first public official
   recognition of the 'Boxers' by announcing that the notorious
   chief of the 'Boxers,' Prince Tuan, had been appointed
   President of the Tsung-li-Yamên. Prince Ching was superseded
   but was not removed from the Yamên. One harmless old Chinese,
   Liao Shou-hêng was sent into retirement while four rabidly
   anti-foreign Manchus entirely ignorant of all foreign affairs
   were appointed members. The last hope of any wisdom springing
   from the Yamên disappeared with the supersession of Prince
   Ching by the anti-foreign barbarian who, more than any other
   man in China, was responsible for the outbreak. The following
   morning most of the Europeans rode to Machia-pu to await the
   arrival of the foreign troops. They waited, but no troops
   came, and then rode back past the jeering faces of hordes of
   Chinese soldiers. Our security was not increased by this
   fiasco.

   "Soldiers sent to guard the summer residences of the British
   Legation in the Western Hills left their posts during the
   night. The buildings had been officially placed under the
   protection of the Imperial Government. In the pre-arranged
   absence of the soldiers the buildings were attacked by
   'Boxers' and entirely burnt to the ground; the soldiers
   witnessed if they did not assist in the burning. But worse
   events were to happen that day. In the afternoon news passed
   through Peking that Mr. Sugiyama, the Chancellor of the
   Japanese Legation, had been murdered by soldiers. He had been
   sent by his Minister a second time to Machia-pu to await the
   arrival of the troops. Passing unarmed and alone in his cart
   beyond the Yung-ting Mên, the outer gate on the way to the
   station, he was seized by the soldiers of Tung-fuh-siang,
   dragged from his cart, and done to death in the presence of a
   crowd of Chinese who witnessed his struggles with unpitying
   interest and unconcealed satisfaction. …

   "On the 12th a deputation, consisting of Chi Hsiu, a member of
   the Grand Council and newly appointed to the Yamên, Hsu
   Ching-chêng, the ex-Minister, the 'Boxer' leader Chao
   Shu-chiao, and another Manchu, called upon the British
   Minister. Chi Hsiu made a long address, his theme being the
   enduring nature of the friendship between China and England
   and the duty which China has always recognized as a sacred
   obligation to protect the members of the Legations who were
   her guests and the strangers within her walls. Chi Hsiu
   assured the Minister that the movement was at an end, that all
   was now tranquil, and that there was no more reason to fear.
   Yet the very next day Baron von Ketteler himself captured a
   'Boxer' from amid the crowd in Legation-street. He carried the
   consecrated headpiece, and was armed with a sword. Round his
   waist he had a belt containing a talisman of yellow paper
   smeared with mystic red symbols by which he was rendered
   'impermeable to foreign bullets.' And in the afternoon the
   'Boxers' came down in force from the north of the city and the
   burning of foreign buildings began. The cry arose that the
   'Boxers' were coming. Every man ran to his post, a cordon was
   established round the foreign quarter and no one was allowed
   to pass. Guards were on watch at all the Legations, but their
   numbers, spread over so many posts, were very inadequate, and
   they were still further reduced by the guards detached for
   duty at the Pei-tang Cathedral, where, three miles distant
   within the Imperial City, were gathered in the one great
   compound Mgr. Favier, the Bishop, his coadjutor, Mgr. Jarlin,
   the missionaries and lay brothers, the sisters of charity, and
   a vast concourse of Christian refugees, estimated at 2,000,
   who had fled from the massacre in the country. A guard of five
   Austrians was sent to the Belgian Legation. The Austrians with
   their machine gun commanded the Customs-street leading to the
   north: the Italians with a one pounder commanded the
   Legation-street to the east. The British with their
   Nordenfeldt swept the Canal-street to the north and the
   North-bridge, the Russians were on the South-bridge, while the
   Americans with their Colt machine gun had command of
   Legation-street to the west as far as the court facing the
   Imperial Palace. The Russians, having no gun, dropped their
   heavy ammunition down the well.

{117}

   "As darkness came on the most awful cries were heard in the
   city, most demoniacal and unforgettable, the cries of the
   'Boxers,' 'Sha kweitze'—'Kill the devils'—mingled with the
   shrieks of the victims and the groans of the dying. For
   'Boxers' were sweeping through the city massacring the native
   Christians and burning them alive in their homes. The first
   building to be burned was the chapel of the Methodist Mission
   in the Hata Mên-street. Then flames sprang up in many quarters
   of the city. Amid the most deafening uproar the Tung-tang, or
   East Cathedral, shot flames into the sky. The old Greek Church
   in the north-east of the city, the London Mission buildings,
   the handsome pile of the American Board Mission, and the
   entire foreign buildings belonging to the Imperial Maritime
   Customs in the East City burned throughout the night. It was
   an appalling sight. Late in the night a large party of
   'Boxers' bearing torches were seen moving down Customs-street
   towards the Austrian Legation. The machine gun mounted was in
   waiting for them. They were allowed to come within 150 yards
   in the open street near the great cross road, and then the
   order was given and the gun rained forth death. It was a
   grateful sound. The torches disappeared. They had come within
   a restricted space, and none, we thought, could have escaped.
   Eagerly we went forth to count the dead, expecting to find
   them in heaps. But there was not one dead. The gun had been
   aimed very wide of the mark. Two hundred yards north of the
   'Boxers' there is a place where 30 ft. above the level road
   the telegraph wires crossed to the station. Next morning they
   were found to have been cut by the Austrian fire. The only
   persons who suffered injury were possible wayfarers two miles
   up the street. There can be little doubt that this fiasco
   helped to confirm the Boxers in a belief in their
   invulnerability.

   "The Tung-tang, or East Cathedral, having been burned, it, was
   clear that the Nan-tang, the South Cathedral, was in danger.
   Père Garrigues, the aged priest of the Tung-tang, had refused
   to leave his post and had perished in the flames. But the
   fathers and sisters at the Nan-tang might yet be saved. Their
   lives were in great peril; it was necessary to act quickly. A
   party of French gentlemen, led by M. Fliche of the French
   Legation and accompanied by M. and Mme. Chamot, rode out at
   night, and early the following morning safely escorted to the
   hotel every member of the mission—Père d' Addosio and his two
   colleagues, a French brother, five sisters of charity, and
   some twenty native nuns of the Order of Josephine. They were
   rescued just in time. Scarcely had they reached a place of
   safety when the splendid edifice they had forsaken was in
   flames. … It continued burning all day, the region round it,
   the chief Catholic centre of Peking, being also burnt. Acres
   of houses were destroyed and the Christians in thousands put
   to the sword. …

   "On the 15th rescue parties were sent out by the American and
   Russian Legations in the morning, and by the British and
   German Legations in the afternoon, to save if possible native
   Christians from the burning ruins around the Nan-tang. Awful
   sights were witnessed. Women and children hacked to pieces,
   men trussed like fowls, with noses and ears cut off and eyes
   gouged out. Chinese Christians accompanied the reliefs and ran
   about in the labyrinth of network of streets that formed the
   quarter, calling upon the Christians to come out from their
   hiding-places. All through the night the massacre had
   continued, and 'Boxers' were even now shot redhanded at their
   bloody work. But their work was still incomplete, and many
   hundreds of women and children had escaped. They came out of
   their hiding-places crossing themselves and pleading for
   mercy. It was a most pitiful sight. Thousands of soldiers on
   the wall witnessed the rescue; they had with callous hearts
   witnessed the massacre without ever raising a hand to save.
   During the awful nights of the 13th and 14th Duke Lan, the
   brother of Prince Tuan, and Chao Shu-Chiao, of the
   Tsung-li-Yamên, had followed round in their carts to gloat
   over the spectacle. Yet the Chinese Government were afterwards
   to describe this massacre done under official supervision
   under the very walls of the Imperial Palace as the handiwork
   of local banditti. More than 1,200 of the poor refugees were
   escorted by the 'foreign devils' to a place of safety. Many
   were wounded, many were burnt beyond recognition. All had
   suffered the loss of every thing they possessed in the world.
   They were given quarters in the palace grounds of Prince Su,
   opposite the British Legation. Among them was the aged mother
   and the nephew of Ching Chang, recently Minister to France,
   and now Chinese Commissioner to the Paris Exhibition. The
   nephew was cruelly burnt; nearly every other member of the
   family was murdered. A Catholic family of much distinction—a
   family Catholic for seven generations—was thus almost
   exterminated and its property laid in ashes. It was announced
   this day that only 'Boxers' might enter the Imperial City. The
   Government was rushing headlong to its ruin.

   "On June 16 a party of twenty British, ten Americans, and five
   Japanese, with some Volunteers, and accompanied by
   Lieutenant-Colonel Shiba, the Japanese military attache,
   patrolled the East City, visiting the ruins in the hopes that
   some Christians might yet be in hiding. But to our calls
   everywhere no reply was given. Refugees, however, from the
   East City had managed to escape miraculously and find their
   way, many of them wounded, to the foreign Legations, seeking
   that protection and humanity that was denied them by their own
   people. As the patrol was passing a Taoist temple on the way,
   a noted 'Boxer' meeting place, cries were heard within. The
   temple was forcibly entered. Native Christians were found
   there, their hands tied behind their backs, awaiting execution
   and torture. Some had already been put to death, and their
   bodies were still warm and bleeding. All were shockingly
   mutilated. Their fiendish murderers were at their incantations
   burning incense before their gods, offering Christians in
   sacrifice to their angered deities. They shut themselves
   within the temple, but their defence availed them nothing.
   Everyone of them, 46 in all, was in 'Boxer' uniform armed with
   sword and lance. Retribution was swift; every man was shot to
   death without mercy. In the afternoon a fire broke out in the
   foreign drug store in the native city outside the great gate
   of the Chien Mên.
{118}
   It was the work of 'Boxers,' done while the soldiers were
   looking on. In order to burn the foreign drug store and do the
   foreigners a few pounds worth of damage, they did not hesitate
   to jeopardize by fire property worth millions of pounds, and that
   is what happened. Adjoining buildings took fire, the flames
   spread to the booksellers' street, and the most interesting
   street in China, filled with priceless scrolls, manuscripts,
   and printed books, was gutted from end to end. Fire licked up
   house after house, and soon the conflagration was the most
   disastrous ever known in China, reducing to ashes the richest
   part of Peking, the pearl and jewel shops, the silk and fur,
   the satin and embroidery stores, the great curio shops, the
   gold and silver shops, the melting houses, and nearly all that
   was of the highest value in the metropolis. Irreparable was
   the damage done. …

   "During the night the Americans, fearing an attack from the
   street at the back of their Legation, kept the street clear
   till daybreak. During one of the volleys four of the
   Tsung-li-Yamên Ministers called upon the American Minister.
   They were blandly assuring him that all was now quiet, that
   there was no need for further alarm, that great was the
   tenderness of the Throne for men from afar, when a rattle of
   musketry was heard which rendered them speechless with fear.
   They hurriedly went away. Assurances of the Throne's
   tenderness did not deceive us. Our barricades were everywhere
   strengthened and defences systematically planned, for rumour
   was quick to reach us that the relief forces had been driven
   back to Tien-tsin, and this did not add to the security of our
   position. Inside the Imperial City wall, within one hundred
   yards of the British picket on the north bridge a large
   Chinese camp was formed. Peking was in a state of panic, all
   the streets near the foreign quarters were empty, and people
   were fleeing from the city. There was a run on the banks, and
   the Ssu-ta-hêng, the four great banks, the leading banks of
   Peking, closed their doors, and paper money was not in
   circulation. The Palace of Prince Su was occupied by the
   refugees, and its defence, the most important of all and a
   vital one to the British Legation, was entrusted to Colonel
   Shiba and Japanese marines and volunteers.

   "The crisis was approaching. On the morning of June 19 Mr.
   Cordes, the Chinese Secretary of the German Legation, was at
   the Yamên, when the secretaries told him that the allied
   fleets had taken the Ta-ku forts on June 17. This was
   remembered when at 4.30 in the afternoon an ultimatum was sent
   to the foreign Ministers. It was a bolt from the blue. They
   were to leave Peking within 24 hours. 'A despatch,' they
   wrote, 'has arrived from the Viceroy Yu Lu, forwarding a note
   which he has received from the doyen of the Consular body in
   Tien-tsin, the French Comte du Chaylard, to say that, unless
   foreign troops are at once permitted to land at Tien-tsin, the
   allied fleets will bombard the Ta-ku forts. As this is
   equivalent to a declaration of war, the Tsung-li-Yamên
   herewith notify the foreign Ministers that they must leave
   Peking within 24 hours, otherwise protection cannot be
   guaranteed to them. They will be given safe conduct and
   transport.' It was quite in accordance with Chinese custom
   that a despatch saying that the seizure of the Ta-ku forts had
   been threatened should be sent after the seizure had been
   effected. What is distasteful to them to say they avoid
   saying. A meeting of the diplomatic body was at once held. It
   was decided to accept the ultimatum. They had been given their
   passports by the Chinese Government; what other course was
   open to them? … Word was passed round that preparation had to
   be made to leave Peking the following day. Mr. Conger, the
   American Minister, asked for 100 carts; and his Legation spent
   most of the night making preparations. No packing was done at
   the British Legation, for it was there considered
   inconceivable that China should insist upon sending the
   Ministers their passports. Only two days before, in the
   'Peking Gazette' of June 17, it had been officially announced
   that the road to Tien-tsin was unsafe. … When the decision of
   the Diplomatic Body became known in Peking the most profound
   indignation was everywhere expressed at so unworthy a decision
   and the most profound astonishment that such a course of
   action should have received the support of M. Pichon, the
   French Minister 'Protecteur des Missions Catholiques en
   Chine,' and of so humane a man as Mr. Conger, the American
   Minister; for to leave Peking meant the immediate abandonment
   to massacre of the thousands of native Christians who had
   trusted the foreigner and believed in his good faith.

   "Early on the morning of the 20th a meeting of the Diplomatic
   Body was held at the French Legation. No reply had been
   received from the Tsung-li-Yamên to the request for an
   audience, and the proposition that all the Ministers should go
   to the Yamên found no seconder. Had it been carried out, there
   would have occurred one of the most appalling massacres on
   record. Two chairs later left for the Yamên. In the first was
   the German Minister, Baron van Ketteler, who had this
   advantage over the other Ministers, that he spoke Chinese
   fluently. In the second was the Chinese Secretary of the
   German Legation, Mr. Cordes. News travels quickly in Peking.
   Not many minutes later my boy burst into my office—'Any man
   speakee have makee kill German Minister!' It was true. The
   German Minister had been assassinated by an Imperial officer.
   The Secretary had been grievously wounded, but, running for
   his life, shot at by a hundred rifles, had escaped as if by a
   miracle. A patrol of 15 men under Count Soden, the commander,
   went out to recover the body. Fired on by Chinese soldiers
   from every side, they were forced to retire. … There was no
   more question about leaving for Tien-tsin. Later in the day
   the Yamên, evidently indifferent to the gravity of the
   position created by the Government, sent an impudent despatch
   to the German Legation to the effect that two Germans had been
   proceeding in chairs along the Hata Mên-street, and at the
   mouth of the street leading to the Tsung-li-Yamên one of them
   had fired upon the crowd. The Chinese had retaliated and he
   had been killed. They wished to know his name. No reply was
   sent, for it was felt to be a mockery. Only too well the Yamên
   knew whom they had murdered. Weeks passed before the body was
   recovered, and it was not until July 18 that any official
   reference was made to the murder. In the course of the morning
   a despatch was sent to the Diplomatic Body in reply to the
   answer they had sent to the ultimatum of yesterday.
{119}
   The country, it said, between Peking and Tien-tsin was overrun
   with brigands, and it would not be safe for the Ministers to go
   there. They should therefore remain in Peking. It is difficult
   to write with calmness of the treachery with which the Chinese
   were now acting. Four p. m. was the hour given in the ultimatum
   for the Ministers to vacate their Legations, but the ultimatum
   had been rescinded, and the Ministers invited to remain in
   Peking. Thus it was hoped that they would be lulled into a
   false security. Chinese soldiers were secretly stationed under
   cover at every vantage point commanding the outposts. At 4 p.
   m. precisely to the minute, by preconcerted signal, they
   opened fire upon the Austrian and French outposts. A French
   marine fell shot dead through the forehead. An Austrian was
   wounded. The siege had begun.

   "At this time (June 20), at the opening of the siege, the
   total strength of the combined Legation guards consisted of 18
   officers and 389 men, distributed as follows:

   "American.
   Three officers, Captain Myers in command, Captain Hall,
   Surgeon Lippett, and 53 marines from the Newark.

   "Austrian.
   Five officers, Captain Thomann, the Commander of the Zenta,
   Flag-Lieutenant von Winterhalder, Lieutenant Kollar,
   two mid-shipmen, and 30 marines from the Zenta.

   "British.
   Three officers, Captain B. M. Strouts in command,
   Captain Halliday, Captain Wray, and 79 men R. M. L. I.
   -30 from H. M. S. Orlando and 49 from Wei-hai-wei.

   "French.
   Two officers, Captain Darcy and Midshipman Herbert, and
   45 marines from the D'Entrecasteaux and Descartes.

   "German.
   Lieutenant Graf Soden and 51 marines of the
   3rd Battalion Kiao-chau.

   "Italian.
   Lieutenant Paolini and 28 blue-jackets from the Elba.

   "Japanese.
   Lieutenant Hara and 24 marines from the Atago.

   "Russian.
   Two officers, Lieutenant Baron von Rahden and Lieutenant
   von Dehn, and 79 men—72 marines from the Sissoi Veliki and
   Navarin and seven Legation Cossacks.

   "Total,
   18 officers and 389 men.

   "In addition the French sent Lieutenant Henry and 30 men to
   guard the Pei-tang Cathedral, and the Italians detached one
   officer, Lieutenant Cavalieri, and 11 men for the same humane
   mission. To this insignificant force of 18 officers and 389
   men of eight nationalities the entire foreign quarter had to
   trust for its defence. Fortunately several visitors or
   residents had received military training, and they at once
   went on the active list and rendered invaluable service. … A
   volunteer force numbering altogether 75 men, of whom 31 were
   Japanese, was enrolled and armed with all available rifles.
   They added greatly to the strength of the garrison, taking
   watch and watch like the Regulars, fighting behind the
   barricades, and never shrinking from any duty imposed upon
   them. There was also an irregular force of 50 gentlemen of
   many nationalities, who did garrison guard duty in the British
   Legation and were most useful. They were known, from the
   gentleman who enrolled them, as 'Thornhill's Roughs,' and they
   bore themselves as the legitimate successors on foot of
   Roosevelt's Roughriders. Armed with a variety of weapons, from
   an elephant rifle to the 'fusil de chasse' with a picture of
   the Grand Prix, to all of which carving knives had been lashed
   as bayonets, they were known as the 'Carving Knife Brigade.' …
   Such were the effective forces. They were provided with four
   guns, an Italian one-pounder with 120 rounds, an American Colt
   with 25,000 rounds, an Austrian machine gun, and a British
   five-barrel Nordenfelt, pattern 1887. Rifle ammunition was
   very scanty. The Japanese had only 100 rounds apiece, the
   Russians 145, and the Italians 120, while the best provided of
   the other guards had only 300 rounds per man, none too many
   for a siege the duration of which could not be foreseen.

   "Punctually, then, at 4 o'clock Chinese soldiers began firing
   upon us whom they had requested to remain in peace at Peking.
   And immediately after the Austrian Legation was abandoned. No
   sufficient reason has been given for its abandonment, which
   was done so precipitately that not an article was saved. It
   was left to the mercy of the Chinese, and the guard retired to
   the corner of Customs-lane, leading west to the Prince's
   Palace. This involved the sacrifice of Sir Robert Hart's and
   all the Customs buildings, and hastened the advance of the
   Chinese westward. As previously arranged, the American mission
   buildings had been abandoned in the morning, for they were
   quite untenable. All the missionaries, their wives, and
   families crossed over to the British Legation. Converts to the
   number of several hundreds joined the other refugees. The
   captain and 20 American marines returned to the American
   Legation. By an error of judgment on the part of the captain
   the mission was finally left in a panic. Almost nothing was
   saved, and nearly all the stores accumulated for a siege were
   lost. The British Legation was now thronged. Rarely has a more
   cosmopolitan gathering been gathered together within the limits
   of one compound. All the women and children were there, all
   the missionaries, American, British, French, and Russian, all
   the Customs staff, the French, Belgian, Russian, American,
   Spanish, Japanese, and Italian Ministers, and their families,
   the entire unofficial foreign community of Peking, with the
   exception of M. Chamot, who remained in his hotel throughout,
   though it was in the hottest corner of the besieged area. …
   French volunteers bravely stood by their own Legation, and the
   Austrian Charge d'Affaires and Mme. von Rosthorn remained there
   as long as there was a room habitable. Mr. Squiers, the first
   Secretary of the American Legation, with Mr. Cheshire, the
   Chinese Secretary, and Mr. Pethiek, the well-known private
   secretary of Li Hung Chang, stayed by the United States
   Legation, and the staff of the German Legation also kept
   stanchly to their posts. … At the British Legation
   fortification began in real earnest, the refugees working like
   coolies. Sand-bags were made by the thousand, and posts
   mounted round the Legation. A way was knocked through the
   houses to the Russian Legation, so that the Americans, if they
   had to fall back, could pass through to the British Legation.
   During the day every Legation was exposed to a continuous fire
   from surrounding house-tops, and in the case of the British
   Legation from the cover in the Imperial Carriage Park. Chinese
   put flames to the abandoned buildings, and the Belgian
   Legation, the Austrian Legation, the Methodist Mission, and
   some private houses were burned.

{120}

   "June 22 opened disastrously. The evening before, Captain
   Thomann, the Austrian commander, announced that as the senior
   officer he had taken command in Peking. This morning, hearing
   from an irresponsible American that the American Legation was
   abandoned, he, without taking steps to verify the information,
   ordered the abandonment of all the Legations cast of
   Canal-street, the detachments to fall back upon the British
   Legation. There had been no casualties to speak of, none of
   the Legations had been attacked, and every commander who
   received the order to retreat regarded the action as madness.
   Peremptory orders were sent to the Japanese to abandon the
   Prince's Palace or Fu (as I shall henceforth call it), and
   they retired to their Legation. In the British Legation
   nothing was known of the order when, to the amazement of all,
   the Italians, Austrians, and French came running down
   Legation-street, followed a little later by the Japanese, and
   subsequently by the Germans, who recalled their post on the
   wall and marched without a shot being fired at them down under
   the wall to Canal-street. Americans and Russians, learning
   that all east of Canal-street had been abandoned, saw
   themselves cut off, though their communications had not even
   been menaced, and retreated precipitately into the British
   Legation. It was a veritable stampede—a panic that might have
   been fraught with the gravest disaster. Prompt action was
   taken. Captain Thomann was relieved of his command, and Sir
   Claude MacDonald, at the urgent instance of the French and
   Russian Ministers, subsequently confirmed by all their
   colleagues, assumed the chief command. The French and
   Austrians reoccupied the French Legation, but the barricade in
   Customs-street was lost. One German only was killed and the
   position was saved, but the blunder might have been
   disastrous.

   "It was obvious from the first that the great danger at the
   British Legation was not so much from rifle-fire as from
   incendiarism, for on three sides the compound was surrounded
   by Chinese buildings of a highly inflammable nature. Before
   time could be given to clear an open space round the Legation,
   the buildings to the rear of Mr. Cockburn's house were set on
   fire, and as the wind was blowing strongly towards us it
   seemed as if nothing could prevent the fire from bursting into
   the Legation. Water had to be used sparingly, for the wells
   were lower than they had been for years, yet the flames had to
   be fought. Bullets were whistling through the trees. Private
   Scadding, the first Englishman to fall, was killed while on
   watch on the stables near by. Men and women lined up, and
   water passed along in buckets to a small fire engine that was
   played upon the fire. Walls were broken through, trees hastily
   cut down, and desperate work saved the building. It was the
   first experience of intense excitement. Then the men set to
   with a will, and till late at night were demolishing the
   temple and buildings outside the wall of the Legation. Work
   was continued in the morning, but when it was proposed to pull
   down an unimportant building in 'the Hanlin Academy that abuts
   upon the Legation to the North, the proposition was vetoed.
   Such desecration, it was said, would wound the
   susceptibilities of the Chinese Government. It was 'the most
   sacred building in China.' To lay hands upon it, even to
   safeguard the lives of beleaguered women and children, could
   not be thought of, for fear of wounding the susceptibilities
   of the Chinese Government! So little do the oldest of us
   understand the Chinese.

   "A strong wind was blowing from the Hanlin into the Legation,
   the distance separating the nearest building from the
   Minister's residence being only a few feet. Fire the one and
   the Minister's residence would have been in danger. Suddenly
   there was the alarm of fire. Smoke was rising from the Hanlin.
   The most venerated pile in Peking, the great Imperial Academy,
   centre of all Chinese learning, with its priceless collection of
   books and manuscripts, was in flames. Everyone who was off
   duty rushed to the back of the Legation. The Hanlin had been
   occupied during the night by Imperial soldiers, who did not
   hesitate, in their rage to destroy the foreigners, to set fire
   to the buildings. It was first necessary to clear the temple.
   A breach was made in the wall, Captain Poole headed a force of
   Marines and volunteers who rushed in, divided, searched the
   courts, and returned to the main pavilion with its superb
   pillars and memorial tablets. Chinese were rushing from other
   burning pavilions to the main entrance. They were taken by
   surprise and many were killed, but they had done their evil
   deed. … To save the Legation it was necessary to continue the
   destruction and dismantle the library buildings. With great
   difficulty, with inadequate tools, the buildings were pulled
   down. Trees endangering our position were felled. An attempt
   was made to rescue specimens of the more valuable manuscripts,
   but few were saved for the danger was pressing. Sir Claude
   MacDonald, as soon as the fire was discovered, despatched a
   messenger to the Tsung-li-Yamên, telling them of the fire and
   urging them to send some responsible officials to carry away
   what volumes could be rescued, but no attention was given to
   his courteous communication. The Dutch Legation was burned on
   the 22nd, and next day Chinese soldiers set fire to the
   Russo-Chinese Bank, and a greater part of the buildings were
   destroyed, involving in danger the American Legation. Chinese
   volunteers were called for. They responded readily, worked
   with much courage exposed to fire from the wall, and the
   Legation was saved. All the buildings back from the bank to
   the Chien Mên (the main gate between the Chinese and Tartar
   cities facing the entrance to the Forbidden City) seemed to be
   on fire. Then all the Customs buildings were fired, so that
   flames were on every side, and the smoke was tremendous, while
   the fusillade was incessant. An Italian and a German died of
   their wounds. The first American was killed, shot from the
   wall, then a Russian fell. They were dropping off one by one,
   and already we were well accustomed to the sight of the
   stretcher and the funeral. Wounded were being brought in from
   every Legation to the hospital in the British Legation. …

{121}

   "Then a new terror was added to the fears of the besieged, for
   the Imperial troops mounted a 3 in. Krupp gun on the Chien Mên,
   the gate opposite to the Forbidden City, and began throwing
   segment shells from a distance of 1,000 yards into the crowded
   Legation. The first shell struck the American Legation, others
   burst over the British compound, while others crashed into the
   upper rooms of the German Legation. It was known that the
   Chinese had ten similar guns in Peking, while we had nothing
   with which to answer their fire, and no one ever knew where
   the next gun might be mounted. Immediately all hands dug
   bomb-proof shelters for the women and children. Rifle fire
   also played on the Americans from the wall quite close to them
   at a distance of a few hundred feet only, whence, safely
   sheltered by the parapet of the wall, men could enfilade the
   barricade which was held by the Americans on the street
   running east and west under the wall. The barricade became
   untenable, and to occupy the wall was a paramount necessity
   which could no longer be delayed. … Down in the besieged area
   the enemy pressed upon every side. Again they attempted to
   fire the British Legation from the Mongol market on the west;
   but a sortie was made by British Marines and Volunteers, and
   the Chinese were driven from house to house out of the market.
   The work was dangerous, and Captain Halliday was dangerously
   wounded, while Captain Strouts had an extraordinary escape,
   the bullet grazing the skin above the carotid artery. The
   sortie was entirely successful; some rifles were captured, and
   ammunition, which was more precious than silver. The buildings
   were then fired by us, the fire being kept under control,
   which cleared a long distance round the west of the Legation.
   Fortification proceeded without intermission and all the
   defences of the besieged area quickly gathered strength. For
   the first time in war, art was a feature in the fortification.
   Sandbags were of every colour under the sun and of every texture.
   Silks and satins, curtains and carpets and embroideries were
   ruthlessly cut up into sandbags. In the Prince's Fu the
   sandbags were made of the richest silks and satins, the
   Imperial gifts and accumulated treasures of one of the eight
   princely families of China. In the Prince's Fu the Chinese
   made a determined attempt to force their way into the Palace
   in their frenzy to slaughter the native Christians. In the
   angle of the wall in the northeastern court of the Palace they
   made a breach in the wall and rushed wildly in. But the
   Japanese were waiting for them and from loopholes they had
   made opposite rolled them over like rabbits, driving them
   helter-skelter back again. Some 20 were killed, and but for
   the unsteadiness of the Italians who were assisting the
   Japanese the execution would have been greater. The Chinese
   were driven back, but the same evening they threw fireballs of
   petroleum over the wall and set fire to the building. Flames
   spread to the splendid main pavilion of the Palace. The
   Japanese in their turn were driven back, and the Christians
   escaping from the burning building overflowed from the Fu into
   all that quarter lying between the Palace grounds and
   Legation-street.

   "On June 25 a truly Oriental method of weakening our defence
   was attempted by the Chinese. Up to 4 o'clock in the afternoon
   the shooting of rifles and field guns had been continuous,
   when suddenly bugles were sounded north, east, south, and
   west, and, as if by magic, the firing ceased. It was under
   perfect control—Imperial control commanded by responsible
   central authority. The silence abruptly following the
   fusillade was striking. Then an official of low rank was seen
   to affix to the parapet of the north bridge near the British
   Legation a board inscribed with 18 Chinese
   characters:—'Imperial command to protect Ministers and stop
   firing. A despatch will be handed at the Imperial Canal
   Bridge.' A placard whereon was written 'Despatch will be
   received' was sent by one of the Chinese clerks employed in
   the Legation, but when he approached the bridge a hundred
   rifles from the Imperial Palace gate were levelled at him. The
   despatch was never received. The artifice deceived no one.
   Treachery was feared, vigilance was redoubled. Sandbags were
   thrown on positions which during fire were untenable. So that
   when at midnight the general attack was made upon us we were
   prepared, and every man was at his post. The surprise had
   failed. As firing had ceased so it began. Horns were sounded,
   and then from every quarter a hail of bullets poured over us,
   sweeping through the trees and striking with sharp impact the
   roofs of the pavilions. No harm was done though the noise was
   terrific. Great steadiness was shown by the men. They lay
   quietly behind the sandbags and not a shot was fired in reply.
   It was suggested as an explanation of this wild firing that
   the shots were to kill the guardian spirits which were known
   to hover over us. Similar fusillades took place at the
   American Legation and at the French Legation, and with the
   same result. During the armistice the Chinese had availed
   themselves of the quiet to throw up earthworks in the Carriage
   Park alongside the British Legation, in the Mongol market
   between the British and Russian Legations, and at both ends of
   Legation-street facing the Americans on the west and facing
   the French Legation corner on the east.

   "Our isolation was now complete, and the enemy's cordon was
   constantly drawing closer. Every wall beyond the lines was
   loopholed. Not only was the besieged area cut off from all
   communication with the world outside Peking, but it was cut
   off from all communication with the Pei-tang. No messenger
   could be induced for love or money to carry a message there.
   Bishop Favier and his guards must have been already hard
   pressed, for they were exposed to the danger not only of rifle
   and cannon, but of fire and starvation. The small garrison
   detached from the guards was known to be inadequately supplied
   with ammunition. It was known, however, that the danger of the
   situation had long been foreseen by Monseigneur Favier, who,
   speaking with unequalled authority, had weeks before the siege
   vainly urged his Minister to bring troops to Peking. When the
   crisis became inevitable and Christian refugees poured into
   the city the Bishop endeavoured to buy arms and ammunition, so
   that there was a hope, though a faint one, that the Chinese
   themselves had assisted in the defence. So with stores. Large
   quantities of grain were stored in the Pei-tang, but whether
   sufficient for a siege for a garrison of 3,000 souls was not
   known. Their condition was a constant source of anxiety to the
   Europeans within the Legations, who were powerless to help
   them. Watch was kept unceasingly for any sign of the disaster
   that seemed inevitable—the massacre and the conflagration.

{122}

   "Towards evening of the 28th a Krupp gun was mounted in the
   Mongol market, not 300 yards from the British Legation, and
   fire was opened upon a storeyed building occupied by marines
   in the south court of the Legation. Fired at short range, the
   shells crashed through the roof and walls. For an hour the
   bombardment continued, but no one was injured, though a crack
   racing pony in the stables below was killed, and next day
   eaten. It was determined to capture this gun, so in the early
   morning a force consisting of 26 British, ten Germans, ten
   Russians, five French, and five Italians, and about 20
   volunteers made a sortie from the Legation to try and capture
   the gun and burn the houses covering it; but the attempt was a
   fiasco. The men got tangled up in the lanes so that the reserve
   line with the kerosene marched ahead of the firing line; there
   was a Babel of voices, no one knew where to go, the captain
   lost his head and set fire to the houses in the rear and the
   men retreated pell-mell. … The Chinese, however, were alarmed
   and removed the gun. Meanwhile both French and German
   Legations had suffered heavily. …

   "On the 29th the French Legation was hard pressed. One of
   their officers, the midshipman Herbert, was shot.
   Reinforcements were hastily sent from the Fu, and the attack
   was repulsed; but some of the outer buildings of the Legation
   were burned, and the French had to retire further into the
   Legation. In this siege it was striking what a powerful part
   petroleum was made to play. Already the French Legation had
   suffered more severely than any other Legation; of their 45
   men 16 had been killed or wounded. Krupp guns had been mounted
   not 50 yards to the eastward, and the eastern walls of the
   pavilions were being gradually and systematically battered
   into ruins. All day now and until the cessation of hostilities
   shells were pounding into the French Legation, into Chamot's
   hotel, and from the Chien Mên on the wall, promiscuously,
   everywhere. Much property was destroyed, but, though the
   shells burst everywhere and escapes were marvellous, few
   people were hit. Bullets whistled in the Legation compounds.
   Surgeon Lippett was talking to Mr. Conger in the American
   Legation when he was hit by a bullet that smashed the thigh
   bone. Had the bullet not struck the surgeon it would have hit
   the Minister. Mr. Pethick was sitting at a window of the
   American Legation fanning himself when a bullet pierced the
   fan. A civilian was wounded in the British Legation, and a
   marine, Phillips, was killed while walking in the compound.
   A fragment of shell fell on a patient inside the hospital.

   "The cordon was drawing closer. In the Fu nearly one-third of
   the buildings had been abandoned and the Japanese retired to a
   second line of defence. Shells were fired by the hundred. On
   the 29th 70 shells were thrown into the British Legation. The
   difficulty of holding the American and German barricades on
   the city wall was increasing. The positions were very much
   exposed. A Krupp gun was brought close to the American
   barricade. The Russo-Chinese Bank and all the buildings near
   were occupied by Chinese troops, the walls being loopholed and
   lanes barricaded. And all were so close that you could not
   look through a loop-hole without being shot at. Yet the
   American barricade, with its mixed guard of Americans,
   Russians, and British, had to be held at all hazards;
   otherwise the Krupp gun could be brought down the wall and
   play havoc upon the Legations, the furthest of which—the
   British—was at its nearest point not 400 yards distant. Still
   more exposed than the American barricade was the outpost on
   the wall held by the Germans. At first they had been
   reinforced by the French and Austrians, but the needs of the
   French Legation were equally pressing and the guards were
   withdrawn and a small picket of British sent to aid the
   Germans. … In the morning of July 1 the Chinese climbed up the
   ramp and surprised the guard. The order was hastily given to
   retire, and the picket, shaken by its losses of yesterday,
   left the wall. The German non-commissioned officer who gave
   the order was severely blamed for thus abandoning a position
   that he had been ordered to hold. Withdrawal left the
   Americans exposed in the rear. They saw the Germans retire,
   and in a panic fell back to the Legation, rushing pell-mell
   down the ramp. Nothing had occurred at the barricade itself to
   justify the retreat, although two men had fallen within a few
   hours before. Yet the wall was the key of the position and had
   to be maintained. A conference was held at the British
   Legation, and as a result orders were given to return to the
   post. Captain Myers at once took back a strong detachment of
   14 Americans, ten British, and ten Russians, and reoccupied
   the barricade as if nothing had happened. The Chinese,
   ignorant that the post had been evacuated, lost their
   opportunity. Then the guard in the French Legation was driven
   a stage further back and M. Wagner, a volunteer, was killed by
   the bursting of a shell. …

   "It was a day of misfortunes. In the afternoon the most
   disastrous sortie of the siege was attempted. A Krupp gun,
   firing at short range into the Fu (i. e., the Prince's
   Palace), was a serious menace to our communications. Captain
   Paolini, the Italian officer, conceived the idea that he could
   capture the gun if volunteers could be given him and if the
   Japanese could assist. … By this ineffective sortie our small
   garrison was reduced by three men killed, one officer and four
   men and one volunteer wounded. Fortunately it was no worse.
   The gun that was not captured was brought up again next day
   into play and continued battering down the Fu walls. The enemy
   were working their way ever nearer to the refugee Christians.
   Their rage to reach the Christians was appalling. They cursed
   them from over the wall, hurled stones at them, and threw
   shells to explode overhead. Only after the armistice, when we
   received the 'Peking Gazette,' did we find that word to burn
   out and slaughter the converts had come from the highest in
   the land. The Japanese were driven still further back. Already
   they had lost heavily, for upon them had fallen the brunt of a
   defence the gallantry of which surpassed all praise. When the
   siege was raised it was found that of the entire force of
   marines only five men had escaped without wounds; one was
   wounded five times. Colonel Shiba early raised a force of
   'Christian volunteers,' drilled them, instructed them, and
   armed them with rifles captured from the enemy. They made an
   effective addition to the Japanese strength. …

{123}

   "At daybreak on July 3, the Chinese barricade on the top of
   the wall near the American outpost was successfully stormed by
   a party of British, Americans, and Russians, under the leadership
   of Captain Myers, Captain Vroublevsky, and Mr. Nigel Oliphant.
   … The position was intolerable. It was imperative to rush the
   barricade and drive out the Chinese; nothing else could be
   done. An attack was planned for 3 in the morning, and before
   that hour a strong force of British was sent over from the
   legation. The combined force assembled for the attack
   consisted of 26 British marines under Sergeant Murphy and
   Corporal Gregory, with Mr. Nigel Oliphant as volunteer, 15
   Russians under Captain Vroublevsky, and 15 Americans, all
   being under the command of Captain Myers. When asked if they
   came willingly one American begged to be relieved and was sent
   below. This left the total force at 56, of whom 14 were
   Americans. So close were the Chinese that it was only a couple
   of jumps from our barricade to their fort. There was a rush to
   be first over, the fort was stormed, and dashing round the
   covering wall the 'foreign devils' charged behind the
   barricade. Taken by surprise the Chinese fired in the air,
   fled incontinently, and were shot down as they ran along the
   open surface of the wall. Captain Vroublevsky and his
   detachment acted with especial gallantry, for their duty it
   was to attack the Chinese barricade in the front, while the
   British and Americans took it in the rear. Two banners marked
   'General Ma' were captured. Fifteen Chinese soldiers of
   Tung-fuh-siang were killed outright and many more must have
   been wounded. Some rifles and ammunition were captured. Then
   the allied forces, exposed to a heavy fire, retired within
   what had been the Chinese barricade and employed it against
   the enemy who had built it. Captain Myers was wounded in the
   knee by tripping over a fallen spear, two Americans, Turner
   and Thomas—one having accidentally jumped on the wrong side of
   the barricade—were killed, and Corporal Gregory was wounded in
   the foot. News of the successful sortie gave much pleasure to
   the community. Chinese coolies were sent on the wall, and a
   strongly intrenched redoubt was built there; the camp was made
   safe by traverses. Unfortunately, the wound of Captain Myers
   proved more serious than was at first suspected, and he was
   not again able to return to duty. The services of a brave and
   capable officer were lost to the garrison; his post on the
   wall was taken most ably by Captain Percy Smith and other
   officers in turn.

   "Most of the shelling was now directed against the French and
   German Legations and Chamot's Hotel. The hotel was struck 91
   times and was several times set on fire, but the flame was
   extinguished. Work continued there, however hot the shelling,
   for food had to be prepared there for half the community in
   Peking, Russians, French, Germans, and Austrians. The energy
   of Chamot was marvellous. He fed the troops and a crowd of
   Christian refugees, killed his own mules and horses, ground
   his own wheat, and baked 300 loaves a day. Shelled out of the
   kitchen he baked in the parlour. His courage inspired the
   Chinese, and they followed him under fire with an amazing
   confidence.

   "Then suddenly a new attempt was made to reduce the British
   Legation. Guns firing round shot, eight-pounders and
   four-pounders, were mounted on the Imperial City wall
   overlooking from the north the Hanlin and the British
   Legation. With glasses—the distance was only 350 yards—one
   could clearly see the officers and distinguish their Imperial
   Peacock feathers and Mandarin hats. … Three batteries in all,
   carrying five guns, were mounted on the Imperial City wall
   where the bombardment could be witnessed by the Empress
   Dowager and her counsellors, and day after day round shot were
   thrown from them into the British Legation, into a compound
   crowded with women and children. … On July 5 Mr. David
   Oliphant, of the British Legation, was killed. He was felling
   a tree by the well in the Hanlin when he was shot by a sniper
   concealed in a roof in the Imperial Carriage Park, and died
   within an hour. Only 24 years of age, he was a student of
   exceptional promise and ability. …

   "Day by day the Chinese were pressing us more closely. In the
   Fu they were gradually wedging their way in from the
   north-east so as to cut the communications between the British
   and the Legations to the east. They burned their way from house
   to house. Keeping under cover, they set alight the gables
   within reach by torches of cloth soaked in kerosene held at
   the end of long poles. If the roof were beyond reach they
   threw over fireballs of kerosene, or, if still further, shot
   into them with arrows freighted with burning cloth. In this
   way and with the use of the heavy gun they battered a way
   through the houses and courtyards of the Prince's Palace. A
   daring attempt made by the Japanese to capture the gun
   resulted in failure. Coolies failed them when they were within
   four yards of success, and they were forced to retire. Their
   gallant leader Captain Ando was shot in the throat while
   waving on his men, one marine was seriously wounded, and one
   Christian volunteer killed. … By the 8th the position in the
   Fu was alarming, for the Japanese force had been reduced to 13
   marines and 14 volunteers; yet with decreasing numbers they
   were constantly called upon to defend a longer line.
   Reinforcements were sent them of half-a-dozen Customs and
   student volunteers and of six British marines. Nothing can
   give a better indication of the smallness of our garrison than
   the fact that throughout the siege reinforcements meant five men
   or ten men. Strong reinforcements meant 15 men. Our
   reinforcements were counted by ones, not by companies. With
   this force a line of intrenchments stretching from the outer
   court of the Fu on the east across the grounds to near the
   extreme northwest corner was held till the end. … The position
   was one of constant solicitude, for the loss of the Fu would
   have imperilled the British Legation. A Krupp gun, mounted 50
   yards away, had the range and raked the post with shell and
   shrapnel. To strengthen the breastwork exposure to rifle fire
   was incurred from 20 yards' distance, while to reach the post
   required crossing a zone of fire which was perhaps the hottest
   in the whole of the defences. Many men were wounded there, and
   one Italian had his head blown off. Shell fire finally made it
   impossible to live there. The advanced posts were abandoned,
   and the sentries fell back to the main picket. No sooner was
   the advanced post abandoned than it was occupied by the
   Chinese, and the defences we had made were turned against us.

{124}

   "Meanwhile, the French and German Legations were being roughly
   handled, and men were falling daily. At the German Legation
   shells burst through the Minister's drawing-room. Most of the
   other buildings conspicuous by their height were
   uninhabitable, but every member of the Legation remained at
   his post. So, too, in the French Legation, where the Austrians
   were, Dr. and Madame von Rosthorn remained by the side of
   their men. The French volunteers and Dr. Matignon stood
   stanchly by their Legation, although it was fast tumbling into
   ruins, their coolness and resolution being in curious contrast
   to the despair of their Minister, who, crying, 'Tout est perdu,'
   melodramatically burned the French archives in a ditch at the
   British Legation. Chinese and French were so close that the
   voices of the Chinese officers could be heard encouraging
   their men. Chinese were within the Legation itself. Their guns
   literally bombarded the Minister's residence 'à bout portant,'
   and the noise of the exploding shells was terrific. Yet the men
   never flinched. … July 11 was a day of many casualties. One
   German was mortally wounded; one Englishman, one Italian, and
   one Japanese were seriously wounded. Mr. Nigel Oliphant, a
   volunteer, received a bullet wound in the leg, while Mr.
   Narahara, the well-known secretary of the Japanese Legation,
   wounded by the bursting of a shell, suffered a compound
   fracture of the leg, which from the first gave cause for
   anxiety. He gradually sank and died on July 24. …

   On the 11th 18 prisoners were captured by the French in a
   temple near the Legation. They were soldiers, and a Chinese
   Christian gave information as to their whereabouts. Everyone
   of them was put to death without mercy in the French Legation,
   bayoneted by a French corporal to save cartridges. Questioned
   before death they gave much information that was obviously
   false. One man, however, declared that a mine was being driven
   under the French Legation. His story had quick corroboration.
   As the afternoon of the 13th was closing a feint attack was
   made on the Japanese intrenchments in the Fu. Then the sound
   of many bugles was heard from the camps round the French
   Legation, to be followed in a few minutes by a terrific
   explosion, and in a moment or two by another; and bricks and
   debris were hurled into the air. It was a dull roar in the
   midst of the devilish cries of hordes of Chinese, shrieking
   like spirits in hell, the rattle of musketry, and the boom of
   heavy guns. The mine of which the prisoner had warned us had
   exploded and burst an entrance into the French Legation. When
   the first mine exploded the French Captain Darcy, the Austrian
   Charge d'Affaires, two French marines, and Mr. Destelan of the
   Customs were standing over the death-trap. Mr. Destelan was
   buried up to the neck, but was rescued unhurt, the two marines
   were engulfed and their bodies were never recovered, Captain
   Darcy and Dr. von Rosthorn escaped miraculously. The latter
   was buried by the first explosion and released unhurt a moment
   or two later by the second. Driven out of the main buildings,
   the small garrison (it consisted only of 17 Austrians with
   three officers, 27 French with two officers, and nine
   volunteers) fell back a few paces to a line of defence, part
   of which had only been completed in the afternoon, and
   securely held the position.

   "Simultaneously with this attack upon the French Legation the
   Chinese made a determined assault upon the German Legation,
   the effective strength of whose garrison numbered only one
   officer and 31 men. They broke into the Club alongside the
   Legation and were on the tennis ground when Count Soden and a
   handful of German soldiers gallantly charged them at the point
   of the bayonet and drove them out headlong. … Uniforms on the
   dead Chinese showed that the attack had been carried out by
   the troops of Yung Lu, reinforced by the savages of
   Tung-fuh-siang. Some of the dead were armed with the latest
   pattern Mauser and the newest German army revolver. Some
   ammunition, of which the guards were in much need, was
   recovered and distributed among the Japanese and Italians.
   Firing continued round the other Legations; every battery
   opened fire; the air hissed with bullets. There was momentary
   darkness, then flames broke out from the large foreign houses
   between the German Legation and Canal-street. It seemed at one
   time as if the whole of the quarter would be burned, but the
   fire did not spread. Heavy rain came on, and the rest of the
   night passed in quiet.

   "On July 14, a messenger, sent out on the 10th, with a letter
   for the troops, returned to the British Legation. He had been
   arrested by the Chinese, cruelly beaten, and taken, he said,
   to the yamên of Yung Lu, and there given the following letter,
   purporting to be written by Prince Ching 'and others,'
   addressed to the British Minister. It was the first
   communication of any kind whatsoever that had reached us from
   outside for nearly one month. 'For the last ten days the
   soldiers and Militia have been fighting, and there has been no
   communication between us, to our great anxiety. Some time ago
   we hung up a board, expressing our intentions, but no answer
   has been received, and contrary to expectation the foreign
   soldiers made renewed attacks, causing alarm and suspicion
   among soldiers and people. Yesterday the troops captured a
   convert named Chin Ssu-hei and learnt from him that all the
   foreign Ministers 'were well, which caused us very great
   satisfaction. But it is the unexpected which happens. The
   reinforcements of foreign troops were long ago stopped and
   turned back by the "Boxers," and if, in accordance with
   previous agreement, we were to guard your Excellencies out of
   the city, there are so many "Boxers" on the road to Tien-tsin
   and Ta-ku that we should be apprehensive of misadventure. We
   now request your Excellencies to first take your families and
   the various members of your staffs, and leave your Legations
   in detachments. We should select trustworthy officers to give
   close and strict protection, and you should temporarily reside
   in the Tsung-li-Yamên, pending future arrangements for your
   return home, in order to preserve friendly relations intact
   from beginning to end. But at the time of leaving the
   Legations there must on no account whatever be taken any
   single armed soldier, in order to prevent doubt and fear on
   the part of the troops and people, leading to untoward
   incidents. If your Excellencies are willing to show this
   confidence, we beg you to communicate with all the foreign
   Ministers in Peking, to-morrow at noon being the limit of
   time, and to let the original messenger deliver the reply in
   order that we may settle the day for leaving the Legations.
   This is the single way of preserving relations which we have
   been able to devise in the face of innumerable difficulties.
   If no reply is received by the time fixed, even our affection
   will not enable us to help you.
   Compliments.
   (Signed) Prince Ching and others.
   July 14, 1900.'

{125}

   "Following as it did immediately after the attack on the
   French Legation, which reduced it to ruins, the letter did not
   lack for impudence. 'Boxers' had driven back our troops,
   'Militia,' not 'Boxers,' had been attacking us in Peking. The
   letter was read with derision. It was interpreted as a
   guileless attempt to seduce the Ministers away from their
   Legations and massacre them at ease. News we heard
   subsequently had just reached the Chinese of the taking of
   Tien-tsin city. … On the 15th a reply was sent declining on
   the part of the foreign representatives the invitation to
   proceed to the Tsung-li-Yamên, and pointing out that no
   attacks had been made by our troops, who were only defending
   the lives and property of foreigners against the attacks of
   Chinese Government troops. The reply concluded with a
   statement that if the Chinese Government wished to negotiate
   they should send a responsible official with a white flag. …

   "The morning of the 16th opened with a disaster. Captain
   Strouts, the senior British officer, was shot while returning
   from the outposts in the Fu. He was struck in the upper part
   of the left thigh by an expanding bullet, and died an hour
   after being brought into the hospital, to the grief of the
   entire community. … While shells were bursting in the trees,
   and amid the crack of rifle bullets, the brave young fellow to
   whose gallant defence we all owed so much was laid to rest. …
   While the service was proceeding a messenger bearing a flag of
   truce was approaching the gate. … The letter was from 'Prince
   Ching and others.' It explained that the reason for suggesting
   the removal of the Legations to the Tsung-li-Yamên was that
   the Chinese Government could afford more efficient protection
   to the members of the Legations if concentrated than if
   scattered as at present. As the foreign Ministers did not
   agree, however, the Chinese would as in duty bound do their
   utmost to protect the Legations where they were. (While the
   latter sentence was being read the translator had to raise his
   voice in order that it should be heard above the crack of the
   Imperial rifle bullets.) They would bring reinforcements and
   continue their endeavours to prevent the 'Boxers' from firing,
   and they trusted that the foreign Ministers on their part
   would restrain their troops also from firing.

   "By the same messenger a cipher message was brought to Mr.
   Conger, the American Minister. It said:—'Communicate tidings
   bearer.' It was in the State Department cipher and had no date
   or indication by whom it had been sent. Mr. Conger replied in the
   same cipher:—'For one month we have been besieged in British
   Legation under continued shot and shell from Chinese troops.
   Quick relief only can prevent general massacre.' When
   forwarding his reply he asked that it should be sent to the
   address from which the other had come, which address had not
   been communicated to him. Next day the Yamên sent him an
   answer saying that his message had been forwarded and
   explaining that the telegram sent to him had been contained in
   a telegram from Wu Ting Fang, the Chinese Minister at
   Washington, dated July 11. This telegram read:—'The United
   States cheerfully aid China, but it is thinking of Mr.
   Minister Conger. The Hon. Secretary of State inquires after
   him by telegram, which I beg to be transmitted to him and get
   his reply.' From this we could well imagine what specious
   assurances had been given to Mr. Hay by Wu Ting Fang's bland
   assurances that there had been a most regrettable outbreak on
   the part of lawless bands in the north of China which the
   Government was vainly struggling to cope with. … From July 17
   there was a cessation of hostilities; not that men were not
   wounded afterwards and Christian coolies fired upon whenever
   they showed themselves, but the organized attacks ceased and
   the Krupp guns were muzzled. Fearing treachery, however, we
   relaxed none of our vigilance. Trenches were cut where mines
   might have been driven. All walls and shelters were so
   strengthened as to be practically shell-proof. Our
   preparations were purely defensive. On their part the Chinese
   also continued work at their barricades. From their barricade
   on the top of the wall near the German Legation they advanced
   westward so that they could fire directly down into the German
   Legation and pick off men going up the steps of the Minister's
   house. They built a wall with loop-holes across
   Legation-street not 20 yards from the Russian barricade. In
   nearly every position the enemy were so close that you could
   shoot into the muzzles of their rifles thrust through the
   loop-holes. The cordon was still drawn tightly round us, and
   we were penned in to prevent our acting in co-operation with
   the troops who were coming to our relief. No provisions were
   permitted to reach us, but a few eggs for the women and
   children were surreptitiously sold us by Chinese soldiers. All
   were on reduced rations, the allowance for the 2,750 native
   Christians whom we had to provide for being barely sufficient
   to save them from starvation. Their sufferings were very
   great, the mortality among the children and the aged pitiful.
   No one could have foreseen that within the restricted limits
   of the besieged area, with the food supply therein obtainable,
   473 civilians (of these 414—namely, 191 men, 147 women, 76
   children—were inside the British Legation), a garrison of 400
   men, 2,750 refugees, and some 400 native servants could have
   sustained a siege of two entire months. Providentially in the
   very centre of Legation-street there was a mill with a large
   quantity of grain which turned out 900 lb. of flour a day
   divided between the hotel and the Legation. One day the
   Tsung-li-Yamên insultingly sent us a present of 1,000 lb. of
   flour and some ice and vegetables, but no one would venture to
   eat the flour, fearing that it might be poisoned.
   Communications now passed almost daily with the Tsung-li-Yamên
   or with the officials whose despatches were signed 'Prince
   Ching and others.' On July 17, Sir Claude MacDonald replied to
   the suggestion that the Ministers would restrain their troops
   from firing upon the Chinese. He said that from the first the
   foreign troops had acted entirely in self-defence, and would
   continue to do so. But the Chinese must understand that
   previous events had led to a want of confidence and that if
   barricades were erected or troops moved in the vicinity of the
   Legations the foreign guards would be obliged to fire. In the
   afternoon the Chinese replied, reviewing the situation and
   ascribing the hostilities to the attacks previously made by
   the Legation guards. They noted with satisfaction that a
   cessation of firing was agreed to on both sides, but suggested
   that as foreign soldiers had been firing from the city wall
   east of the Chien Mên, they should be removed from that
   position.
{126}
   Next day, Sir Claude MacDonald replied with a review of the
   situation from the foreign point of view. … He hoped that
   mutual confidence would gradually be restored, but meanwhile
   he again pointed out that cessation of hostile preparations as
   well as firing was necessary on the part of the Chinese troops
   to secure that the foreign troops should cease firing. As for
   the suggestion that the foreign troops should leave the city
   wall, it was impossible to accede to it, because a great part
   of the attacks on the Legations had been made from the wall.
   He concluded by suggesting that sellers of fruit and ice
   should be allowed to come in. They were never permitted to
   come in. It was clear, however, that events were happening
   elsewhere to cause alarm in the Imperial Court. On the
   afternoon of the first day of what might be called the
   armistice M Pelliot, a French gentleman from Tongking, entered
   the Chinese lines and to the great anxiety of all was absent five
   hours. He was taken by soldiers to a yamên of one of the big
   generals—he knew not which—was plied with questions which,
   speaking some Chinese, he could answer, and was sent back
   unmolested with an escort of 15 soldiers 'to protect him
   against the Boxers.' This unusual clemency was interpreted
   favourably. It was clear that the Chinese had sustained a
   severe defeat and that relief was coming. Next day direct
   communication was for the first time held with an official of
   the Tsung-li-Yamên. A secretary named Wen Jui came to the
   Legation to see Sir Claude MacDonald and was received by the
   Minister outside the gate, not being permitted to enter. He
   said that the regrettable occurrences were due to 'local
   banditti,' that the Government had great concern to protect
   the foreigners, that Baron von Ketteler's body had been
   recovered from the hands of the 'local banditti' who had
   murdered him and been enclosed in a valuable coffin. He urged
   that the maintenance of foreign troops on the city was
   unnecessary and that they should be withdrawn. It was pointed
   out to him that, as we had been very continuously shelled from
   the city wall both from the Ha-ta Mên and the Chien Mên, it
   would be inadvisable to retire. Asked to send copies of the
   'Peking Gazette,' he hesitated a moment and then stammered
   that he really had not himself seen the 'Peking Gazette' for a
   long time, but he would inquire and see if they could be
   bought. He never came back and never sent a 'Gazette.' His
   name was Wen Jui. When we did obtain copies of the 'Gazette'
   it was interesting to find two items that must have been
   especially unpleasant for him to have us know. On June 24, by
   Imperial decree, leaders were appointed to the 'Boxers,' or
   'patriotic militia.' Among the chiefs was Wen Jui.

   "The visit of Wen Jui was on the 18th. Up to the time of his
   visit, though more than four weeks had passed since the
   assassination, no allusion of any kind whatever had been made
   in any 'Peking Gazette' to the murder of Baron van Ketteler.
   Then the Empress-Dowager, yielding to her fears, published an
   allusion to the murder. Will the German Emperor rest satisfied
   with the tardy official reference to the brutal assassination
   of his Minister by an Imperial officer? 'Last month the
   Chancellor of the Japanese Legation was killed. This was,
   indeed, most unexpected. Before this matter had been settled
   the German Minister was killed. Suddenly meeting this affair
   caused us deep grief. We ought vigorously to seek the murderer
   and punish him.' No more. The date July 18; the murder June
   20!

   "Yet even in this decree there was a complete 'volte-face.'
   Missionaries who were by the decree of July 2 'to be at once
   driven away to their own countries' were by the decree of July
   18 'to be protected in every province,' 'to be protected
   without the least carelessness.' The truculence and
   belligerence of the decrees issued when our troops had been
   driven back had disappeared; the tone now was one of
   justification and conciliation. Only one interpretation was
   possible—that the Chinese had been defeated. Confirmation came
   the same day. A messenger sent out by the Japanese
   successfully passed the enemy's lines and brought us the news
   that we had so long awaited. … By the same messenger a letter
   was received by the French Minister. … The same messenger also
   brought to the Belgian Minister a despatch from his Consul at
   Tien-tsin. … Days followed quietly now, though 'sniping' did
   not cease. Several casualties occurred among the garrison. A
   Russian was killed and an Austrian wounded; an Italian wounded
   and also a Japanese. In the Fu it was still dangerous for the
   Christian refugees to move about, and several were hit and two
   killed. But the Yamên became more and more conciliatory, until
   we could gauge the advance of the reliefs by the degree of
   apology in their despatches. But all supplies were rigorously
   cut off, and the sufferings of the Christians were acute. …

   "On the 22nd Sir Robert Hart received a despatch from the
   Tsung-li-Yamên. They naïvely remarked that it was now one
   month since they had heard from him, and his silence gave them
   concern for his welfare. Moreover, a report had just reached them
   that his house had been burned, but they expressed the hope
   that he and al his staff were well. Another despatch requested
   his advice upon a Customs question that had arisen in
   Shanghai. Sir Robert Hart wrote a dignified reply. For more
   than a month, he said, he had been a refugee in the British
   Legation with all his staff, having had to flee from his house
   without warning; that all Customs records and papers, and
   every paper and letter of value that he had accumulated during
   a lifetime, had been destroyed; that not only his house, but
   some 19 other buildings in the occupation of his staff had
   been burned with all their contents; that the acting postal
   secretary had been killed by a shell, and two other members of
   his staff—Mr. Richardson and Mr. Macoun—had been wounded by
   bullets. …

   "Meanwhile, the armistice continued, if armistice it can be
   called where true armistice there was none. Desultory firing
   continued, and sniping was still the chief pastime at the
   Chinese outposts. Friendly relations were, however, opened
   with some Chinese soldiers in the Fu. A Japanese Volunteer
   established a bureau of intelligence to which the enemy's
   soldiers had access. One soldier was especially communicative,
   and earned high reward for the valuable information that he
   conveyed to us. For a week from July 26 to August 2 daily
   bulletins based upon this information of the advance of the
   relief column were posted on the bell tower of the British
   Legation.
{127}
   An unbroken series of victories was attending our relief
   forces. … Letters were given to the soldier to take to the
   General of the relief column, and a reward offered if an
   answer should be brought next day, but no answer was ever
   brought. Our informant had brought the armies along too
   quickly. He was compelled to send them back. Accordingly on
   the 31st he made the Chinese recapture Chang-chia-wan, killing
   60 of the foreigners; advancing upon Matou he killed 70
   foreigners more, and drove them back to An-ping. Next day he
   drove the foreigners disastrously back to Tien-tsin with a
   loss of 1,000. The day was equally disastrous to himself. Our
   informant had killed the goose that lay the golden egg. For a
   messenger arrived on that day with letters from Tien-tsin,
   dated July 30, informing us that a large force was on the
   point of leaving for our relief. … Meanwhile, while our
   informant was marching our relief backwards and forwards to
   Tien-tsin, Prince Ching and others were vainly urging the
   Ministers to leave Peking, but whether they left Peking or not
   they were to hand over the Christian refugees now under the
   protection of the Legations to the mercies of the Government,
   which had issued a decree commanding that they be exterminated
   unless they recanted their errors. In other communications
   Prince Ching 'and others' urged that the foreign Ministers
   should telegraph to their Government 'en clair' lying reports
   of the condition of affairs in Peking.

   Two days after the cessation of hostilities Prince Ching 'and
   others' sent a despatch to Sir Claude MacDonald to the effect
   that it was impossible to protect the Ministers in Peking
   because 'Boxers' were gathering from all points of the
   compass, and that nothing would satisfy them (the 'Boxers')
   but the destruction of the Legations, and that the Ministers
   would be given safe conduct to Tien-tsin. Sir Claude, in
   reply, asked why it was that protection could be given to the
   Ministers on the way to Tien-tsin and yet could not be given
   to them while in the Legations in Peking. Prince Ching 'and
   others' replied: 'July 25, 1900. … As to the inquiry what
   difference there is between giving protection in the city or
   on the road, and why it is possible to give it in the latter,
   there is only an apparent discrepancy. For the being in the
   city is permanent, the being on the road is temporary. If all
   the foreign Ministers are willing to temporarily retire we
   should propose the route to Tung-chau and thence by boat down
   stream to Tien-tsin, which could be reached in only two days.
   No matter what difficulties there might be a numerous body of
   troops would be sent, half by water to form a close escort,
   half by road to keep all safe for a long way on both banks.
   Since the time would be short we can guarantee that there
   would be no mishap. It is otherwise with a permanent residence
   in Peking, where it is impossible to foretell when a disaster
   may occur.' … In the envelope which brought this letter were
   two other communications of the same guileless nature. 'On
   July 24,' said the first, 'we received a telegram from Mr.
   Warren, British Consul-General in Shanghai, to the effect that
   while China was protecting the Legations no telegram had been
   received from the British Minister, and asking the Yamên to
   transmit Sir C. M. MacDonald's telegram to Shanghai. As in
   duty bound we communicate the above, and beg you to send a
   telegram "en clair" to the Yamên for transmission.' Tender
   consideration was shown for us in the second letter:—'For the
   past month and more military affairs have been very pressing.
   Your Excellency and other Ministers ought to telegraph home
   that your families are well in order to soothe anxiety, but at
   the present moment peace is not yet restored, and your
   Legation telegrams must be wholly "en clair," stating that all
   is well, without touching on military affairs. Under those
   conditions the Yamên can transmit them. The writers beg that
   your Excellency will communicate this to the other foreign
   Ministers.'

   "Evasive replies were given to these communications. … Our
   position at this time compelled us to temporize. We knew from
   the alteration in tone of the Chinese despatches that they had
   suffered defeats and were growing alarmed, but we did not know
   how much longer international jealousies or difficulties of
   obtaining transport were to delay the departure of the troops
   for Tien-tsin. … Though now nominally under the protection of
   an armistice sniping still continued, especially in the Fu,
   into any exposed portion of the besieged area. … The Chinese
   worked on continuously at their fortifications. … Finding that
   the Ministers declined to telegraph to their Governments 'en
   clair' that all was well with the Legations, the
   Tsung-li-Yamên wrote to Sir Robert Hart asking him to send
   home a telegram in the sense they suggested. Sir Robert
   replied diplomatically, 'If I were to wire the truth about the
   Legations I should not be believed.'

   "A malevolent attempt was next made by the Chinese to obtain
   possession of the refugees who were in our safe keeping. On
   July 27 they wrote to Sir Claude MacDonald saying that 'they
   hear that there are lodged at the Legations a considerable
   number of converts, and that, as 'the space is limited and
   weather hot, they suggest that they must be causing the
   Legations considerable inconvenience. And now that people's
   minds are quieted, these converts can all be sent out and go
   about their ordinary avocations. They need not have doubts or
   fears. If you concur, an estimate should be made of the
   numbers and a date fixed for letting them out. Then all will
   be in harmony.' The reply of the diplomatic body was to the
   effect that while they were considering the two last
   letters—one offering safe conduct to Tien-tsin and the other
   declaring that the converts might leave the Legations in
   perfect security—heavy firing was heard in the direction of
   the Pei-tang, which was evidently being attacked in force;
   that yesterday and last night a barricade was built across the
   North Bridge, from behind which shots are being continuously
   fired into the British Legation. The French and Russian
   Legations are also being fired upon. As all this seems
   inconsistent with the above letters, an explanation is asked
   for before further consideration is given to the offer.
   Promptly the Yamên sent its explanation. The Pei-tang
   refugees, it seemed, who were starving, had made a sortie to
   obtain food. And they had fired upon the people. 'A decree,'
   it went on to say, 'has now been requested to the effect that
   if the converts do not come out to plunder they are to be
   protected and not to be continually attacked, for they also
   are the children of the State. This practice (of continually
   firing upon the converts) will thus be gradually stopped.'
{128}
   Such a callous reply was read with indignation, and there was
   not the slightest intention on the part of any Minister to
   leave Peking. Yet on the 4th of August a decree was issued
   appointing Yung Lu to conduct the foreign Ministers safely to
   Tien-tsin 'in order once more to show the tenderness of the
   Throne for the men from afar.' …

   "On August 10, Friday, a messenger succeeded in passing the
   enemy's lines, and brought us letters from General Gaselee and
   General Fukushima. A strong relief force was marching to
   Peking, and would arrive here if nothing untoward happened on
   the 13th or 14th. Our danger then was that the enemy would
   make a final effort to rush the Legations before the arrival
   of reinforcements. And the expected happened. …

   "Yesterday [August 13] passed under a continuous fusillade
   which increased during the night. Then at 3 on this morning we
   were all awakened by the booming of guns in the east and by
   the welcome sound of volley firing. Word flew round that 'the
   foreign troops are at the city wall and are shelling the East
   Gate.' At daylight most of us went on to the wall, and
   witnessed the shelling of the Great East Gate. We knew that
   the allies would advance in separate columns, and were on the
   qui vive of excitement, knowing that at any moment now the
   troops might arrive. Luncheon, the hard luncheon of horse
   flesh, came on, and we had just finished when the cry rang
   through the Legation, 'The British are coming,' and there was
   a rush to the entrance and up Canal-street towards the Water
   Gate. The stalwart form of the general and his staff were
   entering by the Water Gate, followed by the 1st Regiment of
   Sikhs and the 7th Rajputs. They passed down Canal-street, and
   amid a scene of indescribable emotion marched to the British
   Legation. The siege has been raised.

   "Peking, August 15. On reading over my narrative of the siege
   I find that in the hurry and confusion of concluding my report
   I have omitted one or two things that I had wished to say. In
   the first place, I find that I have not in any adequate way
   expressed the obligation of all those confined in the British
   Legation to the splendid services done by the Reverend F. D.
   Gamewell, of the American Episcopal Mission [who was educated
   as a civil engineer at Troy and Cornell], to whom was due the
   designing and construction of all our defences, and who
   carried out in the most admirable manner the ideas and
   suggestions of our Minister, Sir Claude MacDonald. To the
   Reverend Frank Norris, of the Society for the Propagation of
   the Gospel, our thanks are also specially due. He
   superintended, often under heavy fire, the construction of
   defences in the Prince's Fu and in other exposed places,
   working always with a courage and energy worthy of admiration.
   He was struck in the neck once by a segment of a shell, but
   escaped marvellously from serious injury. He speaks Chinese
   well, and Chinese worked under him with a fearlessness that
   few men can inspire. In the second place, I noticed that I
   have not sufficiently recorded the valuable services rendered
   by Mr. H. G. Squiers, the First Secretary of the American
   Legation, who on the death of Captain Strouts became Chief of
   the Staff to Sir Claude MacDonald. He had been for 15 years in
   the United States cavalry, and his knowledge and skill and the
   resolution with which he inspired his small body of men will
   not readily be forgotten. …

   "To-day the Pei-tang Cathedral was relieved. Bishops, priests,
   and sisters had survived the siege and, thanks to the
   wonderful foresight of Bishop Favier, the Christians had been
   spared from starvation. Japanese coming down from the north of
   the city relieved the cathedral; French, British, and Russians
   from the south arrived as the siege was raised. Mines had been
   employed with deadly effect. The guards had lost five French
   killed and five Italians. Some 200 of the Christians had
   perished."

      _London Times, October 13 and 15, 1900._

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June-December).
   Upright conduct of the Chinese Viceroys in
   the Yang-tsze provinces.

   In his annual message of December 3, 1900, to Congress,
   referring to the occurrences in China, the President of the
   United States remarked with much justice: "It is a relief to
   recall and a pleasure to record the loyal conduct of the
   viceroys and local authorities of the southern and eastern
   provinces. Their efforts were continuously directed to the
   pacific control of the vast populations under their rule and
   to the scrupulous observance of foreign treaty rights. At
   critical moments they did not hesitate to memorialize the
   Throne, urging the protection of the legations, the
   restoration of communication, and the assertion of the
   Imperial authority against the subversive elements. They
   maintained excellent relations with the official
   representatives of foreign powers. To their kindly disposition
   is largely due the success of the consuls in removing many of
   the missionaries from the interior to places of safety." The
   viceroys especially referred to in this are Chang Chih-tung
   and Liu Kun-yi, often referred to as "the Yang-tsze viceroys."

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (July).
   Speech of German Emperor to troops departing to China,
   commanding no quarter.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER 9).

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (July).
   American troops sent to co-operate with those of other Powers.
   Capture of Tientsin by the allied forces.
   Death of Colonel Liscum.
   Reported massacre of foreign Ministers and others in Peking.
   The long month of dread suspense.
   Overtures from Earl Li Hung-chang for negotiation.

   "On the 26th of June Major Gen. Adna R Chaffee, U. S. V., was
   appointed to the command of the American forces in China. He
   embarked from San Francisco on the 1st of July, reached
   Nagasaki on the 24th, and Taku, China, on the 28th. … On
   reaching Nagasaki he received the following instructions,
   dated, … July 19: 'Secretary War directs that you proceed at
   once with transport Grant, Sixth Cavalry, and Marines to Taku,
   China, and take command of American land forces, which will be
   an independent command known as the China relief expedition.
   You will find there the Ninth and Fourteenth Infantry, one
   battery of the Fifth Artillery, and one battalion of Marines.
   Sumner sailed from San Francisco July 17 with Second Battalion
   of Fifteenth Infantry and recruits to capacity of vessel.
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   Reinforcements will follow to make your force in the immediate
   future up to 5,000, and very soon to 10,000. … Reports now
   indicate that American Minister with all the legation have
   been destroyed in Pekin. Chinese representative here, however,
   insists to the contrary, and there is, therefore, a hope which
   you will not lose sight of until certainty is absolute. It is
   the desire of this Government to maintain its relations of
   friendship with the part of Chinese people and Chinese
   officials not concerned in outrages on Americans. Among these
   we consider Li Hung Chang, just appointed viceroy of Chili.
   You will to the extent of your power aid the Government of
   China, or any part thereof, in repressing such outrages and in
   rescuing Americans, and in protecting American citizens and
   interests, and wherever Chinese Government fails to render
   such protection you will do all in your power to supply it.
   Confer freely with commanders of other national forces, act
   concurrently with them, and seek entire harmony of action
   along the lines of similar purpose and interest. There
   should be full and free conference as to operations before
   they are entered upon. You are at liberty to agree with them
   from time to time as to a common official direction of the
   various forces in their combined operations, preserving,
   however, the integrity of your own American division, ready to
   be used as a separate and complete organization. Much must be
   left to your wise discretion and that of the admiral. At all
   times report fully and freely to this Department your wants
   and views. The President has to-day appointed you
   major-general of volunteers.' …

   "In the meantime the Ninth Infantry, from Manila, reached Taku
   on the 6th of July. Two battalions of that regiment, under
   Colonel Liscum, pressed forward to Tientsin, reaching that
   point on the 11th, and on the 13th took part with the British,
   French, and Japanese forces in an attack upon the southwest
   part of the walled city of Tientsin, which had been rendered
   necessary by the persistent shelling of the foreign quarters,
   outside of the walls, on the part of the Chinese troops
   occupying the city. Colonel Liscum's command formed part of a
   brigade under General Dorward, of the British army, and was
   assigned to the duty of protecting the flank of the allied
   forces. In the performance of that duty it maintained a
   position under heavy fire for fifteen hours, with a loss of 18
   killed and 77 wounded. Among the killed was the gallant
   Colonel Liscum, who thus ended an honorable service of nearly
   forty years, commencing in the ranks of the First Vermont
   Infantry at the outbreak of the civil war, and distinguished
   by unvarying courage, fidelity, and high character. The
   regiment was withdrawn from its position on the night of the
   13th, and on the morning of the 14th the native city was
   captured, and the southeast quarter was assigned to the
   American forces for police and protection. …

   "At the time of the capture of Tientsin the most positive and
   circumstantial accounts of the massacre of all the ministers
   and members of the legations in Pekin, coming apparently from
   Chinese sources, had been published, and were almost
   universally believed. The general view taken by the civilized
   world of the duty to be performed in China was not that the
   living representatives of the Western powers in Pekin were to
   be rescued, but that their murder was to be avenged and their
   murderers punished. In the performance of that duty time and
   rapidity of movement were not especially important. The
   resolution of the commanders of the allied forces,
   communicated by Admiral Kempff on the 8th of July, to the
   effect that 80,000 men would be required—20,000 to hold the
   position from Taku to Tientsin and 60,000 to march to Pekin,
   while not more than 40,800 troops were expected to have
   arrived by the middle of August, practically abandoned all
   expectation of rescuing the ministers and members of the
   legations alive, for it proposed that after the middle of
   August any forward movement should be still deferred until
   40,000 more troops had arrived. On the 11th of July, however,
   the American Secretary of State secured, through the Chinese
   minister at Washington, the forwarding of a dispatch in the
   State Department cipher to the American minister at Pekin, and
   on the 20th of July, pursuant to the same arrangement, an
   answer in cipher was received from Minister Conger, as
   follows: 'For one month we have been besieged in British
   legation under continued shot and shell from Chinese troops.
   Quick relief only can prevent general massacre.' This dispatch
   from Mr. Conger was the first communication received by any
   Western power from any representative in Pekin for about a
   month, and although it was at first received in Europe with
   some incredulity, it presented a situation which plainly
   called for the urgency of a relief expedition rather than for
   perfection of preparation. It was made the basis of urgent
   pressure for an immediate movement upon Pekin, without waiting
   for the accumulation of the large force previously proposed."

      _United States, Secretary of War,
      Annual Report, November 30, 1900,
      pages 14-16, 19-20._

   As mentioned above, in the instructions of the American
   government to General Chaffee, the veteran Chinese statesman
   and diplomat, Earl Li Hung-chang, well known in Europe and
   America, had now been recalled by the Peking government to the
   viceroyalty of Chili, from which he was removed six years
   before, and had been given the authority of a plenipotentiary
   to negotiate with the allied Powers. He addressed a proposal
   to the latter, to the effect that the Ministers in Peking
   would be delivered, under safe escort, at Tientsin, if the
   allies would refrain from advancing their forces to Peking.
   The reply from all the governments concerned was substantially
   the same as that made by the United States, in the following
   terms: "The government will not enter into any arrangement
   regarding disposition or treatment of legations without first
   having free communication with Minister Conger. Responsibility
   for their protection rests upon Chinese government. Power to
   deliver at Tientsin presupposes power to protect and to open
   communication. This is insisted on." Earl Li then asked
   whether, "if free communication were established, it could be
   arranged that the Powers should not advance pending
   negotiations," and was told in reply: "Free communication with
   our representatives in Peking is demanded as a matter of
   absolute right, and not as a favor. Since the Chinese
   government admits that it possesses the power to give
   communication, it puts itself in an unfriendly attitude by
   denying it. No negotiations seem advisable until the Chinese
   government shall have put the diplomatic representatives of
   the Powers in full and free communication with their
   respective governments, and removed all danger to their lives
   and liberty."

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CHINA: A. D. 1900 (July-August).
   Boxer attack on the Russians in Manchuria,
   and Russian retaliation.

      See (in this volume)
      MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900.

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August).
   Appointment of Count Waldersee to command the allied forces.

   Field-Marshal Count von Waldersee, appointed to command the
   German forces sent to China, being of higher military rank
   than any other of the commanding officers in that country, was
   proposed for the general command of the allied armies, and
   accepted as such. Before his arrival in China, however, many
   of the American, Russian, and some other troops, had been
   withdrawn.

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August 4-16).
   The advance of the allied forces on Peking and the capture
   of the city.

   The following is from the report of General Chaffee,
   commanding the American forces in the allied movement from
   Tientsin, to rescue the beleaguered Legations at Peking: "On
   my arrival at Tientsin I called on the various generals
   commanding troops, and on August 1 a conference of generals
   was held at the headquarters of Lieutenant-General Linivitch,
   of the Russian army. Present at the conference were the
   commanding general of the Russian army and his chief of staff;
   Lieutenant-General Yamagutchi and his chief of staff;
   Major-General Fukushima, of the Japanese army;
   Lieutenant-General Gaselee, of the British army, and his chief
   of staff, General Barrow; General Frey, of the French army; the
   Germans were also represented by an officer of the German
   navy; myself and Major Jesse M. Lee, Ninth Infantry, and
   Lieutenant Louis M. Little, of the marines, who speaks French.
   The purpose of this conference was to decide whether the
   armies were ready to make a movement for the relief of Pekin.
   It was disclosed in the conference that the Japanese, whose
   forces occupied the right bank of the river in and about
   Tientsin, where also were located the British and American
   forces, had by various patrols determined that the Chinese
   were in considerable force in the vicinity of Pei-tsang, about
   7 miles distance up the river from Tientsin, and that they
   were strengthening their position by earthworks extending from
   the right bank of the river westward something like 3 miles,
   and from the left bank east to the railroad embankment was
   also being strengthened. The forces were variously estimated,
   from reports of Chinese, at from 10,000 to 12,000 men in the
   vicinity of Pei-tsang, with large bodies to the rearward as
   far as Yangtsun, where it was reported their main line of
   defenses would be encountered.

   "The first question submitted for decision was 'whether a
   movement should be made at once,' which was decided in the
   affirmative, two Powers only dissenting, and these not
   seriously, as their doubt seemed to be that the force we could
   put in movement was not sufficiently strong to meet the
   opposition that might be expected. The decision was that the
   attack should be made on Sunday, August 5, and as the
   Japanese, British, and American forces occupied the right bank
   of the river, the Russians the left, the attack should be made
   without change of situation of the troops, the British to send
   four heavy guns to aid the Russian column. The strategy on the
   right bank of the river was left to the determination of the
   British, American, and Japanese generals. The force reported
   to the conference as available for the movement was: Japanese,
   about 8,000; Russian, 4,800; British, about 3,000; American,
   2,100; French, 800. With special effort on the part of
   Captains Byron and Wood, Reilly's battery was gotten to
   Tientsin August 3 and assembled. We were also able to make one
   pack train available on the 4th, just in time to march with
   the column. The marines and Sixth Cavalry were gotten off the
   'Grant' and to Tientsin August 3. The presence of the Sixth
   Cavalry at Tientsin, dismounted, enabled me to take all
   available men of the Ninth and Fourteenth, also all the
   marines except one company 100 strong, left to assist the
   civil government of the city. By arrangement prior to my
   arrival the officers selected to establish a civil government
   for Tientsin were to be allowed a military force, of which the
   United States should furnish 100. I was compelled, of course,
   to leave the Sixth Cavalry, because the horses had not
   arrived. … The troops moved out from the city of Tientsin
   during the afternoon and night of August 4 and bivouacked in
   the vicinity of Si-ku arsenal, the same that was taken by
   Admiral Seymour in his retrograde movement."

   The Chinese were driven from the Arsenal by the Japanese,
   before whom they also fell back from Pei-tsang, and the first
   serious battle was fought at Yang-tsun, on the 6th. Having
   rested at Yang-tsun and cared for its sick and wounded, on the
   7th, the army moved forward on the 8th, encountered slight
   resistance at Shang-shia-wan on the 11th, found Tong-chow
   abandoned, on the 12th, and reached Pekin on the 14th, having
   suffered more from heat, fatigue, and the want of potable
   water on the march, than from "Boxers" or imperial troops.

   Returning now to the report of General Chaffee, we take from
   it his account of the final movement to the walls of Pekin, of
   the forcing of the gates and of the clearing of Chinese troops
   from the city: "The Japanese when taking possession of
   Tong-Chow in the morning [of the 12th] advanced troops toward
   Pekin for a distance of 6½ miles. It was finally agreed that
   the next day, the 13th, should be devoted to reconnaissance;
   the Japanese should reconnoiter on the two roads to the right
   or north of the paved road which is just north of the canal;
   the Russians on the paved road, if at all; the Americans to
   reconnoiter on the road just south of the canal; the British a
   parallel road 1½ miles to the left of the road occupied by the
   Americans. On the 14th the armies should be concentrated on
   the advance line held by the Japanese, and that that evening a
   conference should be held to determine what the method of
   attack on Pekin should be. On the morning of the 13th I
   reconnoitered the road to be occupied by the Americans with
   Troop M, Sixth Cavalry, Reilly's battery, and the Fourteenth
   Infantry up to the point specified in our agreement, or about
   7 miles from Tong-Chow. Finding no opposition, I directed the
   remainder of my force to march out and close in on the advance
   guard. This force arrived at midnight. The British
   reconnoitered their road with some cavalry. The Japanese
   reconnoitered their front and also the front which properly
   belonged to the Russians.

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   "For reasons unknown to me the Russians left their camp at
   Tong-Chow about the time that my troops were marching to close
   on my advance guard. They followed the road which had been
   assigned to them, and about nine o'clock heavy firing was
   heard in the vicinity of Pekin. It was the next day
   ascertained that they had moved forward during the previous
   evening and had attacked the 'Tong-pien-men Gate,' an east
   gate of the city near where the Chinese wall joins the Tartar
   wall. Very heavy artillery and considerable small-arm firing
   was continued throughout the night. At the time of the
   occurrence I supposed the firing to be the last efforts of the
   Chinese troops to destroy the legations. …

   "The 14th being the day decided upon for the concentration on
   the line 7 miles from Tong-Chow, I made no preparations for
   carrying on any operations beyond a small reconnaissance by a
   troop of cavalry to my front, which duty I assigned to Captain
   Cabell. … My cavalry had been absent not more than an hour,
   when Mr. Lowry, the interpreter who had accompanied it, raced
   back and informed me that Captain Cabell was surrounded by
   Chinese cavalry. I immediately ordered a battalion of the
   Fourteenth Infantry to fall in, and we went forward about a
   mile and a half and found Captain Cabell occupying some
   houses, firing from the roofs on a village in his front. I
   insisted on the French troops giving me the road, which they
   reluctantly did. Having joined Cabell, I continued the
   reconnaissance to my front, wishing to get as near the wall of
   the city as I could, but not expecting to move my whole force,
   which was contrary to the agreement at Tong-Chow on the
   evening of August 12. Without serious opposition we arrived at
   the northeast corner of the Chinese city, having brushed away
   some Chinese troops or 'Boxers' that fired from villages to
   our left and front. About 10 o'clock I saw the advantage of
   holding the ground that I had obtained, and directed all my
   force to move forward, as I had then become aware of Russian
   troops being in action on my right, and could also hear the
   Japanese artillery farther to the right. My left flank at this
   time was uncovered, except by a small force of British
   cavalry. The British troops did not advance from Tong-Chow
   until the 14th, owing to the agreement previously referred to.
   On that day they marched for the line of concentration and
   found my force advancing on Pekin. At noon a British battery
   was at work a mile to my left and rear.

   "At 11 a. m. two companies of the Fourteenth Infantry, under
   the immediate command of Colonel Daggett, had scaled the wall
   of the Chinese city at the northeast corner, and the flag of
   that regiment was the first foreign colors unfurled upon the
   walls surrounding Pekin. The two companies on the wall, with
   the assistance of the troops facing the wall, drove away the
   Chinese defenders from the corner to the east gate of the
   Chinese city, where the British entered without opposition
   later in the day. About noon it was reported to me that the
   Russians had battered open 'Tung-pien-men gate' during the
   night and had effected an entrance there. I arrived at the
   gate soon afterwards and found in the gate some of the
   Fourteenth Infantry, followed by Reilly's battery. The Russian
   artillery and troops were in great confusion in the passage,
   their artillery facing in both directions, and I could see no
   effort being made to extricate themselves and give passage
   into the city. One company of the Fourteenth Infantry deployed
   itself in the buildings to the right of the gate and poured
   effective fire onto the Tartar wall. Captain Reilly got two
   guns through a very narrow passage to his left, tearing down a
   wall to do so, and found a position a few yards to the left of
   the road where he could enfilade the Tartar wall, section by
   section, with shrapnel. The Fourteenth Infantry crossed the
   moat and, taking position paralleling the moat, deployed along
   a street facing the Tartar wall, and with the aid of the
   artillery swept it of Chinese troops. In this way, gradually
   working to the westward, the Tartar wall was cleared of
   opposition to the 'Bait-men gate' and beyond.

   "Orders were sent to the Ninth to follow up the movement of
   the Fourteenth Infantry and Reilly's battery as soon as the
   wall was cleared of Chinese; also to follow the movement to
   the 'Chien-men' gate of the Tartar city. The marines were to
   follow the general movement, but later were ordered to protect
   the train. At about 3 o'clock p. m. our advance had arrived
   opposite the legations, the fire of the Chinese having
   practically ended, and we drew over to the Tartar wall and
   entered the legation grounds with the Fourteenth Infantry by
   the 'water gate or moat,' Reilly's battery passing through the
   'Chien-men' gate, which was opened by the American and Russian
   marines of the besieged force. The Fourteenth Infantry was
   selected on this occasion in recognition of gallantry at
   Yang-tsun and during this day. The British troops entered at
   the 'Shahuo' gate of the Chinese city, and following a road
   through the center of the city to opposite the legations,
   arrived there through the 'water gate or moat' in advance of
   the United States troops. Having communicated with Minister
   Conger, I withdrew the troops from the legation and camped
   just outside near the Tartar wall for the night. My casualties
   during the day were 8 enlisted men wounded in the Fourteenth
   Infantry, 1 enlisted man wounded of Battery F, Fifth
   Artillery, and 1 officer and 2 enlisted men wounded of the
   marines. …

   "I was informed by Mr. Conger that a portion of the imperial
   city directly in front of the Chien-men gate had been used by
   Chinese to fire on the legations, and I determined to force
   the Chinese troops from this position. On the morning of the
   15th I placed four guns of Reilly's battery on the Tartar wall
   at Chien-men gate and swept the walls to the westward to the
   next gate, there being some slight opposition in that
   direction, supported by poor artillery. About 8 o'clock a. m.
   the Chinese opened fire on us at Chien-men gate, from the
   second gate of the imperial city north of Chien-men gate,
   whereupon I directed an attack on the first gate to be made,
   and in a short while Lieutenant Charles P. Summerall, of
   Reilly's battery, had opened the door of this gate. Our troops
   entered, and were met with a severe fire from the next gate,
   about 600 yards distant. Fire was directed upon the second
   gate with the battery and such of the infantry as could be
   elevated on the Tartar wall and side walls of the imperial
   city and act effectively. In the course of half an hour the
   Chinese fire was silenced, and Colonel Daggett led forward his
   regiment to the base of the second gate. Lieutenant Summerall
   was directed to open this gate with artillery, which he did.
   The course just indicated was pursued for four gates, the
   Chinese troops being driven from each gate in succession, the
   fourth gate being near what is known as the 'palace grounds,'
   which is surrounded by the 'imperial guards.'

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   "At a conference that afternoon it was decided not to occupy
   the imperial city, and I withdrew my troops into the camp
   occupied the night before, maintaining my position on the
   Tartar wall at Chien-men gate. The idea of not occupying the
   imperial city was not concurred in by the ministers in a
   conference held by them the next day. In their opinion the
   imperial city should be occupied. It was later decided by the
   generals to occupy the imperial grounds, and in consequence of
   this decision I reoccupied the grounds we had won on the 15th,
   placing the Ninth Infantry within as guard at the gate where
   our attack ceased.

   "During the 15th and the attack upon the gates referred to our
   losses were 2 enlisted men killed and 4 wounded, Ninth
   Infantry; 3 enlisted men killed and 14 wounded, Fourteenth
   Infantry; 1 enlisted man, Battery F, Fifth Artillery, wounded.
   At 8.50 o'clock a. m. of this date Captain Henry J. Reilly,
   Fifth Artillery, was struck in the mouth and almost instantly
   killed when standing at my left elbow observing the effect of
   a shot from one of his guns by his side.

   "At a conference of the generals on the afternoon of the 16th
   the Chinese and Tartar cities were divided to the various
   forces for police and protection of the inhabitants. The
   United States troops were assigned to the west half of the
   Chinese city and to that section of the Tartar city lying
   between the Chien-men gate and Shun-chin gate of the south
   wall of the Tartar city and north to the east and west street
   through the Tartar city, being bounded upon the east by the
   wall of the imperial city."

      _United States, Secretary of War,
      Annual Report, November 30, 1900,
      pages 61-71._

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August 5-16).
   The horrors of the allied invasion.
   Barbarity of some divisions of the army in the march
   from Tien-tsin to Peking.
   Murder, rape, pillage and destruction.

   Of the conduct of some divisions of the allied army which
   advanced from Tien-tsin, and which represented to "the heathen
   Chinee" the civilized and Christian nations of Europe and the
   Western world, a writer in "Scribner's Magazine," who
   evidently shared the experience and witnessed the scenes of
   the march, gives the following account: "The dreary stretches
   through which the Pei-ho flows, never attractive to the
   Western eye, presented, as the allied armies slowly traversed
   them, a scene of indescribable desolation. … In a region which
   usually contained a population of many millions, scarcely a
   human being, besides those attached to the allied armies, was
   to be seen. Towns and villages were completely deserted. In
   China an ordinary town will have from one to three hundred
   thousand inhabitants, while villages not of sufficient
   importance to be designated on the maps, have populations
   varying from ten to thirty thousand. These villages line the
   banks of the Pei-ho and the main road to Peking by hundreds.
   The troops were never entirely clear of them. … So hurried had
   been the flight of the inhabitants that hundreds of houses
   were left open, such household possessions that could not be
   carried away being tousled about in great disorder. Of all
   that dense population, only a few scattered hundreds of aged,
   decrepit men and women, and some unfortunate cripples and
   abandoned children, remained. A great majority of these were
   ruthlessly slain. The Russians and Japanese shot or bayoneted
   them without compunction. Their prayers for mercy availed not.
   If these miserable unfortunates chanced to fall into the hands
   of American or British troops they had a chance for their
   lives, but even our armies are not free from these wanton
   sacrifices. Every town, every village, every peasant's hut in
   the path of the troops was first looted and then burned. A
   stretch of country fully ten miles in width was thus swept.
   Mounted 'flanks in the air' scoured far and wide, keen on the
   scent of plunder, dark columns of smoke on the horizon
   attesting their labors. In this merry task of chastising the
   heathen Chinese, the Cossacks easily excelled. … Like an
   avenging Juggernaut the Army of Civilization moved. Terror
   strode before it; Death and Desolation sat and brooded in its
   path. Through such scenes as these, day after day, the army
   glided. A spirit of utter callousness took root, and enveloped
   officers and men alike. Pathetic scenes passed without comment or
   even notice. Pathos, involved in a riot of more violent
   emotions, had lost its power to move."

      _T. F. Millard,
      A Comparison of the Armies in China
      (Scribner's Magazine, January, 1901)._

   Another eye witness, writing in the "Contemporary Review,"
   tells the same sickening and shameful story, with more
   vividness of description and detail: "As a rule," he remarks,
   "the heathen Chinee suffers silently, and dies calmly. He has,
   it is true, a deep-rooted hatred of war, and sometimes a
   paralysing fear of being shot down in battle. But he takes
   beheading, hanging, or death by torture with as much
   resignation as did Seneca, and a great deal less fuss. And he
   bears the loss of those near and dear to him with the same
   serenity, heroism, or heartlessness. But he does not often
   move to pity, and very seldom yearns for sympathy. The dire
   sights which anyone might have witnessed during the months of
   August and September in Northern China afforded admirable
   illustrations of this aspect of the national character. The
   doings of some of the apostles of culture were so heinous that
   even the plea of their having been perpetrated upon wild savages
   would not free them from the nature of crimes. I myself
   remember how profoundly I was impressed when sailing on one
   calm summer's day up to the bar of Taku towards the mouth of
   the river Pei-ho. Dead bodies of Chinamen were floating
   seawards, some with eyes agape and aghast, others with
   brainless skulls and eyeless sockets, and nearly all of them
   wearing their blue blouses, baggy trousers, and black glossy
   pigtails. Many of them looked as if they were merely swimming
   on their backs. …

{133}

   "The next picture that engraved itself upon my memory had for
   its frame the town of Tong-kew. … On the right bank [of the
   Pei-ho] naked children were amusing themselves in the infected
   water which covered them to the arm-pits, dancing, shouting,
   splashing each other, turning somersaults, and intoxicating
   themselves with the pure joy of living. A few yards behind
   them lay their fathers, mothers, sisters, brothers, dead,
   unburied, mouldering away. On the left bank, which was also
   but a few yards off, was the site of Tongkew: a vast expanse
   of smoking rubbish heaps. Not a roof was left standing; hardly
   a wall was without a wide breach; formless mounds of baked
   mud, charred woodwork, and half-buried clothes were burning or
   smouldering still. Here and there a few rootless dwellings
   were left, as if to give an idea of what the town had been
   before the torch of civilisation set it aflame. Everyone of
   these houses, one could see, had been robbed, wrecked, and
   wantonly ruined. All the inhabitants who were in the place
   when the troops swept through had been swiftly sent to their
   last account, but not yet to their final resting-place. Beside
   the demolished huts, under the lengthening shadows of the
   crumbling walls, on the thresholds of houseless doorways, were
   spread out scores, hundreds of mats, pieces of canvas,
   fragments of tarpaulin, and wisps of straw, which bulged
   suspiciously upwards. At first one wondered what they could
   have been put there for. But the clue was soon revealed. In
   places where the soldiers had scamped their work, or prey
   birds had been busy, a pair of fleshless feet or a plaited
   pigtail protruding from the scanty covering satisfied any
   curiosity which the passer-by could have felt after having
   breathed the nauseating air. Near the motionless plumage of
   the tall grass happy children were playing. Hard by an
   uncovered corpse a group of Chinamen were carrying out the
   orders they had received from the invaders. None of the living
   seemed to heed the dead. …

   "Feeling that I never know a man until I have been permitted
   to see somewhat of his hidden springs of action and gauge the
   depth or shallowness of his emotion, I set myself to get a
   glance at what lay behind the mask of propriety which a
   Chinaman habitually wears in Tongkew as in every other town
   and village in the Empire. As soon as the ice seemed broken I
   asked one smiling individual: 'Why do you stay here with the
   slayers of your relatives and friends?' 'To escape their fate,
   if we can,' was the reply. 'We may be killed at any time, but
   while we live we must eat, and for food we have to work.'
   'Were many of your people killed?' I inquired. 'Look there,'
   he answered, pointing to the corpses in the vast over-ground
   churchyard, 'and in the river there are many more. The
   Russians killed every Chinaman they met. Of them we are in
   great fear. They never look whether we have crosses or medals;
   they shoot everyone.' 'You are a Christian, then?' I queried.
   'Yea, a Christian,' he eagerly answered. 'And I,' 'And I,'
   chimed in two others. Ten minutes' further conversation,
   however, brought out the fact that they were Christians not
   for conscience' sake but for safety, and they were sorely
   afraid that they were leaning on a broken reed. The upshot of
   what they had to tell me was that the Europeans, mainly the
   Russians, looked upon them all as legitimate quarry, and
   hounded them down accordingly. They and theirs, they declared,
   had been shot in skirmishes, killed in sport, and bayoneted in
   play.

   "But the ever-recurring refrain of their narrative was the
   massacre in cold blood of the three hundred coolies of Taku. …
   The story has been often told since then, not merely in the
   north but throughout the length and breadth of China. The
   leading facts, as narrated on the spot, are these: Some three
   hundred hard-working coolies eked out a very cheerless
   existence by loading and unloading the steamers of all nations
   which touched at Taku. For the convenience of both sides they
   all cooped themselves up in one boat, which served them as a
   permanent dwelling. When times were slack they were huddled
   together there like herrings in a barrel, and when work was
   brisk they toiled and moiled like galley slaves. Thus they
   managed to get along, doing harm to no man and good to many.
   The attack of the foreign troops upon Taku was the beginning
   of their end. Hearing one day the sharp reports of rifle
   shots, this peaceable and useful community was panic-stricken.
   In order to save their dreary lives they determined to go ashore.
   Strong in their weakness, and trusting in their character of
   working men who abhorred war, they steered their boat
   landwards. In an evil hour they were espied by the Russian
   troops, who at that time had orders, it is said, to slay every
   human being who wore a pigtail. Each of the three hundred
   defenceless coolies at once became a target for Muscovite
   bullets. It must have been a sickening sight when it was all
   done. …

   "The river Pei-ho, could it bear witness in words to the
   dramas of blood enacted on its banks by Europeans, would have
   many a tale to tell as grewsome as that of the slaughter of
   the three hundred coolies. … I lived for twelve or thirteen
   days on that foul river, and never was I more profoundly
   impressed than by what I saw in its waters and on its banks.
   The first day after I had left Tientsin I was towed by
   untiring coolies through a land thickly studded over with what
   had once been human dwellings, but were now high heaps of
   smouldering rubbish. … A wave of death and desolation had
   swept over the land, washing away the vestiges of Chinese
   culture. Men, women, boys, girls, and babes in arms had been
   shot, stabbed, and hewn to bits in this labyrinth of streets,
   and now, on both banks of the river, reigned the peace
   described by Tacitus. …

   "Fire and sword had put their marks upon this entire country.
   The untrampled corn was rotting in the fields, the pastures
   were herdless, rootless the ruins of houses, the hamlets
   devoid of inhabitants. In all the villages we passed the
   desolation was the same. … The streets and houses of
   war-blasted cities were also the scenes of harrowing
   tragedies, calculated to sear and scar the memory even of the
   average man who is not given to 'sickly sentimentality.' In
   war they would have passed unnoticed; in times of peace
   (hostilities were definitely over) they ought to have been
   stopped by drastic measures, if mild means had proved
   ineffectual. I speak as an eye-witness when I say, for
   example, that over and over again the gutters of the city of
   Tungtschau ran red with blood, and I sometimes found it
   impossible to go my way without getting my boots bespattered
   with human gore. There were few shops, private houses and
   courtyards without dead bodies and pools of dark blood. … The
   thirst of blood had made men mad. The pettiest and most
   despicable whipper-snapper who happened to have seen the light
   of day in Europe or Japan had uncontrolled power over the life
   and limbs, the body and soul, of the most highly-cultivated
   Chinaman in the city. From his decision there was no appeal. A
   Chinaman never knew what might betide him an hour hence, if the
   European lost his temper. He might lie down to rest after
   having worked like a beast of burden for twelve or fourteen
   hours only to be suddenly awakened out of his sleep, marched a
   few paces from his hard couch, and shot dead.
{134}
   He was never told, and probably seldom guessed, the reason
   why. I saw an old man and woman who were thus hurriedly
   hustled out of existence. Their day's work done they were
   walking home, when a fire broke out on a little barge on the
   river. They were the only living beings found out of bed at
   the time, and in the pockets of the woman a candle and some
   matches were stowed away. Nobody, not even the boat-watchman,
   had seen them on or near the boat. They were pounced upon,
   taken to the river's edge, shot and buried. It was the work of
   fifteen minutes or less. …

   "The circumstantial tales told of the dishonouring of wives,
   girls, children, in Tientsin, Tungtschau, Pekin, are such as
   should in normal beings kindle some sparks of indignation
   without the aid of 'sickly sentimentality.' … I knew well a
   man whose wife had been dealt with in this manner, and then
   killed along with her child. He was one of the 'good and loyal
   people' who were on excellent terms with the Christians; but, if
   ever he gets a chance of wreaking vengeance upon the
   foreigners, he will not lightly let it slip. I knew of others
   whose wives and daughters hanged themselves on trees or
   drowned themselves in garden-wells in order to escape a much
   worse lot. Chinese women honestly believed that no more
   terrible fate could overtake them than to fall alive into the
   hands of Europeans and Christians. And it is to be feared that
   they were right. Buddhism and Confucianism have their martyrs
   to chastity, whose heroic feats no martyrology will ever
   record. Some of these obscure, but rightminded, girls and
   women hurled themselves into the river, and, finding only
   three feet of water there, kept their heads under the surface
   until death had set his seal on the sacrifice of their life.
   This suicidal frenzy was catching. … So far as I have been
   able to make out, and I have been at some pains to investigate
   the subject, no officers or soldiers of English or
   German-speaking nationalities have been guilty of these
   abominations against defenceless women."

      _E. J. Dillon,
      The Chinese Wolf and the European Lamb
      (Contemporary Review, January, 1901)._

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August 15-28).
   Occupation of Peking by the allied forces.
   International jealousies.
   License to some of the soldiery.
   Shameful stories of looting and outrage.
   Formal march through the "Forbidden City."

   "Early on the morning of the 15th [of August]—the day after
   the siege of the Legations was raised—General Chaffee [the
   American commander] advanced his men from the Chien Mên, which
   he had held overnight, and drove the Chinese from gateway to
   gateway back along the wide-paved approach to the far-famed
   'Forbidden City.' From the wall at the Chien Mên the American
   field battery shelled each of the great gateways before the
   infantry advanced, and Captain Reilly, who commanded the
   battery, was killed while directing the operations—a bullet
   striking him full in the face and passing out through the back
   of his head. In him was lost a popular and efficient officer. The
   movements of the Americans were watched with no little anxiety
   by certain of the allies, who evidently feared that General
   Chaffee was about to enter and seize the Forbidden City
   itself. The French, who had only that morning arrived, were
   apparently very keen to establish a claim by joining in the
   attack, for they took their mountain guns to the top of the
   wall opposite the Legations, and began blazing away in the
   direction of the approaches to the Palace. It so happened that
   by this time the Americans had penetrated nearly to the
   gateway of the Palace itself, and this French fire, so
   suddenly opened, was directed upon them, instead of, as the
   French General thought, upon the enemy. General Chaffee rode
   down himself from the Chien Mên to where the guns were placed
   on the wall, and from below conducted a spirited conversation
   with the French General and M. Pichon. 'Stop firing those
   guns,' the General shouted up from 60 ft. below, 'you are
   killing my men.' Not understanding, the French General replied
   to the effect that he was firing for the honour of France, and
   M. Pichon joined in with similar protestations. General
   Chaffee's protests increased in vigour, and the force,
   perhaps, rather than the lucidity of them eventually induced
   the French General to desist from firing upon the Americans
   for the honour and glory of 'la patrie.' The Russians also
   displayed a marked desire to participate in the operations in
   front of the Palace, coming up after the fighting was
   practically finished and attempting to occupy a part of the
   position won by the Americans. Again General Chaffee had to
   speak forcibly to persuade the Russians to retire. General
   Chaffee cleared and occupied the whole length of the
   approaches—a series of noble paved courtyards—from the Chien
   Mên to the south gate of the Palace, before which he set a
   strong guard. His doings were quite evidently being watched
   with suspicion, and in the afternoon a conference was held, at
   which it was solemnly agreed by the representatives of the
   allies that in the meantime, pending the arrangement of some
   concerted plan, the Forbidden City should not be entered. In
   other parts of the city the work of clearing out the enemy was
   meanwhile progressing, the Japanese and Russians operating on the
   east and to the north, and the British to the south in the
   Chinese city.

   "It was thought that an expedition would have been undertaken
   by the French to relieve the besieged in the Pei-tang. Help
   could have been obtained for the asking, and it is difficult
   to understand why no effort was made to reach the unfortunate
   people, who, be it noted, were still being attacked, and whose
   position, for all that was known, might have been desperate to
   the last degree. The story of the long and weary weeks of
   fighting round the stately cathedral pile—alas, now, now
   battered and rent!—must be written by no outsider from
   hearsay, but first hand by a survivor. As heard from the lips
   of Père Favier, it is, indeed, a thrilling narrative in many
   respects, surpassing in wonder even its sister story of the
   defence of the Legations. … The relief was effected the
   following morning by a combined force of French and Russians,
   with whom also were the British Marines under Major Luke, R.
   M. L. I., the whole under the command of the French general.
   When this force arrived it was found that the Japanese had
   already practically raised the siege, having started earlier
   and worked along on the north-west of the Imperial City,
   driving the Chinese before them. However, the Japanese had not
   actually penetrated into the Pei-tang defences, and the French
   had the satisfaction, after all, of being first in to receive a
   joyful welcome from their long-suffering fellow-countrymen.
{135}
   The raising of the siege was signalized by the slaughter of a
   large number of Chinese who had been rounded up into a cul de
   sac and who were killed to a man, the Chinese Christian
   converts joining in with the French soldiers of the relieving
   force, who lent them bayonets, and abandoning themselves to
   the spirit of revenge. Witnesses describe the scene as a
   sickening sight, but in judging such acts it is necessary to
   remember the provocation, and these people had been sorely
   tried. …

   "The French general had given orders to Major Luke to remain
   with his men to guard a bridge in the rear while the relief of
   the Pei-tang was being effected. Afterwards the main body of
   the relieving force was pushed on through the Imperial City,
   leaving the British contingent behind. After waiting some time
   Major Luke came to the conclusion that he must have been
   forgotten, and, leaving a guard on the bridge, followed on in
   the track of the French troops, to find that they had
   penetrated into the Imperial City along the wall of the Palace
   as far as the Meishan (Coal Hill), from the pagodas on which
   the tri-colour was flying. The Russians had taken up a
   position near the North Gate of the Palace, and he was only
   just in time to secure the temple building at the foot of the
   Meishan, and the camping-ground alongside of it. There was
   great enthusiasm between the Russians and French, who cheered
   each other as their forces appeared, in marked contrast to the
   coolness with which the arrival of Major Luke and his men was
   received. … The Russians are camped round the old place and
   will permit no one in to see over it; in fact, in this part of
   the city French or Russian sentries make it difficult to see most
   of the many objects of art or interest. …

   "Now that the common bond of interest in the success of the
   relief expedition was removed, the points of difference at
   once began to appear, and the underlying jealousy and
   suspicion with which it seems each nation regards almost every
   other manifested itself in various ways, particularly in the
   unseemly race for loot and the game of general grab that now
   started up, the methods of which were indicated above with
   regard to the seizure of the Meishan. The Japanese seized the
   Board of Revenue and must have found a huge amount of money
   there, to judge by the length of the line of pack mules that
   it took to carry it away. Through a mistake, it is said, on
   the part of the Americans, the French got possession of the
   Palace of Prince Li, said to contain treasure to the extent of
   many millions of dollars. The Russians also got some treasure,
   seizing on a large bank.

   "Inside the Forbidden City, the Chinese say, there is fabulous
   wealth in treasure stowed away or buried, and it is
   principally lest this should prove true that so much jealousy
   exists about the privilege of entering. Of course, the
   question is also of great importance politically, and after
   several diplomatic conferences it was eventually decided that,
   on a date still to be arranged, the Ministers and Generals of
   all the Powers should enter at the same time and proceed
   together through the Palace, ascertaining the nature and value
   of its contents and then sealing the whole place up and
   withdrawing to await instructions from the home Governments. …
   As regards the larger game of grab, the Russians succeeded in
   winning the last large prize, the Wan Shen Shan, or new Summer
   Palace, seven miles out near the western hills, racing for it
   against a body of Japanese and coming in a quarter of an hour
   ahead, having had a long start. So the story goes, but it is
   not easy to check such stories, both Japanese and Russians
   being very reticent about their relations with each other. One
   thing only is certain, that the Russians are in jealous
   possession of the Wan Shen Shan. Two British officers who rode
   out there a couple of days ago in uniform were refused
   admission to the grounds.

   "Alongside of this official looting, private looting on the
   part of the foreign soldiers was freely permitted during the
   first few days; in fact, the city was abandoned for the most
   part to the soldiery, and horrible stories of the kind common
   in war, but nevertheless and everlastingly revolting, were
   current—stories of the ravishing of women in circumstances of
   great savagery, particularly by the rough Russian soldiers and
   their following of French. The number of Chinese women who
   committed suicide rather than submit to dishonour was
   considerable. A British officer of standing told me he had
   seen seven hanging from the same beam in the house of
   apparently a well-to-do Chinaman. These stories, and I heard
   of many more, reflect credit upon Chinese womanhood and
   something very different upon the armies of Europe, which are
   supposed to be the forerunners and upholders of civilization
   in this particular campaign. However, this period of licence
   was not of long duration. The soldiers having had their fling,
   the city was divided, by arrangement, into districts, each
   under the control of one of the Powers, proclamations were
   issued reassuring the remaining peaceable citizens and
   encouraging others to return, and gradually the work of
   restoring law and order and confidence is progressing. …

   "Where is the Chinese Government? Fled to Je-hol? No one seems
   to know for certain. It is only certain that on the morning of
   the 14th the Empress-Dowager and her following, and the
   Imperial Court, fled by the west gate of the city and
   disappeared. This flight took place while the Japanese were
   actually engaged in shelling the Tse-kwa Mên and the city
   wall. If they had succeeded in their first attempt on the gate
   in the morning, the flight of the Court might have been
   prevented. The Empress and her advisers had a narrow escape. …

   "August 28. After deliberations occupying a full fortnight the
   question of what was to be done with the Forbidden City has
   been settled, at any rate, for the time being. The main
   problem presented was not new; Lord Elgin had to face it forty
   years ago. Considerations of immediate political expediency
   guided his action then, as they have dictated the course
   adopted now. He spared the Imperial Palace, and burnt instead
   the Yuen Ming Yuen, or Summer Palace, seven miles from Peking.
   As a result the fact that British troops ever entered Peking
   does not appear in Chinese history, indeed the idea is
   ridiculed by Mandarindom. Remembering this, many people here
   thought it would be desirable in the present instance to burn
   the Imperial Palace, after carefully removing the art
   treasures, and thus, if possible, impress upon the whole
   Chinese nation some idea of the enormity of the crime which
   their Government has committed against civilization at large.
{136}
   On the other hand, it was held that if this were done the
   Imperial Court, through loss of 'face,' could never return to
   Peking, and this contingency appealed strongly to the
   representatives of both Russia and Japan, who conceived that
   the interests of their respective countries demanded the
   retention of Peking as the capital. What the representatives
   of the other Powers thought has not transpired, nor does it
   matter much at present, the overwhelming position of Russia
   and Japan combined making all opposition to their proposals
   futile. Germany may insist upon burning the Palace when he
   forces have all arrived, and those who think it ought to be
   done hope that she will; but in the meantime the conference of
   commanding officers, in consultation with the Ministers,
   decided not to do more than march a small force of foreign
   troops through the 'sacred precincts' from the South Gate to
   the North, after which these were to be again closed, leaving
   the Palace intact. There was to be no looting. Everything was
   to be done to provide against the idea arising that the place
   had been desecrated. The ceremony was merely to be a display
   of military power. …

   "Arrangements were made for certain Chinese officials to be
   present during the ceremony and also for a number of
   attendants to open up the various halls through which the
   troops would require to pass, and to close the doors behind
   the 'barbarians' when they finally withdrew. Yesterday there
   were reports of further friction and possible further
   postponement of the ceremony, but by evening these had died
   away and the programme had assumed at last a definite shape.
   According to it the various troops were to parade this morning
   between 7 and 8 outside the Tien-an Mên, the Inner Gate of the
   Imperial City. There at the time appointed they were drawn up,
   and the interest of a great historic event began. The Imperial
   Palace, or Forbidden City, is an enclosure about two-thirds of
   a mile long from north to south and about half a mile broad
   from east to west. It is surrounded by a high wall. Outside
   this wall on the west, north, and east lies a broad moat. From
   the south it is approached by a series of immense paved
   courtyards divided one from the other by high and massive
   gateways, above which rise imposing pavilions with
   yellow-tiled overhanging roofs, flanked by great towers built
   in the same style and similarly roofed with Imperial yellow.
   This Forbidden City or Imperial Palace enclosure is situated
   within the Imperial City, a larger enclosure, also surrounded
   by a high tile-topped wall. It was outside the Inner Gateway
   to this Imperial City that the troops were drawn up. The
   Russians took up their position on the centre, close to the
   stone bridge in front of the Tien-an Mên; the Japanese were
   opposite the gateway on the left; the British to the right of
   the Russians in a wide paved avenue running east and west
   outside the inner wall of the Imperial City. The remainder of
   the allies were drawn up to the rear of the Russians and
   Japanese in the wide avenue running north and south from the
   Outer Gateway (Ta-ching Mên). As a pageant it was not a
   success. Soldiers on service do not make a fine show. … Inside
   the Tien-an Mên the central stone road continues for about
   half a mile down a broad, flagged avenue running between
   handsome temple buildings on either hand, until the Wu Mên, or
   south gate, of the Forbidden City is reached. It is an
   imposing entrance. The gateway itself is high and massive, and
   the towers on top are particularly fine. Thus far, on the
   morning of the 15th, the American troops fought, driving the
   Chinese before them into the city. The self-denial displayed
   by General Chaffee on that occasion has not, perhaps, received
   proper recognition. There was at that time no agreement to
   hold him back, and he might have pressed on and taken the
   palace and hoisted the Stars and Stripes over it. It would
   have been a fine prize, and the temptation must have been
   great, but General Chaffee, acting, possibly, under the advice
   of Mr. Conger, the United States Minister, refrained—a
   noteworthy act. This gateway has been held by an American
   guard ever since, and American troops have been quartered in
   the approach to it. …

   "After it was over the generals and staff officers and the
   Ministers and other privileged persons returned by the way we
   had come through the Forbidden City. Tea was provided by the
   Chinese officials in the summer-house of the palace garden,
   the quaint beauties of which there was now time to appreciate.
   Beautiful stone carvings and magnificent bronzes claimed
   attention. The march through had occupied about an hour, and
   another was spent sauntering back through the various halls
   and courtyards. As the halls were cleared the Chinese
   attendants hastily closed the doors behind us with evident
   relief at our departure. A few jade ornaments were pocketed by
   quick-fingered persons desirous of possessing souvenirs, but
   on the whole the understanding that there was to be no looting
   was carried out. Arrived at the courtyard where their horses had
   been left, the generals and staff officers mounted and rode
   out of the palace, and the rest of us followed on foot. The
   gates were once more closed and guards were stationed outside
   to prevent anyone from entering. The Forbidden City resumed
   its normal state, inviolate, undesecrated. The honour of the
   civilized world, we were told, had been thus vindicated. But
   had it?"

      _London Times,
      Peking Correspondence._

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August-September).
   The flight of the Imperial Court.

   The following account of the flight of the Court from Peking
   to Tai-yuen-fu was given to a newspaper correspondent, in
   October, by Prince Su, who accompanied the fugitive Emperor
   and Dowager-Empress, and afterwards returned to Peking:

   "The day the Court left Peking they travelled in carts to
   Kuan-shi, 20 miles to the north, escorted by 3,000 soldiers of
   various commands. This composite army pillaged, murdered, and
   outraged along the whole route. At Kuan-shi the Imperial
   cortege was supplied with mule litters. The flight then
   continued at the rate of 20 miles daily to Hsuan-hua-fu, where
   a halt was made for three days. This place is 120 miles from
   Peking. Up to this time the flight had been of a most
   panic-stricken nature. So little authority was exerted that
   the soldiers even stole the meals which had been prepared for
   the Emperor and the Dowager-Empress. Some improvement was
   effected by the execution of several for murder and pillaging,
   and gradually the various constituents of the force were
   brought under control.
{137}
   Many of the Dowager-Empress's advisers were in favour of
   remaining at Hsuan-hua-fu, on account of the comparatively
   easy means of communication with the capital. The majority,
   however, were in such fear of pursuit by the foreign troops
   that the proposition was overruled. The flight was then
   resumed towards Tai-yuen-fu. Before leaving Hsuan-hua-fu,
   10,000 additional troops under Tung-fuh-siang joined the
   escort. The newcomers, however, only added to the discord
   already prevailing. The Dowager-Empress did little else but
   weep and upbraid those whose advice had brought them into such
   a position. The Emperor reviled everyone irrespective of his
   opinions. The journey to Tai-yuen-fu took 26 days, the longest
   route being taken for fear of pursuit. On arriving there the
   formation of some kind of Government was attempted, but owing
   to the many elements of discord this was found to be next to
   impossible. Though many edicts were issued they could not be
   enforced. Neither party cared for an open rupture, and affairs
   rapidly assumed a state of chaos. Prince Su further said that
   the Emperor did not desire to leave Peking, preferring to
   trust himself to the allies, but his objections were not
   listened to and he was compelled to accompany the flight."

   The final resting-place of the fugitive Imperial Court for
   some months was Si-ngan-fu, or Sin-gan Fu, or Segan Fu, or
   Sian Fu (as it is variously written), a large city, the
   capital of the western province of Shensi.

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August-December).
   Discussions among "the Powers" as to the terms to be made
   with the Chinese Government.
   Opening of negotiations with Prince Ching and Li Hung-chang.

   Immediately upon the capture of Peking, Li Hung-chang
   addressed appeals to the Powers for a cessation of
   hostilities, for the withdrawal of troops from Peking, and for
   the appointment of envoys to negotiate a permanent peace.
   Discussion among the governments followed, the first definite
   outcome of which appeared in the announcement of an intention
   on the part of Russia to withdraw her troops from Peking as
   soon as order had been re-established there, and of a
   disposition on the part of the United States to act with
   Russia in that procedure. This substantial agreement between
   the two governments was made public by the printing of the
   following dispatch, dated August 29, from Mr. Adee, the
   American Acting Secretary of State, to the representatives of
   the United States in London, Paris, Vienna, Berlin, Rome, and
   Tokio:

   "The Russian Charge d'Affaires yesterday afternoon made me an
   oral statement regarding Russia's purposes in China to the
   following effect:—'That, as she has already repeatedly
   declared, Russia has no designs of territorial acquisition in
   China; that, equally with the other Powers now operating
   there, Russia sought the safety of her Legation in Peking and
   to help the Chinese Government to repress the troubles that
   arose; that incidentally to the necessary defensive measures
   on the Russian border, Russia has occupied Niu-chwang for
   military purposes, and as soon as order is re-established she
   will withdraw her troops from the town if the action of the
   other Powers be no obstacle; that the purpose for which the
   various Governments have co-operated for the relief of the
   Legations in Peking has been accomplished; that taking the
   position that as the Chinese Government has left Peking there
   is no need for the Russian representative to remain, Russia
   has directed her Minister to retire with his official
   personnel from China; that the Russian troops will likewise be
   withdrawn, and that when the Government of China shall regain the
   reins of government and can afford an authority with which the
   other Powers can deal, and will express a desire to enter into
   negotiations, the Russian Government will also name its
   representative.' Holding these views and purposes, Russia has
   expressed the hope that the United States will share the same
   opinion.

   "To this declaration our reply has been made by the following
   memorandum:—'The Government of the United States has received
   with much satisfaction the reiterated statement that Russia
   has no designs of territorial acquisition in China and that,
   equally with the other Powers now operating in China, Russia
   has sought the safety of her Legation and to help the Chinese
   Government to repress the existing troubles. The same purposes
   have moved, and will continue to control, the Government of
   the United States, and the frank declarations of Russia in
   this regard are in accord with those made to the United States
   by the other Powers. All the Powers, therefore, having
   disclaimed any purpose to acquire any part of China, and now
   that the adherence thereto has been renewed since relief
   reached Peking, it ought not to be difficult by concurrent
   action through negotiations to reach an amicable settlement
   with China whereby the treaty rights of all the Powers shall
   be secured for the future, the open door assured, the
   interests and property of foreign citizens conserved, and full
   reparation made for the wrongs and injuries suffered by them.

   "So far as we are advised, the greater part of China is at
   peace and earnestly desires to protect the life and property
   of all foreigners, and in several of the provinces active and
   successful efforts to suppress the 'Boxers' have been taken by
   the Viceroys, to whom we have extended encouragement through
   our Consuls and naval officers. This present good relation
   should be promoted for the peace of China. While we agree that
   the immediate object for which the military forces of the
   Powers have been co-operating—the relief of the Ministers in
   Peking—has been accomplished, there still remain other
   purposes which all the Powers have in common, which have been
   referred to in the communication of the Russian Charge d'
   Affaires, and which were specifically enumerated in our Note
   to the Powers.

   "These are:—To afford all possible protection everywhere in
   China to foreign life and property; to guard and protect all
   legitimate foreign interests; to aid in preventing the spread
   of disorders in the other provinces of the Empire and the
   recurrence of such disorders; to seek a solution which may
   bring about permanent safety and peace in China; to preserve
   the Chinese territorial and administrative entity; to protect
   all rights guaranteed by treaty and international law to
   friendly Powers; and to safeguard for the world the principle
   of equal and impartial trade with all parts of the Chinese
   Empire. In our opinion, these purposes could best be attained
   by the joint occupation of Peking under a definite
   understanding between the Powers until the Chinese Government
   shall have been re-established and shall be in a position to
   enter into new treaties containing adequate provisions for
   reparation and guarantees for future protection.

{138}

   "With the establishment and recognition of such authority the
   United States would wish to withdraw its military forces from
   Peking and remit to the processes of peaceful negotiation our
   just demands. We consider, however, that the continued
   occupation of Peking would be ineffective to produce the
   desired result unless all the Powers unite therein with entire
   harmony of purpose. Any Power which determines to withdraw its
   troops from Peking will necessarily proceed thereafter to
   protect its interests in China by its own method, and we think
   this would make a general withdrawal expedient. As to the time
   and manner of withdrawal, we think that, in view of the
   imperfect knowledge of the military situation resulting from
   the interruptions of telegraphic communication, the several
   military commanders in Peking should be instructed to confer
   and to agree together upon the withdrawal as a concerted
   movement, as they agreed upon in advance.

   "The result of these considerations is that, unless there is
   such a general expression by the Powers in favour of the
   continued occupation as to modify the views expressed by the
   Russian Government and lead to a general agreement for
   continued occupation, we shall give instructions to the
   commander of the American forces in China to withdraw our
   troops from Peking after due conference with the other
   commanders as to the time and manner of withdrawal.

   "The Government of the United States is much gratified by the
   assurance given by Russia that the occupation of Niu-chwang is
   for military purposes incidental to the military steps for the
   security of the Russian border provinces menaced by the
   Chinese, and that as soon as order is established Russia will
   withdraw her troops from those places if the action of the
   other Powers is not an obstacle thereto. No obstacle in this
   regard can arise through any action of the United States,
   whose policy is fixed and has been repeatedly proclaimed."

   Even before the communication received from Russia, the
   government of the United States had taken steps to withdraw
   the greater part of its troops. "On the 25th of August," says
   the American Secretary of War, in his annual report, November
   30, 1900, "General Chaffee was directed to hold his forces in
   readiness for instructions to withdraw, and on the 25th of
   September he was instructed to send to Manila all the American
   troops in China with the exception of a legation guard, to
   consist of a regiment of infantry, a squadron of cavalry, and
   one light battery."

   The expressions from Russia and the United States in favor of
   an early withdrawal of foreign troops from Peking, and the
   opening of pacific negotiations with the Chinese government,
   were unsatisfactory to several of the concerted Powers, and
   were sharply criticised in the British and German press. The
   German government, especially, was disposed to insist upon
   stern and strenuous measures in dealing with that of China,
   and it addressed the following circular note, on the 18th of
   September, to all the Powers:

   "The Government of the Emperor holds as preliminary to
   entering upon diplomatic relations with the Chinese Government
   that those persons must be delivered up who have been proved
   to be the original and real instigators of the outrages
   against international law which have occurred at Peking. The
   number of those who were merely instruments in carrying out
   the outrages is too great. Wholesale executions would be
   contrary to the civilized conscience, and the circumstances of
   such a group of leaders cannot be completely ascertained. But
   a few whose guilt is notorious should be delivered up and
   punished. The representatives of the powers at Peking are in a
   position to give or bring forward convincing evidence. Less
   importance attaches to the number punished than to their
   character as chief instigators or leaders. The Government
   believes it can count on the unanimity of all the Cabinets in
   regard to this point, insomuch as indifference to the idea of
   just atonement would be equivalent to indifference to a
   repetition of the crime. The Government proposes, therefore,
   that the Cabinets concerned should instruct their
   representatives at Peking to indicate those leading Chinese
   personages from whose guilt in instigating or perpetrating
   outrages all doubt is excluded."

   The British government was understood to be not unwilling to
   support this demand from Germany, but little encouragement
   seems to have been officially given to it from other quarters,
   and the government of the United States was most emphatic in
   declining to approve it. The reply of the latter to the German
   circular note was promptly given, September 21, as follows:
   "The government of the United States has, from the outset,
   proclaimed its purpose to hold to the uttermost accountability
   the responsible authors of any wrongs done in China to
   citizens of the United States and their interests, as was
   stated in the Government's circular communication to the
   Powers of July 3 last. These wrongs have been committed not
   alone in Peking, but in many parts of the Empire, and their
   punishment is believed to be an essential element of any
   effective settlement which shall prevent a recurrence of such
   outrages and bring about permanent safety and peace in China.
   It is thought, however, that no punitive measures can be so
   effective by way of reparation for wrongs suffered and as
   deterrent examples for the future as the degradation and
   punishment of the responsible authors by the supreme Imperial
   authority itself, and it seems only just to China that she
   should be afforded in the first instance an opportunity to do
   this and thus rehabilitate herself before the world.

   "Believing thus, and without abating in anywise its deliberate
   purpose to exact the fullest accountability from the
   responsible authors of the wrongs we have suffered in China,
   the Government of the United States is not disposed, as a
   preliminary condition to entering into diplomatic negotiations
   with the Chinese Government, to join in a demand that said
   Government surrender to the Powers such persons as, according
   to the determination of the Powers themselves, may be held to
   be the first and real perpetrators of those wrongs. On the
   other hand, this Government is disposed to hold that the
   punishment of the high responsible authors of these wrongs,
   not only in Peking, but throughout China, is essentially a
   condition to be embraced and provided for in the negotiations
   for a final settlement.
{139}
   It is the purpose of this Government, at the earliest
   practicable moment, to name its plenipotentiaries for
   negotiating a settlement with China, and in the mean time to
   authorize its Minister in Peking to enter forthwith into
   conference with the duly authorized representatives of the
   Chinese Government, with a view of bringing about a
   preliminary agreement whereby the full exercise of the
   Imperial power for the preservation of order and the
   protection of foreign life and property throughout China,
   pending final negotiations with the Powers, shall be assured."

   On the same day on which the above note was written the
   American government announced its recognition of Prince Ching
   and Li Hung-chang, as plenipotentiaries appointed to represent
   the Emperor of China, in preliminary negotiations for the
   restoration of the imperial authority at Peking and for a
   settlement with the foreign Powers.

   Differences between the Powers acting together in China, as to
   the preliminary conditions of negotiation with the Chinese
   government, and as to the nature and range of the demands to
   be made upon it, were finally adjusted on the lines of a
   proposal advanced by the French Foreign Office, in a note
   dated October 4, addressed to the several governments, as
   follows:

   "The intention of the Powers in sending their forces to China
   was, above all, to deliver the Legations. Thanks to their
   union and the valour of their troops this object has been
   attained. The question now is to obtain from the Chinese
   Government, which has given Prince Ching and Li Hung-chang
   full powers to negotiate and to treat in its name, suitable
   reparation for the past and serious guarantees for the future.
   Penetrated with the spirit which has evoked the previous
   declarations of the different Governments, the Government of
   the Republic has summarized its own sentiments in the
   following points, which it submits as a basis for the
   forthcoming negotiations after the customary verification of
   powers:

   (1) The punishment of the chief culprits, who will be
   designated by the representatives of the Powers in Peking.

   (2) The maintenance of the embargo on the importation of arms.


   (3) Equitable indemnity for the States and for private
   persons.

   (4) The establishment in Peking of a permanent guard for the
   Legations.

   (5) The dismantling of the Ta-ku forts.

   (6) The military occupation of two or three points on the
   Tien-tsin-Peking route, thus assuring complete liberty of
   access for the Legations should they wish to go to the coast
   and to forces from the sea-board which might have to go up to
   the capital.

   It appears impossible to the Government of the Republic that
   these so legitimate conditions, if collectively presented by
   the representatives of the Powers and supported by the
   presence of the international troops, will not shortly be
   accepted by the Chinese Government."

   On the 17th of October, the French Embassy at Washington
   announced to the American government that "all the interested
   powers have adhered to the essential principles of the French
   note," and added: "The essential thing now is to show the
   Chinese Government, which has declared itself ready to
   negotiate, that the powers are animated by the same spirit;
   that they are decided to respect the integrity of China and
   the independence of its Government, but that they are none the
   less resolved to obtain the satisfaction to which they have a
   right. In this regard it would seem that if the proposition
   which has been accepted as the basis of negotiations were
   communicated to the Chinese plenipotentiaries by the Ministers
   of the powers at Peking, or in their name by their Dean, this
   step would be of a nature to have a happy influence upon the
   determinations of the Emperor of China and of his Government."
   The government of the United States approved of this
   suggestion from France, and announced that it had "instructed
   its Minister in Peking to concur in presenting to the Chinese
   plenipotentiaries the points upon which we are agreed." Other
   governments, however, seem to have given different
   instructions, and some weeks were spent by the foreign
   Ministers at Peking in formulating the joint note in which
   their requirements were to be presented to Prince Ching and
   Earl Li.

   The latter, meantime, had submitted, on their own part, to the
   allied plenipotentiaries, a draft of what they conceived to be
   the just preliminaries of a definitive treaty. They prefaced
   it with a brief review of what had occurred, and some remarks,
   confessing that "the throne now realizes that all these
   calamities have been caused by the fact that Princes and high
   Ministers of State screened the Boxer desperados, and is
   accordingly determined to punish severely the Princes and
   Ministers concerned in accordance with precedent by handing
   them over to their respective Yamêns for the determination of
   a penalty." The "draft clauses" then submitted were as
   follows:

   "The siege of the Legations was a flagrant violation of the
   usages of international law and an utterly unpermissible act.
   China admits the gravity of her error and undertakes that
   there shall be no repetition of the occurrence. China admits
   her liability to pay an indemnity, and leaves it to the Powers
   to appoint officers who shall investigate the details and make
   out a general statement of claims to be dealt with
   accordingly.

   "With regard to the subsequent trade relations between China
   and the foreign Powers, it will be for the latter to make
   their own arrangements as to whether former treaties shall be
   adhered to in their entirety, modified in details, or
   exchanged for new ones. China will take steps to put the
   respective proposals into operation accordingly.

   "Before drawing up a definitive treaty it will be necessary
   for China and the Powers to be agreed as to general
   principles. Upon this agreement being arrived at, the
   Ministers of the Powers will remove the seals which have been
   affixed to the various departments of the Tsung-li-Yamên and
   proceed to the Yamên for the despatch of business in matters
   relating to international questions exactly as before.

   "So soon as a settlement of matters of detail shall have been
   agreed upon between China and the various nations concerned in
   accordance with the requirements of each particular nation,
   and so soon as the question of the payment of an indemnity
   shall have been satisfactorily settled, the Powers will
   respectively withdraw their troops. The despatch of troops to
   China by the Powers was undertaken with the sole object of
   protecting the Ministers, and so soon as peace negotiations
   between China and the Powers shall have been opened there
   shall be a cessation of hostilities.

{140}

   "The statement that treaties will be made with each of the
   Powers in no way prejudices the fact that with regard to the
   trade conventions mentioned the conditions vary in accordance
   with the respective powers concerned. With regard to the
   headings of a definitive treaty, questions of nomenclature and
   precedence affecting each of the Powers which may arise in
   framing the treaty can be adjusted at personal conferences."
   Great Britain and Germany were now acting in close accord,
   having, apparently, been drawn together by a common distrust
   of the intentions of Russia. On the 16th of October, Lord
   Salisbury and Count Hatzfeldt signed the following agreement,
   which was made known at once to the other governments
   concerned, and its principles assented to by all:

   "Her Britannic Majesty's Government and the Imperial German
   Government, being desirous to maintain their interests in
   China and their rights under existing treaties, have agreed to
   observe the following principles in regard to their mutual policy
   in China:—

   "1. It is a matter of joint and permanent international
   interest that the ports on the rivers and littoral of China
   should remain free and open to trade and to every other
   legitimate form of economic activity for the nationals of all
   countries without distinction; and the two Governments agree
   on their part to uphold the same for all Chinese territory as
   far as they can exercise influence.

   "2. The Imperial German Government and her Britannic Majesty's
   Government will not, on their part, make use of the present
   complication to obtain for themselves any territorial
   advantages in Chinese dominions, and will direct their policy
   towards maintaining undiminished the territorial condition of
   the Chinese Empire.

   "3. In case of another Power making use of the complications
   in China in order to obtain under any form whatever such
   territorial advantages, the two Contracting Parties reserve to
   themselves to come to a preliminary understanding as to the
   eventual steps to be taken for the protection of their own
   interests in China.

   "4. The two Governments will communicate this Agreement to the
   other Powers interested, and especially to Austria-Hungary,
   France, Italy, Japan, Russia, and the United States of
   America, and will invite them to accept the principles
   recorded in it."

   The assent of Russia was no less positive than that of the
   other Powers. It was conveyed in the following words: "The
   first point of this Agreement, stipulating that the ports
   situated on the rivers and littoral of China, wherever the two
   Governments exercise their influence, should remain free and
   open to commerce, can be favorably entertained by Russia, as
   this stipulation does not infringe in any way the 'status quo'
   established in China by existing treaties. The second point
   corresponds all the more with the intentions of Russia, seeing
   that, from the commencement of the present complications, she
   was the first to lay down the maintenance of the integrity of
   the Chinese Empire as a fundamental principle of her policy in
   China. As regards the third point relating to the eventuality
   of an infringement of this fundamental principle, the Imperial
   Government, while referring to their Circular of the 12th
   (25th) August, can only renew the declaration that such an
   infringement would oblige Russia to modify her attitude
   according to circumstances."

   On the 13th of November, while the foreign plenipotentiaries
   at Peking were trying to agree in formulating the demands they
   should make, the Chinese imperial government issued a decree
   for the punishment of officials held responsible for the Boxer
   outrages. As given the Press by the Japanese Legation at
   Washington, in translation from the text received there, it
   was as follows;

   "Orders have been already issued for the punishment of the
   officials responsible for opening hostilities upon friendly
   Powers and bringing the country into the present critical
   condition by neglecting to suppress and even by encouraging
   the Boxers. But as Peking and its neighborhood have not yet
   been entirely cleared of the Boxers, the innocent people are
   still suffering terribly through the devastation of their
   fields and the destruction of their houses, a state of affairs
   which cannot fail to fill one with the bitterest feelings
   against these officials. And if they are not severely
   punished, how can the anger of the people be appeased and the
   indignation of the foreign Powers allayed?

   "Accordingly, Prince Tuan is hereby deprived of his title and
   rank, and shall, together with Prince Chwang, who has already
   been deprived of his title, be delivered to the Clan Court to
   be kept in prison until the restoration of peace, when they
   shall be banished to Sheng-King, to be imprisoned for life.
   Princes Yi and Tsai Yung, who have both been already deprived
   of their titles, are also to be delivered to the Clan Court
   for imprisonment, while Prince Tsai Lien, also already
   deprived of title and rank, is to be kept confined in his own
   house, Duke Tsai Lan shall forfeit his ducal salary, but may
   be transferred with the degradation of one rank. Chief Censor
   Ying Nien shall be degraded two ranks and transferred. As to
   Kang Yi, Minister of the Board of Civil Appointment, upon his
   return from the commission on which he had been sent for the
   purpose of making inquiries into the Boxer affair he
   memorialized the Throne in an audience strongly in their
   favor. He should have been severely punished but for his death
   from illness, and all penalties are accordingly remitted. Chao
   Shuy Yao, Minister of the Board of Punishment, who had been
   sent on a mission similar to that of Kang Yi, returned almost
   immediately. Though such conduct was a flagrant neglect of his
   duties, still he did not make a distorted report to the
   Throne, and therefore he shall be deprived of his rank, but
   allowed to retain his present office. Finally, Yu Hsien,
   ex-Governor of Shan-Se, allowed, while in office, the Boxers
   freely to massacre the Christian missionaries and converts.
   For this he deserves the severest punishment, and therefore he
   is to be banished to the furthermost border of the country, and
   there to be kept at hard labor for life.

{141}

   "We have a full knowledge of the present trouble from the very
   beginning, and therefore, though no impeachment has been brought
   by Chinese officials at home or abroad against Princes Yi,
   Tsai Lien and Tsai Yung, we order them to be punished in the
   same manner as those who have been impeached. All who see this
   edict will thus perceive our justice and impartiality in
   inflicting condign penalties upon these officials," It was not
   until the 20th of December that the joint note of the
   plenipotentiaries of the Powers, after having been submitted
   in November to the several governments represented, and
   amended to remove critical objections, was finally signed and
   delivered to the Chinese plenipotentiaries. The following is a
   precis of the requirements set forth in it:

   "(1) An Imperial Prince is to convey to Berlin the Emperor's
   regret for the assassination of Baron von Ketteler, and a
   monument is to be erected on the site of the murder, with an
   inscription, in Latin, German, and Chinese, expressing the
   regret of the Emperor for the murder.

   "(2) The most severe punishment fitting their crimes is to be
   inflicted on the personages designated in the Imperial decree
   of September 21, whose names—not mentioned—are Princes Tuan
   and Chuang and two other princes, Duke Lan, Chao Shu-chiao,
   Yang-yi, Ying-hien, also others whom the foreign Ministers
   shall hereafter designate. Official examinations are to be
   suspended for five years in those cities where foreigners have
   been assassinated or cruelly treated.

   "(3) Honourable reparation is to be made to Japan for the
   murder of M. Sugiyama.

   "(4) Expiatory monuments are to be erected in all foreign
   cemeteries where tombs have been desecrated.

   "(5) The importation of arms or 'materiel' and their
   manufacture are to be prohibited.

   "(6) An equitable indemnity is to be paid to States,
   societies, and individuals, also to Chinese who have suffered
   injury because of their employment by foreigners. China will
   adopt financial measures acceptable to the Powers to guarantee
   the payment of the indemnity and the service of the loans.

   "(7) Permanent Legation guards are to be maintained, and the
   diplomatic quarter is to be fortified.

   "(8) The Ta-ku forts and those between Peking and the sea are
   to be razed.

   "(9) There is to be a military occupation of points necessary
   to ensure the safety of the communications between Peking and
   the sea.

   "(10) Proclamations are to be posted during two years
   throughout the Empire threatening death to any person joining
   an anti-foreign society and enumerating the punishment
   inflicted by China upon the guilty ringleaders of the recent
   outrages. An Imperial edict is to be promulgated ordering
   Viceroys, Governors, and Provincial officials to be held
   responsible for anti-foreign outbreaks or violations of
   treaties within their jurisdiction, failure to suppress the
   same being visited by the immediate cashiering of the
   officials responsible, who shall never hold office again.

   "(11) China undertakes to negotiate a revision of the
   commercial treaties in order to facilitate commercial
   relations.

   "(12) The Tsung-li-Yamên is to be reformed, and the Court
   ceremonial for the reception of foreign Ministers modified in
   the sense indicated by the Powers.

   "Until the foregoing conditions are complied with ('se
   conformer à') the Powers can hold out no expectation of a
   limit of time for the removal of the foreign troops now
   occupying Peking and the provinces."

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (November).
   Russo-Chinese agreement relating to Manchuria.

      See (in this volume)
      MANCHURIA.

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (December).
   Russo-Chinese agreement concerning the Manchurian
   province of Fêng-tien.

      See (in this volume)
      MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900.

CHINA: A. D. 1900-1901 (November-February).
   Seizure of grounds at Peking for a large Legation Quarter.
   Extensive plans of fortification.

   In February, 1901, the following from a despatch written in
   the previous November by Mr. Conger, the American Minister at
   Peking, was given to the Press by the State Department at
   Washington: "I have the honor to report that in view of the
   probability of keeping large legation grounds in the future,
   and because of the general desire on the part of all the
   European representatives to have extensive legations, all of
   the Ministers are taking possession of considerable areas
   adjoining their legations—property belonging either to the
   Chinese Government or to private citizens, and having been
   abandoned by the owners during the siege—with the intention to
   claim them as conquest, or possibly credit something for them
   on their account for indemnity. I have as yet not taken formal
   possession of any ground for this purpose, nor shall I without
   instructions, but I shall not for the present permit any of the
   owners or other persons to reoccupy any of the property
   between this legation and the canal to the east of it. While
   this area will be very small in comparison with the other
   legations, yet it will be sufficient to make both the legation
   personnel and the guard very comfortable, and will better
   comport with our traditional simplicity vis-a-vis the usual
   magnificence of other representatives.

   "It is proposed to designate the boundaries of a legation
   quarter, which shall include all the legations, and then
   demand the right to put that in a state of defence when
   necessary, and to prohibit the residence of Chinese there,
   except by permission of the Ministers. If, therefore, these
   ideas as to guards, defence, etc:., are to be carried out, a
   larger legation will be an absolute necessity. In fact, it is
   impossible now to accommodate the legation and staff in our
   present quarters without most inconvenient crowding.

   "There are no public properties inside the legation quarter
   which we could take as a legation. All the proposed property
   to be added, as above mentioned, to our legation, is private
   ground, except a very small temple in the southeast corner,
   and I presume, under our policy, if taken, will be paid for
   either to the Chinese owners or credited upon account against
   the Chinese Government for indemnity, although I suspect most
   of the other Governments will take theirs as a species of
   conquest. The plot of ground adjoining and lying to the cast
   of the legation to which I have made reference is about the
   size of the premises now occupied by us."

   Before its adjournment on the 4th of March, 1901, the Congress
   of the United States made an appropriation for the purchase of
   grounds for its Legation at Peking, and instructions were sent
   to make the purchase.

{142}

   By telegram from Peking on the 14th of February it was
   announced that a formidable plan of fortification for this
   Legation Quarter had been drawn up by the Military Council of
   the Powers at Peking, and that work upon it was to begin at
   once. The correspondent of the "London Times" described the
   plan and wrote satirically of it, as follows; "From supreme
   contempt for the weakness of China armed we have swayed to
   exaggerated fear of the strength of China disarmed. The
   international military experts have devised a scheme for
   putting the Legation quarter in a state of defence which is
   equivalent to the construction of an International fortress
   alongside the Imperial Palace. The plan requires the breaching
   of the city wall at the Water-gate, the levelling of the Ha-ta
   Mên and Chien Mên towers, the demolition of the ramparts
   giving access to them, the sweeping clear of a space 150 to
   300 yards wide round the entire Legation area, and the
   construction of walls, glacis, moats, barbed wire defences,
   with siege guns, Maxims, and barracks capable of holding 2,000
   troops, with military stores and equipment sufficient to
   withstand a siege of three months. All public buildings,
   boards, and civil offices between the Legations and the
   Imperial walls are to be levelled, while 11,000 foreign troops
   are to hold the communications between Peking and the sea, so
   that no Chinese can travel to Peking from the sea without the
   knowledge of the foreign military authorities.

   "The erection of the defences is to begin at once, before the
   return of the Court to Peking. They are no doubt devised to
   encourage the Court to return to Peking, it being apparently
   the belief of the foreign Ministers that an Imperial Court
   governing an independent empire are eager to place themselves
   under the tutelage of foreign soldiers and within the reach of
   foreign Maxims.

   "Within the large new Legation area all the private property
   of Chinese owners who years before sought the advantages of
   vicinity to the Legations has been seized by the foreign
   Legations. France and Germany, with a view to subsequent
   commercial transactions, have annexed many acres of valuable
   private property for which no compensation is contemplated,
   while the Italian Legation, which boasts a staff of two
   persons, carrying out the scheme of appropriation to a logical
   absurdity, has, in addition to other property, grabbed the
   Imperial Maritime Customs gardens and buildings occupied for
   so many years by Sir Robert Hart and his staff."

CHINA: A. D. 1901 (January-February).
   Famine in Shensi.

   A Press telegram from Peking, late in January, announced a
   fearful famine prevailing in the province of Shensi, where
   thousands of natives were dying. The Chinese government was
   distributing rice, and there was reported to be discrimination
   against native Christians in the distribution. Mr. Conger, Sir
   E. Satow, and M. Pichon protested to Prince Ching and Li
   Hung-chang against such discrimination. A Court edict was
   therefore issued on the 26th instant ordering all relief
   officials and Chinese soldiers to treat Christians in exactly
   the same way as all other Chinese throughout the Empire, under
   penalty of decapitation. Another despatch, early in February,
   stated: "Trustworthy reports received here from Singan-fu [the
   temporary residence of the fugitive Chinese court] all agree
   that the famine in the provinces of Shen-si and Shan-si is one
   of the worst in the history of China. It is estimated that
   two-thirds of the people are without sufficient food or the
   means of obtaining it. They are also suffering from the bitter
   cold. As there is little fuel in either province the woodwork
   of the houses is being used to supply the want. Oxen, horses,
   and dogs have been practically all sacrificed to allay hunger.
   Three years of crop failures in both provinces and more or less
   of famine in previous seasons had brought the people to
   poverty when winter began. This year their condition has
   rapidly grown worse. Prince Ching stated to Mr. Conger, the
   United States Minister, that the people were reduced to eating
   human flesh and to selling their women and children.
   Infanticide is alarmingly common."

CHINA: A. D. 1901 (January-February).
   Submission to the demands of the Powers
   by the Imperial Government.
   Punishments inflicted and promised.
   A new Reform Edict.

   With no great delay, the Chinese plenipotentiaries at Peking
   were authorized by the Emperor and Empress to agree to the
   demands of the Powers, which they did by formally signing the
   Joint Note. Prince Ching gave his signature on the 12th of
   January, 1901, and Li Hung-chang, who was seriously ill,
   signed on the following day. Discussion of the punishments to
   be inflicted on guilty officials was then opened, and went on
   for some time. On the 5th of February, the foreign Ministers
   submitted the names of twelve leading officials, against whom
   formal indictments were framed, and who were considered to be
   deserving of death. Three of them, however (Kang Yi, Hsu Tung,
   and Li Ping Heng), were found to be already deceased. The
   remaining nine were the following: Prince Chuang,
   commander-in-chief of the Boxers; Prince Tuan, who was held to
   be the principal instigator of the attack on foreigners; Duke
   Lan, the Vice-President of Police, who admitted the Boxers to
   the city; Yu Hsien, who was the governor of Shan-Si Province,
   promoter of the Boxer movement there, and director of the
   massacres in that province; General Tung Fu Siang, who led the
   attacks on the Legations, Ying Nien, Chao Hsu Kiao, Hsu Cheng
   Yu, and Chih Siu, who were variously prominent in the
   murderous work. In the cases of Prince Tuan and Duke Lan, who
   were related to the Imperial family, and in the case of
   General Tung Fu Siang, whose military command gave him power
   to be troublesome, the Chinese court pleaded such difficulties
   in the way of executing a decree of death that the Ministers
   at Peking were persuaded to be satisfied with sentences of
   exile, or degradation in rank, or both. On the 21st of
   February the Ministers received notice that an imperial edict
   had been issued, condemning General Tung Fu Siang to be
   degraded and deprived of his rank; Prince Tuan and Duke Lan to
   be disgraced and exiled; Prince Chuang, Ying Nien and Chao Hsu
   Kiao to commit suicide; Hsu Cheng Yu, Yu Hsien and Chih Siu to
   be beheaded. Hsu Cheng Yu and Chih Siu were then prisoners in
   the hands of the foreign military authorities at Peking, and
   the sentence was executed upon them there, on the 26th of
   February, in the presence of Japanese, French, German and
   American troops. A despatch from Peking reporting the
   execution stated that, while it was being carried out, "the
   ministers held a meeting and determined on the part of the
   majority to draw a curtain over further demands for blood.
   United States Special Commissioner Rockhill sided strongly
   with those favoring humane methods, who are Sir Ernest Satow
   and MM. Komura, De Cologan and De Giers, respectively British,
   Japanese, Spanish and Russian ministers. Others believe that
   China has not been sufficiently punished, and that men should
   be executed in every city, town and village where foreigners
   were injured."

{143}

   While the subject of punishments was pending, and with a view,
   it was said, of quickening the action of the Chinese
   government, Count von Waldersee, the German Field-Marshal
   commanding the allied forces in China, ordered preparations to
   be made for an extensive military expedition into the
   interior. The government of the United States gave prompt
   directions that its forces at Peking should not take part in
   this movement, and the remonstrances of other Powers more
   pacifically inclined than the Germans caused the project to be
   given up.

   Meantime, three Imperial edicts of importance, if faithfully
   carried out, had been issued. One, on the 5th of February,
   commanded new undertakings of reform, accounting for the
   abandonment of the reform movement of 1898 by declaring that
   it was seditionary and would have resulted in anarchy, and
   that it was entered upon when the Emperor was in bad health;
   for all which reasons he had requested the Empress Dowager to
   resume the reins of government. Now, it was declared, since
   peace negotiations were in progress, the government should be
   formed on a basis for future prosperity. Established good
   methods of foreign countries should be introduced to supply
   China's deficiencies. "China's greatest difficulty," said the
   edict, "is her old customs, which have resulted in the
   insincere dispatch of business and the promoting of private
   gain. Up to the present time those who have followed the
   Western methods have had only superficial knowledge, knowing
   only a little of foreign languages and foreign inventions,
   without knowing the real basis of the strength of foreign
   nations. Such methods are insufficient for real reform."

   In order to obtain a true basis, the Emperor commanded a
   consultation between the ministers of the privy council, the
   six boards, nine officers, the Chinese ministers to foreign
   countries and all the viceroys and governors. Those were
   instructed to recommend reforms in the seven branches of
   government, namely, the central government, ceremonies,
   taxation, schools, civil-service examinations, military
   affairs and public economies. They were also to recommend what
   part of the old system can be used and what part needs changing.
   Two months were given them in which to prepare their report.

   On the following day, two edicts, in fulfilment of demands
   made in the Joint Note of the Powers, were promulgated. The
   first provided, in accordance with article 3 of the Joint
   Note, for the suspension of official examinations for five
   years in places where foreigners are killed. The second edict
   forbade anti-foreign societies, recited the punishment of
   guilty parties and declared that local officials will be held
   responsible for the maintenance of order. If trouble occurs
   the officials would be removed without delay and never again
   allowed to hold office.

CHINA: A. D. 1901 (March).
   The murdered Christian missionaries and native converts.
   Varying statements and estimates of their number.

   To the time of this writing (March, 1901), no complete
   enumeration of the foreign Christian missionaries and members
   of missionary families who were killed during the Boxer
   outbreak of the past year has been made. Varying estimates
   have appeared, from time to time, and it is possible that one
   of the latest among these, communicated from Shanghai on the
   1st of March, may approach to accuracy. It was published in
   the "North China Daily News," and said to be founded on the
   missionary records, according to which, said the "News," "a
   total of 134 adults and 52 children were killed or died of
   injuries in the Boxer rising of 1899 and 1900."

   On the 13th of March, the "Lokal Anzeiger," of Berlin,
   published a statistical report from its Peking correspondent
   of "foreign Christians killed during the troubles, exclusive
   of the Peking siege," which enumerated 118 Englishmen, 79
   Americans, Swedes and Norwegians, 26 Frenchmen, 11 Belgians,
   10 Italians and Swiss, and 1 German. The total of these
   figures is largely in excess of those given by the "North
   China Daily News," but they cover, not missionaries alone, but
   all foreign Christians. It is impossible, however, not to
   doubt the accuracy of both these accounts. Of native
   Christians, the German writer estimated that 30,000 had
   perished. In September, 1900, the United States Consul-General
   at Shanghai, Mr. Goodnow, "after making inquiries from every
   possible source," placed the number of British and American
   missionaries who had probably been killed at 93, taking no
   account of a larger number in Chih-li and Shan-si whose fate
   was entirely unknown. Of those whose deaths he believed to be
   absolutely proved at that time, 34 were British, including 9
   men, 15 women and 10 children, and 22 were American, 8 of
   these being men, 8 women and 6 children.

   In December, 1900, a private letter from the "Association for
   the Propagation of the Faith, St. Mary's Seminary," Baltimore,
   Maryland, stated that up to the end of September 48 Catholic
   missionaries were known to have been murdered. A pastoral
   letter issued in December by Cardinal Vaughan, in London,
   without stating the numbers killed, declared that all work of
   the Catholic church, throughout the most of China, where 942
   European and 445 native priests had been engaged, was
   practically swept away.

   A private letter, written early in January, 1901, by the
   Reverend Dr. Judson Smith, one of the corresponding
   secretaries of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign
   Missions, contains the following statement: "The American
   Board has lost in the recent disturbances in China 13
   missionaries, 6 men and 7 women, and 5 children belonging to
   the families who perished. The number of native converts
   connected with the mission churches of the American Board who
   have suffered death during these troubles cannot be stated
   with accuracy. It undoubtedly exceeds 1,000; it may reach a
   much larger figure; but some facts that have come to light of
   late imply that more of those who were supposed to be lost
   have been in hiding than was known. If we should reckon along
   with native converts members of their families who have
   suffered death, the number would probably be doubled."

   There seems to be absolutely no basis of real information for
   any estimate that has been made of the extent of massacre
   among the native Christian converts. Thousands perished,
   without doubt, but how many thousands is yet to be learned. As
   intimated by Dr. Smith, larger numbers than have been supposed
   may have escaped, and it will probably be long before the true
   facts are gathered from all parts of the country.

{144}

   In any view, the massacre of missionaries and their families
   was hideous enough; but fictions of horror were shamefully
   added, it seems, in some of the stories which came from the
   East. At Pao-Ting Fu, where women were said to have suffered
   indescribable brutalities before being slain, investigation by
   an American military officer convinced him that "there is no
   evidence of any peculiar atrocities committed upon the persons
   of those who were slain"; and the American Board of
   Commissioners for Foreign Missions has publicly announced:
   "While forced to believe that our missionaries in Shan Si and
   at Pao Ting Fu were put to death by the Chinese, we have never
   credited the published reports concerning atrocities connected
   with their slaughter."

CHINA: A. D. 1901 (March).
   Withdrawal of American troops, excepting a Legation guard.

   The following order was sent by cable from the War Department
   at Washington to General Chaffee, commanding the United States
   forces in China, on the 15th of March: "In reply to your
   telegram Secretary of War directs you complete arrangements
   sail for Manila with your command and staff officers by end
   April, leaving as legation guard infantry company composed of
   150 men having at least one year to serve or those intending
   re-enlist, with full complement of officers, medical officer,
   sufficient hospital corps men and, if you think best, field
   officer especially qualified to command guard. Retain and
   instruct officer quartermaster's department proceed to erect
   necessary buildings for guard according to plan and estimates
   you approve."

CHINA: A. D. 1901 (March-April).
   Discussion of the question of indemnity.
   Uneasiness concerning rumored secret negotiations of
   Russia with the Chinese government relative to Manchuria.

   As we write this (early in April), the reckoning of
   indemnities to be demanded by the several Powers of the
   Concert in China is still under discussion between the
   Ministers at Peking, and is found to be very difficult of
   settlement. There is understood to be wide differences of
   disposition among the governments represented in the
   discussion, some being accused of a greed that would endeavor
   to wring from the Chinese government far more than the country
   can possibly pay; while others are laboring to reduce the
   total of exactions within a more reasonable limit. At the
   latest accounts from Peking, a special committee of the
   Ministers was said to be engaged in a searching investigation
   of the resources of China, in order to ascertain what sum the
   Empire has ability to pay, and in what manner the payment can
   best be secured and best made. It seems to be hoped that when
   those facts are made clear there may be possibilities of an
   agreement as to the division of the total sum between the
   nations whose legations were attacked, whose citizens were
   slain, and who sent troops to crush the Boxer rising.

   Meantime grave anxieties are being caused by rumors of a
   secret treaty concerning Manchuria which Russia is said to be
   attempting to extort from the Chinese government [see, in this
   volume, MANCHURIA], the whispered terms of which would give
   her, in that vast region, a degree of control never likely to
   become less. The most positive remonstrance yet known to have
   been made, against any concession of that nature, was
   addressed, on the 1st of March, by the government of the
   United States, to its representatives at St. Petersburg,
   Berlin, London, Paris, Vienna, Rome, and Tokio, as follows:

   "The following memorandum, which was handed to the Chinese
   Minister on February 19, is transmitted to you for your
   information and communication to the government to which you
   are accredited: "The preservation of the territorial integrity
   of China having been recognized by all the powers now engaged in
   joint negotiation concerning the injuries recently inflicted
   upon their ministers and nationals by certain officials and
   subjects of the Chinese Empire, it is evidently advantageous
   to China to continue the present international understanding
   upon this subject. It would be, therefore, unwise and
   dangerous in the extreme for China to make any arrangement or
   to consider any proposition of a private nature involving the
   surrender of territory or financial obligations by convention
   with any particular power; and the government of the United
   States, aiming solely at the preservation of China from the
   danger indicated and the conservation of the largest and most
   beneficial relations between the empire and other countries,
   in accordance with the principles set forth in its circular
   note of July 3, 1900, and in a purely friendly spirit toward
   the Chinese Empire and all the powers now interested in the
   negotiations, desires to express its sense of the impropriety,
   inexpediency and even extreme danger to the interests of China
   of considering any private territorial or financial
   arrangements, at least without the full knowledge and approval
   of all the powers now engaged in negotiation.
   HAY."

   ----------CHINA: End--------

CHINESE TAXES.

      See (in this volume)
      LIKIN.

CHING, Prince:
   Chinese Plenipotentiary to negotiate with the allied Powers.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

CHITRAL: A. D. 1895.
   The defense and relief of.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1895 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

CHITRAL:A. D. 1901.
   Included in a new British Indian province.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

CHOCTAWS, United States agreements with the.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

CHRISTIAN ENDEAVOR, The Young People's Society of.

   The nineteenth annual international convention of Young
   People's Societies of Christian Endeavor was held in the
   Alexandra Palace, London, England, from the 13th to the 20th
   of July, 1900, delegates being present from most countries of
   the world. Reports presented to the convention showed a total
   membership of about 3,500,000, in 59,712 societies, 43,262 of
   which were in the United States, 4,000 in Canada, some 7,000
   in Great Britain, 4,000 in Australia, and smaller numbers in
   Germany, India, China, Japan, Mexico, and elsewhere.

{145}

   The first society, which supplied the germ of organization for
   all succeeding ones, was formed in the Williston
   Congregational Church of Portland, Maine, on the 2d of
   February, 1881, by the Reverend Francis E. Clark, the pastor
   of the church. The object, as indicated by the name of the
   society, was to organize the religious energies of the young
   people of the church for Christian life and work. The idea was
   caught and imitated in other churches—Congregational,
   Presbyterian, Methodist, Baptist, and others—very rapidly,
   and the organization soon became, not only widely national,
   but international. In 1898, it was reported that Russia then
   remained the only country in the world without a Christian
   Endeavor Society, and the total was 54,191. In the next year's
   report Russia was announced to have entered the list of
   countries represented, and the number of societies had
   advanced to 55,813. In 1900, the numbers had risen to the
   height stated above. The Epworth League is a kindred
   organization of young people in the Methodist Church.

      See (in this volume)
      EPWORTH LEAGUE.

CHRISTIANS AND MOSLEMS:
   Conflicts in Armenia.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1895.

CONFLICTS IN CRETE.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

CHUNGKING.

   "Chungking, which lies nearly 2,000 miles inland, is, despite
   its interior position, one of the most important of the more
   recently opened ports of China. Located at practically the
   head of navigation on the Yangtze, it is the chief city of the
   largest, most populous, and perhaps the most productive
   province of China, whose relative position, industries,
   population, and diversified products make it quite similar to
   the great productive valley of the upper Mississippi. The
   province of Szechuan is the largest province of China, having
   an area of 166,800 square miles, and a population of
   67,000,000, or but little less than that of the entire United
   States. Its area and density of population may be more readily
   recognized in the fact that its size is about the same as that
   of the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Kentucky combined,
   but that its population is six times as great as that of those
   States. Its productions include wheat, tobacco, buckwheat,
   hemp, maize, millet, barley, sugar cane, cotton, and silk."

      _United States, Bureau of Statistics,
      Monthly Summary, March, 1899, page 2196._

CHURCH OF ENGLAND: A. D. 1896.
   Papal declaration of the invalidity of its ordinations.

      See (in this volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (SEPTEMBER).

CIVIL CODE: Introduction in Germany.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY).

   -------CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: Start-----

CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1893-1896.
   Extensions of the Civil-Service rules by President Cleveland.

   "Through the extensions of the Federal classification during
   President Cleveland's second administration, the number of
   positions covered by the civil-service rules was increased
   two-fold. On March 3, 1893, the number classified was 42,928.
   By a series of executive orders ranging from March 20, 1894,
   to June 25. 1895, 10,000 places were added to the list,
   bringing the total, approximately, to 53,000. Meanwhile, the
   Civil Service Commission had recommended to the President a
   general revision that would correct the imperfections of the
   original rules and extend their scope to the full degree
   contemplated by the Pendleton Act. After much correspondence
   and consultation with department officers, and careful work on
   the part of the Commission, the rules of May 6 [1896] were
   promulgated. They added to the classification about 29,000
   more places, and by transferring to the control of the
   Commission the system of Navy Yard employment, established by
   Secretary Tracy, brought the total number in the classified
   service to 87,117. The positions in the Executive branch
   unaffected by these orders included those classes expressly
   excluded by the statute—persons nominated for confirmation by
   the Senate and those employed 'merely as laborers or
   workmen'—together with the fourth-class postmasters, clerks in
   post-offices other than free delivery offices and in Customs
   districts having less than five employees, persons receiving
   less than $300 annual compensation, and about 1,000
   miscellaneous positions of minor character, not classified for
   reasons having to do with the good of the service—91,600 in
   all. Within the classified service, the list of positions
   excepted from competitive examination was confined to the
   private secretaries and clerks of the President and Cabinet
   officers, cashiers in the Customs Service, the Internal
   Revenue Service and the principal post-offices, attorneys who
   prepare cases for trial, principal Customs deputies and all
   assistant postmasters—781 in all. The new rules provided for a
   general system of promotion, based on competitive examinations
   and efficiency records, and gave the Commission somewhat
   larger powers in the matter of removals by providing that no
   officer or employee in the classified service, of whatever
   station, should be removed for political or religious reasons,
   and that in all cases like penalties should be imposed for like
   offenses. They created an admirable system, a system founded
   on the most sensible rules of business administration, and
   likely to work badly only where the Commission might encounter
   the opposition of hostile appointing officers. President
   Cleveland's revised rules were promulgated before the
   Convention of either political party had been held, and before
   the results of the election could be foreshadowed. The
   extensions were practically approved, however, by the
   Republican platform, which was adopted with full knowledge of
   the nature of the changes, and which declared that the law
   should be 'thoroughly and honestly enforced and extended
   wherever practicable.' … Mr. McKinley, in his letter of
   acceptance and in his inaugural address, repeated the pledge
   of the Republican party to uphold the law, and during the two
   months of his administration now past he has consistently done
   so. He has been beset by many thousands of place-seekers, by
   Senators and Representatives and by members of his own
   Cabinet, all urging that he undo the work of his predecessor,
   either wholly or in part, and so break his word of honor to
   the nation, in order that they may profit. … At least five
   bills have been introduced in Congress, providing for the
   repeal of the law. … Finally, the Senate has authorized an
   investigation, by the Committee on Civil Service and
   Retrenchment, with the view of ascertaining whether the law
   should be 'continued, amended or repealed,' and sessions of
   this Committee are now in progress. … Mr. McKinley, by
   maintaining the system against these organized attacks, will
   do as great a thing as Mr. Cleveland did in upbuilding it."

      _Report of the Executive Committee of the New York
      Civil Service Reform Association, 1897._

{146}

   In his annual Message to Congress, December, 1896, President
   Cleveland remarked on the subject:

   "There are now in the competitive classified service upward of
   eighty-four thousand places. More than half of these have been
   included from time to time since March 4, 1893. … If
   fourth-class postmasterships are not included in the
   statement, it may be said that practically all positions
   contemplated by the civil-service law are now classified.
   Abundant reasons exist for including these postmasterships,
   based upon economy, improved service, and the peace and quiet
   of neighborhoods. If, however, obstacles prevent such action
   at present, I earnestly hope that Congress will, without
   increasing post-office appropriations, so adjust them as to
   permit in proper cases a consolidation of these post-offices,
   to the end that through this process the result desired may to
   a limited extent be accomplished. The civil-service rules as
   amended during the last year provide for a sensible and
   uniform method of promotion, basing eligibility to better
   positions upon demonstrated efficiency and faithfulness."

      _United States, Message and Documents (Abridgment),
      1896-1897, page 33._

CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1894.
   Constitutional provision in New York.

      See (in this volume)
      CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK.

CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1897-1898.
   Onslaught of the spoils-men at Washington.
   Failure of the Congressional attack.

   "During the four months following the inauguration [of
   President McKinley] the onslaught of place-seekers was almost
   unprecedented. Ninety-nine out of every hundred of them
   discovered that the office or position he desired was
   classified and subject to competitive examination. The tenure
   of the incumbent in each case was virtually at the pleasure of
   the department officers; removals might easily be made; but
   appointments to the places made vacant could be made only from
   the eligible lists, and the lists were fairly well filled. It
   is true that the rules permitted the reinstatement without
   examination of persons who had been separated from the service
   without personal fault within one year, or of veterans who had
   been in the service at any time, and that some removals were made
   to make room for these. But the appointments in such cases
   went but a very little way toward meeting the demand. The
   result was that almost the whole pressure of the
   office-hunting forces and of their members of Congress was
   directed for the while toward one end—the revocation or
   material modification of the civil service rules. President
   McKinley was asked to break his personal pledges, as well as
   those of his party, and to take from the classified service
   more than one half of the 87,000 offices and positions it
   contained. … But the President yielded substantially nothing.
   … The attack of the spoils-seekers was turned at once from the
   President to Congress. It was declared loudly that the desired
   modifications would be secured through legislation, and that
   it might even be difficult to restrain the majority from
   voting an absolute repeal. In the House the new movement was
   led by General Grosvenor of Ohio; in the Senate by Dr.
   Gallinger of New Hampshire. … The first debates of the session
   dealt with civil service reform. The House devoted two weeks to
   the subject in connection with the consideration of the annual
   appropriation for the Civil Service Commission. … The effort
   to defeat the appropriation ended in the usual failure. It was
   explained, however, that all of this had been mere preparation
   for the proposed legislation. A committee was appointed by the
   Republican opponents, under the lead of General Grosvenor, to
   prepare a bill. The bill appeared on January 6, when it was
   introduced by Mr. Evans of Kentucky, and referred to the
   Committee on Reform in the Civil Service. It limited the
   application of the civil service law to clerical employees at
   Washington, letter carriers and mail clerks, and employees in
   principal Post Offices and Customs Houses, proposing thus to
   take from the present classified service about 55,000
   positions. A series of hearings was arranged by the Civil
   Service Committee, at which representatives of this and other
   Associations, and of the Civil Service Commission, were
   present. A sub-committee of seven, composing a majority of the
   full committee, shortly afterward voted unanimously to report
   the bill adversely. About the same time, the Senate Civil
   Service Committee, which had been investigating the operation
   of the law since early summer, presented its report. Of the
   eight members, three recommended a limited number of
   exceptions, amounting in all to probably 11,000; three
   recommended a greatly reduced list of exceptions, and two
   proposed none whatever. All agreed that the President alone
   had authority to act, and that no legislation was needed. …
   The collapse of the movement in Congress has turned the
   attention of the spoilsmen again toward the President. He is
   asked once more to make sweeping exceptions."

      _Report of the Executive Committee of the
      New York Civil Service Reform Association, 1898._

CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES:A. D. 1897-1899.
   Temporary check in New York.
   Governor Black's law.
   Restoration of the merit system under Governor Roosevelt.

   "In June [1897]—after the Court of Appeals … had declared that
   the constitutional amendment was self-executing, and that
   appointments made without competitive examination, where
   competitive examinations were practicable, must be held to be
   illegal—steps were taken to secure a reduction of the exempt
   and non-competitive positions in the State Service. A letter
   was addressed to Governor Morton, by the officers of the
   Association, on June 8, asking that the service be
   reclassified, on a basis competitive as far as practicable.
   The Governor replied that he had already given the subject
   some thought, and that he would be glad to give our
   suggestions careful consideration. On the 4th of August he
   instructed the Civil Service Commission to prepare such a
   revision of the rules and classification as had been proposed.
   On the 11th of November this revision, prepared by
   Commissioner Burt, was adopted by the full Commission, and on
   the 9th of December the new rules were formally promulgated by
   the Governor and placed in immediate operation. … The
   Governor, earlier in the year, had reversed his action in the
   case of inspectors and other employees of the new Excise
   Department, by transferring them from the non-competitive to
   the competitive class. … This marked the beginning of a
   vigorous movement against the competitive system led by
   chairmen of district committees, and other machine
   functionaries.
{147}
   Governor Morton's sweeping order of December completed the
   discomfiture of these people and strengthened their purpose to
   make a final desperate effort to break the system down. The
   new Governor, of whom little had been known prior to his
   unexpected nomination in September, proved to be in full
   sympathy with their plan. In his message to the legislature,
   Mr. Black, in a paragraph devoted to 'Civil Service,' referred
   to the system built up by his predecessor in contemptuous
   language, and declared that, in his judgment, 'Civil service
   would work better with less starch.' He recommended
   legislation that would render the examinations 'more
   practical,' and that would permit appointing officers to
   select from the whole number on an eligible list and not
   confine them to selections 'from among those graded highest.'
   Such legislation, he promised; would 'meet with prompt
   executive approval.' Each house of the legislature referred
   this part of the message to its Judiciary Committee, with
   instructions to report a bill embodying the Governor's ideas.
   … Within a few days of the close of the legislative session,
   the measure currently described as 'Governor Black's bill was
   Introduced. … The bill provided that in all examinations for
   the State, county or municipal service, not more than 50 per
   cent. might be given for 'merit,' to be determined by the
   Examining Boards, and that the rest of the rating,
   representing 'fitness,' was to be given by the appointing
   officer, or by some person or persons designated by him. All
   existing eligible lists were to be abolished in 30 days, and
   the new scheme was to go into operation at once. … A hearing
   was given by the Senate Committee on the following day, and
   one by the Assembly Committee a few days later. … The bill,
   with some amendments, was passed In the Senate, under
   suspension of the rules, and as a party measure. … It was
   passed in the Assembly also as a caucus measure."

      _Report of the Executive Committee of the
      New York Civil Service Reform Association, 1897._

   "Early [in 1898] after time had been allowed for the act to
   prove its capabilities in practice, steps were taken toward
   commencing a suit to test its constitutionality in the courts.
   … Pending the bringing of a test suit, a bill was prepared for
   the Association and introduced in the Legislature on March
   16th, last, one of the features of which was the repeal of the
   unsatisfactory law. … The bill … was passed by the Senate on
   March 29th. On the 31st, the last day of the session, it was
   passed by the Assembly. … On the same date it was signed by
   the Governor and became a law. This act has the effect of
   exempting the cities from the operation of the act of 1897,
   restoring the former competitive system in each of them."

      _Report of the Executive Committee of the
      New York Civil Service Reform Association, 1898._

   "As a result of the confusing legislation of [1897 and 1898]
   at least four systems of widely differing character had come
   into existence by the first of [1899]. New York city had its
   charter rules, … the state departments were conducted under
   two adaptations of the Black law, and in the smaller cities
   the plan of the original law of 1883 was followed. In his
   first annual message, Governor Roosevelt directed the
   attention of the Legislature to this anomalous condition and
   strongly urged the passage of an act repealing the Black law
   and establishing a uniform system, for the state and cities
   alike, subject to state control. Such an act was prepared with
   the co-operation of a special committee of the Association. …
   After some discussion it was determined to recast the measure,
   adopting a form amounting to a codification of all previously
   existing statutes, and less strict in certain of its general
   provisions. … The bill was … passed by the Senate by a
   majority of two. … In the Assembly it was passed with slight
   amendments. … On the … 19th of April the act was signed by the
   Governor, and went into immediate effect. … The passage of
   this law will necessitate the complete recasting of the civil
   service system in New York, on radically different lines."

CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1899.
   Modification of Civil Service Rules by President McKinley.
   Severe criticism of the order by the National Civil
   Service Reform League.

   On the 29th of May, 1899, President McKinley was persuaded to
   issue an order greatly modifying the civil service rules,
   releasing many offices from their operation and permitting
   numerous transfers in the service on a non-competitive
   examination. This presidential order was criticised with
   severity in a statement promptly issued by the Executive
   Committee of the National Civil Service Reform League, which
   says: "The National Civil Service Reform League, after mature
   consideration, regards the order of President McKinley, of May
   29, changing the Civil Service rules, as a backward step of
   the most pronounced character. The order follows a long
   succession of violations, of both the spirit and the literal
   terms of the law and rules, in various branches of the
   service, and must be considered in its relations to these. Its
   immediate effects, which have been understated, may be set
   forth as follows:

   (1) It withdraws from the classified service not merely 3,000
   or 4,000 offices and positions, but, as nearly as can be now
   estimated, 10,109. It removes 3,693 from the class of
   positions filled hitherto either through competitive
   examination or through an orderly practice of promotion, and
   it transfers 6,416 other positions in the War Department,
   filled hitherto through a competitive registration system,
   under the control of the Civil Service Commission, to a system
   to be devised and placed in effect by the present Secretary of
   War.

   (2) It declares regular at least one thousand additional
   appointments made temporarily, without examination—in many
   cases in direct disregard of the law—in branches that are not
   affected by the exceptions, but that remain nominally
   competitive.

   (3) It permits the permanent appointment of persons employed
   without examination, for emergency purposes during the course
   of war with Spain, thus furnishing a standing list of many
   thousands which positions in the War Department may be filled,
   without tests of fitness, for a long time to come.

   (4) It alters the rules to the effect that in future any
   person appointed with or without competitive examination, or
   without any examination, may be placed by transfer in any
   classified position without regard to the character or
   similarity of the employments interchanged, and after
   non-competitive examination only.

{148}

   (5) It permits the reinstatement, within the discretion of the
   respective department officers, of persons separated from the
   service at any previous time for any stated reason.

   The effect of these changes in the body of the rules will be
   of a more serious nature than that of the absolute exceptions
   made. It will be practicable to fill competitive positions of
   every description either through arbitrary reinstatement—or
   through original appointment to a lower grade, or to an
   excepted position without tests of any sort, or even by
   transfer from the great emergency force of the War Department,
   to be followed in any such case by a mere 'pass' examination.
   As general experience has proven, the 'pass' examinations, in
   the course of time, degenerate almost invariably into farce.
   It will be practicable also to restore to the service at the
   incoming of each new administration those dismissed for any
   cause during the period of any administration preceding. That
   such a practice will lead to wholesale political reprisals,
   and, coupled with the other provisions referred to, to the
   re-establishment on a large scale of the spoils system of
   rotation and favoritism, cannot be doubted."

   In his next succeeding annual Message to Congress the
   President used the following language on the subject: "The
   Executive order [by President Cleveland] of May 6, 1896,
   extending the limits of the classified service, brought within
   the operation of the civil-service law and rules nearly all of
   the executive civil service not previously classified. Some of
   the inclusions were found wholly illogical and unsuited to the
   work of the several Departments. The application of the rules to
   many of the places so included was found to result in friction
   and embarrassment. After long and very careful consideration
   it became evident to the heads of the Departments, responsible
   for their efficiency, that in order to remove these
   difficulties and promote an efficient and harmonious
   administration certain amendments were necessary. These
   amendments were promulgated by me in Executive order dated May
   29, 1899. All of the amendments had for their main object a
   more efficient and satisfactory administration of the system
   of appointments established by the civil-service law. The
   results attained show that under their operation the public
   service has improved and that the civil-service system is
   relieved of many objectionable features which heretofore
   subjected it to just criticism and the administrative officers
   to the charge of unbusinesslike methods in the conduct of
   public affairs. It is believed that the merit system has been
   greatly strengthened and its permanence assured."

      _United States, Message and Documents
      (Abridgment), 1890-1900, volume 1._

   At its next annual meeting, December 14, 1900, in New York,
   the National Civil Service Reform League reiterated its
   condemnation of the order of President McKinley, declaring:
   "The year has shown that the step remains as unjustified in
   principle as ever and that it has produced, in practical
   result, just the injuries to the service that were feared, as
   the reports of our committee of various branches of the
   service have proved. The league, therefore, asserts without
   hesitancy that the restoration of very nearly all places in
   every branch of the service exempted from classification by
   this deplorable order is demanded by the public interest and
   that the order itself should be substantially revoked."

CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1900.
   Civil Service Rules in the Philippine Islands.

   "An Act for the establishment and maintenance of an efficient
   and honest civil service in the Philippine Islands" was
   adopted, on the 19th of September, by the Commission which now
   administers the civil government of those islands. The bill is
   founded on the principles of the American civil service in
   their stricter construction, and its provisions extend to all
   the executive branches of the government. The framing of rules
   and regulations for the service are left to the Civil Service
   Board provided for in the act. A correspondent of the "New
   York Tribune," writing from Manila on the day after the
   enactment, states: "W. Leon Pepperman, who has long been
   connected with the civil service in the United States, and who
   has made a personal study of the systems maintained by Great
   Britain, France, and Holland in their Eastern colonies, will
   be on this board, as will be F. W. Kiggins of the Washington
   Civil Service Commission. The third member probably will be a
   Filipino. President Taft had selected for this post Dr.
   Joaquin Gonzalez, an able man, but that gentleman's untimely
   death on the eve of his appointment has forced President Taft
   to find another native capable of meeting the necessary
   requirements. Mr. Kiggins probably will act as Chief Examiner,
   and Mr. Pepperman as Chairman of the board:" According to the
   same correspondent: " Examinations for admittance to the
   service will be held in Manila, Iloilo, and Cebu, in the
   Philippines, and in the United States under the auspices and
   control of the Federal Civil Service Commission." At the
   annual meeting of the National Civil Service Reform League of
   the United States held in New York, December 13, 1900, the
   above measure was commended highly in the report of a special
   committee appointed to consider the subject of the civil
   service in our new dependencies, as being one by which, "if it
   be persevered in, the merit system will be established in the
   islands of that archipelago, at least as thoroughly and
   consistently as in any department of government, Federal,
   State or municipal, in the Union. This must be, in any case,
   regarded as a gratifying recognition of sound principles of
   administration on the part of the commission and justifies the
   hope that, within the limits of their jurisdiction at least,
   no repetition of the scandals of post-bellum days will be
   tolerated. The ruling of the several departments that the
   provisions of the Federal offices established in the
   dependencies which would be classified if within the United
   States is also a matter to be noted with satisfaction by the
   friends of good government."

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CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901.
   The "spoils system" of service in the House of Representatives.

   The "spoils system" maintained by Congressmen among their own
   immediate employees, in the service of the House of
   Representatives, was depicted in a report, submitted February
   28, 1901, by a special committee which had been appointed to
   investigate the pay of the House employees. The report,
   presented by Mr. Moody, of Massachusetts, makes the following
   general statements, with abundance of illustrative instances,
   few of which can be given here: "The four officers elected by
   the House, namely, the Clerk, Sergeant-at-Arms, Doorkeeper,
   and Postmaster, appoint the employees of the House, except the
   clerks and assistant clerks of members and committees, four
   elevator men, the stenographers, and those appointed by House
   resolutions. The appointments, however, are made on the
   recommendation of members of the House, and very largely,
   though not entirely, of members of the dominant party in the
   House. If a member upon whose recommendation an appointment is
   made desires the removal of his appointee and the substitution
   of another person, the removal and substitution are made without
   regard to the capacity of either person. In case a member upon
   whose recommendation an appointment has been made ceases to be
   a member of the House, an employee recommended by him
   ordinarily loses his place. Thus the officers of the House,
   though responsible for the character of the service rendered
   by the employees, have in reality little or no voice in their
   selection, and, as might reasonably be expected, the results
   obtained from the system which we have described are in some
   cases extremely unsatisfactory. This method of appointing
   House employees has existed for many years, during which the
   House has been under the control of each party alternately. We
   believe that candor compels us to state at the outset that
   some of the faults in administration which we have observed
   are attributable to the system and to the persistence of
   members of the House in urging upon the officers the
   appointment of their constituents and friends to subordinate
   places, and that such faults are deeply rooted, of long
   standing, and likely to continue under the administration of
   any political party as long as such a system is maintained."

   The committee found nothing to criticise in  the
   administration of the offices of the House Postmaster or
   Sergeant-at-Arms. With reference to the offices of the Clerk
   and the Doorkeeper they say: "We have found in both
   departments certain abuses, which may be grouped under three
   heads, namely: Transfers of employees from the duties of the
   positions to which they were appointed to other duties,
   unjustifiable payments of compensation to employees while
   absent from their posts of duty, and divisions of salary.

   "First. Transfers of employees from the duties to which they
   were appointed to other duties.—Some part of this evil is
   doubtless attributable to the fact that the annual
   appropriation acts have not properly provided for the
   necessities of the House service. An illustration of this is
   furnished by the case of Guy Underwood, who is carried on the
   rolls as a laborer at $720 per annum, while in point of fact
   he performs the duty of assistant in the Hall Library of the
   House and his compensation is usually increased to $1,800 per
   annum by an appropriation of $1,080 in the general deficiency
   act. Again, a sufficient number of messengers has not been
   provided for the actual necessities of the service, while more
   folders have been provided than are required. As a result of
   this men have been transferred from the duties of a folder to
   those of a messenger, and the compensation of some has been
   increased by appropriation in deficiency acts. But evils of
   another class result from transfers, some examples of which we
   report. They result in part, at least, from an attempt to
   adjust salaries so as to satisfy the members that their
   appointees obtain a just share of the whole appropriation,
   instead of attempting to apportion the compensation to the
   merits of the respective employees and the character of the
   services which they render. …

   "Second. Payments of compensation to employees while
   absent.—The duty of many of the employees of the House ceases
   with the end of a session, or very soon thereafter. Such is
   the case with the reading clerks, messengers, enrolling
   clerks, and many others who might be named. Their absence from
   Washington after a session of Congress closes and their duties
   are finished is as legitimate as the absence of the members
   themselves. But many employees who should be at their posts
   have been from time to time absent without justification, both
   during sessions and between sessions. In the absence of any
   record it is impossible for the committee to ascertain with
   anything like accuracy the amount of absenteeism, but in our
   opinion it is very considerable.

   "Some of those employed in the library service have been
   absent for long periods between the sessions of Congress,
   although the House library is in a condition which demands
   constant attention for years to come in order to bring it up
   to a proper condition of efficiency. The pay roll of the
   librarian, his assistants, and those detailed to the library
   service, including deficiency appropriations, amounts to
   $9,200 per annum. No one of the employees of the library, with
   the exception of a $600 deficiency employee and Guy Underwood,
   who in his freshman year at college was librarian part of one
   session at the Ohio State University, has ever had any library
   experience, although they all appear to be capable,
   intelligent men. The House library is said to consist of
   300,000 volumes, many of which are duplicates, and is
   scattered from the Dome to the basement of the Capitol, in
   some instances, until recently, books being piled in unused
   rooms, like so much wood or coal. The present librarian
   testified as follows:

   'Q. It would be difficult to describe a worse condition than
   existed?'

   'A. It would, for the condition of books. It would be all
   right for a barnyard, but for books it was terrible.' It is
   just to say that under the present administration of the
   library some attempt has been made at improvement, but the
   effect of fifty years' neglect can not be remedied in a day.
   We can not think that any absenteeism, beyond a reasonable
   vacation, on the part of those employed in the library is
   justifiable in view of the foregoing facts.

   "The folders, taking the orders of members rather than those
   of the Doorkeeper, are absent a great deal during the
   vacation, and in some cases persons are employed by resolution
   to do their work. The Doorkeeper testified as follows:

   'I think Mr. Lyon told me where members requested they had
   three months at home during this last Congress.'
   'Q. Drawing their pay in the meantime?'
   'A. Yes, sir; they had three months'.'
   'Q. That is not in the interest of your service, is it?'
   'A. No, sir.'
   'Q. Have you been able to prevent it?'
   'A. No, sir.'
   'Q. Why?'
   'A. They would go to the superintendent of the folding room
   and say to him, "My man has got to go home."'
   'Q. You mean the members would go?'
   'A. Yes, sir. I do not like to criticise members, but that is
   the situation. They go and say, "I have got to have my man
   home, and he must go home; it is absolutely necessary;" and he
   has been permitted to go.'

{150}

   "We have been unable to inquire as much into specific
   instances of absenteeism as we desired, but it may be said
   generally that absenteeism on the folders' force is very
   general. …

   "Third, division of salaries.—According to the testimony of
   Thomas H. McKee, the Journal clerk, the custom of dividing
   salaries is an old one and has existed for at least twenty
   years. We are satisfied that we are unable to report all the
   instances of divisions of salaries which have occurred: but we
   submit the following facts, which were clearly proved before
   us: On the organization of the House in the Fifty-fourth
   Congress it appears that more places, or places with higher
   salaries, were promised than the officers of the House were
   able to discover under the law. It does not appear by whom
   these promises were made. There began at once a system whereby
   the employees agreed to contribute greater or less portions of
   the salaries they received for the purpose either of paying
   persons not on the roll or of increasing the compensation of
   persons who were on the roll. Of the latter class, the
   increases were not proportioned to the character of the
   services rendered or the merit of the employees, but to the
   supposed rights of the States or Congressional districts from
   which the recipients came. Some of these contributions were
   made voluntarily and cheerfully; others we believe to have
   been made under a species of moral duress."

      _Congressional Record,
      February 28, 1901, page 3597._

CLERICAL PARTY: Austria.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897, and after.

CLERICAL PARTY: Belgium.

      See (in this volume)
      BELGIUM: A. D. 1899-1900.

CLEVELAND, Grover:
   President of the United States.

      See (in volume 5 and in this volume.)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1893, to 1897.

CLEVELAND, Grover:
   Extensions of Civil Service Rules.

      See (in this volume)
      CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1893-1896.

CLEVELAND, Grover:
   Message to Congress on the Boundary Dispute between
   Great Britain and Venezuela.

      See (in this volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (DECEMBER).

CLEVELAND, Grover:
   On Cuban affairs.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

CLEVELAND, OHIO: A. D. 1896.

   The centennial anniversary of the founding of the city was
   celebrated with appropriate ceremonies on the 22d of July,
   1896, and made memorable by a gift to the city, by Mr. John D.
   Rockefeller, of 276 acres of land for a public park.

COAL MINERS, Strikes among.

      See (in this volume)
      INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES.

COAMO, Engagement at.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).

COLENSO, Battle of.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

COLLEGES.

      See (in this volume)
      EDUCATION.

COLOMBIA: A. D. 1893-1900.
   Resumption of work on the Panama Canal.
   Revolutionary movements.
   Prolonged Civil War.
   Boundary dispute with Costa Rica.
   Panama Canal concession twice extended.

   In 1893 the receiver or liquidator of the affairs of the
   bankrupt Panama Canal Company of De Lesseps (see, in volume 4,
   PANAMA CANAL) obtained from the government of Colombia an
   extension of the terms of the concession under which that
   company had worked, provided that work on the canal should be
   resumed before November 1, 1894. He succeeded in forming in
   France a new company which actually made a beginning of work
   on the canal before the limit of time expired. But this
   attempted revival of the undertaking was quickly harassed,
   like everything else in Colombia, by an outbreak of revolt
   against the clerical control of government under President
   Caro. The revolutionary movement was begun late in 1894,
   receiving aid from exiles and sympathizers in Venezuela,
   Ecuador and Central America. It had no substantial success,
   the revolutionists being generally defeated in the pitched
   battles that were fought; but after a few months they were
   broken into guerilla bands and continued warfare in that
   method throughout most of the year 1895. They were still
   threatening in 1896, but the activity and energy of President
   Caro prevented any serious outbreak. A boundary dispute
   between Colombia and Costa Rica, which became considerably
   embittered in 1896, was finally referred to the President of
   the French Republic, whose decision was announced in
   September, 1900.

   Colombia began a fresh experience of civil war in the autumn
   of 1899, when an obstinate movement for the overthrow of
   President Saclemente (elected in 1898) was begun. General
   Herrera was said, at the outset, to be in the lead, but, as
   the struggle proceeded, General Rafael Uribe-Uribe seems to
   have become its real chief. It went on with fierce fighting,
   especially in the isthmus, and with varying fortunes, until
   near the close of 1900, when the insurgents met with a defeat
   which drove General Uribe-Uribe to flight. He made his escape
   to Venezuela, and thence to the United States, arriving at New
   York early in February, 1901. In conversation with
   representatives of the Press he insisted that there was no
   thought in his party or in his own mind of abandoning the
   revolutionary attempt. The cause of the revolution, he said,
   was due to the oppression of the government, which was in the
   hands of the Conservative party. "They have not governed
   according to the constitution," he said, "and while taxing the
   Liberals, will not allow them to be adequately represented in
   the government. For fifteen years the Liberal party has been
   deprived of all its rights. I have been the only
   representative of the party in Congress. We tried every
   peaceable method to obtain our rights before going to war, but
   could not get anything from the government. The government did
   not want to change anything, because it did not want to lose
   any of its power. I, as the only representative of the Liberal
   party, made up my mind to fight, and will fight to the end."

   By what is said to have been a forced resignation, some time
   in the later part of the year 1900, President Saclemente, a
   very old man, retired from the active duties of the office,
   which were taken in hand by the Vice-President, Dr. Manoquin.

   During the year 1900, the government signed a further
   extension of the concession to the Panama Canal Company,
   prolonging the period within which the canal must be completed
   six years from April, 1904.

{151}

COLORADO: A. D. 1897.
   Abolition of the death penalty.

   By an Act of the Legislature of Colorado which became law in
   March, 1897, the death penalty was abolished in that state.

COLORADOS.

      See (in this volume)
      URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

COLUMBUS, Christopher:
   Removal of remains from Havana to Seville.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1898 (DECEMBER).

COMBINATIONS, Industrial.

      See (in this volume)
      TRUSTS.

COMMANDO.
   Commandeering.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1894.

COMMERCIAL CONGRESS, International.

      See (in this volume)
      INTERNATIONAL COMMERCIAL CONGRESS.

COMMERCIAL MUSEUM, Philadelphia.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILADELPHIA: A. D. 1897.

COMPULSORY INSURANCE:
   The State System in Germany.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.

COMPULSORY VOTING.

      See (in this volume)
      BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

CONCERT OF EUROPE.
   Concert of the Powers.

   "We have heard of late so much about 'the Concert' that the
   man in the street talks of it as if it were a fact of nature
   like the Bosphorus or the Nile; and he assumes that he and all
   his neighbours understand exactly what it means. Yet it may be
   doubted whether even persons so omniscient as the politician
   and the journalist could describe it with any approach to
   truth or even to common sense. An energetic newspaper lately
   described the Concert as 'Three Despots, two Vassals, and a
   Coward.' This doubtless was a libel. An Olympian
   Under-Secretary called it 'the Cabinet of Europe.' Lord
   Salisbury himself, impatient of facile caricatures, insisted
   that it was a 'Federation.' It has also, to Sir William
   Harcourt's wrath, been spoken of as an 'Areopagus' having
   'legislative' powers. All these phrases are mere nonsense; and
   yet they have profoundly influenced the action of this country
   and the course of recent history. The patent fact of the hour
   is that six powerful States are pleased to interest themselves
   in the Eastern Question—which is the question of the dissolution
   of Turkey.

      See, in this volume,
      TURKEY: A. D. 1895, and after.

   They base their claim to take exceptional steps in the matter
   on the plea that there is imminent risk of a general European
   war if they do not act. … What is the Concert of Europe? It is
   not a treaty, still less a federation. If it is anything, it
   is a tacit understanding between the 'six Powers' that they
   will take common action, or abstain from 'isolated action,' in
   the Eastern question. Whether it is even that, in any rational
   sense of the word 'understanding,' is more than doubtful. For
   there has been much and very grave 'isolated action,' even in
   pending troubles."

      See, in this volume,
      TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-MARCH); and 1897-1899]

      _The Concert of Europe
      (Contemporary Review, May, 1897)._

   The joint action of the leading European Powers in dealing
   with Turkish affairs, between 1896 and 1899, which took the
   name of "The Concert of Europe," was imitated in 1900, when
   the more troublesome "Far Eastern Question" was suddenly
   sprung upon the world by the "Boxer" rising in China. The
   United States and Japan were then associated in action with
   the European nations; and the "Concert of Europe" was
   succeeded by a larger "Concert of the Powers."

      See, in this volume,
      CHINA: A. D. 1900, JANUARY-MARCH, and after.

CONCESSIONS, The battle of, in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

CONDOMINIUM, Anglo-Egyptian, in the Sudan.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

CONFEDERATE DISABILITIES, Removal of.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (MARCH).

CONGER, Edwin H.: United States Minister to China.

      See (in this volume) CHINA.

CONGO FREE STATE: A. D. 1897.
   Mutiny of troops of Baron Dhanis's expedition.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (CONGO FREE STATE).

CONGO FREE STATE: A. D. 1899.
   Results of the King of Belgium's attempt to found
   an African Empire.
   Contradictory representations.

   "The opening in the first few days of July [1898] of the
   railway through the District of the Cataracts, from Matadi to
   Stanley Pool, has turned public attention to Central Africa,
   where the genius and courage of the King of the Belgians have
   created a Black Empire within the short space of twelve years.
   It is the special pride of its founder that the vast state of
   the Congo has been formed without bloodshed, except at the
   cost of the cruel Arab slave-hunters, and of the not less
   cruel cannibals like Msiri or the Batetelas, that a thousand
   treaties have been signed without a gunshot, and that from the
   commencement the highest ideals of modern civilisation have
   been aimed at, and, considering the stupendous difficulties of
   the task, practically attained in the administration. The
   standard of humanity and progress has been firmly planted in
   the midst of a population of thirty millions, the decadence of
   those millions has been arrested, peace exists where there was
   only slaughter and savagery, and prosperity is coming in the
   train of improved communications, and of the development of
   the natural resources of a most promising region. In the
   history of Empires that of the Congo State is unique. …

   "The Berlin Conference  did nothing for the Congo State beyond
   giving it a being and a name.

      See, in volume 1,
      CONGO FREE STATE.

   On the other hand it imposed upon it some onerous conditions.
   There was to be freedom of trade—an excellent principle, but
   not contributory to the State exchequer—it was to employ all
   its strength in the suppression of the slave trade—'a
   gigantic task, undertaken with the resources of pygmies,' as
   some one has said—and the navigation of the Congo was to be
   free to all the world without a single toll. The sufficiently
   ample dimensions marked out for the State in the Conventional
   limits attached to the Berlin General Act had to be defined
   and regulated by subsequent negotiation with the neighbouring
   Powers.
{152}
   France attenuated the northern possessions of the State at
   every possible opportunity, but at length, in February, 1895,
   she was induced to waive in favour of Belgium the right of
   pre-emption which the Congo Association had given her in
   April, 1884, over its possessions, at the moment when the
   Anglo-Portuguese Convention threatened that enterprise with
   extinction. … Four years after the meeting at Berlin it was
   found necessary to convene another conference of the Powers,
   held on this occasion at Brussels, under the presidency of
   Baron Lambermont, whose share in the success of the earlier
   conference had been very marked and brilliant. The chief
   object set before the new Conference was to devise means for
   the abolition of the Slave Trade in Central Africa. … The
   Conference lasted more than seven months, and it was not until
   July, 1890, that the General Act bearing the signatures of the
   Powers was agreed upon. It increased the obligations resting
   on the State; its decisions, to which the Independent State
   was itself a party, made the task more onerous, but at the
   same time it sanctioned the necessary measures to give the
   State the revenue needed for the execution of its new
   programme. …

   "Fresh from the Brussels Conference the Congo State threw
   itself into the struggle with the Arabs. … Thanks to the skill
   and energy with which the campaign was conducted the triumph
   of the State was complete, and the downfall of the Arabs
   sounded the knell of the slave trade, of which they were the
   principal, and indeed the sole, promoters. The Arab campaign
   did not conclude the military perils that beset the nascent
   State. The Batetela contingent of the Public Force or native
   army of the Congo mutinied in January, 1897, while on the
   march to occupy the Lado district of the Upper Nile, and the
   episode, ushered in in characters of blood by the
   assassination of many Belgian officers, seemed to shake the
   recently-constructed edifice to its base. But if the ordeal
   was severe, the manner in which the authorities have triumphed
   over their adversaries and surmounted their difficulties,
   furnishes clear evidence of the stability of their power. The
   Batetela mutineers have been overthrown in several signal
   encounters, a mere handful of fugitives still survive, and
   each mail brings news of their further dispersal. Even at the
   moment of its occurrence the blow from the Batetela mutiny was
   tempered by the success of the column under Commandant Chaltin in
   overthrowing the Dervishes at Redjaf and in establishing the
   State's authority on the part of the Nile assigned to it by
   the Anglo-Congolese Convention of 1894. The triumphs of the
   Congo State have, however, been those of peace and not of war.
   With the exception of the operations named and the overthrow
   of the despotism of the savage Msiri, the State's record is
   one of unbroken tranquillity. These wars, little in magnitude
   but great in their consequences, were necessary for the
   suppression of the slave trade as well as for the legitimate
   assertion of the authority of the Congo Government. But their
   immediate consequence was the effective carrying out of the
   clauses in the Penal Code making all participation in the
   capture of slaves or in cannibalism a capital offence. That
   was the primary task, the initial step, in the establishment
   of civilisation in Central Africa, and of the credit for this
   the Congo State cannot be deprived. When this was done there
   remained the still more difficult task of saving the black
   races from the evils which civilisation brings in its train
   among an ignorant population incapable of self-control. The
   import of firearms had to be checked in order to prevent an
   untamed race indulging in internecine strife, or turning their
   weapons upon the mere handful of Europeans engaged in the task
   of regenerating the negroes. The necessary measures inspired
   by the double motives of self-preservation and the welfare of
   the blacks have been taken, and the State controls in the most
   complete and effectual manner the importation of all weapons
   and munitions of war. Nor has the success of the
   administration been less clear or decisive in its control of
   the liquor traffic."

      _Demetrius C. Boulger,
      Twelve Years' Work on the Congo
      (Fortnightly Review, October, 1898)._

   To a considerable extent this favorable view of the work of
   the Belgians in the Congo State is sustained by the report
   which a British Consul, Mr. Pickersgill, made to his
   government in 1898. He wrote admiringly of the energy with
   which the Belgians had overcome enormous difficulties in their
   undertaking, and then asked: "Has this splendid invasion
   justified itself by benefiting the aborigines? Equatorial
   Africa is not a white man's country. He can never prove his
   claim to sole possession of it by surviving as the fittest;
   and without the black man's co-operation it can serve no
   useful purpose to anybody. Has the welfare of the African,
   then, whose prosperous existence is thus indispensable, been
   duly cared for in the Congo State?" By way of answer to these
   questions, his report sets forth, with apparently strict
   fairness, the conditions produced in the country as he
   carefully observed them. He found that much good had been done
   to the natives by restrictions on the liquor trade, by an
   extensive suppression of inter-tribal wars, and by a
   diminution of cannibalism. Then comes a rehearsal of facts
   which have a different look.

   "The yoke of the notorious Arab slave-traders has been broken,
   and traffic in human beings amongst the natives themselves has
   been diminished to a considerable degree. Eulogy here begins
   with a spurt and runs out thin at the end. But there is no
   better way of recording the facts concisely. To hear, amidst
   the story's wild surroundings, how Dhanis and Hinde, and their
   intrepid comrades, threw themselves, time after time, upon the
   strongholds of the banded men-stealers, until the Zone Arabe
   was won in the name of freedom, is to thrill with admiration
   of a gallant crusade. … But it is disappointing to see the
   outcome of this lofty enterprise sink to a mere modification
   of the evil that was so righteously attacked. Like the
   Portuguese in Angola, the Belgians on the Congo have adopted
   the system of requiring the slave to pay for his freedom by
   serving a new master during a fixed term of years for wages
   merely nominal. On this principle is based the 'serviçal'
   system of the first-named possession, and the 'libéré' system
   of the latter; the only difference between the two being that
   the Portuguese Government permits limited re-enslavement for
   the benefit of private individuals, but does not purchase on
   its own account; while the Government of the Independent State
   retains for itself an advantage which it taboos to everybody
   else.

{153}

   "The State supports this system because labour is more easily
   obtainable thereby than by enforcing corvee amongst the free
   people, and less expensively than by paying wages. The slave
   so acquired, however, is supposed to have undergone a change
   of status, and is baptized officially as a free man. After
   seven years' service under the new name he is entitled to his
   liberty complete. In Angola the limit is five years. The
   natives are being drilled into the habit of regular work. …
   The first Europeans who travelled inland of Matadi had to rely
   entirely on porters from the coast, and it was not until the
   missionaries had gained the confidence of the people, and
   discovered individuals amongst them who could be trusted as
   gangers, that the employment of local carriers became
   feasible. The work was paid for, of course, and it is to the
   credit of the State that the remuneration continued,
   undiminished, after compulsion was applied. But how, it cannot
   fail to be asked, did the necessity for compulsion arise? In
   the same way that it has since arisen in connection with other
   forms of labour: the State wished to get on faster than
   circumstances would permit. Accordingly the Government
   authorities prohibited the missionaries from recruiting where
   porters were most easily obtained, and under the direction of
   their military chief, the late Governor-General Wahis,
   initiated a rigorous system of corvee. In spite of the
   remuneration this was resisted, at first by the men liable to
   serve absenting themselves from home, and afterwards, when the
   State Officers began to seize their women and children as
   hostages, by preparations for war. Deserting their villages,
   the people of the caravan route took to the bush, and efforts
   were made by the chiefs to bring about a general uprising of
   the entire Cataract district. Things were in so critical a
   condition that Colonel Wahis had to leave unpunished the
   destruction of a Government station and the murder of the
   officer in charge. Mainly through the influence of the
   missionaries the general conflagration was prevented, but the
   original outbreak continued to smoulder for months, and
   transport work of all kinds had to be discontinued until means
   were devised of equalising the burden of the corvee, and of
   enlisting the co-operation of the chiefs in its management.
   That was in 1894. Three years later the system appeared to be
   working with remarkable smoothness. … Whatever views may be
   held respecting the influence of the State at the present
   stage of its schoolmaster task, there can be no doubt that the
   condition, a year or two hence, of those sections of the
   population about to be relieved from the transport service,
   will afford conclusive evidence, one way or the other, of the
   Government's civilising ability. … It needs no great knowledge
   of coloured humanity to foresee that such pupils will quickly
   relapse into good-for-nothingness more than aboriginal, unless
   their education be continued. …

   "One of the most obvious duties of an European Government
   standing in 'loco parentis' to savage tribes, and exercising
   'dominatio parentis' with an unspared rod, is to educate the
   juvenile pagan. Since 1892 the Congo State has disbursed,
   according to the published returns, taking one year with
   another, about 6,000l. per annum, on this department of its
   enterprise. It cannot be said, therefore, to have neglected
   the duty entirely. A school for boys has been established at
   Boma, and another at Nouvelle Anvers; while large numbers of
   children of both sexes have been placed with the Roman
   Catholic missionaries, in the same and other districts. Except
   in one direction, however, the movement has not been very
   successful. The young Africans thus blessed with a chance of
   becoming loyal with intelligence are all waifs and strays, who
   have been picked up by exploring parties and military
   expeditions. Their homes are at the points of the compass, and
   their speech is utter bewilderment. …

   "A word must be said as to the employment of what are known as
   'sentries.' A 'sentry' on the Congo is a dare-devil
   aboriginal, chosen, from troops impressed outside the district
   in which he serves, for his loyalty and force of character.
   Armed with a rifle and a pouch of cartridges, he is located in
   a native village to see that the labour for which its
   inhabitants are responsible is duly attended to. If they are
   India rubber collectors, his duty is to send the men into the
   forest and take note of those who do not return with the
   proper quantity. Where food is the tax demanded, his business
   is to make sure that the women prepare and deliver it; and in
   every other matter connected with the Government he is the
   factotum, as far as that village is concerned, of the officer
   of the district, his power being limited only by the amount of
   zeal the latter may show in checking oppression. When
   Governor-General Wahis returned from his tour of inspection he
   seemed disposed to recommend the abolition of this system,
   which is open to much abuse. But steps have not yet been taken
   in that direction."

      _Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command: No. 459,
      Miscellaneous Series, 1898, pages 7-12)._

   From this account of things it would seem that Mr. Boulger, in
   the view quoted above from his article on the work of King
   Leopold in the Congo country, had chosen to look only at what
   is best in the results. On the other hand, the writer of the
   following criticism in the "Spectator" of London may have
   looked at nothing but the blacker side:

   "King Leopold II., who, though he inherits some of the Coburg
   kingcraft, is not a really able man, deceived by confidence in
   his own great wealth and by the incurable Continental idea
   that anybody can make money in the tropics if he is only hard
   enough, undertook an enterprise wholly beyond his resources,
   and by making revenue instead of good government his end,
   spoiled the whole effect of his first successes. The Congo
   Free State, covering a million square miles, that is, as large
   as India, and containing a population supposed to exceed
   forty-two millions, was committed by Europe to his charge in
   absolute sovereignty, and at first there appeared to be no
   resistance. Steamers and telegraphs and stations are trifles
   to a millionaire, and there were any number of Belgian
   engineers and young officers and clerks eager for employment.
   The weak point of the undertaking, inadequate resources, soon,
   however, became patent to the world. The King had the disposal
   of a few white troops, but they were only Belgians, who suffer
   greatly in tropical warfare, and his agents had to form an
   acclimatised army 'on the cheap.' They engaged, therefore, the
   fiercest blacks they could find, most of them cannibals, paid
   them by tolerating license, and then endeavoured to maintain
   their own authority by savage discipline.
{154}
   The result was that the men, as events have proved, and as the
   King seems in his apologia to admit, were always on the verge
   of mutiny, and that the native tribes, with their advantages
   of position, numbers, and knowledge of the forest and the
   swamps, proved at least as good fighters as most of the forces
   of the Congo State. So great, however, is the intellectual
   superiority of white men, so immeasurable the advantage
   involved in any tincture science, that the Belgians might
   still have prevailed but for the absolute necessity of
   obtaining money. They could not wait for the growth of
   resources under scientific taxation such as will follow Mr.
   Mitchell Innes's financial reforms in Siam, but attempted to
   obtain them from direct taxation and monopolies, especially
   that of rubber. Resistance was punished with a savage cruelty,
   which we are quite ready to believe was not the original
   intention of the Belgians, but which could not be avoided when
   the only mode of punishing a village was to let loose black
   cannibals on it to work their will, and which gradually
   hardened even the Europeans, and the consequence was universal
   disloyalty. The braver tribes fought with desperation, the
   black troops were at once cowed and attracted by their
   opponents, the black porters and agriculturists became secret
   enemies, all were kept in order by terror alone, and we all
   see the result. The Belgians are beaten; their chiefs, Baron
   Dhanis and Major Lothaire, are believed to be prisoners; and
   the vast territories of the far interior, whence alone rubber
   can now be obtained, are already lost. … The administration on
   the spot is tainted by the history of its cruelties and its
   failures, and there are not the means in Brussels of replacing
   it by competent officials, or of supplying them with the
   considerable means required for what must now be a deliberate
   reconquest."

      _Spectator (London),
      February 4, 1899._

CONGO FREE STATE: A. D. 1900.
   Expiration of the Belgian Convention of 1890.
   King Leopold's will.

   Three days after the close of the year 1900, the Convention of
   1890, which regulated for a period of ten years the relations
   between Belgium and the Congo State, expired by lapse of time,
   but was likely to be renewed. The chief provisions of the
   Convention were

   (1) that Belgium should advance to the Congo State a loan of
   25,000,000f. (£1,000,000), free of interest, of which
   one-fifth was payable at sight and the balance in ten yearly
   instalments of 2,000,000f. each;

   (2) Belgium acquired within six months of the final payment
   the option of annexing the Congo State with all the rights and
   appurtenances of sovereignty attaching thereto; or

   (3) if Belgium did not avail herself of this right the loan
   was only redeemable after a further period of ten years, but
   became subject to interest at the rate of 3, per cent. per
   annum.

   The will of King Leopold, executed in 1889, runs as follows:

   "We bequeath and transmit to Belgium, after our death, all our
   Sovereign rights to the Congo Free State, such as they have been
   recognized by the declarations, conventions, and treaties,
   drawn up since 1884, on the one hand between the International
   Association of the Congo, and on the other hand the Free State,
   as well as all the property, rights, and advantages, accruing
   from such sovereignty. Until such time as the Legislature of
   Belgium shall have stated its intentions as to the acceptation
   of these dispositions, the sovereignty shall be exercised
   collectively by the Council of three administrators of the
   Free State and by the Governor-General."

   ----------CONGO FREE STATE: End--------

CONGRESS: Of the United States.
   Reapportionment of Representatives.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

CONSTANTINOPLE: A. D. 1896.
   Attack of Armenian revolutionists on the Ottoman Bank,
   and subsequent Turkish massacre of Armenians.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1896 (AUGUST).

   ----------CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.: Start--------

   The following is the "Act to constitute the Commonwealth of
   Australia," as passed by the Imperial Parliament, July 9, 1900
   (63 & 64 Vict. ch. 12)—see (in this volume) AUSTRALIA: A. D.
   1900. The text is from the official publication of the Act:

   Whereas the people of New South Wales, Victoria, South
   Australia, Queensland, and Tasmania, humbly relying on the
   blessing of Almighty God, have agreed to unite in one
   indissoluble Federal Commonwealth under the Crown of the
   United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and under the
   Constitution hereby established: And whereas it is expedient
   to provide for the admission into the Commonwealth of other
   Australasian Colonies and possessions of the Queen: Be it
   therefore enacted by the Queen's most Excellent Majesty, by
   and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and
   Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled,
   and by the authority of the same, as follows:-

   1. This Act may be cited as the Commonwealth of Australia
   Constitution Act.

   2. The provisions of this Act referring to the Queen shall
   extend to Her Majesty's heirs and successors in the
   sovereignty of the United Kingdom.

   3. It shall be lawful for the Queen, with the advice of the
   Privy Council, to declare by proclamation that, on and after a
   day therein appointed, not being later than one year after the
   passing of this Act, the people of New South Wales, Victoria,
   South Australia, Queensland, and Tasmania, and also, if Her
   Majesty is satisfied that the people of Western Australia have
   agreed thereto, of Western Australia, shall be united in a
   Federal Commonwealth under the name of the Commonwealth of
   Australia. But the Queen may, at any time after the
   proclamation, appoint a Governor-General for the Commonwealth.

   4. The Commonwealth shall be established, and the Constitution
   of the Commonwealth shall take effect, on and after the day so
   appointed. But the Parliaments of the several colonies may at
   any time after the passing of this Act make any such laws, to
   come into operation on the day so appointed, as they might
   have made if the Constitution had taken effect at the passing
   of this Act.

{155}

   5. This Act, and all laws made by the Parliament of the
   Commonwealth under the Constitution, shall be binding on the
   courts, judges, and people of every State and of every part of
   the Commonwealth, notwithstanding anything in the laws of any
   State; and the laws of the Commonwealth shall be in force on
   all British ships, the Queen's ships of war excepted, whose
   first port of clearance and whose port of destination are in
   the Commonwealth.

   6. "The Commonwealth" shall mean the Commonwealth of Australia
   as established under this Act. "The States" shall mean such of
   the colonies of New South Wales, New Zealand, Queensland,
   Tasmania, Victoria, Western Australia, and South Australia,
   including the northern territory of South Australia, as for
   the time being are parts of the Commonwealth, and such
   colonies or territories as may be admitted into or established
   by the Commonwealth as States; and each of such parts of the
   Commonwealth shall be called "a State." "Original States"
   shall mean such States as are parts of the Commonwealth at its
   establishment.

   7. The Federal Council of Australasia Act, 1885, is hereby
   repealed, but so as not to affect any laws passed by the
   Federal Council of Australasia and in force at the
   establishment of the Commonwealth. Any such law may be
   repealed as to any State by the Parliament of the
   Commonwealth, or as to any colony not being a State by the
   Parliament thereof.

   8. After the passing of this Act the Colonial Boundaries Act,
   1895, shall not apply to any colony which becomes a State of
   the Commonwealth; but the Commonwealth shall be taken to be a
   self-governing colony for the purposes of that Act.

   9. The Constitution of the Commonwealth shall be as follows:

   THE CONSTITUTION.
   This Constitution is divided as follows:-

   Chapter I.—The Parliament:
      Part I.—General:
      Part II.—The Senate:
      Part III.—The House of Representatives:
      Part IV.—Both Houses of the Parliament:
      Part V.—Powers of the Parliament:

   Chapter II.—The Executive Government:
   Chapter III.—The Judicature:
   Chapter IV.—Finance and Trade:
   Chapter V.—The States:
   Chapter VI.—New States:
   Chapter VII.—Miscellaneous:
   Chapter VIII.—Alteration of the Constitution.

   The Schedule.

   CHAPTER I. THE PARLIAMENT:
   PART I.—GENERAL.

   1. The legislative power of the Commonwealth shall be vested
   in a Federal Parliament, which shall consist of the Queen, a
   Senate, and a House of Representatives, and which is
   herein-after called "The Parliament," or "The Parliament of
   the Commonwealth."

   2. A Governor-General appointed by the Queen shall be Her
   Majesty's representative in the Commonwealth, and shall have
   and may exercise in the Commonwealth during the Queen's
   pleasure, but subject to this Constitution, such powers and
   functions of the Queen as Her Majesty may be pleased to assign
   to him.

   3. There shall be payable to the Queen out of the Consolidated
   Revenue fund of the Commonwealth, for the salary of the
   Governor-General, an annual sum which, until the Parliament
   otherwise provides, shall be ten thousand pounds. The salary
   of a Governor-General shall not be altered during his
   continuance in office.

   4. The provisions of this Constitution relating to the
   Governor-General extend and apply to the Governor-General for
   the time being, or such person as the Queen may appoint to
   administer the Government of the Commonwealth; but no such
   person shall be entitled to receive any salary from the
   Commonwealth in respect of any other office during his
   administration of the Government of the Commonwealth.

   5. The Governor-General may appoint such times for holding the
   sessions of the Parliament as he thinks fit, and may also from
   time to time, by Proclamation or otherwise, prorogue the
   Parliament, and may in like manner dissolve the House of
   Representatives. After any general election the Parliament
   shall be summoned to meet not later than thirty days after the
   day appointed for the return of the writs. The Parliament
   shall be summoned to meet not later than six months after the
   establishment of the Commonwealth.

   6. There shall be a session of the Parliament once at least in
   every year, so that twelve months shall not intervene between
   the last sitting of the Parliament in one session and its
   first sitting in the next session.

   PART II.—THE SENATE.

   7. The Senate shall be composed of senators for each State,
   directly chosen by the people of the State, voting, until the
   Parliament otherwise provides, as one electorate. But until
   the Parliament of the Commonwealth otherwise provides, the
   Parliament of the State of Queensland, if that State be an
   Original State, may make laws dividing the State into
   divisions and determining the number of senators to be chosen
   for each division, and in the absence of such provision the
   State shall be one electorate. Until the Parliament otherwise
   provides there shall be six senators for each Original State.
   The Parliament may make laws increasing or diminishing the
   number of senators for each State, but so that equal
   representation of the several Original States shall be
   maintained and that no Original State shall have less than six
   senators. The senators shall be chosen for a term of six
   years, and the names of the senators chosen for each State
   shall be certified by the Governor to the Governor-General.

   8. The qualification of electors of senators shall be in each
   State that which is prescribed by this Constitution, or by the
   Parliament, as the qualification for electors of members of
   the House of Representatives; but in the choosing of senators
   each elector shall vote only once.

   9. The Parliament of the Commonwealth may make laws
   prescribing the method of choosing senators, but so that the
   method shall be uniform for all the States. Subject to any
   such law, the Parliament of each State may make laws
   prescribing the method of choosing the senators for that
   State. The Parliament of a State may make laws for determining
   the times and places of elections of senators for the State.

{156}

   10. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, but subject to
   this Constitution, the laws in force in each State, for the
   time being, relating to elections for the more numerous House
   of the Parliament of the State shall, as nearly as
   practicable, apply to elections of senators for the State.

   11. The Senate may proceed to the despatch of business,
   notwithstanding the failure of any State to provide for its
   representation in the Senate.

   12. The Governor of any State may cause writs to be issued for
   elections of senators for the State. In case of the
   dissolution of the Senate the writs shall be issued within ten
   days from the proclamation of such dissolution.

   13. As soon as may be after the Senate first meets, and after
   each first meeting of the Senate following a dissolution
   thereof, the Senate shall divide the senators chosen for each
   State into two classes, as nearly equal in number as
   practicable; and the places of the senators of the first class
   shall become vacant at the expiration of the third year, and the
   places of those of the second class at the expiration of the
   sixth year, from the beginning of their term of service; and
   afterwards the places of senators shall become vacant at the
   expiration of six years from the beginning of their term of
   service. The election to fill vacant places shall be made in
   the year at the expiration of which the places are to become
   vacant. For the purposes of this section the term of service
   of a senator shall be taken to begin on the first day of
   January following the day of his election, except in the cases
   of the first election and of the election next after any
   dissolution of the Senate, when it shall be taken to begin on
   the first day of January preceding the day of his election.

   14. Whenever the number of senators for a State is increased
   or diminished, the Parliament of the Commonwealth may make
   such provision for the vacating of the places of senators for
   the State as it deems necessary to maintain regularity in the
   rotation.

   15. If the place of a senator becomes vacant before the
   expiration of his term of service, the Houses of Parliament of
   the State for which he was chosen shall, sitting and voting
   together, choose a person to hold the place until the
   expiration of the term, or until the election of a successor
   as hereinafter provided, whichever first happens. But if the
   Houses of Parliament of the State are not in session at the
   time when the vacancy is notified, the Governor of the State,
   with the advice of the Executive Council thereof, may appoint
   a person to hold the place until the expiration of fourteen
   days after the beginning of the next session of the Parliament
   of the State, or until the election of a successor, whichever
   first happens. At the next general election of members of the
   House of Representatives, or at the next election of senators
   for the State, whichever first happens, a successor shall, if
   the term has not then expired, be chosen to hold the place
   from the date of his election until the expiration of the
   term. The name of any senator so chosen or appointed shall be
   certified by the Governor of the State to the
   Governor-General.

   16. The qualifications of a senator shall be the same as those
   of a member of the House of Representatives.

   17. The Senate shall, before proceeding to the despatch of any
   other business, choose a senator to be the President of the
   Senate; and as often as the office of President becomes vacant
   the Senate shall again choose a senator to be the President.
   The President shall cease to hold his office if he ceases to
   be a senator. He may be removed from office by a vote of the
   Senate, or he may resign his office or his seat by writing
   addressed to the Governor-General.

   18. Before or during any absence of the President, the Senate
   may choose a senator to perform his duties in his absence.

   19. A Senator may, by writing addressed to the President, or
   to the Governor-General if there is no President or if the
   President is absent from the Commonwealth, resign his place,
   which thereupon shall become vacant.

   20. The place of a senator shall become vacant if for two
   consecutive months of any session of the Parliament he,
   without the permission of the Senate, fails to attend the
   Senate.

   21. Whenever a vacancy happens in the Senate, the President,
   or if there is no President or if the President is absent from
   the Commonwealth the Governor-General, shall notify the same
   to the Governor of the State in the representation of which
   the vacancy has happened.

   22. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the presence of
   at least one-third of the whole number of the senators shall
   be necessary to constitute a meeting of the Senate for the
   exercise of its powers.

   23. Questions arising in the Senate shall be determined by a
   majority of votes, and each senator shall have one vote. The
   President shall in all cases be entitled to a vote; and when
   the votes are equal the question shall pass in the negative.


   PART III.—THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

   24. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members
   directly chosen by the people of the Commonwealth, and the
   number of such members shall be, as nearly as practicable,
   twice the number of the senators. The number of members chosen
   in the several States shall be in proportion to the respective
   numbers of their people, and shall, until the Parliament
   otherwise provides, be determined, whenever necessary, in the
   following manner:—

      (i.) A quota shall be ascertained by dividing the number of
      the people of the Commonwealth, as shown by the latest
      statistics of the Commonwealth, by twice the number of the
      senators.

      (ii.) The number of members to be chosen in each State
      shall be determined by dividing the number of the people of
      the State, as shown by the latest statistics of the
      Commonwealth, by the quota; and if on such division there
      is a remainder greater than one-half of the quota, one more
      member shall be chosen in the State. But notwithstanding
      anything in this section, five members at least shall be
      chosen in each Original State.

   25. For the purposes of the last section, if by the law of any
   State all persons of any race are disqualified from voting at
   elections for the more numerous House of the Parliament of the
   State, then, in reckoning the number of the people of the
   State or of the Commonwealth, persons of that race resident in
   that State shall not be counted.

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   26. Notwithstanding anything in section twenty-four, the
   number of members to be chosen in each State at the first
   election shall be as follows:—

      New South Wales, twenty-three;
      Victoria, twenty;
      Queensland, eight;
      South Australia, six;
      Tasmania, five;

   provided that if Western Australia is an Original State, the
   numbers shall be as follows:—

      New South Wales, twenty-six;
      Victoria, twenty-three;
      Queensland, nine;
      South Australia, seven;
      Western Australia, five;
      Tasmania, five.

   27. Subject to this Constitution, the Parliament may make laws
   for increasing or diminishing the number of the members of the
   House of Representatives.

   28. Every House of Representatives shall continue for three
   years from the first meeting of the House, and no longer, but
   may be sooner dissolved by the Governor-General.

   29. Until the Parliament of the Commonwealth otherwise
   provides, the Parliament of any State may make laws for
   determining the divisions in each State for which members of
   the House of Representatives may be chosen, and the number of
   members to be chosen for each division. A division shall not
   be formed out of parts of different States. In the absence of
   other provision, each State shall be one electorate.

   30. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the qualification
   of electors of members of the House of Representatives shall
   be in each State that which is prescribed by the law of the
   State as the qualification of electors of the more numerous
   House of Parliament of the State; but in the choosing of
   members each elector shall vote only once.

   31. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, but subject to
   this Constitution, the laws in force in each State for the
   time being relating to elections for the more numerous House
   of the Parliament of the State shall, as nearly as
   practicable, apply to elections in the State of members of the
   House of Representatives.

   32. The Governor-General in Council may cause writs to be
   issued for general elections of members of the House of
   Representatives. After the first general election, the writs
   shall be issued within ten days from the expiry of a House of
   Representatives or from the proclamation of a dissolution
   thereof.

   33. Whenever a vacancy happens in the House of
   Representatives, the Speaker shall issue his writ for the
   election of a new member, or if there is no Speaker or if he
   is absent from the Commonwealth the Governor-General in
   Council may issue the writ.

   34. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the
   qualifications of a member of the House of Representatives
   shall be as follows:—

      (i.) He must be of the full age of twenty-one years, and
      must be an elector entitled to vote at the election of
      members of the House of Representatives, or a person
      qualified to become such elector, and must have been for
      three years at the least a resident within the limits of
      the Commonwealth as existing at the time when he is chosen:

      (ii.) He must be a subject of the Queen, either
      natural-born or for at least five years naturalized under a
      law of the United Kingdom, or of a Colony which has become
      or becomes a State, or of the Commonwealth, or of a State.

   35. The House of Representatives shall, before proceeding to
   the despatch of any other business, choose a member to be the
   Speaker of the House, and as often as the office of Speaker
   becomes vacant the House shall again choose a member to be the
   Speaker. The Speaker shall cease to hold his office if he
   ceases to be a member. He may be removed from office by a vote
   of the House, or he may resign his office or his seat by
   writing addressed to the Governor-General.

   36. Before or during any absence of the Speaker, the House of
   Representatives may choose a member to perform his duties in
   his absence.

   37. A member may by writing addressed to the Speaker, or to
   the Governor-General if there is no Speaker or if the Speaker
   is absent from the Commonwealth, resign his place, which
   thereupon shall become vacant.

   38. The place of a member shall become vacant if for two
   consecutive months of any session of the Parliament he,
   without the permission of the House, fails to attend the
   House.

   39. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the presence of
   at least one-third of the whole number of the members of the
   House of Representatives shall be necessary to constitute a
   meeting of the House for the exercise of its powers.

   40. Questions arising in the House of Representatives shall be
   determined by a majority of votes other than that of the
   Speaker. The Speaker shall not vote unless the numbers are
   equal, and then he shall have a casting vote.


   PART IV.—BOTH HOUSES OF THE PARLIAMENT.

   41. No adult person who has or acquires a right to vote at
   elections for the more numerous House of the Parliament of a
   State shall, while the right continues, be prevented by any
   law of the Commonwealth from voting at elections for either
   House of the Parliament of the Commonwealth.

   42. Every senator and every member of the House of
   Representatives shall before taking his seat make and
   subscribe before the Governor-General, or some person
   authorised by him, an oath or affirmation of allegiance in the
   form set forth in the schedule to this Constitution.

   43. A member of either House of the Parliament shall be
   incapable of being chosen or of sitting as a member of the
   other House.

   44. Any person who—

   (i.) Is under any acknowledgment of allegiance, obedience, or
   adherence to a foreign power, or is a subject or a citizen or
   entitled to the rights or privileges of a subject or a citizen
   of a foreign power: or

   (ii.) Is attainted of treason, or has been convicted and is
   under sentence, or subject to be sentenced, for any offence
   punishable under the law of the Commonwealth or of a State by
   imprisonment for one year or longer: or

   (iii.) Is an undischarged bankrupt or insolvent: or

   (iv.) Holds any office of profit under the Crown, or any
   pension payable during the pleasure of the Crown out of any of
   the revenues of the Commonwealth: or

   (v.) Has any direct or indirect pecuniary interest in any
   agreement with the Public Service of the Commonwealth
   otherwise than as a member and in common with the other
   members of an incorporated company consisting of more than
   twenty-five persons: shall be incapable of being chosen or of
   sitting as a senator or a member of the House of
   Representatives. But sub-section iv. does not apply to the
   office of any of the Queen's Ministers of State for the
   Commonwealth, or of any of the Queen's Ministers for a State,
   or to the receipt of pay, half pay, or a pension by any person
   as an officer or member of the Queen's navy or army, or to the
   receipt of pay as an officer or member of the naval or
   military forces of the Commonwealth by any person whose
   services are not wholly employed by the Commonwealth.

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   45. If a senator or member of the House of Representatives—

   (i.) Becomes subject to any of the disabilities mentioned in
   the last preceding section: or

   (ii.) Takes the benefit, whether by assignment, composition,
   or otherwise, of any law relating to bankrupt or insolvent
   debtors: or

   (iii.) Directly or indirectly takes or agrees to take any fee
   or honorarium for services rendered to the Commonwealth, or
   for services rendered in the Parliament to any person or
   State: his place shall thereupon become vacant.

   46. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, any person
   declared by this Constitution to be incapable of sitting as a
   senator or as a member of the House of Representatives shall,
   for every day on which he so sits, be liable to pay the sum of
   one hundred pounds to any person who sues for it in any court
   of competent jurisdiction.

   47. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, any question
   respecting the qualification of a senator or of a member of
   the House of Representatives, or respecting a vacancy in
   either House of the Parliament, and any question of a disputed
   election to either House, shall be determined by the House in
   which the question arises.

   48. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, each senator and
   each member of the House of Representatives shall receive an
   allowance of four hundred pounds a year, to be reckoned from
   the day on which he takes his seat.

   49. The powers, privileges, and immunities of the Senate and
   of the House of Representatives, and of the members and the
   committees of each House, shall be such as are declared by the
   Parliament, and until declared shall be those of the Commons
   House of Parliament of the United Kingdom, and of its members
   and committees, at the establishment of the Commonwealth.

   50. Each House of the Parliament may make rules and orders
   with respect to—

   (i.) The mode in which its powers, privileges, and immunities
   may be exercised and upheld:

   (ii.) The order and conduct of its business and proceedings
   either separately or jointly with the other House.


   PART V.—POWERS OF THE PARLIAMENT.

   51. The Parliament shall, subject to this Constitution, have
   power to make laws for the peace, order, and good government
   of the Commonwealth with respect to:—

   (i.) Trade and commerce with other countries, and among the
   States;

   (ii.) Taxation; but so as not to discriminate between States
   or parts of States:

   (iii.) Bounties on the production or export of goods, but so
   that such bounties shall be uniform throughout the
   Commonwealth:

   (iv.) Borrowing money on the public credit of the
   Commonwealth:

   (v.) Postal, telegraphic, telephonic, and other like services:

   (vi.) The naval and military defence of the Commonwealth and
   of the several States, and the control of the forces to
   execute and maintain the laws of the Commonwealth:

   (vii.) Lighthouses, lightships, beacons and buoys:

   (viii.) Astronomical and meteorological observations:

   (ix.) Quarantine:

   (x.) Fisheries in Australian waters beyond territorial limits:

   (xi.) Census and statistics:

   (xii.) Currency, coinage, and legal tender:

   (xiii.) Banking, other than State banking; also State banking
   extending beyond the limits of the State concerned, the
   incorporation of banks, and the issue of paper money:

   (xiv.) Insurance, other than State insurance; also State
   insurance extending beyond the limits of the State concerned:

   (xv.) Weights and measures:

   (xvi. ) Bills of exchange and promissory notes:

   (xvii.) Bankruptcy and insolvency:

   (xviii.) Copyrights, patents of inventions and designs, and
   trade marks:

   (xix.) Naturalization and aliens:

   (xx.) Foreign corporations, and trading or financial
   corporations formed within the limits of the Commonwealth:

   (xxi.) Marriage:

   (xxii.) Divorce and matrimonial causes; and in relation
   thereto, parental rights, and the custody and guardianship of
   infants:

   (xxiii.) Invalid and old-age pensions:

   (xxiv.) The service and execution throughout the Commonwealth
   of the civil and criminal process and the judgments of the
   courts of the States:

   (xxv.) The recognition throughout the Commonwealth of the
   laws, the public Acts and records, and the judicial
   proceedings of the States:

   (xxvi.) The people of any race, other than the aboriginal race
   in any State, for whom it is deemed necessary to make special
   laws:

   (xxvii.) Immigration and emigration:

   (xxviii.) The influx of criminals:

   (xxix.) External affairs:

   (xxx.) The relations of the Commonwealth with the islands of
   the Pacific:

   (xxxi.) The acquisition of property on just terms from any
   State or person for any purpose in respect of which the
   Parliament has power to make laws:

   (xxxii.) The control of railways with respect to transport for
   the naval and military purposes of the Commonwealth:

   (xxxiii.) The acquisition, with the consent of a State, of any
   railways of the State on terms arranged between the
   Commonwealth and the State:

   (xxxiv.) Railway construction and extension in any State with
   the consent of that State:

   (xxxv.) Conciliation and arbitration for the prevention and
   settlement of industrial disputes extending beyond the limits
   of any one State:

   (xxxvi.) Matters in respect of which this Constitution makes
   provision until the Parliament otherwise provides:

   (xxxvii.) Matters referred to the Parliament of the
   Commonwealth by the Parliament or Parliaments of any State or
   States, but so that the law shall extend only to States by
   whose Parliaments the matter is referred, or which afterwards
   adopt the law:

   (xxxviii.) The exercise within the Commonwealth, at the
   request or with the concurrence of the Parliaments of all the
   States directly concerned, of any power which can at the
   establishment of this Constitution be exercised only by the
   Parliament of the United Kingdom or by the Federal Council of
   Australasia:

   (xxxix.) Matters incidental to the execution of any power
   vested by this Constitution in the Parliament or in either
   House thereof, or in the Government of the Commonwealth, or in
   the Federal Judicature, or in any department or officer of the
   Commonwealth.

   52. The Parliament shall, subject to this Constitution, have
   exclusive power to make laws for the peace, order, and good
   government of the Commonwealth with respect to—

   (i.) The seat of government of the Commonwealth, and all
   places acquired by the Commonwealth for public purposes:

   (ii.) Matters relating to any department of the public service
   the control of which is by this Constitution transferred to the
   Executive Government of the Commonwealth:

   (iii.) Other matters declared by this Constitution to be
   within the exclusive power of the Parliament.

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   53. Proposed laws appropriating revenue or moneys, or imposing
   taxation, shall not originate in the Senate. But a proposed
   law shall not be taken to appropriate revenue or moneys, or to
   impose taxation, by reason only of its containing provisions for
   the imposition or appropriation of fines or other pecuniary
   penalties, or for the demand or payment or appropriation of
   fees for licences, or fees for services under the proposed
   law. The Senate may not amend proposed laws imposing taxation,
   or proposed laws appropriating revenue or moneys for the
   ordinary annual services of the Government. The Senate may not
   amend any proposed law so as to increase any proposed charge
   or burden on the people. The Senate may at any stage return to
   the House of Representatives any proposed law which the Senate
   may not amend, requesting, by message, the omission or
   amendment of any items or provisions therein. And the House of
   Representatives may, if it thinks fit, make any of such
   omissions or amendments, with or without modifications. Except
   as provided in this section, the Senate shall have equal power
   with the House of Representatives in respect of all proposed
   laws.

   54. The proposed law which appropriates revenue or moneys for
   the ordinary annual services of the Government shall deal only
   with such appropriation.

   55. Laws imposing taxation shall deal only with the imposition
   of taxation, and any provision therein dealing with any other
   matter shall be of no effect. Laws imposing taxation, except
   laws imposing duties of customs or of excise, shall deal with
   one subject of taxation only; but laws imposing duties of
   customs shall deal with duties of customs only, and laws
   imposing duties of excise shall deal with duties of excise
   only.

   56. A vote, resolution, or proposed law for the appropriation
   of revenue or moneys shall not be passed unless the purpose of
   the appropriation has in the same session been recommended by
   message of the Governor-General to the House in which the
   proposal originated.

   57. If the House of Representatives passes any proposed law,
   and the Senate rejects or fails to pass it, or passes it with
   amendments to which the House of Representatives will not
   agree, and if after an interval of three months the House of
   Representatives, in the same or the next session, again passes
   the proposed law with or without any amendments which have
   been made, suggested, or agreed to by the Senate, and the
   Senate rejects or fails to pass it, or passes it with
   amendments to which the House of Representatives will not
   agree, the Governor-General may dissolve the Senate and the
   House of Representatives simultaneously. But such dissolution
   shall not take place within six months before the date of the
   expiry of the House of Representatives by effluxion of time.
   If after such dissolution the House of Representatives again
   passes the proposed law, with or without any amendments which
   have been made, suggested, or agreed to by the Senate, and the
   Senate rejects or fails to pass it, or passes it with
   amendments to which the House of Representatives will not
   agree, the Governor-General may convene a joint sitting of the
   members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives. The
   members present at the joint sitting may deliberate and shall
   vote together upon the proposed law as last proposed by the
   House of Representatives, and upon amendments, if any, which
   have been made therein by one House and not agreed to by the
   other, and any such amendments which are affirmed by an
   absolute majority of the total number of the members of the
   Senate and House of Representatives shall be taken to have
   been carried, and if the proposed law, with the amendments, if
   any, so carried is affirmed by an absolute majority of the
   total number of the members of the Senate and House of
   Representatives, it shall be taken to have been duly passed by
   both Houses of the Parliament, and shall be presented to the
   Governor-General for the Queen's assent.

   58. When a proposed law passed by both Houses of the
   Parliament is presented to the Governor-General for the
   Queen's assent, he shall declare, according to his discretion,
   but subject to this Constitution, that he assents in the
   Queen's name, or that he withholds assent, or that he reserves
   the law for the Queen's pleasure. The Governor-General may
   return to the house in which it originated any proposed law so
   presented to him, and may transmit therewith any amendments
   which he may recommend, and the Houses may deal with the
   recommendation.

   59. The Queen may disallow any law within one year from the
   Governor-General's assent, and such disallowance on being made
   known by the Governor-General by speech or message to each of
   the Houses of the Parliament, or by Proclamation, shall annul
   the law from the day when the disallowance is so made known.

   60. A proposed law reserved for the Queen's pleasure shall not
   have any force unless and until within two years from the day
   on which it was presented to the Governor-General for the
   Queen's assent the Governor-General makes known, by speech or
   message to each of the Houses of the Parliament, or by
   Proclamation, that it has received the Queen's assent.


   CHAPTER II. THE EXECUTIVE GOVERNMENT.

   61. The executive power of the Commonwealth is vested in the
   Queen and is exerciseable by the Governor-General as the
   Queen's representative, and extends to the execution and
   maintenance of this Constitution, and of the laws of the
   Commonwealth.

   62. There shall be a Federal Executive Council to advise the
   Governor-General in the government of the Commonwealth, and
   the members of the Council shall be chosen and summoned by the
   Governor-General and sworn as Executive Councillors, and shall
   hold office during his pleasure.

   63. The provisions of this Constitution referring to the
   Governor-General in Council shall be construed as referring to
   the Governor-General acting with the advice of the Federal
   Executive Council.

   64. The Governor-General may appoint officers to administer
   such departments of State of the Commonwealth as the
   Governor-General in Council may establish. Such officers shall
   hold office during the pleasure of the Governor-General. They
   shall be members of the Federal Executive Council, and shall
   be the Queen's Ministers of State for the Commonwealth. After
   the first general election no Minister of State shall hold
   office for a longer period than three months unless he is or
   becomes a senator or a member of the House of Representatives.

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   65. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the Ministers of
   State shall not exceed seven in number, and shall hold such
   offices as the Parliament prescribes, or, in the absence of
   provision, as the Governor-General directs.

   66. There shall be payable to the Queen, out of the
   Consolidated Revenue Fund of the Commonwealth, for the
   salaries of the Ministers of State, an annual sum which, until
   the Parliament otherwise provides, shall not exceed twelve
   thousand pounds a year.

   67. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the appointment
   and removal of all other officers of the Executive Government
   of the Commonwealth shall be vested in the Governor-General in
   Council, unless the appointment is delegated by the
   Governor-General in Council or by a law of the Commonwealth to
   some other authority.

   68. The command in chief of the naval and military forces of
   the Commonwealth is vested in the Governor-General as the
   Queen's representative.

   69. On a date or dates to be proclaimed by the
   Governor-General after the establishment of the Commonwealth
   the following departments of the public service in each State
   shall become transferred to the Commonwealth:—Posts,
   telegraphs, and telephones: Naval and military defence:
   Lighthouses, lightships, beacons, and buoys: Quarantine. But
   the departments of customs and of excise in each State shall
   become transferred to the Commonwealth on its establishment.

   70. In respect of matters which, under this Constitution, pass
   to the Executive Government of the Commonwealth, all powers
   and functions which at the establishment of the Commonwealth
   are vested in the Governor of a Colony, or in the Governor of
   a Colony with the advice of his Executive Council, or in any
   authority of a Colony, shall vest in the Governor-General, or
   in the Governor-General in Council, or in the authority
   exercising similar powers under the Commonwealth, as the case
   requires.


   CHAPTER III. THE JUDICATURE.

   71. The judicial power of the Commonwealth shall be vested in
   a Federal Supreme Court, to be called the High Court of
   Australia, and in such other federal courts as the Parliament
   creates, and in such other courts as it invests with federal
   jurisdiction. The High Court shall consist of a Chief Justice,
   and so many other Justices, not less than two, as the
   Parliament prescribes.

   72. The Justices of the High Court and of the other courts
   created by the Parliament—

   (i.) Shall be appointed by the Governor-General in Council:

   (ii.) Shall not be removed except by the Governor-General in
   Council, on an address from both Houses of the Parliament in
   the same session, praying for such removal on the ground of
   proved misbehaviour or incapacity:

   (iii.) Shall receive such remuneration as the Parliament may
   fix; but the remuneration shall not be diminished during their
   continuance in office.

   73. The High Court shall have jurisdiction, with such
   exceptions and subject to such regulations as the Parliament
   prescribes, to hear and determine appeals from all judgments,
   decrees, orders, and sentences—

   (i.) Of any Justice or Justices exercising the original
   jurisdiction of the High Court:

   (ii.) Of any other federal court, or court exercising federal
   jurisdiction; or of the Supreme Court of any State, or of any
   other court of any State from which at the establishment of
   the Commonwealth an appeal lies to the Queen in Council:

   (iii.) Of the Inter-State Commission, but as to questions of
   law only: and the judgment of the High Court in all such cases
   shall be final and conclusive. But no exception or regulation
   prescribed by the Parliament shall prevent the High Court from
   hearing and determining any appeal from the Supreme Court of a
   State in any matter in which at the establishment of the
   Commonwealth an appeal lies from such Supreme Court to the
   Queen in Council. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the
   conditions of and restrictions on appeals to the Queen in
   Council from the Supreme Courts of the several States shall be
   applicable to appeals from them to the High Court.

   74. No appeal shall be permitted to the Queen in Council from
   a decision of the High Court upon any question, howsoever
   arising, as to the limits inter se of the Constitutional
   powers of the Commonwealth and those of any State or States,
   or as to the limits inter se of the Constitutional powers of
   any two or more States, unless the High Court shall certify
   that the question is one which ought to be determined by Her
   Majesty in Council. The High Court may so certify if satisfied
   that for any special reason the certificate should be granted,
   and thereupon an appeal shall lie to Her Majesty in Council on
   the question without further leave. Except as provided in this
   section, this Constitution shall not impair any right which
   the Queen may be pleased to exercise by virtue of Her Royal
   prerogative to grant special leave of appeal from the High
   Court to Her Majesty in Council. The Parliament may make laws
   limiting the matters in which such leave may be asked, but
   proposed laws containing any such limitation shall be reserved
   by the Governor-General for Her Majesty's pleasure.

   75. In all matters—

   (i.) Arising under any treaty:

   (ii.) Affecting consuls or other representatives of other
   countries:

   (iii.) In which the Commonwealth, or a person suing or being
   sued on behalf of the Commonwealth, is a party:

   (iv.) Between States, or between residents of different
   States, or between a State and a resident of another State:

   (v.) In which a writ of Mandamus or prohibition or an
   injunction is sought against an officer of the Commonwealth:
   the High Court shall have original jurisdiction.

   76. The Parliament may make laws conferring original
   jurisdiction on the High Court in any matter—

   (i.) Arising under this Constitution, or involving its
   interpretation:

   (ii.) Arising under any laws made by the Parliament:

   (iii.) Of Admiralty and maritime jurisdiction:

   (iv.) Relating to the same subject-matter claimed under the
   laws of different States.

   77. With respect to any of the matters mentioned in the last
   two sections the Parliament may make laws—

   (i.) Defining the jurisdiction of any federal court other than
   the High Court:

   (ii.) Defining the extent to which the jurisdiction of any
   federal court shall be exclusive of that which belongs to or
   is invested in the courts of the States:

   (iii.) Investing any court of a State with federal
   jurisdiction.

{161}

   78. The Parliament may make laws conferring rights to proceed
   against the Commonwealth or a State in respect of matters
   within the limits of the judicial power.

   79. The federal jurisdiction of any court may be exercised by
   such number of judges as the Parliament prescribes.

   80. The trial on indictment of any offence against any law of
   the Commonwealth shall be by jury, and every such trial shall
   be held in the State where the offence was committed, and if
   the offence was not committed within any State the trial shall
   be held at such place or places as the Parliament prescribes.


   CHAPTER IV. FINANCE AND TRADE.

   81. All revenues or moneys raised or received by the Executive
   Government of the Commonwealth shall form one Consolidated
   Revenue Fund, to be appropriated for the purposes of the
   Commonwealth in the manner and subject to the charges and
   liabilities imposed by this Constitution.

   82. The costs, charges, and expenses incident to the
   collection, management, and receipt of the Consolidated
   Revenue Fund shall form the first charge thereon; and the
   revenue of the Commonwealth shall in the first instance be
   applied to the payment of the expenditure of the Commonwealth.

   83. No money shall be drawn from the Treasury of the
   Commonwealth except under appropriation made by law. But until
   the expiration of one month after the first meeting of the
   Parliament the Governor-General in Council may draw from the
   Treasury and expend such moneys as may be necessary for the
   maintenance of any department transferred to the Commonwealth
   and for the holding of the first elections for the Parliament.

   84. When any department of the public service of a State
   becomes transferred to the Commonwealth, all officers of the
   department shall become subject to the control of the
   Executive Government of the Commonwealth. Any such officer who
   is not retained in the service of the Commonwealth shall,
   unless he is appointed to some other' office of equal
   emolument in the public service of the State, be entitled to
   receive from the State any pension, gratuity, or other
   compensation, payable under the law of the State on the
   abolition of his office. Any such officer who is retained in
   the service of the Commonwealth shall preserve all his
   existing and accruing rights, and shall be entitled to retire
   from office at the time, and on the pension or retiring
   allowance, which would be permitted by the law of the State if
   his service with the Commonwealth were a continuation of his
   service with the State. Such pension or retiring allowance
   shall be paid to him by the Commonwealth: but the State shall
   pay to the Commonwealth a part thereof, to be calculated on
   the proportion which his term of service with the State bears
   to his whole term of service, and for the purpose of the
   calculation his salary shall be taken to be that paid to him
   by the State at the time of the transfer. Any officer who is,
   at the establishment of the Commonwealth, in the public
   service of a State, and who is, by consent of the Governor of
   the State with the advice of the Executive Council thereof,
   transferred to the public service of the Commonwealth, shall
   have the same rights as if he had been an officer of a
   department transferred to the Commonwealth and were retained
   in the service of the Commonwealth.

   85. When any department of the public service of a State is
   transferred to the Commonwealth—

   (i.) All property of the State of any kind, used exclusively
   in connexion with the department, shall become vested in the
   Commonwealth; but, in the case of the departments controlling
   customs and excise and bounties, for such time only as the
   Governor-General in Council may declare to be necessary:

   (ii.) The Commonwealth may acquire any property of the State,
   of any kind used, but not exclusively used in connexion with
   the department: the value thereof shall, if no agreement can
   be made, be ascertained in, as nearly as may be, the manner in
   which the value of land, or of an interest in land, taken by
   the State for public purposes is ascertained under the law of
   the State in force at the establishment of the Commonwealth:

   (iii.) The Commonwealth shall compensate the State for the
   value of any property passing to the Commonwealth under this
   section; if no agreement can be made as to the mode of
   compensation, it shall be determined under laws to be made by
   the Parliament:

   (iv.) The Commonwealth shall, at the date of the transfer,
   assume the current obligations of the State in respect of the
   department transferred.

   86. On the establishment of the Commonwealth, the collection
   and control of duties of customs and of excise, and the
   control of the payment of bounties, shall pass to the
   Executive Government of the Commonwealth.

   87. During a period of ten years after the establishment of
   the Commonwealth and thereafter until the Parliament otherwise
   provides, of the net revenue of the Commonwealth from duties
   of customs and of excise not more than one-fourth shall be
   applied annually by the Commonwealth towards its expenditure.
   The balance shall, in accordance with this Constitution, be
   paid to the several States, or applied towards the payment of
   interest on debts of the several States taken over by the
   Commonwealth.

   88. Uniform duties of customs shall be imposed within two
   years after the establishment of the Commonwealth.

   89. Until the imposition of uniform duties of customs—

   (i.) The Commonwealth shall credit to each State the revenues
   collected therein by the Commonwealth.

   (ii.) The Commonwealth shall debit to each State—

      (_a_) The expenditure therein of the Commonwealth
      incurred solely for the maintenance or continuance, as at
      the time of transfer, of any department transferred from
      the State to the Commonwealth;

      (_b_) The proportion of the State, according to the
      number of its people, in the other expenditure of the
      Commonwealth.

   (iii.) The Commonwealth shall pay to each State month by month
   the balance (if any) in favour of the State.

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   90. On the imposition of uniform duties of customs the power
   of the Parliament to impose duties of customs and of excise,
   and to grant bounties on the production or export of goods,
   shall become exclusive. On the imposition of uniform duties of
   customs all laws of the several States imposing duties of customs
   or of excise, or offering bounties on the production or export
   of goods, shall cease to have effect, but any grant of or
   agreement for any such bounty lawfully made by or under the
   authority of the Government of any State shall be taken to be
   good if made before the thirtieth day of June, one thousand
   eight hundred and ninety-eight, and not otherwise.

   91. Nothing in this Constitution prohibits a State from
   granting any aid to or bounty on mining for gold, silver, or
   other metals, nor from granting, with the consent of both
   Houses of the Parliament of the Commonwealth expressed by
   resolution, any aid to or bounty on the production or export
   of goods.

   92. On the imposition of uniform duties of customs, trade,
   commerce, and intercourse among the States, whether by means
   of internal carriage or ocean navigation, shall be absolutely
   free. But notwithstanding anything in this Constitution, goods
   imported before the imposition of uniform duties of customs
   into any State, or into any Colony which, whilst the goods
   remain therein, becomes a State, shall, on thence passing into
   another State within two years after the imposition of such
   duties, be liable to any duty chargeable on the importation of
   such goods into the Commonwealth, less any duty paid in
   respect of the goods on their importation.

   93. During the first five years after the imposition of
   uniform duties of customs, and thereafter until the Parliament
   otherwise provides—

   (i.) The duties of customs chargeable on goods imported into a
   State and afterwards passing into another State for
   consumption, and the duties of excise paid on goods produced
   or manufactured in a State and afterwards passing into another
   State for consumption, shall be taken to have been collected
   not in the former but in the latter State:

   (ii.) Subject to the last subsection, the Commonwealth shall
   credit revenue, debit expenditure, and pay balances to the
   several States as prescribed for the period preceding the
   imposition of uniform duties of customs.

   94. After five years from the imposition of uniform duties of
   customs, the Parliament may provide, on such basis as it deems
   fair, for the monthly payment to the several States of all
   surplus revenue of the Commonwealth.

   95. Notwithstanding anything in this Constitution, the
   Parliament of the State of Western Australia, if that State be
   an Original State, may, during the first five years after the
   imposition of uniform duties of customs, impose duties of
   customs on goods passing into that State and not originally
   imported from beyond the limits of the Commonwealth; and such
   duties shall be collected by the Commonwealth. But any duty so
   imposed on any goods shall not exceed during the first of such
   years the duty chargeable on the goods under the law of
   Western Australia in force at the imposition of uniform
   duties, and shall not exceed during the second, third, fourth,
   and fifth of such years respectively, four-fifths, three-fifths,
   two-fifths, and one-fifth of such latter duty, and all duties
   imposed under this section shall cease at the expiration of
   the fifth year after the imposition of uniform duties. If at
   any time during the five years the duty on any goods under
   this section is higher than the duty imposed by the
   Commonwealth on the importation of the like goods, then such
   higher duty shall be collected on the goods when imported into
   Western Australia from beyond the limits of the Commonwealth.

   96. During a period of ten years after the establishment of
   the Commonwealth and thereafter until the Parliament otherwise
   provides, the Parliament may grant financial assistance to any
   State on such terms and conditions as the Parliament thinks
   fit.

   97. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the laws in force
   in any Colony which has become or becomes a State with respect
   to the receipt of revenue and the expenditure of money on
   account of the Government of the Colony, and the review and
   audit of such receipt and expenditure, shall apply to the
   receipt of revenue and the expenditure of money on account of
   the Commonwealth in the State in the same manner as if the
   Commonwealth, or the Government or an officer of the
   Commonwealth, were mentioned whenever the Colony, or the
   Government or an officer of the Colony, is mentioned.

   98. The power of the Parliament to make laws with respect to
   trade and commerce extends to navigation and shipping, and to
   railways the property of any State.

   99. The Commonwealth shall not, by any law or regulation of
   trade, commerce, or revenue, give preference to one State or
   any part thereof over another State or any part thereof.

   100. The Commonwealth shall not, by any law or regulation of
   trade or commerce, abridge the right of a State or of the
   residents therein to the reasonable use of the waters of
   rivers for conservation or irrigation.

   101. There shall be an Inter-State Commission, with such
   powers of adjudication and administration as the Parliament
   deems necessary for the execution and maintenance, within the
   Commonwealth, of the provisions of this Constitution relating
   to trade and commerce, and of all laws made thereunder.

   102. The Parliament may by any law with respect to trade or
   commerce forbid, as to railways, any preference or
   discrimination by any State, or by any authority constituted
   under a State, if such preference or discrimination is undue
   and unreasonable, or unjust to any State; due regard being had
   to the financial responsibilities incurred by any State in
   connexion with the construction and maintenance of its
   railways. But no preference or discrimination shall, within
   the meaning of this section, be taken to be undue and
   unreasonable, or unjust to any State, unless so adjudged by
   the Inter-State Commission.

   103. The members of the Inter-State Commission—

   (i.) Shall be appointed by the Governor-General in Council:

   (ii.) Shall hold office for seven years, but may be removed
   within that time by the Governor-General in Council, on an
   address from both Houses of the Parliament in the same session
   praying for such removal on the ground of proved misbehaviour
   or incapacity:

   (iii.) Shall receive such remuneration as the Parliament may
   fix; but such remuneration shall not be diminished during
   their continuance in office.

{163}

   104. Nothing in this Constitution shall render unlawful any
   rate for the carriage of goods upon a railway, the property of
   a State, if the rate is deemed by the Inter-State Commission
   to be necessary for the development of the territory of the
   State, and if the rate applies equally to goods within the
   State and to goods passing into the State from other States.

   105. The Parliament may take over from the States their public
   debts as existing at the establishment of the Commonwealth, or
   a proportion thereof according to the respective numbers of
   their people as shown by the latest statistics of the
   Commonwealth, and may convert, renew, or consolidate such
   debts, or any part thereof; and the States shall indemnify the
   Commonwealth in respect of the debts taken over, and
   thereafter the interest payable in respect of the debts shall
   be deducted and retained from the portions of the surplus
   revenue of the Commonwealth payable to the several States, or
   if such surplus is insufficient, or if there is no surplus,
   then the deficiency or the whole amount shall be paid by the
   several States.


   CHAPTER V. THE STATES.

   106. The Constitution of each State of the Commonwealth shall,
   subject to this Constitution, continue as at the establishment
   of the Commonwealth, or as at the admission or establishment
   of the State, as the case may be, until altered in accordance
   with the Constitution of the State.

   107. Every power of the Parliament of a Colony which has
   become or becomes a State, shall, unless it is by this
   Constitution exclusively vested in the Parliament of the
   Commonwealth or withdrawn from the Parliament of the State,
   continue as at the establishment of the Commonwealth, or as at
   the admission or establishment of the State, as the case may
   be.

   108. Every law in force in a Colony which has become or
   becomes a State, and relating to any matter within the powers
   of the Parliament of the Commonwealth, shall, subject to this
   Constitution, continue in force in the State; and, until
   provision is made in that behalf by the Parliament of the
   Commonwealth, the Parliament of the State shall have such
   powers of alteration and of repeal in respect of any such law
   as the Parliament of the Colony had until the Colony became a
   State.

   109. When a law of a State is inconsistent with a law of the
   Commonwealth, the latter shall prevail, and the former shall,
   to the extent of the inconsistency, be invalid.

   110. The provisions of this Constitution relating to the
   Governor of a State extend and apply to the Governor for the
   time being of the State, or other chief executive officer or
   administrator of the government of the State.

   111. The Parliament of a State may surrender any part of the
   State to the Commonwealth; and upon such surrender, and the
   acceptance thereof by the Commonwealth, such part of the State
   shall become subject to the exclusive jurisdiction of the
   Commonwealth.

   112. After uniform duties of customs have been imposed, a
   State may levy on imports or exports, or on goods passing into
   or out of the State, such charges as may be necessary for
   executing the inspection laws of the State; but the net
   produce of all charges so levied shall be for the use of the
   Commonwealth; and any such inspection laws may be annulled by
   the Parliament of the Commonwealth.

   113. All fermented, distilled, or other intoxicating liquids
   passing into any State or remaining therein for use,
   consumption, sale, or storage, shall be subject to the laws of
   the State as if such liquids had been produced in the State.

   114. A State shall not, without the consent of the Parliament
   of the Commonwealth, raise or maintain any naval or military
   force, or impose any tax on property of any kind belonging to
   the Commonwealth, nor shall the Commonwealth impose any tax on
   property of any kind belonging to a State.

   115. A State shall not coin money, nor make anything but gold
   and silver coin a legal tender in payment of debts.

   116. The Commonwealth shall not make any law for establishing
   any religion, or for imposing any religious observance, or for
   prohibiting the free exercise of any religion, and no
   religious test shall be required as a qualification for any
   office or public trust under the Commonwealth.

   117. A subject of the Queen, resident in any State, shall not
   be subject in any other State to any disability or
   discrimination which would not be equally applicable to him if
   he were a subject of the Queen resident in such other State.

   118. Full faith and credit shall be given, throughout the
   Commonwealth to the laws, the public Acts and records, and the
   judicial proceedings of every State.

   119. The Commonwealth shall protect every State against
   invasion and, on the application of the Executive Government
   of the State, against domestic violence.

   120. Every State shall make provision for the detention in its
   prisons of persons accused or convicted of offences against
   the laws of the Commonwealth, and for the punishment of
   persons convicted of such offences, and the Parliament of the
   Commonwealth may make laws to give effect to this provision.


   CHAPTER VI. NEW STATES.

   121. The Parliament may admit to the Commonwealth or establish
   new States, and may upon such admission or establishment make
   or impose such terms and conditions, including the extent of
   representation in either House of the Parliament, as it thinks
   fit.

   122. The Parliament may make laws for the government of any
   territory surrendered by any State to and accepted by the
   Commonwealth, or of any territory placed by the Queen under
   the authority of and accepted by the Commonwealth, or
   otherwise acquired by the Commonwealth, and may allow the
   representation of such territory in either House of the
   Parliament to the extent and on the terms which it thinks fit.

   123. The Parliament of the Commonwealth may, with the consent
   of the Parliament of a State, and the approval of the majority
   of the electors of the State voting upon the question,
   increase, diminish, or otherwise alter the limits of the
   State, upon such terms and conditions as may be agreed on, and
   may, with the like consent, make provision respecting the
   effect and operation of any increase or diminution or
   alteration of territory in relation to any State affected.

   124. A new State may be formed by separation of territory from
   a State, but only with the consent of the Parliament thereof,
   and a new State may be formed by the union of two or more
   States or parts of States, but only with the consent of the
   Parliaments of the States affected.


{164}

   CHAPTER VII. MISCELLANEOUS.

   125. The seat of Government of the Commonwealth shall be
   determined by the Parliament, and shall be within territory
   which shall have been granted to or acquired by the
   Commonwealth, and shall be vested in and belong to the
   Commonwealth, and shall be in the State of New South Wales,
   and be distant not less than one hundred miles from Sydney.
   Such territory shall contain an area of not less than one
   hundred square miles, and such portion thereof as shall
   consist of Crown lands shall be granted to the Commonwealth
   without any payment therefor. The Parliament shall sit at
   Melbourne until it meet at the seat of Government.

   126. The Queen may authorise the Governor-General to appoint
   any person, or any persons jointly or severally, to be his
   deputy or deputies within any part of the Commonwealth, and in
   that capacity to exercise during the pleasure of the
   Governor—General such powers and functions of the
   Governor-General as he thinks fit to assign to such deputy or
   deputies, subject to any limitations expressed or directions
   given by the Queen; but the appointment of such deputy or
   deputies shall not affect the exercise by the Governor-General
   himself of any power or function.

   127. In reckoning the numbers of the people of the
   Commonwealth, or of a State or other part of the Commonwealth,
   aboriginal natives shall not be counted.


   CHAPTER VIII. ALTERATION OF THE CONSTITUTION.

   128. This Constitution shall not be altered except in the
   following manner:—The proposed law for the alteration thereof
   must be passed by an absolute majority of each House of the
   Parliament, and not less than two nor more than six months
   after its passage through both Houses the proposed law shall
   be submitted in each State to the electors qualified to vote
   for the election of members of the House of Representatives.
   But if either House passes any such proposed law by an
   absolute majority, and the other House rejects or fails to
   pass it or passes it with any amendment to which the first
   mentioned House will not agree, and if after an interval of
   three months the first-mentioned House in the same or the next
   session again passes the proposed law by an absolute majority
   with or without any amendment which has been made or agreed to
   by the other House, and such other House rejects or fails to
   pass it or passes it with any amendment to which the
   first-mentioned House will not agree, the Governor-General may
   submit the proposed law as last proposed by the
   first-mentioned House, and either with or without any
   amendments subsequently agreed to by both Houses, to the
   electors in each State qualified to vote for the election of
   the House of Representatives. When a proposed law is submitted
   to the electors the vote shall be taken in such manner as the
   Parliament prescribes. But until the qualification of electors
   of members of the House of Representatives becomes uniform
   throughout the Commonwealth, only one-half the electors voting
   for and against the proposed law shall be counted in any State
   in which adult suffrage prevails. And if in a majority of the
   States a majority of the electors voting approve the proposed
   law, and if a majority of all the electors voting also approve
   the proposed law, it shall be presented to the
   Governor-General for the Queen's assent. No alteration
   diminishing the proportionate representation of any State in
   either House of the Parliament, or the minimum number of
   representatives of a State in the House of Representatives, or
   increasing, diminishing, or otherwise altering the limits of
   the State, or in any manner affecting the provisions of the
   Constitution in relation thereto, shall become law unless the
   majority of the electors voting in that State approve the
   proposed law.

   ----------CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA: End--------

CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRIA: Parliamentary reform of, 1896.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896.

CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM:
   The working of its' electoral provisions.

      See (in this volume)
      BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895; and 1899-1900.

CONSTITUTION OF CUBA:
   The grant of autonomous government by Spain in 1897.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER);
      and 1897-1898 (NOVEMBER-FEBRUARY).

CONSTITUTION OF CUBA:
   Outline of the draft reported to the Convention of 1900-1901.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

CONSTITUTION OF DELAWARE, New.

      See (in this volume)
      DELAWARE: A. D. 1897.

CONSTITUTION OF IDAHO:
   Adoption of Woman Suffrage.

      See (in this volume)
      IDAHO: A. D. 1896.

CONSTITUTION OF LOUISIANA:
   Its discriminating educational qualification.

      See (in this volume)
      LOUISIANA: A. D. 1898.

CONSTITUTION OF MEXICO: Amendments.

   The text of the constitution of Mexico, as published in 1891,
   will be found in volume 1 [page 558] of this work, under the
   same heading as above. In 1896, the Constitution received two
   amendments promulgated by decrees published in the "Diario
   Official" on the 24th of April and the 1st of May in that
   year. Translations of these decrees were transmitted to the
   State Department at Washington by the United States Minister
   to Mexico and published in U. S. Consular Reports, July, 1896,
   from which source they are copied below. That of April 24 was
   as follows:

   The Congress of the United Mexican States, in the exercise of
   the power which article 127 of the federal constitution
   concedes to it, and with the previous approbation of the
   majority of the legislatures of the States, declares articles
   79, 80, 82, and 83 of the constitution to be amended and an
   addition to article 72 of the same, in the following tenor:

   ARTICLE. 72. Congress has power:

   XXXI. To appoint, both houses of Congress being assembled for
   such purpose, a President of the Republic, either with the
   character of substitute or with that of ad interim, to act in
   the absolute or temporary defaults of the constitutional
   President. Likewise, to replace in the respective cases and in
   equal form the substitute as well as the ad interim, if these
   in their turn should default.

   XXXII. To qualify and to decide upon the petition for leave of
   absence that the President of the Republic may make. It is the
   exclusive faculty of the House of Deputies—II. To qualify and
   decide upon the resignations of the President of the Republic
   and of the magistrates of the supreme court of justice.

{165}

   ARTICLE 79.

   I. In the absolute defaults of the President, excepting that
   arising from resignation, and in the temporary defaults,
   excepting that proceeding from permission, the Secretary of
   Foreign Relations, and in case there be none or if there
   exists an impediment, the Secretary of Government shall take
   immediate charge of the Executive power.

   II. The Congress of the union shall assemble in an
   extraordinary session the following day, in the Chamber of
   Deputies, more than half of the total number of members of
   both houses being present, the officers of the House of
   Deputies acting. If no session can be had on account of no
   quorum or for other cause, those present shall compel, from
   day unto day, the presence of the absentees, in accordance
   with the law, so as to hold the session as soon as possible.

   III. In this session, the substitute President shall be
   elected by the absolute majority of those present, and in a
   nominal and public vote, without any proposition being
   discussed therein nor anything else done but to take in the
   votes, publish them, and make a close examination and publish
   the name of the one elected.

   IV. If no one of the candidates should have received the
   absolute majority of the votes, the election shall be repeated
   as to the two who had the greater number of votes, and the one
   receiving the majority will be elected. If the competitors
   should have received an equal number of votes, and on a
   repetition of the election an equal result shall be obtained,
   then the drawing of lots shall decide the one who must be
   elected.

   V. If there be an equality of votes for more than two
   candidates, the election as to which of these shall be made,
   but if at tho same time there is another candidate who may
   have obtained a majority of votes, he shall be considered as
   first competitor, and the second shall be chosen by votes out
   of the first mentioned.

   VI. If Congress be not in session, it shall meet, without the
   necessity of a convocation, on the fourteenth day following
   that of the default, under the direction of the board of
   permanent commission which may be in duty, and shall proceed
   as already stated.

   VII. In case of absolute default caused by the renouncement of
   the President, Congress shall convene in the form set forth
   for the appointment of the substitute, and the resignation
   shall not take effect until the appointment of the substitute
   and of the legal protest by him.

   VIII. In relation to temporary defaults, from whatever cause,
   Congress shall appoint an ad interim President, observing for
   this purpose the same procedure as prescribed for the cases of
   absolute default. Should the President ask for leave of absence,
   he will, at the time of so doing, propose the citizen who must
   take his place; the permission being granted, it will not take
   effect until the ad interim (president) shall have protested,
   it being within the President's faculty to make use or not of
   said leave, or to lessen its duration. The ad interim shall
   only exercise the functions during the time of temporary
   default. The petition for permission shall be addressed to the
   House of Deputies, who shall at once deliver it to the proper
   commission for its perusal, at the same time summoning the
   Senate for an extraordinary session of Congress, before which
   the commission shall render its decision. The proposition with
   which the decision may end, if favorable, shall comprise in a
   decree of a sole article the granting of the permission and
   the approval of the proposition, which shall be decided upon
   only by one ballot.

   IX. If, on the day appointed by the constitution, the people's
   President-elect shall not enter into the discharge of his
   office, Congress shall at once appoint an ad interim
   President. If the cause of the impediment be transitory, the
   ad interim shall cease in the Presidential functions when said
   cause ceases and the President-elect enters into the discharge
   of his functions. But, should the cause be of that kind that
   produces absolute impossibility, so that the President-elect
   cannot enter into the exercise of power during the four years,
   Congress, after appointing the ad interim President, shall,
   without delay, convoke the extraordinary elections. The ad
   interim President shall cease in his functions as soon as the
   new President-elect protests, and this shall complete the
   constitutional period. Should the impediment arise from the
   fact that the election be not made or published on the 1st of
   December, a President ad interim shall also be appointed, who
   will discharge the Presidential duties until those requisites
   are complied with and the President-elect takes due protest.

   X. The defaults of the substitute President and those of the
   ad interim shall also be remedied in the manner prescribed,
   except in regard to the second, in the case when the
   constitutional President, who, having temporarily separated
   himself, may again assume the exercise of his duties.

   ARTICLE 80.
   Should the default of the President be absolute, the
   substitute appointed by Congress shall terminate the
   constitutional period.

   ARTICLE 82.
   The President, upon taking possession of his office, shall
   swear before Congress under the following formula:

   "I protest to perform loyally and patriotically the functions
   of President of the United Mexican States; to keep and cause
   to be kept, without any reserve, the constitution of 1857,
   with all its additions and reforms, the laws of reform, and
   all those laws emanating therefrom, watching everything for
   the good and prosperity of the union." The Secretary of
   Department, who may take provisional charge of the Executive
   power, in its case, is exempted from this requisite.

   The decree of May 1, 1896, was as follows:

   The Congress of the Union has decreed the following: The
   General Congress of the United Mexican States, in conformity
   with the provisions of article 127 of the federal
   constitution, and with the previous approbation of the State
   legislatures, declares articles 111 and 124 of said
   constitution amended and an addition made to same in the
   following terms:

   First.
   Section III. of article 111 of the federal constitution is
   amended, and an addition made to the said article in the
   following terms: The States shall not—

   III. Coin money, issue paper money, stamps, or stamped paper.

   IV. Obstruct the transit of persons or goods crossing its
   territory.

   V. Prohibit or molest, either directly or indirectly, the
   entrance or exit, to or from its territory, of national or
   foreign merchandise.

{166}

   VI. Obstruct the circulation or consumption of national or
   foreign goods by means of imposts or taxes that may be exacted
   through local custom-houses, by requiring the inspection or
   registration of packages, or by requiring the documentation to
   accompany the merchandise.

   VII. Decree or maintain in force laws or fiscal decrees which
   may cause differences of taxes or requisites, by reason of the
   source of national or foreign merchandise, whether these
   differences be established in regard to a like production in
   that locality or on account of like production from different
   sources.

   Second.
   Article 124 of the federal constitution is amended in the
   following terms:

   ARTICLE 124.
   It is the exclusive faculty of the federation to obstruct
   merchandise, imported or exported, or which passes in transit
   through the national territory, likewise to regulate at all
   times, and even to prohibit for reasons of policy and
   security, the circulation within the Republic of all
   merchandise from whatever source; but the said federation
   cannot establish or decree in the district or federal
   territories the taxes and laws expressed in Sections VI. and
   V. of Article 111.

   Transitory article.
   These amendments and additions shall take effect on the 1st of
   July, 1896.

CONSTITUTION OF MINNESOTA: Amendments.

      See (in this volume)
      MINNESOTA: A. D. 1896.

CONSTITUTION OF MISSISSIPPI: Amendment.

      See (in this volume)
      MISSISSIPPI: A. D. 1890-1892.

CONSTITUTION OF NEW JERSEY: Proposed Amendments.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW JERSEY: A. D. 1897.

CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK.

   The constitution of the State of New York, as revised by the
   Convention of 1894 (see, in volume 4, NEW YORK: A. D. 1894)
   [transcriber's note: volume 3, page 2350], was submitted to
   the people at the election in November that year and adopted.
   The important features of the revision were set forth in an
   address by the Convention to the people, as follows:

   "We seek to separate, in the larger cities, municipal
   elections from State and national elections to the end that
   the business affairs of our great municipal corporations may
   be managed upon their own merits, uncontrolled by national and
   State politics. … We have provided further safeguards against
   abuses in legislative procedure, by requiring that all bills
   shall be printed in their final form at least three days
   before their passage, prohibiting riders on appropriation
   bills, providing for notice to municipal authorities before
   special acts relating to the larger cities can take effect,
   prohibiting the issue of passes by railroad, telegraph and
   telephone companies to public officers, enlarging the express
   constitutional powers of the President of the Senate. … We
   have extended the prohibition against lotteries so as to
   include all pool-selling, book-making and other forms of
   gambling. … We have sought to throw greater safeguards around
   the elective franchise by prescribing a period of ninety
   instead of ten days of citizenship before that right can be
   exercised, so that naturalization may be taken out of the
   hands of campaign committees and removed from the period
   immediately before election. … We have modified the language
   relating to election so that if any mechanical device for
   recording and counting votes is so perfected as to be superior
   to the present system, the Legislature may make trial of it. We
   have established in the Constitution the well-tried and
   satisfactory system of registration of votes, forbidding,
   however, any requirement of personal attendance on the first
   day of registration in the thinly-settled regions outside of
   the cities and large villages, where voters would have long
   distances to travel to the place of registration, and we have
   provided for securing an honest and fair election by requiring
   that on all election boards election officers shall equally
   represent the two principal political parties of the State. We
   have provided for a new appointment of Senate and Assembly
   districts. … Attack has been made upon two rules laid down in
   the proposed measure for the guidance of the Legislature in
   future apportionments. One of these is the rule that no county
   shall have more than three Senators unless it shall have a full
   ratio for each Senator, although smaller counties may receive
   a Senator or an additional Senator on a major fraction of a
   ratio. … The other rule attacked is that no one county shall
   have more than one-third of all the Senators, and that New
   York and Kings county together shall not have more than
   one-half of all the Senators. … We have declared in the
   Constitution the principle of civil service reform, that
   appointments and promotions are to be based upon merit and
   ascertained so far as practicable by competitive examination.
   We have sought by this to secure not merely the advantage
   derived from declaring the principle, but the practical
   benefit of its extension to the State prisons, canals and
   other public works of the State, to which, under the existing
   Constitution, the court of last resort has decided that civil
   service rules cannot be applied. … We have prohibited the
   contract system of convict labor. … We have authorized the
   Legislature to provide for the improvement of the canals,
   without, however, borrowing money for that purpose unless the
   people expressly authorize it. … We have required the
   Legislature to provide for free public schools, in which all
   the children of the State may be educated, and we have
   prohibited absolutely the use of public money in aid of
   sectarian schools. … We have so amended the present
   Constitution as to provide for a naval as well as a land force
   of militia. … In order to allow every voter to exercise a
   choice in voting on some of the important proposed amendments,
   we have provided that the Revised Constitution shall be
   submitted to the people in three parts, viz.:

   1. That making an apportionment of Senators and members of the
   Assembly.

   2. That pertaining to the improvements of the canals.

   3. All the remainder of the proposed amendments as a whole."

      _Journal of the Constitutional Convention,
      State of New York, 1894, pages 839-846._

CONSTITUTION OF NORTH CAROLINA:
   Amendment qualifying the suffrage.

      See (in this volume)
      NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1900.

{167}

--CONSTITUTION (GRONDWET) OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC.: Start--

   The following are the Articles of main importance in the
   Grondwet or Constitution of the South African Republic:

   ARTICLE 1.
   This State shall bear the name of the South African Republic.

   ARTICLE 2.
   The form of government of this State shall be that of a
   republic.

   ARTICLE 3.
   It desires to be recognized and respected by the civilized
   world as an independent and free people.

   ARTICLE 4.
   The people seek for no extension of territory, and desire it
   only in accordance with just principles, when the interest of
   the Republic makes such extension desirable.

   ARTICLE 5.
   The people desire to retain and maintain their territory in
   South Africa unimpaired. The boundaries thereof are fixed by
   proclamation.

   ARTICLE 6.
   Its territory is open for every foreigner who obeys the laws
   of this Republic. All who are within the territory of this
   Republic have equal claims to protection of person and
   property.

   ARTICLE 7.
   The land or farms situate in this territory which have not yet
   been given out, are declared to be the property of the State.

   ARTICLE 8.
   The people claim the utmost social freedom, and expect the
   result from the maintenance of their religious belief, from
   the observance of their obligations, from submission to law,
   order and right, and the maintenance of the same. The people
   permit the spread of the Gospel among the heathen under fixed
   precautions against deceit or misleading.

   ARTICLE 9.
   The people will not allow any equalization of the coloured
   inhabitants with the white.

   ARTICLE 10.
   The people will not suffer any slave trade or slavery in this
   Republic.

   ARTICLE 11.
   The people reserve to themselves the protection and defence of
   the independence and inviolability of the State, subject to
   the laws.

   ARTICLE 12.
   The people entrust the legislation to a Volksraad—the highest
   authority in the land—consisting of representatives or
   deputies of the people, chosen by the enfranchised burghers;
   but with the reservation that a period of three months shall
   be left to the people to enable them if they so wish to
   communicate to the Volksraad their verdict on a proposed law;
   except those laws which can suffer no delay.

   ARTICLE 13.
   The people charge the President with the task of proposing and
   executing the laws; he also brings before the Volksraad the
   appointments of all civil servants for ratification.

   ARTICLE 14.
   The people entrust the maintenance of order to the military
   force, the police, and other persons appointed by the law for
   that purpose.

   ARTICLE 15.
   The people place the judicial power in the hands of a Supreme
   Court, Circuit Court, Landrosts, Juries, and such other
   persons as shall be entrusted with judicial powers, and leave
   all these free to discharge their function according to their
   judgment and consciences, according to the laws of the land.

   ARTICLE 16.
   The people shall receive from the Volksraad an estimate of the
   general income and expenses of the State, and learn therefrom
   how much every man's taxes shall amount to.

   ARTICLE 17.
   Potchefstrom, situated on the Mooi River, shall be the capital
   of the Republic, and Pretoria the seat of Government.

   ARTICLE 18.
   All services rendered on behalf of the public are remunerated
   by the public.

   ARTICLE 19.
   Freedom of the press is granted provided the printer and
   publisher remain responsible for all the documents which
   contain defamation, insult, or attacks against anyone's
   character.

   ARTICLE 20.
   The people shall only appoint as representatives in the
   Volksraad those who are members of a Protestant Church.

   ARTICLE 21.
   The people desire the growth, prosperity, and welfare of the
   State, and with this view provision for suitable school
   teachers.

   ARTICLE 22.
   Providing also that in time of peace precautionary measures
   are taken to enable the State to wage or withstand a war.

   ARTICLE 23.
   In case of a hostile attack from outside, everyone, without
   distinction, shall be held bound to lend his assistance on the
   promulgation of martial law. …

   ARTICLE 26.
   The Volksraad shall be the highest authority of the country,
   and the legislative power.

   ARTICLE 27.
   No civil servants are to be representatives of the people.

   ARTICLE 28.
   The Volksraad shall consist of at least twelve members, who
   must possess the following qualifications:-They must have
   attained the age of thirty years, and be born in the Republic,
   or have for fifteen consecutive years been burghers entitled
   to vote, be members of a Protestant Church, reside, and
   possess immovable property, in the Republic. No persons of
   notoriously bad character, or who have had a dishonouring
   sentence pronounced against them, and no uncertified or
   unrehabilitated insolvents shall be eligible. They may not be
   related to each other in the relationship of father and son or
   stepson. No coloured persons or bastards shall be admitted
   into our Assemblies. In like manner no military officer or
   official of the State, who draws a fixed annual or monthly
   salary, shall be eligible as member of the Volksraad.

   ARTICLE 29.
   The members of the Volksraad are elected by a majority of
   votes from among the electors of each district. No one shall
   be considered as elected who has not obtained at least sixty
   votes. Everyone who is born in the country and has attained
   the age of twenty-one years, or has become naturalized, shall
   be a burgher qualified to vote. The members of the Volksraad
   are elected for the period of four years. … [The above
   provisions of the Constitution, relating to the Volksraad and
   the representation of the people, were modified by the
   following among other provisions of an Act of the Volksraad
   passed in 1891:

   ARTICLE 1.
   The legislative power shall rest with a representation of the
   people, which shall consist of a First Volksraad and a Second
   Volksraad.

{168}

   ARTICLE 2.
   The First Volksraad shall be the highest authority in the
   State, just as the Volksraad was before this law came into
   operation. The First Volksraad shall be the body named the
   Volksraad until this law came into operation. From the period
   of this law coming into operation, the name of that body shall
   be altered from the Volksraad to the First Volksraad. The
   persons forming that body as members shall, however, remain
   the same, only they shall, from the said period, be named
   members of the First Volksraad instead of members of the
   Volksraad. All laws and resolutions having reference to the
   Volksraad and the members thereof shall remain in force and
   apply to the First Volksraad and the members thereof, except
   in so far as a change is or shall be made by this and later
   laws. …

   ARTICLE 4.
   The number of the members of the Second Volksraad shall be the
   same as of the First Volksraad. This number shall be fixed
   later by the First Volksraad for both Volksraads. …

   ARTICLE 9.
   The members of the First Volksraad are chosen by those
   enfranchised burghers who have obtained the burgher right,
   either before this law came into operation, or thereafter by
   birth, and have reached the age of sixteen years. The
   franchise for the First Volksraad can besides also be obtained
   by those who have during ten years been eligible for the
   Second Volksraad, by resolution of the First Volksraad, and
   according to rules to be fixed later by law.

   ARTICLE 10.
   The members of the Second Volksraad are chosen by all
   enfranchised burghers who have reached the age of sixteen
   years. …

   ARTICLE 27.
   The Second Volksraad shall have the power to pass further
   regulations on the following subjects as is necessary, either
   by law or resolution:
   (1) The department of mines.
   (2) The making and support of wagon and post roads.
   (3) The postal department.
   (4) The department of telegraphs and telephones.
   (5) The protection of inventions, samples and trademarks.
   (6) The protection of the right of the author.
   (7) The exploitation and support of the woods and salt-pans.
   (8) The prevention and coping with contagious diseases.
   (9) The condition, the rights, and obligations of companies.
   (10) Insolvency.
   (11) Civil procedure.
   (12) Criminal procedure.
   (13) Such other subjects as the First Volksraad shall decide
   later by law or resolution, or the First Volksraad shall
   specially refer to the Second Volksraad.

   ARTICLE 28.
   All laws or resolutions accepted by the Second Volksraad are
   as soon as possible, that is to say at the outside within
   forty-eight hours, communicated both to the First Volksraad
   and to the President.

   ARTICLE 29.
   The President has the right, when he has received notice from
   the Second Volksraad of the adoption of a law or a resolution,
   to bring that law or resolution before the First Volksraad for
   consideration within fourteen days after the receipt of such
   notice. The President is in any case bound, after the receipt
   of such a notice, to communicate it to the First Volksraad
   within the said time.

   ARTICLE 30.
   If the President has not brought the law or resolution as
   communicated before the First Volksraad for consideration, and
   the First Volksraad has not on its own part thought it
   necessary to take said law or resolution into consideration,
   the President shall, unless with the advice and consent of the
   Executive Council he thinks it undesirable in the interests of
   the State, be bound to have that law or resolution published
   in the first succeeding Volksraad, unless within the said
   fourteen days the First Volksraad may be adjourned, in which
   case the publication in the "Stasts Courant" shall take place
   after the lapse of eight days from the commencement of the
   first succeeding session of the First Volksraad.

   ARTICLE 31.
   The law or resolution adopted by the Second Volksraad shall
   have no force, unless published by the President in the
   "Staats Courant."

   ARTICLE 43.
   The President shall bring forward for discussion the proposals
   for laws which have come in before the Volksraad, whether the
   latter have been made known to the public three months before
   the commencement of the session, or whether the same have come
   in during the session of the Volksraad.

   ARTICLE 44.
   When the notices of laws and Government notices to the public
   have not been given in time, the President shall examine with
   whom the blame of that delay lies. A Landrost found guilty
   hereof shall have a fine of Rds. 50 inflicted and a
   Field-Cornet or lesser official of Rds. 25. …

   ARTICLE 56.
   The executive power resides in the State President, who is
   responsible to the Volksraad. He is chosen by a majority of
   the burghers entitled to vote, and for the term of five years.
   He is eligible for reelection. He must have attained the age of
   thirty years, and need not be a burgher of the State at the
   time of his nomination, and must be a member of a Protestant
   Church, and have no dishonouring sentence pronounced against
   him. [By a subsequent law the President must be chosen from
   among the burghers.]

   ARTICLE 57.
   The President is the first or highest official of the State.
   All civil servants are subordinate to him; such, however, as
   are charged with exercise of the judicial power are left
   altogether free and independent in its exercise.

   ARTICLE 58.
   As long as the President holds his position as such he shall
   fill no other, nor shall he discharge any ecclesiastical
   office, nor carry on any business. The President cannot go
   outside the boundaries of the State without consent of the
   Volksraad. However, the Executive Council shall have the power
   to grant him leave to go outside the boundaries of the State
   upon private affairs in cases of necessity. …

   ARTICLE 60.
   The President shall be discharged from his post by the
   Volksraad after conviction of misconduct, embezzlement of
   public property, treachery, or other serious crimes, and be
   treated further according to the laws.

   ARTICLE 61.
   If in consequence of transgression of the Constitution or
   other public misdemeanors the Volksraad resolve that the
   President shall be brought to trial, he shall be tried before
   a special court composed of the members of the High Court, the
   President and another member of the Volksraad, while the State
   Attorney acts as Public Prosecutor. The accused shall be
   allowed to secure assistance of a lawyer at his choice.

   ARTICLE 62.
   The President is charged with the proposing of laws to the
   Volksraad, whether his own proposals or others which have come
   in to him from the people; he must make these proposals known
   to the public by means of the "Staats Courant" three months
   before presenting them to the Volksraad, together with all
   such other documents as are judged useful and necessary by
   him.

{169}

   ARTICLE 63.
   All proposals for a law sent in to the President shall, before
   they are published, be judged by the President and Executive
   Council as to whether publication is necessary or not.

   ARTICLE 64.
   The President submits the proposals for laws to the Volksraad,
   and charges the official to whose department they belong first
   and foremost, with their explanation and defence.

   ARTICLE 65.
   As soon as the President has received the notice of the
   Volksraad that the proposed law is adopted, he shall have that
   law published within two months, and after the lapse of a
   month, to be reckoned from the publication, he shall take
   measures for the execution of the same.

   ARTICLE 66.
   Proclamation of martial law, as intended in Article 23, shall
   only be made by the President with the assent of the members
   of the Executive Council. …

   ARTICLE 67.
   The President, with advice of the Executive Council, declares
   war and peace, with reference to Article 66 of the
   Constitution; the Government having first, if possible,
   summoned the Volksraad before the declaration of war. Treaties
   of peace require the ratification of the Volksraad, which is
   summoned as soon as possible for that purpose. …

   ARTICLE 70.
   The President shall submit, yearly, at the opening of the
   Volksraad, estimates of general outgoings and income, and
   therein indicate how to cover the deficit or apply the
   surplus.

   ARTICLE 71.
   He shall also give a report during that session of that
   Volksraad, of his actions during the past year, of the
   condition of the Republic and everything that concerns its
   general interest. …

   ARTICLE 75.
   The President and one member of the Executive Council shall,
   if possible, visit the towns and villages of the Republic
   where Landrost's officers are, once in the year; he shall
   examine the state of those offices, inquire into the conduct
   of the officials, and on these circuits give the inhabitants
   during their stay an opportunity to bring before him anything
   they are interested in. …

   ARTICLE 82.
   The President exercises his power along with the Executive
   Council. An Executive Council shall be joined to the
   President, consisting of the Commandant-General, two
   enfranchised burghers, a Secretary, and a Notekeeper
   (notulenhouder), who shall have an equal vote, and bear the
   title of members of the Executive Council. The Superintendent
   of Native Affairs and the Notekeeper shall be ex-officio
   members of the Executive Council. The President and members of
   the Executive Council shall have the right to sit, but not to
   vote, in the Volksraad. The President is allowed, when
   important affairs arise, to invite the head official to be
   present in the Executive Council whose department is more
   directly concerned with the subject to be treated of. The said
   head official shall then have a vote in the Executive Council,
   be equally responsible for the resolution taken, and sign it
   along with the others.

   ARTICLE 83.
   According to the intention of Article 82 the following shall
   be considered "Head Officials": The State Attorney, Treasurer,
   Auditor, Superintendent of Education, Orphan-Master, Registrar
   of Deeds, Surveyor-General, Postmaster-General, Head of the
   Mining Department, Chief Director of the Telegraph Service,
   and Chief of Public Works.

   ARTICLE 84.
   The President shall be Chairman of the Executive Council, and
   in case of an equal division of votes have a casting vote. For
   the ratification of sentences of death, or declarations of
   war, the unanimous vote of the Executive Council shall be
   requisite for a decision. …

   ARTICLE 87.
   All resolutions of the Executive Council and official letters
   of the President must, besides being signed by him, also be
   signed by the Secretary of State. The latter is at the same
   time responsible that the contents of the resolution, or the
   letter, is not in conflict with the existing laws.

   ARTICLE 88.
   The two enfranchised burghers or members of the Executive
   Council contemplated by Article 82 are chosen by the Volksraad
   for the period of three years, the Commandant-General for ten
   years; they must be members of a Protestant Church, have had
   no sentence in a criminal court to their discredit, and have
   reached the age of thirty years.

   ARTICLE 89.
   The Secretary of State is chosen also by the Volksraad, but is
   appointed for the period of four years. On resignation or
   expiration of his term he is re-eligible. He must be a member
   of a Protestant Church, have had no sentence in a criminal
   court to his discredit, possess fixed property in the
   Republic, and have reached the age of thirty years. …

   ARTICLE 93.
   The military force consists of all the men of this Republic
   capable of bearing arms, and if necessary of all those of the
   natives within its boundaries whose chiefs are subject to it.

   ARTICLE 94.
   Besides the armed force of burghers to be called up in times
   of disturbance or war, there exists a general police and corps
   of artillery, for which each year a fixed sum is drawn upon
   the estimates.

   ARTICLE 95.
   The men of the white people capable of bearing arms are all
   men between the ages of sixteen and sixty years; and of the
   natives, only those which are capable of being made
   serviceable in the war.

   ARTICLE 96.
   For the subdivision of the military force the territory of
   this Republic is divided into field-cornetcies and districts.
   …

   ARTICLE  97.
   The men are under the orders of the following officers,
   ascending in rank: Assistant Field-Cornets, Field-Cornets,
   Commandants, and a Commandant-General.

      _Selected Official Documents of the South African Republic
      and Great Britain (Supplement to the Annals of the
      American Academy of Political and Social Science,
      July, 1900)._

--CONSTITUTION (GRONDWET) OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC.: End--

CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH CAROLINA: The revision of 1895-6.
   Disfranchisement provision.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1896.

CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH DAKOTA:
   Amendment introducing the Initiative and Referendum.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1898.

CONSTITUTION OF SWITZERLAND:
   Amendments.

      See (in this volume)
      SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1897.

{170}

CONSTITUTION OF UTAH.

      See (in this volume)
      UTAH: A. D. 1895-1896.

CONWAY, Sir W. Martin:
   Explorations of Spitzbergen.

      See (in this volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION, 1896, 1897.

COOK, or HERVEY ISLANDS:
   Annexation to New Zealand.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER).

COOMASSIE,
KUMASSI:
   Occupation by the British.
   Siege and relief.

      See (in this volume)
      ASHANTI.

COPTIC CHURCH:
   Authority of the Pope re-established.

      See (in this volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (MARCH).

COREA.

      See (in this volume)
      KOREA.

CORNWALL AND YORK, The Duke of.

      See (in this volume)
      WALES, THE PRINCE OF.

COSTA RICA.

      See (in this volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA.

COTTON-MILL STRIKE, New England.

      See (in this volume)
      INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1898.

COTTON STATES EXPOSITION, The.

      See (in this volume)
      ATLANTA: A. D. 1895.

COURT OF ARBITRATION, The Permanent.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

CREEKS, United States agreement with the.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

CRETE:
   Recent archæological explorations.
   Supposed discovery of the Palace of Minos and
   the Cretan Labyrinth.
   Fresh light on the origin of the Alphabet.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: CRETE.

CRETE: A. D. 1896.
   Conflict between Christians and Mussulmans,
   and its preceding causes.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1896.

CRETE: A. D. 1897.
   Fresh conflicts.
   Reports of the British Consul-General and others.
   Greek interference and demands for annexation to Greece.
   Action of the Great Powers.
   Blockade of the island.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

CRETE: A. D. 1897.
   Withdrawal of Greek troops.
   Acceptance of autonomy by the Greek government.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

CRETE: A. D. 1897-1898.
   Prolonged anarchy, and blockade by the Powers.
   Final departure of Turkish troops and officials.
   Government established under Prince George of Greece.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1897-1899.

CRETE: A. D. 1901.
   Successful administration of Prince George of Greece.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1901.

CRISPI, Signor:
   Ministry.

      See (in this volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1895-1896.

CRISPI, Signor:
   Parliamentary investigation of charges against.

      See (in this volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-JUNE).

CROKER, "Boss."

      See (in this volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1894-1895; and 1897.

CROMER, Viscount:
   Administration in Egypt.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1898.

CROMWELL, Oliver, Proposed statue of.

   A proposal in the English House of Commons, in 1895, to vote
   £500 for a statue of Cromwell was so violently opposed by the
   Irish members that the government was compelled to withdraw
   the item from the estimates.

CRONJE, General Piet:
   In the South African war.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER);
      and 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

CROZIER, Captain William:
   American Commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

   ----------CUBA: Start--------

[Image: Map of Cuba and West Indies.

CUBA: A. D. 1868-1885.
   Ten years of insurrection.
   The United States and Spain.
   The Affair of the Virginius.
   End of Slavery.

   "The abolition of slavery in the southern states left the
   Spanish Antilles in the enjoyment of a monopoly of slave
   labor, which, in the production of sugar, especially, gave
   them advantages which overcame all competition. This led to
   the formation of a strong Spanish party, for whom the cause of
   slavery and that of Spanish dominion were identical. These
   were known as Peninsulars or Spanish immigrants. They were the
   official class, the wealthy planters and slave-owners, and the
   real rulers of Cuba. Their central organization was the Casino
   Espagñol of Havana, which was copied in all the towns of the
   island, and through these clubs they controlled the
   volunteers, who at times numbered 60,000 or 70,000. … These
   volunteers never took the field, but held possession of all
   the cities and towns, and thus were able to defy even the
   captain-general. They were obedient to his orders only so long
   as he was acting in close accord with the wishes of their
   party. On the other hand, there was a party composed of
   Creoles, or native Cubans, whose cry was 'Cuba for the
   Cubans!' and who hoped to effect the complete separation of
   the island from Spain, either through their own efforts or
   through the assistance of the United States. …

   "The Spanish revolution of September, 1868, was the signal for
   an uprising of the native or Creole party in the eastern part
   of the island under the leadership of Cespedes. This movement
   was not at first ostensibly for independence, but for the
   revolution in Spain, the cries being, 'Hurrah for Prim!'
   'Hurrah for the Revolution!' Its real character was, however,
   apparent from the first, and its supporters continued for a
   period of ten years, without regard to the numerous
   vicissitudes through which the Spanish Government passed—the
   provisional government, the regency, the elective monarchy,
   the republic, and the restored Bourbon dynasty—to wage a
   dogged, though desultory warfare against the constituted
   authorities of the island. This struggle was almost
   conterminous with President Grant's Administration of eight
   years."
{171}
   President Grant made early offers of mediation between Spain
   and the insurgents, but no agreement as to terms could be
   reached. An increasing sympathy with the Cubans raised demands
   in the United States for their recognition as belligerents,
   with belligerent rights, and the President is said to have
   been ready to yield to the demand, but was deterred by the
   influence of his Secretary of State, Mr. Fish, who contended
   that the insurgents had established no government that could
   claim such rights. The Cuban sympathizers in Congress were
   accordingly checked by an opposing message (June 13, 1870),
   and no interference occurred.

   "In February, 1873, when King Amadeus resigned his crown and a
   republic was proclaimed in Spain, the United States made haste to
   give the new government recognition and support, which led to
   friendly relations between the two countries for a time, and
   promised happy results. The Spanish republicans were being
   urged to give the Cubans self-government and end slavery in
   the whole Spanish domain, and they were lending, at least, a
   considerate ear to the advice. But negotiation on that topic
   was soon disturbed. On October 31, 1873, the steamer
   'Virginius,' sailing under American colors and carrying a
   United States registry, was captured on the high seas by the
   'Tornado,' a Spanish war vessel, and on the afternoon of the
   first of November taken into the port of Santiago de Cuba. The
   men and supplies she bore were bound for the insurgents, but
   the capture did not occur in Cuban waters. General Burriel,
   the commandant of the city, summoned a court-martial, and, in
   spite of the protests of the American consul, condemned to
   death—at the first sitting—four of the passengers—General W.
   A. C. Ryan, an Irish patriot, and three Cubans. They were shot
   on the morning of November 4. On the 7th twelve other
   passengers were executed, and on the 8th Captain Fry and his
   entire crew, numbering 36, making the total number of
   executions 53." This barbarous procedure caused hot excitement
   in the United States, and demands for reparation were made so
   sharply that the two countries came near to war. In the end it
   was shown that the "Virginius" was sailing under the American
   flag without right, being owned by Cubans and controlled by
   them. The vessel was surrendered, however, but foundered off
   Cape Fear, while being conveyed to the United States. Her
   surviving passengers were released, and an indemnity was paid
   for all who were put to death. The brutal officer who took
   their lives was never brought to justice, though his
   punishment was promised again and again. On the settlement of
   the Virginius question, the government of the United States
   resumed its efforts to wring concessions to the Cubans from
   Spain, and sought to have its efforts supported by Great
   Britain and other European powers. Cold replies came from all
   the cabinets that were approached. At the same time, the
   Spanish government met the demand from America with promises
   so lavish (April, 1876), going so far in appearance towards
   all that had been asked, that no ground for intervention
   seemed left. The act of Secretary Fish, in proposing
   intervention to foreign powers, was sharply criticised as a
   breach of the Monroe doctrine; but he made no defense.

   "The Cuban struggle continued for two years longer. In
   October, 1877, several leaders surrendered to the Spanish
   authorities and undertook the task of bringing over the few
   remaining ones. Some of these paid for their efforts with
   their lives, being taken and condemned by court-martial, by
   order of the commander of the Cuban forces. Finally, in
   February, 1878, the terms of pacification [under an agreement
   called the Treaty of El Zanjon] were made known. They embraced
   representation in the Spanish Cortes, oblivion of the past as
   regarded political offences committed since the year 1868, and
   the freedom of slaves in the insurgent ranks. In practice,
   however, the Cuban deputies were never truly representative,
   but were men of Spanish birth, designated usually by the
   captain-general. By gradual emancipation, slavery ceased to
   exist in the island in 1885. The powers of the
   captain-general, the most objectionable feature of Spanish
   rule, continued uncurtailed."

      _J. H. Latané,
      The Diplomatic Relations of the United States
      and Spanish America,
      chapter 3._

CUBA: A. D. 1895.
   Insurrection renewed.

   Early in 1895 a new uprising of the oppressed Cubans was
   begun, and on the 7th of December, in that year, T. Estrada
   Palma, writing as their authorized representative, presented
   to the State Department at Washington a statement setting
   forth the causes of the revolt and describing its state of
   organization at that time. The causes, he wrote, "are
   substantially the same as those of the former revolution,
   lasting from 1868 to 1878, and terminating only on the
   representation of the Spanish Government that Cuba would be
   granted such reforms as would remove the grounds of complaint
   on the part of the Cuban people. Unfortunately the hopes thus
   held out have never been realized. The representation which
   was to be given the Cubans has proved to be absolutely without
   character; taxes have been levied anew on everything
   conceivable; the offices in the island have increased, but the
   officers are all Spaniards; the native Cubans have been left
   with no public duties whatsoever to perform, except the
   payment of taxes to the Government and blackmail to the
   officials, without privilege even to move from place to place
   in the island except on the permission of the governmental
   authority. Spain has framed laws so that the natives have
   substantially been deprived of the right of suffrage. The
   taxes levied have been almost entirely devoted to support the
   army and navy in Cuba, to pay interest on the debt that Spain
   has saddled on the island, and to pay the salaries of the vast
   number of Spanish officeholders, devoting only $746,000 for
   internal improvements out of the $26,000,000 collected by tax.
   No public schools are within reach of the masses for their
   education. All the principal industries of the island are
   hampered by excessive imposts. Her commerce with every country
   but Spain has been crippled in every possible manner, as can
   readily be seen by the frequent protests of shipowners and
   merchants. The Cubans have no security of person or property.
   The judiciary are instruments of the military authorities.
   Trial by military tribunals can be ordered at any time at the
   will of the Captain-General. There is, beside, no freedom of
   speech, press, or religion. In point of fact, the causes of
   the Revolution of 1775 in this country were not nearly as
   grave as those that have driven the Cuban people to the
   various insurrections which culminated in the present
   revolution. …

{172}

   "Years before the outbreak of the present hostilities the
   people within and without the island began to organize, with a
   view of preparing for the inevitable revolution, being
   satisfied, after repeated and patient endeavors, that peaceful
   petition was fruitless. In order that the movement should be
   strong from the beginning, and organized both as to civil and
   military administration, the Cuban Revolutionary party was
   founded, with José Marti at its head. The principal objects
   were by united efforts to obtain the absolute independence of
   Cuba, to promote the sympathy of other countries, to collect
   funds with these objects in view, and to invest them in
   munitions of war. The military organization of this movement
   was completed by the election of Maximo Gomez as commander in
   chief. This election was made by the principal officers who
   fought in the last revolution. The time for the uprising was
   fixed at the solicitation of the people in Cuba, who protested
   that there was no hope of autonomy, and that their deposits of
   arms and ammunition were in danger of being discovered and
   their leaders arrested. A large amount of war material was
   then bought by Marti, and vessels chartered to transport it to
   Cuba, where arrangements were made for its reception in the
   provinces of Santiago, Puerto Principe, and Santa Clara; but
   at Fernandina, Florida, it was seized by the United States
   authorities. Efforts were successfully made for the
   restitution of this material; nevertheless valuable time and
   opportunity was thus lost. The people in Cuba clamored for the
   revolution to proceed immediately, and in consequence the
   uprising was not further postponed. The date fixed for the
   uprising was the 24th of February. The people responded in
   Santiago, Santa Clara, and Matanzas. The provinces of Puerto
   Principe and Pinar del Rio did not respond, owing to lack of
   arms. In Puerto Principe rigorous search had previous to the
   24th been instituted, and all arms and ammunition confiscated
   by the Government. The leaders in the provinces of Matanzas
   and Santa Clara were imprisoned, and so the movement there was
   checked for the time being. … In the province of Santiago the
   revolution rapidly increased in strength under the leadership
   of Bartolome Masso; one of the most influential and respected
   citizens of Manzanillo; Guillermo Moncada, Jesus Rabi, Pedro
   Perez, Jose Miro, and others. It was characterized by the
   Spanish Government as a negro and bandit movement, but many of
   the most distinguished and wealthy white citizens of the
   district flocked to the insurgent camp. …

   On the 1st of April, Generals Antonio and José Maceo, Flor
   Crombet, and Augustin Cebreco, all veteran leaders in the
   former revolt, landed at Duaba, in the province of Santiago,
   and thousands rose to join them. Antonio Maceo then took
   command of the troops in that province, and on the 11th of
   April a detachment received Generals Maximo Gomez, José Marti,
   Francisco Borrerro, and Angel Guerra. Captain-General Calleja
   was, on the 16th of April, succeeded by General Arsenio
   Martinez Campos, the present commander in chief of the Spanish
   forces, who has the reputation of being Spain's greatest living
   general. … The military organization of the Cubans is ample
   and complete. Major General Maximo Gomez is the commander in
   chief, as we have said, of all the forces, a veteran of the
   last revolution, as indeed are all the generals almost without
   exception. Major General Antonio Maceo is second in command of
   the army of liberation, and was, until called upon to
   cooperate with the commander in chief in the late march to the
   western province, in command of Santiago. The army is at
   present divided into five corps—two in Santiago, one in Puerto
   Principe, and two in Santa Clara and Matanzas. …

   "As above indicated, Jose Marti was the head of the
   preliminary civil organization, and he, immediately upon
   landing with Gomez in Cuba, issued a call for the selection of
   representatives of the Cuban people to form a civil
   government. His death [in an engagement at Boca de Dos Rios,
   May 19] postponed for a time the selection of these men, but
   in the beginning of September the call previously issued was
   complied with. Representatives from each of the provinces of
   Santiago, Puerto Principe, Santa Clara, and the western part
   of the island, comprising the provinces of Matanzas and
   Havana, making twenty in all, were elected to the constituent
   assembly, which was to establish a civil government,
   republican in form. … A constitution of the Republic of Cuba
   was adopted on the 16th of September. … On the 18th of
   September … officers of the Government were elected by the
   constituent assembly in accordance with the terms of the
   constitution. …

   "The Spaniards charge, in order to belittle the insurrection,
   that it is a movement of negroes. It should be remembered that
   not more than one-third of the entire population are of the
   colored race. As a matter of fact, less than one-third of the
   army are of the colored race. Take, for instance, the generals
   of corps, divisions, and brigades; there are but three of the
   colored race, namely, Antonio and José Maceo and Augustin
   Cebreco, and these are mulattoes whose deeds and victories
   have placed them far above the generals of those who pretend
   to despise them. None of the members of the constituent
   assembly or of the government are of the colored race. The
   Cubans and the colored race are as friendly in this war as
   they were in times of peace. …

   "The subject … which has caused probably the most discussion
   is the order of General Gomez to prevent the grinding of sugar
   cane and in case of the disobedience of said order the
   destruction of the crop. … The reasons underlying this measure
   are the same which caused this country to destroy the cotton
   crop and the baled cotton in the South during the war of the
   secession. The sugar crop is a source of large income to the
   Spanish Government, directly by tax and export duty, as well
   as indirectly. The action of the insurgents is perfect]y
   justified, because it is simply a blockade, so to speak, on
   land—a prevention of the gathering, and hence the export, of
   the commodity with, naturally, a punishment for the violation
   thereof. …

{173}

   "In view of the history of this revolution as herein stated,
   in view of the causes which led to it, its rapid growth, its
   successes in arms, the establishment, operation, and resources
   of the Government of the Cuban Republic, the organization,
   number, and discipline of its army, the contrast in the
   treatment of prisoners to that of the enemy, the territory in
   its control and subject to the carrying out of its decrees, of
   the futility of the attempts of the Spanish Government to crush
   the revolution, in spite of the immense increase of its army
   in Cuba and of its blockade and the many millions spent for
   that purpose, the cruelties which on the part of the Spanish
   have especially characterized this sanguinary and fiercely
   conducted war, and the damage to the interests of the citizens
   of this country under the present conditions, I, as the duly
   accredited representative, in the name of the Cuban people in
   arms who have fought singly and alone against the monarchy of
   Spain for nearly a year, in the heart of a continent devoted
   to republican institutions, in the name of justice, in the
   name of humanity, in the name of liberty, petition you, and
   through you the Government of the United States of America, to
   accord the rights of belligerency to a people fighting for
   their absolute independence."

      _United States, 54th Congress, 1st Session,
      Senate Document Number 166._

CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.
   Captain-General Campos succeeded by General Weyler.
   Weyler's Concentration Order and other edicts.
   Death of Antonio Maceo.
   Weyler succeeded by Blanco.

   In January, 1896, Governor and Captain-General Campos, whose
   policy had been as humane and conciliatory as his Spanish
   surroundings would permit it to be, was recalled, and Don
   Valeriano Weyler y Nicolau, Marquis of Teneriffe, and lately
   Captain-General of Catalonia, was sent to take his place.
   General Weyler arrived at Havana on the 10th of February, and
   six days later, before he could possibly have acquired any
   personal knowledge of the conditions with which he had to
   deal, he issued three military edicts, in which a policy of
   merciless ruin to the island was broadly set forth. The first
   of these edicts or proclamations commanded as follows:

   "Article 1.
   All inhabitants of the district of Sancti Spiritus and the
   provinces of Puerto Principe and Santiago de Cuba will have to
   concentrate in places which are the headquarters of a
   division, a brigade, a column, or a troop, and will have to be
   provided with documentary proof of identity, within eight days
   of the publication of this proclamation in the municipalities.

   "Article 2.
   To travel in the country in the radius covered by the columns
   in operation, it is absolutely indispensable to have a pass
   from the mayor, military commandants, or chiefs of
   detachments. Anyone lacking this will be detained and sent to
   headquarters of divisions or brigades, and thence to Havana,
   at my disposition, by the first possible means. Even if a pass
   is exhibited, which is suspected to be not authentic or granted
   by authority to person with known sympathy toward the
   rebellion, or who show favor thereto, rigorous measures will
   result to those responsible.

   "Article 3.
   All owners of commercial establishments in the country
   districts will vacate them, and the chiefs of columns will
   take such measures as the success of their operations dictates
   regarding such places which, while useless for the country's
   wealth, serve the enemy as hiding places in the woods and in
   the interior.

   "Article 4.
   All passes hitherto issued hereby become null and void."

   The order of "concentration" contained in the first article of
   this decree was slowly executed, but ultimately it produced
   horrors of suffering and death which words could hardly
   describe. The second of Weyler's edicts delegated his own
   unlimited "judicial attributes," for the enforcement of the
   "military code of justice," to certain subordinate commanders,
   and gave sharp directions for their exercise. The third
   specified a large number of offenses as being "subject to
   military law," including in the category every use of tongue
   or pen that could be construed as "favorable to the
   rebellion," or as injurious to the "prestige" of the Spanish
   army, or "the volunteers, or firemen, or any other force that
   co-operates with the army." It is said to have been nearly a
   year before the Weyler policy of "concentration" was generally
   carried out; but even before that occurred the misery of the
   country had become very great. Both parties in the war were
   recklessly laying waste the land. The insurgent leaders had
   published orders for a total destruction of sugar factories
   and plantations, because the product supplied revenues to
   Spain; and now the Spanish governor struck all traffic and
   industry down in the rural districts, by driving the
   inhabitants from their homes and fields, to concentrate and
   pen them up in certain prescribed places, with practically no
   provision for employment, or shelter or food. At the close of
   the year 1896 the state of suffering in the island was not yet
   at its worst; but already it was riveting the attention of the
   neighboring people of the United States, exciting a hot
   feeling against Spain and a growing desire for measures on the
   part of the American government to bring it to an end.
   Repeated attempts had already been made by frothy politicians
   in Congress to force the country into an attitude toward Spain
   that would challenge war; but the Executive, supported by a
   congressional majority, and by the better opinion of the
   American public, adhered with firmness to a policy which aimed
   at the exhausting of pacific influences in favor of the Cuban
   cause. In his annual message to Congress at the opening of the
   session in December, 1896, President Cleveland set forth the
   situation in the following words:

   "It is difficult to perceive that any progress has thus far
   been made towards the pacification of the island. … If Spain
   still holds Havana and the seaports and all the considerable
   towns, the insurgents still roam at will over at least
   two-thirds of the inland country. If the determination of
   Spain to put down the insurrection seems but to strengthen
   with the lapse of time, and is evinced by her unhesitating
   devotion of largely increased military and naval forces to the
   task, there is much reason to believe that the insurgents have
   gained in point of numbers, and character, and resources, and
   are none the less inflexible in their resolve not to succumb,
   without practically securing the great objects for which they
   took up arms. If Spain has not yet re-established her
   authority, neither have the insurgents yet made good their
   title to be regarded as an independent state. Indeed, as the
   contest has gone on, the pretense that civil government exists
   on the island, except so far as Spain is able to maintain it,
   has been practically abandoned. Spain does keep on foot such a
   government, more or less imperfectly, in the large towns and
   their immediate suburbs. But, that exception being made, the
   entire country is either given over to anarchy or is subject
   to the military occupation of one or the other party. … In
   pursuance of general orders, Spanish garrisons are now being
   withdrawn from plantations and the rural population required
   to concentrate itself in the towns. The sure result would seem
   to be that the industrial value of the island is fast
   diminishing, and that unless there is a speedy and radical
   change in existing conditions, it will soon disappear
   altogether. …

{174}

   "The spectacle of the utter ruin of an adjoining country, by
   nature one of the most fertile and charming on the globe,
   would engage the serious attention of the Government and
   people of the United States in any circumstances. In point of
   fact, they have a concern with it which is by no means of a
   wholly sentimental or philanthropic character. It lies so near
   to us as to be hardly separated from our territory. Our actual
   pecuniary interest in it is second only to that of the people
   and Government of Spain. It is reasonably estimated that at
   least from $30,000,000 to $50,000,000 of American capital are
   invested in plantations and in railroad, mining, and other
   business enterprises on the island. The volume of trade
   between the United States and Cuba, which in 1889 amounted to
   about $64,000,000, rose in 1893 to about $103,000,000, and in
   1894, the year before the present insurrection broke out,
   amounted to nearly $96,000,000. Besides this large pecuniary
   stake in the fortunes of Cuba, the United States finds itself
   inextricably involved in the present contest in other ways
   both vexatious and costly. … These inevitable entanglements of
   the United States with the rebellion in Cuba, the large
   American property interests affected, and considerations of
   philanthropy and humanity in general, have led to a vehement
   demand in various quarters, for some sort of positive
   intervention on the part of the United States. …

   "It would seem that if Spain should offer to Cuba genuine
   autonomy—a measure of home rule which, while preserving the
   sovereignty of Spain, would satisfy all rational requirements
   of her Spanish subjects—there should be no just reason why the
   pacification of the island might not be effected on that
   basis. Such a result would appear to be in the true interest
   of all concerned. … It has been objected on the one side that
   Spain should not promise autonomy until her insurgent subjects
   lay down their arms; on the other side, that promised
   autonomy, however liberal, is insufficient, because without
   assurance of the promise being fulfilled. … Realizing that
   suspicions and precautions on the part of the weaker of two
   combatants are always natural and not always
   unjustifiable—being sincerely desirous in the interest of both
   as well as on its own account that the Cuban problem should be
   solved with the least possible delay—it was intimated by this
   Government to the Government of Spain some months ago that, if
   a satisfactory measure of home rule were tendered the Cuban
   insurgents, and would be accepted by them upon a guaranty of
   its execution, the United States would endeavor to find a way
   not objectionable to Spain of furnishing such guaranty. While
   no definite response to this intimation has yet been received
   from the Spanish Government, it is believed to be not
   altogether unwelcome, while, as already suggested, no reason
   is perceived why it should not be approved by the insurgents. …

   "It should be added that it can not be reasonably assumed that
   the hitherto expectant attitude of the United States will be
   indefinitely maintained. While we are anxious to accord all
   due respect to the sovereignty of Spain, we can not view the
   pending conflict in all its features, and properly apprehend
   our inevitably close relations to it, and its possible
   results, without considering that by the course of events we
   may be drawn into such an unusual and unprecedented condition,
   as will fix a limit to our patient waiting for Spain to end
   the contest, either alone and in her own way, or with our
   friendly co-operation."

      _President Cleveland's Message to Congress,
      December 7, 1896._

   Just at this time (December 7, 1896) the Cuban insurgents
   suffered a serious calamity, in the death of Antonio Maceo,
   the heroic mulatto, who seems to have been the most soldierly
   and inspiring of their leaders. He had broken through the
   "trocha," or fortified line across the island, by which the
   Spaniards were endeavoring to hold its western part, and had
   been troubling them in the province of Pinar del Rio for some
   months. At length he was killed in an unimportant skirmish,
   and much of the vigor of the insurrection appears to have gone
   out of it when he died. The obstinacy of spirit remained,
   nevertheless, and all the merciless energy of Weyler only
   spread death and misery, without opening any prospect of an
   end to the state of war. Spain was being utterly exhausted by
   the immense cost of the struggle; Cuba was being ruined and
   depopulated; yet neither would yield. The oppressors would not
   set their victims free; the oppressed would not submit. But,
   politically, the situation continued for another year as it
   had been when described by President Cleveland at the close of
   1896. The only visible authority was that which the Spaniards
   maintained here and there. The revolutionists established no
   government that could reasonably be given the name, and their
   "Republic of Cuba," which foolish people in the United States
   were clamoring to have recognized, existed on paper alone. To
   concede "belligerent rights" to the scattered bands of
   insurgents would only bring them under crippling rules of
   international law, and do no good to their cause. President
   McKinley, who succeeded President Cleveland in March, 1897,
   made no change in the policy which the latter had pursued. He
   continued the insistent pressure by which it was sought to
   persuade the Spanish government to give a satisfying measure
   of free government to its great dependency. After some months
   there appeared to be a fair promise of success. The Liberal
   party had come into power at Madrid, with Sagasta at its head.
   In October, Weyler was recalled, General Blanco took his place,
   and a new constitution for Cuba was announced, giving the
   colony what seemed to be a fairly autonomous government, under
   a parliament of its own. In his message to Congress the
   following December, President McKinley was able to meet the
   continued clamor for more violent measures of interference by
   saying: "It is honestly due to Spain, and to our friendly
   relations with Spain, that she should be given a reasonable
   chance to realize her expectations, and to prove the asserted
   efficacy of the new order of things to which she stands
   irrevocably committed. She has recalled the commander whose
   brutal orders inflamed the American mind and shocked the
   civilized world. She has modified the horrible order of
   concentration, and has undertaken to care for the helpless and
   permit those who desire to resume the cultivation of their
   fields to do so, and assures them the protection of the
   Spanish Government in their lawful occupations."
{175}
   But the awful tragedy of suffering among the
   "reconcontrados" had excited lookers-on to such a pitch that
   the conduct of Spain in any new line of policy could no longer
   be fairly judged. There had been attempts on the part of the
   Spanish authorities to give some relief to the starved and
   perishing multitude, and help to that end had been accepted
   from the United States. The American Red Cross Society, with
   Miss Clara Barton at its head, entered the island in December,
   with vast stores of food and hospital supplies, and a strong
   force of generous workers; but the need was far beyond their
   means. The tale of death and misery in the stricken country
   seemed to grow more sickening every day.

CUBA: A. D. 1897 (November).
   Constitution establishing self-government in the islands of
   Cuba and Porto Rico, promulgated by Royal Decree.

   The following is a translation of the text of the Constitution
   establishing self-government in the islands of Cuba and Porto
   Rico which was promulgated by royal decree at Madrid on the
   25th of November, 1897:

   Upon the proposition of my Prime Minister, and with the
   concurrence of the Council of Ministers in the name of my
   august son, King Alfonso XIII, and as Queen Regent of the
   Kingdom, I hereby decree as follows:

[Footnote Start]
   EXPLANATORY NOTE.
   To facilitate the understanding of this decree and to avoid
   confusion as to the legal value of the terms employed therein
   the following definitions are to be observed:

   Central Executive Power: The King with his Council of Ministers.
   The Spanish Parliament: The Cortes with the King.
   The Spanish Chambers: The Congress and the Senate.
   The Central Government: The Council of Ministers of the Kingdom.
   The Colonial Parliament: The two Chambers with
   the Governor-General.
   The Colonial Chambers: The Council of Administration
   and the Chamber of Representatives.
   Colonial Legislative Assemblies: The Council of Administration
   and the Chamber of Representatives.
   Governor-General in Council: The Governor-General
   with the Secretaries of his Cabinet.
   Instructions of the Governor-General: Those which he may have
   received when named for his office.
   Statute: Colonial measure of a legislative character.
   Colonial Statutes: Colonial Legislation.
   Legislation or General Laws: Legislation or laws of the Kingdom.
[Footnote End]

   TITLE I.
   GOVERNMENT AND CIVIL ADMINISTRATION IN THE ISLANDS
   OF CUBA AND PORTO RICO.

   ARTICLE 1.
   The system of government and civil administration in the
   islands of Cuba and Porto Rico shall hereafter be carried on
   in conformity with the following provisions:

   ARTICLE 2.
   Each island shall be governed by an insular parliament,
   consisting of two chambers, and by the Governor-General,
   representing the mother country, who shall exercise supreme
   authority.

   TITLE II.
   THE INSULAR CHAMBERS.

   ARTICLE 3.
   The legislative power as to colonial matters in the shape and
   manner prescribed by law, shall be vested in the insular
   chambers conjointly with the Governor-General.

   ARTICLE 4.
   Insular representation shall consist of two bodies of equal
   powers, which shall be known as chamber of representatives and
   council of administration.

   TITLE III.
   COUNCIL OF ADMINISTRATION.

   ARTICLE 5.
   The council shall be composed of thirty-five members, of whom
   eighteen shall be elected in the manner directed by the
   electoral law and seventeen shall be appointed by the
   Governor-General acting for the Crown, from among such persons
   as have the qualifications specified in the following
   articles:

   ARTICLE 6.
   To be entitled to sit in the council of administration it is
   necessary to be a Spanish subject; to have attained the age of
   thirty-five years; to have been born in the island, or to have
   had four years' constant residence therein; not to be subject
   to any pending criminal prosecution; to be in the full
   enjoyment of his political rights; to have his property free
   from attachment; to have had for two or more years previous an
   annual income of four thousand dollars; to have no interest in
   any contract with either the insular or the home government.
   The shareholders of a stock company shall not be considered as
   government contractors, even if the company has a contract
   with the government.

   ARTICLE 7.
   Persons are also qualified to serve as councilors who, besides
   the above-stated requirements, have any of the following
   qualifications:

   1. To be or to have been a senator of the Kingdom, or to
   possess the requirements for being a senator, in conformity
   with Article III of the constitution.

   2. To have held for a period of two years any of the following
   offices: President, or prosecuting attorney of the pretorian
   court of Havana; rector of the University of Havana; councilor
   of administration in the council formerly thus designated;
   president of the Havana Chamber of Commerce; president of the
   Economic Society of Friends of the Country; president of the
   Sugar Planters' Association; president of the Tobacco
   Manufacturers' Union; president of the Merchants, Tradesmen's,
   and Agriculturalists' League; dean of the bar of Havana; mayor
   of Havana; president of the provincial assembly of Havana
   during two terms or of any provincial assembly during three
   terms; dean of either of the chapters of the two cathedrals.
   3. Likewise may be elected or appointed as councilor any
   property owner from among the fifty taxpayers paying the
   highest taxes, either on real estate or on industries,
   commerce, arts, and the professions.

   ARTICLE 8.
   The councilors appointed by the Crown shall be appointed by
   special decrees, stating the qualification entitling the
   appointee to serve as councilor. Councilors thus appointed
   shall hold office for life. One-half the number of elective
   councilors shall be elected every five years, and the whole
   number shall be elected whenever the council of administration
   shall be dissolved by the Governor-General.

   ARTICLE 9.
   The qualifications required in order to be appointed or
   elected councilor of administration may be changed by a
   national law, at the request or upon the proposition of the
   insular chambers.

   ARTICLE 10.
   No councilor shall, during the session of the council, accept
   any civil office, promotion (unless it be strictly by
   seniority), title, or decoration; but any councilor may be
   appointed by either the local or the home government to any
   commission within his own profession or category, whenever the
   public service shall require it. The secretaries of the
   insular government shall be excepted from the foregoing rule.

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   TITLE IV.
   THE CHAMBER OF REPRESENTATIVES.

   ARTICLE 11.
   The chamber of representatives shall be composed of members
   named by the electoral boards in the manner prescribed by law
   and in the proportion of one for every twenty-five thousand
   inhabitants.

   ARTICLE 12.
   To be elected as representative the candidate must have the
   following requirements: To be a Spanish citizen, to be a
   layman, to have attained his majority, to be in full enjoyment
   of civil rights, to have been born in the island or to have
   had four years' constant residence therein, and not to be
   subject to any pending criminal prosecution.

   ARTICLE 13.
   Representatives shall be elected every five years, and any
   representative may be re-elected any number of times. The
   insular chamber shall determine what classes of offices are
   incompatible with the office of representative, as well as the
   cases governing re-election.

   ARTICLE 14.
   Any representative upon whom either the local or home
   government shall confer a pension, or any employment,
   promotion (unless it be by strict seniority), paid commission,
   title, or decoration, shall cease to be such without necessity
   of any declaration to that effect, unless he shall within fifteen
   days of his appointment notify the chamber of his having
   declined the favor. The provisions of the preceding paragraph
   shall not include the representatives who shall be appointed
   members of the cabinet.

   TITLE V.
   PROCEEDINGS OF THE INSULAR CHAMBERS AND THEIR RELATIONS
   TO EACH OTHER.

   ARTICLE 15.
   The chambers will meet every year. The King, the
   Governor-General acting in his name, shall convene, suspend,
   and adjourn the sessions and dissolve the chamber of
   representatives and the council of administration, either
   separately or simultaneously, under the obligation to call
   them together again or renew them within three months.

   ARTICLE 16.
   Each of the two legislative bodies shall determine the rules
   of their proceedings and shall be the judges of the
   qualifications of their respective members and the legality of
   their election. Until the chamber and the council shall pass
   their own rules, they shall be governed by the rules of the
   national house of representatives and of the senate,
   respectively.

   ARTICLE 17.
   Each chamber shall choose its president, vice-president and
   secretaries.

   ARTICLE 18.
   Neither chamber shall sit unless the other be sitting also,
   except when the council exercises judicial functions.

   ARTICLE 19.
   The two insular chambers shall not deliberate together nor in
   the presence of the Governor-General. The sessions shall be
   public, but either chamber may hold secret sessions whenever
   business of a private nature shall require it.

   ARTICLE 20.
   To the Governor-General, through his secretaries, as well as
   to either of the two chambers, belongs the power to initiate
   and propose colonial statutes.

   ARTICLE 21.
   All colonial statutes in regard to taxes and the public credit
   shall originate in the chamber of representatives.

   ARTICLE 22.
   Resolutions may be passed by either chamber by a plurality of
   votes; but in order to pass a measure of a legislative
   character a majority of all the members constituting the body
   must be present. Nevertheless, one-third of the members shall
   constitute a quorum for deliberation.

   ARTICLE 23.
   No resolution or law shall be considered passed by the insular
   parliament unless it has had the concurrence of the chamber of
   representatives and the council of administration.

   ARTICLE 24.
   Every colonial statute, as soon as it has been approved in the
   form prescribed in the preceding article, shall be presented
   to the Governor-General by the officers of both chambers for
   his sanction and proclamation of the same.

   ARTICLE 25.
   Members of the council and the chamber of representatives
   shall have immunity for any speech or vote in either chamber.

   ARTICLE 26.
   No councilor of administration shall be indicted or arrested
   without a previous resolution of the council, unless he shall
   be found "in flagranti" or the council shall not be in
   session, but in every case notice shall be given to that body
   as soon as possible, that it may determine what should be
   done. Nor shall the representatives be indicted or arrested
   during the sessions without the permission of the chamber
   unless they are found "in flagranti," but in this last case,
   or in case of indictment or arrest when the chamber is not
   sitting, notice shall be given as soon us possible to the
   chamber of representatives for its information and action. All
   proceedings against councilors and representatives shall be
   brought before the pretorian court at Havana in the cases and
   manner that shall be prescribed by colonial statutes.

   ARTICLE 27.
   The guarantees established in the foregoing section shall not
   apply to a councilor or representative who shall himself admit
   that he is the author of any article, book, pamphlet, or
   printed matter wherein military sedition is incited or
   invoked, or the Governor-General is insulted and maligned, or
   national sovereignty is assailed.

   ARTICLE 28.
   The relations between the two chambers shall be governed,
   until otherwise provided, by the act of July 19, 1837,
   regulating the relations between the two legislative houses of
   the Cortes.

   ARTICLE 29.
   Besides the power of enacting laws for the colony the insular
   chambers shall have power:

   1. To receive the oath of the Governor-General to preserve the
   constitution and the laws which guarantee the autonomy of the
   colony.

   2. To enforce the responsibility of the secretaries of the
   executive, who shall be tried by the council, whenever
   impeached by the chamber of representatives.

   3. To address the home government through the
   Governor-General, proposing the abrogation or modification of
   existing laws of the Kingdom; to invite the home government to
   present bills as to particular matters, or to ask a decision
   of an executive character on matters which interest the
   colony.

   ARTICLE 30.
   The Governor-General shall communicate to the home government
   before presenting to the insular parliament any bill
   originating in the executive government of the island
   whenever, in his judgment, said bill may affect national
   interests. Should any such bill originate in the insular
   parliament, the government of the island shall ask for a
   postponement of the debate until the home government shall
   have given its opinion. In either case the correspondence
   passing between the two governments shall be laid before the
   chambers and published in the official Gazette.

{177}

   ARTICLE 31.
   All differences of jurisdiction between the several municipal,
   provincial, and insular assemblies, or between any of them and
   the executive, which by their nature may not be referred to
   the home government, shall be submitted to the courts of
   justice in accordance with the rules herein prescribed.

   TITLE VI.
   POWERS VESTED IN THE INSULAR PARLIAMENT.

   ARTICLE 32.
   The insular chambers shall have power to pass upon all matters
   not specially and expressly reserved to the Cortes of the
   Kingdom or to the central government as herein provided, or as
   may be provided hereafter, in accordance with the prescription
   set forth in additional Article 2. In this manner, and without
   implying that the following enumeration presupposes any
   limitation of their power to legislate on other subjects, they
   shall have power to legislate on all matters and subjects
   concerning the departments of justice, interior, treasury,
   public works, education, and agriculture.

   They shall likewise have exclusive cognizance of all matters
   of a purely local nature which may principally affect the
   colonial territory; and to this end they shall have power to
   legislate on civil administration; on provincial, municipal,
   or judicial apportionment; on public health, by land or sea,
   and on public credit, banks, and the monetary system. This
   power, however, shall not impair the powers vested in the
   colonial executive according to the laws in connection with
   the matters above mentioned.

   ARTICLE 33.
   It shall be incumbent upon the colonial parliament to make
   regulations under such national laws as may be passed by the
   Cortes and expressly intrusted to it. Especially among such
   measures parliament shall legislate, and may do so at the
   first sitting, for the purpose of regulating the elections,
   the taking of the electoral census, qualifying electors, and
   exercising the right of suffrage; but in no event shall these
   dispositions affect the rights of the citizens, as established
   by the electoral laws.

   ARTICLE 34.
   Notwithstanding that the laws governing the judiciary and the
   administration of justice are of a national character, and
   therefore obligatory for the colony, the insular parliament
   may, within the provisions of said laws, make rules or propose
   to the home government such measures as shall render easier
   the admission, continuance, or promotion in the local courts
   of lawyers, natives of the island, or practicing therein.

   The Governor-General in council shall have, as far as the
   island of Cuba is concerned, the same power that has been
   vested heretofore in the minister for the colonies for the
   appointment of the functionaries and subordinate and auxiliary
   officers of the judicial order and as to the other matters
   connected with the administration of justice.

   ARTICLE 35.
   The insular parliament shall have exclusive power to frame the
   local budget of expenditures and revenues, including the
   revenue corresponding to the island as her quota of the
   national budget. To this end the Governor-General shall
   present to the chambers every year before the month of January
   the budget for the next fiscal year, divided in two parts, as
   follows: The first part shall state the revenues needed to
   defray the expenses of sovereignty, and the second part shall
   state the revenues and expenditures estimated for the
   maintenance of the colonial administration. Neither chamber
   shall take up the budget of the colonial government without
   having finally voted the part for the maintenance of
   sovereignty.

   ARTICLE 36.
   The Cortes of the Kingdom shall determine what expenditures
   are to be considered by reason of their nature as obligatory
   expenses inherent to sovereignty, and shall fix the amount
   every three years and the revenue needed to defray the same,
   the Cortes reserving the right to alter this rule.

   ARTICLE 37.
   All treaties of commerce affecting the island of Cuba, be they
   suggested by the insular or by the home government, shall be
   made by the latter with the co-operation of special delegates
   duly authorized by the colonial government, whose concurrence
   shall be acknowledged upon submitting the treaties to the
   Cortes. Said treaties, when approved by the Cortes, shall be
   proclaimed as laws of the Kingdom and as such shall obtain in
   the colony.

   ARTICLE 38.
   Notice shall be given to the insular government of any
   commercial treaties made without its participation as soon as
   said treaties shall become laws, to the end that, within a
   period of three months, it may declare its acceptance or
   nonacceptance of their stipulations. In case of acceptance the
   Governor-General shall cause the treaty to be published in the
   Gazette as a colonial statute.

   ARTICLE 39.
   The insular parliament shall also have power to frame the
   tariff and fix the duties to be paid on merchandise as well
   for its importation into the territory of the island as for
   the exportation thereof.

   ARTICLE 40.
   As a transition from the old regime to the new constitution,
   and until the home and insular governments may otherwise
   conjointly determine hereafter, the commercial relations
   between the island and the metropolis shall be governed by the
   following rules:

   1. No differential duty, whether fiscal or otherwise, either
   on imports or exports, shall be imposed to the detriment of
   either insular or peninsular production.

   2. The two governments shall make a schedule of articles of
   direct national origin to which shall be allowed by common
   consent preferential duty over similar foreign products. In
   another schedule made in like manner shall be determined such
   articles of direct insular production as shall be entitled to
   privileged treatment on their importation into the peninsula
   and the amount of preferential duties thereon. In neither case
   shall the preferential duty exceed 35 per cent. Should the
   home and the colonial government agree upon the schedules and
   the preferential duties, they shall be considered final and
   shall be enforced at once. In case of disagreement the point
   in dispute shall be submitted to a committee of
   representatives of the Cortes, consisting of an equal number
   of Cubans and Peninsulars. The committee shall appoint its
   chairman, and in case of disagreement the eldest member shall
   preside. The chairman shall have the casting vote.

   3. The valuation tables concerning the articles in the
   schedules above mentioned shall be fixed by mutual agreement,
   and shall be revised after discussion every two years. The
   modifications which may thereupon become necessary in the
   tariff duties shall be carried out at once by the respective
   governments.

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   TITLE VII.
   THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL.

   ARTICLE 41.
   The supreme authority of the colony shall be vested in a
   Governor-General, appointed by the King on the nomination of
   the council of ministers. In his capacity he shall have as
   vice-royal patron the power inherent in the patronate of the
   Indies; he shall have command of all military and naval forces
   in the island; he shall act as delegate of the departments of
   state, war, navy, and the colonies; all other authorities in
   the island shall be subordinate to his, and he shall be
   responsible for the preservation of order and the safety of
   the colony. The Governor-General shall, before taking
   possession of his office, take an oath in the presence of the
   King to discharge his duties faithfully and loyally.

   ARTICLE 42.
   The Governor-General, representing the nation, will discharge
   by himself and with the aid of his secretaries all the
   functions indicated in the preceding articles and such others
   as may devolve upon him as direct delegate of the King in
   matters of a national character. It shall be incumbent upon
   the Governor-General as representing the home government:

   1. To appoint without restriction the secretaries of his
   cabinet.

   2. To proclaim, execute, and cause to be executed in the
   island all laws, decrees, treaties, international covenants,
   and all other acts emanating from the legislative branch of
   the government, as well as all decrees, royal commands, and
   other measures emanating from the executive which shall be
   communicated to him by the departments of which he acts as
   delegate. Whenever in his judgment and in that of his
   secretaries he considers the resolutions of the home
   government as liable to injure the general interests of the
   nation or the special interests of the island, he shall have
   power to suspend the publication and execution thereof, and
   shall so notify the respective department, stating the reasons
   for his action.

   3. To grant pardons in the name of the King, within the
   limitations specially prescribed to him in his instructions
   from the government, and to stay the execution of a death
   sentence whenever the gravity of the circumstances shall so
   demand or the urgency of the case shall allow of no time to
   solicit and obtain His Majesty's pardon; but in either case he
   shall hear the counsel of his secretaries.

   4. To suspend the guarantees set forth in articles 3, 5, 6,
   and 9, and in the first, second, and third paragraphs of
   article 13 of the constitution; to enforce legislation in
   regard to public order, and to take all measures which he may
   deem necessary to preserve the peace within and the safety
   without for the territory entrusted to him after hearing the
   counsel of his cabinet.

   5. To take care that in the colony justice be promptly and
   fully administered, and that it shall always be administered
   in the name of the King.

   6. To hold direct communication on foreign affairs with the
   ministers, diplomatic agents, and counsels of Spain throughout
   America. A full copy of such correspondence shall be
   simultaneously forwarded to the home Department of State.

   ARTICLE 43.
   It behooves the Governor-General, as the superior authority in
   the colony and head of its administration:

   1. To take care that the rights, powers, and privileges now
   vested or that may henceforth be vested in the colonial
   administration be respected and protected.

   2. To sanction and proclaim the acts of the insular
   parliament, which shall be submitted to him by the president
   and secretaries of the respective chambers. Whenever, in the
   judgment of the Governor-General, an act of the insular
   parliament goes beyond its powers or impairs the rights of the
   citizens as set forth in Article I of the constitution, or
   curtails the guarantees prescribed by law for the exercise of
   said rights, or jeopards the interest of the colony or of the
   nation, he shall forward the act to the council of ministers
   of the Kingdom, which, within a period that shall not exceed
   two months, shall either assent to it or return it to the
   Governor-General with the objections to its sanction and
   proclamation. The insular parliament may, in view of the
   objections, reconsider or modify the act, if it deems fit,
   without a special proposition. If two months shall elapse
   without the central government giving any opinion as to a
   measure agreed upon by the chambers which has been transmitted
   to it by the Governor-General, the latter shall sanction and
   proclaim the same.

   3. To appoint, suspend, and discharge the employees of the
   colonial administration, upon the suggestion of the
   secretaries of the departments and in accordance with the
   laws.

   4. To appoint and remove, without restriction, the secretaries
   of his cabinet.

   ARTICLE 44.
   No executive order of the Governor-General, acting as
   representative and chief of the colony, shall take effect
   unless countersigned by a secretary of the cabinet, who by
   this act alone shall make himself responsible for the same.

   ARTICLE 45.
   There shall be five secretaries of department, to wit:
   Grace and justice and interior;
   finance;
   public education, public works and posts and telegraphs;
   agriculture, industry, and commerce.

   The Governor-General shall appoint the president of the
   cabinet from among the secretaries, and shall also have power
   to appoint a president without a secretaryship. The power to
   increase or diminish the number of secretaries composing the
   colonial cabinet, and to determine the scope of each
   department, is vested in the insular parliament.

   ARTICLE 46.
   The secretaries of the cabinet may be members of either the
   chamber of representatives or the council of administration
   and take part in the debates of either chamber, but a
   secretary shall only vote in the chamber of which he is a
   member.

   ARTICLE 47.
   The secretaries of the cabinet shall be responsible to the
   insular parliament.

   ARTICLE 48.
   The Governor-General shall not modify or abrogate his own
   orders after they are assented to by the home government, or
   when they shall declare some rights, or when a sentence by a
   judicial court or administrative tribunal shall have been
   based upon said orders, or when they shall deal with his own
   competency.

   ARTICLE 49.
   The Governor-General shall not turn over his office when
   leaving the island except by special command from the home
   government. In case of absence from the seat of government
   which prevents his discharging the duties of his office or of
   disability to perform such duties, he can appoint one or more
   persons to take his place, provided the home government has
   not previously done so or the method of substitution shall not
   be stated in his instructions.

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   ARTICLE 50.
   The supreme court shall have the sole power to try the
   Governor-General when impeached for his responsibilities as
   defined by the Penal Code. The council of ministers shall take
   cognizance of his other responsibilities.

   ARTICLE 51.
   The Governor-General shall have the power, in spite of the
   provisions of the different articles of this decree, to act
   upon his own responsibility, without consulting his
   secretaries, in the following cases:

   1. When forwarding to the home government a bill passed by the
   insular parliament, especially when, in his opinion, it shall
   abridge the rights set forth in Article 1 of the constitution
   of the monarchy or the guarantees for the exercise thereof
   vouchsafed by the laws.

   2. When it shall be necessary to enforce the law or public
   order, especially if there be no time or possibility to
   consult the home government.

   3. When enforcing the national laws that shall have been
   approved by the Crown and made applicable to all of the
   Spanish or to the colony under his government. The proceedings
   and means of action which the Governor-General shall employ in
   the above cases shall be determined by a special law.

   TITLE VIII.
   MUNICIPAL AND PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT.

   ARTICLE. 52.
   Municipal organization shall be compulsory for every group of
   population of more than one thousand inhabitants. Groups of
   less number of inhabitants may organize the service of their
   community by special covenants. Every legally constituted
   municipality shall have power to frame its own laws regarding
   public education; highways by land, river, and sea; public
   health; municipal finances, as well as to freely appoint and
   remove its own employees.

   ARTICLE 53.
   At the head of each province there shall be an assembly, which
   shall be elected in the manner provided for by the colonial
   statutes, and shall be composed of a number of members in
   proportion to the population.

   ARTICLE 54.
   The provincial assembly shall be autonomous as regards the
   creation and maintenance of public schools and colleges;
   charitable institutions and provincial roads and ways by land,
   river, or sea; also as regards their own budgets and the
   appointment and removal of their respective employees.

   ARTICLE 55.
   The municipalities, as well as the provincial assemblies,
   shall have power to freely raise the necessary revenue to
   cover their expenditures, with no other limitation than to
   make the means adopted compatible with the general system of
   taxation which shall obtain in the island. The resources for
   provincial appropriations shall be independent of municipal
   resources.

   ARTICLE 56.
   The mayors and presidents of boards of aldermen shall be
   chosen by their respective boards from among their members.

   ARTICLE 57.
   The mayors shall discharge without limitation the active
   duties of the municipal administration, as executors of the
   resolutions of the board of aldermen or their representatives.


   ARTICLE 58.
   The aldermen and the provincial assemblymen shall be civilly
   responsible for the damages caused by their acts. Their
   responsibility shall be exacted before the ordinary courts of
   justice.

   ARTICLE 59.
   The provincial assemblies shall freely choose their respective
   presidents.

   ARTICLE 60.
   The elections of aldermen and assemblymen shall be conducted
   in such manner as to allow for a legitimate representation of
   the minorities.

   ARTICLE 61.
   The provincial and municipal laws now obtaining in the island
   shall continue in vogue, wherever not in conflict with the
   provisions of this decree, until the insular parliament shall
   legislate upon the matter.

   ARTICLE 62.
   No colonial statute shall abridge the powers vested by the
   preceding articles in the municipalities and the provincial
   assemblies.

   TITLE IX.
   AS TO THE GUARANTEES FOR THE FULFILLMENT OF
   THE COLONIAL CONSTITUTION.

   ARTICLE 63.
   Whenever a citizen shall consider that his rights have been
   violated or his interests injured by the action of a
   municipality or a provincial assembly he shall have the right
   to apply to the courts of justice for redress. The department
   of justice shall, if so required by the agents of the
   executive government of the colony, prosecute before the
   courts the boards of aldermen or provincial assemblies charged
   with breaking the laws or abusing their power.

   ARTICLE 64.
   In the cases referred to in the preceding article, the
   following courts shall have jurisdiction: The territorial
   audiencia shall try all claims against municipalities; and the
   pretorian court of Havana shall try all claims against
   provincial assemblies. Said courts, when the charges against
   any of the above-mentioned corporations shall be for abuse of
   power, shall render their decisions by a full bench. From the
   decision of the Territorial audiencia an appeal shall be
   allowed to the pretorian court of Havana, and from the
   decisions of the latter an appeal shall be allowed to the
   supreme court of the Kingdom.

   ARTICLE 65.
   The redress of grievances which Article 62 grants to any
   citizen can also be had collectively by means of public
   action, by appointing an attorney or representative claimant.

   ARTICLE 66.
   Without in any way impairing the powers vested in the
   Governor-General by Title V of the present decree, he may,
   whenever he deems fit, appear before the pretorian court of
   Havana in his capacity as chief of the executive government of
   the colony, to the end that said court shall finally decide
   any conflict of jurisdiction between the executive power and
   the legislative chambers of the colony.

   ARTICLE 67.
   Should any question of jurisdiction be raised between the
   insular parliament and the Governor-General in his capacity as
   representative of the home government, which shall not have
   been submitted to the council of ministers of the Kingdom by
   petition of the insular parliament, either party shall have
   power to bring the matter before the supreme court of the
   Kingdom, which shall render its decision by a full bench and
   in the first instance.

   ARTICLE 68.
   The decisions rendered in all cases provided for in the
   preceding articles shall be published in the collection of
   colonial statutes and shall form part of the insular
   legislation.

   ARTICLE 69.
   Every municipal measure for the purpose of contracting a loan
   or a municipal debt shall be without effect, unless it be
   assented to by a majority of the townspeople whenever
   one-third of the number of aldermen shall so demand. The
   amount of the loan or debt which, according to the number of
   inhabitants of a township, shall make the referendum
   proceeding necessary, shall be determined by special statute.

{180}

   ARTICLE 70.
   All legislative acts originating in the insular parliament or
   the Cortes shall be compiled under the title of colonial
   statutes in a legislative collection, the formation and
   publication of which shall be entrusted to the
   Governor-General as chief of the colonial executive.

   ADDITIONAL ARTICLES.

   ARTICLE 1.
   Until the colonial statutes shall be published in due form,
   the laws of the Kingdom shall be deemed applicable to all
   matters reserved to the jurisdiction of the insular
   government.

   ARTICLE 2.
   When the present constitution shall be once approved by the
   Cortes of the Kingdom for the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico,
   it shall not be amended except by virtue of a special law and
   upon the petition of the insular parliament.

   ARTICLE 3.
   The provisions of the present decree shall obtain in their
   entirety in the island of Porto Rico; they shall, however, be
   ordained by special decree in order to conform them to the
   population and nomenclature of said island.

   ARTICLE 4.
   Pending contracts for public services affecting in common the
   Antilles and the Peninsula shall continue in their present
   shape until termination, and shall be entirely governed by the
   conditions and stipulations therein made. As regards other
   contracts already entered into, but not yet in operation, the
   Governor-General shall consult the home government, or the
   colonial chambers, as the case may be, and the two governments
   shall by mutual accord decide as between themselves the final
   form of such contract.


   TRANSITORY PROVISIONS.

   ARTICLE 1.
   With a view to carry out the transition from the present
   regime to the system hereby established with the greatest
   possible dispatch and the least interruption of the public
   business, the Governor-General shall, whenever he deems it
   timely and after consulting the home government, appoint the
   secretaries of the executive office as per Article 45 of this
   decree, and with their aid he shall conduct the local
   government of the island until the insular chambers shall have
   been constituted. The secretaries thus appointed shall vacate
   their offices as soon as the Governor-General shall take his
   oath of office before the insular chambers, and the
   Governor-General shall immediately appoint as their successors
   the members of parliament who, in his judgment, most fully
   represent the majorities in the chamber of representatives and
   the council of administration.

   ARTICLE 2.
   The manner of meeting the expenditures occasioned by the debt
   now weighing upon the Spanish and Cuban treasuries, and the
   debt that may be contracted until the termination of the war,
   shall be determined by a law fixing the share that shall be
   borne by each treasury, and the special ways and means for the
   payment of the interest, and the sinking fund, and for
   refunding the principal in due time. Until the Cortes of the
   Kingdom shall decide this point no changes shall be made in
   the conditions under which said debts were contracted, nor in
   the payment of the interest, nor provisions for a sinking
   fund, nor in the guarantees which they enjoy, nor in the
   actual terms of payment. When the Cortes shall have
   apportioned the shares, each of the two treasuries shall take
   upon itself the payment of the share allotted. In no event
   shall the obligations contracted towards the lenders on the
   faith of the Spanish nation cease to be scrupulously
   respected.
   Issued in the Palace,
   Madrid, November 25, 1897.
   MARIA CHRISTINA.
   The President of the Council of Ministers,
   PRÁXEDES MATEO SAGASTA.

CUBA: A. D. 1897-1898 (November-February).
   The experiment of autonomy or home rule.

   It cannot be said that the Constitution of 1897 was given a
   fair trial. In the circumstances, one may doubt whether a fair
   trial of its working was possible. It came too late for
   advantageous testing or unprejudiced judging of its
   practicability. The autonomist party, which might once have
   been able to make Cuba a constitutional dependency, like
   Canada, had been discouraged and broken up. Weyler's policy
   had excited a feeling in the United States which was too
   impatient to wait for new experiments in Spanish dealing with
   Cuba to be worked out, or to estimate reasonably the chances
   of their success. The first showing of results from the scheme
   of autonomy was unpromising, as it could hardly have failed to
   be, and that was readily taken as conclusive in condemnation
   of it. The judgment of General Fitzhugh Lee, Consul-General of
   the United States at Havana, had great influence in America,
   and he saw nothing to expect from the Constitution. In an
   article contributed subsequently to the "Fortnightly Review,"
   June, 1898, he wrote:

   "It [the Constitution) was an elaborate system of 'Home Rule'
   with a string to every sentence; so that I soon became
   satisfied that, if the insurrection against the Spanish throne
   on the island ceased, the condition of the Cubans would
   speedily be the same as it was at the commencement of the war.
   I gave the reasons therefor in a paper now on file in the
   State Department which clearly proved that the Spaniards could
   easily control one of the legislative chambers, and that
   behind any joint action on the part of both was the veto of
   the Governor-General, whose appointment was made from the
   throne in Madrid.

   "This system of autonomy, however, was gravely proceeded with.
   An Autonomistic Cabinet was seriously formed, composed in part
   of Cubans who, though at one time in favour of a government of
   the island free from Spanish control, had given satisfactory
   intimations that, if they were appointed to cabinet offices,
   their former opinions could be modified to suit existing
   circumstances. Blanco's Autonomistic Government was doomed to
   failure from its inception. The Spanish soldiers and officers
   scorned it, because they did not desire Cuban rule, which such
   autonomy, if genuine, would insure. The Spanish merchants and
   citizens were opposed to it, because they too were hostile to
   the Cubans having control of the island, and if the question
   could be narrowed down to Cuban control or annexation to the
   United States, they were all annexationists, believing that
   they could get a better government and one that would protect,
   in a greater measure, life and property under the United States
   flag than under the Cuban banner. On the other hand, the
   Cubans in arms would not touch it, because they were fighting
   for Free Cuba; and the Cuban citizens and sympathizers, or the
   non-arm-bearing population, were distinctly opposed to it also;
   while those in favour of it seemed to consist of the
   Autonomistic Cabinet, General Blanco, his Secretary-General
   and Staff, and a few followers elsewhere."

{181}

      _Fitzhugh Lee,
      Cuba and her Struggle for Freedom
      (Fortnightly Review, June, 1898)._

CUBA: A. D. 1897-1898 (December-March).
   Condition of the Reconcentrados.

   On the 14th of December, 1897, General Fitzhugh Lee,
   Consul-General of the United States at Havana, reported to the
   Department of State as follows:

   "I have the honor to report that I have received information
   that in the Province of Havana reports show that there have
   been 101,000 'Reconcentrados,' and that out of that 52,000
   have died. Of the said 101,000, 32,000 were children. This
   excludes the city of Havana and seven other towns from which
   reports have not yet been made up. It is thought that the
   total number of 'Reconcentrados' in Havana Province will
   amount to 150,000, nearly all women and children, and that the
   death rate among their whole number from starvation alone will be
   over 50 per cent. For the above number of 'Reconcentrados'
   $12,500, Spanish silver, was set aside out of the $100,000
   appropriated for the purpose of relieving all the
   'Reconcentrados' on the island. Seventy-five thousand of the
   150,000 may be still living, so if every dollar appropriated
   of the $12,500 reaches them the distribution will average
   about 17 cents to a person, which, of course, will be rapidly
   exhausted, and, as I can hear of no further succor being
   afforded, it is easy to perceive what little practical relief
   has taken place in the condition of these poor people."

   On the 8th of January, 1898, General Lee made another report
   on the same subject as follows:

   "I have the honor to state, as a matter of public interest,
   that the 'reconcentrado order' of General Weyler, formerly
   Governor-General of this island, transformed about 400,000
   self-supporting people, principally women and children, into a
   multitude to be sustained by the contributions of others or die
   of starvation or of fevers resulting from a low physical
   condition and being massed in large bodies without change of
   clothing and without food. Their houses were burned, their
   fields and plant beds destroyed, and their live stock driven
   away or killed. I estimate that probably 200,000 of the rural
   population in the Provinces of Pinar del Rio, Havana,
   Matanzas, and Santa Clara have died of starvation, or from
   resultant causes, and the deaths of whole families almost
   simultaneously, or within a few days of each other, and of
   mothers praying for their children to be relieved of their
   horrible sufferings by death, are not the least of the many
   pitiable scenes which were ever present. In the Provinces of
   Puerto Principe and Santiago de Cuba, where the 'reconcentrado
   order' could not be enforced, the great mass of the people are
   self-sustaining. A daily average of ten cents' worth of food
   to 200,000 people would be an expenditure of $20,000 per day,
   and of course the most humane efforts upon the part of our
   citizens can not hope to accomplish such a gigantic relief,
   and a great portion of these people will have to be abandoned
   to their fate."

   A little later, Senator Proctor, of Vermont, visited Cuba, for
   personal observation of the condition of things in the island,
   and, on his return, made a statement of what he had seen and
   learned, in a speech to the Senate, which made an impression
   on the country much deeper than any previous testimony on the
   subject that had reached the public eye or ear. The following
   is a part of the account that he gave:

   "My observations were confined to the four western provinces,
   which constitute about one-half of the island. The two eastern
   ones are practically in the hands of the insurgents, except
   the few fortified towns. These two large provinces are spoken
   of to-day as 'Cuba Libre.' Outside Habana all is changed. It
   is not peace nor is it war. It is desolation and distress,
   misery and starvation. Every town and village is surrounded by
   a 'trocha' (trench), a sort of rifle pit, but constructed on a
   plan new to me, the dirt being thrown up on the inside and a
   barbed-wire fence on the outer side of the trench. These
   trochas have at every corner and at frequent intervals along
   the sides what are there called forts, but which are really
   small blockhouses, many of them more like large sentry boxes,
   loopholed for musketry, and with a guard of from two to ten
   soldiers in each.

   "The purpose of these trochas is to keep the Reconcentrados in
   as well as to keep the insurgents out. From all the
   surrounding country the people have been driven in to these
   fortified towns and held there to subsist as they can. They
   are virtually prison yards, and not unlike one in general
   appearance, except that the walls are not so high and strong;
   but they suffice, where every point is in range of a soldier's
   rifle, to keep in the poor reconcentrado women and children.
   Every railroad station is within one of these trochas and has
   an armed guard. Every train has an armored freight car,
   loopholed for musketry and filled with soldiers, and with, as
   I observed usually, and was informed is always the case, a
   pilot engine a mile or so in advance. There are frequent
   blockhouses inclosed by a trocha and with a guard along the
   railroad track. With this exception there is no human life or
   habitation between these fortified towns and villages, and
   throughout the whole of the four western provinces, except to
   a very limited extent among the hills where the Spaniards have
   not been able to go and drive the people to the towns and burn
   their dwellings. I saw no house or hut in the 400 miles of
   railroad rides from Pinar del Rio Province in the west across
   the full width of Habana and Matanzas provinces, and to Sagua
   La Grande on the north shore, and to Cienfuegos on the south
   shore of Santa Clara, except within the Spanish trochas.

   "There are no domestic animals or crops on the rich fields and
   pastures except such as are under guard in the immediate
   vicinity of the towns. In other words, the Spaniards hold in
   these four western provinces just what their army sits on.
   Every man, woman, and child, and every domestic animal,
   wherever their columns have reached, is under guard and within
   their so-called fortifications. To describe one place is to
   describe all. To repeat, it is neither peace nor war. It is
   concentration and desolation. This is the 'pacified' condition
   of the four western provinces. West of Habana is mainly the
   rich tobacco country; east, so far as I went, a sugar region.
   Nearly all the sugar mills are destroyed between Habana and
   Sagua. Two or three were standing in the vicinity of Sagua,
   and in part running, surrounded, as are the villages, by
   trochas and 'forts' or palisades of the royal palm, and fully
   guarded. Toward and near Cienfuegos there were more mills
   running, but all with the same protection.
{182}
   … All the country people in the four western provinces, about
   400,000 in number, remaining outside the fortified towns when
   Weyler's order was made were driven into these towns, and
   these are the Reconcentrados. They were the peasantry, many of
   them farmers, some landowners, others renting lands and owning
   more or less stock, others working on estates and cultivating
   small patches; and even a small patch in that fruitful clime
   will support a family. It is but fair to say that the normal
   condition of these people was very different from what
   prevails in this country. Their standard of comfort and
   prosperity was not high, measured by ours. But according to
   their standards and requirements their conditions of life were
   satisfactory. They lived mostly in cabins made of palms or in
   wooden houses. Some of them had houses of stone, the blackened
   walls of which are all that remain to show the country was
   ever inhabited.

   "The first clause of Weyler's order [renewing that of February
   16, 1896] reads as follows: 'I Order and Command. First. All
   the inhabitants of the country or outside of the line of
   fortifications of the town shall, within the period of eight
   days, concentrate themselves in the towns occupied by the
   troops. Any individual who, after the expiration of this
   period, is found in the uninhabited parts will be considered a
   rebel and tried as such.' … Many, doubtless, did not learn of
   this order. Others failed to grasp its terrible meaning. Its
   execution was left largely to the guerrillas to drive in all
   that had not obeyed, and I was informed that in many cases the
   torch was applied to their homes with no notice, and the
   inmates fled with such clothing as they might have on, their
   stock and other belongings being appropriated by the
   guerrillas. When they reached the towns, they were allowed to
   build huts of palm leaves in the suburbs and vacant places
   within the trochas, and left to live, if they could.

   "Torn from their homes, with foul earth, foul air, foul water,
   and foul food or none, what wonder that one-half have died and
   that one-quarter of the living are so diseased that they
   cannot be saved? … Deaths in the streets have not been
   uncommon. I was told by one of our consuls that they have been
   found dead about the markets in the morning, where they had
   crawled, hoping to get some stray bits of food from the early
   hucksters, and that there had been cases where they had
   dropped dead inside the market surrounded by food. These
   people were independent and self-supporting before Weyler's
   order. … I went to Cuba with a strong conviction that the
   picture had been overdrawn; that a few cases of starvation and
   suffering had inspired and stimulated the press
   correspondents, and that they had given free play to a strong,
   natural, and highly cultivated imagination. … I could not
   believe that, out of a population of 1,600,000, 200,000 had
   died within these Spanish forts, practically prison walls,
   within a few months past from actual starvation and diseases
   caused by insufficient and improper food. My inquiries were
   entirely outside of sensational sources. They were made of our
   medical officers, of our consuls, of city alcaldes (mayors),
   of relief committees, of leading merchants and bankers,
   physicians, and lawyers. Several of my informants were Spanish
   born, but every time the answer was that the case had not been
   overstated. What I saw I cannot tell so that others can see it.
   It must be seen with one's own eyes to be realized. …

   "The dividing lines between parties are the most straight and
   clear cut that have ever come to my knowledge. The division in
   our war was by no means so clearly defined. It is Cuban
   against Spaniard. It is practically the entire Cuban
   population on one side and the Spanish army and Spanish
   citizens on the other. I do not count the autonomists in this
   division, as they are so far too inconsiderable in numbers to
   be worth counting. General Blanco filled the civil offices
   with men who had been autonomists and were still classed as
   such. But the march of events had satisfied most of them that
   the chance for autonomy came too late. … There is no doubt
   that General Blanco is acting in entire good faith; that he
   desires to give the Cubans a fair measure of autonomy, as
   Campos did at the close of the ten-year war. He has, of
   course, a few personal followers, but the army and the Spanish
   citizens do not want genuine autonomy, for that means
   government by the Cuban people. And it is not strange that the
   Cubans say it comes too late."

      _Congressional Record,
      March 17, 1898._

CUBA: A. D. 1898 (February).
   Destruction of the United States Battleship Maine in Havana harbor.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

CUBA: A. D. 1898 (March-April).
   Discussion of Cuban affairs between Spain and the United States.
   Message of the President to Congress asking for authority
   to intervene.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (MARCH-APRIL).

CUBA: A. D. 1898 (April).
   Demand of the United States Government for the withdrawal of
   Spain from the island, and its result in a state of war.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL).

CUBA: A. D. 1898 (April-December).
   Operations of war between the United States and Spain.
   Suspension of hostilities.
   Negotiation of treaty of peace.
   Relinquishment of sovereignty by Spain.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (APRIL) to 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

CUBA: A. D. 1898 (December).
   Removal of the remains of Columbus to Spain.

   The remains of Columbus were taken from the Cathedral in
   Havana, on the 12th of December, for transfer to the cathedral
   at Seville, in Spain.

CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (December-October).
   Organization of military government under
   United States authority.
   Report of the military governor, on conditions prevailing,
   measures adopted, and results obtained.

   On the 13th of December, 1898, the following General Order was
   issued by the Secretary of War:

   "By direction of the President, a division to be known as the
   Division of Cuba, consisting of the geographical departments
   and provinces of the island of Cuba, with headquarters in the
   city of Habana, is hereby created, under command of Major
   General John R. Brooke, U. S. A., who, in addition to command
   of the troops in the division, will exercise the authority of
   military governor of the island. Major General Fitzhugh Lee,
   U. S. V., commanding the Seventh Army Corps, is assigned to
   the immediate command of all the troops in the province of
   Habana. Major General William Ludlow, U. S. V., is designated
   as the military governor of the city of Habana, and will
   report direct to the division commander. He is charged with
   all that relates to collection and disbursement of revenues of
   the port and city, and its police, sanitation, and general
   government, under such regulations as may be prescribed by the
   President."

{183}

   General Brooke arrived at Havana on the 28th of December and
   assumed the command of the troops and the military
   governorship of the island. In his subsequent report (October
   1, 1899) of conditions then existing, proceedings taken,
   events occurring and results attained, he wrote: "It was found
   that considerable confusion incident to the withdrawal of the
   Spanish troops and replacing them with the United States
   troops existed, but no untoward event occurred, however, as
   every precaution was taken to maintain order. The gradual
   withdrawal of the Spanish troops and the advance of the United
   States troops continued, until the morning of the 1st of
   January, 1899, found but few Spanish troops in the city, and
   these went on board transports, which movement was completed
   about 12.30 p. m. Outside of the principal towns the retiring
   Spanish army was closely followed by the Cuban army, which
   took charge of the towns and country, maintaining order, and,
   generally, performing police duty. This state of affairs
   continued, substantially, until the final disbandment of that
   army. The disbandment of the Cuban army was commenced in
   November, 1898, but only such as could procure work, or were
   anxious to resume their former vocations, seem to have taken
   advantage of the 'licencia' (furlough) which was given to
   many. A large part of the army was held together on various
   pretexts until the distribution of the $3,000,000 [allotted
   for distribution to the Cuban army, to enable the soldiers to
   return to their homes], and the giving up of their arms
   effected a final disbandment. During the time the army was
   held together as an organized body the police duties performed
   seemed to be well done and order was preserved. The spectacle
   of an army of, according to the rolls, 48,000 men being
   peacefully dispersed among the people has for its prototype
   the disappearance of the great volunteer army of the United
   States in 1865. In neither case has there been any great
   disturbance, as was feared in both cases, and particularly so
   as regards the Cuban army. The small attempts at brigandage
   were quickly suppressed, the lawbreakers placed in prison, and
   the courts are now hearing their cases.

   "On January 1, 1899, a division of the Seventh Army Corps,
   under the command of General Fitzhugh Lee, General Keifer's
   division, was brought to the city, and, with the regiments on
   duty in Habana under the command of General William Ludlow,
   were so placed as to insure good order during the ceremonies
   of the relinquishment of sovereignty by Spain, which occurred
   in the Governor-General's palace at 12 o'clock noon, where
   were assembled the Captain-General and his staff, the United
   States commission with its officers, the American military
   governor with his staff, Major General Fitzhugh Lee, Major
   General William Ludlow, Major General J. Warren Keifer, and
   their staffs, and nine Cuban generals as his guests. This
   ceremony was simple in its character, though very impressive,
   consisting of a formal speech by the Spanish Governor-General,
   which was replied to by General Wade, the chairman of the
   United States evacuation commission, who, in concluding his
   remarks, turned to the military governor and transferred the
   island of Cuba to him, who, thereupon, entered upon the full
   exercise of his duty as the military governor of Cuba. Of
   course, the gathering into his hands of all the duties of his
   office took time. The desire of a large body of the Cuban army
   to take part on the 1st of January in the ceremonies of the
   relinquishment of sovereignty by Spain was reported verbally,
   by General Ludlow, and he was informed that the danger to life
   and property was too great, and that the celebration must be
   postponed to a time when the excitement had cooled off and the
   passions of the people could be under control. This
   celebration afterwards took place on the arrival in the city
   of General Maximo Gomez, Commander in Chief of the Cuban
   forces, on February 24. General Ludlow was directed to meet
   General Gomez at the city limits and show him every courtesy
   possible. The Quinta de los Molinos, the summer residence of
   the Governor-General, was placed at his disposal, and for
   several months he, with his staff and escort, occupied the
   houses and grounds as the guests of this Government. The civil
   bureaus of the Governor-Generalcy were taken over by officers
   of the military governor's staff, and held by them until the
   proper civil officials could be selected and appointed. …

   "In reaching this stage on the highway of progress toward the
   establishment of government through civil channels, many
   obstacles have been overcome, the most serious being the very
   natural distrust of the people, which was born and nurtured
   under the system of the preceding government, and was
   particularly the effect of the wars which these people waged
   in their effort to improve their condition. It is believed
   that this distrust has given way to confidence in the minds of
   a majority of the people, and that they are generally
   beginning to see that the government, as administered by the
   United States, is for them and for their benefit. It is proper
   at this time to speak of the condition of the people and the
   country as it existed at the time of the relinquishment of
   sovereignty by Spain. A large number of the people were found
   to be actually starving. Efforts were immediately made to
   supply food, which the War Department sent, all told,
   5,493,500 Cuban rations, in addition to the 1,000,000 rations
   distributed by Mr. Gould, and these were sent into the country
   and distributed under the direction of the commanding generals
   of departments, through such agencies as they established;
   while in the cities the distribution was generally conducted
   by an officer of the Army. The result of this action was the
   immediate lowering of the death rate, the restoration to
   health of the sick, and a general change for the better was
   soon apparent. Medicines were also supplied for the sick with
   most beneficial results. Employment was given to those who
   could work, and they were paid weekly, so that they might have
   money to buy food. In fact, no effort was spared to relieve the
   terrible condition in which so many thousand people were
   found. …

{184}

   "Turning to the present conditions, we have in view such a
   change that the progress seems incredible. A great part of the
   improvement dates from the month of May, when the muster out
   of the Cuban army removed a great source of distrust. The
   extent to which have been carried the cultivation of the
   fields, the reconstruction of homes, the re-establishment of
   order and public service, especially in the matter of hygiene
   in the towns, is something wonderful. … The question of
   finance, as relates to the restoration of crippled and
   destroyed agricultural industries, is one which has occupied a
   great deal of attention on the part of this government. It is
   evident that assistance in the way of repairing the roads and
   bridges, as well as to municipalities in their present
   impoverished conditions, is a necessity, and the most pressing
   wants in this direction have been met by granting money from
   the revenues of the island. There is every reason to hope that
   the municipal revenues will meet all requirements as soon as
   agriculture is again on its feet, and there will, doubtless,
   be some changes in the present tax law made. In this
   connection, it is well to know that planters and small farmers
   in the tobacco growing districts are rapidly recovering from
   their forlorn condition. The quick growing crop and the
   remunerative prices have enabled them to restore, in a
   measure, the lost cattle, mules, and implements necessary to
   the farmers. There is, also, a desire to use labor-saving
   devices, which are now being slowly introduced. …

   "The quiet severance of church and state has been effected by
   the fact of the Government of the United States being in
   control. Certain changes have already been made in the laws,
   and others will follow in due course; this without violating
   the legal rights of the Roman Catholic Church, which was the
   only religious denomination tolerated in the island, except a
   small body of Baptists. The important subject of schools is
   now approaching a solution. The present system will be
   improved upon, but it will require time to develop fully a
   good school system throughout the island. There are no
   school-houses, and under present conditions there can be none
   built for some time to come. It is hoped that a manual
   training school will be opened as soon as certain repairs and
   changes can be made in the Spanish barracks at Santiago de las
   Vegas, a short distance south of Habana, in which about 600 of
   both sexes can receive instruction at one time. This form of
   instruction is more important, under the conditions found to
   exist, than the ordinary instruction given in the other
   schools. As conditions improve, an opportunity can be given to
   increase the number of these schools, and by their means
   introduce modern methods more rapidly than by other systems."

      _General John R. Brooke,
      Civil Report, October 1, 1899
      (Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,
      volume 2, pages 1266-1276)._

   General Fitzhugh Lee reported, September 19, 1899, on the
   state of things in the province of Havana, as follows: "I
   assumed command of the department of the province of Habana
   January 1, 1899, and of the province of Pinar del Rio April
   19, 1899. The deplorable condition of the island after it was
   evacuated by the Spanish is well known. Business of all sorts
   was suspended. Agricultural operations had ceased; large sugar
   estates, with their enormous and expensive machinery, were
   destroyed; houses burned: stock driven off for consumption by
   the Spanish troops, or killed. There was scarcely an ox left
   to pull a plow, had there been a plow left. Not a pig had been
   left in the pen, nor a hen to lay an egg for the poor,
   destitute people who still held on to life, most of them sick,
   weary, and weak. Miles and miles of country uninhabited either
   by the human race or domestic animals was visible to the eye
   on every side. The great fertile island of Cuba in some places
   resembled an ash pile; in others, the dreary desert. The
   'reconcentrado' order of the former Captain-General Weyler, it
   will be remembered, drove from their houses and lands all the
   old men, women, and children who had remained at their homes
   because they were not physically able to bear the burdens of
   war. The wheels of the former government had ceased to
   revolve. Chaos, confusion, doubt, and uncertainty filled with
   apprehension the minds of the Cubans, who, for the first time,
   had been relieved of the cruel care of those who for centuries
   controlled their country and their destiny. … The railroads on
   the island were in bad order, having been used to the extent
   of their endurance conveying Spanish troops and Spanish
   supplies over them, while the great calzadas or turnpikes were
   filled with holes, for the war prevented repairs to either
   railroads or roads. Municipalities were all greatly in debt.
   None of the civil officers had been paid, and school-teachers
   had large amounts of back salary due. Judicial officers were
   discharging their duties as far as they could—for there was
   really no law in the island except the mandate of the
   Captain-General—without pay, and many months of back pay was
   due to the professors in the colleges of the largest cities.
   The whole framework of the government had to be rebuilt, and
   its machinery carefully and gradually reconstructed. Important
   government problems had to be promptly solved, which involved
   social, economic, commercial, agricultural, public
   instruction, support of eleemosynary institutions of all
   kinds, means of communications, reorganization of
   municipalities, with the necessary town and city police,
   including a mounted force to patrol the adjoining rural
   districts within the limits, and subject to the authorities of
   the mayors and council of their respective municipalities; the
   appointment of new alcaldes and other officers to replace
   those left in authority by the Spanish Government, and who
   would be more in accord with the inhabitants whose local
   affairs they directed. Many trying and troublesome questions
   arose, and many difficulties environed on either side of the
   situation.

   "Of the Cuban rural population, less than 20 per cent of them
   were able to read and write, resembling children awaking the
   first time to the realities of life. They were in the main
   obedient, docile, quiet, and inoffensive, and anxious to adapt
   themselves as soon as possible to the new conditions which
   confronted them. The Cuban soldiers, black and white, who had
   been in the fields and woods for four years defying the
   Spanish banner, still kept their guns, and were massing around
   the cities and towns, producing more or less unrest in the
   public mind with the fear that many of them, unaccustomed to
   work so long, would be transformed into brigands, and not
   become peaceful, law-abiding citizens.
{185}
   In eight months wonderful progress has been made. The arms of
   the Cuban soldiers have been stacked, and they have quietly
   resumed peaceful vocations. Brigandage, which partially
   flourished for a time, has been stamped out, tillage
   everywhere has greatly increased, many houses rebuilt, many
   huts constructed, fences are being built, and more and more
   farming lands are gradually being taken up, and municipalities
   reorganized with new officers representing the wishes of the
   majority of the inhabitants. Municipal police have been
   appointed who are uniformed and under the charge of, in most
   cases, efficient officers."

      _General Fitzhugh Lee,
      Report, September 19, 1899._

   General Leonard Wood, commanding in the province of Santiago,
   reported at the same time as follows: "On the assumption of
   control by the American Government, July 17, 1899, of that
   portion of the province of Santiago included in the
   surrendered territory, industries were practically at a
   standstill. In the rural districts all industries were at an
   end. The estates, almost without exception, have been
   destroyed, and no work is being done. … In the towns the
   effect of reconcentration was shown by large crowds of women
   and children and old men who were practically starving. They
   were thin, pale, and barely able to drag themselves about. The
   merchants and a few planters were the only prosperous people
   in the province. … A feeling of bitter hostility existed
   between the Cubans and Spaniards, and also a very ugly feeling
   between the Cubans who had acted in harmony with the
   autonomists in the latter days of the Spanish occupation and
   those who had been in the Cuban army. At first there was a
   good deal of talk of a threatening character in regard to what
   the Cubans would do to the Spaniards, now that they were in a
   position to avenge themselves for some of the many injuries
   received in the past. This, however, soon passed over, and
   much more friendly and sensible ideas prevailed. There were no
   schools and no material for establishing them. All officers of
   the civil government had resigned and left their posts, with
   the exception of one judge of the first instance and several
   municipal judges and certain police officers. The prisons were
   full of prisoners, both Spanish and Cuban, many of them being
   Spanish military and political prisoners. The administration
   of justice was at a standstill. The towns all presented an
   appearance of greatest neglect, and showed everywhere entire
   disregard of every sanitary law. The amount of clothing in the
   possession of the people was very limited, and in many of the
   interior villages women were compelled to keep out of sight
   when strangers appeared, as they had only skirts and waists
   made of bagging and other coarse material. Many of the
   children were absolutely without clothing. Evidences of great
   suffering were found on every hand. A very large proportion of
   the population was sick in the country districts from malaria
   and in the seaboard towns from lack of food and water. …

   "The first two and a half months after the surrender were
   devoted almost entirely to the distribution of food and to
   supplying hospitals and charities with such limited quantities
   of necessary material as we were able to obtain. Commanding
   officers in all parts of the island were busily engaged in
   cleaning up towns and carrying out all possible sanitary and
   administrative reforms. Schools were established, some 60 in
   the city of Santiago and over 200 in the province as a whole.
   Affairs have continued to improve slowly but surely, until at
   the present time we find the towns, generally speaking, clean,
   the death rate lower than the people have known before, some
   public improvements under way in all the large towns, the
   amount of work done being limited only by the amount of money
   received. … Industries of all kinds are springing up. New
   sugar plantations are being projected; hospitals and
   charitable institutions are being regularly supplied, and all
   are fairly well equipped with necessary articles. The death
   rate among the native population is very much lower than in
   former years. The people in the towns are quiet and orderly,
   with the exception of a few editorial writers, who manage to
   keep up a certain small amount of excitement, just enough to
   give the papers in question a fair sale. The people are all
   anxious to work. The present currency is American currency. A
   condition of good order exists in the rural districts. The
   small planters are all out on their farms and a condition of
   security and good order prevails. The issue of rations has
   been practically stopped and we have few or almost no
   applications for food."

      _General Leonard Wood;
      Report, September 20, 1899._

CUBA: A. D. 1899 (October).
   Census of the Island.
   Statistics of population, nativity, illiteracy, etc.

   "The total population of Cuba on October 16, 1899, determined
   by the census taken [under the direction of the War Department
   of the United States] as of that date, was 1,572,797. This was
   distributed as follows among the six provinces:

   Habana,          424,804;
   Matanzas,        202,444;
   Pinar del Rio,   173,064;
   Puerto Principe,  88,234;
   Santa Clara,     356,536;
   Santiago,        327,715.

   The latest census taken under Spanish authority was in 1887.
   The total population as returned by that census was 1,631,687,
   and the population by provinces was as follows:

   Habana,          451,928;
   Matanzas,        259,578;
   Pinar del Rio,   225,891;
   Puerto Principe,  67,789;
   Santa Clara,     354,122;
   Santiago,        272,379.

   Whether that census was correct may be a matter of discussion,
   but if incorrect, the number of inhabitants was certainly not
   overstated. Comparing the total population at these two
   censuses, it is seen, that the loss in the 12 years amounted
   to 58,890, or 3.6 per cent of the population in 1887. This
   loss is attributable to the recent civil war and the
   reconcentration policy accompanying it, but the figures
   express only a part of the loss from this cause. Judging from
   the earlier history of the island and the excess of births
   over deaths, as shown by the registration records, however
   imperfect they may be, the population probably increased from
   1887 up to the beginning of the war and at the latter epoch
   reached a total of little less than 1,800,000. It is probable,
   therefore, that the direct and indirect losses by the war and
   the reconcentration policy, including a decrease of births and
   of immigration and an increase of deaths and of emigration
   reached a total of approximately 200,000. …

   "The area of Cuba is approximately 44,000 square miles, and
   the average number of inhabitants per square mile 35.7, about
   the same as the State of Iowa. … Habana, with the densest
   population, is as thickly populated as the State of
   Connecticut, and Puerto Principe, the most sparsely populated,
   is in this respect comparable with the State of Texas. …

{186}

   "The total number of males of voting age in Cuba was 417,993,
   or 26 per cent of the total population. This is a little less
   than the proportion, in 1890, in the United States, where it
   was 27 per cent. … Classifying the potential voters of Cuba by
   birthplace and race, it is seen that 44.9 per cent were
   whites, born in Cuba; that 30.5 per cent were colored, and as
   nearly all the colored were born in the island it is seen that
   fully seven-tenths of the potential voters of Cuba were native
   born, 23 per cent were born in Spain, and 1.6 per cent in
   other countries. Classifying the whole number of potential
   voters by citizenship it is seen that 70 per cent were Cuban
   citizens, 2 per cent were Spanish citizens, 18 per cent were
   holding their citizenship in suspense, and 10 per cent were
   citizens of other countries, or their citizenship was unknown.
   …

   "The Cuban citizens, numbering 290,905, were composed almost
   entirely of persons born in Cuba, there being among them but
   220 white persons, and probably not more colored, of alien
   birth. The white Cuban citizens, who were natives of the
   island, numbered 184,471, and of these 94,301, or 51 per cent,
   were unable to read. The colored Cuban citizens numbered
   106,214, of which not less than 78,279, or 74 per cent, were
   unable to read. The people of Cuba who claimed Spanish
   citizenship numbered 9,500, and of these nearly all were born
   in Spain, there being but 159 born elsewhere. Those whose
   citizenship was in suspense numbered 76,669. These also were
   nearly all of Spanish birth, the number born elsewhere being
   but 1,420. The number of persons of other or unknown
   citizenship was 40,919. Of these fully one-half were colored,
   most of them being Chinese, and much the larger proportion of
   the remaining half were of Spanish birth.

   "Summing up the situation, it appears that the total number of
   males of voting age who could read was 200,631, a little less
   than half the total number of males of voting age. Of these
   22,629 were of Spanish or other foreign citizenship or unknown
   citizenship. The number whose citizenship was in suspense was
   59,724, and the number of Cuban citizens able to read was
   118,278, or 59 per cent of all Cuban citizens of voting age."

      _Census of Cuba,
      Bulletins Numbers I and III._

CUBA: A. D. 1899 (December).
   Appointment of General Leonard Wood to the
   military command and Governorship.

   On the 6th of December General Leonard Wood was commissioned
   major-general of volunteers, and was assigned to command of
   the Division of Cuba, relieving General Brooke as division
   commander and military governor of Cuba. On the 30th, Governor
   Wood announced the appointment of the following Cuban
   ministers to form his cabinet:

   Secretary of State and Government, Diego Tamayo;
   Secretary of Justice, Luis Estevoz;
   Secretary of Education, Juan Bautista Hernandez;
   Secretary of Finance, Enrique Varona;
   Secretary of Public Works, Jose Ramon Villalon;
   Secretary of Agriculture, Industry, and Commerce, Rius Rivera.

CUBA: A. D. 1900.
   Organization of a school system.
   Teachers at Harvard Summer School.

   "Especial attention has been given by the military government
   to the development of primary education. The enrollment of the
   public schools of Cuba immediately before the last war shows
   36,306 scholars, but an examination of the reports containing
   these figures indicates that probably less than half the names
   enrolled represented actual attendance. There were practically
   no separate school buildings, but the scholars were collected
   in the residences of the teachers. There were few books, and
   practically no maps, blackboards, desks or other school
   apparatus. … Even these poor apologies for public schools
   were, to a great extent, broken up by the war, and in
   December, 1899, the entire public-school enrollment of the
   island numbered 21,435. The following table shows the advance
   in school facilities during the half year ending June 30 last:

                  School rooms.   Enrollment.


   January, 1900       635          37,995
   February, 1900    1,338          69,476
   March, 1900       3,126         127,881
   April, 1900       3,126         127,426
   May, 1900         3,313         139,616
   June, 1900        3,500         143,120

   "This great development was accomplished under the Cuban
   secretary of public instruction and the Cuban commissioner of
   public schools, with the able and experienced assistance of
   Mr. Alexis E. Frye as superintendent. It is governed by a
   school law modeled largely upon the law of Ohio. … The schools
   are subject to constant and effective inspection and the
   attendance is practically identical with the enrollment.

   "The schools are separated from the residences of the
   teachers, and each schoolroom has its separate teacher. The
   courses and methods of instruction are those most approved in
   this country. The text-books are translations into Spanish of
   American text-books. For the supply of material $150,000 were,
   in the first instance, appropriated from the insular treasury,
   and afterwards, upon a single order, 100,000 full sets of
   desks, text-books, scholars' supplies, etc., were purchased
   upon public advertisement in this country at an expense of
   about three-quarters of a million dollars. All over the island
   the old Spanish barracks, and barracks occupied by the
   American troops which have been withdrawn, are being turned
   into schoolrooms after thorough renovation. The pressure for
   education is earnest and universal. The appropriations of this
   year from the insular treasury for that purpose will amount to
   about four and a half million dollars; but great as the
   development has been it will be impossible, with the resources
   of the island for a long time yet to come, to fully meet the
   demand for the learning so long withheld. The provincial
   institutions and high schools and the University of Habana
   have been reorganized.

   "During the past summer, through the generosity of Harvard
   University and its friends, who raised a fund of $70,000 for
   that purpose, 1,281 Cuban teachers were enabled to attend a
   summer school of instruction at Cambridge, designed to fit
   them for their duties. They were drawn from every municipality
   and almost every town in the island. They were collected from
   the different ports of the island by five United States
   transports, which carried them to Boston, and, at the
   expiration of their visit, took them to New York and thence to
   Habana and to their homes. They were lodged and boarded in and
   about the University at Cambridge, and visited the libraries
   and museums and the educational institutions and manufacturing
   establishments in the neighborhood of Boston. Through the
   energy of Mr. Frye money was raised to enable them to visit
   New York and Washington. They were returned to their homes
   without a single accident or loss, full of new ideas and of
   zeal for the educational work in which they had found so much
   sympathy and encouragement."

      _United States, Secretary of War, Annual Report,
      November 30, 1900, pages. 32-33._

{187}

CUBA: A. D. 1900 (June-November).
   Municipal elections and election
   of a Constitutional Convention.
   Meeting of the Convention.
   Statement of the Military Governor.

   "The census having been completed and the period given for
   Spanish residents to make their election as to citizenship
   having expired on the 11th of April, 1900, steps were
   immediately taken for the election of municipal governments by
   the people. In view of the fact that 66 per cent of the people
   could not read and write, it was not deemed advisable that
   absolutely unrestricted suffrage should be established, and,
   after very full conference with leading Cubans, including all
   the heads of the great departments of state, a general
   agreement was reached upon a basis of suffrage, which provided
   that every native male Cuban or Spaniard who had elected to
   take Cuban citizenship, of full age, might vote if he either
   could read and write, or owned real estate or personal
   property to the value of $250, or had served in and been
   honorably discharged from the Cuban army; thus according a
   voice in the government of the country to everyone who had the
   intelligence to acquire the rudiments of learning, the thrift
   to accumulate property, or the patriotism to fight for his
   country. On the 18th of April an election law, which aims to
   apply the best examples of our American election statutes to
   the existing conditions of Cuba, was promulgated for the
   guidance of the proposed election. On the 16th of June an
   election was held throughout the island in which the people of
   Cuba in all the municipalities, which include the entire
   island, elected all their municipal officers. The boards of
   registration and election were composed of Cubans selected by
   the Cubans themselves. No United States soldier or officer was
   present at or in the neighborhood of any polling place. There
   was no disturbance. After the newly elected municipal officers
   had been installed and commenced the performance of their
   duties an order was made enlarging the powers of the municipal
   governments and putting into their hands as much of the
   government of the people as was practicable.

   "As soon as the new municipal governments were fairly
   established the following call for a constitutional convention
   was issued:

   'Habana, July 25, 1900.
   The military governor of Cuba directs the publication of the
   following instructions:

   Whereas the Congress of the United States by its joint
   resolution of April 20, 1898, declared That the people of the
   island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be, free and
   independent; That the United States hereby disclaims any
   disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty,
   jurisdiction, or control over said island except for the
   pacification thereof, and asserts its determination, when that
   is accomplished, to leave the government and control of the
   island to its people; And whereas the people of Cuba have
   established municipal governments, deriving their authority
   from the suffrages of the people given under just and equal
   laws, and are now ready, in like manner, to proceed to the
   establishment of a general government which shall assume and
   exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, and control over the
   island: Therefore

   "'It is ordered,
   That a general election be held in the island of Cuba on the
   third Saturday of September, in the year nineteen hundred, to
   elect delegates to a convention to meet in the city of Habana,
   at twelve o'clock noon on the first Monday of November, in the
   year nineteen hundred, to frame and adopt a constitution for
   the people of Cuba, and, as a part thereof, to provide for and
   agree with the Government of the United States upon the
   relations to exist between that Government and the Government
   of Cuba, and to provide for the election by the people of
   officers under such constitution and the transfer of
   government to the officers so elected.

   "'The election will be held in the several voting precincts of
   the island under and pursuant to the provisions of the
   electoral law of April 18, 1900, and the amendments thereof.
   The people of the several provinces will elect delegates in
   number proportionate to their populations as determined by the
   census, viz: The people of the province of Pinar del Rio will
   elect three (3) delegates. The people of the province of
   Habana will elect eight (8) delegates. The people of the
   province of Matanzas will elect four (4) delegates. The people
   of the province of Santa Clara will elect seven (7) delegates.
   The people of the province of Puerto Principe will elect two
   (2) delegates. The people of the province of Santiago de Cuba
   will elect seven (7) delegates.'

   "Under this call a second election was held on the 15th of
   September, under the same law, with some slight amendments,
   and under the same conditions as the municipal elections. The
   election was wholly under the charge of Cubans, and without
   any participation or interference whatever by officers or
   troops of the United States. The thirty-one members of the
   constitutional convention were elected, and they convened at
   Habana at the appointed time. The sessions of the convention
   were opened in the city of Habana on the 5th of November by
   the military governor, with the following statement: 'To the
   delegates of the Constitutional Convention of Cuba. Gentlemen:
   As military governor of the island, representing the President
   of the United States, I call this convention to order. It will
   be your duty, first, to frame and adopt a constitution for
   Cuba, and, when that has been done, to formulate what, in your
   opinion, ought to be the relations between Cuba and the United
   States. The constitution must be adequate to secure a stable,
   orderly, and free government.

   "'When you have formulated the relations which, in your
   opinion, ought to exist between Cuba and the United States,
   the Government of the United States will doubtless take such
   action on its part as shall lead to a final and authoritative
   agreement between the people of the two countries for the
   promotion of their common interests.

{188}

   "'All friends of Cuba will follow your deliberations with the
   deepest interest, earnestly desiring that you shall reach just
   conclusions, and that, by the dignity, individual self-restraint,
   and wise conservatism which shall characterize your
   proceedings, the capacity of the Cuban people for
   representative government may be signally illustrated. The
   fundamental distinction between true representative government
   and dictatorship is that in the former every representative of
   the people, in whatever office, confines himself strictly
   within the limits of his defined powers. Without such
   restraint there can be no free constitutional government.
   Under the order pursuant to which you have been elected and
   convened you have no duty and no authority to take part in the
   present government of the island. Your powers are strictly
   limited by the terms of that order.'"

      _United States, Secretary of War,
      Annual Report, November 30, 1900, pages 24-32._

CUBA: A. D. 1900 (December).
   Measures for the destruction of the mosquito,
   as a carrier of yellow fever.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL.

CUBA: A. D. 1900-1901.
   Frauds by American officials in the Havana post office.
   Question cf the extradition of C. F. W. Neely.
   Decision of the Supreme Court of the United States as to the
   independent status of Cuba in its relations
   to the United States.

   In the spring of 1900 a discovery was made of extensive frauds
   committed by American officials who had been placed, by U. S.
   military authority, in the post office at Havana. One of the
   persons accused, named C. F. W. Neely, having returned to the
   United States, his extradition, for trial in Cuba, was
   demanded, and a question thereon arose as to the status of the
   island of Cuba in its relations to the United States. The case
   (Neely vs. Henkel) was taken on appeal to the Supreme Court of
   the United States, and Neely was subjected to extradition by the
   decision of that tribunal, rendered in January, 1901. The
   status of Cuba, as an independent foreign territory, was thus
   defined in the opinion of the Court:

   "The legislative and executive branches of the Government, by
   the joint resolution of April 20, 1898, expressly disclaimed
   any purpose to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control
   over Cuba, 'except for the pacification thereof,' and asserted
   the determination of the United States, that object being
   accomplished, to leave the government and control of Cuba to
   its own people. All that has been done in relation to Cuba has
   had that end in view, and so far as the court is informed by the
   public history of the relations of this country with that
   island, nothing has been done inconsistent with the declared
   object of the war with Spain. Cuba is none the less foreign
   territory, within the meaning of the act of Congress, because
   it is under a military governor appointed by and representing
   the President in the work of assisting the inhabitants of that
   island to establish a government of their own, under which, as
   a free and independent people, they may control their own
   affairs without interference by other nations. The occupancy
   of the island by troops of the United States was the necessary
   result of the war. That result could not have been avoided by
   the United States consistently with the principles of
   international law or with its obligations to the people of
   Cuba. It is true that as between Spain and the United
   States—indeed, as between the United States and all foreign
   nations—Cuba, upon the cessation of hostilities with Spain and
   after the treaty of Paris, was to be treated as if it were
   conquered territory. But—as between the United States and
   Cuba, that island is territory held in trust for the
   inhabitants of Cuba, to whom it rightfully belongs and to
   whose exclusive control it will be surrendered when a stable
   government shall have been established by their voluntary
   action."

CUBA: A. D. 1901 (January).
   Draft of Constitution reported to the Convention
   by its Central Committee.

   Public sessions of the Constitutional Convention were not
   opened until the middle of January, 1901, when the draft of a
   Constitution was reported by its Central Committee, and the
   text given to the Press. By subsequent action of the
   Convention, various amendments were made, and the instrument,
   at this writing (early in April), still awaits finish and
   adoption. The amendments have been reported imperfectly and
   the text of the Constitution, even in its present state,
   cannot be authentically given. It is probable, however, that
   the structure of government provided for in the draft reported
   to the Convention stands now and will remain substantially
   unchanged. An outline of its features is the most that we will
   venture to give in this place.

   The preamble is in these words:

   "We, the delegates of the Cuban people, having met in assembly
   for the purpose of agreeing upon the adoption of a fundamental
   law, which, at the same time that it provides for the
   constitution into a sovereign and independent nation of the
   people of Cuba, establishes a solid and permanent form of
   government, capable of complying with its international
   obligations, insuring domestic tranquillity, establishing
   justice, promoting the general welfare, and securing the
   blessings of liberty to the inhabitants, we do agree upon and
   adopt the following constitution, in pursuance of the said
   purpose, invoking the protection of the Almighty, and prompted
   by the dictates of our conscience."

   The form of government is declared to be republican. The
   guarantees of the Constitution, defined with precision and at
   length, include "equal rights under the law," protection from
   arbitrary arrest and imprisonment, freedom of thought, speech,
   writing and publication, freedom of worship, freedom of
   association and meeting, freedom of teaching, freedom of
   travel, inviolability of private dwellings and private papers,
   "except by order of a competent authority and with the
   formalities prescribed by the laws."

   Legislative powers are to be exercised by two elective bodies,
   to be named House of Representatives and Senate, and
   conjointly known as Congress. The Senate to be composed of six
   senators elected from each of the six departments of the
   republic; the boundaries and names of the departments to be
   those of the present provinces "as long as not modified by the
   laws."

{189}

   The terms of the senators to be six years, one third of their
   number to be elected every two years. The House of
   Representatives to be composed of "one representative for
   every 25,000 inhabitants or fraction of more than 12,000,
   elected for a period of four years, by direct vote, and in the
   manner prescribed by law "; one half to be elected every two
   years. Representatives and Senators not to be held responsible
   for opinions expressed in the exercise of their duties, and not
   to be arrested nor tried without the consent of the body to
   which they belong, "except in case of being discovered in the
   act of committing some crime." Congress to meet in regular
   session every year on the first Monday in November, and to
   remain in session for at least ninety consecutive days,
   excepting holidays and Sundays. Its powers to be substantially
   the same as those exercised by the Congress of the United
   States.

   The executive power to be exercised by the President of the
   republic, who "shall be elected by direct votes, and an
   absolute majority thereof, cast on one single day, in
   accordance with the provisions of the law." The term of the
   President to be four years, and none to be elected for three
   consecutive terms. A Vice-President to be elected "in the same
   manner as the President, conjointly with the latter and for a
   like term."

   The judicial power to be "exercised by the Supreme Court of
   Justice and such other courts as may be established by law."
   The Supreme Court, like that of the United States, "to decide
   as to the constitutionality of legislative acts that may have
   been objected to as unconstitutional," and to have an
   appellant jurisdiction corresponding to that of the Supreme
   Court of the United States.

   Over each of the six departments or provinces it is provided
   that there shall be a governor, "elected by a direct vote for
   a period of three years," and a Departmental Assembly, "to
   consist of not less than eight or more than twenty, elected by
   direct vote for a like period of three years." The
   Departmental Assemblies to "have the right of independent
   action in all things not antagonistic to the constitution, to
   the general laws nor to international treaties, nor to that
   which pertains to the inherent rights of the municipalities,
   which may concern the department, such as the establishment
   and maintenance of institutions of public education, public
   charities, public departmental roads, means of communication
   by water or sea, the preparation of their budgets, and the
   appointment and removal of their employés."

   The "municipal terminos" are to be governed by
   "Ayuntamientos," composed of Councilmen elected by a direct
   vote in the manner prescribed by law, and by a Mayor, elected
   in like manner. The Ayuntamientos to be self-governing, free
   to "take action on all matters that solely and exclusively
   concern their municipal termino, such as appointment and
   removal of employés, preparation of their budgets, freely
   establishing the means of income to meet them without any
   other limitation than that of making them compatible with the
   general system of taxation of the republic."

   The provision for amendment of the Constitution is as follows:

   "The constitution cannot be changed in whole or part except by
   two-thirds vote of both legislative bodies. Six months after
   deciding on the reform, a Constitutional Assembly shall be
   elected, which shall confine itself to the approval or
   disapproval of the reform voted by the legislative bodies.
   These will continue in their functions independently of the
   Constitutional Assembly. The members in this Assembly shall be
   equal to the number of the members in the two legislative
   bodies together."

CUBA: A. D. 1901 (February-March).
   Conditions on which the government of the island will
   be yielded to its people prescribed by the Congress
   of the United States.

   In the call for a Constitutional Convention issued by the
   military governor on the 25th of July, 1900 (see above), it
   was set forth that the duty of the Convention would be "to
   frame and adopt a constitution for the people of Cuba, and, as
   a part thereof, to provide for and agree with the government
   of the United States upon the relations to exist between that
   government and the government of Cuba." This intimated an
   intention on the part of the government of the United States
   to attach conditions to its recognition of the independent
   government for which the Convention was expected to provide.
   The intimation was conveyed still more plainly to the
   Constitutional Convention by Military Governor Wood, at the
   opening of its sessions, when he said: "When you have
   formulated the relations which, in your opinion, ought to
   exist between Cuba and the United States, the government of
   the United States will doubtless take such action on its part
   as shall lead to a final and authoritative agreement between
   the two countries for the promotion of their common
   interests." The Convention, however, gave no sign of a
   disposition to act as desired by the government of the United
   States, and seemed likely to finish its work, either without
   touching the subject of relations between the Cuban and
   American Republics, or else offering proposals that would not
   meet the wishes of the latter. Those wishes were made known to
   the Convention in flat terms, at length, by the military
   governor, and its prompt action was urged, in order that the
   judgment of the Congress of the United States might be
   pronounced on what it did. But the day on which the session of
   Congress would expire drew near, and still nothing came from
   the Cubans, who seem to have understood that they were
   exempted from such dictation by the resolution which Congress
   adopted on the 18th of April, 1898, when it took up the Cuban
   cause [see (in this volume)) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D.
   1998 (APRIL)], declaring that "the United States hereby
   disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise
   sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island [of
   Cuba], except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its
   determination when that is accomplished to leave the
   government and control of the island to its people."

   Unwilling to be left to deal, alone, with the question thus
   arising between the Cubans and their liberators, President
   McKinley caused it to be understood that he should call an
   extra session of Congress, if no Congressional expression on
   the subject of Cuban relations was found practicable before
   the 4th of March. This stimulated action in the expiring
   Congress, and the Army Appropriation Bill, then pending in the
   Senate, was made the vehicle of legislation on the subject, by
   the hasty insertion therein of the following amendment,
   offered by Senator Platt, of Connecticut:

{190}

   "In fulfillment of the declaration contained in the joint
   resolution approved April 20, 1898, entitled 'For the
   recognition of the independence of the people of Cuba,
   demanding that the Government of Spain relinquish its
   authority and government in the island of Cuba, and to
   withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters,
   and directing the President of the United States to use the land
   and naval forces of the United States to carry these
   resolutions into effect,' the President is hereby authorized
   to 'leave the government and control of the island of Cuba to
   its people,' so soon as a government shall have been
   established in said island under a constitution which, either
   as a part thereof or in an ordinance appended thereto, shall
   define the future relations of the United States with Cuba,
   substantially as follows;

   I.
   "That the government of Cuba shall never enter into any treaty
   or other compact with any foreign power or powers which will
   impair or tend to impair the independence of Cuba, nor in any
   manner authorize or permit any foreign power or powers to
   obtain by colonization or for military or naval purposes or
   otherwise, lodgment in or control over any portion of said
   island.

   II.
   "That said government shall not assume or contract any public
   debt, to pay the interest upon which, and to make reasonable
   sinking fund provision for the ultimate discharge of which,
   the ordinary revenues of the island, after defraying the
   current expenses of government, shall be inadequate.

   III.
   "That the government of Cuba consents that the United States
   may exercise the right to intervene for the preservation of
   Cuban independence, the maintenance of a government adequate
   for the protection of life, property, and individual liberty,
   and for discharging the obligations with respect to Cuba
   imposed by the treaty of Paris on the United States, now to be
   assumed and undertaken by the government of Cuba.

   IV.
   "That all acts of the United States in Cuba during its
   military occupancy thereof are ratified and validated, and all
   lawful rights acquired thereunder shall be maintained and
   protected.

   V.
   "That the government of Cuba will execute, and as far as
   necessary extend, the plans already devised or other plans to
   be mutually agreed upon, for the sanitation of the cities of
   the island, to the end that a recurrence of epidemic and
   infectious diseases may be prevented, thereby assuring
   protection to the people and commerce of Cuba, as well as to
   the commerce of the Southern ports of the United States and
   the people residing therein.

   VI.

   "That the Isle of Pines shall be omitted from the proposed
   constitutional boundaries of Cuba, the title thereto being
   left to future adjustment by treaty.

   VII.

   "That to enable the United States to maintain the independence
   of Cuba, and to protect the people thereof, as well as for its
   own defence, the government of Cuba will sell or lease to the
   United States lands necessary for coaling or naval stations at
   certain specified points, to be agreed upon with the President
   of the United States.

   VIII.

   "That by way of further assurance the government of Cuba will
   embody the foregoing provisions in a permanent treaty with the
   United States."

   The Platt Amendment, as it is known, was adopted by the Senate
   on the 27th of February (yeas 43, nays 20, not, voting 25),
   and concurred in by the House on the 1st of March (yeas 161,
   nays 136, not voting 56). The opponents of the amendment were
   weakened by their dread of an extra session of Congress, and
   by their knowledge that the party of the administration would
   be still stronger in the new Congress than in that which
   expired on the 4th of March. Otherwise, no vote on the measure
   could have been reached before that date.

   At the time of this writing, the effect in Cuba of the
   declarations of the Congress of the United States remains in
   doubt. The Constitutional Convention has taken no action upon
   them.

   ----------CUBA: End--------

CULEBRA.

      See (in this volume)
      PORTO RICO: AREA AND POPULATION.

CUMULATIVE VOTING.

      See (in this volume)
      BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

CURTIS ACT, The.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

CURZON, George N., Baron:
   Appointed Viceroy of India.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER).

CZECH PARTIES.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

D.

DAHOMEY: A. D. 1895.
   Under a Governor-General of French West Africa.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (FRENCH WEST AFRICA).

DAHOMEY: A. D. 1897.
   Settlement of Tongaland boundary.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (DAHOMEY AND TONGALAND).

DAMASCUS, Railway to.

      See (in this volume)
      JEWS: A. D. 1899.

DARGAI, Battle of.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

"DARKEST ENGLAND" SCHEME, Results from General Booth's.

      See (in this volume)
      SALVATION ARMY.

DAVIS, General George W.:
   Military Governor of Porto Rico.

      See (in this volume)
      PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (OCTOBER-OCTOBER).

DAVIS, General George W.:
   Report on the Civil Government of Porto Rico.

      See (in this volume)
      PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (AUGUST-JULY).

DAWES COMMISSION, The work of the.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

{191}

DE BEERS CONSOLIDATED MINING COMPANY:
   Complicity in the Jameson Raid.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1896 (JULY).

DECLARATION AGAINST TRANSUBSTANTIATION, The English King's.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

DELAGOA BAY, and the railway to Pretoria.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
      A. D. 1895 (JULY) and (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER).

DELAGOA BAY ARBITRATION.

   "On December 11th, 1875, Portugal concluded a treaty with the
   Transvaal Government under which the latter Government bound
   itself to continue the line of railway—which the Portuguese
   Government proposed to build from Lourenço-Marques to the
   Transvaal frontier—'up to a centre of production and
   consumption which should insure the traffic of the line and
   the development of international commerce.' The Portuguese
   Government then began to look about for a concessionaire and
   contractor for this line, and after some research, eventually
   came to terms with one Colonel Edward McMurdo, a citizen of
   the United States of America, who undertook to build the line
   without any Government subvention,—a matter of some importance
   to the Portuguese Government,—but upon certain conditions, of
   which the most important was that the concessionaire should
   have the right to fix the tariffs without any State
   interference. A contract … was drawn up and executed in Lisbon
   on December 14th, 1883." The government bound itself to grant
   no concession for a rival railway from the coast to the
   Transvaal boundary, and gave the contractor certain valuable
   mining rights and grants of land. On his part he was to
   complete the road within three years. He formed a Portuguese
   company for the purpose, and seems to have been prepared for
   success in his undertaking, when rumors began to circulate
   that the Transvaal government had secured from that of
   Portugal the right to build a steam tramway from the eastern
   terminus of its own line to the coast. These rumors were
   contradicted by the Portuguese government: but are said to
   have been eventually confirmed. Five months after the signing
   of the contract with Colonel McMurdo, the Portuguese
   authorities, it seems, had actually violated it in the manner
   described. Henceforth the contractor appears to have had every
   possible embarrassment thrown in his way by combined action of
   the Portuguese and Boer governments. His Portuguese company
   was broken down, but he organized another in England, which
   struggled on with the enterprise until 1880, when a decree
   from Lisbon rescinded the concession, declared the railway
   forfeited, and ordered military possession of it to be taken.
   The sufferers in the matter, being British and American
   citizens, appealed then to their respective governments, and
   both intervened in their behalf. The result was a reference of
   the matter to the arbitration of Switzerland. So much was
   settled in June, 1891; but it was not until March, 1900, that
   the judgment of the arbitrators was pronounced. They awarded
   to the Delagoa Bay Company, as its due on the railway,
   13,980,000 francs. "To this is added a sum of fr. 2,000,000 as
   an indemnity for the land grant, which brings the total award
   (less £28,000 paid by Portugal on account in 1890) to fr.
   15,314,000 (or about £612,560), with interest at 5 per cent.
   from June 25th, 1889, to the date of payment. The amount of
   this award came as a considerable shock to the claimants, as
   well it might. It was insufficient to pay even the bonds in
   full (including interest at 7 per cent.), and left nothing
   whatever for the shareholders, while even the expenses are to
   be borne by each party equally."

      _M. McIlwraith,
      The Delagoa Bay Arbitration
      (Fortnightly Review, September, 1900)._

DELAWARE: A. D. 1897.
   A new Constitution.

   A new constitution for the State of Delaware, which went into
   effect June 10, 1897, provides that after January 1, 1900, no
   citizen shall vote who cannot write his name and read the
   constitution in the English language. It also provides a
   registration fee of one dollar as a qualification to vote.

DEMOCRACY: In the Nineteenth Century.

      See (in this volume)
      NINETEENTH CENTURY; THE TREND.

DEMOCRACY: In the Nineteenth Century.
   Pope Leo's Encyclical concerning.

      See (in this volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1901.

DEMOCRATIC EXPERIMENTS, New Zealand.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1891-1900.

DEMOCRATIC PARTY, and the Silver Question in the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
      and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

DENMARK: A. D. 1899.
   Complaints from Danish Sleswick of German treatment.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1899.

DENMARK: A. D. 1899.
   Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

DÉROULÈDE, Paul:
   Trial and conviction for treasonable conspiracy.

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1890 (FEBRUARY-JUNE);
      and 1899-1900 (AUGUST-JANUARY).

DERVISHES, of the Sudan, The.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896; 1897-1898; and 1899-1900.

DEVIL'S ISLAND.

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899.

DEWEY, Admiral George:
   Destruction of Spanish fleet in Manila Bay.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

DIAMOND JUBILEE, Queen Victoria's.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND; A. D. 1897 (JUNE).

DIAZ, Porfirio:
   The results of twenty years of his Presidency in Mexico.

      See (in this volume)
      MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.

DINGLEY TARIFF, The.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1897 (MARCH-JULY); and 1899-1901.

DIPHTHERIA: Discovery of antitoxine treatment of.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL.

DIR: Inclusion in a new British Indian province.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

{192}

DISCOVERIES, Scientific:
   Comparison of the Nineteenth Century with preceding ages.

      See (in this volume)
      NINETEENTH CENTURY; COMPARISON.

DISFRANCHISEMENT OF THE NEGRO.

      See (in this volume)
      MISSISSIPPI; LOUISIANA; NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1900;
      SOUTH CAROLINA; A. D. 1896;
      MARYLAND;
      and UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

DISPENSARY LAWS.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899;
      NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1897-1899;
      SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1899;
      and ALABAMA: A. D. 1899.

DIVINE RIGHT, Kingship by:
   German revival of the doctrine.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1899.

DOMINICA: Condition and relief measures.

      See (in this volume))
      WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.

DOMINICAN REPUBLIC: A. D. 1899.
   Assassination of President Heureaux.
   Revolution.
   Election of President Jiminez.

   General D. Ulises Heureaux, President of the Republic, was
   shot through the heart by an assassin and instantly killed, on
   the 26th of July. "He was in his fourth consecutive term as
   president, and had occupied that position for fifteen years,
   although still a young man. San Domingo had been more free
   from revolution, more prosperous, better inclined toward
   outside capital and enterprise, and more disposed toward the
   ways of modern civilization under Heureaux, than at any
   previous time for many decades. Although nominally a republic,
   San Domingo was ruled by this iron-willed and resolute negro
   with a stern despotism hardly matched by any other
   contemporary government on earth. He was superior to all law.
   He constantly made use of the practice of executing officials,
   generals, and well-known public men with his own hand whenever
   dissatisfied with them. Still more frequently, when the
   objects of his disapproval were not within easy traveling
   distance, he gave orders to some officer or subordinate,
   dependent upon his favor, to undertake an assassination.
   Failure to comply promptly and successfully with such a
   mandate meant death to the men who failed. These statements
   convey no exaggerated impression of the way in which Heureaux
   has ruled San Domingo, nipped insurrection in the bud, and
   kept himself in power. … He always excused his ruthlessness on
   the ground of public necessity. Of course, it was inevitable
   that such a man should sooner or later be assassinated
   himself."

      _American Review of Reviews,
      September, 1899._

   According to the provisions of the constitution, the
   Vice-President, General Figuereo, succeeded to the presidency;
   but an insurrection against his government was so rapidly
   successful that he resigned his office on the 31st of August,
   and a provisional government was created, pending arrangements
   for an election. The recognized leader of the revolutionary
   movement was Juan Isidro Jiminez, who had been compelled, some
   years before, to quit San Domingo, on account of his
   opposition to Heureaux, leaving a large property behind. Since
   that time he had been a successful and well-known merchant in
   New York. Latterly, Jiminez had established himself in Cuba,
   whence he attempted to assist as well as direct the revolution
   in the neighboring island; but the United States authorities
   objected to such use being made of neutral territory, and he
   was placed for a time under arrest. When released, however, he
   was permitted to proceed to San Domingo, without men or arms,
   and there he was elected President, assuming the office on the
   14th of November.

DOMINICAN REPUBLIC: A. D. 1900.
   Commercial Convention with the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899-1901.

DOMOKO, Battle of.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

DONGOLA, Expedition to.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

DREYFUS AFFAIR, The.

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899.

DREYFUS AFFAIR, The
   Closed by the Amnesty Bill.

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

DRIEFONTEIN, Battle of.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (MARCH-MAY).

DRIFTS, Closing of the Vaal River.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
      A. D. 1895 (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER).

DUM-DUM BULLET, The.

   The dum-dum bullet, about which there was much discussion at
   The Hague Peace Conference, is constructed to spread slightly
   at the point. All modern rifle bullets have an outer jacket of
   hard metal, to take the grooving of the gun-barrel.
   "Originally the jacket was thickest at the point, and so
   strong that, while penetration was enormous, stopping power
   was wanting; in other words, one bullet might easily go
   through half a dozen men, yet, unless it happened to hit a
   vital spot or a bone, they need not be disabled, and might
   therefore continue to fight. This was amply illustrated in the
   Chitral campaign, during which our soldiers began to lose
   confidence in their weapon, while the enemy, quick to
   recognize the different effect of volleys, were inclined to
   attack British infantry armed with the Lee-Metford rather than
   native infantry armed with the Martini-Henry. The Indian
   military authorities at once set about designing a bullet
   which, while maintaining range, should have the required
   stopping power. The result was the dum-dum bullet—so named
   after the place near Calcutta where it is made—of which much
   has been heard. The difference in appearance between it and
   the original pattern is comparatively slight. The shape is
   exactly the same, but the jacket is differently arranged;
   instead of having its greatest strength at the point, it is
   weakest there—indeed, at the apex a small part of the core is
   uncovered, but does not project."

      _Quarterly Review, July, 1899._

{193}

DUTCH EAST INDIES: A. D. 1894.
   Revolt in Lombok.

   A rising in the island of Lombok, one of the Lesser Sunda
   group, which began in August, proved a troublesome affair.
   "The cause of the rebellion was the concession made to the
   Sassaks, to be henceforth governed by their own chiefs,
   instead of by the Balinian chiefs, who had hitherto been
   all-powerful. During the continuance of the hostilities, the
   Sassaks remained constantly faithful to the Dutch, and fought
   against the Balinians, who, although far inferior in numbers,
   had, nevertheless, oppressed their fellow-islanders for many
   years; but the courage, energy and audacity of the Balinians
   were well known, and as early as 1868 the Dutch troops had
   been in serious conflict with them. The news of this disaster
   aroused in Holland great excitement, and public opinion was
   unanimous in its demand for speedy and energetic reprisals.
   Several severe and bloody encounters took place, but finally
   the Dutch troops, under the orders of General Vetter,
   succeeded in making the Rajah of Lombok prisoner, his immense
   wealth falling at the same time into the hands of the
   victors."

      _Annual Register,
      1894, page 308._

DYNAMITE MONOPOLY, The Boer.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1895 (NOVEMBER).

E.

EAGAN, General Charles P.: The case of.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

EAST AFRICA, German: Trade, etc.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, British.

      See (in this volume)
      BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE: A. D. 1895-1897.

EAST INDIES, Dutch.

      See (in this volume)
      DUTCH EAST INDIES.

ECCLESIASTICAL LAWS, The Hungarian.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1894-1895.

ECUADOR: A. D. 1894-1899.
   Successful Revolution.
   Government measures against the Church.

   In the fall of 1894 the government of Chile sold ostensibly to
   that of Ecuador a war vessel, which the latter at once
   transferred to Japan, then at war with China. The round about
   transaction was regarded with suspicion, the Ecuadorian
   government being accused of a corrupt agency in it, to cover
   the Chilian breach of neutrality. Much feeling on the subject
   was excited in the country, and this gave to the Radical party
   an opportunity to stir up revolt. They improved it with
   success. After an obstinate civil war of more than six months
   the government of President Cordero was overthrown, and
   General Aloy Alfaro, the revolutionist leader, was inaugurated
   Executive Chief of the Republic on the 4th of November, 1895.
   The defeated Conservatives, stimulated by the clergy, were
   quickly in arms again, in the summer of 1896, but again they
   were overcome, and the government of Alfaro began to deal
   severely with the religious orders and the Church. Much of the
   Church property was confiscated, and the inmates of religious
   houses are said to have fled in considerable numbers to other
   countries. In October, 1896, a National Convention was held
   and the constitution revised. Among other changes, it imposed
   limitations on the former power of the Church, and extended
   religious freedom to other sects. In 1897 the Indians who had
   supported Alfaro two years before were admitted to
   citizenship. A renewed attempt at revolution, that year,
   organized and armed in Colombia, was suppressed with the help
   of the Colombian government. The same fate attended another
   undertaking of rebellion in January, 1899; but it was overcome
   only after a hard fought battle.

ECUADOR: A. D. 1900.
   Commercial Convention with the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899-1901.

ECUMENICAL CONFERENCE ON MISSIONS.

      See (in this volume)
      MISSIONS.

EDUCATION: Australia and New Zealand.
   Progress of educational work.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRALIA: RECENT EXTENSIONS OF DEMOCRACY.

EDUCATION:
   Birth of educational systems in the Nineteenth Century.

      See (in this volume)
      NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE TREND.

EDUCATION: Canada: A. D. 1890-1896.
   The Manitoba School Question.

      See (in this volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1890-1896.

EDUCATION: Canada: A. D. 1898.
   Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIII. on the
   Manitoba School Question.

   See (in this volume)
   CANADA: A. D. 1898 (JANUARY).

EDUCATION: Belgium: A. D. 1895.
   Religious teaching restored.

   A new school law was carried in Belgium, against fierce
   opposition from the Liberals and Socialists, which restores
   obligatory religious teaching in both public and private
   schools. Parents are permitted, however, to withhold their
   children from the instruction that is given during school
   hours by Catholic priests, on attesting in writing that it is
   their wish to do so.

EDUCATION: Congo State:
   The Belgian provision of schools.

      See (in this volume)
      CONGO FREE STATE: A. D. 1899.

EDUCATION: Cuba: A. D. 1898.
   As left by the Spaniards.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER).

EDUCATION: Cuba: A. D. 1900.
   Organization of public schools.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1900.

EDUCATION: Egypt:
   Gordon Memorial College at Khartoum.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1899.

EDUCATION: England: A. D. 1896-1897.
   "The Voluntary Schools Act" and "The Elementary Education Act."

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1896-1897.

EDUCATION: England: A. D. 1899.
   Creation of a Board of Education.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (AUGUST).

EDUCATION: England: A. D. 1900.
   Age at which children may leave school
   raised from eleven to twelve years.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (FEBRUARY).

EDUCATION: Hawaii:
   Progress of educational work.

      See (in this volume)
      HAWAII: A. D. 1900.

EDUCATION: Japan: 1897.
   Restriction of religious teaching.

      See (in this volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1899 (AUGUST).

EDUCATION: Japan: A. D. 1899.
   A Japanese injunction to students concerning
   behavior to foreigners.

      See (in this volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1899 (JULY).

EDUCATION: Mexico:
   Progress of educational work.

      See (in this volume)
      MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.

{194}

EDUCATION: Philippine Islands: A. D. 1898.
   Schools and colleges under the Spanish regime.

   "The only educational advantages attainable by the common
   people of the archipelago are those afforded by the primary
   schools. The Spanish regulations provided that there should be
   one male and one female primary school teacher for each 5,000
   inhabitants, instruction being given separately to the two
   sexes. This wretchedly inadequate provision was, as a matter
   of fact, never carried out. … From [a table showing the
   relation between number of primary school teachers and
   population in the several provinces, etc.] it appears that the
   number of teachers of each sex required by law for a
   population of 6,709,810 is 1,342, making a total of 2,684
   teachers, whereas there are in reality but 991 male teachers
   and 923 female teachers, giving a total of 1,914. Disregarding
   the question of sex, we see that while there should be one
   teacher for each 2,500 inhabitants, there is in reality but
   one to each 3,500, even if we include only that portion of the
   population sufficiently civilized to be taken account of in
   the above enumeration. Taking the entire population at
   8,000,000, we find that there is but one teacher to each 4,179
   individuals. Examination of the … table further shows that in
   many instances the lack of teachers is greater in those
   provinces which are most thickly populated and whose people
   are most highly civilized. …

   "While most of the small towns have one teacher of each sex,
   in the larger towns and cities no adequate provision is made
   for the increased teaching force necessary; so that places of
   30,000 or 40,000 inhabitants are often no better off as
   regards number of teachers than are other places in the same
   province of but 1,500 or 2,000 souls. The hardship thus
   involved for children desiring a primary education will be
   better understood if one stops to consider the nature of the
   Philippine 'pueblo,' which is really a township, often
   containing within its limits a considerable number of distinct
   and important villages or towns, from the most important of
   which the township takes its name. The others, under distinct
   names, are known as 'barrios,' or wards. It is often quite
   impossible for small children to attend school at the
   particular town which gives its name to the township on
   account of their distance from it. …

   "The character and amount of the instruction which has
   heretofore been furnished is also worthy of careful
   consideration. The regulations for primary schools were as
   follows: 'Instruction in schools for natives shall for the
   present be reduced to elementary primary instruction and shall
   consist of—

   1. Christian doctrine and principles of morality and sacred
   history suitable for children.

   2. Reading.

   3. Writing.

   4. Practical instruction in Spanish, including grammar
   and orthography.

   5. Principles of arithmetic, comprising the four rules for
   figures, common fractions, decimal fractions, and instruction
   in the metric system with its equivalents in ordinary weights
   and measures.

   6. Instruction in general geography and Spanish history.

   7. Instruction in practical agriculture as applied to the
   products of the country.

   8. Rules of deportment.

   9. Vocal music.'

   "It will be noted that education in Christian doctrine is
   placed before reading and writing, and, if the natives are to
   be believed, in many of the more remote districts instruction
   began and ended with this subject and was imparted in the
   local native dialect at that. It is further and persistently
   charged that the instruction in Spanish was in very many cases
   purely imaginary, because the local friars, who were formerly
   'ex officio' school inspectors, not only prohibited it, but
   took active measures to enforce their dictum. … Ability to
   read and write a little of the local native language was
   comparatively common. Instruction in geography was extremely
   superficial. As a rule no maps or charts were available, and
   such information as was imparted orally was left to the memory
   of the pupil, unaided by any graphic method of presentation.
   The only history ever taught was that of Spain, and that under
   conventional censorship. The history of other nations was a
   closed volume to the average Filipino. … The course as above
   outlined was that prescribed for boys. Girls were not given
   instruction in geography, history, or agriculture, but in
   place of these subjects were supposed to receive instruction
   'in employments suitable to their sex.'

   "It should be understood that the criticisms which have been
   here made apply to the provincial schools. The primary
   instruction given at the Ateneo Municipal at Manila, under the
   direction of the Jesuits, fulfilled the requirements of the
   law, and in some particulars exceeded them. … The only
   official institution for secondary education in the
   Philippines was the College of San Juan de Letran, which was
   in charge of the Dominican Friars and was under the control of
   the university authorities. Secondary education was also given in
   the Ateneo Municipal of Manila, by the Jesuit Fathers, and
   this institution was better and more modern in its methods
   than any other in the archipelago. But although the Jesuits
   provided the instruction, the Dominicans held the
   examinations. … There are two normal schools in Manila, one
   for the education of male and the other for the education of
   female teachers. … The only institutions for higher education
   in the Philippines have been the Royal and Pontifical
   University of Santo Tomas, and the Royal College of San José,
   which has for the past twenty-five years been under the
   direction of the university authorities."

      _Report of the Philippine Commission,
      January 1, 1900, volume 1, part 3._

EDUCATION: Porto Rico: A. D. 1898.
   Spanish schools and teachers.

      See (in this volume)
      PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (AUGUST-JULY).

EDUCATION: Porto Rico: A. D. 1900.
   First steps in the creation of a public school system.

      See (in this volume)
      PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

EDUCATION: Russia:
   Student troubles in the universities.

      See (in this volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1899 (FEBRUARY-JUNE); 1900; and 1901.

EDUCATION: Tunis:
   Schools under the French Protectorate.

      See (in this volume)
      TUNIS: A. D. 1881-1898.

EDUCATION: United States:
   Indian schools.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1899-1900.

EDUCATION: United States: A. D. 1896.
   Princeton University.

   The one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the founding of
   the institution at Princeton, New Jersey, which had borne the
   name of "The College of New Jersey," was celebrated on the
   20th, 21st, and 22d of October, 1896, with ceremonies in which
   many representatives from famous seats of learning in Europe
   and America took part. The proceedings included a formal
   change of name, to Princeton University.

{195}

EDUCATION: United States: A. D. 1900.
   Women as students and as teachers.

      See (in this volume)
      NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE WOMAN'S CENTURY.

EDWARD VII., King of England.
   Accession.
   English estimate of his character.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

   Opening of his first Parliament.
   The Royal Test Oath.

EDWARD VII., King of England.
      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

   ----------EGYPT: Start--------

EGYPT:
   Recent Archæological Explorations and their result.
   Discovery of prehistoric remains.
   Light on the first dynasties.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: RESULTS.

EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.
   Abandonment of the Egyptian Sudan to the Dervishes.
   Death of the Mahdi and reign of the Khalifa.
   Beginning of a new Anglo-Egyptian movement for
   the recovery of the Sudan.
   The expedition to Dongola.

   After the failure to rescue General Gordon from the Mahdists
   at Khartoum (see, in volume 1, EGYPT: A. D. 1884-1885), the
   British government, embarrassed in other quarters, felt
   compelled to evacuate the Sudan. Before it did so the Mahdi
   had finished his career, having died of smallpox in June,
   1885, and one of his three chief commanders, styled khalifas,
   had acquired authority over the Dervish army and reigned in
   his place. This was the Khalifa Abdullah, a chieftain of the
   Baggara tribe. Khartoum had been destroyed, and Omdurman, on
   the opposite side of the river, became his capital. The rule
   of the Khalifa was soon made so cruelly despotic, and so much
   in the interest of his own tribe, that incessant rebellions in
   many parts of his dominions restrained him from any vigorous
   undertaking of the conquest of Egypt, which was the great
   object of Dervish desire. But his able and energetic
   lieutenant in the Eastern Sudan, Osman Digna, was a serious
   menace to the Egyptian forces holding Suakin, where Major
   Watson, at first, and afterwards Colonel Kitchener, were
   holding command, under General Grenfell, who was then the
   Egyptian Sirdar, or military chief. Osman Digna, however, was
   defeated in all his attempts. At the same time the Khalifa was
   desperately at war with the Negus. John, of Abyssinia, who
   fell in a great battle at Galabat (March, 1889), and whose
   death at the crisis of the battle threw his army into
   confusion and caused its defeat. Menelek, king of the
   feudatory state of Shoa, acquired the Abyssinian crown, and
   war with the Dervishes was stopped. Then they began an advance
   down the Nile, and suffered a great defeat from the British
   and Egyptian troops, at Toski, on the 17th of August, 1889.
   From that time, for several years, "there was no real menace
   to Egypt," and little was heard of the Khalifa. "His
   territories were threatened on all sides: on the north by the
   British in Egypt; on the south by the British in Uganda: on
   the west by the Belgians in the Congo Free State, and by the
   French in the Western Soudan; whilst the Italians held Kassala
   on the east; so that the Khalifa preferred to husband his
   resources until the inevitable day should arrive when he would
   have to fight for his position."

   A crisis in the situation came in 1896. The Egyptian army,
   organized and commanded by British officers, had become a
   strong fighting force, on which its leaders could depend. Its
   Sirdar was now Major-General Sir Herbert Kitchener, who
   succeeded General Grenfell in 1892. Suddenly there came news,
   early in March, 1896, of the serious reverse which the
   Italians had suffered at Adowa, in their war with the
   Abyssinians (see, (in this volume) ITALY: A. D. 1895-1896).
   "The consternation felt in England and Egypt at this disaster
   deepened when it became known that Kassala, which was held by
   the Italian forces, was hemmed in, and seriously threatened by
   10,000 Dervishes, and that Osman Digna was marching there with
   reinforcements. If Kassala fell into the hands of the
   Dervishes, the latter would be let loose to overrun the Nile
   valley on the frontier of Egypt, and threaten that country
   itself. As if in anticipation of these reinforcements, the
   Dervishes suddenly assumed an offensive attitude, and it was
   rumoured that a large body of Dervishes were contemplating an
   immediate advance on Egypt. … A totally new situation was now
   created, and immediate action was rendered imperative.
   Everything was ripe for an expedition up the Nile. Whilst
   creating a diversion in favour of the Italians besieged at
   Kassala, it afforded an opportunity of creating a stronger
   barrier than the Wady Halfa boundary between Egypt and the
   Dervishes, and it would moreover be an important step towards
   the long-wished-for recovery of the Soudan. The announcement
   of the contemplated expedition was made in the House of
   Commons on the 17th of March, 1896, by Mr. Curzon,
   Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs. It came as a great
   surprise to the whole country, which, having heard so little
   of the Dervishes of late years, was not prepared for a
   recrudescence of the Soudan question. [But a vote of censure
   on the Egyptian policy of the government, moved by Mr. John
   Morley in the House of Commons, was rejected by 288 to 145.] …

   "An unexpected difficulty arose in connection with the
   financing of the expedition. This is explained very plainly
   and concisely in the 'Annual Register,' 1896, which we quote
   at length:—

   'In order to defray the cost of the undertaking, it being
   obviously desirable to impose as little strain as possible on
   the slowly recovering finances of Egypt, it was determined by
   the Egyptian Government to apply for an advance of £500,000
   from the General Reserve Fund of the Caisse de la Dette, and
   the authorities of the Caisse obligingly handed over the
   money. … However, the French and Russian members of the Caisse
   de la Dette protested against the loan which the Caisse had
   made. … In December (1896) the International Court of Appeal
   required the Egyptian Government to refund to the Caisse the
   £500,000 which they had secured. The very next day Lord Cromer
   offered an English loan to make good the advance. The Egyptian
   Government accepted his offer, and repaid immediately the
   £500,000 to the Caisse, and the result of this somewhat absurd
   transaction is that England has thus strengthened her hold in
   another small point on the Government of Egypt.'"

      _H. S. L. Alford, and W. D. Sword,
      The Egyptian Soudan, its Loss and Recovery,
      chapter 4 (London: Macmillan & Company)._

{196}

   On the 21st of March, the Sirdar left Cairo for Assouan and
   Wady Halfa, and various Egyptian battalions were hurried up
   the river. Meantime, the forces already on the frontier had
   moved forward and taken the advanced post of the Dervishes, at
   Akasheh. From that point the Sirdar was ready to begin his
   advance early in June, and did so with two columns, a River
   Column and a Desert Column, the latter including a camel corps
   and a squadron of infantry mounted on camels, besides cavalry,
   horse artillery and Maxim guns. Ferket, on the east bank of
   the Nile, 16 miles from Akasheh, was taken after hard fighting
   on the 7th of June, many of the Dervishes refusing quarter and
   resisting to the death. They lost, it was estimated, 1,000
   killed and wounded, and 500 were taken prisoners. The Egyptian
   loss was slight. The Dervishes fell back some fifty miles, and
   the Sirdar halted at Suarda during three months, while the
   railroad was pushed forward, steamers dragged up the cataracts
   and stores concentrated, the army suffering greatly, meantime,
   from an alarming epidemic of cholera and from exhausting
   labors in a season of terrific heat. In the middle of
   September the advance was resumed, and, on the 23d, Dongola
   was reached. Seeing themselves outnumbered, the enemy there
   retreated, and the town, or its ruins, was taken with only a
   few shots from the steamers on the river. "As a consequence of
   the fall of Dongola every Dervish fled for his life from the
   province. The mounted men made off across the desert direct to
   Omdurman, and the foot soldiers took the Nile route to Berber,
   always being careful to keep out of range of the gunboats,
   which were prevented by the Fourth Cataract from pursuing them
   beyond Merawi."

      _C. Hoyle,
      The Egyptian Campaigns, new and revised edition,
      to December, 1899, chapter 70-71._

   The Emir who commanded at Dongola was a comparatively young
   man, Mohammed Wad el Bishara, who seems to have been possessed
   by a very genuinely religious spirit, as shown in the
   following letter, which he had written to the Dervish
   commander at Ferket, just before the battle there, and which
   was found by the British officers when they entered that
   place:

   "You are, thank God, of good understanding, and are thoroughly
   acquainted with those rules of religion which enjoin love and
   unison. Thanks be to God that I hear but good reports of you.
   But you are now close to the enemy of God, and have with you,
   with the help of God, a sufficient number of men. I therefore
   request you to unite together, to have the heart of a single
   man founded on love and unity. Consult with one another, and
   thus you will insure good results, which will strengthen the
   religion and vex the heathen, the enemies of God. Do not move
   without consulting one another, and such others, also, in the
   army who are full of sense and wisdom. Employ their plans and
   tricks of war, in the general fight more especially. Your
   army, thank God, is large; if you unite and act as one hand,
   your action will be regular: you will, with the help of God,
   defeat the enemies of God and set at ease the mind of the
   Khalifa, peace be on him! Follow this advice, and do not allow
   any intrigues to come between you. Rely on God in all your
   doings; be bold in all your dealings with the enemy; let them
   find no flaw in your disposition for the fight. But be ever
   most vigilant, for these enemies of God are cunning, may God
   destroy them! Our brethren, Mohamed Koku, with two others,
   bring you this letter; on their return they will inform me
   whether you work in unison or not. Let them find you as
   ordered in religion, in good spirits, doing your utmost to
   insure the victory of religion. Remember, my brethren, that
   what moves me to urge on you to love each other and to unite
   is my love for you and my desire for your good. This is a
   trial of war; so for us love and amity are of utmost
   necessity. You were of the supporters of the Mahdi, peace be
   on him! You were as one spirit occupying one body. When the
   enemy know that you are quite united they will be much
   provoked. Strive, therefore, to provoke these enemies of
   religion. May God bless you and render you successful."

EGYPT: A. D. 1895.
   New anti-slavery law.

   A convention to establish a more effective anti-slavery law in
   Egypt was signed on the 21st of November, 1895, "by the
   Minister of Foreign Affairs, representing the Khedival
   Government, and the British diplomatic agent and
   consul-general. … This new convention will supplant that of
   August 4, 1877, which … was found to be defective, inasmuch as
   it provided no penalty for the purchaser of a slave, but for
   the seller only. An Egyptian notable, Ali Pasha Cherif, at
   that time president of the Legislative Council, was tried for
   buying slaves for his household, but escaped punishment
   through a technicality of the law hitherto escaping notice. …
   Under the existing regulations, every slave in the Egyptian
   dominions has the right to complete freedom, and may demand
   his certificate of manumission whenever he chooses. Thus, all
   domestic slaves, of whom there are thousands in Cairo,
   Alexandria, and the large towns, may call upon their masters
   to set them free. Many choose to remain in nominal bondage,
   preferring the certainty of food and shelter to the hardships
   and uncertainty of looking after themselves."

      _United States, Consular Reports,
      March, 1896, page 370._

EGYPT: A. D. 1897.
   Italian evacuation of Kassala, in the eastern Sudan.

      See (in this volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1897.

EGYPT: A. D. 1897 (June).
   Census.

   A census of Egypt, taken on the 1st of June, 1897, showed a
   population of 9,700,000, the area being Egypt up to Wady
   Haifa. In 1882 an imperfect census gave six and three-quarter
   millions. Twelve per cent. of the males can write, the rest
   are totally illiterate. There are, it is said, about 40,000
   persons not really Egyptians, but who come from other parts of
   the Ottoman Empire. The Bedouin number 570,000, but of these
   only 89,000 are really nomads, the rest being semi-sedentary.
   Of foreign residents there are 112,500, of whom the Greeks,
   the most numerous, number 38,000. Then come the Italians, with
   24,500. The British (including 6,500 Maltese and 5,000 of the
   Army of Occupation) are 19,500; and the French (including
   4,000 Algerians and Tunisians), 14,000. The Germans only
   number 1,300.
{197}
   The classification according to religion shows nearly
   9,000,000 Moslems, 730,000 Christians, and 25,000 Jews, The
   Christians include the Coptic race, numbering about 608,000.
   Only a very small proportion profess the Roman Catholic and
   Protestant faiths. Amongst the town populations Cairo contains
   570,000, Alexandria 320,000.

EGYPT: A. D. 1897-1898.
   The final campaigns of the Anglo-Egyptian conquest
   of the Eastern Sudan.
   Desperate battles of the Atbara and of Omdurman.

   "The winter of 1896-1897 was passed, undisturbed by the enemy.
   The extended and open front of the Egyptian army imperatively
   called for fresh guarantees against a Dervish invasion. The
   important strategic position of Abu Hamed was then held by the
   enemy, to dislodge whom was the objective of the 1897 campaign.
   The railway was boldly launched into the Nubian Desert; the
   rail-head crept rapidly and surely towards the Dervish post,
   until within striking distance of Abu Hamed: when the
   river-column, by a forced march, through difficult country,
   delivered an attack on 7th August. Abu Hamed was taken by the
   Egyptian army under Major-General (now Sir Archibald) Hunter,
   with trifling loss: and the effect of this victory caused the
   precipitate evacuation of Berber. The Dervishes withdrew: the
   Egyptians—not to lose so favourable an opening—advanced.
   Berber, the key to the Sudan, was promptly re-occupied. The
   railway was hastened forward; reinforcements were detrained,
   before the close of the year, at a short distance from Berber:
   and the Anglo-Egyptian authorities gathered force for the last
   heat. British troops were called up. In this final struggle
   [1898] nothing could be risked. An Egyptian reverse would have
   redoubled the task on the accomplishment of which, having
   deliberately accepted it, we had pledged our honour. Mahmud,
   the Dervish emir, and that ubiquitous rascal Osman Digna, with
   their united forces, were marching on Berber. They, however,
   held up at the confluence of the Atbara, and comfortably
   intrenched themselves in a 'zariba.' Here the Sirdar came out
   to have a look at them. The Dervish force numbered about
   19,000 men. The Anglo-Egyptian army was composed of 13,000
   men. The odds were good enough for the Sirdar: and he went for
   them. Under the demoralization created by some sharp artillery
   practice, the Anglo-Egyptians stormed the 'zariba,' killed
   three-fourths of the defenders, and chased the remainder away.
   This victory [April 8, 1898], which cost over 500 men in
   killed and wounded, broke the Dervish power for offence and
   seriously damaged the Khalifa's prestige. With reinforcements,
   bringing his army up to 22,000 men, including some picked
   British regiments, the Sirdar then advanced slowly up the
   river. It was a pilgrimage to the Mahdi's tomb, in sight of
   which Cross and Crescent combined to overthrow the false
   prophet. This sanguinary and decisive engagement [before
   Omdurman] took place on 2nd September, 1898. The Khalifa was
   put to flight; his forces were scattered and ridden down. On
   the same evening, the Sirdar entered Omdurman, and released
   the European captives. Subsequently, the British and Egyptian
   flags were hoisted together at Khartum; and divine service was
   celebrated at the spot where Gordon fell."

      _A. S. White,
      The Expansion of Egypt,
      pages 383-384
      (New York: New Amsterdam Book Company)._

   "The honour of the fight [at Omdurman] must still go with the
   men who died. Our men were perfect, but the dervishes were
   superb—beyond perfection. It was their largest, best, and
   bravest army that ever fought against us for Mahdism, and it
   died worthily of the huge empire that Mahdism won and kept so
   long. Their riflemen, mangled by every kind of death and
   torment that man can devise, clung round the black flag and
   the green, emptying their poor, rotten, homemade cartridges
   dauntlessly. Their spearmen charged death at every minute
   hopelessly. Their horsemen led each attack, riding into the
   bullets till nothing was left but three horses trotting up to
   our line, heads down, saying, 'For goodness' sake, let us in
   out of this.' Not one rush, or two, or ten—but rush on rush,
   company on company, never stopping, though all their view that
   was not unshaken enemy was the bodies of the men who had
   rushed before them. A dusky line got up and stormed forward:
   it bent, broke up, fell apart, and disappeared. Before the
   smoke had cleared, another line was bending and storming
   forward in the same track.

   "It was over. The avenging squadrons of the Egyptian cavalry
   swept over the field. The Khalifa and the Sheikh-ed-Din had
   galloped back to Omdurman. Ali Wad Helu was borne away on an
   angareb with a bullet through his thigh-bone. Yakub lay dead
   under his brother's banner. From the green army there now came
   only death-enamoured desperadoes, strolling one by one towards
   the rifles, pausing to shake a spear, turning aside to
   recognise a corpse, then, caught by a sudden jet of fury,
   bounding forward, checking, sinking limply to the ground. Now
   under the black flag in a ring of bodies stood only three men,
   facing the three thousand of the Third Brigade. They folded
   their arms about the staff and gazed steadily forward. Two
   fell. The last dervish stood up and filled his chest; he
   shouted the name of his God and hurled his spear. Then he
   stood quite still, waiting. It took him full; he quivered,
   gave at the knees, and toppled with his head on his arms and
   his face towards the legions of his conquerors. Over 11,000
   killed, 16,000 wounded, 4,000 prisoners,—that was the
   astounding bill of dervish casualties officially presented
   after the battle of Omdurman. Some people had estimated the
   whole dervish army at 1,000 less than this total: few had put
   it above 50,000. The Anglo-Egyptian army on the day of battle
   numbered, perhaps, 22,000 men: if the Allies had done the same
   proportional execution at Waterloo, not one Frenchman would
   have escaped. … The dervish army was killed out as hardly an
   army has been killed out in the history of war. It will shock
   you, but it was simply unavoidable. Not a man was killed
   except resisting—very few except attacking. Many wounded were
   killed, it is true, but that again was absolutely unavoidable.
   … It was impossible not to kill the dervishes: they refused to
   go back alive."

{198}

   The same brilliant writer gives the following description of
   Omdurman, as the British found it on entering the town after
   the victory: "It began just like any other town or village of
   the mean Sudan. Half the huts seemed left unfinished, the
   other half to have been deserted and fallen to pieces. There
   were no streets, no doors or windows except holes, usually no
   roofs. As for a garden, a tree, a steading for a beast—any
   evidence of thrift or intelligence, any attempt at comfort or
   amenity or common cleanliness,—not a single trace of any of
   it. Omdurman was just planless confusion of blind walls and
   gaping holes, shiftless stupidity, contented filth and
   beastliness. But that, we said, was only the outskirts: when
   we come farther in we shall surely find this mass of
   population manifesting some small symbols of a great dominion.
   And presently we came indeed into a broader way than the
   rest—something with the rude semblance of a street. Only it
   was paved with dead donkeys, and here and there it disappeared
   in a cullender of deep holes where green water festered. …
   Omdurman was a rabbit-warren—a threadless labyrinth of tiny
   huts or shelters, too flimsy for the name of sheds.
   Oppression, stagnation, degradation, were stamped deep on
   every yard of miserable Omdurman.

   "But the people! We could hardly see the place for the people.
   We could hardly hear our own voices for their shrieks of
   welcome. We could hardly move for their importunate greetings.
   They tumbled over each other like ants from every mud heap, from
   behind every dung-hill, from under every mat. … They had been
   trying to kill us three hours before. But they salaamed, none
   the less, and volleyed, 'Peace be with you' in our track. All
   the miscellaneous tribes of Arabs whom Abdullahi's fears or
   suspicions had congregated in his capital, all the blacks his
   captains had gathered together into franker
   slavery—indiscriminate, half-naked, grinning the grin of the
   sycophant, they held out their hands and asked for backsheesh.
   Yet more wonderful were the women. The multitude of women whom
   concupiscence had harried from every recess of Africa and
   mewed up in Baggara harems came out to salute their new
   masters. There were at least three of them to every man. Black
   women from Equatoria and almost white women from Egypt,
   plum-skinned Arabs and a strange yellow type with square, bony
   faces and tightly-ringleted black hair, … the whole city was a
   huge harem, a museum of African races, a monstrosity of
   African lust."

   _G. W. Steevens,
   With Kitchener to Khartum,
   chapter 32-34
   (copyright, Dodd, Mead & Company, quoted with permission)._

   "Anyone who has not served in the Sudan cannot conceive the
   state of devastation and misery to which that unfortunate
   country has been brought under Dervish rule. Miles and miles
   of formerly richly cultivated country lies waste; villages are
   deserted; the population has disappeared. Thousands of women
   are without homes or families. Years must elapse before the
   Sudan can recover from the results of its abandonment to
   Dervish tyranny; but it is to be hoped and may be confidently
   expected, that in course of time, under just and upright
   government, the Sudan may be restored to prosperity; and the
   great battle of September will be remembered as having
   established peace, without which prosperity would have been
   impossible; and from which thousands of misguided and wretched
   people will reap the benefits of civilization."

      _E. S. Wortley,
      With the Sirdar
      (Scribner's Magazine, January, 1899)._

EGYPT: A. D. 1898.
   The country and its people after 15 years
   of British occupation.

   "The British occupation has now lasted for over fifteen years.
   During the first five, comparatively little was accomplished,
   owing to the uncertain and provisional character of our
   tenure. The work done has been done in the main in the last
   ten years, and was only commenced in earnest when the British
   authorities began to realise that, whether we liked it or not,
   we had got to stay; and the Egyptians themselves came to the
   conclusion that we intended to stay. … Under our occupation
   Egypt has been rendered solvent and prosperous; taxes have
   been largely reduced; her population has increased by nearly
   50 per cent.; the value and the productiveness of her soil has
   been greatly improved; a regular and permanent system of
   irrigation has been introduced into Lower Egypt, and is now in
   the course of introduction into Upper Egypt; trade and
   industry have made giant strides; the use of the Kurbash
   [bastinado] has been forbidden; the Corvée has been
   suppressed; regularity in the collection of taxes has been
   made the rule, and not the exception; wholesale corruption has
   been abolished; the Fellaheen can now keep the money they
   earn, and are better off than they were before; the landowners
   are all richer owing to the fresh supply of water, with the
   consequent rapid increase in the saleable price of land;
   justice is administered with an approach to impartiality;
   barbarous punishments have been mitigated, if not abolished;
   and the extraordinary conversion of Cairo into a fair
   semblance of a civilised European capital has been repeated on
   a smaller scale in all the chief centres of Egypt. To put the
   matter briefly, if our occupation were to cease to-morrow, we
   should leave Egypt and the Egyptians far better off than they
   were when our occupation commenced.

   "If, however, I am asked whether we have succeeded in the
   alleged aim of our policy, that of rendering Egypt fit for
   self-government, I should be obliged honestly to answer that
   in my opinion we have made little or no progress towards the
   achievement of this aim. The one certain result of our
   interference in the internal administration of Egypt has been
   to impair, if not to destroy, the authority of the Khedive; of
   the Mudirs, who, as the nominees of the Effendina, rule over
   the provinces; and of the Sheiks, who, in virtue of the favour
   of the Mudirs, govern the villages. We have undoubtedly
   trained a school of native officials who have learnt that it
   is to their interest to administer the country more or less in
   accordance with British ideas. Here and there we may have
   converted an individual official to a genuine belief in these
   ideas. But I am convinced that if our troops were withdrawn,
   and our place in Egypt was not taken by any other civilised
   European Power, the old state of things would revive at once,
   and Egypt would be governed once more by the old system of
   Baksheesh and Kurbash."

      _E. Dicey,
      Egypt, 1881 to 1897
      (Fortnightly Review, May, 1898)._

{199}

   Reviewing the report, for 1898, of Lord Cromer, the British
   Agent and Consul-General, who is practically the director of
   the government of Egypt, "The Spectator" (London) has noted
   the principle of Lord Cromer's administration to be that of
   "using English heads but Egyptian hands. In practice this
   means the policy of never putting an Englishman into any post
   which could be just as well filled by a native. In other
   words, the Englishman is only used in the administration where
   he is indispensable. Where he is not, the native, as is only just
   and right, is employed. The outcome of this is that Lord
   Cromer's work in Egypt has been carried out by 'a body of
   officials who certainly do not exceed one hundred in number,
   and might possibly, if the figures were vigorously examined,
   be somewhat lower.' Lord Cromer adds, however, that 'these
   hundred have been selected with the greatest care.' In fact,
   the principle has been,—never employ an Englishman unless it
   is necessary in the interests of good government to do so, but
   then employ a first-class man. The result is that the
   inspiring force in every Department of the Egyptian State is a
   first-class English brain, and yet the natives are not
   depressed by being deprived of their share of the
   administration. The Egyptians, that is, do not feel the
   legitimate grievance that is felt by the Tunisians and
   Algerians when they see even little posts of a couple of
   hundred a year filled by Frenchmen."

      _Spectator,
      April 15, 1899._

EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (September-November).
   The French expedition of M. Marchand at Fashoda.

   On the 10th of September, eight days after destroying the
   power of the Khalifa at Omdurman, the Sirdar, Lord Kitchener,
   left that fallen capital with five gunboats and a considerable
   force of Highlanders, Sudanese and Egyptians, to take possession
   of the Upper Nile. At Fashoda, in the Shilluk country, a
   little north of the junction of the Sobat with the White Nile,
   he found a party of eight French officers and about a hundred
   Senegalese troops, commanded by M. Marchand, entrenched at the
   old government buildings in that place and claiming occupation
   of the country. It had been known for some time that M.
   Marchand was leading an expedition from the French Congo
   towards the Nile, and the British government had been seeking
   an explanation of its objects from the government of France,
   uttering warnings, at the same time, that England would
   recognize no rights in any part of the Nile Valley except the
   rights of Egypt, which the evacuation of the Egyptian Sudan,
   consequent on the conquests of the Mahdi and the Dervishes,
   had not extinguished. Even long before the movements of M.
   Marchand were known, it had been suspected that France
   entertained the design of extending her great possessions in
   West Africa eastward, to connect with the Nile, and, as early
   as the spring of 1895, Sir Edward Grey, speaking for the
   British Foreign Office, in reply to a question then asked in
   the House of Commons, concerning rumors that a French
   expedition from West Africa was approaching the Nile, said
   with unmistakable meaning: "After all I have explained about
   the claims we consider we have under past Agreements, and the
   claims which we consider Egypt may have in the Nile Valley,
   and adding to that the fact that those claims and the view of
   the Government with regard to them are fully and clearly known
   to the French Government, I cannot think it is possible that
   these rumors deserve credence, because the advance of a French
   expedition under secret instructions right from the other side
   of Africa into a territory over which our claims have been
   known for so long would be not merely an inconsistent and
   unexpected act, but it must be perfectly well known to the
   French Government that it would be an unfriendly act, and
   would be so viewed by England." In December, 1897, the British
   Ambassador at Paris had called the attention of the French
   government to Sir Edward Grey's declaration, adding that "Her
   Majesty's present Government entirely adhere to the language
   that was on this occasion employed by their predecessors."

   As between the two governments, then, such was the critical
   situation of affairs when the Sirdar, who had been already
   instructed how to act if he found intruders in the Nile
   Valley, came upon M. Marchand and his little party at Fashoda.
   The circumstances and the results of the meeting were reported by
   him promptly as follows: "On reaching the old Government
   buildings, over which the French flag was flying, M. Marchand,
   accompanied by Captain Germain, came on board. After
   complimenting them on their long and arduous journey, I
   proceeded at once to inform M. Marchand that I was authorized
   to state that the presence of the French at Fashoda and in the
   Valley of the Nile was regarded as a direct violation of the
   rights of Egypt and Great Britain, and that, in accordance
   with my instructions, I must protest in the strongest terms
   against their occupation of Fashoda, and their hoisting of the
   French flag in the dominions of His Highness the Khedive. In
   reply, M. Marchand stated that as a soldier he had to obey
   orders; the instructions of his Government to occupy the
   Bahr-el-Ghazal and the Mudirieh of Fashoda were precise, and,
   having carried them out, he must await the orders of his
   Government as to his subsequent action and movements. I then
   pointed out that I had the instructions of the Government to
   re-establish Egyptian authority in the Fashoda Mudirieh, and I
   asked M. Marchand whether he was prepared—on behalf of the
   French Government—to resist the execution of these orders; he
   must be fully aware, I said, that the Egyptian and British
   forces were very much more powerful than those at his
   disposal, but, at the same time, I was very averse to creating
   a situation which might lead to hostilities. I therefore
   begged M. Marchand to most carefully consider his final
   decision on this matter. I further informed him that I should
   be pleased to place one of the gun-boats at his disposal to
   convey him and his expedition north. In answer to this, M.
   Marchand did not hesitate to admit the preponderating forces
   at my disposal, and his inability to offer effective armed
   resistance; if, however, he said, I felt obliged to take any
   such action, he could only submit, to the inevitable, which
   would mean that he and his companions would die at their
   posts. He begged, therefore, that I would consider his
   position, and would allow the question of his remaining at
   Fashoda to be referred to his Government, as, without their
   orders, he could not retire from his position or haul down his
   flag; at the same time, he said he felt sure that, under the
   circumstances, the orders for his retirement would not be
   delayed by his Government, and that then he hoped to avail
   himself of the offer I had made him. I then said to him: 'Do I
   understand that you are authorized by the French Government to
   resist Egypt in putting up its flag and reasserting its
   authority in its former possessions—such as the Mudirieh of
   Fashoda?' M. Marchand hesitated, and then said that he could
   not resist the Egyptian flag being hoisted. I replied that my
   instructions were to hoist the flag, and that I intended to do
   so. … The Egyptian flag was hoisted … at 1 P. M. with due
   ceremony in the presence of the British and Egyptian troops,
   and a salute of twenty-one guns was fired.
{200}
   I should add that, in the course of the conversation, I
   informed M. Marchand that, in addition to my verbal protest, I
   intended to make a formal protest in writing, and this I duly
   handed him before leaving Fashoda. During these somewhat
   delicate proceedings nothing could have exceeded, the
   politeness and courtesy of the French officers. Having
   officially appointed Major Jackson Commandant of the Fashoda
   district, and leaving with him a battalion of infantry, four
   guns, and a gun-boat, I proceeded south with the remainder of
   the troops and four gun-boats. …

   "I had no opportunity for a further interview with M.
   Marchand, who, I venture to think, holds at Fashoda a most
   anomalous position—encamped with 120 men on a narrow strip of
   land, surrounded by marshes, cut off from access to the
   interior, possessing only three small boats without oars or
   sails and an inefficient steam-launch which has lately been
   dispatched on along journey south, short of ammunition and
   supplies, his followers exhausted by years of continuous
   hardship, yet still persisting in the prosecution of his
   impracticable undertaking in the face of the effective
   occupation and administration of the country I have been able
   to establish. It is impossible not to entertain the highest
   admiration for the courage, devotion, and indomitable spirit
   displayed by M. Marchand's expedition, but our general
   impression was one of astonishment that an attempt should have
   been made to carry out a project of such magnitude and danger
   by the dispatch of so small and ill-equipped a force which—as
   their Commander remarked to me, was neither in a position to
   resist a second Dervish attack nor to retire—indeed, had our
   destruction of the Khalifa's power at Omdurman been delayed a
   fortnight, in all probability he and his companions would have
   been massacred. The claims of M. Marchand to have occupied the
   Bahr-el-Ghazal and Fashoda Provinces with the force at his
   disposal would be ludicrous did not the sufferings and
   privations his expedition endured during their two years'
   arduous journey render the futility of their efforts
   pathetic."

      _Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command: Egypt, Numbers 2 and 3, 1898)._

   The "Fashoda incident," as it was described, caused great
   excitement in both England and France, and threatened for some
   weeks to involve the two countries in war. Both army feeling
   and popular feeling in France very nearly forced the
   government to persist in what was plainly an ill-considered
   and inopportune movement, and to hold untenable ground. But
   better sense prevailed, and, on the 2d of November, when the
   Sirdar, Lord Kitchener, who had visited England, was being
   feasted and given the freedom of London, at Guildhall, Lord
   Salisbury was able to make a dramatic announcement of the
   closing of the dispute. "I received," he said, speaking at the
   banquet, "from the French ambassador this afternoon the
   information that the French Government had come to the
   conclusion that the occupation of Fashoda was of no sort of
   value to the French Republic, and they thought that, under
   those circumstances, to persist in an occupation which only
   cost them money and did them harm, merely because some
   people—some bad advisers—thought it might be disagreeable to
   an unwelcome neighbor, would not show the wisdom with which, I
   think, the French Republic has been uniformly guided, and they
   have done what I believe many other governments would have
   done in the same position—they have resolved that the
   occupation must cease."

EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1899.
   The Gordon Memorial College at Khartoum.

   On an appeal from Lord Kitchener, funds were raised in Great
   Britain for the founding of a Gordon Memorial College at
   Khartoum, to be, in the first instance, a school for
   elementary instruction to the sons of the heads of districts
   and villages.

EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1901.
   The Barrage and Reservoir works on the Nile.

   In February, 1898, the Khedive in Council approved a contract
   concluded with the British firm of John Aird & Company, for
   the construction of a dam or "barrage" across the Nile at
   Assouan, drowning the cataracts and turning the river above
   into a vast storage reservoir; with another dam at Assiout,
   for the irrigation of Middle Egypt and the Fayum. In the
   report of Lord Cromer for 1898, Sir William Garstein, at the
   head of the Egyptian Public Works Department, gave the
   following description of the plan of the works, then fairly
   under way: "The dam which is to form the reservoir will be
   built at the first cataract, a few miles south of Assouan. It
   is designed to hold up water to a level of 106 metres above
   mean sea level, or rather more than 20 metres above the
   low-water level of the Nile at site. Its total length will be
   2,156 yards with a width at crest of 26.4 feet. The width of
   base at the deepest portion will be 82.5 feet, and the height
   of the work at the deepest spot will be 92.4 feet. The dam
   will be pierced by 180 openings, or under-sluices (140 of
   which are 23.1 feet by 6.6 feet and 40 are 18.2 feet by 6.6
   feet) provided with gates. These sluices will pass the flood
   and surplus water through the dam, and by them the reservoir
   will be emptied when water is required for irrigation in
   Middle and Lower Egypt. Three locks will be built, and a
   navigation channel made on the west of the river to enable
   boats to pass up and down.

   "The dam at Assiout will be what is called an open Barrage,
   and will be similar in construction to the existing Barrages
   on the Rosetta and Damietta branches. The new work will
   consist of 111 bays or openings, each 16.5 feet wide, and each
   bay will be provided with regulating gates. The total length
   of the work will be 903 yards. A lock 53 feet in width will be
   constructed on the west bank, large enough to pass the largest
   tourist boat plying on the river. By regulating on this
   Barrage water will be supplied in spring and summer to the
   Ibrahimieh Canal, which irrigates Middle Egypt. At present
   this canal has to be dredged to a depth of some 2 metres below
   the lowest summer level in the river, and even with these the
   crops suffer in years of low summer supply. A regulation
   bridge with a lock will be built at the head of the Ibrahimieh
   Canal in order to allow of the supply being reduced, if
   necessary, in flood."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command: Egypt,
      Number 3, 1899._

   By a singular happening, the Nile flood of 1899 was the lowest
   recorded in the century, and gave an opportunity for the
   barrage and irrigation works, barely begun as they were, to
   give a convincing foretaste of their value. According to the
   report of that year, "the distress was enormously less than on
   all previous occasions of a failure of the flood. The area of
   'sharaki,' or land unirrigated and therefore untaxed, which
   had been 900,000 feddans in 1877 was only one-third of this in
   1899.
{201}
   Even in this area, which lay principally in Upper Egypt,
   'distress,' says Sir William Garstein, 'was hardly felt at all
   by the people. The immense amount of contract work in progress
   in the country enabled them to obtain a good daily wage and
   tided over the interval between the two crops.' In Lower Egypt
'the situation was saved by the Barrage, which, for the first
   time in its history, was regulated upon throughout the flood.
   Had it not been for the work done by this structure, there is
   little doubt that large areas of crop would have been lost. As
   it is, the cotton crop is very nearly the largest on record,
   and the maize crop was up to the average.'" Of the progress of
   the work at Assouan it is said: "After nearly a year had been
   spent in accumulation of material and various preparations,
   the foundation stone of the dam was laid by H. R. H. the Duke
   of Connaught on February 12; and from that date the work was
   carried on with less interruption than must have been
   necessitated by a normal flood. Beginning on the east bank,
   masonry was carried on throughout a length of 620 metres, and
   of these, 360 metres were brought up to within two metres of
   their full height. … Not less satisfactory progress was made
   with the weir at Assiut, although the original design had to
   be considerably altered."

   On the 7th of February, 1901, a Press despatch from Cairo
   reported: "Sir John Aird and Sir Benjamin Baker start for
   England on Sunday next, having completed their visit of
   inspection to the great engineering works at Assuan, where the
   immense dam to hold up the waters of the Nile is being
   constructed. The total extent of the dam is one mile and a
   quarter, of which one mile and an eighth of the foundation is
   finished. Temporary dams enabling the remaining section to be
   put in are now carried across the channel. Pumps for getting
   in the permanent dam foundations will be started next week.
   The whole of the granite masonry required for the dam is cut
   and ready to be laid in its place. The parapet alone remains
   to be prepared. The portion of the dam remaining to be built
   is that across the well-known deep western channel. The work
   is of considerable difficulty, but the experience gained last
   season in dealing with other channels has rendered the
   engineers and contractors confident that equal success will be
   obtained this year in the western channel. The dam is pierced
   with 180 openings, about 23 feet high and 7 feet wide, which
   openings are controlled by steel sluices. The work for the
   latter is now well advanced. The discharge through these
   sluices at high Nile may reach 15,000 tons of water per
   second. The navigation channel and chain of locks are equally
   advanced with the dam itself, and the lock gates will also be
   in course of construction in about three months. Unless
   anything unforeseen occurs the reservoirs will be in operation
   for the Nile flood of 1903. This will be well within the
   contract time, although owing to the increased depth of the
   foundations the work done by the contractors has been largely
   increased.

   "At Assiut the great regulating dam across the Nile approaches
   completion, the foundations being practically all in position,
   leaving a portion of the superstructure to be completed. The
   sluice openings here number 119, all 16 feet wide. This dam is
   somewhat similar in principle to the well-known barrage near
   Cairo, but the details of construction are entirely different,
   as the foundations are guarded against undermining by a
   complete line of cast iron and steel-piling above and below
   the work. The barrage itself is constructed of high-class
   masonry instead of brickwork as at the old barrage. Although
   the Assiut barrage is overshadowed by the greater magnitude of
   the Assuan dam, it will, doubtless, rank second as the
   monumental work of Egypt."

EGYPT: A. D. 1899 (January).
   The Anglo-Egyptian Condominium established in the Sudan.

   The following agreement between the British government and
   that of the Khedive of Egypt, relative to the future
   administration of the Sudan, establishing a condominium or
   joint dominion therein, was signed at Cairo on the 19th of
   January, 1899, and made public the same day:

   Whereas certain provinces in the Sudan which were in rebellion
   against the authority of His Highness the Khedive have now
   been reconquered by the joint military and financial efforts
   of Her Britannic Majesty's Government and the Government of
   His Highness the Khedive; and whereas it has become necessary
   to decide upon a system for the administration of and for the
   making of laws for the said reconquered provinces, under which
   due allowance may be made for the backward and unsettled
   condition of large portions thereof, and for the varying
   requirements of different localities; and whereas it is
   desired to give effect to the claims which have accrued to Her
   Britannic Majesty's Government by right of conquest, to share
   in the present settlement and future working and development
   of the said system of administration and legislation; and
   whereas it is conceived that for many purposes Wadi Haifa and
   Suákin may be most effectively administered in conjunction
   with the reconquered provinces to which they are respectively
   adjacent; now, it is hereby agreed and declared by and between
   the Undersigned, duly authorized for that purpose, as follows:

   ARTICLE I.
   The word "Sudan" in this Agreement means all the territories
   South of the 22nd parallel of latitude, which:

   1. Have never been evacuated by Egyptian troops since the year
   1882; or

   2.
   Which, having before the late rebellion in the Sudan been
   administered by the Government of His Highness the Khedive,
   were temporarily lost to Egypt, and have been reconquered by
   Her Majesty's Government and the Egyptian Government acting in
   concert; or

   3. Which may hereafter be reconquered by the two Governments
   acting in concert.

   ARTICLE II.
   The British and Egyptian flags shall be used together, both on
   land and water, throughout the Sudan, except in the town of
   Suákin, in which locality the Egyptian flag alone shall be
   used.

   ARTICLE III.
   The supreme military and civil command in the Sudan shall be
   vested in one officer, termed the "Governor-General of the
   Sudan." He shall be appointed by Khedivial Decree on the
   recommendation of Her Britannic Majesty's Government, and
   shall be removed only by Khedivial Decree, with the consent of
   Her Britannic Majesty's Government.

{202}

   ARTICLE IV.
   Laws, as also Orders and Regulations with the full force of
   law, for the good government of the Sudan, and for regulating
   the holding, disposal, and devolution of property of every
   kind therein situate, may from time to time be made, altered,
   or abrogated by Proclamation of the Governor-General. Such
   Laws, Orders, and Regulations may apply to the whole of any
   named part of the Sudan, and may, either explicitly or by
   necessary implication, alter or abrogate any existing Law or
   Regulation. All such Proclamations shall be forthwith notified
   to Her Britannic Majesty's Agent and Consul-General in Cairo, and
   to the President of the Council of Ministers of His Highness
   the Khedive.

   ARTICLE V.
   No Egyptian Law, Decree, Ministerial Arrêté, or other
   enactment hereafter to be made or promulgated shall apply to
   the Sudan or any part thereof, save in so far as the same
   shall be applied by Proclamation of the Governor-General in
   manner hereinbefore provided.

   ARTICLE VI.
   In the definition by Proclamation of the conditions under
   which Europeans, of whatever nationality, shall be at liberty
   to trade with or reside in the Sudan, or to hold property
   within its limits, no special privileges shall be accorded to
   the subjects of anyone or more Power.

   ARTICLE VII.
   Import duties on entering the Sudan shall not be payable on
   goods coming from Egyptian territory. Such duties may,
   however, be levied on goods coming from elsewhere than
   Egyptian territory, but in the case of goods entering the
   Sudan at Suákin, or any other port on the Red Sea Littoral,
   they shall not exceed the corresponding duties for the time
   being leviable on goods entering Egypt from abroad. Duties may
   be levied on goods leaving the Sudan at such rates as may from
   time to time be prescribed by Proclamation.

   ARTICLE VIII.
   The jurisdiction of the Mixed Tribunals shall not extend, nor
   be recognized for any purpose whatsoever, in any part of the
   Sudan, except in the town of Suákin.

   ARTICLE IX.
   Until, and save so far as it shall be otherwise determined, by
   Proclamation, the Sudan, with the exception of the town of
   Suákin, shall be and remain under martial law.

   ARTICLE X.
   No Consuls, Vice-Consuls, or Consular Agents shall be
   accredited in respect of nor allowed to reside in the Sudan,
   without the previous consent of Her Britannic Majesty's
   Government.

   ARTICLE XI.
   The importation of slaves into the Sudan, as also their
   exportation, is absolutely prohibited. Provision shall be made
   by Proclamation for the enforcement of this Regulation.

   ARTICLE XII.
   It is agreed between the two Governments that special
   attention shall be paid to the enforcement of the Brussels Act
   of the 2nd July 1890, in respect to the import, sale, and
   manufacture of fire-arms and their munitions, and distilled or
   spirituous liquors.

   Done in Cairo, the 19th January, 1899.
   (Signed) Boutros Ghali-Cromer.

      _A. S. White, The Expansion of Egypt,
      Appendix V. (New York: New Amsterdam Book Company)_

   By a subsequent, agreement signed July 10, the exceptions in
   the above relative to Suákin were abrogated.

EGYPT: A. D. 1899-1900.
   Final defeat and death of the Khalifa.
   Capture of Osman Digna.
   Condition of the Sudan.

   The Khalifa, who escaped from the scene of his overthrow at
   Omdurman, in 1898, kept a following of his own tribe, the
   Baggaras, sufficient to give trouble for more than another
   year. At length, late in November, 1899, he was overtaken by
   Sir Francis Wingate, who succeeded General Kitchener as
   Governor-General of the Sudan, and was killed in a battle
   fought near Gedil. Again Osman Digna, his able lieutenant,
   escaped; but in January of the following year the latter was
   captured and taken to Suez.

   In a report to Lord Salisbury, made on the 20th of February,
   1900, Lord Cromer, British Agent and Consul-General in Egypt,
   gave the following account of the general state of affairs in
   the Sudan:

   "The territorial situation may be briefly described as
   follows:—The frontier between the Soudan and the Italian
   Colony of Erythræa has now been delimitated from Ras Kasar, on
   the Red Sea, to Sabderat, a few miles east of Kassala.
   Negotiations are proceeding which will, without doubt, result
   before long in the delimitation of the small remaining portion
   of the Italian frontier from Sabderat up to the point where it
   strikes Abyssinian territory. The most friendly relations
   exist between the British and Abyssinian Governments. The
   general basis of a frontier arrangement in respect to the
   country lying west of the Blue Nile has already been settled
   with the Emperor Menelek. When the survey party, now being
   employed, has finished its work, it may confidently be
   expected that the detailed delimitation will be carried out
   without much difficulty.

   "An endeavour is being made to cut through the sudd which
   obstructs the White Nile, and thus open up communication with
   Uganda. To a certain extent this communication may be said to
   be already established, for a mixed party, consisting of
   British, French, and Belgian officers, with their followers,
   arriving from the South, recently succeeded in getting through
   and joining the Egyptian party, under Major Peake, which was
   engaged in cutting the sudd. … From the moment of the
   Khalifa's crushing defeat at Omdurman, the desert and Kordofan
   tribes, with the exception of a certain number of Baggaras who
   still adhered to the cause of their Chief, threw in their lot
   with the Government. Most of these tribes, however, rendered
   but little active assistance to the Government in the
   subsequent operations against the Khalifa. Omdurman and the
   Ghezireh [the tract of country lying south of Khartoum,
   between the White and Blue Niles] were found to be full of
   Arabs belonging to the Kordofan and far western tribes, who
   had been brought from their homes by the Khalifa. They were
   without any regular means of subsistence, but, in the existing
   state of insecurity, it was for the time being impossible for
   them to return to their own districts. … The inhabitants of
   the districts which were raided by the Dervishes were obliged
   to take refuge in the Ghezireh, with the result that the
   situation remained practically unchanged until the Khalifa's
   overthrow and death. Since then, the main objects of the
   Government have been to send back to their homes the
   inhabitants of the gum producing region, and to get rid of the
   useless mouths from the Ghezireh. In respect to the first
   point, some success has attended their efforts, but many
   thousands of Arabs belonging to tribes whose homes are in
   Kordofan and Darfour, still remain in the Ghezireh. … The
   attitude of the Nubas and of other tribes in Central and
   Southern Kordofan has, since the battle of Omdurman, been
   perfectly satisfactory. … Some long time must certainly elapse
   before prosperity returns to the tribes in the Soudan. The
   population has wasted away under Dervish rule."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      Egypt, Number 1, 1900, pages 43-44._

   ----------EGYPT: End--------

{203}

ELAM.

      See (in volume 1)
      BABYLONIA, PRIMITIVE;

      (in volume 4)
      SEMITES;

      and (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA, and PERSIA.

ELANDSLAAGTE, Battle of.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

ELBE-RHINE CANAL PROJECT, The.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (AUGUST); and 1901 (JANUARY).

EL CANEY, Battle of.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

ELECTRICAL SCIENCE, Recent advances in.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

ELIZABETH, Empress of Austria:
   Assassination.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER).

EL ZANJON, Treaty of.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1868-1885.

EMPLOYERS' FEDERATION, British.

      See (in this volume)
      INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES; A. D. 1897.

EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY BILL, The English.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (MAY-JULY).

EMPRESS-DOWAGER, of China, The.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (OCTOBER), and after.

ENGINEERS, Strike and lockout of British.

      See (in this volume)
      INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1897.

   ----------ENGLAND (GREAT BRITAIN): Start--------

ENGLAND: A. D. 1894.
   The commandeering question with the South African Republic.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1894.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.
   Retirement of Mr. Gladstone from public life.
   Earl of Rosebery Prime Minister.
   His speech on the "predominant member" and Home Rule.
   Weakening and overthrow of the Liberal Government.
   Dissolution of Parliament.
   Conservative and Unionist triumph.
   Third Ministry of Lord Salisbury.

   Mr. Gladstone, who had passed his 84th year, whose health was
   failing, and who might justly consider that his public work
   was done, resigned his post as Prime Minister, on the 2d of
   March, 1894, and the Earl of Rosebery, on his recommendation,
   was called by the Queen to take his place. Slight changes,
   otherwise, were made in the cabinet, but the spirit in the
   Liberal government was no longer the same. The new Premier
   soon signified that his disposition in the matter of Home Rule
   for Ireland was not quite what Mr. Gladstone's had been, by
   using the following language in a speech (March 13) in the
   House of Lords:

   "Before Irish Home Rule is conceded by the Imperial Parliament
   England, as the predominant member of the partnership of the
   three kingdoms, will have to be convinced of its justice. That
   may seem to be a considerable admission to make, because your
   lordships will know that the majority of English members of
   Parliament, ejected from England proper, are hostile to Home
   Rule. But I believe that the conviction of England in regard
   to Home Rule depends on one point alone, and that is the
   conduct of Ireland herself. I believe that if we can go on
   showing this comparative absence of agrarian crime; if we can
   point to the continued harmony of Ireland with the great
   Liberal party of this country; if we can go on giving proofs
   and pledges that Ireland is entitled to be granted that boon
   which she has never ceased to demand since the Act of Union
   was passed. I believe that the conversion of England will not
   be of a slow or difficult character. My lords, the question of
   Home Rule is one that I regard not from the point of view of
   Ireland only. It has for me a triple aspect. It has, in the
   first place, the aspect that I believe that Ireland will never
   be contented until this measure of Home Rule be granted to
   her; and that, though you may come in on other issues and
   succeed us who sit here, your policy of palliatives is bound
   to fail. In the second place, I believe that not merely have
   we in our Irish policy to satisfy those who live in the island
   of Ireland itself, encompassed, as Mr. Disraeli once said, by
   that melancholy ocean, we have not merely to satisfy the Irish
   themselves within Ireland, but, for the good of our Empire and
   for the continuity and solidarity of our relations with our
   brethren across the Atlantic, it is necessary that we should
   produce an Irish policy which shall satisfy the Irish people.
   And, lastly, I view it from the highest Imperial grounds,
   because I believe that the maintenance of this Empire depends,
   not on centralization, but on decentralization, and that if
   you once commence to tread this path, you will have to give
   satisfaction under the same conditions certainly to Scotland,
   and possibly to Wales, not in the same degree or possibly in
   the same way, but so as to relieve this groaning Imperial
   Parliament from the burden of legislation under which it
   labours. I will not detain you further on this subject
   to-night. I did not mean to dilate so much on the question of
   Home Rule."

   His remarks seemed to show an intention to postpone the
   pressing of the measure. Distrust arose among the Irish and
   uncertainty was created in the mind of the Liberal party. It
   became evident very quickly that the Liberals, with the loss
   of their old leader, had lost heart and faith in the policy to
   which he had committed them, and that a serious weakening of
   the political energies of the party had been produced. No
   measures which raised troublesome issues were undertaken in
   Parliament during the year of Mr. Gladstone's retirement: but,
   at the session which opened in the following February (1895), the
   government brought forward a number of high]y important bills.

{204}

   The first to be introduced was a bill "to terminate the
   Establishment of the Church of England in Wales and Monmouth."
   The bill made provision for the creation of a representative
   Church body, giving power to the bishops, clergy and laity to
   hold synods and to legislate on ecclesiastical matters. It
   entrusted ecclesiastical revenues to a commission; provided
   for the transfer of churches and parsonages to the
   representative body of the Church, and of burial grounds and
   glebes to parish, district, and town councils; other property
   of the Church to be vested in the commission before mentioned,
   which should also have the charge of cathedrals, to keep them in
   repair. The bill had its first reading on the 28th of
   February, and its second on the 1st of April, but went no
   further. It shared the fate of the other measures of the
   Government, including a bill to establish local control of the
   liquor traffic, and others for the remedying of defects in the
   Irish Land Law, and for the abolition of plural voting, all of
   which were extinguished by the sudden and unexpected overthrow
   of the Government on the 21st of June. It was defeated on a
   motion to reduce the salary of the Secretary for War, which
   was made for no purpose but to start a question as to the
   adequacy of the provision of certain ammunition stored for
   use. When the vote was found to be against the Government
   there was great surprise in both parties. But the Ministry had
   been steadily losing support and was quite willing to resign,
   which it did the next day. Lord Salisbury was sent for by the
   Queen and accepted the task of forming a new Government, with
   the understanding that Parliament should be dissolved as soon
   as practicable, and the will of the country ascertained. In
   the new Government, Lord Salisbury filled the office of
   Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, with that of Prime
   Minister; Mr. A. J. Balfour became First Lord of the Treasury;
   Sir Michael Hicks-Beach Chancellor of the Exchequer; Mr.
   Joseph Chamberlain Secretary of State for the Colonies; Mr. G.
   J. Goschen First Lord of the Admiralty. Before the dissolution
   of Parliament, which occurred on the 6th of July, a bill for
   the amendment of the Factories Act, on which both parties
   agreed, was passed. The elections that followed, beginning
   July 13, resulted in the return of a majority of 152 in favor
   of the new Ministry, which represented the coalition of
   Conservatives and Liberal Unionists. The majority of the
   popular vote on the same side in the three kingdoms was a
   little more than 30,000, in a total poll of 4,792,512; but in
   Eng]and the new Government received a majority of some
   300,000. In Ireland the vote went heavily against them, and in
   Wales and Scotland to a lighter extent. Of the Irish members
   elected, 12 were of the Parnell faction and 69 Anti-Parnell.
   The new Parliament came together August 12, and, after a brief
   session, at which little was done, was prorogued September 5.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1895.
   Enforcement of claims against Nicaragua.

      See (in this volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA (NICARAGUA): A. D. 1894-1895.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1895.
   The question of Chitral.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1895 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1895 (January).
   Agreement with France defining the boundaries of the
   Hinterland of Sierra Leone.

      See (in this volume)
      SIERRA LEONE PROTECTORATE.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1895 (March-July).
   Agreement with Russia concerning the northern Afghan frontier
   and spheres of influence in the Pamir region.

      See (in this volume)
      AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1895.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1895 (July-November).
   Correspondence with the Government of the United States
   on the Venezuela boundary question.

      See (in this volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (JULY) and (NOVEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1895 (November).
   Action on the closing of the Vaal River Drifts by the South
   African Republic.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
      A. D. 1895 (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1895 (December).
   Message of the President of the United States to Congress
   on the British Guiana-Venezuela boundary dispute.

      See (in this volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (DECEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1895-1896 (November-January).
   Discontent and revolutionary conspiracy of Uitlanders in
   the Transvaal.
   The Jameson Raid.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1895 (NOVEMBER);
      and A. D. 1895-1896.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1895-1896 (December-January).
   The feeling in England and America over the
   Venezuela boundary dispute.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1895-1896 (DECEMBER-JANUARY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896.
   Establishment of the Sierra Leone Protectorate.

      See (in this volume)
      SIERRA LEONE PROTECTORATE.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896.
   Report on Old-Age Pensions.

   The question of the practicability and expediency of a
   national system of pensions for old age, which had been
   agitated in England for some years, and which a royal
   commission, appointed in 1893, had already examined with great
   thoroughness and no definite result, was referred in 1896 to a
   committee of financial experts, with Lord Rothschild at their
   head. This committee reported that it could recommend no
   scheme as satisfactory, though it put forward that of Sir
   Spencer Walpole as open to less objection than others. The
   scheme in question was as follows:

   "1. Any person at 65 having an assured income of not less than
   2s. 6d. and not more than 5s. may apply for a pension.

   2. If the pensioning authority is satisfied as to the income a
   pension may be granted.

   3. The applicant must not be physically or mentally infirm.

   4. To an income of 2s. 6d. 2s. 6d. is to be added.
      To an income of 3s. 0d. 2s. 0d. is to be added.
      To an income of 4s. 0d. 1s. 0d. is to be added.

   5. 'Assured income' includes real estate, leasehold property,
   securities, or annuities (Government, friendly society, or
   insurance office), but not out-relief.

   6. The guardians are to be the pensioning authority.

   7. Not more than half of the pension is to be paid out of
   Imperial taxation, the remainder out of local rates.

   8. The pension is not to involve disenfranchisement."

   The committee, however, pointed out some very strong
   objections to this scheme, which they roughly estimated as
   likely to apply to 443,333 persons, and to cost £2,300,000 a
   year. On the whole, while they regarded the Walpole scheme as
   the best suggested, the Rothschild committee held that, like
   the rest, its inherent disadvantages outweighed its merits. In
   effect, they pronounced the establishment of old-age pensions
   to be impracticable.

{205}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896.
   Report of Royal Commission on the financial relations
   between Great Britain and Ireland.

      See (in this volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1896-1897.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (January).
   Agreement with France concerning Siam.

      See (in this volume)
      SIAM: A. D. 1896-1899.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (January).
   Excitement over the German Emperor's message to President
   Kruger on the Jameson Raid.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1896 (JANUARY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (January-February).
   Appointment of United States Commission to investigate
   the Venezuela boundary.
   Reopening of discussion with the government of the United
   States on the arbitration of the dispute.

      See (in this volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (February).
   New treaty with the United States for arbitration of
   Bering Sea claims.

      See (in this volume)
      BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (March-September).
   Expedition to Dongola.
   Beginning of an Anglo-Egyptian movement for the
   recovery of the Sudan.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (May).
   The New Radical party.

   A New Radical party, under the leadership of Sir Charles Dilke
   and Mr. Labouchere, issued a statement of its policy (May 19),
   setting forth as its chief aim "the democritisation and
   devolution of Parliament."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (June).
   The Agricultural Land Bill.

   Among the measures brought forward in Parliament this year and
   carried by the Conservative government was one which aroused
   bitter feeling and was sharply denounced, as being legislation
   in the interest of the landholding class, at the expense of
   the community at large. A ground of justice for it was found
   by its supporters, however, in the extreme agricultural
   depression of the time. This Agricultural Land Bill, as it was
   styled, provided that, in the case of every rate to which it
   applied, agricultural land should be assessed in future on
   half its ratable value, while houses and buildings would still
   be assessed on the whole of their ratable value. The bill
   passed the Commons near the end of June, and went speedily
   through the House of Lords.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (July).
   Parliamentary movement to investigate the
   British South Africa Company.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY);
      A. D. 1896 (JULY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (August).
   Suppression of an usurper in Zanzibar.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1896 (ZANZIBAR).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (September).
   Papal Bull declaring Anglican orders invalid.

      See (in this volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (SEPTEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (November).
   Agreement with the United States for the settlement of the
   Venezuela dispute.

      See (in this volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896-1897.
   "The Voluntary Schools Act" and
   "The Elementary Education Act."

   The Conservative Ministry of Lord Salisbury came to power, in
   England, in 1895, under pledges to the Church that it would
   revise the educational system in the interest of the
   "Voluntary Schools" (mostly Church schools), as against the
   secular or non-sectarian "Board Schools" which were steadily
   gaining ground from the former, and proving superior
   efficiency.

      See, in volume 1,
      EDUCATION, MODERN: ENGLAND: A. D. 1699-1870.

   A bill to that end, for England and Wales, was introduced at
   the end of March, 1896. In support of the bill it was stated
   that, in the previous year, the voluntary schools educated
   2,445,812 children, as against 1,879,218 educated in the board
   schools, though the voluntary schools were, as a rule,
   "understaffed," had less qualified teachers, and labored
   generally under financial difficulties; but that a large
   proportion of the members of the Church of England, as well as
   Roman Catholics, made it a point of conscience that their
   children should be educated by teachers of their own
   denomination, and could not be forced to send them to board
   schools without a gross exercise of religious intolerance;
   that, finally, it would cost £25,345,635 to replace the
   voluntary schools, and £2,250,000 yearly to maintain board
   schools in their place, if they were not kept up. Therefore,
   it was contended that they should receive a more liberal
   allowance of state aid by parliamentary grant, to keep them
   alive and improve their efficiency. Connected with provisions
   to that effect were others which would completely reorganize
   the system of school administration and control. They proposed
   to take the administration to a great extent from the
   Committee of Council on Education, where it had been
   centralized, and to place it in the County Councils, to be
   exercised by statutory educational committees appointed by
   each Council. By what was called a "conscience clause," the
   bill required separate religious instruction to be given to
   children in schools (board or voluntary) wherever a
   "reasonable number of parents" required it. The measure was
   strenuously opposed on the ground that its aim was the
   extinction of the board schools; that it would give them only
   £17,000 out of £500,000, and give it, said Lord Rosebery,
   "without any vestige of control, so that in 8,000 places where
   only Church of England schools existed the Nonconformists
   would have only the vague protection of the conscience
   clause." So much debate was provoked by the bill, and so much
   time was being consumed by it, that the Government was forced
   to drop the measure in June, in order to save the other
   business of the session from being spoiled,—promising,
   however, to bring it forward again the next January. The
   promise was redeemed, on the convening of Parliament in
   January, 1897, in so far that a new Education Bill was brought
   forward by the government; but the measure was very different
   from that of the previous session. It was addressed solely to
   the end of strengthening the voluntary or Church schools
   against the board schools, firstly by increasing the aid to
   them from public funds, and secondly by uniting them in
   organized associations, under stronger governing bodies. The
   main provisions of the bill were as follows:

   "(1.) For aiding voluntary schools there shall be annually
   paid out of moneys provided by Parliament an aid grant, not
   exceeding in the aggregate five shillings per scholar for the
   whole number of scholars in those schools.

{206}

   "(2.) The aid grant shall be distributed by the Education
   Department to such voluntary schools and in such manner and
   amounts, as the Department think best for the purpose of
   helping necessitous schools and increasing their efficiency,
   due regard being had to the maintenance of voluntary
   subscriptions.

   "(3.) If associations of schools are constituted in such
   manner in such areas and with such governing bodies
   representative of the managers as are approved by the
   Education Department, there shall be allotted to each
   association while so approved, (_a_) a share of the aid
   grant to be computed according to the number of scholars in
   the schools of the association at the rate of five shillings
   per scholar, or, if the Department fix different rates for
   town and country schools respectively (which they are hereby
   empowered to do) then at those rates; and (_b_) a
   corresponding share of any sum which may be available out of
   the aid grant after distribution has been made to unassociated
   schools.

   "(4.) The share so allotted to each such association shall be
   distributed as aforesaid by the Education Department after
   consulting the governing body of the association, and in
   accordance with any scheme prepared by that body which the
   Department for the time being approve.

   "(5.) The Education Department may exclude a school from any
   share of the aid grant which it might otherwise receive, if,
   in the opinion of the Department, it unreasonably refuses or
   fails to join such an association, but the refusal or failure
   shall not be deemed unreasonable if the majority of the
   schools in the association belong to a religious denomination
   to which the school in question does not itself belong.

   "(6.) The Education Department may require, as a condition of
   a school receiving a share of the aid grant, that the accounts
   of the receipts and expenditure of the school shall be
   annually audited in accordance with the regulations of the
   Department.

   "(7.) The decision of the Education Department upon any
   question relating to the distribution or allotment of the aid
   grant, including the question whether an association is or is
   not in conformity with this Act, and whether a school is a
   town or a country school, shall be final."

   The passage of the bill was resisted strenuously by the
   Liberals in the House of Commons. "Whether they regarded the
   bill from an educational, a constitutional, a parliamentary,
   or a social aspect," said Mr. John Morley, in his concluding
   speech in the debate, "he and his friends regarded it as a
   mischievous and reactionary measure." But the opposition was
   of no avail. The bill passed its third reading in the House of
   Commons, on the 25th of March, with a majority of 200 in its
   favor, the Irish Nationalists giving it their support. In the
   House of Lords it was ruled to be a money bill, which their
   lordships could not amend, and they passed it with little
   debate. In April, the government brought forward a second
   school bill, which increased the parliamentary grant to Board
   schools by £110,000. The sum was so trivial that it excited
   the scorn of the friends of the Board schools, and did nothing
   towards conciliating them. It became a law on the 3d of June.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896-1897 (May-April).
   Continued controversies with the South African Republic.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1896-1897 (MAY-APRIL).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (January-May).
   Arbitration Treaty with the United States defeated in
   the United States Senate.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (JANUARY-MAY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (February).
   Indemnity for Jameson Raid claimed
   by the South African Republic.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
      A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (February).
   Loan for national defense.
   Purchase of 60 square miles on Salisbury Plain.

   A bill which authorized a loan of £5,458,000 for purposes of
   national defense was passed rapidly through both Houses of
   Parliament in February. It included an item of £450,000 for
   the purchase of 40,000 acres (60 square miles) on Salisbury
   Plain, for military manœuvres.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (February).
   Punitive expedition against Benin.

      See (in this volume)
      NIGERIA: A. D. 1897.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (February-July).
   Parliamentary investigation of the Jameson Raid.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (April).
   Increase of armament in South Africa.
   The Government accused of a war policy.

       See (in this volume)
       SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (APRIL).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (May).
   Treaty with Menelek of Abyssinia.

      See (in this volume)
      ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1897.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (May-June).
   New cessions and concessions from China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1897 (MAY-JUNE).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (May-July).
   The Workmen's Compensation Act.

   A subject which had grown urgent, in England, for
   parliamentary attention, was that of a better provision in law
   for securing proper compensation to workmen for accidental
   injuries suffered in the course of their employment. The
   measure was not one that a Conservative government would be
   likely, under ordinary circumstances, to take up; since the
   class of large employers of labor, from which opposition to it
   came, were mostly in the Conservative ranks. But the Liberal
   Unionists, now in parliamentary coalition with the
   Conservatives, were called upon to favor such a piece of
   legislation by their creed, and rumor said that they bargained
   for it with their political partners, in exchange for the
   support they gave unwillingly to the Voluntary Schools Bill.
   At all events, a bill which was first called the Employers'
   Liability Bill, but finally named the Workmen's Compensation
   Bill, was brought in to the House of Commons, by the
   government, in May, and was carried, after much debate,
   through both Houses in July. The essential provisions of the
   Act as passed are the following:

   "I.
   (1.) If in any employment to which this Act applies personal
   injury by accident arising out of and in the course of the
   employment is caused to a workman, his employer shall, subject
   as herein-after mentioned, be liable to pay compensation in
   accordance with the First Schedule to this Act.

{207}

   (2.) Provided that:

      (a.) The employer shall not be liable under this Act in
      respect of any injury which does not disable the workman
      for a period of at least two weeks from earning full wages
      at the work at which he was employed;

     (b.) When the injury was caused by the personal negligence
     or wilful act of the employer, or of some person for whose
     act or default the employer is responsible, nothing in this
     Act shall affect any civil liability of the employer, but in
     that case the workman may, at his option, either claim
     compensation under this Act, or take the same proceedings as
     were open to him before the commencement of this Act; but
     the employer shall not be liable to pay compensation for
     injury to a workman by accident arising out of and in the
     course of the employment both independently of and also
     under this Act, and shall not be liable to any proceedings
     independently of this Act, except in case of such personal
     negligence or wilful act as aforesaid;

      (c.) If it is proved that the injury to a workman is
      attributable to the serious and wilful misconduct of that
      workman, any compensation claimed in respect of that injury
      shall be disallowed.

   (3.) If any question arises in any proceedings under this Act
   as to the liability to pay compensation under this Act
   (including any question as to whether the employment is one to
   which this Act applies), or as to the amount or duration of
   compensation under this Act, the question, if not settled by
   agreement, shall, subject to the provisions of the First
   Schedule to this Act, be settled by arbitration, in accordance
   with the Second Schedule to this Act. …

   "2.
   (1.)
   Proceedings for the recovery under this Act of compensation
   for an injury shall not be maintainable unless notice of the
   accident has been given as soon as practicable after the
   happening thereof and before the workman has voluntarily left
   the employment in which he was injured, and unless the claim
   for compensation with respect to such accident has been made
   within six months from the occurrence of the accident causing
   the injury, or, in case of death, within six months from the
   time of death. …

   "3.
   (1.)
   If the Registrar of Friendly Societies, after taking steps to
   ascertain the views of the employer and workmen, certifies
   that any scheme of compensation, benefit, or insurance for the
   workmen of an employer in any employment, whether or not such
   scheme includes other employers and their workmen, is on the
   whole not less favourable to the general body of workmen and
   their dependants than the provisions of this Act, the employer
   may, until the certificate is revoked, contract with any of
   those workmen that the provisions of the scheme shall be
   substituted for the provisions of this Act, and thereupon the
   employer shall be liable only in accordance with the scheme,
   but, save as aforesaid, this Act shall apply notwithstanding
   any contract to the contrary made after the commencement of
   this Act. …

   "7.
   (1.)
   This Act shall apply only to employment by the undertakers as
   herein-after defined, on or in or about a railway, factory,
   mine, quarry, or engineering work, and to employment by the
   undertakers as herein-after defined on, in or about any
   building which exceeds thirty feet in height, and is either
   being constructed or repaired by means of a scaffolding, or
   being demolished, or on which machinery driven by steam,
   water, or other mechanical power, is being used for the
   purpose of the construction, repair, or demolition thereof.

   (2.)
   In this Act— … 'Undertakers' in the case of a railway means
   the railway company; in the case of a factory, quarry, or
   laundry means the occupier thereof within the meaning of the
   Factory and Workshop Acts, 1878 to 1895; in the case of a mine
   means the owner thereof within the meaning of the Coal Mines
   Regulation Act, 1887, or the Metalliferous Mines Regulation
   Act, 1872, as the case may be, and in the case of an
   engineering work means the person undertaking the
   construction, alteration, or repair; and in the case of a
   building means the persons undertaking the construction,
   repair, or demolition. … 'Workman' includes every person who
   is engaged in an employment to which this Act applies, whether
   by way of manual labour or otherwise, and whether his
   agreement is one of service or apprenticeship or otherwise,
   and is expressed or implied, is oral or in writing."

   The "First Schedule" referred to in the first section of the
   Act prescribes rules for determining compensation, those
   principally important being as follows; "The amount of
   compensation under this Act shall be—(a) where death results
   from the injury—(i) if the workman leaves any dependants
   wholly dependent upon his earnings at the time of his death, a
   sum equal to his earnings in the employment of the same
   employer during the three years next preceding the injury, or
   the sum of one hundred and fifty pounds, whichever of those
   sums is the larger, but not exceeding in any case three
   hundred pounds, provided that the amount of any weekly
   payments made under this Act shall be deducted from such sum,
   and if the period of the workman's employment by the said
   employer has been less than the said three years, then the
   amount of his earnings during the said three years shall be
   deemed to be 156 times his average weekly earnings during the
   period of his actual employment under the said employer;

   (ii)
   if the workman does not leave any such dependants, but leaves
   any dependants in part dependent upon his earnings at the time
   of his death, such sum, not exceeding in any case the amount
   payable under the foregoing provisions, as may be agreed upon,
   or, in default of agreement, may be determined, on arbitration
   under this Act, to be reasonable and proportionate to the
   injury to the said dependants; and

   (iii)
   if he leaves no dependants, the reasonable expenses of his
   medical attendance and burial, not exceeding ten pounds; (b)
   where total or partial incapacity for work results from the
   injury, a weekly payment during the incapacity after the
   second week not exceeding fifty per cent. of his average
   weekly earnings during the previous twelve months, if he has
   been so long employed, but if not, then for any less period
   during which he has been in the employment of the same
   employer, such weekly payment not to exceed one pound."

      _60 & 61 Victoria, chapter 37._

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (May-October).
   Reassertion of suzerainty over the South African Republic.
   Refusal of arbitration.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
      A. D. 1897 (MAY-OCTOBER); and 1898-1899.

{208}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (June).
   The "Diamond Jubilee" of Queen Victoria.

   The sixtieth anniversary of the coronation of Queen Victoria
   was celebrated in London on the 20th of June, by religious
   services of great solemnity and impressiveness, and, two days
   later, by pageants of extraordinary pomp and magnificence, in
   which representatives of every people who acknowledge the
   queen's supremacy bore a part. Numerous functions and
   ceremonies followed, to many of which the aged sovereign was
   able to lend her presence. At the end of all, on the 15th of
   July, she addressed the following letter to the millions of
   her subjects throughout the world: "I have frequently
   expressed my personal feelings to my people, and though on
   this memorable occasion there have been many official
   expressions of my deep sense of the unbounded loyalty evinced
   I cannot rest satisfied without personally giving utterance to
   these sentiments. It is difficult for me on this occasion to
   say how truly touched and grateful I am for the spontaneous
   and universal outburst of loyal attachment and real affection
   which I have experienced on the completion of the sixtieth
   year of my reign. During my progress through London on the
   22nd of June this great enthusiasm was shown in the most
   striking manner, and can never be effaced from my heart. It is
   indeed deeply gratifying, after so many years of labour and
   anxiety for the good of my beloved country, to find that my
   exertions have been appreciated throughout my vast empire. In
   weal and woe I have ever had the true sympathy of all my
   people, which has been warmly reciprocated by myself. It has
   given me unbounded pleasure to see so many of my subjects from
   all parts of the world assembled here, and to find them
   joining in the acclamations of loyal devotion to myself, and I
   would wish to thank them all from the depth of my grateful
   heart. I shall ever pray God to bless them and to enable me
   still to discharge my duties for their welfare as long as life
   lasts.
      VICTORIA, R. I."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (June-July).
   Conference of colonial premiers with the Secretary of
   State for the Colonies.
   Discussion of important questions.
   Denunciation of commercial treaties with Germany and Belgium.

   "On Thursday, the 24th of June, the Prime Ministers of Canada,
   New South Wales, Victoria, New Zealand, Queensland, Cape
   Colony, South Australia, Newfoundland, Tasmania, Western
   Australia, and Natal, assembled at the Colonial Office,
   Downing Street, for the discussion of certain Imperial
   questions with the Secretary of State for the Colonies. It was
   decided that the proceedings should be informal and that the
   general results only should be published. With the view of
   giving a definite direction to the discussion, the Secretary
   of State, in opening the proceedings, set forth the subjects
   which he considered might usefully be discussed, so as to
   secure an interchange of views upon them, and where they were
   ripe for a statement of opinion, a definite resolution in
   regard to them. [He did so in a speech of some length, after
   which the several questions brought forward in his remarks
   were discussed in succession at a series of meetings in the
   Colonial Office.] The commercial relations of the United
   Kingdom and the self-governing Colonies were first considered,
   and the following resolutions were unanimously adopted:

   1. That the Premiers of the self-governing Colonies
   unanimously and earnestly recommend the denunciation, at the
   earliest convenient time, of any treaties which now hamper the
   commercial relations between Great Britain and her Colonies.

   2. That in the hope of improving the trade relations between
   the mother country and the Colonies, the Premiers present
   undertake to confer with their colleagues with the view to
   seeing whether such a result can be properly secured by a
   preference given by the Colonies to the products of the United
   Kingdom. Her Majesty's Government have already [July 31, 1897]
   given effect to the first of these resolutions by formally
   notifying to the Governments concerned their wish to terminate
   the commercial treaties with Germany and Belgium, which alone
   of the existing commercial treaties of the United Kingdom are
   a bar to the establishment of preferential tariff relations
   between the mother country and the Colonies. From and after
   the 30th July 1898, therefore, there will be nothing in any of
   Her Majesty's treaty obligations to preclude any action which any
   of the Colonies may see fit to take in pursuance of the second
   resolution. It is, however, right to point out that if any
   Colony were to go farther and to grant preferential terms to
   any Foreign Country, the provisions of the most favoured
   nation clauses in many treaties between Her Majesty and other
   powers, in which the Colonies are included, would necessitate
   the concession of similar terms to those countries.

   "On the question of the political relations between the mother
   country and the self-governing Colonies, the resolutions
   adopted were as follows:

   1. The Prime Ministers here assembled are of opinion that the
   present political relations between the United Kingdom and the
   self-governing Colonies are generally satisfactory under the
   existing condition of things. Mr. Seddon and Sir E. N. C.
   Braddon dissented.

   2. They are also of opinion that it is desirable, whenever and
   wherever practicable, to group together under a federal union
   those colonies which are geographically united. Carried
   unanimously.

   3. Meanwhile, the Premiers are of opinion that it would be
   desirable to hold periodical conferences of representatives of
   the Colonies and Great Britain for the discussion of matters
   of common interest. Carried unanimously. Mr. Seddon and Sir E.
   N. C. Braddon dissented from the first resolution because they
   were of opinion that the time had already come when an effort
   should be made to render more formal the political ties
   between the United Kingdom and the Colonies. The majority of
   the Premiers were not yet prepared to adopt this position, but
   there was a strong feeling amongst some of them that with the
   rapid growth of population in the Colonies, the present
   relations could not continue indefinitely, and that some means
   would have to be devised for giving the Colonies a voice in
   the control and direction of those questions of Imperial
   interest in which they are concerned equally with the mother
   country. It was recognised at the same time that such a share
   in the direction of Imperial policy would involve a
   proportionate contribution in aid of Imperial expenditure, for
   which at present, at any rate, the Colonies generally are not
   prepared.

   "On the question of Imperial defence, the various points
   raised in the speech of the Secretary of State were fully
   discussed;" but on this, and on some questions of minor
   importance, no conclusions were definitely formulated.

      _Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command, C.-8596, 1897)._

{209}

   The following reference to the "denunciation" of the treaties
   appeared in the "London Statist" of August 7, 1897: "Last week
   the British Government gave notice to Germany and Belgium of
   its intention to terminate the commercial treaties with those
   countries at the end of July next year, at the same time
   expressing its willingness to conclude fresh treaties. This
   important step is a fitting sequel to the jubilee festivities.
   It is a graceful recognition of the great loyalty displayed by
   our colonies toward the mother country and prepares the way to
   that closer union which this paper has strongly advocated. In
   twelve months' time, therefore, we shall be free from our
   embarrassing engagements not to permit our colonies to place
   higher or other import duties on the produce of Germany and
   Belgium than upon the produce of the United Kingdom. Our
   colonies will thus have complete freedom to place what duties
   they choose on any produce they care to purchase from the
   United Kingdom or from any other country, and if they so
   desire they may place discriminating duties on their own
   exports. The action taken indicates no change in the policy of
   this country, and foreign nations need have no fear that
   British markets will be closed to their produce. It is quite
   possible that at some future time, when the colonies have much
   further developed their resources and the struggle for
   existence becomes still keener, we may be disposed to give a
   greater preference to colonial than to foreign produce, but
   that period has not yet come. Of course, the time may be
   greatly hastened by the attitude of foreign countries. The
   unfriendliness of Germany last year caused a wave of feeling
   in this country in favor of a duty upon German goods, and the
   Canadian offer of preferential duties to the mother country
   has created a responsive desire to assist Canadian trade.
   Should our other colonies follow the lead of Canada, which,
   from Mr. Chamberlain's statement, appears most likely, a
   strong movement might arise for giving them preferential
   treatment, especially if, at the same time, Germany, Belgium,
   or anyone else were disposed to raise their duties on British
   goods."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (July-October).
   Discussion with American envoys of a bi-metallic agreement.

      See (in this volume)
      MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (August).
   Report on condition and prospects of West India colonies,
   and Parliamentary action.

      See (in this volume)
      WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897-1898.
   Campaigns on the Nile.
   Anglo-Egyptian conquest of the Sudan.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1897-1898.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897-1898.
   Insurrections and mutiny in Uganda.

      See (in this volume)
      UGANDA: A. D. 1897-1898.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897-1898 (June-April).
   Wars on the Afghan frontier of India.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1897-1898 (July-January).
   The great strike and lock-out in the engineering trades.

      See (in this volume)
      INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES:
      A. D. 1897 (GREAT BRITAIN).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898.
   Alleged treaty with Portugal.

      See (in this volume)
      PORTUGAL: A. D. 1898.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898.
   Results of British occupation of Egypt.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1898.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (February).
   British troops fighting in eight regions of the world.

   "We are a people of peaceful traders—shopkeepers, our rivals
   of the Continent affirm—and are consequently at war on only
   eight points of the globe, with forces which in the aggregate
   only just exceed sixty thousand men. There are thirty-five
   thousand on the Indian Frontier fighting the clansmen of the
   Northern Himalayas, who, according to the Afridi sub-officers
   interrogated by Sir Henry Havelock-Allan, are all eager to
   enter our service; twenty-five thousand about to defeat the
   Khalifa at Omdurman; a thousand doing sentry duty in Crete;
   four hundred putting down an outbreak in Mekran; three hundred
   crushing a mutiny in Uganda; and some hundreds more restoring
   order in Lagos, Borneo, and Basutoland. All these troops,
   though of different nationalities—Englishmen, Sikhs, Ghoorkas,
   Rajpoots, Malays, Egyptians, Soudanese, Haussas, and Wagandas—
   are under British officers, are paid from funds under British
   control, and are engaged in the self-same work, that of
   solidifying the 'Pax Britannica,' so that a commercial
   civilisation may have a fair chance to grow."

      _The Spectator (London), February 5, 1898._

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (February).
   Resentment shown to China for rejection of a loan,
   through Russian influence.
   Chinese agreement not to alienate the Yang-tsze region
   and to open internal waters to steam navigation.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (February-May).
   Native revolt in the Sierra Leone Protectorate.

      See (in this volume)
      SIERRA LEONE PROTECTORATE.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (March-April).
   Unsuccessful opposition to Russian lease of Port Arthur
   and Talienwan from China.
   Compensatory British lease of Wei-hai Wei.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-JULY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (April-August).
   Further exactions from China.
   Lease of territory opposite Hong Kong, etc.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-AUGUST).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (May).
   Death of Mr. Gladstone.

   After a long and painful illness, the great statesman and
   leader of the Liberal party in England, William Ewart
   Gladstone, died on the 19th of May. His death drew tributes in
   Parliament from his political opponents which exalted him quite
   to the height of great distinction that those who followed him
   would claim. It was said by Lord Salisbury that "the most
   distinguished political name of the century had been withdrawn
   from the roll of Englishmen." Mr. Balfour described him as
   "the greatest member of the greatest deliberative assembly
   that the world had yet seen": and expressed the belief that
   "they would never again have in that assembly any man who
   could reproduce what Mr. Gladstone was to his contemporaries."

   Lord Rosebery paid an eloquent tribute to the dead statesman.
   "This country." he said, "this nation, loves brave men. Mr.
   Gladstone was the bravest of the brave. There was no cause so
   hopeless that he was afraid to undertake it; there was no
   amount of opposition that would cowe him when once he had
   undertaken it. My lords, Mr. Gladstone always expressed a hope
   that there might be an interval left to him between the end of
   his political and of his natural life. That period was given
   to him, for it is more than four years since he quitted the
   sphere of politics. Those four years have been with him a
   special preparation for his death, but have they not also been
   a preparation for his death with the nation at large?
{210}
   Had he died in the plenitude of his power as Prime Minister,
   would it have been possible for a vigorous and convinced
   Opposition to allow to pass to him, without a word of dissent,
   the honours which are now universally conceded? Hushed for the
   moment are the voices of criticism, hushed are the controversies
   in which he took part; hushed for the moment is the very sound
   of party faction. I venture to think that this is a notable
   fact in our history. It was not so with the elder Pitt. It was
   not so with the younger Pitt. It was not so with the elder
   Pitt, in spite of his tragic end, of his unrivalled services,
   and of his enfeebled old age. It was not so with the younger
   Pitt, in spite of his long control of the country and his
   absolute and absorbed devotion to the State. I think that we
   should remember this as creditable not merely to the man, but
   to the nation." With the consent of Mrs. Gladstone and family,
   a public funeral was voted by Parliament, and the remains of the
   great leader were laid, with simple but impressive ceremonies,
   in Westminster Abbey, on the 28th of May.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (June).
   The Sugar Conference at Brussels.

      See (in this volume)
      SUGAR BOUNTIES.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (July).
   The Local Government Act for Ireland.

      See (in this volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1898 (JULY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (July-December).
   In the Chinese "Battle of Concessions."

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (September-November).-
   The Nile question with France.
   Marchand's expedition at Fashoda.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (December).
   Imperial Penny Postage.

   On Christmas Day, 1898, the Imperial penny postage came into
   operation,—i. e., it became possible to send for a penny a
   letter not above half an ounce in weight to all places in the
   British Empire, except the Australasian Colonies and the Cape.
   "Thousands of small orders and business transactions and
   millions of questions and answers will fly round the world at
   a penny which were too heavily weighted at two-pence
   halfpenny. The political effect of the fact that it will not
   now be necessary to think whether an address is outside the
   United Kingdom, but only whether it is inside the British
   Empire, will be by no means insignificant. If people will only
   let the Empire alone we shall ultimately weave out of many
   varied strands—some thick, some thin—a rope to join the
   Motherland and the Daughter States which none will be able to
   break. Not an unimportant thread in the hawser will
   be,—letters for a penny wherever the Union Jack is flown."

      _The Spectator (London),
      December 31, 1898._

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898-1899.
   Joint High Commission for settlement of pending questions
   between the United States and Canada.

      See (in this volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1898-1899.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898-1899 (June-June).
   Convention with France defining West African and
   Sudan possessions.

      See (in this volume)
      NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899.
   Dealings with anti-missionary demonstrations in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1899.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (January).
   Agreement with Egypt, establishing the Anglo-Egyptian
   Condominium in the Sudan.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (March-April).
   Agreement with Russia concerning railway interests in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1899 (MARCH-APRIL).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (May-June).
   The Bloemfontein Conference with President Kruger.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):  A. D. 1899 (MAY-JUNE).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
   Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (June-October).
   Arbitration and settlement of the Venezuela boundary question.

      See (in this volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (July).
   Passage of the London Government Act.

      See (in this volume)
      LONDON: A. D. 1899.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (July-September).
   Discussion of proposed amendments to the Franchise Law
   of the South African Republic.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
      A. D. 1899 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (August).
   The Board of Education Act.

   An Act of Parliament which became law on the 9th of August,
   1899, and operative on the 1st of April, 1900, created a
   national Board of Education, "charged with the superintendence
   of matters relating to education in England and Wales," and
   taking the place of the Committee of the Privy Council on
   Education, by which that function had previously been
   performed. The Act provided that the Board "shall consist of a
   President, and of the Lord President of the Council (unless he
   is appointed President of the Board), Her Majesty's Principal
   Secretaries of State, the First Commissioner of Her Majesty's
   Treasury, and the Chancellor of Her Majesty's Exchequer. … The
   President of the Board shall be appointed by Her Majesty, and
   shall hold office during Her Majesty's pleasure." The Act
   provided further for the creation by Her Majesty in Council of
   "a Consultative Committee consisting, as to not less than
   two-thirds, of persons qualified to represent the views of
   Universities and other bodies interested in education, for the
   purpose of—(a) framing, with the approval of the Board of
   Education, regulations for a register of teachers, … with an
   entry in respect to each teacher showing the date of his
   registration, and giving a brief record of his qualifications
   and experience; and (b) advising the Board of Education on any
   matter referred to the committee by the Board."

      _62 & 63 Victoria, chapter 33._

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (August).
   Instructions to the Governor of Jamaica.

      See (in this volume) JAMAICA: A. D. 1899.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (September-October).
   Preparations for war in South Africa.
   The Boer Ultimatum.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL AND ORANGE FREE STATE):
      A. D. 1899 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (October-November).
   Opening circumstances of the war in South Africa.
   Want of preparation.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (November).
   Adhesion to the arrangement of an "open door" commercial
   policy in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

{211}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (November).
   Withdrawal from the Samoan Islands, with compensations in the
   Tonga and Solomon Islands and in Africa.

      See (in this volume)
      SAMOAN ISLANDS.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899-1900.
   Renewed investigation of the Old-Age Pension question.

   On the initiative of the government, a fresh investigation of
   the question of old-age pensions was opened in 1899 by a
   select committee of the House of Commons, under the
   chairmanship of Mr. Chaplin. The report of the Committee, made
   in the following year, suggested the following plan: Any
   person, aged 65, whether man or woman, who satisfied the
   pension authority that he or she"

   (1) Is a British subject;

   (2) Is 65 years of age;

   (3) Has not within the last 20 years been convicted of an
   offence and sentenced to penal servitude or imprisonment
   without the option of a fine;

   (4) Has not received poor relief, other than medical relief,
   unless under circumstances of a wholly exceptional character,
   during twenty years prior to the application for a pension;

   (5) Is resident within the district of the pension authority;

   (6) Has not an income from any source of more than 10s. a
   week; and

   (7) Has endeavoured to the best of his ability, by his
   industry or by the exercise of reasonable providence, to make
   provision for himself and those immediately dependent on
   him—"should receive a certificate to that effect and be
   entitled to a pension. The amount of pension to be from 5s. to
   7s. a week.

   As a means of ascertaining approximately the number of persons
   in the United Kingdom who would be pensionable under this
   scheme, a test census was taken in certain districts made as
   representative as possible by the inclusion of various kinds
   of population. In each of the selected areas in Great Britain
   a house-to-house visitation was made with a view of
   ascertaining how many of the aged would satisfy the conditions
   of the scheme. In Ireland a similar census had to be abandoned
   as impracticable because "the officials, although they
   proceeded courteously, were received with abuse"; but the Poor
   Law inspectors framed some rough estimates after consultation
   with local authorities. Altogether the inquiry in Great
   Britain extended to a population of rather over half a million
   persons. From facts thus obtained the following estimate of
   the cost of the proposed pensioning project was deduced:

   Estimated number of persons
   over 65 years of age in 1901                   2,016,000
   Deduct:
   1. For those whose incomes exceed 10s. a week    741,000
   2. For paupers                                   515,000
   3. For aliens, criminals, and lunatics            32,000
   4. For inability to comply with thrift test       72,700

   Total deductions                               1,360,700

   Estimated number of pensionable persons          655,000

   Estimated cost (the average pension being
   taken at 6s. a week)                          £9,976,000
   Add administrative expenses (3 per cent.)       £299,000

   Total estimated cost.                        £10,275,000

   In round figures.                            £10,300,000

   The Committee estimated, still further, that the cost would
   rise to £15,650,000 by 1921. No legislative action was taken
   on the report.


ENGLAND: A. D. 1899-1900 (October-January).
   Troops from Canada for the South African War.

      See (in this volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1899-1900.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1899-1901.
   The Newfoundland French Shore question.

      See (in this volume)
      NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1899-1901.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900.
   Industrial combinations.

      See (in this volume)
      TRUSTS: IN ENGLAND.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900.
   Naval strength.

      See (in this volume)
      NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (January-March).
   The outbreak of the "Boxers" in northern China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (February).
   Compulsory education.

   A bill introduced in Parliament by a private member,
   unsupported by the government, providing that the earliest
   date at which a child should be permitted to leave school
   should be raised from 11 to 12 years, was passed, only one
   member of the Cabinet voting for it.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (February).
   Negotiation of a convention with the United States relative
   to the projected Interoceanic Canal.

      See (in this volume)
      CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (March).
   Overtures of peace from the Boer Presidents.
   Reply of Lord Salisbury.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1900 (MARCH).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (May).
   Annexation of Orange Free State by right of conquest.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE): A. D. 1900 (MAY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (June-December).
   Co-operation with the Powers in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (July).
   Passage of the "Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act,"
   federating the Australian Colonies.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1900;
      and CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (September).
   Proclamation of the Commonwealth of Australia.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (September-October).
   Dissolution of Parliament.
   Election of a new Parliament.
   Victory for the Conservatives and Liberal Unionists.

   By royal proclamation, September 17, the existing Parliament
   was dissolved and order given for the issue of writs calling a
   new Parliament, the elections for which were held in October,
   concluding on the 24th of that month. The state of parties in
   the House of Commons resulting from the election was as
   follows: Conservatives, 334, Liberal Unionists, 68; total
   supporters of the Unionist Ministry, 402. Liberals and Labor
   members, 186, Nationalists (Irish), 82; total opposition, 268.
   Unionist majority, 134, against 128 in the preceding
   Parliament. The issues in the election were those growing out
   of the South African War. Although most of the Liberals upheld
   the war, and the annexation of the South African republics,
   they sharply criticised the prior dealings of the Colonial
   Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, with the Transvaal Boers, and the
   general conduct of the war. A number of the leading Liberals
   were uncompromising in condemnation of the war, of the policy
   which caused it, and of the proposed extinction of Boer
   independence. The sentiment of the country was shown by the
   election to be strongly against all questioning of the
   righteousness of the war or of the use to be made of victory
   in it.

{212}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (October).
   Anglo-German agreement concerning policy in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (October).
   Annexation of the Transvaal.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
      A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (November-December).
   The Fourth Ministry of Lord Salisbury.
   Brief session of Parliament.

   For the fourth time, Lord Salisbury was called to the lead in
   government, and formed his Ministry anew, making considerable
   changes. He relieved himself of the conduct of Foreign Affairs
   (which was transferred to the Marquis of Lansdowne), and took,
   with the office of Prime Minister, that of Lord Privy Seal. Mr.
   Brodrick, who had been an Under Secretary, succeeded Lord
   Lansdowne as Secretary of State for War. Mr. Balfour continued
   to be First Lord of the Treasury, and Leader of the House; Mr.
   Chamberlain remained in the Colonial Office. Mr. Goschen
   retired.

   Parliament met on the 6th of December, for the purpose set
   forth in a remarkably brief "Queen's Speech," as follows: "My
   Lords, and Gentlemen, It has become necessary to make further
   provision for the expenses incurred by the operations of my
   armies in South Africa and China. I have summoned you to hold
   a Special Session in order that you may give your sanction to
   the enactments required for this purpose. I will not enter
   upon other public matters requiring your attention until the
   ordinary meeting of Parliament in the spring." The estimates
   of the War Office called for £16,000,000, and it was voted
   after a few days of debate, in which the causes and conduct of
   the war were criticised and defended by the two parties, and,
   on the 15th, Parliament was prorogued to the 14th of February,
   1901, by the Queen's command.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (December).
   Fall of stones at Stonehenge.

      See (in this volume)
      STONEHENGE.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (December).
   Parliamentary statements of the number of men employed in the
   South African War, and the number dead and disabled.

   In the House of Commons, December 11, Mr. Brodrick, Secretary
   of State for War, moved a vote of £16,000,000, required for
   the current year, to meet additional expenditure in South
   Africa and China. In the course of his remarks, explanatory of
   the need for this supplementary supply, he made the following
   statement: "When the war broke out we had in South Africa in
   round figures 10,000 men, all Regular troops. We have in the
   14 months' which have since elapsed sent from this country and
   landed in South Africa 175,000 Regular soldiers, a number which
   exceeds by far any number which any Minister from this bench
   or any gentleman sitting behind these benches or in front of
   them ever suggested that this country ought to be in a
   position to ship to any part of the world, and a number far in
   excess of that which during any period that I have sat in the
   house any member of the House, except an official, would have
   been willing to believe that the War Office could find to
   dispose of. But they are not the only troops. We have called
   on them, I will not say to the extreme limit of our power,
   but, at all events, with an unsparing hand. But you have in
   addition, as this return will show, some 40,000 Volunteers of
   various descriptions from the United Kingdom—40,000 including
   the Imperial Yeomanry, whose service is spoken of by every
   officer under whom they have served with such satisfaction; 30
   Militia regiments, who are also Volunteers, since their term
   of service was only for the United Kingdom and who have gone
   abroad at great personal sacrifice to themselves; and the
   volunteer companies who have joined the Regular battalions.
   You have also got 40,000 colonial troops, to a large extent,
   no doubt, men raised in the colonies affected, and as
   everybody knows to a still larger extent consisting of men who
   have gone for a year from Australia, Canada, and other
   places."

   Sir William Harcourt replied to Mr. Brodrick, not in
   opposition to the motion, but in criticism of the conduct of
   the war. Referring to a return submitted by the War Office, he
   analyzed its showing of facts, thus: "Now just let us look at
   this table. By some accident it only gives the rank and file
   and non-commissioned officers. It is a very terrible return,
   and I think it is worthy of the attention of the men who
   delight in war, of whom, I am afraid, there are unhappily not
   a few. I have made a short analysis of the paper. It shows
   that the garrison at the Cape before the war was 9,600.
   Reinforcements of 6,300 men were sent out in October last year
   and from India 5,600, which with the former garrison made up
   21,000 in all when the war broke out. Up to August, that is,
   after the last estimate for 1900, according to this table
   267,000 men had been in arms in South Africa—that is without
   the officers. Therefore I will call it 270,000 men in round
   numbers. I think the right honourable gentleman made a mistake
   when he said that the colonial troops were more numerous from
   beyond the seas than they were in the Cape. This return shows
   that the men raised in South Africa were 30,000, and, apart
   from them, the colonials from beyond the seas were 11,000.
   According to the last return there were 210,000 men in South
   Africa. You will observe there is a balance of some 60,000 or
   70,000 men. What has become of those men? You would find from
   this return, one would suppose, that a good many of these have
   returned safe and sound to England. No, Sir; the men who have
   returned to England according to this paper, not invalids, are
   7,500 and to the colonies 3,000 more. That makes 10,000 men,
   or with the officers about 11,000 men. But since July you have
   sent out 13,000 men to South Africa, more, in fact, than you
   have been bringing home, and yet you have only 210,000 men
   there. Now, Sir, how is this accounted for? First of all you
   have the heading, 'killed or died of wounds,' 11,000 men. You
   have 'wounded,' 13,000, you have 'in hospital in South
   Africa,' 12,000, and you have 'returned to England, sick,
   wounded, or died on passage,' 36,000 men. That is the balance.
   Seventy thousand men have been killed, wounded, or disabled,
   or have died in this war. And now what is the prospect that is
   held before us with this force, once 270,000 men, and now
   210,000, in South Africa? Lord Roberts has declared that the
   war is over, yet you hold out to us no prospect of diminishing
   the force you have in South Africa of 210,000 men."

{213}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (January).
   Death of Queen Victoria.

   The following notice, which appeared in the "Court Circular,"
   on the 18th of January, dated from the winter residence of the
   Queen at Osborne House, in the Isle of Wight, seems to have
   been the first intimation to the country of its sovereign's
   failing health: "The Queen has not lately been in her usual
   health and is unable for the present to take her customary
   drives. The Queen during the past year has had a great strain
   upon her powers, which has rather told upon her Majesty's
   nervous system. It has, therefore, been thought advisable by
   her Majesty's physicians that the Queen should be kept
   perfectly quiet in the house and should abstain for the
   present from transacting business." It was subsequently found,
   as stated in an "authoritative account" by the "British
   Medical Journal," and the "Lancet," that "the Queen's health
   for the past 12 months had been failing, with symptoms mainly
   of a dyspeptic kind, accompanied by impaired general
   nutrition, periods of insomnia, and later by occasional slight
   and transitory attacks of aphasia, the latter suggesting that
   the cerebral vessels had become damaged, although her
   Majesty's general arterial system showed remarkably few signs
   of age. … The dyspepsia which tended to lower her Majesty's
   original robust constitution was especially marked during her
   last visit to Balmoral. It was there that the Queen first
   manifested distinct symptoms of brain fatigue and lost notably
   in weight. These symptoms continued at Windsor, where in November
   and December, 1900, slight aphasic symptoms were first
   observed, always of an ephemeral kind, and unattended by any
   motor paralysis. … A few days before the final illness
   transient but recurring symptoms of apathy and somnolence,
   with aphasic indications and increasing feebleness, gave great
   uneasiness to her physician." Before the publication of the
   cautious announcement quoted above, the symptoms had become
   too grave to leave any doubt as to the near approach of death.
   It came on Tuesday, the 22d of January, at half past six
   o'clock in the evening, the dying Queen being then surrounded
   by a large number of her many children, grandchildren and
   great grandchildren, whom she recognized, it is said, within a
   few moments of the end. The eldest of the Queen's children,
   the Empress Frederick, was kept from her mother's side a this
   last hour by serious illness of her own; but the Emperor
   William, of Germany (son of the Empress Frederick and eldest
   grandson of Queen Victoria) had hastened to the scene and
   showed a filial affection which touched English hearts.

   On Friday, the first day of February, the remains of the Queen
   were borne from the island where she died to Portsmouth, between
   long lines of battle-ships and cruisers—British, German,
   French, Italian, Japanese, Belgian and Portuguese. The scene
   of the funeral voyage was impressively described by a
   correspondent of the New York "Sun," as follows: "Nature was
   never kindlier. The smiling waters of the Solent were as calm
   as on a summer's morning. It was 'Queen's weather' to the very
   last. The cavalcade which wended slowly through the narrow
   lane, green even in midwinter, down through the streets of the
   little town of Cowes to the Trinity pier was a funeral
   procession such as the world had never seen before. Kings and
   princes, a Queen and princesses, walked humbly between black
   lines of mourning islanders, escorting the coffin of the dead
   sovereign. Then followed a sight far more notable and more
   impressive, indeed, than the great tribute the great capital
   of the empire will pay to-morrow. It was the transit of the
   funeral yacht across the waters between lines of steel which
   are England's bulwarks against the world. Battleship after
   battleship thundered its grief, band after band wailed its
   dirge and crew after crew bowed low their heads as the pigmy
   yacht swept past, bearing no passengers save an admiral on the
   bridge and four red-coated guards at the corners of the
   simple, glowing white bier resting amidships. It was a picture
   neither a painter's brush nor an orator's eloquence could
   reproduce. … The boat slowly glided on in the mellow light of
   the afternoon sun, herself almost golden in hue, sharply
   contrasting with the black warships. The ears also were
   assailed in strange contrast, the sad strains of Beethoven's
   funeral march floating over the water being punctuated by the
   roar of minute guns from each ship. Somehow it was not
   incongruous and one felt that it was all a great and majestic
   tribute to a reign which was an era and to a sovereign to whom
   the world pays its highest honors."

   On the following day the remains were conveyed by railway from
   Portsmouth to London, carried in solemn procession through the
   streets of the capital, and thence by railway to Windsor,
   where the last rites were performed on Monday, the 4th. The
   Queen was then laid to rest, by the side of her husband, in
   the mausoleum which she had built at Frogmore.

   Of the sincerity with which Queen Victoria had been loved by
   her own people and respected and admired by the world at
   large, and of the genuineness of sorrow that was manifested
   everywhere at her death, there can be no doubt. To the
   impressiveness of the ending of an unexampled period of
   history there was added a true sense of loss, from the
   disappearance of a greatly important personage, whose high
   example had been pure and whose large influence had been good.

   Among all the tributes to the Queen that were called out by
   her death none seem so significant and so fully drawn from
   knowledge of what she was in her regal character, as the words
   that were spoken by Lord Salisbury in the House of Lords, at
   the meeting of Parliament on the Friday following her death.
   "My lords." he said, "the late Queen had so many titles to our
   admiration that it would occupy an enormous time to glance at
   them even perfunctorily; but that on which I think your
   lordships should most reflect, and which will chiefly attach
   to her character in history, is that, being a constitutional
   monarch with restricted powers, she reigned by sheer force of
   character, by the lovableness of her disposition, over the
   hearts of her subjects, and exercised an influence in moulding
   their character and destiny which she could not have done more
   if she had bad the most despotic power. She has been a great
   instance of government by example, by esteem, by love; and it
   will never be forgotten how much she has done for the
   elevation of her people, not by the exercise of any
   prerogative, not by the giving of any commands, but by the
   simple recognition and contemplation of the brilliant
   qualities which she has exhibited in her exalted position. My
   lords, it may be, perhaps, proper that those who, like noble
   lords opposite and myself, have had the opportunity of seeing
   the close workings of her character in the discharge of her
   duties as Sovereign, should take this opportunity of
   testifying to the great admiration she inspired and the great
   force which her distinguishing characteristics exercised over
   all who came near her.
{214}
   The position of a Constitutional Sovereign is not an easy one.
   Duties have to be reconciled which sometimes seem far apart.
   Much has to be accepted which it may not be always pleasant to
   accept; but she showed a wonderful power, on the one hand, of
   observing with the most absolute strictness, the limits of her
   action which the Constitution draws, and, on the other hand, of
   maintaining a steady and persistent influence on the action of
   her Ministers in the course of legislation and government
   which no one could mistake. She was able to accept some things
   of which, perhaps, she did not entirely approve, but which she
   thought it her duty in her position to accept.

   "She always maintained and practised a rigorous supervision
   over public affairs, giving to her Ministers her frank advice
   and warning them of danger if she saw there was danger ahead;
   and she certainly impressed many of us with a profound sense
   of the penetration, almost intuition, with which she saw the
   perils with which we might be threatened in any course it was
   thought expedient to adopt. She left upon my mind, she left
   upon our minds, the conviction that it was always a dangerous
   matter to press on her any course of the expediency of which
   she was not thoroughly convinced; and I may say with
   confidence that no Minister in her long reign ever disregarded
   her advice, or pressed her to disregard it, without afterwards
   feeling that he had incurred a dangerous responsibility. She
   had an extraordinary knowledge of what her people would think.
   I have said for years that I always thought that when I knew
   what the Queen thought I knew certainly what view her subjects
   would take, and especially the middle classes of her subjects.
   Such was the extraordinary penetration of her mind. Yet she
   never adhered to her own conceptions obstinately. On the
   contrary, she was full of concession and consideration; and
   she spared no effort—I might almost say she shrank from no
   sacrifice—to make the task of conducting this difficult
   Government more easy to her advisers than it would otherwise
   have been. My lords, I feel sure that the testimony I have
   borne will be abundantly sustained by all those who have been
   called to serve her.

   "We owe her gratitude in every direction—for her influence in
   elevating the people, for her power with foreign Courts and
   Sovereigns to remove difficulties and misapprehension which
   sometimes might have been dangerous; but, above all things, I
   think, we owe her gratitude for this, that by a happy
   dispensation her reign has coincided with that great change
   which has come over the political structure of this country
   and the political instincts of its people. She has bridged
   over that great interval which separates old England from new
   England. Other nations may have had to pass through similar
   trials, but have seldom passed through them so peaceably, so
   easily, and with so much prosperity and success as we have. I
   think that future historians will look to the Queen's reign as
   the boundary which separates the two states of England—England
   which has changed so much—and recognize that we have undergone
   the change with constant increase of public prosperity,
   without any friction to endanger the peace or stability of our
   civil life, and at the same time with a constant expansion of
   an Empire which every year grows more and more powerful. We
   owe all these blessings to the tact, the wisdom, the
   passionate patriotism, and the incomparable judgment of the
   Sovereign whom we deplore." [sic]

   In the House of Commons, on the same day, Mr. Balfour, the
   leader of the House, spoke with fine feeling, partly as
   follows: "The reign of Queen Victoria is no mere chronological
   landmark. It is no mere convenient division of time, useful
   for the historian or the chronicler. No, Sir, we feel as we do
   feel for our great loss because we intimately associate the
   personality of Queen Victoria with the great succession of
   events which have filled her reign and with the development of
   the Empire over which she ruled. And, associating her
   personality with those events, surely we do well. In my
   judgment, the importance of the Crown in our Constitution is
   not a diminishing, but an increasing, factor. It is
   increasing, and must increase, with the growth and development
   of those free, self-governing communities, those new
   commonwealths beyond the sea, who are bound to us by the
   person of the Sovereign, who is the living symbol of the unity
   of the Empire. But, Sir, it is not given, it cannot, in
   ordinary course, be given, to a Constitutional Monarch to
   signalize his reign by any great isolated action. The effect
   of a Constitutional Sovereign, great as it is, is produced by
   the slow, constant, and cumulative results of a great ideal
   and a great example; and of that great ideal and that great
   example Queen Victoria surely was the first of all
   Constitutional Monarchs whom the world has yet seen. Where
   shall we find that ideal so lofty in itself, so constantly and
   consistently maintained, through two generations, through more
   than two generations, of her subjects, through many
   generations of her public men and members of this House?

[Image: Descendants of Queen Victoria.]

   "Sir, it would be almost impertinent for me were I to attempt
   to express to the House in words the effect which the
   character of our late Sovereign produced upon all who were in
   any degree, however remote, brought in contact with her. The
   simple dignity, befitting a Monarch of this realm, in that she
   could never fail, because it arose from her inherent sense of
   the fitness of things. It was no trapping put on for office,
   and therefore it was that this dignity, this Queenly dignity,
   only served to throw into stronger relief and into a brighter
   light those admirable virtues of the wife, the mother, and the
   woman with which she was so richly endowed. Those kindly
   graces, those admirable qualities, have endeared her to every
   class in the community, and are known to all. Perhaps less
   known was the life of continuous labour which her position as
   Queen threw upon her. Short as was the interval between the
   last trembling signature affixed to a public document and
   final rest, it was yet long enough to clog and hamper the
   wheels of administration; and I remember when I saw a vast
   mass of untouched documents which awaited the hand of the
   Sovereign of this country to deal with it was brought vividly
   before my mind how admirable was the unostentatious patience
   with which for 63 years, through sorrow, through suffering, in
   moments of weariness, in moments of despondency, it may be,
   she carried on without intermission her share in the
   government of this great Empire.
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   For her there was no holiday, to her there was no intermission
   of toil. Domestic sorrow, domestic sickness, made no difference
   in her labours, and they were continued from the hour at which
   she became our Sovereign to within a very few days of her
   death. It is easy to chronicle the growth of Empire, the
   progress of trade, the triumphs of war, all the events that
   make history interesting or exciting; but who is there that
   will dare to weigh in the balance the effect which such an
   example continued over 63 years has produced on the highest
   life of the people? It is a great life, and had a fortunate,
   and, let me say, in my judgment, a happy ending."

   The especial and peculiar importance which Queen Victoria had
   acquired in the political world, and the weight in its
   councils which England owed to her personality, were
   impressively suggested by Lord Rosebery, in a speech which he
   made at a special court of the Governors of the Corporation of
   the Royal Scottish Hospital, when he said: "We hear much in
   these days of the life of the Queen and of what we owe her.
   But I sometimes wonder if we all realize how much we do owe
   her, for you would have had to know much about the Queen to
   realize adequately the debt which the nation was under to her.
   Probably every subject in Great Britain realizes that he has
   lost his greatest and his best friend. But they do not
   understand of what enormous weight in the councils of the
   world we are deprived by the death of our late Sovereign. She
   gave to the councils of Great Britain an advantage which no
   talents, no brilliancy, no genius, could supply. Think of what
   her reign was! She had reigned for 63 years. For 63 years she
   had known all that was to be known about the political
   condition of her country. For 63 years she had been in
   communication with every important Minister and with every
   important public man. She had received reports, daily reports
   almost, from her successive Ministers, or their deputies in
   the House of Commons. She had, therefore, a fund of knowledge
   which no constitutional historian has ever had at his command.
   That by the stroke of death is lost to us to-day. All that was of
   incalculable advantage to our Monarchy. But have you realized
   what the personal weight of the late Queen was in the councils
   of the world? She was by far the senior of all the European
   Sovereigns. She was, it is no disparagement to other Kings to
   say, the chief of all the European Sovereigns. The German
   Emperor was her grandson by birth. The Emperor of Russia was
   her grandson by marriage. She had reigned 11 years when the
   Emperor of Austria came to his throne. She had seen two
   dynasties pass from the throne of France. She had seen, as
   Queen, three Monarchs of Spain, and four Sovereigns of the
   House of Savoy in Italy. In all those kingdoms which have been
   carved out of the Turkish Empire she had seen the foundation
   of their reigning dynasties. Can we not realize, then, what a
   force the personal influence of such a Sovereign was in the
   troubled councils of Europe? And when, as we know, that
   influence was always given for peace, for freedom, and for
   good government, we feel that not merely ourselves but all the
   world has lost one of its best friends."

   A statement in the "London Times" of January 26 shows the
   descendants of Queen Victoria to be in number as follows: "The
   Queen has had

    9 children of whom 6 survive
   40 grandchildren of whom 31 survive
   37 great-grandchildren of whom 37 survive

   [A total of] 86 [of whom] 74 [survive].

   "Of the great-grandchildren 22 are boys and 15 are girls; 6
   are grandchildren of the Prince of Wales; 18 are grandchildren
   of the Empress Frederick; 11 are grandchildren of the late
   Princess Alice; 6 are grandchildren of the late Duke of
   Saxe-Coburg and Gotha. This would appear to make a total of
   41, but three of them are grandchildren of both the Empress
   Frederick and Princess Alice, while one is grandchild of both
   the Princess Alice and the Duke of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha.

   "It will be seen that in the course of nature the future
   rulers of Great Britain, Germany, Russia, Greece, and Rumania
   will be descendants of her Majesty."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (January-February).
   Ceremonies of the accession of King Edward VII.
   His speech in Council and his messages to the people
   of the British Empire.

   On Wednesday, the 23d of January—the day following the death
   of the Queen—her eldest son, Albert Edward, long known as
   Prince of Wales, went from Osborne to London to take up the
   sceptre of sovereignty which his mother had laid down. The
   proceedings in Council which took place thereupon were
   officially reported in the "London Gazette" as follows:

   "At the Court at Saint James's, the 23rd day of January, 1901.
   Present,

   "The King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council. His Majesty
   being this day present in Council was pleased to make the
   following Declaration:

   "'Your Royal Highnesses, My Lords, and Gentlemen, This is the
   most painful occasion on which I shall ever be called upon to
   address you. My first and melancholy duty is to announce to
   you the death of My beloved Mother the Queen, and I know how
   deeply you, the whole Nation, and I think I may say the whole
   world, sympathize with Me in the irreparable loss we have all
   sustained. I need hardly say that My constant endeavour will
   be always to walk in Her footsteps. In undertaking the heavy
   load which now devolves upon life, I am fully determined to be
   a Constitutional Sovereign in the strictest sense of the word,
   and as long as there is breath in My body to work for the good
   and amelioration of My people.

   "'I have resolved to be known by the name of Edward, which has
   been borne by six of My ancestors. In doing so I do not
   undervalue the name of Albert, which I inherit from My ever to
   be lamented, great and wise Father, who by universal consent is I
   think deservedly known by the name of Albert the Good, and I
   desire that his name should stand alone.

   "'In conclusion, I trust to Parliament and the Nation to
   support Me in the arduous duties which now devolve upon Me by
   inheritance, and to which I am determined to devote My whole
   strength during the remainder of My life.'

   "Whereupon the Lords of the Council made it their humble
   request to His Majesty that His Majesty's Most Gracious
   Declaration to their Lordships' might be made public, which
   His Majesty was pleased to Order accordingly."

{217}

   The King then "caused all the Lords and others of the late
   Queen's Privy Council, who were then present, to be sworn of
   His Majesty's Privy Council." Orders had been previously given
   for proclaiming "His present Majesty," in the following form:
   "Whereas it has pleased Almighty God to call to His Mercy Our
   late Sovereign Lady Queen Victoria, of Blessed and Glorious
   Memory, by whose Decease the Imperial Crown of the United
   Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland is solely and rightfully
   come to the High and Mighty Prince Albert Edward: We,
   therefore, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal of this Realm,
   being here assisted with these of Her late Majesty's Privy
   Council, with Numbers of other Principal Gentlemen of Quality,
   with the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Citizens of London, do now
   hereby, with one Voice and Consent of Tongue and Heart,
   publish and proclaim, That the High and Mighty Prince, Albert
   Edward, is now, by the Death of our late Sovereign of Happy
   Memory, become our only lawful and rightful Liege Lord Edward
   the Seventh, by the Grace of God, King of the United Kingdom
   of Great Britain and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, Emperor
   of India: To whom we do acknowledge all Faith and constant
   Obedience, with all hearty and humble Affection; beseeching
   God, by whom Kings and Queens do reign, to bless the Royal
   Prince Edward the Seventh, with long and happy Years to reign
   over Us."

   The proclamation was made in London, with antique and
   picturesque ceremony on the succeeding day, January 24, and
   the following official report of it, from "Earl Marshal's
   Office," published in the "London Gazette":

   "This day His Most Gracious Majesty King Edward VII. was, in
   pursuance of an Order in Council of the 23rd instant,
   proclaimed with the usual ceremonies. At 9 o'clock in the
   forenoon, the Officers of Arms habited in their tabards, the
   Serjeants-at-Arms, with their maces and collars; and
   Deputy-Serjeant Trumpeter in his collar; the Trumpeters, Drum
   Major, and Knight Marshalmen being assembled at St James's
   Palace, the Proclamation was read in the Grand Court by
   William H. Weldon, Esq., Norroy King of Arms, Deputy to Sir
   Albert W. Woods, Garter Principal King of Arms, in the
   presence of the Earl Marshal of England, the Lord Steward, the
   Lord Chamberlain, the Master of the Horse, and many other Members
   of Her late Majesty's Household, with Lords and others of the
   Privy Council and several personages of distinction. Deputy
   Garter read the Proclamation. Then the Officers of Arms having
   entered Royal Carriages, a procession was formed in the
   following order:

   The High Bailiff of Westminster, in his carriage.
   Horse Guards.
   Trumpeters.
   A Royal Carriage containing The four Serjeants-at-Arms,
   bearing their maces.
   A Royal Carriage containing Pursuivants.
   Rouge Dragon: Everard Green.
   Bluemantle:  G. Ambrose Lee.
   Rouge Croix: G. W. Marshall.
   Heralds.
   Windsor: W. A. Lindsay, Esq.
   York: A. S. Scott-Gatty, Esq.
   Somerset: H. Farnham Burke, Esq., in a Royal Carriage.
   A Detachment of Horse Guards.

   "The Procession, flanked by the Horse Guards, moved from St.
   James's Palace to Temple Bar, and Rouge Dragon Pursuivant of
   Arms, alighting from the carriage, advanced between two
   trumpeters, preceded by two of the Horse Guards, to the
   barrier, and after the trumpets had sounded thrice, demanded
   in the usual form admission into the City to proclaim His
   Royal Majesty King Edward VII.; and being admitted, and the
   barrier again closed, Rouge Dragon was conducted by the City
   Marshal and his Officers to the Lord Mayor, who was in
   attendance in his State Carriage, when Rouge Dragon delivered
   to his Lordship the Order in Council, which the Lord Mayor,
   having read, returned, and directed the barrier to be opened;
   and Rouge Dragon being reconducted to his place in the
   Procession it then moved into the City; the High Bailiff of
   Westminster filing off at Temple Bar.

   "At the corner of Chancery-lane York Herald read the
   Proclamation; then the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, Recorder,
   Sheriffs, Chamberlain, Common Serjeant, Town Clerk, and City
   Officers fell into the procession immediately after the
   Officers of Arms, and the procession moved on to the Royal
   Exchange, where it was lastly read by Somerset Herald, when
   the guns in St. James's Park and at the Tower of London were
   fired. A multitude of spectators filled the streets through
   which the procession passed, the windows of which were
   crowded; and the acclamations were loud and general."

   As described more fully by the "London Times," the interesting
   proceeding, according to ancient custom, at Temple Bar—the
   site of the old city gate—was as follows: "Temple Bar has
   passed away, but not so the privileges associated with it,
   although they have ceased to have more than an historical,
   ceremonial, and picturesque interest. In accordance,
   therefore, with ancient custom, the Lord Mayor yesterday
   proceeded in State to the site of Temple Bar to grant entrance
   to the King's Officer of Arms, who was about to proclaim his
   Majesty King within the City. The gates of Temple Bar were
   formerly closed for a short time before this ceremony, to be
   opened, upon demand of the Officer of Arms, by the direction
   of the Lord Mayor. As there are now no gates, a barrier was
   made for the occasion by the holding of a red silken rope
   across the street on either side of the Griffin which
   commemorates the spot upon which Temple Bar formerly stood. A
   strong force of burly constables was entrusted with this duty,
   and the barrier thus created answered every practical purpose,
   although there must have been lingering in the minds of some
   of the venerable City Fathers some little regret that stern
   necessity had occasioned the removal of the historic landmark
   which stood there when Queen Victoria was proclaimed and
   remained for many a long year afterwards, one of the most
   interesting features of the ancient City.

{218}

   "The Pursuivant (Rouge Dragon), the heralds, the officials of
   Westminster, and the cavalcade halted a short distance to the
   west of the barrier, and the Pursuivant then advanced between
   two trumpeters, and the trumpets sounded thrice. Upon this the
   City Marshal, on horseback, in scarlet tunic and cocked hat
   with plumes, advanced to the barrier to meet the Pursuivant,
   and in a loud voice, which could be heard by those at a
   considerable distance, asked, 'Who comes there?' The
   Pursuivant replied, 'The Officer of Arms, who demands entrance
   into the City to proclaim his Royal Majesty, Edward the
   Seventh.' Thereupon the barrier was opened so as to admit the
   Pursuivant without escort, and immediately closed again. The
   Pursuivant was then conducted by the City Marshal to the Lord
   Mayor, who, being made acquainted with the object of the
   Pursuivant's visit, directed the opening of the barrier, and
   the Pursuivant returned to his cavalcade. There was a fanfare
   of trumpets, and York Herald, Mr. A. S. Scott-Gatty, between
   two trumpeters, approached the Lord Mayor, and presented to
   his lordship the Order in Council requiring him to proclaim
   his Majesty. The Lord Mayor replied:

   'I am aware of the contents of this paper, having been
   apprised yesterday of the ceremony appointed to take place,
   and I have attended to perform my duty in accordance with
   ancient usages and customs of the City of London.'

   "The Lord Mayor then read aloud the Order in Council requiring
   the herald to proclaim his Majesty within the jurisdiction of
   the City, and returned it to the herald. … The trumpets
   sounded and, the officials of Westminster having filed off,
   the cavalcade advanced into the City as far as the corner of
   Chancery-lane. There was another fanfare of trumpets, and the
   herald then made the proclamation, reading it with admirable
   clearness. When it was over the spectators, who had listened
   with bared heads, cried 'God Save the King.' The trumpets were
   again sounded, and a military band stationed to the west of
   Temple Bar played the National Anthem. This was followed by
   cheering, which lasted while the Lord Mayor and his retinue
   resumed their places in the carriages which had brought them,
   and the procession made its way to the Royal Exchange, the
   route being down Fleet-street, up Ludgate-hill, through St.
   Paul's Churchyard, and along Cheapside.

   "Thus ended a ceremony which impressed all who saw it by its
   solemnity, its dignity, and its significance. It brought home
   vividly to the mind of every spectator the continuity which
   exists amid all the changes of our national life, and the very
   strangeness of the quaint heraldic garb worn by the heralds
   and pursuivants, which at another time might have provoked a
   smile, was felt to be an object-lesson for all, telling of
   unbroken tradition reaching far back into the glorious history
   of our country. On turning away from the site of Temple Bar
   after the Proclamation had been made and the procession had
   disappeared, one felt that the seriousness of the occasion had
   impressed itself on every mind and that from every heart there
   rose a common prayer—God Save the King!"

   With somewhat less ceremony, on the same day, the same
   proclamation was read in many parts of the United Kingdom.

   On Friday, the 25th, both Houses of Parliament met (the
   members having, one by one, taken the oath of allegiance to
   the new sovereign on the two preceding days) to receive a
   message from the King and to adopt an address in reply. The
   royal message was as follows: "The King is fully assured that
   the House of Commons will share in the deep sorrow which has
   befallen his Majesty and the nation by the lamented death of
   his Majesty's mother, the late Queen. Her devotion to the
   welfare of her country and her people and her wise and
   beneficent rule during the sixty-four years of her glorious
   reign will ever be held in affectionate remembrance by her
   loyal and devoted subjects throughout the dominions of the
   British Empire."

   The Marquis of Salisbury, in the House of Lords, and Mr.
   Balfour, in the House of Commons, moved the following
   Address, in speeches from which some passages have been quoted
   above:

   "That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty to assure
   his Majesty that this House deeply sympathizes in the great
   sorrow which his Majesty has sustained by the death of our
   beloved Sovereign, the late Queen, whose unfailing devotion to
   the duties of her high estate and to the welfare of her people
   will ever cause her reign to be remembered with reverence and
   affection; to submit to his Majesty our respectful
   congratulations on his accession to the Throne; to assure his
   Majesty of our loyal attachment to his person; and, further,
   to assure him of our earnest conviction that his reign will be
   distinguished under the blessing of Providence by an anxious
   desire to maintain the laws of the kingdom and to promote the
   happiness, the welfare, and the liberty of his subjects."

   Speeches in support of the motion were made by the leaders of
   the Opposition party, the Earl of Kimberley, in the House of
   Lords, and Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman, in the House of Commons,
   and by the Archbishop of Canterbury, also, in the former
   chamber. The Address was then adopted, and Parliament was
   adjourned until February 14. On the 4th of February, the new
   King addressed the following messages to his subjects in the
   British Empire at large, to the Colonies, and to the princes
   and people of India:

   "To My People. Now that the last Scene has closed in the noble
   and ever glorious life of My beloved Mother, The Queen, I am
   anxious to endeavour to convey to the whole Empire the extent
   of the deep gratitude I feel for the heart-stirring and
   affectionate tributes which are everywhere borne to Her
   Memory. I wish also to express My warm recognition of those
   universal expressions of what I know to be genuine and loyal
   sympathy with Me and with the Royal Family in our overwhelming
   sorrow. Such expressions have reached Me from all parts of My
   vast Empire, while at home the sorrowful, reverent and sincere
   enthusiasm manifested in the magnificent display by sea and
   land has deeply touched Me. The consciousness of this generous
   spirit of devotion and loyalty among the millions of My Subjects
   and of the feeling that we are all sharing a common sorrow,
   has inspired Me with courage and hope during the past most
   trying and momentous days. Encouraged by the confidence of
   that love and trust which the nation ever reposed in its late
   and fondly mourned Sovereign, I shall earnestly strive to walk
   in Her Footsteps, devoting Myself to the utmost of My powers
   to maintaining and promoting the highest interests of My
   People, and to the diligent and zealous fulfilment of the
   great and sacred responsibilities which, through the Will of
   God, I am now called to undertake.
   EDWARD, R. I."

{219}

   "To My People Beyond the Seas. The countless messages of loyal
   sympathy which I have received from every part of My Dominions
   over the Seas testify to the universal grief in which the
   whole Empire now mourns the loss of My Beloved Mother. In the
   welfare and prosperity of Her subjects throughout Greater
   Britain the Queen ever evinced a heartfelt, interest. She saw
   with thankfulness the steady progress which, under a wide
   extension of Self-Government, they had made during Her Reign.
   She warmly appreciated their unfailing loyalty to Her Throne
   and Person, and was proud to think of those who had so nobly
   fought and died for the Empire's cause in South Africa. I have
   already declared that it will be My constant endeavour to
   follow the great example which has been bequeathed to Me. In
   these endeavours I shall have a confident trust in the
   devotion and sympathy of the People and of their several
   Representative Assemblies throughout My vast Colonial
   Dominions. With such loyal support I will, with God's
   blessing, solemnly work for the promotion of the common
   welfare and security of the great Empire over which I have now
   been called to reign,
      EDWARD, R. I."

   "To the Princes and People of India. Through the lamented
   death of My beloved and dearly mourned Mother, I have
   inherited the Throne, which has descended to Me through a long
   and ancient lineage, I now desire to send My greeting to the
   Ruling Chiefs of the Native States, and to the Inhabitants of
   My Indian Dominions, to assure them of My sincere good will
   and affection, and of My heartfelt wishes for their welfare.
   My illustrious and lamented Predecessor was the first
   Sovereign of this Country who took upon Herself the direct
   Administration of the Affairs of India, and assumed the title
   of Empress in token of Her closer association with the
   Government of that vast Country. In all matters connected with
   India, the Queen Empress displayed an unvarying deep personal
   interest, and I am well aware of the feeling of loyalty and
   affection evinced by the millions of its peoples towards Her
   Throne and Person. This feeling was conspicuously shown during
   the last year of Her long and glorious reign by the noble and
   patriotic assistance offered by the Ruling Princes in the
   South African War, and by the gallant services rendered by the
   Native Army beyond the limits of their own Country. It was by
   Her wish and with Her sanction that I visited India and made
   Myself personally acquainted with the Ruling Chiefs, the
   people, and the cities of that ancient and famous Empire. I
   shall never forget the deep impressions which I then received,
   and I shall endeavour to follow the great example of the first
   Queen Empress to work for the general well being of my Indian
   subjects of all ranks, and to merit, as She did, their
   unfailing loyalty and affection.
      EDWARD, R. ET I."

   English feeling toward the new sovereign of the British
   Empire, and the English estimate of his character and promise,
   are probably expressed quite truly, for the general mass of
   intelligent people, by the following remarks of "The Times:"

   "In the whole range of English social and political life there
   is no position more difficult to fill satisfactorily and
   without reproach than that of Heir Apparent to the Throne, and
   it may be justly said that the way in which that position has
   been filled for more than the ordinary lifetime of a
   generation has contributed to the remarkable increase of
   devotion to the Throne and the dynasty which is one of the
   most striking characteristics of Queen Victoria's reign. In
   the relations of private life, from his childhood upwards,
   'the Prince' has been universally and deservedly popular.
   Cheerful and amiable, kind and generous, ever ready to
   sympathize with the joys and sorrows of those around him, a
   true friend, and a loyal antagonist, possessing considerable
   mental culture and wide intellectual sympathies without any
   tinge of pedantry, he has represented worthily the type of the
   genuine English gentleman. Though a lover of sport, like most
   of his countrymen, he differed from some of them in never
   regarding it as the chief interest and occupation in life. If
   he had been born in a humbler station he might have become a
   successful business man or an eminent administrator, for he
   possesses many of the qualities which command success in such
   spheres of action. He is a quick and methodical worker,
   arranges his time so as never to be hurried, is scrupulously
   conscientious in fulfilling engagements, great and small, with
   a punctuality which has become proverbial, never forgets to do
   anything he has undertaken, and never allows unanswered
   letters to accumulate. Few men have a larger private
   correspondence, and his letters have the clearness, the
   directness, the exquisite tactfulness, and the absolute
   freedom from all affectation which characterize his
   conversation. … "In public life he has displayed the same
   qualities and done a great deal of very useful work. The
   numerous and often irksome ceremonial duties of his position
   have been invariably fulfilled most conscientiously and with
   fitting dignity. Of the remainder of his time a considerable
   part has been devoted to what might be called semi-official
   activity. In works of benevolence and public utility and in
   efforts to promote the interests of science and art he was
   ever ready and anxious to lend a helping hand. He never
   forgot, however, that in his public appearances he had not the
   liberty of speech and action enjoyed by the ordinary
   Englishman. Whilst taking the keenest interest in public
   affairs of every kind, he carefully abstained from
   overstepping in the slightest degree the limits imposed on him
   by constitutional tradition and usage. No party clique or
   Court camarilla ever sheltered itself behind him, and no
   political intrigue was ever associated with his name.
   Throughout her dominions Queen Victoria had no more loyal,
   devoted subject than her own eldest son. If this strictly
   correct attitude had been confined to his relations with the
   Head of the State we might have supposed that it proceeded
   from a feeling of deep filial affection and reverence, but, as
   it was displayed equally in his relations with Parliament and
   politicians, we must assume that it proceeded also from a high
   and discriminating sense of duty. Of the Prime Ministers,
   leaders of her Majesty's Opposition, and politicians of minor
   degree with whom he came in contact, he may have found some
   more sympathetic than others, but such personal preferences
   were carefully concealed in his manner, which was invariably
   courteous and considerate, and were not allowed to influence
   his conduct."

{220}

   In another article, the same journal again remarked that
   "there is no position more difficult to fill than that of Heir
   Apparent to the Throne," and added: "It is beset by more than
   all the temptations of actual Royalty, while the weight of
   counteracting responsibility is much less directly felt. It
   must be with a feeling akin to hopelessness that a man in that
   position offers up the familiar prayer,  'Lead us not into
   temptation.' Other men may avoid much temptation if they
   honestly endeavour to keep out of its way, but the heir to a
   Throne is followed, dogged, and importuned by temptation in
   its most seductive forms. It is not only the obviously bad
   that he has to guard against; he must also steel himself
   against much that comes in the specious garb of goodness and
   almost with the imperious command of necessity. The King has
   passed through that tremendous ordeal, prolonged through youth
   and manhood to middle age. We shall not pretend that there is
   nothing in his long career which those who respect and admire
   him could not wish otherwise. Which of us can say that with
   even approximate temptations to meet he could face the fierce
   light that beats upon an heir apparent no less than upon the
   Throne?"

   The King was in his sixtieth year when he succeeded to the
   throne, having been born on the 9th of November, 1841. "By
   inheritance under a patent of Edward III., he became at once
   Duke of Cornwall, and a month later he was created, by patent,
   Prince of 'Wales and Earl of Chester—titles which do not pass
   by descent." He was married to the Princess Alexandra, of
   Denmark, on the 10th of March, 1863. The children born of the
   marriage have been six in all—three sons and three daughters.
   Of the former only one survives, Prince George, Duke of York,
   the second son, who will no doubt be created Prince of Wales.
   The eldest son, Prince Albert Victor, Duke of Clarence and
   Avondale, died in his 27th year, on the eve of his marriage.
   The third son, Alexander, born in 1871, died an infant. The
   Duke of York is married to Princess Victoria Mary, daughter of
   the late Duke of Teck and of his wife, Princess Mary of
   Cambridge. There are four children of the marriage, three sons
   and a daughter, the eldest son, in direct succession to the
   Throne, bearing the name of Prince Edward Albert. Of the
   daughters of the new Sovereign the eldest, Princess Louise, is
   the wife of the Duke of Fife and has two daughters. Of her two
   sisters, the Princess Victoria is unmarried. The Princess Maud
   became in 1896 the wife of Prince Charles of Denmark.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (February).
   The opening of Parliament by King Edward VII.
   The royal declaration against transubstantiation and
   the invocation of saints.
   Protest of Roman Catholic peers.

   Parliament, reassembling on the 14th of February, was formally
   opened by the King in person, with a degree of pomp and
   ceremony which had been made strange by half a century of
   disuse. King and Queen were escorted in procession, with all
   possible state, from Buckingham Palace to Westminster.
   Received there, at the royal entrance, by the great officers
   of state, they were conducted, by a still more imposing
   procession of dignitaries, to the "robing room." "His Majesty
   being robed and the Imperial Crown borne by the Duke of
   Devonshire (Lord President of the Council), the Procession
   advanced into the House of Peers in the same order, except
   that the Cap of Maintenance [a mediæval symbol of dignity] was
   borne immediately before His Majesty, on the right hand of the
   Sword of State, by the Marquess of Winchester. The King being
   seated on his Throne, the Lord bearing the Cap of Maintenance
   stood on the Steps of the Throne, on the right, and the Peer
   bearing the Sword of State, on the left, of His Majesty. The
   Lord Chancellor, the Lord President and the Earl Marshal stood
   on the right, and the Lord Privy Seal on the left, of His
   Majesty; the Lord Great Chamberlain stood on the Steps of the
   Throne on the left hand of His Majesty, to receive the Royal
   Commands. The Lord Steward and the other officers of His
   Majesty's Household arranged themselves on each side of the
   Steps of the Throne, in the rear of the Great Officers of
   State."

   By hereditary right, the ceremonial arrangements of the
   occasion were controlled by the Duke of Norfolk, as Earl
   Marshal, and the Marquess of Cholmondeley, as Lord Great
   Chamberlain, and they are said to have followed ancient
   precedent with a strictness which became very offensive to
   modern democratic feeling. The small chamber of the House of
   Lords was so filled with peeresses as well as peers that next
   to no room remained for the House of Commons when its members
   were summoned to it, to meet the King. What should have been a
   dignified procession behind the Speaker became, in
   consequence, a mob-like crush and scramble, and only some
   fifty out of five hundred Commoners are said to have succeeded
   in squeezing themselves within range of his Majesty's eye. The
   King, then, as required by laws of the seventeenth century
   (the Bill of Rights and the Test Act—see, in volume 2,
   ENGLAND: A. D. 1689, OCTOBER, and 1672-1673) signed and made
   oath to the following Declaration against the doctrine of
   transubstantiation, the invocation of the Virgin and the
   invocation of saints: "I doe solemnely and sincerely in the
   presence of God professe testifie and declare that I doe
   believe that in the sacrament of the Lord's Supper there is
   not any transubstantiation of the elements of bread and wine
   into the body and blood of Christ at or after the consecration
   thereof by any person whatsoever; and that the invocation or
   adoration of the Virgin Mary or any other saint and the
   sacrifice of the masse as they are now used in the Church of
   Rome are superstitions and idolatrous, and I doe solemnely in
   the presence of God professe testifie and declare that I doe
   make this declaration and every part thereof in the plaine and
   ordinary sence of the words read unto me as they are commonly
   understood by English Protestants without any evasion,
   equivocation or mentall reservation whatsoever and without any
   dispensation already granted me for this purpose by the Pope
   or any other authority or person whatsoever or without any
   hope of any such dispensation from any person or authority
   whatsoever or without thinking that I am or can be acquitted
   before God or man or absolved of this declaration or any part
   thereof although the Pope or any other person or persons or
   power whatsoever should dispence with or annull the same, or
   declare that it was null and void from the beginning."

{221}

   Having thus submitted to the old test of a Protestant
   qualification for the Throne, the King read his Speech to
   Parliament, briefly stating the general posture of public
   affairs and setting forth the business which the two Houses
   were asked by government to consider. The war in South Africa
   was dealt with by the royal speaker in a very few words, as
   follows: "The war in South Africa has not yet entirely
   terminated; but the capitals of the enemy and his principal
   lines of communication are in my possession, and measures have
   been taken which will, I trust, enable my troops to deal
   effectually with the forces by which they are still opposed. I
   greatly regret the loss of life and the expenditure of treasure
   due to the fruitless guerrilla warfare maintained by Boer
   partisans in the former territories of the two Republics.
   Their early submission is much to be desired in their own
   interests, as, until it takes place, it will be impossible for
   me to establish in those colonies a government which will
   secure equal rights to all the white inhabitants, and
   protection and justice to the native population." In a later
   paragraph of the Speech he said: "The prolongation of
   hostilities in South Africa has led me to make a further call
   upon the patriotism and devotion of Canada and Australasia. I
   rejoice that my request has met with a prompt and loyal
   response, and that large additional contingents from those
   Colonies will embark for the seat of war at an early date."
   The Speech concluded with the following announcement of
   subjects and measures to be brought before Parliament:
   "Gentlemen of the House of Commons, The Estimates for the year
   will be laid before you. Every care has been taken to limit
   their amount, but the naval and military requirements of the
   country, and especially the outlay consequent on the South
   African war, have involved an inevitable increase.

   "The demise of the Crown renders it necessary that a renewed
   provision shall be made for the Civil List. I place
   unreservedly at your disposal those hereditary revenues which
   were so placed by my predecessor; and I have commanded that
   the papers necessary for a full consideration of the subject
   shall be laid before you.

   "My Lords and Gentlemen, Proposals will be submitted to your
   judgment for increasing the efficiency of my military forces.

   "Certain changes in the constitution of the Court of Final
   Appeal are rendered necessary in consequence of the increased
   resort to it, which has resulted from the expansion of the
   Empire during the last two generations.

   "Legislation will be proposed to you for the amendment of the
   Law relating to Education.

   "Legislation has been prepared, and, if the time at your
   disposal shall prove to be adequate, will be laid before you,
   for the purpose of regulating the voluntary sale by landlords
   to occupying tenants in Ireland, for amending and
   consolidating the Factory and Workshops Acts, for the better
   administration of the Law respecting Lunatics, for amending
   the Public Health Acts in regard to Water Supply, for the
   prevention of drunkenness in Licensed Houses or Public Places,
   and for amending the Law of Literary Copyright.

   "I pray that Almighty God may continue to guide you in the
   conduct of your deliberations, and may bless them with
   success."

   Dated from the House of Lords, on the day of the opening, the
   following protest, signed by Roman Catholic peers (of whom
   there are thirty), against the continued requirement from the
   British sovereign of the Declaration quoted above, was laid
   before the Lord Chancellor: "My Lord,—On the opening of his
   first Parliament to-day his Majesty was called upon to make
   and subscribe the so-called Declaration against
   Transubstantiation, which was framed during the reign of
   Charles II., at a moment when religious animosities were
   unusually bitter.

   "Some days ago we addressed ourselves to your lordship, as the
   chief authority on English law, to ascertain whether it was
   possible to bring about any modification of those parts of the
   Declaration which are specially provocative to the religious
   feelings of Catholics. We received from your lordship the
   authoritative assurance that no modification whatever was
   possible, except by an Act of Parliament, and that no action
   of ours would therefore be of the slightest use to effect the
   pacific purpose we had in view. The Sovereign himself has, it
   appears, no option, and is obliged by statute to use the very
   words prescribed, although we feel assured that his Gracious
   Majesty would willingly have been relieved (as all his
   subjects have for many years been relieved by Act of
   Parliament) from the necessity of branding with contumelious
   epithets the religious tenets of any of his subjects.

   "While we submit to the law, we cannot be wholly silent on
   this occasion, We desire to impress upon your lordship that
   the expressions used in this Declaration made it difficult and
   painful for Catholic peers to attend to-day in the House of Lords
   in order to discharge their official or public duties, and
   that those expressions cannot but cause the deepest pain to
   millions of subjects of his Majesty in all parts of the
   Empire, who are as loyal and devoted to his Crown and person
   as any others in his dominions.

   "We are, my lord, your lordship's most obedient and faithful
   servants."

      _London Times,
      February 15, 1901._

   In the House of Lords, on the 22d of February, the Marquis of
   Salisbury made the following reply to Lord Braye, who asked if
   the Prime Minister could hold out hope of an early measure to
   abolish the oath so offensive to Catholic subjects of the
   King: "Though I am very anxious to give an answer which would
   be satisfactory to the noble lord and his co-religionists, I
   do not wish to leave on his mind an impression that there are
   any doubts in the matter. We all of us deplore the language in
   which that declaration is couched, and very much wish it could
   be otherwise expressed; but when it comes to altering an
   enactment which has now lasted, as far as I know, without
   serious question, 200 years, and which was originally included
   in the Bill of Rights, it is a matter which cannot be done
   without very considerable thought. We must remember that an
   enactment of that kind represents the passions, feelings, and
   sensibilities of the people by whom it was originally caused;
   and that these have not died out. They are not strong within
   these walls; but there are undoubtedly parts of the country
   where the controversies which the declaration represents still
   flourish, and where the emotions which it indicates have not
   died out. Before an enactment is proposed, with all the
   discussion which must precede such an enactment, we shall have
   to consider how far it is desirable to light again passions
   which sleep at this moment, for an occasion which is not now
   urgent, and which we all earnestly hope may not be urgent in
   our lives.
{222}
   I do not wish to debar the noble lord from any action which he
   may think it right to take; but I wish to point out to him the
   extreme difficulties and anxieties which would accompany any
   such attempt. With respect to the actual question of
   legislation, I need hardly observe that it is rather a
   question for the House of Commons than for us, because here I
   do not imagine there would be any doubt whatever about the
   result of such attempted legislation. But I could not be
   certain that a very strong feeling might not be excited
   elsewhere; and I notice that, possibly with a view to that
   consideration, the leader of the other House, in answer to a
   question, said that, at all events for the present year, he
   did not see the possibility of having the requisite
   opportunity of bringing the question before the House. I am
   afraid, therefore, however deeply I sympathize with the
   feelings of the noble lord and wish there had been no cause
   for their being appealed to, that my answer would have to be
   of a discouraging character."

   Notwithstanding this discouraging reply to the question, Lord
   Salisbury, on the 21st of March, moved the following
   resolution in the House of Lords: "To resolve that it is
   desirable that a Joint Committee of both Houses be appointed
   to consider the declaration required of the Sovereign, on his
   accession, by the Bill of Rights: and to report whether its
   language can be modified advantageously, without diminishing
   its efficacy as a security for the maintenance of the
   Protestant succession." On introducing the resolution he said:
   "The only thing that it is necessary I should mention is that
   something has been said with respect to referring the
   Coronation Oath to the same committee and making in it
   alterations which undoubtedly will have to be made. But the
   two subjects are not at all similar, and it would have been
   impossible to put the Coronation Oath into this reference. If,
   later, it should be thought wise to use the same committee for
   the purpose of considering the matter of the Coronation Oath, I
   probably shall see no difficulty in that."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (February).
   Attitude of the Liberal party towards the South African War.

   At the annual meeting of the general committee of the National
   Liberal Federation, held at Rugby, February 27, 1901, more
   than 400 affiliated Liberal Associations in England and Wales
   being represented by about 500 delegates, including many
   eminent men, the following resolution was adopted: "That this
   committee records its profound conviction that the long
   continuance of the deplorable war in South Africa, declared
   for electioneering purposes to be over last September, is due
   to the policy of demanding unconditional surrender and to a
   want of knowledge, foresight, and judgment on the part of the
   Government, who have neither demonstrated effectively to the
   Boers the military supremacy of Great Britain, nor so
   conducted the war as to induce them to lay down their arms;
   this committee bitterly laments the slaughter of thousands of
   brave men on both sides, the terrible loss of life from
   disease, owing in no small degree to the scandalous inadequacy
   of sanitary and hospital arrangements provided for our forces,
   and the enormous waste of resources in actual expenditure upon
   the war, in the devastation of territory, and in the economic
   embarrassments which must inevitably follow; the committee
   calls upon the Government to announce forthwith, and to carry
   out, on the cessation of hostilities, a policy for the
   settlement of South African affairs which will secure equal
   rights to the white races, just and humane treatment of
   natives, and such a measure of self-government as can
   honourably be accepted by a brave and high-spirited people."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (February).
   Emphatic declaration of the policy of the government in
   dealing with the Boers.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1901.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (March).
   Rejection of the Inter-oceanic Canal Treaty as amended
   by the United States Senate.

      See (in this volume)
      CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1901 (MARCH).

   ----------ENGLAND: End--------

ENSLIN, Battle of.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

EPWORTH LEAGUE, The.

   The Epworth League, an organization of young people in the
   Methodist Episcopal Church, on lines and with objects kindred
   to those of the "Young People's Society of Christian Endeavor"
   (see, in this volume, CHRISTIAN ENDEAVOR), was instituted by a
   convention of representatives from various societies of young
   people in that church, held at Cleveland, Ohio, May 14-15,
   1889. It was officially adopted by the General Conference of
   the M. E. Church in 1892. The Year-book of the League for 1901
   says:—"A dozen years ago the Epworth League had no regularly
   organized Chapter. To-day it has almost twenty-one thousand.
   Twelve years ago it had a total membership of twenty-seven.
   To-day it has a million and a half. Twelve years ago the
   Junior League had scarcely been dreamed of. To-day it is the
   most promising division of the great Epworth army, having a
   membership of tens of thousands. Twelve years ago a suggestion
   to establish a newspaper organ was looked upon as a most
   doubtful experiment, and predictions of failure were freely
   made. To-day the organization has an official journal whose
   circulation exceeds that of any Church weekly in the world."

ETRUSCANS, The:
   Fresh light on their origin.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: ITALY.

EUPHRATES, Valley of the:
   Recent archæological exploration.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA.

EUROPEAN RACES, The expansion of the.

      See (in this volume)
      NINETEENTH CENTURY: EXPANSION.

EVOLUTION, The doctrine of:
   Its influence on the Nineteenth Century.

      See (in this volume)
      NINETEENTH CENTURY: DOMINANT LINES.

EXCAVATIONS, Recent archæological.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH.

EXPLOSIVES FROM BALLOONS, Declaration against.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

{223}

EXPOSITION, The Cotton States and International.

      See (in this volume)
      ATLANTA: A. D. 1895.

EXPOSITION, National Export.

      See (in this volume)
      INTERNATIONAL COMMERCIAL CONGRESS.

EXPOSITION, Pan-American.

      See (in this volume)
      BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.

EXPOSITION, Paris.

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

EXPOSITION, Scandinavian.

      See (in this volume)
      STOCKHOLM.

EXPOSITION, Tennessee Centennial, at Nashville.

      See (in this volume)
      TENNESSEE: A. D 1897.

EXPOSITION, Trans-Mississippi.

      See (in this volume)
      OMAHA: A. D. 1898.

EXTERRITORIAL RIGHTS.

      See (in this volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1899 (JULY).

F.

FAMINE: In China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

FAMINE: In India.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1896-1897; and 1899-1900.

FAMINE: In Russia.

      See (in this volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1899.

"FANATICS," The.

      See (in this volume)
      BRAZIL: A. D. 1897.

FAR EASTERN QUESTION, The.

      See (in this volume)
      CONCERT OF EUROPE.

FARM BURNING, In the South African War.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

FARMERS' ALLIANCE, and Industrial Union, The.

   The Supreme Council of the Farmers' Alliance and Industrial
   Union held its fourth annual session at Washington, February
   6-8, 1900, and pledged support to whatever candidates should
   be named by the national convention of the Democratic Party,
   making, at the same time, a declaration of principles
   analogous to those maintained by the People's Party.

FASHODA INCIDENT, The.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

FAURE, Francois Felix, President of the French Republic.
   Sudden death.

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (FEBRUARY-JUNE).

FEDERAL STEEL COMPANY, The.

      See (in this volume)
      TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

FÊNG-TIEN PENINSULA: A. D. 1894-1895.
   Cession in part to Japan and subsequent relinquishment.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.

FÊNG-TIEN PENINSULA: A. D. 1900.
   Russian occupation and practical Protectorate.

      See (in this volume)
      MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900.

FILIPINOS.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.

FINLAND: A. D. 1898-1901.
   A blow at the constitutional rights of the country.
   Attempt to Russianize the Finnish army.
   Possible defeat of the measure.

   "In July, 1898, just one month before the publication of the
   Czar's Peace Manifesto, the Diet of Finland was summoned to
   meet in extraordinary session during January, 1899, in order
   to debate upon the new Army Bill submitted by the Russian
   Government. Hitherto, the army of Finland has been strictly
   national in character, and has served solely for the defence
   of the province. The standing army has been limited to 5,600
   men, 1,920 of whom are annually selected to bear arms during a
   period of three years. This has now been changed; the main
   features of the new Army Bill being as follows:

   1. Finnish troops may be requisitioned for service beyond the
   confines of the Grand Duchy.

   2. Russians may serve in the Finnish, and Finlanders in the
   Russian, Army.

   3. A lightening of the duties of military service upon the
   ground of superior education will be granted to those only who
   can speak, read, and write Russian.

   4. The period of active service under the flag is increased
   from three years to five.

   5. The annual contingent of soldiers in active service is
   increased from 1,920 men to 7,200.

   We at once perceive the fundamental nature of these changes,
   which threaten to impose a far heavier burden upon Finland,
   and to Russify her army. Naturally, the new law met with the
   most determined opposition. But while the bill was still in
   committee there appeared on February 15, 1899, an Imperial
   ukase, whereby the entire situation was radically changed, and
   the independence of Finland seriously threatened. This ukase
   decrees that while the internal administration and legislation
   of Finland are to remain unimpaired, matters affecting the
   common interests of Finland and Russia are to be no longer
   submitted solely to the jurisdiction of the Grand Duchy.
   Furthermore, the Emperor reserves to himself the final
   decision as to which matters are to be included in the above
   category. …

   "The document is couched in terms expressing good-will for
   Finland. In effect, however, it signifies the complete
   demolition of the constitutional rights of that country. For
   in all matters involving the interests of both countries, or
   affecting in any way those of Russia, Finland will hereafter
   be confined to a mere expression of opinion: she will no
   longer be able to exercise the privilege of formulating an
   independent resolution. The definition of 'common interests'
   as furnished by the ukase is so vague as to make the exercise
   of any form of self-government on the part of the Finlanders a
   matter of uncertainty, if not of serious difficulty. Not only
   the interpretation of 'common interests,' but also the
   designation of the law governing them, is primarily in the
   hands of the Russian authorities. Finland, an independent,
   constitutional state [see, in volume 4, SCANDINAVIAN STATES:
   A. D. 1807-1810], has been, or, at all events, is to be,
   converted into a province of Russia. …

   "The conviction is general that the Czar, who had formerly
   manifested such good-will toward the country, and who had
   abrogated the enactments curtailing its constitutional rights,
   could not possibly have so completely changed his views within
   so short a time. Consequently, it was decided to address a
   monster petition in behalf of the people directly to the ruler
   himself. This plan met with the enthusiastic approval of the
   entire nation, and the document was signed by no fewer than
   523,931 men and women of Finland.
{224}
   A deputation of five hundred was elected to present this
   petition, which so eloquently voiced the conviction of the
   whole nation. These five hundred representatives went to St.
   Petersburg, and requested an audience with the Czar. But their
   efforts were unavailing. They were not received; and it
   appeared as if the united voice of a peaceful and loyal people
   could not penetrate to the ear of the ruler.

   "In the meantime the attention of all Europe was directed to
   the matter; and everywhere the liveliest sympathy was
   manifested for that little Nation in the Northeast. … There
   now arose—entirely from private initiative, and without the
   exercise of any influence on the part of Finland—a general
   movement among European nations to select prominent scholars
   and artists; i. e., men entirely removed from the political
   arena, to act as representatives of the popular sentiment, and
   to speak a good word with the Czar in behalf of Finland. …
   Addresses of sympathy for Finland were formulated in England,
   France, Germany, Austria, Hungary, Italy, Switzerland,
   Belgium, Holland, Denmark, Sweden, and Norway; and these
   addresses were signed by over one thousand and fifty scholars
   and artists. … All the addresses together were to be presented
   to the Czar by a small deputation; and for this purpose the
   Commission mentioned at the beginning of this article
   proceeded to St. Petersburg. The gentlemen took great pains to
   secure an audience; they went from one minister to another,
   and avoided every appearance of unfriendliness. Nevertheless,
   their request was politely declined; and the acceptance of the
   document bearing the signatures of over one thousand
   notabilitles firmly refused."

      _R. Eucken,
      The Finnish Question
      (Forum, November, 1899)._

   A correspondent of the "London Times," writing from
   Helsingfors, December 28, 1900, reported: "The situation in
   Finland at the end of the year is by no means improved,
   notwithstanding a few gratifying events, such as the
   permission granted by General Bobrikoff for a new daily paper
   to be published in Helsingfors. … Two papers, one published in
   a provincial town, and a weekly journal in Helsingfors, have
   been suppressed for ever, and the preventive censorship is
   applied with the utmost rigour. The Governor-General has
   displayed great energy in enforcing the restrictions on the
   right to hold meetings, and he has in circulars to the
   provincial Governors issued instructions for the introduction
   of Russian as the language of the Provincial Government
   offices even earlier, and more fully, than is provided for in
   the language ordinance promulgated last autumn. Denunciations
   of private persons to General Bobrikoff by secret agents, as
   well as public authorities, are events of well-nigh daily
   occurrence, and one consequence of these secret reports is
   that five University professors are threatened with summary
   dismissal unless they 'bind themselves to mix themselves up no
   longer in any sort of political agitation.' …

   "The question of the new military law will in all probability
   come before the Russian Imperial Council in January, all
   authorities concerned having had an opportunity of expressing
   their views on the report made on the question by the Finnish
   Diet in 1899, including the Minister of War, General
   Kuropatkin. In conformity with the manifesto of February 15,
   1899, this report will be regarded merely as an 'opinion'
   given by that body, in no way binding when the matter comes up
   for further consideration. This scheme, it will be remembered,
   not only imposes on Finland a military burden beyond the
   powers of the country, but has the political aim of
   denationalizing the Finnish army, and is thus intended to
   serve as a potent lever in the Russification of the Grand
   Duchy. The main features of the Bill were rejected by the
   Finnish Diet, but, although several members of the Imperial
   Council are opposed to the new scheme, it is believed that it
   will gain the majority in the Council in all its more salient
   points."

   Three months later (February 26, 1901), an important change in
   the situation was reported from St. Petersburg by the same
   correspondent. The project of Russifying the Finnish army had
   suffered defeat, he learned, in the Council of State, by a
   large majority. "But," he added, "this does not by any means
   imply that the military reform scheme in Finland, which has
   been the chief cause of all the harm done to the Finnish
   Constitution during the last three years, has been finally
   upset. A similar procedure in any other European civilized
   country would mean as much, but it is not so in Russia. It
   simply means that the Russification of Finland is still being
   prosecuted by a small powerful minority, who will probably
   gain their point in spite of the vast majority of his
   Majesty's councillors. The Council of State, the highest
   institution in the sphere of supreme administration, is merely
   a consultative body, whose opinion can be, and often has been,
   set aside by the Sovereign without the least difficulty. A mere
   stroke of the pen is necessary.

   "In the present case the Finnish military project was
   discussed by the four united departments of the Council. It is
   stated that M. Pobiedonostzeff and the Minister of War said
   nothing, being, perhaps, either too much impressed by the
   speech of M. Witte against the project, or feeling sure of
   their ground without the need of entering into useless
   discussion. M. Witte, whose influence is gradually embracing
   every branch of government, is also looming big in this
   question. He is reported to have made a speech on the occasion
   which carried over 40 members of the Council with him in
   opposition to the project. He attacked it principally on
   financial grounds, and declared that nobody could advise his
   Majesty to adopt it. The rejection of the proposal by the four
   departments is preliminary to its discussion by a plenary
   assembly of the Council, and only after that has taken place
   will the opinion of the majority be laid before the Emperor,"

FIST OF RIGHTEOUS HARMONY, Society of the.

      See(in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

FIVE CIVILIZED TRIBES, The.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

FORBIDDEN CITY, March of allied forces through the.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST 15-28).

FORMOSA: A. D. 1895.
   Cession by China to Japan.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.

FORMOSA: A. D. 1896.
   Chinese risings against the Japanese.

      See (in this volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1896.

{225}

   ----------FRANCE: Start--------

FRANCE: A. D. 1894-1896.
   Final subjugation and annexation of Madagascar.

      See (in this volume)
      MADAGASCAR.

FRANCE: A. D. 1895.
   Cession of Kiang-Hung by China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895 (MARCH-JULY).

FRANCE: A. D. 1895.
   Ministerial changes.
   The alliance with Russia.

   On the resignation of the presidency of the Republic by M.
   Casimir-Perier and the election of M. Felix Faure to succeed
   him (January 15-17), a ministry was formed which represented
   the moderate republican groups, with M. Ribot at its head, as
   President of the Council and Minister of Finance, and with M.
   Hanotaux as Minister of Foreign Affairs.

      See, in volume 2,
      FRANCE: A. D. 1894-1895).

   The most important work of the new government was the
   arrangement of an alliance with Russia, which was
   conspicuously signified to the world by the union of the
   French and Russian fleets when they entered the German harbor
   of Kiel, on the 17th of June, to take part in the celebration
   of the opening of the Kaiser Wilhelm Ship Canal, between the
   Baltic and North Seas (see, in this volume, GERMANY: A. D.
   1895, JUNE). This gave the greatest possible satisfaction to
   the nation, and powerfully strengthened the ministers for a
   time; but they were discredited a little later in the year by
   disclosures of waste, extravagance and peculation in the
   military department. Early in the autumn session of the
   Chamber of Deputies a vote was carried against them, and they
   resigned. A more radical cabinet was then formed, under M.
   Leon Bourgeois, President of the Council and Minister of the
   Interior; with M. Berthelot holding the portfolio of foreign
   affairs, M. Cavaignac that of war, and M. Lockroy that of the
   marine.

FRANCE: A. D. 1896 (January).
   Agreement with Great Britain concerning Siam.

      See (in this volume)
      SIAM: A. D. 1896-1899.

FRANCE: A. D. 1896 (March).
   Census of the Republic.

   Returns of a national census taken in March showed a
   population in France of 38,228,969, being an increase in five
   years of only 133,919. The population of Paris was 2,511;955.

FRANCE: A. D. 1896 (April-May).
   Change of Ministry.
   Socialist gains.

   After a long conflict with a hostile Senate, the Radical
   Ministry of M. Bourgeois gave way and was succeeded, April 30,
   by a Cabinet of Moderate Republicans, in which M. Méline
   presided, holding the portfolio of Agriculture, and with M.
   Hanotaux returned to the direction of Foreign Affairs. At
   municipal elections in the following month the Socialists made
   important gains. "The elections of May, 1896, revealed the
   immense progress that socialism had made in all lands since
   the year 1893. Towns as important as Lille, Roubaix, Calais,
   Montluçon, Narbonne, re-elected socialist majorities to
   administer their affairs; and even where there was only a
   socialist minority, a socialist mayor was elected, as in the
   case of Dr. Flaissières at Marseilles, and Cousteau at
   Bordeaux. But in the small towns and the villages our
   victories have been especially remarkable. The Parti Ouvrier
   alone can reckon more than eighteen hundred m municipal
   councillors elected upon its collectivist programme; and at
   the Lille Congress, which was held a few days before the
   International Congress in London, thirty-eight socialist
   municipal councils and twenty-one socialist minorities of
   municipal councils were represented by their mayors or by
   delegates chosen by the party."

      _P. Lafargue,
      Socialism in France
      (Fortnightly Review, September, 1897)._

FRANCE: A. D. 1897.
   Industrial combinations.

      See (in this volume)
      TRUSTS: IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES.

FRANCE: A. D. 1897 (May-June).
   Cessions and concessions from China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1897 (MAY-JUNE).

FRANCE: A. D. 1897 (June).
   Renewal of the privileges of the Bank of France.

      See (in this volume)
      MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897.

FRANCE: A. D. 1897 (July).
   Co-operation with American envoys in negotiations for a
   bi-metallic agreement with Great Britain.

      See (in this volume)
      MONETARY QUESTIONS:
      A. D. 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899.
   The Dreyfus Affair.

   Although Captain Alfred Dreyfus, of the French army, was
   arrested, tried by court-martial, convicted of treasonable
   practices, in the betrayal of military secrets to a foreign
   power, and thereupon degraded and imprisoned, in 1894, it was
   not until 1897 that his case became historically important, by
   reason of the unparalleled agitations to which it gave rise,
   threatening the very life of the French Republic, and exciting
   the whole civilized world. Accordingly we date the whole
   extraordinary story of Captain Dreyfus and his unscrupulous
   enemies in the French Army Staff from that year, in order to
   place it in proper chronological relations with other events.
   As told here, the story is largely borrowed from a singularly
   clear review of its complicated incidents by Sir Godfrey
   Lushington, formerly Permanent Under Secretary in the British
   Home Office, which appeared in the "London Times," while the
   question of a revision of the Dreyfus trial was pending in the
   Court of Cassation. We are indebted to the publisher of "The
   Times" for permission to make use of it:

   "In October, 1894, Captain Alfred Dreyfus, an artillery
   officer on the staff, was arrested for treason. He belonged to
   a respected and highly loyal Jewish family in Alsace, his
   military character was unblemished, and he was in easy
   circumstances. At this time General Mercier was Minister of
   War, General de Boisdeffre Chief of the Staff (practically
   Commander-in-Chief of the French army), General Gonse,
   Assistant-Chief. Colonel Sandherr, well known as an
   Anti-Semite, was head of the Intelligence Department, under
   him were Commandants Picquart, Henry, and Lauth, also the
   Archivist Griblin. Commandant Du Paty de Clam was an officer
   attached to the general staff. Commandant Esterhazy was
   serving with his regiment. On October 15, on the order of the
   Minister of War, Captain Dreyfus was arrested by Commandant Du
   Paty de Clam, and taken in the charge of Commandant Henry to
   the Cherche-Midi Prison, of which Commandant Forzinetti was
   governor. For a fortnight extraordinary precautions were taken
   to keep his arrest an absolute secret from the public and even
   from his own family. His wife alone knew of it, but dared not
   speak. … So harsh was his treatment that Commandant Forzinetti
   felt it his duty to take the strong step of making a formal
   representation to the Minister of War and also to the Governor
   of Paris, at the same time declaring his own conviction that
   Captain Dreyfus was an innocent man.
{226}
   On October 31 Commandant Du Paty de Clam made his report,
   which has not seen the light, and on November 3 Commandant
   d'Ormescheville was appointed 'rapporteur' to conduct a
   further inquiry, and in due course to draw up a formal report,
   which practically constitutes the case for the prosecution.
   Not till then was Captain Dreyfus informed of the particulars
   of the charge about to be laid against him. From this report
   of Commandant d'Ormescheville's we learn that the basis of the
   accusation against Captain Dreyfus was a document known by the
   name of the 'bordereau' [memorandum]. Neither Commandant
   d'Ormescheville's report nor the 'bordereau' has been
   officially published by the Government, but both ultimately
   found their way into the newspapers. The bordereau was a
   communication not dated, nor addressed, nor signed. It
   began:—'Sans nouvelles m'indiquant que vous désirez me voir,
   je vous adresse cependant, Monsieur, quelques renseignemcnts
   intéressants.' ['Without news indicating that you wish to see
   me, I send you, nevertheless, monsieur, some important
   information.'] (Then followed the titles of various military
   documents, 1, 2, &c.) The report stated that the bordereau had
   fallen into the hands of the Minister of War, but how the
   Minister declined to say, beyond making a general statement
   that the circumstances showed that it had been sent to an
   agent of a foreign Power. It is now generally accepted that it
   had been brought to the War Office by a spy—an Alsatian porter
   who was in the service of Colonel von Schwarzkoppen, then the
   military attache to the German Embassy in Paris. The report
   contained nothing to show that Captain Dreyfus had been
   following treasonable practices or to connect him in any
   manner with the bordereau. The sole question for the
   Court-martial was whether the bordereau was in his
   handwriting. On this the experts were divided, three being of
   opinion that it was, two that it was not, in his handwriting.

   "The Court-martial was duly held, and Captain Dreyfus had the
   aid of counsel, Maître Demange; but the first act of the Court
   was, at the instance of the Government representative, to
   declare the 'huis cols,' so that none but those concerned were
   present. After the evidence had been taken the Court,
   according to custom, adjourned to consider their verdict in
   private. Ultimately they found Captain Dreyfus guilty, and he
   was sentenced to be publicly expelled from the army and
   imprisoned for life. Not till after his conviction was he
   allowed to communicate with his wife and family. The sentence
   has been carried out with the utmost rigour. Captain Dreyfus
   was transported to the Isle du Diable [off the coast of French
   Guiana], where he lives in solitary confinement. … The
   Court-martial having been held within closed doors, the public
   at large knew nothing … beyond the fact that Captain Dreyfus
   had been convicted of betraying military secrets to a foreign
   Power, and they had no suspicion that there had been any
   irregularity at the Court-martial or that the verdict was a
   mistaken one. … For two years the Dreyfus question may be said
   to have slumbered. In the course of this time Colonel
   Sandherr, who died in January, 1897, had been compelled to
   retire from ill-health, and Commandant Picquart became head of
   the Intelligence Department. … In May, 1896, there were
   brought to the Intelligence Department of the War Office some
   more sweepings from Colonel von Schwarzkoppen's waste-paper
   basket by the same Alsatian porter who had brought the
   bordereau. These were put by Commandant Henry into a packet,
   and given by him (according to the usual custom) to Commandant
   Picquart. Commandant Picquart swears that amongst these were
   about 60 small pieces of paper. These (also according to
   custom) he gave to Commandant Lauth to piece together. When
   pieced together they were found to constitute the document
   which is known by the name of 'Petit bleu, à carte télégramme'
   for transmission through the Post-office, but which had never
   been posted. It was addressed to Commandant Esterhazy, and ran
   as follows:

   "'J'attendsavant tout une explication plus détaillée que celle
   que vous m'avez donnée, l'autre jour, sur la question en
   suspens. En conséquence, je vous prie de me la donner par
   écrit, pour pouvoir juger si je puis continuer mes relations
   avec la maison R … ou non. [I await, before anything farther, a
   more detailed explanation than you gave me the other day on
   the question now in suspense. In consequence, I request you to
   give this to me in writing, that I may judge whether I can
   continue my relations with the house of R. or not.] M. le
   Commandant Esterhazy, 27, Rue de la Bienfaisance, Paris.'

   "At this time Commandant Esterhazy was a stranger to
   Commandant Picquart, and the first step which Commandant
   Picquart took was to make inquiry as to who and what he was.
   His character proved most disreputable, and he was in money
   difficulties. The next was to obtain a specimen of his
   handwriting in order to compare it with other writings which
   had been brought by spies to the office and were kept there.
   In this way it came about that it was compared with the
   facsimile of the bordereau, when, lo and behold, the writings
   of the two appeared identical. It was Commandant Esterhazy,
   then, who had written the bordereau, and if Commandant
   Esterhazy, then not Captain Dreyfus. … Commandant Picquart
   acquainted his chiefs with what had been done—namely, General
   de Boisdeffre in July, and his own immediate superior, General
   Gonse, in September. …

   "On September 15 of the same year, 1896, took place the first
   explosion. This solely concerned the Dreyfus trial. On that
   day the 'Éclair,' an anti-Semite newspaper, published an
   article headed 'Le Traitre,' in which they stated that at the
   Court-martial the 'pièce d'accusation' on which Captain
   Dreyfus was tried was the bordereau; but that after the Court
   had retired to the 'chamber of deliberation,' there was
   communicated to them from the War Office, in the absence of
   the prisoner and his counsel, a document purporting to be
   addressed by the German military attaché to his colleague at
   the Italian Embassy in Paris, and ending with a postscript,
   'Cet animal de Dreyfus devient trop exigcant'; further, that
   this document was the only one in which appeared the name
   Dreyfus. This at once had removed all doubts from the minds of
   the Court-martial, who thereupon had unanimously brought the
   prisoner in guilty; and the 'Eclair' called upon the
   Government to produce this document and thus satisfy the
   public conscience. This document has, for sufficient reasons
   hereinafter appearing, come to be known as 'le document
   libérateur,' and by this name we will distinguish it.
{227}
   As to the article in the 'Eclair,' it must have proceeded
   either from a member of the Court-martial or from some one in
   the War Office; but whether its contents were true is a matter
   which to this day has not been fully cleared up. This much,
   however, is known. We have the authority of Maître Demange
   (Captain Dreyfus's advocate) that no such document was brought
   before the Court-martial during the proceedings at which he
   was present. On the other hand, it has now been admitted that
   at the date of Captain Dreyfus's trial there was, and that
   there had been for some months previously, in the archives of
   the War Office a similar document, not in the Dreyfus'
   dossier' proper, but in a secret dossier, only that the words
   therein are not 'Cet animal de Dreyfus,' but 'Ce (sic)
   canaille de D—' (initial only) 'devient trop exigeant.' … The
   Government have never yet either admitted or denied that
   General Mercier went down to the Court-martial and made to
   them a secret communication. …

   "As might have been expected, the article in the 'Eclair'
   occasioned a considerable stir; both parties welcomed it, the
   one as showing Captain Dreyfus to have been really a traitor
   and therefore justly deserving his sentence; the other as a
   proof that whether guilty or not he had been condemned
   illegally on a document used behind his back. The public
   excitement was increased when on the 10th of November the
   'Matin'—a War Office journal—published what purported to be a
   fac-simile of the bordereau, and a host of experts and others
   set to work to compare it with the accused's handwriting. The
   reproduction was no doubt made, not from the original
   bordereau, which was in the sealed-up Dreyfus dossier, but
   from a photograph of it. And the photograph must have been
   obtained surreptitiously from some one in the War Office or
   from some one who had attended the secret Court-martial. … The
   natural sequel to these revelations was an interpellation in
   the Chamber—the 'interpellation Castelin' of November 18,
   1896. On that day, M. Castelin, an anti-Semite deputy, by
   asking some question as to the safe custody of Dreyfus, gave
   the Government an opportunity. General Billot, then Minister
   of War, replied in general terms—'L'instruction de l'affaire,
   les débats, le jugement, ont eu lieu conformément aux règles
   de la procédure militaire. Le Conseil de Guerre regulièrement
   compose, a regulièrement déliberé,' &c. ['The instructions,
   the debates, the verdict, have all taken place conformably to
   the rules of military procedure. The Court-martial, regularly
   composed, has deliberated regularly,' etc.] … On November 14,
   1896, on the eve of the Interpellation Castelin, Commandant
   Picquart was sent on a secret mission, which has not been
   disclosed. He left his duties as head of the Intelligence
   Department nominally in the hands of General Gonse, his
   superior, but practically to be discharged by Commandant
   Henry, who was Commandant Picquart's subordinate. He requested
   his family to address their private letters for him to the War
   Office, whence they would be forwarded. His secret mission, or
   missions, took him first to Nancy, then to Besançon
   (permission being refused to him to return to Paris even for a
   night to renew his wardrobe), later on to Algeria and Tunisia,
   with instructions to proceed to the frontier. … In March,
   1897, Commandant Picquart was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel of
   the 4th Tirailleurs, the appointment being represented to him
   as a favour. He was the youngest Colonel in the service. In
   his stead Commandant Henry became Chief of the Intelligence
   Department. … From the first Colonel Picquart had, of course,
   felt some uneasiness at being sent on these missions away from
   his ordinary duties, and various little circumstances occurred
   to increase it, and in May, 1897, having occasion to write
   unofficially to Commandant Henry, now Chief of the
   Intelligence Department, he expressed himself strongly as to
   the mystery and falsities with which his departure had been
   surrounded; and he received a reply dated June 3, in which
   Commandant Henry said that the mystery he could well enough
   explain by what had come to his knowledge after some inquiry,
   and he alluded in general to three circumstances—(1) Opening
   letters in the post; (2) attempt to suborn two officers in the
   service to speak to a certain writing as being that of a
   certain person; and (3) the opening of a secret dossier. The
   first Colonel Picquart knew to refer to his having intercepted
   Commandant Esterhazy's letters; the other two allusions he did
   not at the time (June, 1897) fully understand; but the letter,
   couched in such terms and coming from one who had until lately
   been his subordinate, and was now the head of the Department,
   convinced him that he was the object of serious and secret
   machinations in the War Office. He immediately applied for
   leave and came to Paris. There he determined, with a view to
   his self-defence, to obtain legal advice from an advocate, M.
   Leblois; saw him, and showed him Colonel Henry's letter, and,
   whilst abstaining (according to his own account and that of M.
   Leblois) from touching on the third matter, the secret
   dossier, spoke freely on the other two—on the 'affaires'
   Dreyfus and Esterhazy generally; also, in order to explain how
   far he had acted with the sanction or cognizance of his
   superiors, he placed in his hands the correspondence—not
   official but confidential—about Commandant Esterhazy which he
   had had with General Gonse in 1896. He left it to M. Leblois
   to take what course he might think necessary, and returned to
   Sousse. In the course of the autumn he was summoned to Tunis
   and asked by the military authority there whether he had been
   robbed of a secret document by a woman. The question seemed a
   strange one and was answered by him with a simple negative.
   Later on he received at Sousse two telegrams from Paris, dated
   November 10. One:—'Arretez Bondieu. Tout est découvert.
   Affaire très grave. Speranza.' This was addressed to Tunis and
   forwarded to Sousse. The other:—'On a des preuves que le bleu est
   fabriqué par Georges. Blanche.' This was addressed to Sousse.
   And two days after he received a letter, likewise of November
   10, from Esterhazy, an abusive one, charging him with
   conspiring against him, &c. He felt certain that the telegrams
   were sent in order to compromise him. … Colonel Picquart
   suspected Commandant Esterhazy to be the author of the
   telegrams, the more so that in Commandant Esterhazy's letter
   and in one of the telegrams his own name Picquart was spelt
   without a c. He at once telegraphed to Tunis for leave to come
   and see the General there.
{228}
   He did see him and through him forwarded to the Minister of
   War the three documents, with a covering letter in which he
   demanded an inquiry. He then obtained leave to go to Paris,
   but the condition was imposed on him that he should see no one
   before presenting himself to General de Pellieux. When he saw
   the General he learnt for the first time and to his surprise
   that ever since he left Paris in November, 1896, his letters
   had been intercepted and examined at the War Office and he was
   called upon to explain various letters and documents. …

   "Before June, 1897, Commandant Esterhazy's name had not been
   breathed to the public; it is now to come out, and from two
   independent sources. Some little time after seeing Colonel
   Picquart, in June, 1897, M. Leblois had determined, in his
   interest, to consult M. Scheurer-Kestner, who was well known
   to have taken an interest in the 'affaire Dreyfus,' because of
   the suspicion that Captain Dreyfus had been condemned on a
   document which he had never seen and because of the
   discrepancies between Captain Dreyfus's handwriting and that
   of the bordereau. He was Vice-President of the Senate and a
   personal friend of General Billot, the Minister of War. M.
   Leblois communicated to him what he knew about Commandant
   Esterhazy and showed him General Gonse's letters to Colonel
   Picquart. In October M. Scheurer-Kestner communicated on the
   subject both with General Billot and with the President of the
   Council, M. Méline. He was now to learn the name of Commandant
   Esterhazy from another quarter. One afternoon in the end of
   October a M. de Castro, a stock-broker, was seated in a cafe
   in Paris, and a boy from the street came up with copies of the
   facsimile of the bordereau, which had then been on sale for
   more than a year. M. de Castro bought a copy, and at once
   recognized, as he thought, the handwriting of the bordereau to
   be that of Commandant Esterhazy, who was a client of his. He
   took the copy home, compared it with letters of Commandant
   Esterhazy, and all doubts vanished. His friends told M.
   Matthieu Dreyfus, who begged him to take the letters to M.
   Scheurer-Kestner, and he did so on November 12, 1897, and M.
   Scheurer-Kestner advised that M. Matthieu Dreyfus should go to
   General Billot and denounce Commandant Esterhazy as the author
   of the bordereau. And now to turn to Commandant Esterhazy. His
   own statement is this. In the month of October, 1897, when in the
   country, he received a letter from 'Speranza' giving minute
   details of a plot against himself, the instigator of which
   was, Speranza said, a colonel named Picquart (without the c).
   He at once went to Paris, saw the Minister of War, and gave
   him Speranza's letter. Shortly afterwards he received a
   telegram asking him to be behind the palisades of the bridge
   Alexander III. at 11.30 p.m. He would there meet a person who
   would give him important information. He kept his appointment,
   met a veiled woman, who, first binding him over under oath to
   respect her incognito, gave him long details of the plot of
   the 'band' against himself. Afterwards he had three similar
   interviews, but not at the same place. At the second of these
   four interviews the unknown woman gave him a letter,
   saying:—'Prenez la pièce contenue dans cette enveloppe, elle
   prouve votre innocence, et si le torchon brûle, n'hésitez pas
   it vous en servir.' ['Take the piece contained in this
   envelope, it proves your innocence, and if there is trouble do
   not hesitate to use it.'] This document, henceforward called
   'le document libérateur,' was no other than the letter
   referred to in the 'Eclair' (ce canaille de D.), which, of
   course, ought to have been safe in the archives of the
   Intelligence Department. On November 14 Commandant Esterhazy
   returned this document to the Minister of War under a covering
   letter in which he called upon his chief to defend his honour
   thus menaced. The Minister of War sent Commandant Esterhazy a
   receipt. The next day the Minister received a letter from M.
   Matthieu Dreyfus denouncing Commandant Esterhazy as the author
   of the bordereau. The letter of Speranza to Commandant
   Esterhazy has not yet been divulged to the public; and the War
   Office, after diligent inquiries, have not been able to find
   the veiled woman. Very different was the interpretation put on
   this narrative by M. Trarieux, ex-Minister of Justice, and
   others interested in revision. Their suggestion was that
   Commandant Esterhazy was in the first instance apprised
   beforehand by his friends in the War Office of the coming
   danger and was for flying across the frontier, but that
   subsequently these same friends, finding that the chiefs of
   the army were fearful of being compromised by his flight from
   justice and would make common cause with him, wished to recall
   him, and with this view, took from the archives the 'document
   libérateur,' and sent it to him as an assurance that he might
   safely return and stand his trial, and also with a view to his
   claiming the credit of having restored to the office a
   document which it was now intended to charge Colonel Picquart
   with abstracting. On November 16, 1897, on a question being
   asked in the Chamber, General Billot, Minister of War, replied
   that he had made inquiries, and the result 'n'ébranlait
   nullement dans lion esprit l'autorité de la chose jugée,' but
   that as a formal denunciation of an officer of the army had
   been made by the 'famille Dreyfus,' there would be a military
   investigation. A fortnight or so afterwards he 'repeated that
   the Government considered the 'affaire Dreyfus comme
   régulièrement et justement jugée.' Here, as elsewhere, the
   reader will remember that the question at issue was who was
   the author of the bordereau, and that if Captain Dreyfus was,
   Commandant Esterhazy could not be. Consequently, a public
   declaration by the Minister of War that Captain Dreyfus had
   been justly condemned was as much as to say that Commandant
   Esterhazy must be acquitted. … Commandant Esterhazy was
   acquitted.

   "On the morrow of Commandant Esterhazy's acquittal M Zola
   launched his letter of January 13, 1898, which was addressed
   to the President, of the Republic, and wound up with a series
   of formal accusations attributing the gravest iniquities to
   all concerned in either of the Courts-martial, each officer
   being in turn pointedly mentioned by name. M. Zola's avowed
   object was to get himself prosecuted for defamation and so
   obtain an opportunity for bringing out 'la lumière' on the
   whole situation. The Minister of War so far accepted the
   challenge as to institute a prosecution at the Assizes; but
   resolving to maintain the 'chose jugée' as to the 'affaire
   Dreyfus,' he carefully chose his own ground so as to avoid
   that subject, selecting from the whole letter only 15 lines as
   constituting the defamation.
{229}
   In particular as to one sentence, which ran:—['J'accuse enfin
   le Premier Conseil de Guerre d'avoir violé le droit en
   condamnant un accuse sur une pièce restée secrète, et]
   j'accuse le Second Conseil de Guerre d'avoir couvert cette
   illegalité par ordre, en commettant à son tour le crime
   juridiquc d'acquitter sciemment un coupable'; ['I accuse,
   finally, the first Court-martial of having violated the law in
   its conviction of the accused on the strength of a document
   kept secret; and I accuse the second Court-martial of having
   covered this illegality, acting under orders and committing in
   its turn the legal crime of knowingly acquitting a guilty
   person.']

   "The prosecution omitted the first half of the sentence, the
   part within brackets. By French law it is for the defendants
   to justify the defamatory words assigned, and to prove their
   good faith. But this was a difficult task even for M. Labori,
   the counsel for M. Zola. There were several notable obstacles
   to be passed before light could reach the Court:

   1. The 'chose jugée' as applicable to the 'affaire Dreyfus.'

   2. The 'huis clos'; the whole proceedings at the Dreyfus
   trial, and all the more important part of the proceedings at
   the Esterhazy trial, having been conducted within closed
   doors.

   3. The 'secret d'Etat' excluding all reference to foreign
   Governments.

   4. The 'secret professionnel,' pleaded not only by officers
   civil and military, but even by the experts employed by the
   Court for the identification of handwriting.

   5. To these may be added the unwillingness of a witness for
   any reason whatever.

   Thus Colonel Du Paty de Clam was allowed to refuse to answer
   questions as to his conduct in family affairs; and, as for
   Commandant Esterhazy, he turned his back on the defendants and
   refused to answer any question whatever suggested by them,
   although it was put to him by the mouth of the Judge. … Of the
   above-mentioned obligations to silence, three were such as it
   was within the competence of the Government to dispense from.
   No dispensation was given, and hence it was that the Minister
   of War was seen as prosecutor pressing his legal right to call
   upon the defendants, under pain of conviction, to prove the
   truth of the alleged libel, and at the same time, by the
   exercise or non-exercise of his official authority, preventing
   the witnesses for the defence from stating the facts which
   were within their knowledge and most material to the truth.
   But the 'chose jugée' was a legal entity by which was meant
   not merely that the sentence could not be legally disputed,
   but that it was to be accepted as 'la vérité légale'; no word
   of evidence was to be admitted which in any way referred to
   any part of the proceedings—the whole affair was to be
   eliminated. The bar thus raised was very effectual in shutting
   out of Court large classes of witnesses who could speak only
   to the 'affaire Dreyfus' … whatever was the rule as to the
   'chose jugée,' it should have been enforced equally on both
   parties. This was not always the case. One single example of
   the contrary shall be given, which, as will be shown
   hereafter, events have proved to be of the utmost
   significance. General de Pellieux had completed his long
   evidence, but having received from 'a Juror' a private letter
   to the effect that the jury would not convict M. Zola unless
   they had some further proof of the guilt of Captain Dreyfus,
   on a subsequent day he asked leave to make a supplementary
   deposition and then said:—

   "'Au moment de l'interpellation Castelin [i. e., in 1896] it
   s'est produit un fait que je tiens à signaler. On a eu au
   Ministère de la Guerre (et remarquez que je ne parle pas de
   l'affaire Dreyfus) la preuve absolue de la culpabilité de
   Dreyfus, et cette preuve je l'ai vile. Au moment de cette
   interpellation, il est arrivé au Ministère de la Guerre un
   papier dont l'origine ne peut être contestée, et qui dit—je
   vous dirai ce qu'il y a dedans—"Il va se produire une
   interpellation sur l'affaire Dreyfus. Ne dites jamais les
   relations que nous avons eues avec ce juif."' ['At the time of
   the Castelin interpellation (1896) there was a fact which I
   want to point out. The Ministry of War held—remark that I am
   not speaking of the Dreyfus case—absolute proof of the guilt
   of Dreyfus; and this proof I have seen. At the moment of that
   interpellation there arrived at the Ministry of War a paper
   the origin of which is incontestable, and which says,—I will
   tell you what it says,—"There is going to be an interpellation
   about the Dreyfus affair. You must never disclose the
   relations which we had with that Jew."'] And General de
   Pellieux called upon General de Boisdeffre and General Gonse
   to confirm what he said, and they did so. But when M. Labori
   asked to see the document and proposed to cross-examine the
   generals upon it, the Judge did not allow him, 'Nous n'avons
   pas à parler de l'affaire Dreyfus.' It may be conceived what
   effect such a revelation, made by the chiefs of the French
   army in full uniform, had upon the jury. They pronounced M.
   Zola guilty and found no extenuating circumstances; and he was
   sentenced by the Judge to the maximum penalty, viz.,
   imprisonment for a year and a fine of 3,000 francs.

   "On April 2 the Zola case is brought up before the Court of
   Cassation [the French Court of Appeals] and the Court quashes
   the verdict of the Assizes, on the technical ground that the
   prosecution had been instituted by the wrong person. The
   Minister of War was incompetent to prosecute; the only persons
   competent were those who could allege they had been defamed—
   in this instance the persons constituting the Esterhazy
   Court-martial. … The officers who had sat at the Esterhazy
   Court-martial were then called together again in order to
   decide whether M. Zola should be reprosecuted. To put a stop
   to any unwillingness on their part, M. Zola published in the
   'Siècle' of April 7 a declaration of Count Casella, which the
   Count said he would have deposed to on oath at the former
   trial if the Judge had allowed him to be a witness. This
   declaration gave a detailed history of various interviews in
   Paris with Count Panizzardi, the military attaché at the
   Italian Embassy, and at Berlin with Colonel von Schwarzkoppen,
   who had been the military attache at the German Embassy.
   According to Count Casella, both these officers had declared
   positively to him that they had had nothing to do with Captain
   Dreyfus, but Colonel von Schwarzkoppen much with Commandant
   Esterhazy. It will be said that this declaration of Count
   Casella had not been sifted by cross-examination; but it is
   understood that at the end of 1896, immediately after the
   'Éclair' made the revelation of 'le document libérateur,' both
   the German and Italian Governments made a diplomatic
   representation to the French Government, denying that they had
   had anything to do with Captain Dreyfus.
{230}
   At all events, in January, 1898, official denials had been
   publicly made by the German Minister of Foreign Affairs to the
   Budget Commission of the Reichstag and by the Italian
   Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs to the Parliament at Home.
   The officers of the Court-martial resolve to reprosecute, and
   the case is fixed for the May Assizes at Versailles. When the
   case comes on, M. Zola demurs to its being tried outside
   Paris; the demurrer is overruled by the Court of Cassation,
   and ultimately, on July 18, the case comes on again at the
   Versailles Assizes. The charge, however, is now cut down from
   what it had been on the first trial in Paris. Of the whole
   letter of M. Zola now only three lines are selected as
   defamatory—viz.:—'Un conseil de guerre vient par ordre d'oser
   acquitter un Esterhazy, soufflet suprême à toute vérité, à
   toute justice.' ['The Court-martial has by order dared to
   acquit an Esterhazy, supreme blow to all truth, to all
   justice.'] This selection was manifestly designed to shut out
   any possibility of reference to the 'affaire Dreyfus,' and M.
   Labori, finding that any attempt to import it would be vain,
   allowed the case to go by default, and M. Zola was condemned
   and, as before, sentenced to a year's imprisonment and a fine
   of 3,000f. He has appealed to the Com de Cassation, and the
   appeal may be heard in the course of the autumn. To secure his
   own liberty in the meantime, M. Zola has avoided personal
   service of the order of the Assizes by removing beyond the
   frontier.

   "We will now go back to Colonel Picquart. During the year 1897
   he had become aware that in the Intelligence Department
   suspicions were expressed that the 'petit-bleu' was not a
   genuine document and insinuations made that Colonel Picquart
   had forged it. … The ground on which this imputation was
   rested came out clearly in the evidence which was given
   subsequently in the Zola trial, to which reference may now be
   made. The sweepings of Colonel von Schwarzkoppen's basket had
   been brought by a spy to the Intelligence Department, and were
   given first into the hands of Commandant Henry, who put them into
   a packet or 'cornet' and passed them on to Colonel Picquart to
   examine. Colonel Picquart swore that on examination he had
   found amongst the papers a large number of fragments, fifty or
   sixty. These he gave to Commandant Lauth to piece together and
   photograph. When pieced together they were found to constitute
   the 'petit-bleu' addressed to Commandant Esterhazy, who at
   that time was a perfect stranger to Colonel Picquart. At the
   Zola trial Colonel Henry had sworn that the pieces were not in
   the 'cornet' when he gave it, to Colonel Picquart, and the
   insinuation was that Colonel Picquart had forged the document,
   torn it in pieces, and put the pieces into the 'cornet.' …
   Commandant Esterhazy was acquitted by the Court-martial, and
   on the very next day Colonel Picquart was himself summoned to
   submit to a military inquiry. The Court-martial sat with
   closed doors, so that neither the charges nor the proceedings
   nor the findings would be known to the public, but the
   findings have found their way into the newspapers. [Picquart,
   cleared himself on the main charges.] … But as to the charge
   (which had never been disputed) that in 1897 Colonel Picquart
   had communicated General Gonse's letters to M. Leblois, this
   the Court found to be proved; and for this military offence
   Colonel Picquart was removed from the army upon a pension of a
   little more than 2,000f., or £80, per annum. Other
   chastisements have followed. …

   "We now come to the famous declaration of July 7 (1898), made
   by M. Cavaignac, Minister of War. On an interpellation by M.
   Castelin, the Minister of War replied that hitherto the
   Government had respected the 'chose jugée,' but now
   considerations superior to reasons of law made it necessary
   for them to bring before the Chamber and the country all the
   truth in their possession, the facts which had come to confirm
   the conviction of Captain Dreyfus. He made this declaration
   because of the absolute certainty he had of his guilt. He
   based his declaration first on documents in the Intelligence
   Department, and then on Captain Dreyfus's own confessions. The
   latter will here be dealt with first. The Minister relied on
   two witnesses. One was Captain d'Attel, who on the day of
   Captain Dreyfus's resignation had told Captain Anthoine that
   Captain Dreyfus had just said in his presence, 'As to what I
   have handed over, it was worth nothing. If I had been let
   alone I should have had more in exchange.' Captain Anthoine
   had, according to the Minister, immediately repeated these
   words to Major de Mitry. But Captain d'Attel is dead, and M.
   Cavaignac did not state to the Chamber at what date or on
   whose authority this information came to the War Office. The
   other witness was a Captain Lebrun-Renault, still alive, who
   had acted as captain of the escort on the day of degradation,
   January 5, 1895. … The Minister omits to specify the date at
   which Captain Lebrun-Renault first communicated to the War
   Office. It is believed to be in November, 1897; and against
   these allegations may be set the testimony of Commandant
   Forzinetti, the governor of the prison in which Captain
   Dreyfus was confined, to the effect that there is no record of
   confession in the official report made at the time by Captain
   Lebrun-Renault, as Captain of the escort, and that within the
   last year the Captain had denied to him (Commandant
   Forzinetti) that there had been any confession. Further we
   know that throughout his imprisonment before trial, at the
   trial, at the scene of his degradation, and in his letter
   written immediately afterwards to his wife, and to the
   Minister of War, Captain Dreyfus protested his innocence and
   that he had never committed even the slightest imprudence.

   "Then as to the documents confirmatory of the conviction of
   Captain Dreyfus. M. Cavaignac did not say whether by this term
   'guilt' be meant that Captain Dreyfus had been guilty of
   writing the bordereau, or had been guilty otherwise as a
   traitor. Indeed it was remarked that he never so much as
   mentioned the bordereau. Was, then, the bordereau dropped, as
   a document, no longer recognized to be in the handwriting of
   Captain Dreyfus? But he informed the Chamber that the
   Intelligence Department had during the last six years
   accumulated 1,000 documents and letters relating to espionage,
   of the authorship of which there was no reasonable doubt.
{231}
   He would call the attention of the Chamber to only three, all
   of which, he said, had passed between the persons who had been
   mentioned (Colonel von Schwarzkoppen and M. Panizzardi). Here
   again it was noticed that the 'document libérateur' (ce
   canaille de D.) was not mentioned. Had this, too, been dropped
   as no longer to be relied upon, because' D.' did not mean
   Dreyfus, or was it now omitted because it had been produced at
   the Court-martial by General Mercier and therefore could not
   be said to be confirmatory of his conviction? Of the three
   documents which M. Cavaignac specified, the first, dated in
   March, 1894, made reference to a person indicated as D.; the
   second, dated April 16, 1894, contained the expression 'cette
   canaille de D.,' the same as that used in the 'document
   libérateur.' The third was no other than 'la preuve absolue'
   which General de Pellieux had imported into his evidence in
   the Zola trial as having been in the hands of the Government
   at the time of the Castelin interpellation in November, 1896.
   M. Cavaignac read out its contents, of which the following is
   an exact transcript:—'J'ai lu qu'un député va interpeller sur
   Dreyfus. Si—je dirai que jamais j'avais des relations avec ce
   Juif. C'est entendu. Si on vous demande, dites comme ça, car il
   faut pas que on sache jamais personne ce qui est arrivé avec
   lui.' ['I read that a deputy is going to question concerning
   Dreyfus. I shall say that I never had relations with that Jew.
   If they ask you, say the same, for it is necessary that we
   know no one who approaches him.'] M. Cavaignac went on to say
   that the material authenticity of this document depended not
   merely on its origin, but also on its similarity with a
   document written in 1894 on the same paper and with the same
   blue pencil, and that its moral authenticity was established
   by its being part of a correspondence exchanged between the
   same persons in 1896. 'The first writes to the other, who
   replies in terms which left no obscurity on the cause of their
   common uneasiness.' The Chamber was transported with the
   speech of the Minister of War, and, treating it as a 'coup de
   grâce' to the 'affaire Dreyfus,' decreed by a majority of 572
   to two that a print of it should be placarded in the 36,000
   communes of France. On the next day Colonel Picquart wrote a
   letter to the Minister of War undertaking to prove that the
   first two documents had nothing to do with Captain Dreyfus,
   and that the third, 'la preuve absolue,' was a forgery. Within
   six weeks his words as to 'la preuve absolue' come true. On
   August 31 the public are startled with the announcement that
   Colonel Henry has confessed to having forged it himself, and
   has committed suicide in the fortress Mont Valérien, being
   found with his throat cut and a razor in his left hand. The
   discovery of the forgery was stated to have arisen from a
   clerk in the Intelligence Department having detected by the
   help of a specially strong lamp that the blue paper of 'la
   preuve absolue' was not identical with the blue paper of a
   similar document of 1894 which M. Cavaignac had relied upon as
   a proof of its material authenticity. … As a sequel to this
   confession, General de Boisdeffre, chief of the staff, has
   resigned, feeling he could not remain after having placed
   before the Minister of War as genuine a document proved to be
   a forgery. Commandant Esterhazy has been removed from the
   active list of the army, having been brought by M. Cavaignac
   before a Court-martial sitting with closed doors—his offence
   not disclosed, but conceived to be his anti-patriotic
   correspondence with a Mme. de Boulancy. A like fate has
   befallen Colonel Du Paty de Clam from a similar Court-martial
   instituted by M. Cavaignac's successor, his offence likewise
   not disclosed, but presumed to be improper communication of
   official secrets to Commandant Esterhazy. …

   "However, notwithstanding the confession of Colonel Henry, M.
   Cavaignac insisted that Captain Dreyfus was guilty, and
   refused consent to revision. The Cabinet not acceding to this
   view, M. Cavaignac resigns the Ministry of War, and is
   succeeded by General Zurlinden, then military Governor of
   Paris. General Zurlinden asks first to be allowed time to
   study the dossier, and after a week's study and communication
   with the War Office staff he also declares his opposition to
   revision, retires from the Ministry of War, and resumes his
   post of Governor of Paris. With him also retires one other
   member of the Cabinet. Then the Minister of Justice takes the
   first formal step in referring the matter to a legal
   Commission, the technical question at issue appearing to be
   whether the confession by Colonel Henry—a witness in the
   case—of a forgery committed by him subsequently to the
   conviction with a view to its confirmation might be considered
   either as a new fact in the case or as equivalent to a
   conviction for forgery, so as to justify an application to the
   Cour de Cassation for revision. The Commission were divided in
   opinion, and the matter would have fallen to the ground if the
   Cabinet had not decided to take the matter into their own
   hands and apply to the Court direct. This has now been done;
   the Court is making preliminary inquiries, and will then
   decide whether revision in some form may be allowed or a new
   trial ordered.

   "With regard to Colonel Picquart, his public challenge of the
   documents put forward in the speech of the Minister of War was
   followed three days afterwards by an order of the Cabinet
   directing the Minister of War to set the Minister of Justice
   in motion with a view that he should be criminally prosecuted
   in a non-military Court for communication of secret
   documents—the same offence as that for which he had been
   punished by the Court-martial early in the year by removal
   from the active list of the army—and M. Leblois was to be
   prosecuted with him as an accomplice. On the 13th of July
   Colonel Picquart is put into prison to await his trial, M.
   Leblois being left at large. The prison was a civil prison,
   where he was allowed to communicate with his legal advisor.
   … On September 21 Colonel Picquart is taken from his prison to
   the Court for his trial. The Government Prosecutor rises and
   asks for an indefinite postponement on the ground that the
   military authorities are about to bring him before a military
   Court for forgery. … The military prosecution for forgery was
   ordered, and on the strength of it the Correctional Court
   acceded to the application for indefinite postponement of the
   other case of which it was seised; the military authorities
   claimed to take the prisoner out of the hands of the Civil
   authorities, and the Correctional Court acquiesced. Then it
   was that Colonel Picquart broke out—'This, perhaps, is the
   last time my voice will be heard in public. It will be easy
   for me to justify myself as to the petit-bleu. I shall perhaps
   spend to-night in the Cherche-Midi (military) Prison, but I am
   anxious to say if I find in my cell the noose of
   Lemercier-Picard, or the razor of Henry, it will be an
   assassination. I have no intention of committing suicide.' The
   same or the next day Colonel Picquart was removed to the
   Cherche-Midi Prison, there to await his Court-martial, which
   is not expected yet for some weeks. He is not permitted to
   communicate with his legal advisor or anyone else."

      _G. Lushington,
      The Dreyfus Case
      (London Times, October 13, 1898)._

{232}

   Late in October (1898) the Court of Cassation decided that it
   found ground for proceeding to a supplementary investigation
   in the case of Captain Dreyfus, but not for the suspension
   meantime of the punishment be was undergoing. On the 15th of
   November it decided that the prisoner should be informed by
   telegraph of the pending revision proceedings, in order that
   he might prepare his defense. The Court was now endeavoring to
   secure possession of the secret documents (known as the
   "Dreyfus dossier") on which the conviction of the accused was
   said to have been really founded. For some time the war office
   seemed determined to withhold them; but at length, late in
   December, the dossier was turned over, under pledges of strict
   secrecy as to the documents contained. Showing still further a
   disposition to check the doings of the military authorities,
   the Court of Cassation, in December, ordered a suspension of
   proceedings in the military court against Colonel Picquart,
   and demanded all documents in his case for examination by
   itself.

   Attacks were now made on the Court which had thus ventured to
   interfere with the secret doings of the army chiefs. Suddenly,
   on the 8th of January (1899), the president of the civil
   section of the Court, M. Quesnay de Beaurepaire, resigned his
   office and denounced his recent colleagues as being in a
   conspiracy to acquit Dreyfus and dishonor the army. This, of
   course, was calculated to stimulate anti-Dreyfus excitement
   and furnish ground for challenging the final decision of the
   Court, if it should be favorable to a new trial for the
   imprisoned Captain. It also delayed proceedings in the case,
   leading to the enactment of a law requiring all cases of
   revision to be tried by the united sections of the Court of
   Cassation. This act took the Dreyfus case from the 16 judges
   of the criminal section and committed it to the whole 48
   judges of the Court.

   Major Esterhazy had taken refuge in England. On the 2d of June
   he went to the office of the London "Chronicle" and made the
   following confession for publication: "The chiefs of the army
   have disgracefully abandoned me. My cup is full, and I shall
   speak out. Yes, it was I who wrote the bordereau. I wrote it
   upon orders received from Sandherr. They (the chiefs of the
   general staff) will lie, as they know how to lie; but I have
   them fast. I have proofs that they knew the whole thing and
   share the responsibility with me, and I will produce the
   proofs." Immediately it was said that he had been bribed by
   the friends of Dreyfus to take the crime upon himself.

   On the day following this confession, the decision of the
   Court of Cassation was announced. Meantime, the newspaper
   "Figaro" had, by some means, been able to obtain and publish
   the testimony which the Court had taken with closed doors, and
   had thus revealed the flimsiness and the contradictoriness of
   the grounds on which the officers of the Army Staff based
   their strenuous assertions that they had positive knowledge of
   the guilt of Dreyfus. This had great influence in preparing
   the public mind for the decision of the Court when announced.
   On grounds relating to the bordereau, to the document which
   contained the expression "ce canaille de D.," and to the
   alleged confession of Dreyfus,—leaving aside all other
   questions of evidence,—the judgment as delivered declared that
   "the court quashes and annuls the judgment of condemnation
   pronounced on December 22, 1894, against Alfred Dreyfus by the
   first court-martial of the Military Government of Paris, and
   remits the accused to the court-martial of Rennes, named by
   special deliberation in council chamber, to be tried on the
   following question:—Is Dreyfus guilty of having in 1894
   instigated machinations or held dealings with a foreign power
   or one of its agents in order to incite it to commit
   hostilities or undertake war against France by furnishing it
   with the notes and documents enumerated in the bordereau? and
   orders the prescribed judgment to be printed and transcribed
   on the registers of the first court-martial of the Military
   Government of Paris in the margin of the decision annulled."
   Captain Dreyfus was taken immediately from his prison on
   Devil's Island and brought by a French cruiser to France,
   landing at Quiberon on the 1st of July and being taken to
   Rennes, where arrangements for the new military trial were
   being made.

   The new court-martial trial began at Rennes on the 7th of
   August. When it had proceeded for a week, and had reached what
   appeared to be a critical point—the opening of a
   cross-examination of General Mercier by the counsel for
   Dreyfus—M. Labori, the leading counsel for the defense, was
   shot as he walked the street, by a would-be assassin who
   escaped. Fortunately, the wound he received only disabled him
   for some days, and deprived the accused of his presence and
   his powerful service in the court at a highly important time.
   The trial, which lasted beyond a month, was a keen
   disappointment in every respect. It probed none of the
   sinister secrets that are surely hidden somewhere in the black
   depths of the extraordinary case. In the judgment of all
   unimpassioned watchers of its proceeding, it disclosed no
   proof of guilt in Dreyfus. On the other hand, it gave no
   opportunity for his innocence to be distinctly shown.
   Apparently, there was no way in which the negative of his
   non-guiltiness could be proved except by testimony from the
   foreign agents with whom he was accused of having treasonable
   dealings: but that testimony was barred out by the court,
   though the German and Italian governments gave permission to
   the counsel for Dreyfus to have it taken by commission.
   Outside of France, at least, the public verdict may be said to
   have been unanimous, that the whole case against Captain
   Dreyfus, as set forth by the heads of the French army, in
   plain combination against him, was foul with forgeries, lies,
   contradictions and puerilities, and that nothing to justify
   his condemnation had been shown. But the military court, on
   the 9th of September, by a vote of five judges against two,
   brought in a verdict of Guilty, with "extenuating
   circumstances" (as though any circumstances could extenuate
   the guilt of an actual crime like that of which Dreyfus was
   accused), and sentenced him to imprisonment in a fortress for
   ten years, from which term the years of his past imprisonment
   would be taken out.
{233}
   Mr. G. W. Steevens, the English newspaper correspondent, who
   attended the trial and has written the best account of it,
   makes the following comment on the verdict, which sums up all
   that needs to be said: "In a way, the most remarkable feature
   about the verdict of Rennes was the proportion of the votes.
   When it had been over a few hours, and numb brains had relaxed
   to thought again, it struck somebody that on the very first
   day the very first motion had been carried by five to two. The
   next and next and all of them had been carried by five to two.
   Now Dreyfus was condemned by five to two. The idea—the
   staggering idea—dropped like a stone into the mind, and spread
   in widening circles till it filled it with conviction.
   Everyone of the judges had made up his mind before a single
   word of evidence had been heard. The twenty-seven days, the
   hundred-and-something witnesses, the baskets of documents, the
   seas of sweat and tears—they were all utterly wasted. … The
   verdict was, naturally, received with a howl of indignation,
   and to endeavour to extenuate the stupid prejudice—that at
   least, if not cowardly dishonesty—of the five who voted
   against the evidence is not likely to be popular with
   civilized readers. Yet it may be said of them in
   extenuation—if it is any extenuation—that they only did as
   almost any other five Frenchmen would have done in their
   place. Frenchmen are hypnotized by the case of Dreyfus, as
   some people are hypnotized by religion; in its presence they
   lose all mental power and moral sense." The army chiefs had
   had their way; the stain of their condemnation had been kept
   upon Dreyfus; but the government of France was magnanimous
   enough to punish him no more. His sentence was remitted by the
   President, and he was set free, a broken man.

FRANCE: A. D. 1898.
   State of the French Protectorate of Tunis.

      See (in this volume)
      TUNIS: A. D. 1881-1898.

FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (April).
   Lease of Kwangchow Wan from China.
   Railway and other concessions exacted.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-AUGUST).

FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (April-December).
   In the Chinese "Battle of Concessions."

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (May).
   Demands on China consequent on the murder of a missionary.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (MAY).

FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (May-November).
   General Elections.
   Fall of the Ministry of M. Meline.
   Brief Ministry of M. Brisson, struggling with
   the Dreyfus question.
   Coalition Cabinet of M. Dupuy.

   General elections for a new Chamber of Deputies were held
   throughout France on Sunday, May 8, with a second balloting on
   Sunday, May 22, in constituencies where the first had resulted
   in no choice. Of the 584 seats to be filled, the Progressive
   Republicans secured only 225, so that the Ministry of M.
   Méline could count with no certainty on the support of a
   majority in the Chamber. It was brought to a downfall in the
   following month by a motion made by M. Bourgeois, in the
   following words: "The Chamber determines to support only a
   Ministry relying exclusively on a Republican majority." This
   was carried by a majority of about fifty votes, and on the
   next day the Ministry resigned. It was succeeded by a Radical
   cabinet, under M. Henri Brisson, after several unsuccessful
   attempts to form a Conservative government. By announcing that
   it would not attempt to carry out a Radical programme in some
   important particulars, the Brisson Ministry secured enough
   support to maintain its ground for a time; but there were
   fatal differences in its ranks on the burning Dreyfus
   question, as well as on other points. M. Cavaignac, Minister
   of War, was bitterly opposed to a revision of the Dreyfus
   ease, which the Premier and M. Bourgeois (now Minister of
   Public Instruction) were understood to favor. M. Cavaignac
   soon placed himself in an extremely embarrassing position by
   reading to the Chamber certain documents which he put forward
   as absolute proofs of the guilt of Dreyfus, but of which one
   was shown presently to have been forged, while another had no
   relation to the case. He accordingly resigned (September 4),
   and General Zurlinden took his place. But Zurlinden, too,
   resigned a few days later, when a determination to revise the
   trial of Dreyfus was reached. The government was then exposed
   to a new outburst of fury in the anti-Dreyfus factions, and
   all the enemies of the Republic became active in new
   intrigues. The Orleanists bestirred themselves with fresh
   hopes, and the old Boulangist conspirators revived their
   so-called Patriotic League, with M. Déroulède at its head. At
   the same time dangerous labor disturbances occurred in Paris,
   threatening a complete paralysis of railway communications as
   well as of the industries of the capital. The Ministry faced
   its many difficulties with much resolution; but it failed of
   support in the Chamber, when that body met in October, and it
   resigned. A coalition cabinet was then formed, with M. Charles
   Dupuy in the presidency of the council, and M. de Freycinet as
   Minister of War.

FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (June).
   The Sugar Conference at Brussels.

      See (in this volume)
      SUGAR BOUNTIES.

FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (September-November).
   The Nile question with England.
   Marchand's expedition at Fashoda.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

FRANCE: A. D. 1898-1899.
   Demands upon China for attacks on Missions in Szechuan.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898-1899 (JUNE-JANUARY).

FRANCE: A. D. 1898-1899.
   Demand on China for extension of settlement at Shanghai.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898-1899.

FRANCE: A. D. 1898-1899 (June-June).
   Convention with England defining possessions in West
   and North Africa.
   The great Empire in the Sudan and Sahara.

      See (in this volume)
      NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (February-June).
   Death of President Faure.
   Election of President Loubet.
   Revolutionary attempts of "Nationalist" agitators.
   The Ministry of M. Waldeck-Rousseau.

   Felix Faure, President of the French Republic, died suddenly
   on the 16th of February,—a victim, it is believed, of the
   excitements and anxieties of the Dreyfus affair. The situation
   thus produced was so sobering in its effect that the
   Republican factions were generally drawn together for the
   moment, and acted promptly in filling the vacant executive.
{234}
   The Senate and the Chamber of Deputies were convened in joint
   session, as a National Assembly, at Versailles, on the 18th,
   and Emile Loubet, then President of the Senate, was chosen to
   the presidency of the Republic on its first ballot, by 483
   votes, against 279 for M. Meline, and 45 for M. Cavaignac. At
   the funeral of the late President Faure, which occurred on the
   23d, the pestilential Déroulède and his fellow
   mischief-makers, with their so-called "League of Patriots,"
   "League de Patrie Française," and party of "Nationalists,"
   attempted to excite the troops to revolt, but without success.
   Déroulède and others were arrested for this treasonable
   attempt. During some months the enemies of the Republic were
   active and violent in hostility to President Loubet, and the
   cabinet which he inherited from his predecessor was believed
   to lack loyalty to him. On the 4th of June, while attending
   the steeple-chase races at Auteuil, he was grossly insulted,
   and even struck with a cane, by a party of young royalists,
   the leader of whom, Count Christiani, who struck the shameful
   blow, was sentenced afterwards to imprisonment for four years.
   The Ministry of the day was considered to be responsible for
   these disorders, and, on the 12th of June, a resolution was
   passed in the Chamber to the effect that it would support only
   a government that was determined to defend republican
   institutions with energy and preserve public order. Thereupon
   the Ministry of M. Dupuy resigned, and a new cabinet was
   formed with much difficulty by M. Waldeck-Rousseau. It
   included a radical Socialist, M. Millerand, who became
   Minister of Commerce, and a resolute and honest soldier, the
   Marquis de Gallifet, as Minister of War. The latter promptly
   cleared the way for more independent action in the government,
   by removing several troublesome generals from important
   commands. The new Ministry assumed the name of the "Government
   of Republican Defense," and offered a front to the enemies of
   the Republic which plainly checked their attacks. M. Déroulède
   and some of his fellow conspirators were brought to trial
   before the Court of Assizes, and acquitted.

FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (May).
   New Convention with Siam.

      See (in this volume)
      SIAM: A. D. 1896-1899.

FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
   Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (July).
   Reciprocity Treaty with the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1899-1901.

FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (December).
   Adhesion to the arrangement of an "open door" commercial
   policy in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

FRANCE: A. D. 1899-1900 (August-January).
   Arrest and trial of revolutionary conspirators.

   In August, 1899, the government, having obtained good evidence
   that treasonable plans for the overthrow of the Republic had
   been under organization for several months, in the various
   royalist, anti-Semitic, and so-called "Patriotic" leagues,
   caused the arrest of a number of the leaders implicated, the
   irrepressible Paul Déroulède being conspicuous among them. The
   president of the Anti-Semitic League, M. Guérin, with a number
   of his associates, barricaded themselves at the headquarters of
   the League and defied arrest, evidently expecting a mob rising
   in Paris if they were attacked. Serious rioting did occur on
   the 20th of August; but the government prudently allowed
   Guérin and his party to hold their citadel until the ending of
   the excitements of the Dreyfus trial; then, on the showing of
   a serious determination to take it by force, they gave
   themselves up. The trial of the conspirators was begun in
   September, before the Senate, sitting as a high court of
   Justice, and continued at intervals until the following
   January. Déroulède conducted himself with characteristic
   insolence, and received two sentences of imprisonment, one for
   three months and the other for two years, on account of
   outrageous attacks on the Senate and on the President of the
   Republic. These were additional to a final sentence to ten
   years of banishment for his treasonable plotting, which he
   shared with one fellow conspirator. Guérin was condemned to
   ten years imprisonment in a fortified place. The remainder of
   the accused were discharged with the exception of one who had
   escaped arrest, and who was convicted in his absence. The
   trial, wrote the Paris correspondent of the "London Times,"
   "showed how strange a thing was this motley conspiracy between
   men who had but one common bond of sympathy, namely, the
   desire to upset the Republic,—men from whom the Bonapartist,
   another variety of anti-Republican conspirators, had held
   aloof. The latter fancied themselves sufficiently represented
   in the conspiracy by the plebiscitary party [of Déroulède]
   whose accession to office would have been tantamount to the
   success of Imperialism. … The condemnation of these
   conspirators of varied aspirations proved that the Nationalist
   party was a mere conglomeration of ambitions which would end
   in every form of violence if ever the conspirators were called
   upon to share the booty. The harm that they have already done,
   even before they have made themselves masters of France, shows
   that the danger which they constitute to their country is
   infinitely greater than the danger with which it was menaced
   by Boulangism, for then at least at the moment of victory all
   the ambitions would have been concentrated round a single
   will, however mediocre that will, and General Boulanger would
   at all events have been a rallying flag for the conspirators
   visible all over France. The Nationalism condemned by the
   Court in its various personifications has not even a head
   around which at the moment of action the accomplices could be
   grouped. It is confusion worse confounded. If it succeeded in
   its aims it could only avoid at home the consequences of its
   incoherent policy by some desperate enterprise abroad. The
   judgment of the High Court, by restoring tranquillity in the
   streets, preserved France from the dangers towards which she
   was hastening, and which were increased, consciously or
   unconsciously, by auxiliaries at the head of the executive
   office. But owing to the verdict of the High Court France had
   time to pull herself together, to breathe more easily, and to
   take the necessary resolutions to secure tranquillity. The
   approach of the Exhibition imposed upon everyone a kind of
   truce, and M. Déroulède himself, with an imprudence of which
   he is still feeling the consequences, declared that he would
   return to France when once the Exhibition was over."

{235}

   In a speech which he made subsequently, at San Sebastian, his
   place of exile, Déroulède declared that the "coup d'état"
   prepared by his party of revolutionists for the 23d of
   February, 1899, on the occasion of the funeral of President
   Faure (see above), was frustrated because he refused, at the
   last moment, to permit it to be used in the interest of the
   Duke of Orleans. "The following day," he said, "between midday
   and 4 o'clock in the afternoon, a mysterious hand had upset all
   the preparations made, the position of the troops, their
   dislocation, their order and the officers commanding them, and
   the same evening Marcel Habert and myself were arrested." The
   intimation of his speech seemed to be that the hand in the
   government which changed the position of the troops and upset
   the revolutionary plot would not have done so if the royalists
   had been taken into it.

   Soon after the conclusion of the conspiracy trials, the
   superior and eleven monks of the Order of the Assumptionist
   Fathers, who had appeared to be mixed up in the plot, were
   brought to account as an illegal association, and their
   society was dissolved.

FRANCE: A. D. 1899-1901.
   The Newfoundland French Shore question.

      See (in this volume)
      NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1899-1901.

FRANCE: A. D. 1900.
   Military and naval expenditure.

      See (in this volume)
      WAR BUDGETS.

FRANCE: A. D. 1900.
   Naval strength.

      See (in this volume)
      NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (January).
   Elections to the Senate.

   Elections to the French Senate, on the 28th of January,
   returned 61 Republicans, 6 Liberal Republicans, 18 Radicals, 7
   Socialists, 4 Monarchists, and 3 Nationalists. "The Radicals
   are as they were. The Socialists have just gained an entrance
   to the Senate, and to this they were entitled by the large and
   solid Socialist vote throughout France. The great mass of
   solid and sensible Republicans have not only held their
   ground, but have increased and solidified their position. The
   reactionaries, whether avowed Monarchists, or supporters of
   the Déroulède movement, have made one or two merely formal
   gains, but have really fallen back, from the point of view of
   their pretensions, and the long list of candidates they put
   forward. On the whole, we may fairly say that the solid, sober
   Republican vote of France has proved that it is in the ascendant.
   Once more, in a deeper sense than he meant, the verdict of M.
   Thiers has, for the moment at any rate, been verified,—that
   France is really at bottom Left Centre. That is to say, the
   nation is for progress, but for progress divested of vague
   revolutionary pretensions, of mere a priori dogmas as to what
   Republican progress involves. In the main the nation seems to
   have supported the Government in repelling the aggressive
   attacks of unbridled Clericalism, and in rejecting the
   pretensions of the Army to dictate French politics. On the
   other hand, the mass of the French electors do not desire a
   crusade against the Roman Catholic Church, and they do not
   care for an indiscriminate attack on the French Army."

      _The Spectator (London),
      February 3, 1900._

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (January-March).
   The outbreak of the "Boxers" in northern China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (April-November).
   The Paris Exposition.

   The Paris Exposition of 1900, which exceeded all previous
   "world's fairs" in extent and in the multitude of its
   visitors, was formally opened on the 14th of April, but with
   unfinished preparations, and closed on the 12th of November.
   The reported attendance during the whole period of the
   Exposition was 48,130,301, being very nearly double the
   attendance at the Exposition of 1889. The total receipts of
   money were 114,456,213 francs, and total expenditures
   116,500,000 francs, leaving a deficit of 2,044,787 francs. But
   France and Paris are thought to have profited greatly,
   notwithstanding. Forty countries besides France took part in
   the preparations and were officially represented. The number
   of exhibitors was 75,531; the awards distributed were 42,790
   in number. The buildings erected for the Exposition numbered
   more than 200, including 36 official pavilions erected by
   foreign governments. The ground occupied extended on each side
   of the Seine for a distance of nearly two miles, comprising,
   besides the quays on each side of the river, the Champ de
   Mars, the Esplanade des Invalides, the Trocadero Gardens, and
   part of the Champs Elysées.

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (June-December).
   Co-operation with the Powers in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA.

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (August).
   Annexation of the Austral Islands.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRAL ISLANDS.

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (September).
   The centenary of the Proclamation of the French Republic.
   A gigantic banquet.

   On the 22d of September, the centenary of the proclamation of
   the French Republic was celebrated in Paris by a gigantic
   banquet given by President Loubet, accompanied by his
   Ministers, to the assembled Mayors of France, gathered from
   near and far. Some 23,000 guests sat down to the déjeuner, for
   which a temporary structure had been prepared in the Tuileries
   Gardens. It was a triumphant demonstration of the culinary
   resources of Paris; but it had more important objects. It was
   a political demonstration, organized by the President of the
   Republic, in concert with the Cabinet of M. Waldeck-Rousseau,
   as a check to certain schemes of the Paris Nationalists,
   against the government. It brought the municipal
   representatives of the provinces to the capital to show the
   array of their feeling for the Republic against that of the
   noisy demagogues of the capital. It was a striking success.

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (October).
   Proposal of terms for negotiation
   with the Chinese government.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (December).
   The Amnesty Bill.

   With the object of making it impossible for the enemies of the
   Republic to find such opportunity for a revival of the
   dangerous Dreyfus controversy as any new trial of its issues
   would give them, the French government, in December,
   accomplished the passage of an amnesty bill, which purges
   everybody connected with the affair, so far as legal
   proceedings are concerned. The measure was strenuously opposed
   by the friends of Dreyfus, Picquart and Zola, none of whom are
   willing to be left unvindicated by law, nor willing to be
   barred from future proceedings against some of the army staff.
   It was also fought by the mischievous factions which wish to
   keep the Dreyfus quarrel alive for purposes of disorderly
   excitement.
{236}
   The policy of the measure, from the governmental standpoint,
   was thus described at the time it was pending: The Cabinet
   "felt that this affair had done great injury to France, that
   it was a dangerous weapon in the hands of all the conspirators
   against the Republic, that no Court-martial would agree to
   acquit Dreyfus, even though convinced of his innocence, and
   that, in view of the futility of any attempt to secure an
   acquittal, it was necessary to avoid danger to the Republic by
   reopening the affair. France had already suffered irreparable
   mischief from it. … The affair has falsified the judgment and
   opinion of the army, so that it has no longer a clear notion
   of its duty at home. In external affairs it is still always
   ready to march to the defence of the country, but as to its
   duties at home it is in a state of deplorable confusion. …
   Considering that the Dreyfus affair has so armed the
   adversaries of the Government that it cannot be sure of the
   army in internal matters, the Cabinet, it is evident, could
   not allow that affair to remain open and produce anarchy. On
   the other hand, there was a prosecution pending against M.
   Zola, who, it was clearly proved to all, was right in his
   famous letter 'J'accuse.' There was a prosecution against
   Colonel Picquart, who had sacrificed a brilliant future in the
   defence of truth against falsehood. There was likewise a
   prosecution against M. Joseph Reinach, who had accused Henry
   of having been a traitor or the accomplice of a traitor. I do
   not know how far Dr. Reinach had proofs of his allegations,
   but these three prosecutions were so closely connected with
   the Dreyfus case that, if they had been allowed to go on, that
   affair, which was so dangerous to tranquillity, security, and
   order, would be reopened. Now the Government will not at any
   cost allow the affair to be reopened. The whole Amnesty Bill
   hinges on this question. The Government agrees to amnesty
   everybody except the persons condemned by the High Court, and
   who continue to defy it. … It insists on these three
   prosecutions being struck off the rolls of the Tribunals. This
   is the whole question. Nothing else in the eyes of the
   Government is essential, but it will not allow the further
   serious mischief which would result from the reopening of the
   affair. The Bill will not stop the civil proceedings against
   MM. Zola, Picquart, and Reinach, but such proceedings do not
   cause the same excitement as criminal prosecutions. If the
   latter are stopped, the dangers occasioned by the confusion in
   the spirit of the army will disappear, and it may then be
   hoped that the excitement will calm down."

   M. Zola protested vigorously against the Amnesty Bill, and, on
   its passage, wrote an open letter to the President in which he
   said: "I shall not cease repeating that the affair cannot
   cease as long as France does not know and repair the
   injustice. I said that the fourth act was played at Rennes and
   that there would have to be a fifth act. Anxiety remains in my
   heart. The people of France always forget that the Kaiser is
   in possession of the truth, which he may throw in our face
   when the hour strikes. Perhaps he has already chosen his time.
   This would be the horrible fifth act which I have always
   dreaded. The French Government should not for one hour accept
   such a terrible contingency."

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (December).
   Award in the arbitration of French Guiana boundary
   dispute with Brazil.

      See (in this volume)
      BRAZIL: A. D. 1900.

FRANCE: A. D. 1901.
   The Bill on Associations.
   A measure to place the Religious Orders under strict
   regulations of law, and to limit their possession of property.

   In a speech delivered at Toulouse on the 28th of October,
   1900, the French Prime Minister, M. Waldeck-Rousseau,
   announced the intention of the government to bring forward, at
   the next session of the Chambers, a measure of critical
   importance and remarkable boldness, being no less than the
   project of a law (called in general terms a "Bill on
   Associations ) for the stringent regulation and restriction of
   the religious orders in France,—especially for the restriction
   of their acquisition and ownership of property. Forecasting
   the measure in that speech, he said: "The question is the
   rendering free, and subject only to the common law, all the
   associations which are in themselves lawful as regards the
   safety of the State. Another object of the same Bill is to
   cope with the peril which arises from the continuous
   development in a Democratic society of an organism which,
   according to a famous definition, the merit of which is due to
   our old Parliaments, 'tends to introduce into the State under
   the specious veil of a religions institution a political
   corporation the object of which is to arrive first at complete
   independence and then at the usurpation of all authority.' I
   am filled with no sectarian spirit, but merely with the spirit
   which dominated as well the policy of the Revolution as the
   entire historical policy of France. The fundamental statute
   determining the relations between the churches and the State
   should be exactly applied so long as it has not been altered,
   and we have always interpreted its spirit with the broadest
   tolerance. But as things are now going, what will remain of
   this pact of reciprocal guarantees? It had been exclusively
   confined to the secular clergy owing hierarchic obedience to
   their superiors and to the State and to questions of worship,
   the preparation for ecclesiastical functions and preaching in
   the churches. And, now, lo and behold, we find religious
   orders teaching in the seminaries, the pulpit usurped by the
   missions, and the Church more and more menaced by the chapel.
   The dispersed but not suppressed religious communities cover
   the territory with a close network, which has been evidenced
   in a recent trial, and have been so bold as to defy the Church
   dignitaries not accepting their vassalage. In pointing to the
   peril of increasing mortmain threatening the principle of the
   free circulation of property, it is sufficient to say that we
   are influenced by no vain alarms, that the value of the real
   property occupied or owned by the communities was in 1880 as
   much as 700,000,000f., and that it now exceeds a milliard.
   Starting from this figure, what may be the value of mortmain
   personalty? Yet the real peril does not arise from the
   extension of mortmain. In this country, whose moral unity has
   for centuries constituted its strength and greatness, two
   youths are growing up ignorant of each other until the day
   when they meet, so unlike as to risk not comprehending one
   another. Such a fact is explained only by the existence of a
   power which is no longer even occult and by the constitution
   in the State of a rival power. All efforts will be fruitless
   as long as a rational, effective legislation has not
   superseded a legislation at once illogical, arbitrary, and
   inoperative. If we attach so much importance to a Law on
   Association it is also because it involves the solution of at
   least a portion of the education question. This Bill is the
   indispensable guarantee of the most necessary prerogatives of
   modern society."

{237}

   This pre-announcement of the intentions of the government gave
   rise, as it must have been intended to do, to a warm
   discussion of the project in advance, and showed something of
   the strength of the antagonists with whom its supporters must
   make their fight. At length, late in December—a few days
   before the opening of debate on the bill in the Chambers—the
   attitude of the Church upon it was fully declared by the Pope,
   in a lengthy interview which M. Henri des Houx, one of the
   members of the staff of the "Matin," was permitted to publish
   in that Paris journal. "After M. Waldeck-Rousseau's Toulouse
   speech, and in presence of the Associations Bill," said the
   Pope, "I can no longer keep silent. It is my Apostolic duty to
   speak out. French Catholics will know that their father does
   not abandon them, that he suffers with them in their trials,
   and that he encourages their generous efforts for right and
   liberty. They are well aware that the Pope has unceasingly
   laboured in their behalf and for the Church, adapting the
   means to the utility of the ends. The pilot is the judge of
   the manœuvre at the bar. At one moment he seems to be tacking
   before the tempest; at another he is bound to sail full
   against it. But his one aim ever is to make the port. Now, the
   Pope cannot consent to allow the French Government to twist
   the Concordat from its real intent and transform an instrument
   of peace and justice into one of war and oppression. The
   Concordat [see, in volume 2, FRANCE: A. D. 1801-1804]
   established and regulated in France the exercise of Catholic
   worship and defined, between the Church and the French State,
   mutual rights and duties. The religious communities form an
   integral part of the Apostolic Church as much as the secular
   clergy. They exercise a special and a different mission, but
   one not less sacred than that of the pastors recognized by the
   State. To try to destroy them is to deal a blow at the Church,
   to mutilate it, and to restrain its benefits. Such was not the
   intent of the Concordat. It would be a misconstruction of this
   treaty to declare illegal and to interdict whatever it was not
   able to settle or foresee. The Concordat is silent as to
   religious communities. This means that the regular clergy has
   no share in the special rights and relative privileges granted
   by the Concordat to the members of the secular ecclesiastical
   hierarchy. It does not mean that religious orders are to be
   excluded from the common law and put outside the pale of the
   State. … There was no need of mentioning the religious
   communities in the Concordat because these pious bodies were
   permitted to live under the shelter of the equal rights
   accorded to men and citizens by the fundamental clauses of
   your Constitution. But if an exception is to be made to these
   solemn declarations in the case of certain citizens it is an
   iniquity towards the Church, an infraction of the intentions
   of the negotiators of 1801. Look at the countries with which
   the Holy See has signed no Concordat, and even at Protestant
   countries like England, the United States, and many another.
   Are religious communities there excluded from the liberties
   recognized as belonging to other citizens? Do they not live
   there without being harassed? And thither, perhaps, these
   communities would take refuge, as in the evil days of the
   Terror, from the iniquity of Catholic France! But since then
   France has become bound by the Concordat, and she seems to
   forget it. …

   "Why does France figure to-day by the side of the great
   nations in the concert of the Powers settling the Chinese
   question? Whence have your Ministry for Foreign Affairs and
   your representative in Peking the authority which gives weight
   to their opinion in the assembly of plenipotentiaries? What
   interest have you in the north of China? Are you at the head
   there in trade and industry? Have you many traders there to
   protect? No. But you are there the noblest champions of
   Christian civilization, the protectors of the Catholic
   missions. Your foreign rivals are envious of this privileged
   situation. They are seeking to dispute your rights laid down
   in treaties that assign to you the rôle of defenders of native
   missions and Christian settlements. … Hitherto your
   Governments had had a better notion of the importance of their
   rights. It is in the name of treaties guaranteeing them that
   they protested to me when the Chinese Emperor asked me to
   arrange diplomatic relations directly with the Holy See. Upon
   the insistence of M. de Freycinet, the then Minister, I
   refused, so fearful was I that France might believe, even
   wrongfully, that I wished in any way to diminish her prestige,
   her influence, and her power. In the Levant, at
   Constantinople, in Syria, in the Lebanon, what will remain of
   the eminent position held by your Ambassador and Consuls if
   France intends to renounce representing there the rights of
   Christianity? …

   "M. Waldeck-Rousseau, in his Toulouse speech, spoke of the
   moral unity of France. Who has laboured more than I for it?
   Have I not energetically counselled Catholics to cease all
   conflict against the institutions which your country has
   freely chosen and to which it remains attached? Have I not
   urged Catholics to serve the Republic instead of combating it?
   I have encountered warm resistance among them, but I believe
   that their present weakness arises from their very lack of
   union and their imperfect deference to my advice. The
   Republican Government at least knows in what degree my
   authority has been effective towards bringing about that
   public peace and moral unity which is proclaimed at the very
   moment when it is seriously menaced. It has more than once
   thanked me. If the Pontifical authority has not been able
   entirely to accomplish the union so much desired I at least
   have spared no effort for it. Is there now a desire to
   reconstitute the union of Catholics against the Republic? How
   could I prevent this if, instead of the Republic liberal,
   equitable, open to all, to which I have invited Catholics to
   rally, there was substituted a narrow, sectarian Republic,
   governed by an inflamed faction governed by laws of exception
   and spoliation, repugnant to all honest and upright
   consciences, and to the traditional generosity of France? Is
   it thought that such a Republic can obtain the respect of a
   single Catholic and the benediction of the Supreme Pontiff? I
   still hope that France will spare herself such crises, and
   that her Government will not renounce the services which I
   have been able to render and can still render it.
{238}
   On several occasions, for instance, and quite recently, I have
   been asked by the head of a powerful State to allow disregard
   of the rights of France in the East and Far East. Although
   compensations were offered to the Church and the Holy See, I
   resolved that the right of France should remain intact,
   because it is an unquestionable right, which France has not
   allowed to become obsolete. But if in your country the
   religious orders, without which no Catholic expansion is
   possible, are ruined and suppressed, what shall I answer
   whenever such requests are renewed to me? Will the Pope be
   alone in defending privileges the possessors of which prize
   them so little?"

   Of the seriousness of the conflict thus opening between the
   French Republicans and the Roman Catholic Church there could
   be no doubt.

   The threatened bill was brought forward by the government and
   debate upon it opened on the 15th of January, 1901. The most
   stringent clauses of the measure were translated and
   communicated to the "London Times" by its Paris correspondent,
   as follows:

   "II. Any association founded on a cause, or for an illicit
   end, contrary to the laws, to public order, to good manners,
   to the national unity, and to the form of the Government of
   the Republic, is null and void.

   "III. Any member of an association which has not been formed
   for a determined time may withdraw at any term after payment
   of all dues belonging to the current year, in spite of any
   clauses to the contrary.

   "IV. The founders of any association are bound to publish the
   covenants of the association. This declaration must be made at
   the prefecture of the Department or at the sub-prefecture of
   the district which is the seat of the association. This
   declaration must reveal the title and object of the
   association, the place of meeting and the names, professions,
   and domiciles of the members or of those who are in any way
   connected with its administration. … The founders, directors,
   or administrators of an association maintained or
   reconstituted illegally after the verdict of dissolution will
   be punished with a fine of from 500f. to 5,000f. and
   imprisonment ranging from six days to a year. And the same
   penalty will apply to all persons who shall have favoured the
   assemblage of the members of the dissolved association by the
   offer of a meeting place. …

   "X. Associations recognized as of public utility may exercise
   all the rights of civil life not forbidden in their statutes,
   but they cannot possess or acquire other real estate than that
   necessary for the object which they have in view. All personal
   property belonging to an association should be invested in
   bonds bearing the name of the owner. Such associations can
   receive gifts and bequests on the conditions defined by Clause
   910 of the Civil Code. Real estate included in an act of donation
   or in testamentary dispositions, which is not necessary for
   the working of the association, is alienated within the period
   and after the forms prescribed by the decree authorizing
   acceptance of the gift, the amount thereby represented
   becoming a part of the association's funds. Such associations
   cannot accept a donation of real estate or personal property
   under the reserve of usufruct for the benefit of the donor.

   "XI. Associations between Frenchmen and foreigners cannot be
   formed without previous authorization by a decree of the
   Conseil d'Etta. A special law authorizing their formation and
   determining the conditions of their working is necessary in
   the case, first of associations between Frenchmen, the seat or
   management of which is fixed or emanates from beyond the
   frontiers or is in the hands of foreigners; secondly, in the
   case of associations whose members live in common. …

   "XIV. Associations existing at the moment of the promulgation
   of the present law and not having previously been authorized
   or recognized must, within six months, be able to show that
   they have done all in their power to conform to these
   regulations."

   Discussion of the Bill in the Chamber of Deputies was carried
   on at intervals during ten weeks, the government defeating
   nearly every amendment proposed by its opponents, and carrying
   the measure to its final passage on the 29th of March, by a
   vote of 303 to 220. Of the passage of the bill by the Senate
   there seems to be no doubt. After disposing of the Bill on
   Associations, on the 27th of March, the Chamber adjourned to
   May 14.

   ----------FRANCE: End--------

FRANCHISE LAW, The Boer.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
      A. D. 1899 (MAY-JUNE); and (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

FRANCHISES, Taxation of public,

      See (in this volume)
      NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1899 (MAY).

FRANKLIN, The Canadian district of.

      See (in this volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1895.

FRANZ JOSEF LAND: Exploration of.

      See (in this volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION, 1896;
      1897; 1898-1899; 1900-; and 1901.

FREE SILVER QUESTION, The.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
      and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

FREE SPEECH:
   Restrictions on, in Germany.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1898; and 1900 (OCTOBER 9).

FREE TRADE.

      See (in this volume)
      TARIFF LEGISLATION.

FREE ZONE, The Mexican.

      See (in this volume)
      MEXICAN FREE ZONE.

FRENCH SHORE QUESTION, The
   Newfoundland.

      See (in this volume)
      NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1899-1901.

FRENCH WEST AFRICA.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1895;
      and NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

FRIARS, Spanish, in the Philippines.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER).

{239}

G.

GALABAT, Battle of.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

GALVESTON: A. D. 1900.
   The city overwhelmed by wind and waves.

   "The southern coast of the United States was visited by a
   tropical hurricane on September 6-9, the fury of which reached
   its climax at and near Galveston, Texas, 1:45 A. M., on
   Sunday, the 9th. Galveston is built upon the east end of a
   beautiful but low-lying island some thirty miles long and six
   or seven miles wide at the point of greatest extent, though
   only a mile or two wide where the city is built. The pressure
   of the wind upon the waters of the Gulf was so powerful and so
   continuous that it lifted the waves on the north coast many
   feet above the ordinary high-tide level, and for a short time
   the entire city was submerged. … The combined attack of
   hurricane and tidal-wave produced indescribable horrors—the
   destruction of property sinking into insignificance when
   compared with the appalling loss of life. The new census taken
   in June accredited Galveston with a population of 37,789. The
   calamity of a few hours seems to have reduced that number by
   20 per cent. The loss of life in villages and at isolated
   points along the coast-line will probably bring the sum total
   of deaths caused by this fatal storm up to 10,000. The
   condition of the survivors for two or three days beggars
   description. The water had quickly receded, and all means of
   communication had been destroyed, including steamships,
   railroads, telephone and telegraph lines, and public highways.
   Practically all food supplies had been destroyed, and the
   drinking-water supply had been cut off by the breaking of the
   aqueduct pipes. The tropical climate required the most summary
   measures for the disposition of the bodies of the dead. Military
   administration was made necessary, and many ghoulish looters
   and plunderers were summarily shot, either in the act of
   robbing the dead or upon evidence of guilt. …

   "Relief agencies everywhere set to work promptly to forward
   food, clothing, and money to the impoverished survivors. Great
   corporations like the Southern Pacific Railroad made haste to
   restore their Galveston facilities, and ingenious engineers
   brought forward suggestions for protection of the city against
   future inundations. These suggestions embraced such
   improvements as additional break-waters, jetties, dikes, and
   the filling in of a portion of the bay, between Galveston and
   the mainland. The United States Government in recent years has
   spent $8,000,000 or $10,000,000 in engineering works to deepen
   the approach to Galveston harbor. The channel, which was
   formerly only 20 or 21 feet deep across the bar, is now 27
   feet deep, and the action of wind and tide between the jetties
   cuts the passage a little deeper every year. The foreign trade
   of Galveston, particularly in cotton, has been growing by
   leaps and bounds."

      _American Review of Reviews,
      October, 1900, page 398._

GARCIA, General:
   Commanding Cuban forces at Santiago.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

GENEVA CONVENTION:
   Adaptation to maritime warfare.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

GEORGE, Henry:
   Candidacy for Mayor of Greater New York, and death.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1897 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

GERMAN ORIENT SOCIETY:
   Exploration of the ruins of Babylon.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA:
      GERMAN EXPLORATION.

GERMAN PARTIES, in Austria.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY.

   ----------GERMANY: Start--------

GERMANY: A. D. 1891-1899.
   Recent commercial treaties.
   Preparations for forthcoming treaties.

   "The new customs tariff of July 15, 1879 [see, in volume 4,
   TARIFF LEGISLATION (GERMANY): A. D. 1853-1892] exhibited the
   following characteristics: An increase of the existing duties
   and the introduction of new protective duties in the interests
   of industrial and agricultural products. The grain and wood
   duties, abolished in 1864, were reintroduced, and a new
   petroleum duty was adopted. Those on coffee, wine, rice, tea,
   tobacco, cattle, and textiles were raised. Those on iron were
   restored; and others were placed on many new articles formerly
   admitted free. In 1885 the tariff was again revised,
   especially in the direction of trebling the grain and of
   doubling the wood duties. Those on cattle, brandy, etc., were
   raised at the same time. The year 1887 saw another general
   rise of duties. But, on the other hand, some reductions in the
   tariff for most-favored nations came about in 1883 and in 1889 in
   consequence of the tariff treaties made with Switzerland and
   Spain. Other reductions were made by the four tariff treaties
   of 1891 with Belgium, Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Switzerland,
   and again in 1892 and 1893, when like treaties were
   respectively made with Servia and Roumania. Increases in some
   duties took place in 1894 and 1895, such as those on cotton
   seeds, perfumes, ether, and honey. … In consequence of the
   higher price, rendered possible at home from the protective
   duty, the German manufacturer can afford to sell abroad the
   surplus of his output at a lower price than he could otherwise
   do. His average profit on his whole output is made up of two
   parts: Firstly, of a rather high profit on the sales in
   Germany; and, secondly, of a rather low profit on the sales
   abroad. The net average profit is, however, only an ordinary
   one; but the larger total quantity sold (which he could not
   dispose of without the foreign market, combined with the extra
   low price of sale abroad) enables him to produce the commodity
   in the larger quantities at a lower cost of production than he
   otherwise could if he had only the German market to
   manufacture for. He thereby obtains abroad, when selling
   against an Englishman, an indirect advantage from his home
   protection, which stands him in good stead and is equivalent
   to a small indirect benefit (which the Englishman has not) on
   his foreign sales, which is, however, paid for by the German
   consumer through the higher sale price at home.

{240}

   "The customs tariff now in force provides one general or
   'autonomous' rate of duty for all countries, from which
   deviations only exist for such nations as have tariff treaties
   or treaties containing the most-favored-nation clause. Such
   deviations are 'treaty' or 'conventional' duties. At the
   present moment treaties of one kind or another exist with most
   European powers (excepting Great Britain, Spain, and Portugal)
   and with the majority of extra-European countries. So that,
   with few exceptions, the German Empire may now be said to
   trade with the world on the basis of the lower 'conventional'
   or 'treaty' tariff. Most of the tariff treaties existing in
   Europe expired early in 1892, whereupon many countries
   prepared higher customs tariffs in order to be prepared to
   grant certain concessions reciprocally when negotiating for
   the new treaties. Germany, therefore, under the auspices of
   General Caprivi, set to work to make a series of special
   tariff treaties with Belgium, Italy, Austria-Hungary, and
   Switzerland, which were all dated December 6, 1891. Later
   additions of the same class were those with Servia in 1892,
   with Roumania in 1893, and with Russia in 1894.

   "Perhaps almost the greatest benefit conferred upon the
   country by these seven tariff treaties was the fact of their
   all being made for a long period of years and not terminable
   in any event before December 31, 1903. This secured for the
   mercantile classes the inestimable benefit of a fixed tariff
   for most of the important commodities of commerce over a long
   period of time—a very valuable factor in trade, which has in
   this case greatly assisted the development of commerce. The
   reductions in Germany granted by these treaties were not great
   except on imported grains, and those in the various foreign
   countries were not very considerable either. … The
   preparations for the negotiation of the new commercial
   treaties which are to replace those which expire on January 1,
   1904, were begun in Germany as early as 1897. Immense trouble
   has been and is being taken by the Government to obtain
   thoroughly reliable data on which to work, as they were by no
   means content merely to elaborate a new tariff on the wide
   experience already gained from the working of the seven
   commercial treaties of 1891 to 1893."

      _Diplomatic and Consular Reports of the British Government,
      January, 1899
      (quoted in Monthly Summary of Commerce and Finance
      of the United States, January, 1899)._

GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1895.
   The Emperor and the Social Democrats.
   His violent and autocratic speeches.
   Failure of the Anti-Revolutionary Bill.
   Socialist message to France.

   At the opening of the winter session of the Reichstag, in
   December, 1894, the Emperor, speaking in person, declared it
   to be "necessary to oppose more effectually than hitherto the
   pernicious conduct of those who attempt to disturb the
   executive power in the fulfilment of its duty," and announced
   that a bill to that end, enlarging the penal provisions of
   law, would be introduced without delay. This was well
   understood to be aimed at the Social Democrats, against whom
   the Emperor had been making savagely violent speeches of late.
   At Potsdam, in addressing some recruits of the Foot Guards, he
   had gone so far as to say: "You have, my children, sworn
   allegiance to me. That means that you have given yourselves to
   me body and soul. You have only one enemy, and that is my
   enemy. With the present Socialist agitation I may order
   you,—which God forbid!—to shoot down your brothers, and even
   your parents, and then you must obey me without a murmur." In
   view of these fierce threatenings of the Emperor, and the
   intended legislative attack upon their freedom of political
   expression and action, six members of the Social Democratic
   party, instead of quitting the House, as others did, before
   the customary cheers for his Imperial Majesty were called for,
   remained silently sitting in their seats. For that behaviour
   they were not only rebuked by the president of the Reichstag,
   but a demand for proceedings against them was made by the
   public prosecutor, at the request of the Imperial Chancellor.
   The Reichstag valued its own rights too highly to thus gratify
   the Emperor, and the demand was refused, by a vote of three to
   one. His Imperial Majesty failed likewise to carry the
   bill—the Anti-Revolutionary Bill, as it was called—on which
   he had set his heart, for silencing critical tongues and pens.
   The measure was opposed so stoutly, in the Reichstag and
   throughout the Empire, that defeat appeared certain, and in
   May (1895) it was dropped. The Emperor did not take his defeat
   quietly. Celebrating the anniversary of the battle of Sedan by
   a state dinner at the palace, he found the opportunity for a
   speech in which the Socialists were denounced in the following
   terms: "A rabble unworthy to bear the name of Germans has
   dared to revile the German people, has dared to drag into the
   dust the person of the universally honoured Emperor, which is
   to us sacred. May the whole people find in themselves the
   strength to repel these monstrous attacks; if not, I call upon
   you to resist the treasonable band, to wage a war which will
   free us from such elements." The Social Democrats replied by
   despatching the following telegram to the Socialists in Paris:
   "On the anniversary of the battle of Sedan we send, as a
   protest against war and chauvinism, our greeting and a clasp
   of the hand to our French comrades. Hurrah for international
   solidarity!" Prosecutions followed. The editor of "Vorwärts"
   got a month's imprisonment for saying the police provoked
   brawls to make a pretext for interference; Liebknecht, four,
   for a caustic allusion to the Emperor's declarations against
   Socialism, and for predicting the collapse of the Empire; and
   Dr. Forster, three, for lèse-majesté.

GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1899.
    The Emperor's claim to "Kingship by Divine Right,"

    A great sensation was produced in Germany by a speech
    addressed on September 6, 1894, by the German Emperor to the
    chief dignitaries and nobles of East Prussia in the Royal
    Palace at Königsberg. The following are the principal
    passages of this speech:

   "Agriculture has been in a seriously depressed state during
   the last four years, and it appears to me as though, under
   this influence, doubts have arisen with regard to the
   fulfilment of my promises. Nay, it has even been brought home
   to me, to my profound regret, that my best intentions have
   been misunderstood and in part disputed by members of the
   nobility with whom I am in close personal relation. Even the
   word 'opposition' has reached my ears.
{241}
   Gentlemen, an Opposition of Prussian noblemen, directed
   against their king, is a monstrosity. Such an Opposition would
   be justifiable only when the king was known to be at its head.
   The history of our House teaches us that lesson. How often
   have my predecessors had to oppose misguided members of a
   single class on behalf of the whole community! The successor
   of him who became Sovereign Duke in Prussia in his own right
   will follow the same path as his great ancestor. The first
   King of Prussia once said, 'Ex me mea nata corona,' and his
   great son 'set up his authority as a rocher de bronze.' I, in
   my turn, like my imperial grandfather, hold my kingship as by
   the grace of God. … We witnessed an inspiring ceremony the day
   before yesterday. Before us stands the statue of the Emperor
   William, the imperial sword uplifted in his right hand, the
   symbol of law and order. It exhorts us all to other duties, to
   the serious combating of designs directed against the very
   basis of our political and social fabric. To you, gentlemen, I
   address my summons to the fight for religion, morality, and order
   against the parties of revolution. Even as the ivy winds round
   the gnarled oak, and, while adorning it with its leaves,
   protects it when storms are raging through its topmost
   branches, so does the nobility of Prussia close round my
   house. May it, and with it the whole nobility of the German
   nation, become a brilliant example to those sections of the
   people who still hesitate. Let us enter into this struggle
   together. Forward with God, and dishonor to him who deserts
   his king."

   Time has wrought no change in these extraordinary ideas of the
   German Emperor. Speaking at Hamburg, October 19, 1899, on the
   necessity of strengthening the naval forces of the Empire, in
   order to afford protection to trade over the sea, he said:
   "The feeling for these things is only slowly gaining ground in
   the German fatherland, which, unfortunately, has spent its
   strength only too much in fruitless factional strife. Germans
   are only slowly beginning to understand the questions which
   are important to the whole world. The face of the world has
   changed greatly during the last few years. What formerly
   required centuries is now accomplished in a few months. The
   task of Kaiser and government has consequently grown beyond
   measure, and a solution will only be possible when the German
   people renounce party divisions. Standing in serried ranks
   behind the Kaiser, proud of their great fatherland, and
   conscious of their real worth, the Germans must watch the
   development of foreign states. They must make sacrifices for
   their position as a world power, and, abandoning party spirit,
   they must stand united behind their prince and emperor."
   Commenting on this utterance, a recent writer has said: "This
   ideal of a docile nation led by a triumphant emperor whose
   intelligence embraces everything throws considerable light on
   the relations of imperialism to party government and
   parliamentary institutions. … There are many other expressions
   of the emperor which indicate an almost medieval conception of
   his office, a revival of the theory of divine right. The
   emperor believes that his grandfather, had he lived in the
   Middle Ages, would have been canonized, and that his tomb
   would have become a cynosure of pilgrimages from all parts of
   the world. … In a speech delivered at Coblenz on August 31,
   1897, he speaks of the 'kingship by the grace of God, with its
   grave duties, its tremendous responsibility to the Creator
   alone, from which no man, no minister, no parliament can
   release the monarch.'"

GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (June).
   Opening of the Kaiser Wilhelm Ship Canal.

   The opening of the new ship canal (named the Kaiser Wilhelm
   Canal) between the Baltic and the North Sea was made the
   occasion of a great celebration, on the 21st of June, in which
   the navies of Great Britain, Russia, France, Austria and Italy
   took part, steaming in procession with the German squadron
   through the canal. It was also made the occasion for an
   exhibition of the newly-formed alliance between Russia and
   France, the Russian and French fleets entering the harbor of
   Kiel together.

      See (in this volume),
      FRANCE: A. D. 1895.

   The canal had been eight years in building, the first spadeful
   of earth in the excavation having been turned by Emperor
   William I. at Holtenau, near Kiel, on the 3d of June, 1887.
   The canal is thus described: It is "98.6 kilometers (61.27
   miles) in length. It begins at Holtenau, on the Bay of Kiel,
   and terminates near Brunsbüttel, at the mouth of the River
   Elbe, thus running clear through the province of
   Schleswig-Holstein from northeast to southwest. Both openings
   are provided with huge locks. Near Rendsburg, there is a third
   lock connecting the canal with the old Eider Canal. The medium
   water level of the canal will be about equal to the medium
   water level of Kiel harbor. At the lowest tide the profile of
   the canal has, in a depth of 6.17 meters (20 feet 6 inches)
   below the surface of the water, a navigable width of 36 meters
   (118.11 feet), so as to allow the largest Baltic steamers to
   pass each other. For the navy, 22 meters (72.18 feet) of canal
   bottom are provided, at least 58 meters (190.29 feet) of water
   surface, and 8½ meters (27 feet 9 inches) depth of water. The
   greatest depth for merchant vessels was calculated at 6.5
   meters (21 feet 3 inches). The estimated cost was $37,128,000.
   Two-thirds of the cost is defrayed by Germany; the remaining
   one-third by Russia. The time saved by a steam-ship sailing
   from Kiel to Hamburg via the canal, instead of through the
   Skaugh (the strait between Jutland and Sweden), is estimated
   at 2, days. The time of passage through the canal, including
   stoppages and delays, will be about thirteen hours. In time of
   peace, the canal is to be open to men-of-war, as well as
   merchant vessels of every nation, but in time of war, its use
   will be restricted to vessels of the German navy. Many vessels
   have been wrecked and many lives lost on the Danish and
   Swedish coasts, in waters which need not be navigated after
   the canal is opened to traffic. Its strategic importance to
   Germany will also be great, as it will place that country's
   two naval ports, Kiel on the Baltic, and Wilhelmshafen on the
   North Sea, within easy access of each other."

      _United States Consular Report,
      Number 175, page 603._

{242}

GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (June-December).
   Census of the Empire and census of Prussia.

   "The results of the last census of the German Empire (the
   census being taken every five years in December) … have
   produced some surprise in that, notwithstanding the alleged
   depression of agriculture and manufactures, the tables show an
   increase greater than any census since the formation of the
   Empire. The population, according to the official figures, is
   52,244,503, an increase since December, 1890, of 2,816,027, or
   1.14 per cent increase per year. The percentages of the previous
   censuses was: In 1871-1875. 1 per cent; 1875-1880, 1.14 per
   cent; 1880-1895, 0.7 per cent; 1885-1890, 1.06 per cent. A
   striking illustration is given by a comparison with the
   figures of the French census. The increase in France for the
   same period (1890-1895) was but 124,000, an annual average of
   0.07 per cent of its population, and Germans see in this
   proportionally smaller increase a reason for certain classes
   in France entertaining a less warlike feeling toward Germany,
   and thereby assuring general European peace.

   "In 1871, at the foundation of the German Empire, its
   population was 40,997,000. [In 1890, it was 49,428,470.] The
   percentage of increase differs vastly in northern and southern
   Germany. In the former, the annual increase was 1.29 per cent;
   in the latter, only 0.71 per cent. This must be attributed in
   a great measure to the highly developed mining industries of
   the Rhineland and Westphalia, where the soil, besides its
   hidden mineral wealth, is devoted to agriculture. The southern
   states—Bavaria, Baden, and Würtemberg—being more mountainous,
   offer less opportunities for agricultural pursuits and are
   favored with less natural riches. It is again noticeable that
   those provinces which are ultra-agrarian show a very favorable
   increase. It would seem that it is not the peasant, but the
   great landowner, whose condition is undesirable and that this
   condition is due less to the present low prices of cereals and
   the customs-revenue policy of the Government than to the
   heavily mortgaged estates and lavish style of living which is
   not in keeping with their revenues. … "The number of
   marriages, which showed a decrease from the middle of the
   eighties, has increased since 1892. An unlooked-for increase
   is shown in the country population."

      _United States, Consular Reports,
      June, 1896,
      pages. 245-246. _

   "Some of the results of the last census of Prussia, taken on
   the 14th of June, 1895, with special regard to trades and
   professions, have appeared in an official journal devoted to
   statistics. … The entire population of Prussia, which includes
   the provinces wrested from Poland, Denmark, and Saxony, as
   well as the seized Kingdom of Hanover, counts up for both
   sexes on the 14th of June, 1895, 31,491,209; by the last
   census (December 1, 1890), it was 29,955,281, an increase of
   1,335,928, or 5.13 per cent. Of males, June 14, 1895, there
   were 15,475,202; December 1, 1890, 14,702,151, an increase of
   773,051; females, June 14, 1895, 16,016,007; December 1, 1890,
   15,253,130, an increase of 762,877. The relatively small
   surplus in Prussia of females over males, viz, 540,805, may …
   be ascribed in part to the stoppage of emigration to the
   United States since 1892. This affects more men than women,
   since men emigrate more readily than women.

   "The population of Rhineland is the largest unit in Prussia.
   This year it is 5,043,979, against 4,710,391 in 1890, an
   increase of 333,588; that of Silesia is 4,357,555, against
   4,224,458 in 1890, an increase of only 133,097,
   notwithstanding the temporary harvest hands in summer. Posen,
   its neighbor province, has the lowest increase of all—about
   20,000 souls. All parts of Prussia, however, show some
   increase. The largest increase of population—that of Rhineland
   or the Rhenish provinces (333,588)—may be safely ascribed to
   the flourishing manufactures of that district, while the low
   figures in Posen, Silesia, and East Prussia are due to the
   depression in agriculture produced by the rivalry of the
   United States, Argentina, and Australia, as well as by the
   unprotected state of the laborer in his relations with the
   landed proprietors.

   "One of the surprises of the new census is the small increase
   of Berlin's population, all the more remarkable owing to the
   unprecedented increase of Berlin for the years between 1870
   and 1890. It is on]y 36,288, or 2.2 per cent for the past four
   years and a half. By the census of 1895, it was 1,615,082;
   1890, 1,578,794; increase, 36,288."

      _United States, Consular Reports,
      January, 1896, pages 75-76._

GERMANY: A. D. 1895-1898.
   The Agrarian Protectionists and their demands.

   "The depression of agriculture in Germany was the subject
   which most occupied German politicians throughout the year
   [1895]. The policy favoured by the Agrarian League was that
   advocated by Count Kanitz, of which the following were the
   chief points: (1) That the State should buy and sell the
   foreign grain, flour, and meal destined for consumption in
   Germany; (2) that the average selling price in Germany from
   1850 to 1890 should be fixed as the selling price of grain,
   and that the price of flour and meal should be determined by
   the proportion they bear to the unground grain and the said
   selling price, provided that the buying price is covered
   thereby; while in the case of higher buying prices, the
   selling prices must be proportionally raised; (3) that the
   profit obtained be spent, so that a part at least equal to the
   amount of the present grain duty flows into the Imperial
   Treasury; (4) that steps should be taken for the accumulation
   of stocks to be used in extraordinary time of need, as, for
   instance, in the event of war; and (5) that a reserve should
   be formed when prices are higher at home and abroad, to secure
   the payment of the above-mentioned annual amount to the
   Treasury. The Emperor, however, repeatedly expressed his
   disapproval of this policy, and Prince Bismarck is said to
   have remarked that if he were a deputy he would vote for it,
   but as Chancellor he would reject it. … The Agrarians now
   started an agitation all over the country in favour of Count
   Kanitz's proposal, and even threatened to refuse the supplies
   required for the navy if the Government should not accept it.
   In March, the Emperor referred the question to the committee
   of the Federal State Council, which passed a resolution
   declaring the proposals of Count Kanitz for establishing a
   State monopoly in cereals to be incompatible with the correct
   interpretation of the present position of the State in regard
   to industry and international trade, and irreconcilable with
   Germany's commercial treaties."

      _Annual Register, 1895,
      pages 256-257._

{243}

   "The agrarian protectionists control the Conservative party in
   Parliament completely; they are strongly represented in the
   Center, or Catholic, party, and are not without a considerable
   following among the National Liberals. The Antisemitic party, the
   Poles, and other small parties are all infected with the
   agrarian protectionist ideas. The only decided opponents, as
   well as the only decided free-traders, are to be found among
   the three Liberal sections and the Social Democrats. The
   agrarian protectionists not only wish to annul the commercial
   treaties, because these hinder them from raising the
   protective duties on agricultural imports (these duties are by
   no means low—for instance, 35 marks per ton on rye or wheat),
   but the extreme members of the party advocate the abolition of
   the gold standard and the adoption of a so-called bimetallic—in
   reality a silver-standard. The most rabid among them oppose
   the cutting of canals, because foreign produce would thus
   enter Germany on cheaper terms. In short, the agrarian
   protectionists oppose the natural evolution of all economic
   progress. …

   "The old Prussian feudal aristocracy (Junkerthum), forming the
   pith and marrow of the agrarian movement, has never been well
   off; but for the last twenty years they have suffered from the
   competition with the whole world, which is felt so keenly in
   all old countries, in the reduction of the rent of land. They
   have sunk deeper and deeper into debt, while the standard of
   material comfort has risen throughout all classes in Germany.
   The 'Junker' has long since given up the hope of making both
   ends meet by his own industry, and while endeavoring to raise
   the rent of land by various kinds of protective measures, he
   is really at the same time struggling for bread-and-butter and
   upholding a tradition of political supremacy.

   "No government can really satisfy these claims, and hence each
   in turn is compelled, sooner or later, to oppose the agrarian
   movement. However, considering the strong influence the
   Prussian 'Junker' exerts in the army, in the ranks of
   government officials, and at court, practical statesmen deem
   it advisable to avoid any open rupture with the pack of
   famished wolves."

      _T. Barth,
      Political Germany
      (American Review of Reviews, April. 1898)._

GERMANY: A. D. 1896 (January).
   Emperor William's congratulations to the President of the
   South African Republic on the defeat of the Jameson Raid.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
      A. D. 1896 (JANUARY).

GERMANY: A. D. 1896 (May).
   The Berlin Industrial Exposition.

      See (in this volume)
      BERLIN INDUSTRIAL EXPOSITION.

GERMANY: A. D. 1896 (May).
   Sugar bounty and sugar tax legislation.

   "The sugar-tax amendment law, over which has been waged in the
   German Parliament one of the longest and most determined
   battles of recent years, was finally enacted as a concession
   to the agrarian interest, and went into effect [May, 1896].
   Its influence will be to increase the sugar production of
   Germany, and, to that extent, exert a depressing effect upon
   the general market and the interests of producers in other
   beet-growing countries. The circumstances which have led to
   the present situation are, briefly, these: From the time when
   the Prussian Government began the systematic encouragement of
   the beet-sugar industry down to 1887, the tax on sugar for
   home consumption was calculated upon the quantity of beets
   worked up by each separate factory, it being assumed that the
   quantity of roots required to produce a given weight of sugar
   would be uniform and invariable. The proportion adopted was 20
   units of raw beet root to 1 unit of sugar, which, at the time
   when the law was enacted: was approximately correct.

   "But, under the stimulus of the export bounties provided by
   the same law, the German beet growers and sugar makers worked
   hard and intelligently to improve and increase their product.
   By careful selection and cultivation, the beets were so
   improved that from 12 to 14 tons of roots would yield a ton of
   sugar. Great advance was also made in the machinery and
   processes employed in the sugar factories, so that, as a final
   result, the German Government, which paid nearly 12 cents per
   cwt. bounty on all sugar exported, and charged 11 tax of the
   same amount on all sugar for home consumption that could be
   made from 20 cwts. of beets, found that the export bounties
   completely absorbed the revenue derived from the sugar tax.
   This tendency of the system had become apparent as early as
   1869, and an attempt was made at that time to revise the law,
   but the sugar-producing interest was powerful enough to resist
   this effort. … Sugar growing still continued to be the most
   profitable form of culture for German farmers, the area of
   cultivation and number of sugar factories continued to
   increase, loud complaints were heard against a system that
   favored one class of farmers at the expense of the entire
   population, and, in 1891, the Imperial Diet reduced the sugar
   export bounty by half, that is, to 29.7 cents per 100
   kilograms, and decreed that such bounty should entirely cease
   on the 31st of July, 1897, provided that, in the meantime,
   Austria, France, and other bounty-paying countries should
   likewise reduce their bounties on exported sugar. Several
   attempts have been made to reach such an international
   agreement, but without successful result, and under cover of
   this failure to secure a general reduction or abolition of
   bounties, the German Agrarians have rallied and secured the
   adoption of the present law, which restores the export bounty
   of 1887 (59.5 cents per 220.46 pounds) and raises the tax on
   sugar for home consumption from 18 marks ($4.28) to 21 marks
   ($4.99) per 100 kilograms, or about 2.2 cents per pound. This
   increased tax will, of course, be added to the retail price of
   sugar, already very high, and tend to still further retard the
   increase of sugar consumption in Germany, which is now only
   28.8 pounds per capita, against. 73.68 pounds per capita in
   England and 77 pounds in the United States. …

   "From the statistics that were brought out in the recent
   debate, it appears that the whole system of beet culture and
   sugar manufacture in Germany has reached a higher standard of
   scientific perfection than has been attained in any other
   European country. Every step, from the preparation and
   fertilization of the land to the smallest detail in the
   factory process, has been reduced as nearly as possible to
   exact scientific methods. … Statistics were cited to prove
   that the German sugar producers are safe from all European
   competition and do not need the protection of an increased
   export bounty; but nothing could withstand the demand of the
   Agrarians, and their victory is one of the most significant
   events in recent German legislation."

      _United States Consular Reports,
      July, 1896, page 512._

      See, also, (in this volume)
      SUGAR BOUNTIES.

GERMANY: A. D. 1897.
   Industrial combinations.
   Trusts.

      See (in this volume)
      TRUSTS: IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES.

{244}

GERMANY: A. D. 1897 (July).
   Defeat in Prussia of a bill to restrict the right of
   political association and meeting.

   In July, the government in Prussia suffered a significant
   defeat in the Prussian Landtag on an attempt to give the
   police new powers for interference with political meetings and
   associations. The bill was especially aimed at the Social
   Democrats, enacting in its first clause that "agents of the
   police authorities have power to dissolve meetings in which
   anarchist or Social Democratic movements are manifest, having
   for their object the overthrow of the existing order of state
   or of society, and finding an expression in a manner which
   endangers public security, and in particular the security of
   the state." It passed the upper house overwhelmingly, but was
   rejected in the lower by 209 votes to 205.

GERMANY: A. D. 1897 (July).
   British notice to terminate existing commercial treaties.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

GERMANY: A. D. 1897 (September-December).
   Demand for indemnity enforced against Hayti.

      See (in this volume)
      HAYTI: A. D. 1897.

GERMANY: A. D. 1897 (November-December).
   Seizure and acquisition of Kiao-chau Bay.
   Naval expedition to China.
   Speeches of the Emperor and Prince Henry.

   The murder of two German missionaries in Shantung province,
   China, gave the German government a pretext, in November,
   1897, for the seizure of the port of Kiao-chau, on demands for
   indemnity which were not satisfied until the Chinese
   government had consented to lease that port, with adjacent
   territory, to Germany, for 99 years, with extensive rights and
   privileges in the whole rich province of Shantung.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER).

   To support this opening of an "imperial policy" in the East, a
   German naval expedition was despatched to China, in December,
   under the command of the Emperor's brother, Prince Henry, and
   its departure was made the occasion for speeches by the
   Emperor and Prince Henry, at a royal banquet, at Kiel, which
   caused much remark, and some smiling, in Europe and America.
   Said the Emperor, addressing his brother, at the end of some
   remarks in a similar strain: "As a sign of imperial and of
   naval power, the squadron, strengthened by your division, will
   now have to act in close intercourse and good friendship with
   all the comrades of the foreign fleets out there, for the
   protection of our home interests against everybody who tries
   to injure Germany. That is your vocation and your task. May it
   be clear to every European out there, to the German merchant,
   and above all, to the foreigner whose soil we may be on, and
   with whom we shall have to deal, that the German Michael has
   planted his shield, adorned with the eagle of the empire,
   firmly on that soil, in order, once for all, to afford
   protection to those who apply to him for it. May our
   countrymen abroad, whether priests or merchants, or of any
   other calling, be firmly convinced that the protection of the
   German Empire, as represented by the imperial ships, will be
   constantly afforded them. Should, however, anyone attempt to
   affront us, or to infringe our good rights, then strike out
   with mailed fist, and if God will, weave round your young brow
   the laurel which nobody in the whole German Empire will
   begrudge you."

   The Prince in reply said: "Most Serene Emperor, most powerful
   King and Lord, illustrious brother,—As children we grew up
   together. Later on it was granted to us as men to look into
   each other's eyes and stand faithfully at each other's side.
   To your Majesty the imperial crown has come with thorns. I
   have striven in my restricted sphere and with my scanty
   strength, as man, soldier, and citizen, to help your Majesty.
   We have reached a great epoch, an important epoch for the
   nation—an important epoch for your Majesty and the Navy. Your
   Majesty has made a great sacrifice, and has shown great favour
   to myself in entrusting this command to me. I thank your
   Majesty from the bottom of a loyal, brotherly and humble
   heart. I well understand your Majesty's feelings. I know what
   a heavy sacrifice you made in giving me so fine a command. It
   is for this reason, your Majesty, that I am so much moved, and
   that I so sincerely thank you. I am further deeply indebted
   for the confidence which your Majesty reposes in my weak
   person, and I can assure your Majesty of this—I am not allured
   by hopes of winning glory or laurels, I am only animated by one
   desire—to proclaim and preach abroad to all who will hear, as
   well as to those who will not, the gospel of your Majesty's
   anointed person. This I will have inscribed on my banner, and
   will bear it wherever I go. These sentiments with which I set
   out are shared by my comrades. I raise my glass and call upon
   those who with me enjoy the happy privilege of being permitted
   to go forth, to remember this day, to impress the person of
   the Emperor on their minds, and to let the cry resound far out
   into the world—Our most Serene, Mighty, Beloved Emperor, King and
   Master, for ever and ever. Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!"

GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.
   Practical operation of the state system of
   workingwoman's insurance.
   Enlargement of its provisions.

   By a series of laws enacted in 1883, 1884, and 1889, a system
   of compulsory state insurance of workingmen was established in
   Germany, applying in the first instance to sickness, then to
   accidents, and finally becoming a pensioning insurance for old
   age and permanent invalidity. These laws establish a
   compulsion to be insured, but leave freedom of choice as to
   the associations in which the insurance shall be maintained,
   all such associations being under the surveillance of the
   state. In a report from United States Consul J. C. Monaghan,
   Chemnitz, made July, 1898. the practical working of the system
   to that time is thus described: "Time is proving the practical
   value of the German workingmen's insurance system. … The
   social and economic influence of so gigantic a system must be
   very great.

   "The object of the system is to alleviate the sufferings of
   workmen and their families: (1) In cases of sickness (sick
   insurance); (2) in cases of accidents incurred at work
   (accident insurance); (3) in cases of feebleness, wasting
   diseases, decreased capacity to work, and old age (invalid and
   old-age insurance). In cases coming under Number 1 there is
   given free medical treatment; sick money—that is, money during
   period of sickness with which to obtain medicine, nourishment,
   etc.—or, if desired, free treatment in a hospital and support for
   the family; and money, in case of death, is supplied the
   family. The fund is furnished by employers and employed—the
   former paying one-third, the latter two-thirds. In cases of
   accident insurance the parties receive support during
   convalescence, from the fourteenth week after the accident
   happens.
{245}
   Money is given the wounded person from the fifth week. Rents
   are paid from the first day of the fourteenth week after the
   accident. The rents amount to two-thirds, and in some cases to
   three-fifths, of the workman's yearly salary. The fund for burial
   expenses is furnished by the employers. In cases coming under
   invalid and old-age insurance, the parties receive rents from
   the time they are unable to work, without regard to age;
   old-age rents, from the seventieth year, even if they can work
   and do not draw invalid rent; and assistance against disease
   so as to prevent incapacity. In case of his death or marriage,
   the full sum paid by the party is returned.

   "The following amounts were paid out in the years given:

                  Sick          Accident      Invalid and Old Age
                insurance       insurance     insurance
   Year.
   1885-86.   $23,905,005        $460,625         —
   1887.       13,138,099       1,412,030         —
   1888.       14,651,637       2,304,173         —
   1889.       16,892,097       3,442,503         —
   1890.       20,013,420       4,835,041         —
   1891.       21,243,594       6,289,483     $3,643,089
   1892.       22,433,499       7,696,967      5,344,742
   1893.       24,269,264       9,082,984      6,700,509
   1894.       23,702,063      10,539,044      8,312,475
   1895.       24,947,731      11,929,940     10,221,647
   1896.       26,114,026      13,602,747     12,293,533
   1897.       26,207,417      15,252,301     14,161,000

   Total.     257,517,856      86,847,842     60,696,997

   "During the years from 1885 to 1897 employers had paid in
   1,337,741,176 marks ($318,382,399), and workmen 1,173,449,805
   marks ($279,281,053), a total of 2,511,190,981 marks
   ($597,663,452). Of this amount 1,702,184,100 marks
   ($405,121,816) have been paid out. Thus the workmen have
   already received 528,700,000 marks ($125,830,600) more than
   they have paid in. The annual amount paid out is increasing at
   the rate of 15,000.000 marks ($3,570,000) per annum. The
   reserve fund at the end of 1897 was, in round numbers,
   850,000,000 marks ($202,500,000). For every twentieth person
   of the Empire's population, one has been paid insurance.

   "Besides this system, there are others by which workingmen are
   aided. There are State and private insurance and pension
   systems. One alone, the Miners' and Smelters' Union, paid out
   in the years 1895-1897, inclusive, 320,000,000 marks
   ($76,160,000). From 1900 on, the annual amount to be paid out
   will be upwards of 300,000,000 marks ($71,400,000), or 100
   marks ($23.80) for every working-day in the year. Whether a
   system which makes so much for paternalism is one to commend,
   I can not say. Its effects here have been anything but bad.
   Poverty, in spite of poor wages, is practically unknown."

      _United States Consular Reports,
      September, 1898, page 51._

   A revision of the accident insurance law in 1900 extended the
   compulsory insurance to laborers in breweries and in the shops
   of blacksmiths, locksmiths and butchers, and to window
   cleaners. It raised the amount of assistance provided for the
   injured in many cases, making it in some instances of
   permanent, disability equal to the wages previously earned. It
   also fixed more sharply the responsibility for carelessness on
   the part of an employer.

GERMANY: A. D. 1898.
   Lèse-majesté.

   "In 1898 there were 246 convictions for 'lèse-majesté,' and
   the punishments inflicted amounted to a total of 83 years
   imprisonment, in addition to various terms of confinement in a
   fortress."

      _Annual Register,
      1899, page 273._

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (March-December).
   In the Chinese "Battle of Concessions."

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (April).
   The new naval policy.

   "One of the most important economic movements taking place in
   Germany is the development of her maritime interests. The
   mercantile marine and 'over-sea' interests had developed to
   such an extent that recently the Government obtained the
   consent of the nation to add largely to its navy. During the
   year 1897 continuous efforts had been made to bring this
   question prominently before the public, and to point out the
   absolute necessity of a large increase of the navy in order to
   adequately protect Germany's growing maritime interests. The
   introductory statement of the bill presented to the Reichstag
   in November gave great prominence to the following
   considerations of general interest in connection with the new
   programme, namely, that during the last twenty years the
   increase of imports and exports, the rapid investment of
   capital abroad, the acquisition of colonies, the flourishing
   fisheries, and the rapidly increasing population had greatly
   added to German 'over-sea' interests, but that at the same
   time this expansion had brought with it the danger of a
   conflict with the interests of foreign nations, which must be
   provided against by an increase of the navy, for any injury to
   these maritime interests would entail serious consequences on
   the whole country.

   "The bill, as eventually passed on April 10, 1898, provided
   that the nonrecurring expenditure should not exceed
   £20,445,000, of which £17,835,000 was to be devoted to the
   construction of ships and their armaments. The German fleet
   will then be brought up to a total strength of 17 battle ships
   of the line, 8 coast-defense vessels, 9 large and 26 small
   cruisers, besides a variety of torpedo and other small craft.
   It is thought and hoped that, in consequence of the favorable
   state of the revenues of the Empire, a total sum of £5,876,274
   a year can easily be devoted exclusively to the annual naval
   budget of the next six years, by which time the additions to
   the fleet are to be completed."

      _United States Bureau of Statistics,
      Monthly Summary of Commerce and Finance,
      January, 1899._

      See, also, (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (JUNE).

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (April).
   Withdrawal from the blockade of Crete and
   the "Concert of Europe."

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1897-1899.

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (June).
   Elections to the Imperial Parliament, and their significance.

   Elections to the Parliament of the Empire (the Reichstag) took
   place in June, and resulted in the following distribution of
   seats:

   Conservatives,      52;
   Imperialists,       22;
   National Liberals,  48;
   Liberal Unionists,  12;
   Liberal Democrats,  29;
   German Democrats,    8;
   Social Democrats,   56;
   Centre (Catholic), 106;
   Poles,              14;
   Anti-Semites,       10;
   Independents,       40;
   Total,             397.

{246}

   "The elections as a whole show the growing power of German
   manufactures and the decline of German agriculture. Germany
   has become already, in far less time than it took England, a
   great urban community. That appears to us the most prominent
   fact in German life, and it was therefore bound to make itself
   manifest in German politics. In spite of Imperial patronage,
   the rural parties have lost. Both the Conservative sections
   have indeed lost rather heavily; the Conservatives proper
   standing in the new Reichstag at sixty-two instead of at
   seventy-two, as in the Reichstag of 1893, and the Free
   Conservatives at twenty instead of twenty-seven. The losses of
   the National Liberals, who usually vote solidly with the
   Conservatives, are smaller, but still they have lost. Though
   they represent 'Particularism,' yet the Poles are a peasant
   party, and they have lost, standing as they do at fourteen as
   compared with nineteen in 1893. The Anti-Semites, who under
   clerical guidance draw their strength largely from country
   districts, have also lost. On the other hand, those parties
   which have gained are the parties which hold the German
   cities,—the Centre, the Radicals, and the Social Democrats.
   The Centre, as we have said, represents the nascent Rhenish
   and Bavarian industrialism, the Radicals have made significant
   gains in Berlin, and the Social Democrats have gained in nearly
   all the towns except Berlin, where they have lost seats to the
   Radicals,—on what ground does not seem clear, unless it is
   that the more Anarchical section, which has all along been
   strong in Berlin Socialism, has rebelled against the
   centralised dictatorship of the party. We imagine that the
   urban professional and trading classes, dependent for their
   position on the growth of industry, have mainly voted Radical,
   and that the working classes have, on the whole, voted
   Socialist, except in those cases where they have, as devout
   Catholics, supported the Centre party. It will be seen,
   therefore, that what we may call Toryism (of an extreme and
   fanatical type, practically unknown in England), representing
   rural proprietorial interests, has lost: and that the forces
   of democracy, whether Liberal of the 'Manchester' type,
   Socialist, or Catholic, but all representing the growth of
   industrialism and urban life, have gained. In short, what
   strikes us as the most obvious moral of the elections is that
   the old forces and forms of German life are weakening, that
   the ancient Conservative entrenchments are being destroyed,
   and that we now have to deal with a modernised Germany.

   "It may perhaps be asked why we place the Centre party in the
   same category with the Radicals and Social Democrats, since
   the last-named party is avowedly anti-religious, and the
   Radicals are largely indifferent on the religious question. We
   reply that the Centre party is essentially a democratic party,
   and a party, moreover, committed to reforms only less
   far-reaching than those of the Social Democrats, for whose
   candidates the Catholic democratic electors have often voted
   on the second ballots. The Centre party embodies to a large
   extent the spirit of Bishop Ketteler of Mainz, the chief
   founder of German Catholic 'Christian Socialism': its organs
   in the Press are democratic in tone: and so far as the present
   Pope has advanced in the direction of wide Catholic social
   reform, he has had no stronger supporters than the members of
   the German Centre party, with the possible exception of the
   democratic American Catholic prelates, with whom the Centre
   party has much in common. This being the case, it is clear
   that democracy, in some or other of its varied forms, controls
   a majority of votes in the Reichstag: a small majority, it is
   true."

      _The Spectator (London),
      July 2, 1898._

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (June).
   The Sugar Conference at Brussels.

      See (in this volume)
      SUGAR BOUNTIES.

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (July).
   Death of Prince Bismarck.

   Prince Otto van Bismarck, whose importance in German history
   is comparable only with that of Charlemagne, Luther, and
   Frederick the Great, died on the 31st of July, at the age of
   83. Immediately upon his death his confidential secretary. Dr.
   Moritz Busch, made public the full text of the letter of
   resignation which Bismarck addressed to the Emperor, William
   II., when he withdrew—practically dismissed—from the public
   service, in 1890. It showed that the immediate cause of his
   resignation was an order from the new sovereign which repealed
   an arrangement established by the latter's grandfather, in 1852,
   whereby a responsible ministry was created in Prussia, through
   the giving of responsible authority to a prime minister at its
   head. For nearly half a century that constitutional usage had
   been maintained. William II. appears to have made his first
   grasp at absolutism by setting it aside, and thereupon
   Bismarck resigned, as he was undoubtedly expected to do.

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (October-November).
   The Emperor's visit to Palestine.

   A journey made by the Emperor and Empress, with a large
   retinue and considerable state, first to Constantinople, and
   then to Palestine, in October and November, was suspected of
   having some other motive than a love of travel and an interest
   in seeing the Holy Land. Looked at in connection with some
   other movements, it was supposed to indicate a policy aiming
   at the establishment of German influence in the realm of the
   Turk.

GERMANY: A. D. 1899.
   Complaints from Danish Sleswick.

   "It can never be anything but an encroachment and a cruelty to
   insist, as is now being done in Danish North Sleswick, that
   all teaching in the schools, with the exception of two
   miserable hours a week of religious lessons, shall be carried
   on in German, and to forbid even private instruction in the
   Danish language. It can never be called anything but brutality
   and meanness to punish young men who go into Danish territory
   for the purpose of study by depriving their parents of their
   parental rights, or by expelling innocent persons from the
   country. These methods, too, are beside the purpose. The
   Germans complain that Danes who have become Prussian subjects
   against their will do not feel like Prussians. They are
   tortured and annoyed, subjected to the most minute espionage
   and the most contemptible police reports, with the persecution
   connected therewith, and then it is considered amazing that
   they are not changed into enthusiastic admirers of Prussia. …
   The Danish language, in spite of its small area, is a language
   of culture. And only the same undue self-admiration which the
   Germans are in the habit of criticising in the French can look
   upon the forcible extermination of Danish culture, for the
   sake of spreading German, as a worthy act, an end that
   justifies the means. …

{247}

   "Some years ago the actors of the Royal Theatre were forbidden
   to produce some innocent old vaudevilles in Sleswick towns
   (although permission had already been given to the owner of a
   theatre in Haderslev; indeed, they were not even allowed to
   remain over night at an hotel. Intense indignation was roused
   in Denmark by this narrow-minded police rule, which used as a
   pretext the danger to the peace and quietness of Germany of a
   scenic representation in Danish. This, however, was nothing
   compared with recent events, which, however, will in South
   Jutland only have a stimulating effect on the self-respect and
   patriotism of the people; while in Denmark those who have
   hitherto tried to bring about a better understanding between
   Danes and Germans will throw up the game, and without
   superfluous words take their stand on the side of the
   oppressed. The Danes can and must submit to humiliations,
   which the stronger nation again and again puts upon the
   weaker, humiliations which itself would never stand from any
   other Power. But one thing they cannot do. They cannot give up
   exerting all their power to preserve their language and
   culture within the Sleswick territory, which for a thousand
   years has been Danish, and is so still. They would be
   miserable creatures if they could. From the Danish side no
   attempt has been made, nor can be made, to regain politically
   what has been lost. No political agitation has been
   undertaken, nor can it be undertaken, to excite the South
   Jutlanders against the conditions which by ill-fate have once
   been legally imposed upon them. But the alliance of hearts and
   minds cannot be broken even by a great Power like Germany.

   "How insecure this Prussian rule feels in North Sleswick in
   spite of its mailed fist! Everything alarms it. It dares not
   allow Danish actors to play an old vaudeville dating from
   1830. It fears the storm of applause which would break loose
   as soon as the first unimportant, but Danish, words were heard
   from the stage. It feels obliged to forbid a Danish orator
   from holding any discourse whatsoever on South Jutland
   territory. He is not even allowed to speak on literature—not
   on German literature, not even on Goethe. For one can really
   never know!—One cannot be sure that the audience, in spite of
   the subject being of no political significance whatever,
   though even it be a German national topic, might not seize the
   opportunity to applaud a speaker from Denmark. And in Heaven's
   name that must not happen! On such fragile feet of clay does
   the Prussian Colossus stand in Sleswick that it cannot bear a
   hand-clap after a Danish lecture on Goethe. Still less can it
   endure Danish reading-books and Danish song-books in the hands
   of little children, or Danish colours in a lady's gown or upon
   a house; Danish songs it fears even behind closed doors. What
   is the use of gendarmes if not to wage war against colours and
   songs? Such is the measure of the anxiety of Prussia, equipped
   with all the instruments of power, as to whether German might,
   German wealth, German military glory, German science and art,
   and half a hundred million of German people will exercise so
   great an attraction on the inhabitants of North Sleswick as
   the important miniature State which bears the name of
   Denmark."

      _G. Brandes,
      Denmark and Germany
      (Contemporary Review, July, 1899)._

GERMANY: A. D. 1899.
   Foreign interests of the German people.

   United States Consul J. C. Monaghan wrote from Chemnitz in
   1899:

   "German economists are not exaggerating when they say this
   Empire's people and capital are operating in every part of the
   world. Not only Hamburg, Bremen, Stettin, Lübeck, and Kiel—i.
   e., the seaport cities—but towns far inland, have invested
   millions in foreign enterprises. In the Americas, North and
   South, in Australia, in Asia, in a large part of Africa,
   German settlements, German factories, German merchants, and
   German industrial leaders are at work. Nor is it always in
   settlements under the Empire's control that this influence is
   strongest. In Senegambia, on the Gold Coast, the Slave Coast,
   in Zanzibar and Mozambique, in Australia, Samoa, the Marshall
   Islands, Tahiti, Sumatra, and South and Central America, there
   are powerful commercial organizations aiding the Empire. From
   Vladivostock to Singapore, on the mainland of Asia, and in
   many of the world's most productive islands, the influence of
   German money and thrift is felt. In Central America and the
   West Indies, millions of German money are in the plantations;
   so, too, in the plantations along the Gold Coast. In
   Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, the Dominican Republic, Cuba,
   Puerto Rico, Trinidad, Venezuela, Brazil, etc., German capital
   plays a very important part in helping to develop the
   agricultural and in some cases the manufacturing and
   commercial interests. A consequence of this development is
   seen in the numerous banking institutions whose fields of
   operation show that German commerce is working more and more
   in foreign parts. These banks look after and aid foreign
   investment as well as the Empire's other commercial relations.
   They help the millions of Germans in all parts of the world to
   carry on trade relations, not only with the Fatherland, but
   with other countries.

   "These are the links in a long and very strong chain of gold
   uniting the colonies with the Mother Country. Quite recently,
   large quantities of German capital have been invested in
   various industries. The Empire's capital in United States
   railroads is put down at $180,000,000. In America, Germans
   have undertaken manufacturing. They have used German money to
   put up breweries, hat factories, spinning, weaving, and paper
   mills, tanneries, soap-boiling establishments, candle mills,
   dye houses, mineral-water works, iron foundries, machine
   shops, dynamite mills, etc. Many of these mills use German
   machinery, and not a few German help. The Liebig Company, the
   Chilean saltpeter mines, the Chilean and Peruvian metal mines,
   many of the mines of South Africa, etc., are in large part
   controlled by German money and German forces. Two hundred
   different kinds of foreign bonds or papers are on the Berlin,
   Hamburg, and Frankfort exchanges. Germany has rapidly risen to
   a very important place in the financial, industrial, and
   mercantile world. Will she keep it? Much will depend on her
   power to push herself on the sea."

      _United States Consular Reports,
      September, 1899, page 127._

{248}

GERMANY: A. D. 1899.
   Military statistics.

   A report presented to the Reichstag showed the total number of
   men liable for service in 1899, including the surplus from
   previous years, was 1,696,760. Of these 716,998 were 20 years
   of age, 486,978 of 21 years, 362,568 of 22 years, and 130,216
   of more than 22 years. The whereabouts of 94,224 was unknown,
   and 97,800 others failed to appear and sent no excuse; 427,586
   had already undertaken military duties, 579,429 cases were
   either adjourned or the men rejected (for physical reasons),
   1,245 were excluded from the service, 43,196 were exempt,
   112,839 were incorporated in the naval reserve, 226,957 were
   called upon to join the colors, leaving a surplus of 5,187;
   there were 23,266 volunteers for the army and 1,222 for the
   navy. Of the 226,957 who joined the colors 216,880 joined the
   army as combatants and 4,591 as non-combatants, and 5,486
   joined the navy. Of the 5,486 the maritime population
   furnished 3,132 and the inland 2,354. There were 21,189 men
   who entered the army before attaining the regulation age, and
   1,480 under age who entered the navy; 33,652 of the inland
   population and only 189 of the maritime were condemned for
   emigrating without leave; while 14,150 inland and 150 maritime
   cases were still under consideration at the end of the year.

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (February).
   Chinese anti-missionary demonstrations in Shantung.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1899.

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (February).
   Purchase of Caroline, Pelew and Marianne Islands from Spain.

      See (in this volume)
      CAROLINE AND MARIANNE ISLANDS.

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
   Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (May-August).
   Advice to the South African Republic.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
      A. D. 1899 (MAY-AUGUST).

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (June).
   State of German colonies.

   The following report on German colonies for the year ending
   June 30, 1899, was made to the British Foreign Office by one
   of the secretaries of the Embassy at Berlin:

   "The number of Europeans resident in the German African
   Protectorates, viz., Togoland, Cameroons, South-West Africa,
   and East Africa, at the time of the issue of the latest
   colonial reports in the course of 1899 is given as 4,522 men,
   women, and children, of whom 3,228 were Germans. The expense
   to the home government of the African colonies, together with
   Kiao-chao in the Far East, the Caroline and Samoa Islands in
   the South Seas, and German New Guinea and its dependencies, is
   estimated at close upon £1,500,000 for 1900, the Imperial
   Treasury being asked to grant in subsidies a sum nearly double
   that required last year. Kiao-chao is included for the first
   time in the Colonial Estimates, and Samoa is a new item. The
   Imperial subsidy has been increased for each separate
   Protectorate, with the single exception of the Caroline
   Islands, which are to be granted £5,000 less than last year.
   East Africa receives about £33,000 more; the Cameroons,
   £10,000; South-West Africa, £14,000; Togoland, £800; New
   Guinea, £10,000; and the new items are: £489,000 for Kiao-chao
   (formerly included in the Naval Estimates), and £2,500 for
   Samoa. A Supplementary Vote of £43,265 for the Protectorate
   troops in the Cameroons is also now before the Budget
   Committee. …

   "Great efforts have been made to encourage German trade with
   the African colonies, and it is shown that considerable
   success has been attained in South-West Africa, where the
   total value of goods imported from Germany amounted to
   £244,187, as against £181,961 in the previous year, with an
   appreciable falling-off in the value of imports from other
   countries. In East Africa the greater part of the import trade
   still comes from India and Zanzibar—about £450,000 worth of
   goods out of the gross total of £592,630, having been imported
   thence. The export trade is also largely carried on through
   Zanzibar."

      _Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command: Miscellaneous Series,
      Number 528, 1900, pages 3-5)._

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (August).
   Defeat of the Rhine-Elbe Canal Bill.
   Resentment of the Emperor.
   An extraordinary edict.

   Among several new canal projects in Germany, those of "the
   Dortmund-Rhine Canal and the Great Midland Canal (joining from
   the east to west the rivers Elbe, Weser, and Rhine) are the
   most important. The first involves an expenditure of over
   £8,000,000 altogether, and the second is variously estimated
   at from £10,000,000 to £20,000,000, according to its eventual
   scope. The latter is intended to amalgamate the eastern and
   western waterways of the nation and to join the Dortmund-Ems
   Canal to the Rhine system, in order to give the latter river
   an outlet to the sea via a German port, instead of only
   through ports in the Netherlands. It will also place the
   Rhine-Main-Danube connection in direct communication with all
   the streams of North Germany."

      _United States Bureau of Statistics,
      Monthly Summary of Commerce and Finance,
      January, 1899._

   The Rhine-Elbe canal project is one which the Emperor has
   greatly at heart, and when, in August, 1899, a bill to promote
   it was defeated in the Prussian Landtag by the Agrarians, who
   feared that canal improvements would promote agricultural
   competition, his resentment was expressed in an extraordinary
   edict, which said: "The royal government, to its keen regret,
   has been compelled to notice that a number of officials, whose
   duty it is to support the policy of His Majesty the King, and to
   execute and advance the measures of His Majesty's government,
   are not sufficiently conscious of this obligation. … Such
   conduct is opposed to all the traditions of the Prussian
   administration, and cannot be tolerated." This was followed by
   an extensive dismissal of officials, and excited strong
   feeling against the government in a class which is nothing if
   not loyal to the monarchy.

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (November).
   Railway concession in Asia Minor, to the Persian Gulf.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (NOVEMBER).

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (November).
   Re-arrangement of affairs in the Samoan Islands.
   Partition of the islands with the United States.
   Withdrawal of England, with compensations in the Tonga
   and Solomon Islands and in Africa.

      See (in this volume)
      SAMOAN ISLANDS.

GERMANY: A. D. 1900.
   Military and naval expenditure.

      See (in this volume)
      WAR BUDGETS.

GERMANY: A. D. 1900.
   Naval strength.

      See (in this volume)
      NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (January).
   Introduction of the Civil Code.

   On the first day of the year 1900 a great revolution was
   effected in the laws of Germany, by putting into operation the
   new German Civil Code. "Since the close of the fifteenth
   century Germany has been the land of documentary right. The
   Roman judicial code was recognized as common law; while all
   legal procedure distinctly native in its origin was confined
   to certain districts and municipalities, and was, therefore,
   entirely devoid of Imperial signification in the wider sense.
   The Civil Code of the land was represented by the Corpus Juris
   Civilis, a Latin work entirely incomprehensible to the layman.
{249}
   This very remarkable circumstance can be accounted for only by
   the weakness of mediæval German Imperialism. In England and
   France royalty itself had, since the fourteenth century,
   assumed control of the laws in order that a homogeneous
   national code might be developed. German Imperialism of the
   fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, however, was incapable of
   such a task. …

   "An incessant conflict has been waging in Germany between the
   Roman Law of the Empire and the native law as perpetuated in
   the special enactments of the separate provinces and
   municipalities. During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
   the preponderance of power lay with the Roman system, which
   was further supported by the German science of jurisprudence—
   a science identified exclusively with the common law of Rome.
   Science looked upon the native systems of legal procedure as
   irrational and barbarous; and as Roman judicature exercised
   complete dominion over all legislation, the consequence was
   that it steadily advanced, while native and local law was
   gradually destroyed. Only within the eighteenth and nineteenth
   centuries has the native law of Germany been aroused to the
   defence of its interests, … the signal for the attack upon
   Roman Law being given by King Frederick William I, of Prussia.
   As early as 1713 this monarch decreed that Roman law was to be
   abrogated in his dominions, and replaced by the native law of
   Prussia. The movement became general; and the era of modern
   legal codes was ushered in. The legal code of Bavaria was
   established in 1756; Prussia followed in 1794; France, in 1804
   (Code Civil); Baden, in 1809; Austria, in 1811 (Das
   Oesterreichische Buergerliche Gesetzbuch); and finally Saxony,
   in 1863 (the designation here being similar to that adopted by
   Austria). Everywhere the motto was the same; viz.,
   'Emancipation from the Latin Code of Rome.' The native code
   was to supplant the foreign, obscure, and obsolete Corpus
   Juris. But the success of these newly established codes was
   limited; each being applicable to its own particular province
   only. Moreover, many of the German states had retained the
   Roman law; confining their reforms to a few modifications. …

   "The reestablishment of the German Empire was, therefore,
   essential also to the reestablishment of German law. As early
   as 1874 the initial steps for the incorporation of a new
   German Civil Code had already been taken; and this work has
   now at last been completed. On August 18, 1896, the new
   system, together with a 'Law of Introduction,' was promulgated
   by Emperor William II. It will become effective on January 1,
   1900, a day which will ever be memorable as marking the climax
   of a development of four centuries. At the close of the
   fifteenth century Roman law was accepted in Germany; and now,
   at the end of the nineteenth, this entire system is to be
   completely abolished throughout the Empire. As a means of
   education, and solely for this purpose, the Roman Code will be
   retained in the universities. As a work of art it is immortal;
   as a system of laws, perishable. The last relic of that grand
   fabric of laws, which once dominated the whole world, crumbles
   to-day. The national idea is victorious; and German law for
   the German Empire is at last secured."

      _R. Sohm,
      The Civil Code of Germany
      (Forum, October, 1800)._

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (January-March).
   The outbreak of the "Boxers" in northern China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (February).
   Adhesion to the arrangement of an "open door" commercial
   policy in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1890-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (February-June).
   Increased naval programme.

   With much difficulty, and as the result of strenuous pressure,
   the Emperor succeeded in carrying through the Reichstag, in
   June, a bill which doubles the programme of naval increase
   adopted in 1898.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (April).

   "After the way had been prepared by a speech of the Emperor to
   the officers of the Berlin garrison on January 7, 1900, and by
   a vigorous Press agitation, this project was brought before
   the Reichstag on February 8. In form it was an amendment of
   the Sexennate, or Navy Law of 1898, which had laid down a six
   years' programme of naval construction. By the new measure
   this programme was revised and extended over a period of 20
   years. Instead of the double squadron of 10 battleships, with
   its complement of cruisers and other craft, it was demanded
   that the Government should be authorized to build two double
   squadrons, or 38 battleships and the corresponding number of
   cruisers. The Bill also provided for a large increase in the
   number of ships to be employed in the protection of German
   interests in foreign waters. The Centre party, both through
   its speakers in the Reichstag and through its organs in the
   Press, at first took up a very critical attitude towards the
   Bill. Its spokesmen dwelt especially upon the breach of faith
   involved in the extension of the programme of naval
   construction so soon after the compromise of 1898 had been
   accepted, and upon the difficulty of finding the money to pay
   for a fleet of such magnitude. The Clerical leaders, however,
   did not persist in their opposition, and finally agreed to
   accept the main provisions of the Bill, with the exception of
   the proposed increase in the number of ships employed in
   foreign waters. They made it a condition that the Government
   should incorporate with the Bill two financial projects
   designed to provide the money required without burdening the
   working classes. Both the Stamp Duties Bill and the Customs
   Bill were adopted by the Government, and the Navy Bill was
   carried with the aid of the Centre."

      _Berlin Correspondent, London Times._

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (May).
   The Lex Heinze.

   The Socialists won a notable triumph in May, when they forced
   the Reichstag to adopt their views in the shaping of a measure
   known as the Lex Heinze. This Bill, as introduced by the
   Government, gave the police increased powers in dealing with
   immorality. The Clericals and the Conservatives sought to
   extend its scope by amendments which were denounced by the
   Radicals and Socialists as placing restrictions upon the
   "liberty of art and literature." After a prolonged struggle,
   in which the Socialists resorted to the use of obstruction,
   the most obnoxious amendments were withdrawn.

{250}

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (May).
   Passage of the Meat Inspection Bill.

   A much discussed and sharply contested bill, providing for a
   stringent inspection of imported meats, and aimed especially
   at the obstructing of the American meat trade, was passed by
   the Reichstag on the 23d of May. It prohibits the importation
   of canned or sausage meat entirely, and imposes conditions on
   the introduction of other meats which are thought to be, in
   some cases, prohibitory. The measure was originally claimed to
   be purely one of sanitary precaution. It "had been introduced
   in the Reichstag early in 1899, but the sharp conflict of
   interests about it kept it for more than a year in committee,
   When the bill finally emerged for discussion in the Reichstag,
   it was found that the Agrarian majority had distorted it from
   a sanitary to a protective measure. Both in the new form they
   gave the bill and in their discussions of it in the Reichstag,
   the Agrarians showed that it was chiefly the exclusion of
   foreign meats, rather than a system of sanitary inspection,
   that they wanted. As finally passed in May the bill had lost
   some of the harsh prohibitory features given it by the
   Agrarians, the latter contenting themselves with the exclusion
   of canned meats and sausages. To the foreign student of German
   politics, the Meat Inspection Law is chiefly interesting as
   illustrating the tendency of the general government to seize
   upon functions which have hitherto been in the hands of the
   individual states and municipalities, as well as of bringing
   the private affairs of the people under the control of
   governmental authority. It is another long step of the German
   government away from the principle of 'laissez-faire.' The
   task undertaken by the government here is itself a stupendous
   one. There is certainly no other great government in the world
   that would endeavor to organize the administrative machinery
   for inspecting every pound of meat that comes upon the markets
   of the country."

      _W. C. Dreher,
      A Letter from Germany
      (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1901)._

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (June).
   Opening of the Elbe and Trave Canal.

   "The new Elbe and Trave Canal, which has been building five
   years and has been completed at a cost of 24,500,000 marks
   ($5,831,000)—of which Prussia contributed 7,500,000 marks
   ($1,785,000) and the old Hansa town of Lübeck, which is now
   reviving, 17,000,000 marks ($4,046,000)—was formally opened by
   the German Emperor on the 16th [of June]. The length of the
   new canal-which is the second to join the North Sea and the
   Baltic, following the Kaiser Wilhelm Ship Canal, or Kiel
   Canal, which was finished five years ago at a cost of
   156,000,000 marks ($37,128,000)-is about 41 miles. The
   available breadth of the new canal is 72 feet; breadth of the
   lock gates, 46 feet; length of the locks, 87 yards; depth of
   the locks, 8 feet 2 inches. The canal is crossed by
   twenty-nine bridges, erected at a cost of $1,000,000. The span
   of the bridges is in all cases not less than 30 yards and
   their height above water level about 15 feet. There are seven
   locks, five being between Lübeck and the Möllner See—the
   highest point of the canal—and two between Möllner See and
   Lauenburg-on-the-Elbe."

      _United States, Consular Reports,
      September, 1900, page 8._

   A memorandum by the British Charge d'Affaires in Berlin on the
   Elbe-Trave Canal says that the opening of the Kaiser Wilhelm
   Canal injuriously affected the trade of Lübeck. This was
   foreseen, and in 1894 a plan was sanctioned for the widening
   of the existing canal, which only allowed of the passage of
   vessels of about thirty tons. The direction of the old canal
   was followed only to some extent, as it had immense curves,
   while the new bed was fairly straight from Lübeck to
   Lauenburg, on the Elbe above Hamburg. The memorandum states
   that the undertaking is of great importance to the States
   along the Elbe, as well as to Sweden, Norway, Denmark, and
   Russia. It will to some extent divert traffic from Hamburg,
   and possibly reduce somewhat the revenue of the Kaiser Wilhelm
   Canal.

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (June-December).
   Co-operation with the Powers in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA.

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (September).
   Government loan placed in America.

   Great excitement and indignation was caused in September by
   the action of the imperial government in placing a loan of
   80,000,000 marks (about $20,000,000) in the American money
   market. On the meeting of the Reichstag, the finance minister,
   Dr. von Miquel, replying to attacks upon this measure,
   explained that in September the state of the German market was
   such that if they had raised the 80,000,000 marks at home the
   bank discount rate would have risen above the present rate of
   5 per cent. before the end of the year. In the previous winter
   the bank rate had been at 6 per cent, for a period of 90 days,
   and during three weeks it had stood at 7 per cent. The
   government had been strongly urged to do everything in its
   power to prevent the recurrence of such high rates of
   discount. The London rate was rapidly approaching the German,
   and there was reason to fear that there would be a serious
   flow of gold from Germany. It was therefore urgently desirable
   to attract gold from abroad, and there was no country where money
   was so easy at the time as in the United States. This was due
   to the extraordinarily favorable balance of American trade and
   the remarkable increase in exports out of all proportion to
   the development of imports. Another reason was the American
   Currency Law, which enabled the national banks to issue as
   much as 100 per cent. of their capital in loans, whereas they
   formerly issued only 90 per cent. There was no doubt that the
   80,000,000 marks could have been obtained in Germany, but the
   public must have been aware that other loans of much greater
   extent were impending. There was going to be a loan of about
   150,000,000 marks for the expedition to China, and it was
   certain that before the end of the year 1901 considerable
   demands would be made upon the public.

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (September).
   Proposal to require leaders of the Chinese attack
   on foreigners to be given up.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (October).
   Anglo-German agreement concerning policy in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

{251}

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (October 9).
   Lèse-majesté in criticism of the Emperor's speech to soldiers
   departing for China, enjoining no quarter and commending the
   Huns as a military example.
   Increasing prosecutions for Lèse-majesté.

   On the 9th of October, a newspaper correspondent wrote from
   Berlin: "The Berlin newspapers of yesterday and to-day
   chronicle no fewer than five trials for 'lèse-majesté.' The
   most important case was that of Herr Maximilian Harden, the
   editor of the weekly magazine 'Zukunft.' Herr Harden, who
   enjoyed the confidence of the late Prince Bismarck, wields a
   very satirical pen, and has been designated 'The Junius of
   modern Germany.' In 1898 Herr Harden was convicted of
   lèse-majesté and was sentenced to six months' incarceration in
   a fortress. In the present instance he was accused of having
   committed lèse-majesté in an article, 'The Fight with the
   Dragon,' published in the 'Zukunft' of August 11. The article
   dealt with the speech delivered by the Emperor at Bremerhaven
   on July 27, 'the telegraphic transmission of which, as was
   asserted at the time, had been forbidden by Count von Bülow.'
   The article noted as a fact that the Emperor had commanded the
   troops who were leaving for China to give no quarter and to
   make no prisoners, but, imitating the example of Attila and
   the Huns, to excite a terror in East Asia which would last for
   a thousand years. The Emperor had added, 'May the blessing of
   God attend your flags and may this war have the blessed
   result that Christianity shall make its way into China.' Herr
   Harden in his comments on this speech had critically examined
   the deeds of the historic Attila and had contrasted him with
   the Attila of popular story in order to demonstrate that he
   was not a proper model to set up for the imitation of German
   soldiers. The article in the 'Zukunft' had also maintained
   that it was not the mission of the German Empire to spread
   Christianity in China, and, finally, had described a war of
   revenge as a mistake." No publicity was allowed to be given to
   the proceedings of the trial. "Herr Harden was found guilty
   not only of having been wanting in the respect due to the
   Emperor but of having actually attacked his Majesty in a way
   that constituted lèse-majesté. The Court sentenced him to six
   months' incarceration in a fortress and at the same time
   directed that the incriminated number of the 'Zukunft' should
   be destroyed.

   "The 'Vossische Zeitung' remarks:—'We read in the newspapers
   to-day that a street porter in Marburg has been sentenced to
   six months' imprisonment for insulting the Empress, that in
   Hamburg a workman has been sentenced to five months'
   imprisonment for lèse-majesté, that in Beuthen a workman has
   been sentenced to a year's imprisonment for lèse-majesté, and
   that in Dusseldorf a man who is deaf and dumb has been
   sentenced to four months' imprisonment for the same offence.
   The prosecutions for lèse-majesté are multiplying at an
   alarming rate. We must emphatically repeat that such
   proceedings appear to us to be in the last degree unsuited to
   promote the principles of Monarchy. … The greater the number
   of political prosecutions that are instituted the more
   accustomed, under force of circumstances, does the Press
   become to the practice of writing so that the reader may read
   between the lines. And this attitude is to the advantage
   neither of public morals nor of the Throne. … We regret in
   particular that the case of yesterday (that of Herr Harden)
   was tried 'in camera.' … It has justly been said that
   publicity is more indispensable in political trials than in
   prosecutions against thieves and murderers. … If there is no
   prospect of an improvement in this respect the Reichstag will
   have to devote its serious attention to the question how the
   present administration of justice is to be dealt with, not
   only in the interest of freedom of speech and of the Press,
   but also for the good of the Crown and the well-being of the
   State.'"

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (October 18).
   Change in the Imperial Chancellorship.

   On the 18th of October it was announced in the "Imperial
   Gazette" that" His Majesty the Emperor and King has been
   graciously pleased to accede to the request of the Imperial
   Chancellor, the President of the Ministry and Minister for
   Foreign Affairs, Prince Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst, Prince of
   Ratibor and Corvey, to be relieved of his offices, and has at
   the same time conferred upon him the high Order of the Black
   Eagle with brilliants. His Majesty has further been graciously
   pleased to appoint Count von Bülow, Minister of State and
   Secretary of State to the Foreign Office, to be Imperial
   Chancellor and Minister for Foreign Affairs." Count von Bülow
   is the third of the successors of Prince Bismarck in the high
   office of the Imperial Chancellor. The latter was followed by
   Count von Caprivi, who gave way to Prince Hohenlohe in 1894.
   Prince Hohenlohe had nearly reached the age of 82 when he is
   said to have asked leave to retire from public life.

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (November).
   Withdrawal of legal tender silver coins.

   "Germany has lately taken a step to clear off the haze from
   her financial horizon by calling in the outstanding thalers
   which are full legal tender, and turning them into subsidiary
   coins of limited legal tender—a process which will extend
   over ten years. At the end of that time, if no misfortune
   intervenes, she will be on the gold standard as surely and
   safely as England is. Her banks can now tender silver to their
   customers when they ask for gold, as the Bank of France can
   and does occasionally. When this last measure is carried into
   effect the only full legal-tender money in Germany will be
   gold, or Government notes redeemable in gold."

      _New York Nation,
      November 29, 1900._

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (November-December).
   The Reichstag and the Kaiser.
   His speeches and his system of personal government.

   In the Reichstag, which reassembled on the 14th of November,
   "the speeches of the Kaiser were discussed by men of all
   parties, with a freedom that was new and refreshing in German
   political debates. Apart from the Kaiser's speeches in
   connection with the Chinese troubles, the debates brought out
   some frank complaints from the more 'loyal' sections of German
   politics, that the Kaiser is surrounded by advisers who
   systematically misinform him as to the actual state of public
   opinion. It has long been felt, and particularly during the
   past few years, that the present system of two cabinets—one of
   which is nominally responsible to the Reichstag and public
   opinion, while the other is merely a personal cabinet,
   responsible to neither, and yet exercising an enormous
   influence in shaping the monarch's policies—has been growing
   more and more intolerable. This system of personal government
   is becoming the subject of chronic disquietude in Germany, and
   even the more loyal section of the press is growing restive
   under it. Bismarck's wise maxim, 'A monarch should appear in
   public only when attired in the clothing of a responsible
   ministry,' is finding more and more supporters among
   intelligent Germans."

      _W. C. Dreher,
      A Letter from Germany
      (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1901)._

{252}

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (December).
   Census of the Empire.
   Growth of Berlin and other cities.
   Urban population compared with that in the United States.

   A despatch from Berlin, February 26, announced the results of
   the census of December, 1900, made public that day. The
   population of the German Empire is shown to have increased
   from 52,279,901 in 1895 to 56,345,014. Of this population
   27,731,067 are males and 28,613,947 females. Over 83 per cent.
   of the whole population is contained in the four kingdoms; of
   these Prussia comes first with (in round figures) 34,500,000
   inhabitants, and Bavaria second with 6,200,000. The figures
   for Saxony and Würtemberg are 4,200,000 and 2,300,000
   respectively. More than 16 per cent. of the population is
   resident in the 33 towns of over 100,000 inhabitants. Of these
   33 towns the largest is Berlin, while the smallest is Cassel,
   of which the inhabitants number 106,001.

   The Prussian Statistical Office had already published the
   results of the census, so far as they concern Berlin and its
   suburbs. It appears that the population of the German capital
   now amounts to 1,884,151 souls, as against 1,677,304 in 1895
   and 826,3!1 in 1871. The population of the suburbs has
   increased from 57,735 in 1871 and 435,236 in 1895, to 639,310
   in 1900. The total population of the capital, including the
   suburbs, is given as 2,523,461 souls, as against 2,112,540 in
   1895, an increase of over 19 per cent. Some figures relating
   to other cities had previously appeared, going to show "an
   acceleration of the movement of population from the country
   toward the great cities. The growth of the urban population in
   five years has been astonishing. The population of Berlin, for
   example, increased more than twice as much in the last five
   years as in the preceding five. The fourteen German cities now
   having a population of above 200,000 have increased more than
   17 per cent since 1895. … No other European capital is growing
   so fast in wealth and numbers as Berlin; and the city is rapidly
   assuming a dominant position in all spheres of German life."

      _W. C. Dreher,
      A Letter from Germany
      (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1901)._

   The percentage of growth in Berlin "has been far outstripped
   by many other cities, especially by Nuremberg; and so far as
   our own census shows, no American city of over 50,000
   inhabitants can match its increase. In five years it has grown
   from 162,000 to 261,000—60 per cent increase. That would mean
   120 per cent in a decade.

   "But though Germany has only one city of more than one
   million, and one more of more than half a million, and the
   United States has three of each class, Germany has, in
   proportion to its population rather more cities of from 50,000
   to 100,000 inhabitants, and decidedly more of from 100,000 to
   500,000, than the United States. In the United States
   8,000,000 people live in cities of over 500,000 inhabitants,
   against some 3,000,000 in Germany; yet in the United States a
   larger percentage of the population lives in places which have
   under 50,000 inhabitants."

      _The World's Work,
      March, 1901._

GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (January).
   Celebration of the Prussian Bicentenary.

      _See (in this volume)
      PRUSSIA: A. D. 1901._

GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (January).
   Promised increase of protective duties.

   In the Reichstag—the Parliament of the Empire—on the 26th of
   January, the Agrarians brought in a resolution demanding that
   the Prussian Government should "in the most resolute manner"
   use its influence to secure a "considerable increase" in the
   protective duties on agricultural produce at the approaching
   revision of German commercial policy, and should take steps to
   get the new Tariff Bill laid before the Reichstag as promptly
   as possible. In response, the Imperial Chancellor, Count von
   Bülow, made the following declaration of the policy of the
   government, for which all parties had been anxiously waiting:
   "Fully recognizing the difficult situation in which
   agriculture is placed, and inspired by the desire effectively
   to improve that situation, the Prussian Government is resolved
   to exert its influence in order to obtain adequate protection
   for agricultural produce by means of the Customs duties, which
   must be raised to an extent calculated to attain that object."

GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (January).
   The Prussian Canal scheme enlarged.

   The canal scheme which suffered defeat in the Prussian diet in
   1899 (see above), and the rejection of which by his dutiful
   agrarian subjects roused the wrath of the emperor-king, was
   again brought forward, at the opening of the session of the
   Diet, or Landtag, in January, 1901, with a great enlargement
   of its scope and cost, and with an emphatic expression of the
   expectation of his Majesty that the bill providing for it
   should be passed. The bill covered no less than seven
   different projects, of which the total cost to the State was
   estimated at about 389,010,700 marks, or nearly $100,000,000.
   These include the Rhine-Elbe Canal, which is calculated to
   cost 260,784,700 marks; a ship canal between Berlin and
   Stettin, to cost 41,500,000 marks; a waterway connecting the
   Oder and the Vistula, of which the cost, together with that of
   a channel rendering the Warthe navigable for ships from Posen to
   the junction of the Netze, is estimated at 22,631,000 marks,
   and a canal connecting the province of Silesia with the canal
   joining the Oder to the Spree. The bill further proposed that
   the State should participate in the work of improving the flow
   of water in the Lower Oder and the Upper Havel to the extent
   of 40,989,000 marks and 9,670,000 marks respectively, and
   should contribute the sum of 9,336,000 marks towards the
   canalization of the Spree.

GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (February).
   Annual meeting of the Husbandists.

   The annual meeting of the Husbandists, one of the
   organizations of German agrarian interests, held at Berlin on
   the 11th of February, is reported to have been attended by
   some 8,000 delegates. The official report of the organization
   showed a membership of 232,000, or an increase of 26,000 over
   that of the previous year. Large gains were made during the
   year in the southern section of the Empire. It also appeared
   that no fewer than 202,000 members represented small farmers.
   A resolution was adopted demanding that the Government grant
   such protection to agriculture as would enable it to form
   prices independent of the Bourse, fixing the duties high
   enough to make it possible for tillers of the soil to reap as
   large profits for their products as from 1870 to 1800. "Above
   all," said the resolution, "Germany must not grant the same
   tariffs to countries discriminating in their tariffs, as in
   the case of the United States."

   ----------GERMANY: End--------

{253}

GERRYMANDERING:
   Legislation against by the Congress of the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

GLADSTONE, William Ewart:
   Retirement from public life.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

   Death and burial.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (MAY).

GOEBEL, Governor William E.:
   Assassination.

      See (in this volume)
      KENTUCKY; A. D. 1895-1900.

GOLD COAST COLONY.

      See (in this volume)
      ASHANTI; and AFRICA: A. D. 1900.

GOLD DEMOCRATS.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1893 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

GOLD FIELDS, The Witwatersrand.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1885-1890.

GOLD MINING: Cape Nome discovery.

      See (in this volume)
      ALASKA: A. D. 1898-1899

GOLD STANDARD.

      See (in this volume)
      MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES.

GOLDEN STOOL, King Prempeh's.

      See (in this volume)
      ASHANTI.

GORDON MEMORIAL COLLEGE, at Khartoum.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1899.

GOSCHEN, George J.:
   First Lord of the Admiralty in the British Cabinet.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

GOSPODAR.

      See (in this volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES (MONTENEGRO).

GOTHENBURG SYSTEM, The.
   Dispensary Laws.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899;
      NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1897-1899;
      SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1899; and
      ALABAMA: A. D. 1899.

GRASPAN, Battle of.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

GREAT BRITAIN.

      See ENGLAND.

GREATER NEW YORK.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.

   ----------GREECE: Start--------

GREECE:
   Light on prehistoric times.
   Recent explorations in Crete and Egypt.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: CRETE; and same: EGYPT.

GREECE: A. D. 1896 (April).
   Revival of Olympic Games.

      See (in this volume)
      ATHENS: A. D. 1896.

GREECE: A. D. 1897 (February-March).
   Interference in Crete.
   Expedition of Colonel Vassos.
   Appeal for the annexation of the island.
   Action of the Great Powers.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

GREECE: A. D. 1897 (March-June).
   Disastrous war with Turkey.
   Appeal for peace.
   Submission to the Powers on the Cretan question.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

GREECE: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
   Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

GREECE: A. D. 1899-1900.
   Attitude towards impending revolt in Macedonia.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901; and
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

   ----------GREECE: End--------

GREENBACKS.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY);
      1895-1896 (DECEMBER-FEBRUARY); 1896-1898; and
      1900 (MARCH-DECEMBER)

GREENLAND, Recent exploration of.

      See (in this volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION, 1895-1896, 1896, 1897, 1898-1899,
      1898-, 1899, 1899-1900.

GREYTOWN:
   Possession given to Nicaragua.

      See (in this volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA (NICARAGUA-COSTA RICA): A. D. 1897.

GRONDWET (CONSTITUTION), of the South African Republic.

      See (in this volume)
      CONSTITUTION (GRONDWET) OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC.

GUAM, The island of: A. D. 1898 (June).
   Seizure by the U. S. S. Charleston.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (JUNE), THE WAR WITH SPAIN.

GUAM: A. D. 1898 (December).
   Cession to the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

GUAM: A. D. 1900.
   Naval station.

   Work planned for the creation of an U. S. naval station at
   Guam is expected to cost, it is said, about $1,000,000.

GUANTANAMO:
   Capture of harbor by American navy.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

GUATEMALA.

      See (in this volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA.

GUAYAMA, Engagement at.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D.1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).

GUÉRIN, M.:
   The barricade of.

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1899-1900 (AUGUST-JANUARY).

GUIANA, British: A. D. 1895-1899.
   Venezuela boundary question.

      See (in this volume)
      VENEZUELA.

GUIANA, French:
   Boundary dispute with Brazil.
   Award of Swiss arbitrators.

      See (in this volume)
      BRAZIL: A. D. 1900.

GUINEA, French.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (FRENCH WEST AFRICA).

GUNGUNHANA, Portuguese war with.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1895-1896 (PORTUGUESE EAST AFRICA).

{254}

H.

HABANA, or HAVANA.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA.

HAFFKINE'S PROPHYLACTIC.

      See (in this volume)
      PLAGUE.

HAGUE, The, Peace Conference at.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

HALEPA, The Pact of.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1896.

HALL OF FAME, for Great Americans, The.

   In the designing of new buildings for the New York University
   College of Arts and Science, at University Heights, certain
   exigencies of art led to the construction of a stately
   colonnade, surrounding a high terrace which overlooks Harlem
   River, and the happy idea was conceived by Chancellor
   MacCracken of evolving therefrom a "Hall of Fame for Great
   Americans." The idea has been carried out, by providing for
   the inscription of carefully chosen names on panels of stone,
   with a further provision of space for statues, busts,
   portraits, tablets, autographs, and other memorials of those
   whose names are found worthy of the place. For the selection
   of names thus honored, a body of one hundred electors,
   representing all parts of the country, was appointed by the
   Senate of the University. These electors were apportioned to
   four classes of citizens, in as nearly equal numbers as
   possible, namely:

   (A) University or college presidents and educators.
   (B) Professors of history and scientists.
   (C) Publicists, editors, and authors.
   (D) Judges of the Supreme Court, State or National.

   It was required of the electors that they should consider the
   claims of eminent citizens in many classes, not less than
   fifteen, and that a majority of these classes should be
   represented among the first fifty names to be chosen. They
   were, furthermore, restricted in their choice to native-born
   Americans, a rule which had some reasons in its favor, though
   it excluded from the Hall such shining names in American
   history as those of John Winthrop, Roger Williams, and
   Alexander Hamilton.

   As the result of the votes given by 97 electors, in the year
   1900, 29 names were found to have received the approval of 51
   or more of the electors, and these were ordered to be
   inscribed in the Hall of Fame. The 29 names are as follows, in
   the order of preference shown them by the 97 electors, as
   indicated by the number of votes given to each:

   GEORGE WASHINGTON.          97
   ABRAHAM LINCOLN.            96
   DANIEL WEBSTER.             96
   BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.          94
   ULYSSES S. GRANT.           92
   JOHN MARSHALL.              91
   THOMAS JEFFERSON.           90
   RALPH WALDO EMERSON.        87
   HENRY WADSWORTH LONGFELLOW. 85
   ROBERT FULTON.              85
   WASHINGTON IRVING.          83
   JONATHAN EDWARDS.           81
   SAMUEL F. B. MORSE.         80
   DAVID GLASGOW FARRAGUT.     79
   HENRY CLAY.                 74
   NATHANIEL HAWTHORNE.        73
   GEORGE PEABODY.             72
   ROBERT E. LEE.              69
   PETER COOPER.               69
   ELI WHITNEY.                67
   JOHN JAMES AUDUBON.         67
   HORACE MANN.                67
   HENRY WARD BEECHER          66
   JAMES KENT.                 65
   JOSEPH STORY.               64
   JOHN ADAMS.                 61
   WILLIAM ELLERY CHANNING     58
   GILBERT STUART.             52
   ASA GRAY.                   51

   Resolutions by the Senate of the University have determined
   the action to be taken for the selection of further names, as
   follows: "The Senate will take action in the year 1902, under
   the rules of the Hall of Fame, toward filling at that time the
   vacant panels belonging to the present year, being 21 in
   number." "Each nomination of the present year to the Hall of
   Fame that has received the approval of ten or more electors,
   yet has failed to receive a majority, will be considered a
   nomination for the year 1902. To these shall be added any name
   nominated in writing by five of the Board of Electors. Also
   other names may be nominated by the New York University Senate
   in such way as it may find expedient. Any nomination by any
   citizen of the United States that shall be addressed to the
   New York University Senate shall be received and considered by
   that body." Furthermore: "Every five years throughout the
   twentieth century five additional names will be inscribed,
   provided the electors under the rules can agree by a majority
   upon so many."

   The Senate further took note of the many requests that
   foreign-born Americans should be considered, by adopting a
   memorial to the University Corporation, to the effect that it
   will welcome a similar memorial to foreign-born Americans, for
   which a new edifice may be joined to the north porch of the
   present hall, containing one fifth of the space of the latter,
   providing thirty panels for names.

      _Chancellor H. M. MacCracken,
      The Hall of Fame
      (American Review of Reviews, November 1900, page 563)._

      _archive.org/details/sim_review-of-reviews-
      us_july-december-1900_22_index/mode/
      2up?view=theater&q=MacCracken_

HANKOW.

      See (in this volume)
      SHANGHAI.

HART, Sir Robert:
   Testimony as to the causes and character of the "Boxer"
   movement in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

HARVARD UNIVERSITY:
   Summer School for Cuban Teachers.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1900.

HAVANA.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA.

[Image: Map of Hawaii and Honolulu.]

HAWAII.
   Names and areas of the islands.

   "For practical purposes, there are eight islands in the
   Hawaiian group. The others are mere rocks, of no value at
   present. These eight islands, beginning from the northwest,
   are named Niihau, Kauai, Oahu, Molokai, Lanai, Kahoolawe,
   Maui, and Hawaii. The areas of the islands [in square miles]
   are:
   Niihau,      97;
   Kauai,      590;
   Oahu,       600;
   Molokai,    270;
   Maui,       760;
   Lanai,      150;
   Kahoolawe,   63;
   Hawaii,   4,210.
   Total,    6,740.

{255}

   As compared with States of the Union, the total area of the
   group approximates most nearly to that of the State of New
   Jersey—7,185 square miles. It is more than three times that of
   Delaware—2,050 square miles."

      _Bulletin of the Bureau of American Republics,
      August, 1898._

HAWAII:
   Annexation to the United States.

   On the 16th of June, 1897, the President of the United States
   transmitted to Congress a new treaty for the annexation of the
   Republic of Hawaii to the United States, signed that day by
   representatives of the governments of the two countries,
   appointed to draft the same. With the treaty he submitted a
   report from his Secretary of State, Mr. Sherman, in which the
   latter said: "The negotiation which has culminated in the
   treaty now submitted has not been a mere resumption of the
   negotiation of 1893 (see HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, in volume 3), but
   was initiated and has been conducted upon independent lines.
   Then an abrupt revolutionary movement had brought about the
   dethronement of the late queen and set up instead of the
   theretofore titular monarchy a provisional government for the
   control and management of public affairs and the protection of
   the public peace, such government to exist only until terms of
   union with the United States should have been negotiated and
   agreed upon. Thus self-constituted, its promoters claimed for
   it only a de facto existence until the purpose of annexation
   in which it took rise should be accomplished. As time passed
   and the plan of union with the United States became an
   uncertain contingency, the organization of the Hawaiian
   commonwealth underwent necessary changes, the temporary
   character of its first Government gave place to a permanent
   scheme under a constitution framed by the representatives of
   the electors of the Islands, administration by an executive
   council not chosen by suffrage, but self-appointed, was
   succeeded by an elective and parliamentary regime, and the
   ability of the new Government to hold—as the Republic of
   Hawaii—an independent place in the family of sovereign States,
   preserving order at home and fulfilling international
   obligations abroad, has been put to the proof. Recognized by
   the powers of the earth, sending and receiving envoys,
   enforcing respect for the law, and maintaining peace within
   its island borders, Hawaii sends to the United States, not a
   commission representing a successful revolution, but the
   accredited plenipotentiary of a constituted and firmly
   established sovereign State. However sufficient may have been
   the authority of the commissioners with whom the United States
   Government treated in 1893, and however satisfied the
   President may then have been of their power to offer the
   domain of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States, the fact
   remains that what they then tendered was a territory rather
   than an established Government, a country whose administration
   had been cast down by a bloodless but complete revolution and
   a community in a state of political transition. Now, however,
   the Republic of Hawaii approaches the United States as an
   equal, and points for its authority to that provision of
   article 82 of the constitution, promulgated July 24, 1894,
   whereby—'The President, with the approval of the cabinet, is
   hereby expressly authorized and empowered to make a treaty of
   political or commercial union between the Republic of Hawaii
   and the United States of America, subject to the ratification
   of the Senate.'" The essential articles of the treaty thus
   submitted were the following:

   ARTICLE I.
   The Republic of Hawaii hereby cedes absolutely and without
   reserve to the United States of America all rights of
   sovereignty of whatsoever kind in and over the Hawaiian
   Islands and their dependencies; and it is agreed that all the
   territory of and appertaining to the Republic of Hawaii is
   hereby annexed to the United States of America under the name
   of the Territory of Hawaii.

   ARTICLE II.
   The Republic of Hawaii also cedes and hereby transfers to the
   United States the absolute fee and ownership of all public,
   government or crown lands, public buildings or edifices,
   ports, harbors, military equipments and all other public
   property of every kind and description belonging to the
   Government of the Hawaiian Islands, together with every right
   and appurtenance thereunto appertaining. The existing laws of
   the United States relative to public lands shall not apply to
   such lands in the Hawaiian Islands; but the Congress of the
   United States shall enact special laws for their management
   and disposition, Provided: that all revenue from or proceeds
   of the same, except as regards such part thereof as may be
   used or occupied for the civil, military or naval purposes of
   the United States, or may be assigned for the use of the local
   government, shall be used solely for the benefit of the
   inhabitants of the Hawaiian Islands for educational and other
   public purposes.

   ARTICLE III.
   Until Congress shall provide for the government of such
   Islands all the civil, judicial and military powers exercised
   by the officers of the existing government in said Islands,
   shall be vested in such person or persons and shall be
   exercised in such manner as the President of the United States
   shall direct; and the President shall have power to remove
   said officers and fill the vacancies so occasioned. The
   existing treaties of the Hawaiian Islands with foreign nations
   shall forthwith cease and determine, being replaced by such
   treaties as may exist, or as may be hereafter concluded
   between the United States and such foreign nations. The
   municipal legislation of the Hawaiian Islands, not enacted for
   the fulfilment of the treaties so extinguished, and not
   inconsistent with this treaty nor contrary to the Constitution
   of the United States, nor to any existing treaty of the United
   States, shall remain in force until the Congress of the United
   States shall otherwise determine. Until legislation shall be
   enacted extending the United States customs laws and
   regulations to the Hawaiian Islands, the existing customs
   relations of the Hawaiian Islands with the United States and
   other countries shall remain unchanged.

   ARTICLE IV.
   The public debt of the Republic of Hawaii, lawfully existing
   at the date of the exchange of the ratifications of this
   Treaty, including the amounts due to depositors in the
   Hawaiian Postal Savings Bank, is hereby assumed by the
   Government of the United States; but the liability of the
   United States in this regard shall in no case exceed
   $4,000,000. So long, however, as the existing Government and
   the present commercial relations of the Hawaiian Islands are
   continued, as hereinbefore provided, said Government shall
   continue to pay the interest on said debt.

   ARTICLE V.
   There shall be no further immigration of Chinese into the
   Hawaiian Islands, except upon such conditions as are now or
   may hereafter be allowed by the laws of the United States, and
   no Chinese by reason of anything herein contained shall be
   allowed to enter the United States from the Hawaiian Islands.

{256}

   ARTICLE VI.
   The President shall appoint five commissioners, at least two
   of whom shall be residents of the Hawaiian Islands, who shall
   as soon as reasonably practicable, recommend to Congress such
   legislation concerning the Territory of Hawaii as they shall
   deem necessary or proper."

      _United States, 55th Congress, 1st Session,
      Senate Executive Document E._

   A determined opposition to the renewed proposal of Hawaiian
   annexation was manifested at once, in Congress and by many
   expressions of public opinion at large. It condemned the
   measure on grounds of principle and policy alike. It denied
   the right of the existing government at Honolulu to represent
   the Hawaiian people in such disposal of their country. It
   denied the constitutional right of the government of the
   United States to annex territory in the circumstances and the
   manner proposed. It denied, too, the expected advantages,
   whether naval or commercial, that the annexation of the
   islands would give to the United States. A protest against the
   annexation came also from the deposed Hawaiian queen,
   Liliuokalani, and another from a party in the island which
   attempted to rally round the presumptive heiress to the
   overturned Hawaiian throne, the Princess Kaiulani. The
   government of Japan also entered a protest, apprehending some
   disturbance of rights which it had acquired for its emigrating
   subjects, by treaty with the Republic of Hawaii; but this
   protest was ultimately withdrawn. The army of opposition
   sufficed, however, to hold the question of annexation in
   abeyance for more than a year. No action was taken on the
   treaty during the special session of the Senate. When Congress
   assembled in December, 1897, President McKinley repeated his
   expressions in its favor, and the treaty was reported to the
   Senate, from the committee on foreign relations, early in the
   following year; but the two-thirds majority needed for its
   ratification could not be obtained.

   Attempts to accomplish the annexation by that method were
   given up in March, 1898, and the advocates of the acquisition
   determined to gain their end by the passage of a joint
   resolution of Congress, which required no more than a majority
   of each House. Over the question in this form the battle was
   fiercely fought, until the 15th of June in the House of
   Representatives and the 6th of July in the Senate, on which
   dates the following "joint resolution to provide for annexing
   the Hawaiian Islands to the United States" was passed. It was
   signed by the President the following day:

   "Whereas the Government of the Republic of Hawaii having, in
   due form, signified its consent, in the manner provided by its
   constitution, to cede absolutely and without reserve to the
   United States of America all rights of sovereignty of
   whatsoever kind in and over the Hawaiian Islands and their
   dependencies, and also to cede and transfer to the United
   States absolute fee and ownership of all public, Government,
   or Crown lands, public buildings or edifices, ports, harbors,
   military equipment, and all other public property of every
   kind and description belonging to the Government of the
   Hawaiian Islands, together with every right and appurtenance
   thereunto appertaining: Therefore,

   "Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
   United States of America in Congress assembled, That said
   cession is accepted, ratified, and confirmed, and that the
   said Hawaiian Islands and their dependencies be, and they are
   hereby, annexed as a part of the territory of the United
   States and are subject to the sovereign dominion thereof, and
   that all and singular the property and rights hereinbefore
   mentioned are vested in the United States of America. The
   existing laws of the United States relative to public lands
   shall not apply to such lands in the Hawaiian Islands; but the
   Congress of the United States shall enact special laws for
   their management and disposition: Provided, That all revenue
   from or proceeds of the same, except as regards such part
   thereof as may be used or occupied for the civil, military, or
   naval purposes of the United States, or may be assigned for
   the use of the local government, shall be used solely for the
   benefit of the inhabitants of the Hawaiian Islands for
   educational and other public purposes.

   "Until Congress shall provide for the government of such
   islands all the civil, judicial, and military powers exercised
   by the officers of the existing government in said islands
   shall be vested in such person or persons and shall be
   exercised in such manner as the President of the United States
   shall direct; and the President shall have power to remove
   said officers and fill the vacancies so occasioned. The
   existing treaties of the Hawaiian Islands with foreign nations
   shall forthwith cease and determine, being replaced by such
   treaties as may exist, or as may be hereafter concluded,
   between the United States and such foreign nations. The
   municipal legislation of the Hawaiian Islands, not enacted for
   the fulfillment of the treaties so extinguished, and not
   inconsistent with this joint resolution nor contrary to the
   Constitution of the United States nor to any existing treaty
   of the United States, shall remain in force until the Congress
   of the United States shall otherwise determine. Until
   legislation shall be enacted extending the United States
   customs laws and regulations to the Hawaiian Islands the
   existing customs relations of the Hawaiian Islands with the
   United States and other countries shall remain unchanged. The
   public debt of the Republic of Hawaii, lawfully existing at
   the date of the passage of this joint resolution, including
   the amounts due to depositors in the Hawaiian Postal Savings
   Bank, is hereby assumed by the Government of the United
   States; but the liability of the United States in this regard
   shall in no case exceed four million dollars. So long,
   however, as the existing Government and the present commercial
   relations of the Hawaiian Islands are continued as
   hereinbefore provided said Government shall continue to pay
   the interest on said debt.

   "There shall be no further immigration of Chinese into the
   Hawaiian Islands, except upon such conditions as are now or
   may hereafter be allowed by the laws of the United States; and
   no Chinese, by reason of anything herein contained, shall be
   allowed to enter the United States from the Hawaiian Islands.

   "The President shall appoint five commissioners, at least two
   of whom shall be residents of the Hawaiian Islands, who shall,
   as soon as reasonably practicable, recommend to Congress such
   legislation concerning the Hawaiian Islands as they shall deem
   necessary or proper.

{257}

   "SECTION 2.
   That the commissioners hereinbefore provided for shall be
   appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent
   of the Senate.

   "SECTION 3.
   That the sum of one hundred thousand dollars, or so much
   thereof as may be necessary, is hereby appropriated, out of
   any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, and to
   be immediately available, to be expended at the discretion of
   the President of the United States of America, for the purpose
   of carrying this joint resolution into effect."

   There was no strict division of parties on the passage of the
   resolution; but only three Republicans in the House voted
   against it. Speaker Reed, who had strenuously opposed the
   measure, was absent. Two Republican senators voted against the
   resolution and three who opposed it were paired. A large
   majority of the Democrats in both Houses were in opposition.
   The policy advocated by the opponents of annexation was set
   forth in the following resolution, which they brought to a
   vote in the House, and which was defeated by 205 to 94:

   "1. That the United States will view as an act of hostility
   any attempt upon the part of any government of Europe or Asia
   to take or hold possession of the Hawaiian islands or to
   account upon any pretext or under any conditions sovereign
   authority therein.

   2. That the United States hereby announces to the people of
   those islands and to the world the guarantee of the
   independence of the people of the Hawaiian islands and their
   firm determination to maintain the same."

   Immediately upon the passage of the resolution of annexation,
   preparations were begun at Honolulu for the transfer of
   sovereignty to the United States, which was performed
   ceremoniously August 12. Meantime, the President had
   appointed, as commissioners to recommend legislation for the
   government of the Islands, Messrs. Shelby M. Cullom, John T.
   Morgan, Robert R. Hitt, Sanford B. Dole, and Walter F. Frear.
   In the following November the Commission presented its report,
   with a draft of several bills embodying the recommended
   legislation. When the subject came into Congress, wide
   differences of opinion appeared on questions concerning the
   relations of the new possession to the United States and the
   form of government to be provided for it. As the consequence,
   more than a year passed before Congress reached action on the
   subject, and Hawaii was kept in suspense for that period,
   provisionally governed under the terms of the resolution of
   annexation. The Act which, at last, determined the status and
   the government of Hawaii, under the flag of the United States,
   became law by the President's signature on the 30th of April,
   1900, and Sanford B. Dole, formerly President of the Republic
   of Hawaii, was appointed its governor.

   The fundamental provisions of the "Act to provide a government
   for the Territory of Hawaii" are the following:

   SECTION 2.
   That the islands acquired by the United States of America
   under an Act of Congress entitled "Joint resolution to provide
   for annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the United States,"
   approved July seventh, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight,
   shall be known as the Territory of Hawaii.

   SECTION 3.
   That a Territorial government is hereby established over the
   said Territory, with its capital at Honolulu, on the island of
   Oahu.

   SECTION 4.
   That all persons who were citizens of the Republic of Hawaii
   on August twelfth, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight, are
   hereby declared to be citizens of the United States and
   citizens of the Territory of Hawaii. And all citizens of the
   United States resident in the Hawaiian Islands who were
   resident there on or since August twelfth, eighteen hundred
   and ninety-eight, and all the citizens of the United States
   who shall hereafter reside in the Territory of Hawaii for one
   year shall be citizens of the Territory of Hawaii.

   SECTION 5.
   That the Constitution, and, except as herein otherwise
   provided, all the laws of the United States which are not
   locally inapplicable, shall have the same force and effect
   within the said Territory as elsewhere in the United States:
   Provided, that sections eighteen hundred and fifty and
   eighteen hundred and ninety of the Revised Statutes of the
   United States shall not apply to the Territory of Hawaii.

   SECTION 6.
   That the laws of Hawaii not inconsistent with the Constitution
   or laws of the United States or the provisions of this Act
   shall continue in force, subject to repeal or amendment by the
   legislature of Hawaii or the Congress of the United States. …

   SECTION 12.
   That the legislature of the Territory of Hawaii shall consist
   of two houses, styled, respectively, the senate and house of
   representatives, which shall organize and sit separately,
   except as otherwise herein provided. The two houses shall be
   styled "The legislature of the Territory of Hawaii." …

   SECTION 17.
   That no person holding office in or under or by authority of
   the Government of the United States or of the Territory of
   Hawaii shall be eligible to election to the legislature, or to
   hold the position of a member of the same while holding said
   office. …

   SECTION 55.
   That the legislative power of the Territory shall extend to
   all rightful subjects of legislation not inconsistent with the
   Constitution and laws of the United States locally applicable.
   …

   SECTION 66.
   That the executive power of the government of the Territory of
   Hawaii shall be vested in a governor, who shall be appointed
   by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the
   Senate of the United States, and shall hold office for four
   years and until his successor shall be appointed and
   qualified, unless sooner removed by the President. He shall be
   not less than thirty-five years of age; shall be a citizen of
   the Territory of Hawaii; shall be commander in chief of the
   militia thereof; may grant pardons or reprieves for offences
   against the laws of the said Territory and reprieves for
   offences against the laws of the United States until the
   decision of the President is made known thereon. …

   SECTION 68.
   That all the powers and duties which, by the laws of Hawaii,
   are conferred upon or required of the President or any
   minister of the Republic of Hawaii (acting alone or in
   connection with any other officer or person or body) or the
   cabinet or executive council, and not inconsistent with the
   Constitution or laws of the United States, are conferred upon
   and required of the governor of the Territory of Hawaii,
   unless otherwise provided. …

{258}

   SECTION 80.
   That the President shall nominate and, by and with the advice
   and consent of the Senate, appoint the chief justice and
   justices of the supreme court, the judges of the circuit
   courts, who shall hold their respective offices for the term
   of four years, unless sooner removed by the President. …

   SECTION 81.
   That the judicial power of the Territory shall be vested in
   one supreme court, circuit courts, and in such inferior courts
   as the legislature may from time to time establish. …

   SECTION 85.
   That a Delegate to the House of Representatives of the United
   States, to serve during each Congress, shall be elected by the
   voters qualified to vote for members of the house of
   representatives of the legislature; such Delegate shall
   possess the qualifications necessary for membership of the
   senate of the legislature of Hawaii. … Every such Delegate
   shall have a seat in the House of Representatives, with the
   right of debate, but not of voting.

   SECTION 86.
   That there shall be established in said Territory a district
   court to consist of one judge, who shall reside therein and be
   called the district judge. The President of the United States,
   by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of the United
   States, shall appoint a district judge, a district attorney,
   and a marshal of the United States for the said district, and
   said judge, attorney, and marshal shall hold office for six
   years unless sooner removed by the President. Said court shall
   have, in addition to the ordinary jurisdiction of district
   courts of the United States, jurisdiction of all cases
   cognizable in a circuit court of the United States, and shall
   proceed therein in the same manner as a circuit court. …

   SECTION 88.
   That the Territory of Hawaii shall comprise a customs district
   of the United States, with ports of entry and delivery at
   Honolulu, Hilo, Mahukona, and Kahului.

HAWAII: A. D. 1900.
   Census of the Islands.
   Progress of educational work.

   "The last Hawaiian census, taken in the year 1896, gives a
   total population of 109,020, of which 31,019 were native
   Hawaiians. The number of Americans reported was 8,485. The
   results of the Federal census taken this year [1900] show the
   islands to have a total population of 154,001, an increase
   over that reported in 1896 of 44,981, or 41.2 per cent. The
   total land surface of the Hawaiian Islands is approximately
   6,449 square miles: the average number of persons to the
   square mile at the last three censuses being as follows: For
   1890, 13.9; 1896, 16.9; 1900,23.8.

   "Education in Hawaii is making favorable progress. In Honolulu
   two large schoolhouses have recently been erected at a cost of
   $24,778 and $20,349, respectively. The department of education
   is under the management of a superintendent of public
   instruction, assisted by six commissioners of public
   instruction, two of whom are ladies. The tenure of office of
   the commissioners is six years, the term of two of them
   expiring each year. They serve without pay. The system is the
   same as that existing under the Republic of Hawaii. In the
   biennial period ending December 31 there were 141 public and
   48 private schools in the Hawaiian Islands; 344 teachers in
   the public schools, of whom 113 were men and 231 were women,
   and 200 teachers in the private schools, of whom 79 were men
   and 121 were women. In the same period there were 11,436
   pupils in the public schools, of whom 6,395 were boys and
   5,041 were girls, and 4,054 pupils in the private schools, of
   whom 2,256 were boys and 1,798 were girls. This gives a total
   of 15,490 pupils, of whom 8,651 were boys and 6,839 were
   girls. … Of the 15,490 pupils, 5,045 were Hawaiian, 2,721 part
   Hawaiian, 601 American, 213 British, 337 German, 3,882
   Portuguese, 84 Scandinavian, 1,141 Japanese, 1,314 Chinese, 30
   South Sea Islanders, and 124 other foreigners. Each
   nationality had its own teacher. The expenditures for the two
   years ending December 31, 1899, were $575,353. Since the year
   1888 nearly all the common schools, in which the Hawaiian
   language was the medium of instruction, have been converted
   into schools in which English alone is so employed, 98 per
   cent. of the children being at present instructed by teachers
   who use English."

      _United States, Secretary of the Interior,
      Annual Report, November 30, 1900._

   ----------HAWAII: End--------

HAY-PAUNCEFOTE TREATY, The.

      See (in this volume)
      CANAL, INTEROCEANIC:
      A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER); and 1901 (MARCH).

HAYTI: A. D. 1896.
   Election of President Sam.

   Hayti elected a new President, General Theresias Simon Sam, to
   succeed General Hippolyte, who died suddenly on the 24th of
   March.

HAYTI: A. D. 1897.
   Quarrel with Germany.

   The government of Hayti came into conflict with that of
   Germany, in September, 1897, over what was claimed to be the
   illegal arrest of a Haytien-born German, named Lueders, who
   had secured German citizenship. Germany demanded his release,
   with an indemnity at the rate of $1,000 per day for his
   imprisonment. The demand not being acceded to promptly, the
   German consul at Port-au-Prince hauled down his flag. Then the
   United States Minister persuaded the Haytien President,
   General Simon Sam, to set Lueders free. But the demand for
   indemnity, still pending, brought two German war-ships to
   Port-au-Prince on the 6th of December, with their guns ready
   to open fire on the town if payment were not made within eight
   hours. For Hayti there was nothing possible but submission,
   and $30,000 was paid, with apologies and expressions of
   regret.

HEBREWS, The ancient:
   Their position in history as affected by recent archæological
   research.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH; IN BIBLE LANDS.

HECKER, Father Isaac Thomas,
   and the opinions called "Americanism."

      See (in this volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

HELIUM, The discovery of.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT; CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

HENRY, General Guy V.: Military Governor of Porto Rico.

      See (in this volume)
      PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (OCTOBER-OCTOBER).

HERVEY, or COOK, ISLANDS:
   Annexation to New Zealand.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER).

HEUREAUX, President: Assassination.

      See (in this volume)
      DOMINICAN REPUBLIC: A. D. 1899.

{259}

HICKS-BEACH, Sir Michael,
   Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the British Cabinet.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

HILPRECHT, Professor H. V.:
   Researches on the site of ancient Nippur.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

HINTCHAK, The.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1895.

HINTERLAND.

   A German word which has come into general use to describe
   unnamed and poorly defined regions lying behind, or on the
   inland side, of coast districts, in Africa more especially,
   which have been occupied or claimed by European powers.

HISTORICAL DISCOVERIES, Recent.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH.

HOAR, Senator George F.:
   Action to recover the manuscript of Bradford's History.

      See (in this volume)
      MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1897.

HOAR, Senator George F.:
   Speech in opposition to the retention of the
   Philippine Islands as a subject State.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1900 (APRIL).

HOBART, Garret A.: Vice President of the United States.
   Death.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1899 (November).

HOBOKEN, Great fire at.

   On the 30th of June, 1900, between 200 and 300 people lost
   their lives in a fire which destroyed the pier system of the
   North German Lloyd steamship line, at Hoboken, N. J. The fire
   wrecked three of the large ships of the company, and is said
   to have been the most destructive blaze that ever visited the
   piers and shipping of the port of New York. An estimate placed
   the loss of life at nearly 300, and the damage to property at
   about $10,000,000, but the company's estimate of the loss of
   life and the value of the property wiped out was considerably
   less. The fire started in some cotton on one of the four large
   piers at 4 o'clock in the afternoon. In a few minutes the pier
   on which it broke out was enveloped in flames, and in six
   minutes the whole pier system was burning. The flames spread
   so quickly that many men on the piers and on the vessels,
   lighters and barges were hemmed in before they realized that
   their lives were in danger.

HOBSON, Lieutenant Richmond Pearson:
   The sinking of the collier Merrimac at Santiago.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE).

HOLLAND.

      See (in this volume)
      NETHERLANDS, THE KINGDOM OF THE.

HOLLS, Frederick W.:
   American Commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

HOLY YEAR 1900, Proclamation of the Universal Jubilee of the,
   Its extension.

      See (in this volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1900-1901.

HONDURAS.

      See (in this volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA.

HONG KONG: A. D. 1894.
   The Bubonic Plague.

      See (in this volume)
      PLAGUE.

HONG KONG: A. D. 1898.
   British lease of territory on the mainland.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-AUGUST).

HORMIGUEROS, Engagement at.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, The United States:
   The "Spoils System" in its service.

      See (in this volume)
      CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1901.

HOVA, The.

      See (in this volume)
      MADAGASCAR.

HUA SANG, Massacre of missionaries at.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1895 (AUGUST).

HUDSON BAY, Investigation of.

      See (in this volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION, 1897.

HUMBERT I., King of Italy: Assassination.

      See (in this volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1899-1900; and 1900 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

HUNGARY.

      See ((in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY.

HUSBANDISTS, The.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

I.

ICELAND, Recent exploration of.

      See (in this volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION, 1898-1899.

IDAHO: A. D. 1896.
   Adoption of Woman Suffrage.

   On the 11th of December, 1896, an amendment of the
   constitution of Idaho, extending the suffrage to women, was
   submitted to the then voters of the State, and carried by
   12,126, against 6,282. Though carried by a large majority of
   the votes given on the suffrage issue, it did not receive a
   majority of the whole vote cast on other questions at the same
   election; but the supreme court of the State decided that the
   amendment had been adopted.

I-HO-CH'UAN, The.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

ILLINOIS: A. D. 1898.
   Strike of coal miners.
   Bloody conflict at Virden.

      See (in this volume)
      INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1898.

ILOCANOS, The.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

ILOILO: The American occupation of the city.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

ILORIN, British subjugation of.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (NIGERIA).

IMPERIAL BRITISH EAST AFRICA COMPANY:
   Transfer of territory to the British Government.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (BRITISH EAST AFRICA).

IMPERIAL CONFERENCE:
   Meeting of British Colonial Prime Ministers at the Colonial
   Office, London.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

IMPERIALISM:
   The question in American politics.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1900 (APRIL); and (MAY-NOVEMBER).

{260}

INCOME TAX: Decision against by United States Supreme Court.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (APRIL-MAY).

INDIA: A. D. 1894.
   The Waziri War.

   A fierce attempt to interrupt the demarcation of the Afghan
   boundary was made by the Waziris. The escort of 5,000 troops,
   consisting mainly of Sikhs and Goorkhas, was desperately
   attacked in camp at Wano, November 3. The attack was repulsed,
   but with heavy loss on the British side. It became afterwards
   necessary to send three strong columns into the country, under
   Sir William Lockhart, in order to carry out the work.

INDIA: A. D. 1895 (March-September).
   The defense and relief of Chitral.
   The British frontier advanced.

   At the extreme northwestern limit of British-Indian dominion
   and semi-dominion, under the shadow of the lofty Hindu-Kush
   mountains, lie a group of quasi-independent tribal states over
   which the Amir of Afghanistan claimed at least a "sphere of
   influence" until 1893. In that year the Amir and the
   Government of India agreed upon a line which defined the
   eastern and southern frontier of Afghanistan, "from Wakhan to
   the Persian border," and agreed further as follows: "The
   Government of India will at no time exercise interference in
   the territories lying beyond this line on the side of
   Afghanistan, and his Highness the Amir will at no time
   exercise interference in the territories lying beyond this
   line on the side of India. The British Government thus agrees
   to his Highness the Amir retaining Asmar and the valley above
   it, as far as Chanak. His Highness agrees, on the other hand,
   that he will at no time exercise interference in Swat, Bajaur,
   or Chitral, including Arnawai or Bashgal valley." Under this
   agreement, the Indian Government prepared itself to be
   watchful of Chitral affairs. The little state was notoriously
   a nest of turbulence and intrigue. Its rulers, who bore the
   Persian title of Mehtar, signifying "Greater," can never have
   expected to live out their days. Changes of government were
   brought about commonly by assassination. The reigning prince,
   Nizam-ul-Mulk, owed his seat to the murder of his father,
   Aman-ul-Mulk, though not by himself. In turn, he fell, on New
   Year's day, 1895, slain at the instigation of his
   half-brother, Amir-ul-Mulk, who mounted the vacant chair of
   state. The usurper was then promptly assailed by two rivals,
   one of them his brother-in-law, Umra Khan, a mountain
   chieftain of Bajaur, the other an uncle, Sher Afzul, who had
   been a refugee at Kabul. On the news of these occurrences at
   Chitral, the Government of India sent thither, from Gilgit,
   its political agent, Surgeon-Major Robertson, with a small
   escort, to learn the state of affairs.

   The result of Dr. Robertson's attempt to settle matters was an
   alliance of Umra Khan and Sher Afzul in a desperate attempt to
   destroy him and his small force of native troops, which had
   five English officers at its head. The latter took possession
   (March 1) of the fort at Chitral, a structure about 80 yards
   square, walled partly with wood, and so placed in a valley
   that it was commanded from neighboring hills. In this weak
   fortification the little garrison held off a savage swarm of
   the surrounding tribes during 46 days of a siege that is as
   thrilling in the story of it as any found in recent history.
   The first reinforcements sent to Dr. Robertson, from near
   Gilgit, were disastrously beaten back, with the loss of the
   captain in command and 50 of his men. As speedily as possible,
   when the situation was known in India, an army of about 14,000
   men was made ready at Peshawur, under the command of
   Major-General Sir Robert Low, and relieving columns were
   pushed with great difficulty through the Malakand Pass, then
   filled deep with snow. A smaller force, of 600 men, under
   Colonel Kelly, fought its way from Gilgit, struggling through
   the snows of a pass 12,000 feet above the level of the sea.
   Colonel Kelly was the first to reach Chitral, which he did on
   the 20th of April. The besiegers had fled at his approach. The
   beleaguered garrison was found to have lost 40 killed and 70
   wounded, out of its fighting force of about 370 men. Sher
   Afzul was caught by the Khan of Dir, who led 2,000 of his
   followers to the help of the British. Umra Khan escaped to
   Kabul, where he was imprisoned by the Amir. Shuja-ul-Mulk, a
   younger brother of Amir-ul-Mulk was declared Mehtar. The
   question whether British authority should be maintained in
   Chitral or withdrawn was now sharply debated in England; but
   Lord Salisbury and his party, coming into power at that
   moment, decided that the advanced frontier of Indian Empire
   must be held. The young Mehtar was installed in the name of
   the Maharaja of Kashmir as his suzerain, and the terms under
   which his government should be carried on were announced at
   his installation (September 2, 1895) by the British Agent, as
   follows:

   "The general internal administration of the country will be
   left in the hands of the Mehtar and of his advisers. The
   Government of India do not intend to undertake themselves the
   management of the internal affairs of Chitral, their concern
   being with the foreign relations of the State, and with its
   general welfare. It, however, has to be remembered that
   Shuja-ul-Mulk is only a boy, and that, at an age when other
   boys are engaged in education and amusement, he has been
   called upon to hold the reins of State. Bearing this fact in
   mind, the Government of India recognise the necessity of his
   receiving some help during the time of his minority, and it
   has consequently been decided to leave at Chitral an
   experienced Political Officer upon whom the Mehtar may always
   call for advice and assistance, while it is proposed to
   appoint three persons, Raja Bahadur Khan, the Governor of
   Mastuj, Wazir Inayat Khan and Aksakal Fateh Ali Shah, to give
   him help, instruction and advice in the management of his
   State and in the laws and customs of the people. Ordinarily
   the entire country will be governed in accordance with their
   experience and judgment; but nevertheless the Assistant
   British Agent, if he thinks it necessary to do so, may, at any
   time, ask the Mehtar to delay action recommended by his three
   advisers, until the opinion of the British Agent at Gilgit has
   been obtained, whose decision shall be final and
   authoritative.

{261}

   "The desirability of abolishing traffic in slaves is a matter
   to which the Government of India attach much importance, and
   that they have lately interested themselves with some success
   in procuring the release of Natives of Kashmir and her
   dependencies, including Chitralis, who are held in bondage in
   Chinese Turkistan. It is in accordance therefore with the
   general policy of the Government of India that in Chitral also
   all buying and selling of slaves, whether for disposal in the
   country or with the intention of sending them abroad, should
   be altogether prohibited. Any such selling of slaves is
   therefore from this time forward absolutely illegal."

      _Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications:
      Papers by Command, 1896 (C.-8037)._

      Also in:
      _C. Lowe,
      The Story of Chitral
      (Century magazine, volume 55, page 89)._

INDIA: A. D. 1895 (April).
   Report of the Opium Commission.

   "The long-deferred publication of the report of this
   commission was made in April, and the report was signed by
   eight out of nine members of the commission. The commissioners
   declared that it had not been shown to be necessary, or to be
   demanded by the people, that the growth of the poppy and the
   manufacture of opium in British India should be prohibited.
   Such a prohibition, if extended to the protected States, would
   be an unprecedented act of interference on the part of the
   paramount Power, and would be sure to be resisted by the
   chiefs and their people. The existing treaties with China in
   regard to the importation of Indian opium into that country
   had been admitted by the Chinese Government to contain all
   they desired. The evidence led the commissioners to the
   conclusion that the common use of opium in India is moderate,
   and its prohibition is strongly opposed by the great mass of
   native opinion."

      _Annual Register, 1895,
      pages 337-338._

INDIA: A. D. 1896-1897.
   Famine in northwestern and central provinces.

   A failure of rains, especially in northwestern and central
   India, produced the inevitable consequence of famine, lasting
   with awful severity from the spring of 1896 until the autumn
   of 1897. In December of the former year there were 561,800
   persons employed on relief works which the Indian government
   organized. In the following March the number had risen to more
   than three millions, and in June it exceeded four millions.
   Rain fell in July, and August, and the distress began soon
   afterwards to grow less. In addition to the heavy expenditures
   of the government, the charitable contributions for the relief
   of sufferers from this famine were officially reported to have
   amounted to 1,750,000 pounds sterling ($8,750,000).

INDIA: A. D. 1896-1900.
   The Bubonic Plague.

      See (in this volume)
      PLAGUE.

INDIA: A. D. 1897.
   Change in the government of Burmah.

      See (in this volume)
      BURMAH: A. D. 1897.

INDIA: A. D. 1897.
   Rejection of American proposals for a
   reopening of mints to silver.

      See (in this volume)
      MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.
   Frontier wars.

   From the early summer of 1897 until beyond the close of the
   year, the British were once more seriously in conflict with
   the warlike tribes of the Afghan frontier. The risings of the
   latter were begun in the Tochi Valley, on the 10th of June,
   when a sudden, treacherous attack was made by Waziri tribesmen
   on the escort of Mr. Gee, the political agent, at the village
   of Maizar. A number of officers and men were killed and
   wounded, and the whole party would have been destroyed if
   timely reinforcements had not reached them. Over 7,000 troops
   were subsequently employed in the suppression and punishment
   of this revolt. The next outbreak, in the Swat Valley, was
   more extensive. It was ascribed to the preaching of a
   fanatical Mohammedan priest, known as "the mud mullah," who
   labored to excite a religious war, and was opened, July 26, by
   a night attack on the British positions at Malakand and
   Chakdarra. The latter outpost, guarding the bridge over the
   Swat river, on the road to Chitral, was held by a small
   garrison of less than 300 men, who were beleaguered for a
   considerable time before relief came. According to an official
   return of "wars and military operations on or beyond the
   borders of British India in which the Government of India has
   been engaged," made to Parliament on the 30th of January,
   1900, there were 11,826 troops employed in the operations
   immediately consequent on this rising, with the result that
   "the insurgents were defeated and the fanatical gatherings
   were dispersed; large fines were taken in money and arms." But
   other neighboring tribes either gave help to the Swats or were
   moved to follow their example, and required to be subdued,
   their countries traversed by punitive expeditions and "fines
   of money and arms" collected. Before the year closed, these
   tasks employed 6,800 men in the Mohmand country, 3,200 in the
   Utman Khel country, 7,300 in the Buner country, 14,231 in the
   Kurram Valley; and then came the most serious business of all.
   The Afridis, who had been subsidized by the government of
   India for some years, as guardians of the important Khyber
   Pass, were suddenly in arms against their paymasters, in
   August, destroying the Khyber posts. This serious hostility
   called nearly 44,000 British-Indian troops into the field,
   under General Sir William Lockhart, whose successful campaign
   was not finished until the following spring. The most serious
   engagement of the war with the Afridis was fought at the
   village of Dargai, October 18. The final results of the
   campaign are thus summarized in the return mentioned above:
   "British troops traversed the country of the tribes,
   inflicting severe loss on the tribesmen, who were ultimately
   reduced to submission: they paid large fines in money and
   arms, and friendly relations have since been restored."

      _Great Britain,
      House of Commons Reports and Papers, 1900, 13._

INDIA: A. D. 1898.
   Discovery of the birthplace and the tomb of Gautama Buddha.

      See (in this volume)
      BUDDHA.

INDIA: A. D. 1898 (September).
   Appointment of Lord Curzon to the Viceroyalty.

   In September, 1898, the Right Hon. George N. Curzon, lately
   Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, was appointed
   Viceroy and Governor-General of India, to succeed the Earl of
   Elgin. In the following month, Mr. Curzon was raised to the
   peerage, as Baron Curzon of Kedleston.

INDIA: A. D. 1899-1900.
   Famine again.

   There was a recurrence of drought and famine in 1899, far more
   extensive than that of 1896-1897; producing more death and
   suffering, and calling out more strenuous exertions for its
   relief. The regions afflicted were largely the same as two
   years before, embracing much of northwestern and central
   India. The relief measures which it demanded were carried far
   into the summer of 1900. In October of the latter year Lord
   Curzon, the Viceroy, addressing the Legislative Council at
   Simla, and reviewing the experience through which the
   government and the country had passed, made some important
   statements of fact:

{262}

   "In a greater or less degree," he said, "nearly one-fourth of
   the entire population of the Indian continent came within the
   range of the relief operations. The loss occasioned may be
   roughly put in this way. The annual agricultural production of
   India and Burma averages in value between 300 and 400 crores
   of rupees [the crore being ten millions, and the rupee
   equivalent to about one-third of a dollar]. On a very cautious
   estimate the production of 1899-1900 must have been at least
   one-quarter, if not one-third, below the average, or at normal
   prices 75 crores, or £50,000,000 sterling. If to this be added
   the value of some millions of cattle, some conception may be
   formed of the destruction of property which great drought
   occasions. There have been many great droughts in India, but
   no other of which such figures could be predicated as these. …

   "If a special characteristic can be attributed to our campaign
   of famine relief in the past year, it has been its
   unprecedented liberality. There is no parallel in the history
   of India or any country of the world to the total of over
   6,000,000 persons who, in British India and the native States
   for weeks on end, have been dependent upon the charity of the
   Government. The famine cost ten crores in direct expenditure,
   while 238 lakhs were given to landholders and cultivators on
   loans and advances, besides loans to native States. … There
   has never been a famine when the general mortality has been
   less, when the distress has been more amply or swiftly
   relieved, or when the Government and its officers have given
   themselves with more whole-hearted devotion to the saving of
   life and the service of the people. It is impossible to tell
   the actual mortality, but there has apparently been an excess
   of mortality over the normal of 750,000. Cholera and smallpox
   have accounted for 230,000, which is probably below the mark,
   so that the excess in British India has equalled 500,000
   during the year. To say that the greater part of these died of
   starvation or even of destitution would be an unjustifiable
   exaggeration, since many other contributory causes have been
   at work."

   Referring to the charitable help received from various parts
   of the world, Lord Curzon said: "In 1896-1897 the total
   collections amounted to 170 lakhs [the lakh being 100,000
   rupees] of which 10 lakhs remained over at the beginning of
   the recent famine. In the present year the Central Relief
   Committee has received a sum of close upon 140 lakhs, not far
   short of £1,000,000 sterling. To analyze the subscriptions:
   India has contributed about the same amount to the fund as in
   1896-1897—namely, 32 lakhs. If the contributions from the
   European community are deducted, India may be considered to
   have contributed less than one-fifth of the total collections
   of 140 lakhs. More might have been expected from the native
   community as a whole, notwithstanding individual examples of
   remarkable generosity. The little colony of the Straits
   Settlements, which has no connexion with India beyond that of
   sentiment, has given more than the whole Punjab. A careful
   observation of the figures and proceedings in each province
   compels me to say that native India has not yet reached as
   high a standard of practical philanthropy and charity as might
   reasonably be expected. … The collections from abroad amounted
   to 108 lakhs, as against 137 in 1896-1897. The United
   Kingdom's contribution of 88½ lakhs compared indifferently
   with its contribution of 123 lakhs in 1896-1897, but in the
   circumstances of the year it is a noble gift. Glasgow has been
   especially generous with a donation of 8¼ lakhs and Liverpool
   with 4½, in addition to nearly 16 lakhs from the rest of
   Lancashire. Australasia has given nearly 8 lakhs in place of 2
   lakhs. The Straits Settlements, Ceylon, and Hong-Kong have
   also been extremely generous. Even the Chinese native
   officials have collected handsome sums. The liberal donation
   of Germany at the instigation of the Emperor has already been
   publicly acknowledged. The United States, both through direct
   contributions to the fund and by means of
   privately-distributed gifts of money and grain, have once more
   shown their vivid sympathy with England's mission and India's
   need."

INDIA: A. D. 1901.
   Census of the Empire.
   Decrease of population in several of the Native States.

   The Indian census, begun on the 1st of March, 1901, was
   completed for the entire empire in fourteen days, the result
   being announced on the 15th. It showed a total population in
   British territory of 231,085,000, against 221,266,000 in 1891;
   in Native States 63,181,000, against 66,050,000 in 1891; total
   for all India, 294,266,000, against 287,317,000 in 1891. The
   Native States, it will be seen, have declined in population to
   the extent of nearly 3,000,000, showing greater severity in
   those states of the effects of famine and disease. In several
   provinces, however, of the British territory, a decrease of
   population appears: Berar declining from 2,897,000 in 1891 to
   1,491,000 in 1901; Bombay (British Presidency) from 15,957,000
   to 15,330,000; Central Provinces from 10,784,000 to 9,845,000;
   Aden from 44,000 to 41,000; Coorg from 173,000 to 170,000. Of
   the Native States the greatest loss of population was suffered
   in Rajputana, which sank from 12,016,000 to 9,841,000; in
   Central India, where the numbers fell from 10,318,000 to
   8,501,000; and in the Bombay States, which were reduced in
   population from 8,059,000 to 6,891,000. The provinces in
   British India which show the greatest percentage of gain are
   Upper and Lower Burma, Assam and Sind. The present population
   of the greater British provinces is as follows: Bengal,
   74,713,000; Madras, 38,208,000; Northwest provinces,
   34,812,000; Punjab, 22,449,000.

INDIA: A. D. 1901 (February).
   Continued famine.

   On the 24th of January, 1901, the Viceroy of India reported to
   the British Government, by telegram, that the winter rainfall
   had been unusually good in Upper India, Rajputana, Central
   Provinces, and Central India, and agricultural prospects were
   very favorable: but that in Gujarat, Deccan, and the Karnatik
   districts of Bombay, through the early cessation of the
   monsoon in September and the absence of rain, the crop
   prospects were bad and serious distress was expected between
   then and August. Relief measures would be required. The
   affected district included Baroda and part of Haidarabad. On
   the 14th of February the Viceroy reported further that the
   number on the relief works and gratuitous relief showed little
   increase, but greater pressure was expected in the affected
   area after the reaping of the scanty harvests there.
{263}
   In Upper
   and Central India some damage by storm and damp had been done
   to crops which promised to be very good. The number of persons
   then in receipt of relief was:

   Bombay,               176,000;
   Bombay Native States,  17,000;
   Baroda,                15,000;
   Haidarabad,             2,000;
   Madras,                 3,000;
   Central India States,   1,000.
   Total,                214,000.

INDIA: A. D. 1901 (February).
   Creation of a new administrative province on the
   northwestern frontier.

   A despatch from Calcutta, February 13, announced the
   determination of the government of India to create "a new
   frontier agency or province, formed out of the four
   trans-Indus districts of the Punjab, under an Agent to the
   Governor-General of similar status to the Agent in
   Baluchistan, with revenue and judicial commissioners, all the
   officers being under the Supreme Government and enrolled in
   the Political Department. The districts which form the new
   province will be Peshawar, Kohat, Bannu, and Dera Ismail Khan,
   with the tribal country beyond their limits, and also the
   existing political agencies of Dir, Swat, Chitral, the
   Khaibar, the Kuram, Tochi, and Wana. The scheme takes as
   little as possible away from the Punjab, while making a
   compact charge, easily controllable by one officer."

INDIA: A. D. 1901 (February).
   Message of King Edward VII. to the princes and people.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

INDIANAPOLIS CONVENTION, and Monetary Commission, The.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896-1898.

INDIANS, The American: A. D. 1893-1899.
   Negotiations and agreements with the Five Civilized Tribes.
   Work of the Dawes Commission.

   In his annual Message to the Congress of the United States,
   December 7, 1896, President Cleveland made the following
   reference to the work of a commission created in 1893, for
   negotiating with what are known as the Five Civilized Tribes
   of Indians: "The condition of affairs among the Five Civilized
   Tribes, who occupy large tracts of land in the Indian
   Territory and who have governments of their own, has assumed
   such an aspect as to render it almost indispensable that there
   should be an entire change in the relations of these Indians
   to the General Government. This seems to be necessary in
   furtherance of their own interests, as well as for the
   protection of non-Indian residents in their territory. A
   commission organized and empowered under several recent laws
   is now negotiating with these Indians for the relinquishment
   of their courts and the division of their common lands in
   severalty, and are aiding in the settlement of the troublesome
   question of tribal membership. The reception of their first
   proffers of negotiation was not encouraging, but through
   patience and such conduct on their part as demonstrated that
   their intentions were friendly and in the interest of the
   tribes the prospect of success has become more promising. The
   effort should be to save these Indians from the consequences
   of their own mistakes and improvidence and to secure to the
   real Indian his rights as against intruders and professed
   friends who profit by his retrogression. A change is also
   needed to protect life and property through the operation of
   courts conducted according to strict justice and strong enough
   to enforce their mandates. As a sincere friend of the Indian,
   I am exceedingly anxious that these reforms should be
   accomplished with the consent and aid of the tribes and that
   no necessity may be presented for radical or drastic
   legislation."

      _United States,
      Message and Documents
      (Abridgment, 1896-1897)._

   The Act of March 3, 1893, by which the commission was created,
   set forth its character, its duties and its powers, as
   follows: "The President shall nominate and, by and with the
   advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint three
   commissioners to enter into negotiations with the Cherokee
   Nation, the Choctaw Nation, the Chickasaw Nation, the Muscogee
   (or Creek) Nation, the Seminole Nation, for the purpose of
   extinguishment of the national or tribal title to any lands
   within that territory now held by any and all of such nations
   or tribes, either by cession of the same or some part thereof
   to the United States, or by the allotment and division of the
   same in severalty among the Indians of such nations or tribes,
   respectively, as may be entitled to the same, or by such other
   method as may be agreed upon between the several nations and
   tribes aforesaid, or each of them, with the United States,
   with a view to such an adjustment, upon the basis of justice
   and equity, as may, with the consent of such nations or tribes
   of Indians, so far as may be necessary, be requisite and
   suitable to enable the ultimate creation of a State or States
   of the Union which shall embrace the lands within said Indian
   Territory. …

   "Such commissioners shall, under such regulations and
   directions as shall be prescribed by the President, through
   the Secretary of the Interior, enter upon negotiation with the
   several nations of Indians as aforesaid in the Indian
   Territory, and shall endeavor to procure, first, such
   allotment of lands in severalty to the Indians belonging to
   each such nation, tribe, or band, respectively, as may be
   agreed upon as just and proper to provide for each such Indian
   a sufficient quantity of land for his or her needs, in such
   equal distribution and apportionment as may be found just and
   suited to the circumstances; for which purpose, after the
   terms of such an agreement shall have been arrived at, the
   said commissioners shall cause the land of any such nation, or
   tribe, or band to be surveyed and the proper allotment to be
   designated; and, secondly, to procure the cession, for such
   price and upon such terms as shall be agreed upon, of any
   lands not found necessary to be so allotted or divided, to the
   United States; and to make proper agreements for the
   investment or holding by the United States of such moneys as
   may be paid or agreed to be paid to such nation, or tribes, or
   bands, or to any of the Indians thereof, for the extinguishment
   of their [title?] therein. But said commissioners shall,
   however, have power to negotiate any and all such agreements
   as, in view of all the circumstances affecting the subject,
   shall be found requisite and suitable to such an arrangement
   of the rights and interests and affairs of such nations,
   tribes, bands, or Indians, or any of them, to enable the
   ultimate creation of a Territory of the United States with a
   view to the admission of the same as a State in the Union."

{264}

   A subsequent Act, of March 2, 1895, authorized the appointment
   of two additional members of the commission; and an Act of
   June 10, 1896, provided that "said commission is further
   authorized and directed to proceed at once to hear and
   determine the application of all persons who may apply to them
   for citizenship in any of said nations, and after said hearing
   they shall determine the right of said applicant to be so
   admitted and enrolled. … That the said commission … shall
   cause a complete roll of citizenship of each of said nations
   to be made up from their records, and add thereto the names of
   citizens whose right may be conferred under this act, and said
   rolls shall be, and are hereby, made rolls of citizenship of
   said nations or tribes, subject, however, to the determination
   of the United States courts, as provided herein."

   A further Act of Congress, known as the Curtis Act, June 28,
   1898, ratified, with some amendments, an agreement made by the
   commission with the Choctaws and Chickasaws, in April. 1897,
   and with the Creeks in September of that year, to become
   effective if ratified by a majority of the voters of those
   tribes at an election held prior to December 1, 1898. In the
   annual report, for 1899, made by the commission (of which the
   Honorable Henry L. Dawes, of Massachusetts, is chairman, and
   which is often referred to as "the Dawes Commission,") the
   following account of results is given: "A special election was
   called by the executives of the Choctaw and Chickasaw nations
   to be held August 24, and the votes cast were counted in the
   presence of the Commission to the Five Civilized Tribes at
   Atoka, August 30, resulting in the ratification of the
   agreement by a majority of seven hundred ninety-eight votes.
   Proclamation thereof was duly made, and the 'Atoka agreement,'
   so called, is therefore now in full force and effect in the
   Choctaw and Chickasaw nations. Chief Isparhecher of the Creeks
   was slow to call an election, and it was not until November 1,
   1898, that the agreement with that tribe was submitted in its
   amended form for ratification. While no active interest was
   manifested, the full-bloods and many of the freedmen were
   opposed to the agreement and it failed of ratification by
   about one hundred and fifty votes. …

   "The Cherokees now began to realize the sensations of 'a man
   without a country,' and again created a commission at a
   general session of the national council in November, 1898,
   clothed with authority to negotiate an agreement with the
   United States. The earlier efforts of this commission to
   conclude an agreement with that tribe were futile, owing to
   the disinclination of the Cherokee commissioners to accede to
   such propositions as the Government had to offer. The
   commission now created was limited in its power to negotiate
   to a period of thirty days. The United States Commission had
   advertised appointments in Mississippi extending from December
   19, 1898, to January 7, 1899, for the purpose of identifying
   the Mississippi Choctaws, a duty imposed upon the commission
   by the act of June 28, 1898, but on receiving a communication
   from the chairman of the Cherokee Commission requesting a
   conference it was deemed desirable to postpone the
   appointments in Mississippi and meet the Cherokee Commission,
   which it did on December 19, 1898, continuing negotiations
   until January 14, 1899, producing the agreement which is
   appended hereto. In the meantime the Creeks had, by act of
   council, created another commission with authority to
   negotiate an agreement with the United States, and a
   conference was accorded it immediately upon conclusion of the
   negotiations with the Cherokees, continuing to February 1,
   1899, when an agreement was concluded. The agreement with the
   Cherokees was ratified by the tribe at a special election held
   January 31, 1899, by a majority of two thousand one hundred six
   votes, and that with the Creeks on February 18, 1899, by a
   majority of four hundred eighty-five.

   "While these agreements do not in all respects embody those
   features which the commission desired, they were the best
   obtainable, and the result of most serious, patient, and
   earnest consideration, covering many days of arduous labor.
   The commissions were many times on the point of suspending
   negotiations, there having arisen propositions upon the part
   of one of the commissions which the other was unwilling to
   accept. Particularly were the tribal commissioners determined
   to fix a maximum and minimum value for the appraisement of
   lands, while this commission was equally vigorous in its views
   that the lands should be appraised at their actual value,
   excluding improvements, without limitations in order that an
   equal division might be made. The propositions finally agreed
   upon were the result of a compromise, without which no
   agreement could have been reached. The desirability, if not
   the absolute necessity, of securing a uniform land tenure
   among the Five Tribes leads the commission to recommend that
   these agreements, with such modifications and amendments as
   may be deemed wise and proper, be ratified by Congress. …

   "The Choctaw and Chickasaw governments, in a limited way, are
   continued, by agreement, to March 4, 1906, and certain of
   their laws are therefore effective within the territory of
   those tribes. A similar condition exists as to the Seminoles,
   with which an agreement was concluded at the close of the year
   1897. To supply needed laws to replace various tribal statutes
   which had by Congress been made inoperative, the laws of
   Arkansas pertaining to certain matters have been extended over
   Indian Territory. The Federal laws have been made to apply to
   still other subjects, and officials under the Interior
   Department are charged with the enforcement of rules and
   regulations governing still further matters, and so on. So
   complicated and complex a state of affairs does this system of
   jurisprudence present that the people are dazed and often
   unable to determine what is law and who is authorized to
   enforce it. Indeed, none other than an able lawyer can
   reasonably hope to understand the situation, and even he must
   be content to look upon certain phases of it as not being
   susceptible of solution.

   "Conditions are not yet ripe for the immediate installation of
   a Territorial or State government. 'Tis a consummation
   devoutly to be wished,' but wholly impracticable at this time
   for various reasons, not the least of which is found in the
   fact that there are four non-citizens in Indian Territory to
   every citizen. The non-citizen does not own a foot of soil,
   save as provisions have recently been made for the segregation
   and sale of town sites, and with a voice in legislation, the
   non-citizen would soon legislate the Indian into a state of
   innocuous desuetude. On the other hand, it would be manifestly
   unjust and at ill-accord with the spirit of our institutions
   to deny the right of franchise to so great a number of people,
   in all respects otherwise entitled to enjoy that prerogative.
{265}
   Another very serious obstacle to the establishment of a
   territorial form of government is the lack of uniform land
   tenures. The commission indulges in the hope and belief that
   at no great distant date some method may be devised whereby
   the lands of all the Five Tribes may be subjected to a uniform
   tenure. It will be seen that the legislative feature of the
   popular form of government is not possible at this time, and
   while legislation by Congress for all the petty needs of the
   Territory is impracticable in the highest degree, the more
   urgent requirements of the people must be met by this means
   for the present. The judicial branch is well represented by
   the United States courts. …

   "The commission, in conclusion, most earnestly urges the
   importance of adequate appropriations for pushing to an early
   completion the work contemplated by the various laws and
   agreements under which a transformation is to be wrought in
   Indian Territory. The all-important and most urgent duty now
   devolving upon the Government of the United States incident to
   the translation of conditions among the Five Tribes is the
   allotment of lands in severalty, and the most pressing and
   essential preliminary steps toward that end are the completion
   of citizenship rolls, the appraisement of lands, and the
   subdivision of sections into forty-acre tracts, all of which
   have been already discussed in detail in this report. The
   commission believes that the enrollment of citizens is
   progressing as rapidly as the nature of the work will permit,
   and unless some unforeseen obstacle arises to prevent, the
   rolls in four of the nations will be completed and delivered
   to the Secretary during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1900,
   and very material progress made in the fifth."

      _Sixth Annual Report of the Commission
      to the Five Civilized Tribes, 1899,
      page 66-67, and 9-29._

INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1898.
   Outbreak in northern Minnesota.

   An alarming outbreak of hostility on the part of some of the
   Indians of the Leech Lake Reservation in northern Minnesota
   occurred in October, 1898, provoked, as was afterwards shown,
   by gross frauds and abuses on the part of certain of the
   officials with whom they had to deal. They had been shamefully
   defrauded in the sale of their timber lands, which the
   government assumed to undertake for their benefit; but the
   immediate Cause of trouble appeared to be a scandalous
   practice on the part of deputy marshals, who made arrests
   among them for trivial reasons, conveyed prisoners and
   witnesses to the federal court at St. Paul, in order to obtain
   fees and mileage, and left them to make their way home again
   as they could. The outbreak began on the arrest of a chief of
   the Pillager band of Chippewas, on Bear Island. He was to be
   taken to St. Paul as a witness in a case of alleged
   whiskey-selling; but his followers rescued him. The marshal,
   thereupon, called for military aid, and a company of United
   States infantry was sent to the Reservation. They were
   ambuscaded by the Indians and suffered a loss of 5 killed and
   16 wounded. The Pillager band was joined by Indians from
   neighboring tribes, and all in the region were dangerously
   excited by the event, while the whites were in great dread of
   a general Indian war. But reinforcements of troops were
   promptly sent to the scene, and peace was soon
   restored,—measures being taken to remedy the wrongs of which
   the Indians complained.

INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1899-1900.
   The recent Indian policy of the government, and its results.
   Indian schools and education.
   Present Indian population.

   "This, then, is the present Indian policy of the nation,—to
   fit the Indian for civilization and to absorb him into it. It
   is a national work. It is less than twenty-five years since
   the government turned from the policy of keeping him on
   reservations, as quiet as possible, out of the way of
   civilization, waiting, with no excess of patience, for the
   race to fade out of existence and to cease from troubling. It
   was in 1877 that the nation made the first appropriation from
   its own treasury to fit for its own citizenship this portion
   of the human race living under its own flag and constitution,
   but without legal status or constitutional immunities. … The
   first appropriation was a mere pittance of $20,000; it was
   given only after a hard struggle. But the first step met with
   encouragement, and the next year the sum was increased to
   $30,000, and then to $60,000, and in two years more it became
   $125,000. The policy has at last so grown in public confidence
   that, while there is still much discussion of the best methods
   of expenditure, not a word is heard among the lawgivers for
   its abandonment. It has in the meantime so broadened in its
   scope that the appropriations for this work have increased
   from year to year, till this year (1899) it has risen to
   $2,638,390. … There are now 148 well-equipped boarding schools
   and 295 day schools, engaged in the education of 24,004
   children, with an average attendance of 19,671. How near this
   comes to including the whole number of children of school age,
   in a total population of a quarter of a million of Indians,
   every inquirer can form a pretty close estimate for himself.
   No one will deny that, at this rate of progress, the
   facilities for the education of Indian children will soon
   reach, if they have not already reached, those enjoyed by
   their white neighbors in the remote regions of the West. The
   results thus far are of a most encouraging character.

   "But the work does not stop with the rising generation of the
   race; it embraces also the adult Indian. … Soon after the
   beginning of appropriations for Indian schools, Congress, in
   what is called the Severalty Act, provided for every Indian
   capable of appreciating its value, and who chose to take it, a
   homestead of one hundred and sixty acres to heads of families,
   and a smaller number to other members, inalienable and
   untaxable for twenty-five years, to be selected by him on the
   reservation of his tribe. If he prefer to abandon his tribe
   and go elsewhere, he may take his allotment anywhere on the
   public domain, free of charge. No English baron has a safer
   title to his manor than has each Indian to his homestead. He
   cannot part with it for twenty-five years without the consent
   of Congress, nor can the United States, without his consent,
   be released from a covenant to defend his possession for the
   same period. This allotment carries with it also all the
   rights, privileges, and immunities of an American citizen;
   opens to these Indians, as to all other citizens, the doors of
   all the courts; and extends to them the protection of all the
   laws, national and state, which affect any other citizen. Any
   Indian, if he prefers not to be a farmer, incumbered with one
   of these homesteads, may become a citizen of the United
   States, and reside and prosecute any calling in any part of
   the United States, as securely under this law as anyone else,
   by taking up his residence separate and apart from his tribe,
   and adopting the habits of civilized life. Thus every door of
   opportunity is thrown wide open to every adult Indian, as well
   as to those of the next generation.

{266}

   "This recognition of the home and family as a force in Indian
   civilization became a part of the present policy of dealing
   with the race only twelve years ago. These are some of its
   results: 55,467 individual Indians, including a few under
   former treaty stipulations, have taken their allotments,
   making an aggregate of 6,708,628 acres. Of these, 30,000 now
   hold complete patents to their homes, and the rest are
   awaiting the perfection and delivery of their title deeds. …
   Not alone in these statistics are manifest the evidences of
   permanent advance of the race toward the goal of orderly,
   self-supporting citizenship. Bloody Indian wars have ceased.
   The slaughter of warring clans and the scalping of women and
   children fleeing from burning wigwams are no longer recorded.
   Geronimo himself has become a teacher of peace. The recent
   unfortunate difficulty with the Chippewas in Minnesota, caused
   more by lack of white than of red civilization, is no
   exception. We are at peace with the Indian all along the
   border, and the line between the Indian and the white
   settlements is fast fading out."

      _H. L. Dawes, Have we failed with the Indian?
      (Atlantic Monthly, August, 1899)._

   "Indian education is accomplished through the means of
   nonreservation boarding schools, reservation boarding schools,
   and reservation and independent day schools, all under
   complete Government control, State and Territorial public
   schools, contract day and boarding schools, and mission day
   and boarding schools. The Indian school system aims to provide
   a training which will prepare the Indian boy or girl for the
   every day life of the average American citizen. It does not
   contemplate, as some have supposed on a superficial
   examination, an elaborate preparation for a collegiate course
   through an extended high-school curriculum. The course of
   instruction in these schools is limited to that usually taught
   in the common schools of the country. Shoe and harness making,
   tailoring, blacksmithing, masonry work, plastering, brick
   making and laying, etc., are taught at the larger
   nonreservation schools, not, it is true, with the
   elaborateness of special training as at the great polytechnic
   institutions of the country, but on a scale suited to the
   ability and future environment of the Indian. There are
   special cases, however, where Indian boys are, and have been,
   trained so thoroughly that their work compares favorably with
   that of the white mechanic. … Phoenix, Haskell, Albuquerque,
   and other institutions, have well-organized schools of
   domestic science, where the girls are practically taught the
   art of preparing a wholesome meal, such as appears on the
   tables of persons of moderate means. …

   "Nonreservation schools … are as a rule the largest
   institutions devoted to Indian education. As indicated by
   their designation, they are situated off the reservations and
   usually near cities or populous districts, where the object
   lessons of white civilization are constantly presented to the
   pupils. They are recruited principally from the day and
   boarding schools on the reservations. The majority are
   supported by special appropriations made by Congress, and are
   adapted to the teaching of trades, etc., in a more extended
   degree than are schools on the reservations. The largest of
   these schools is situated at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, where
   there are accommodations for 1,000 pupils; the next largest is
   at Phoenix, Arizona, with a capacity for 700; the third, at
   Lawrence, Kansas, and known as Haskell Institute,
   accommodating 600 pupils. These three large schools are types
   of their class, and are not restricted in territory as to
   collection of pupils. Chemawa school, near Salem, Oregon, and
   Chilocco school, near Arkansas City, Oklahoma, are types of
   the medium-sized schools, and each has a capacity of 400
   pupils. The remainder of the schools are of less capacity and
   have not been developed so highly. There are altogether 25 of
   these schools. …

   "There are 81 boarding schools located on the different
   reservations, an increase of 11 over last year. At these
   institutions the same general line of policy is pursued as at
   the nonreservation schools. Frequently located far from the
   centers of civilization, conditions are different, and their
   conduct must be varied to suit their own special environment.
   Many were formerly mission schools and army posts, unsuited to
   Indian school purposes, but by constant modification are being
   brought into general harmony with the system. … Government day
   schools are small schools with capacity for 30 or 40 pupils
   each. As a rule they are located at remote points on the
   reservations, and are conducted by a teacher and a
   housekeeper. A small garden, some stock, and tools are
   furnished, and the rudiments of industrial education are given
   the boys; and the girls are taught the use of the needle in
   mending and sewing, and of the washtub in cleanliness. … There
   were 147 day schools in operation during the year, an increase
   of 5 over last year."

   The number of government schools reported for the year 1900
   was 253, total enrollment, 22,124, average attendance, 17,860;
   contract schools, 32, with an enrollment of 2,806, average
   attendance, 2,451; public and mission schools, 22, with an
   enrollment of 1,521, and an average attendance of 1,257; the
   aggregate being 307 schools, with an enrollment of 26,451, and
   an average attendance of 21,568. "Statistics of the schools
   for the New York Indians are not included in the above, for
   the reason that as they are cared for by the State of New York
   this office has no jurisdiction over them. … The Indian
   population of the United States under the control of the
   Indian Office (excluding the Five Civilized Tribes) was
   187,312 in 1899, which would give a scholastic population of
   between 45,000 and 47,000. Deduct 30 per cent for the sick and
   otherwise disabled, and those in white schools or away from
   the direct control of the office, and it would leave about
   34,000 children for whom educational facilities should be
   provided. There are now 26,000 of them in school, leaving
   about 8,000 unprovided for."

      _Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
      1900, pages 15-23._

{267}

   "Taking the concurrent facts of history and experience into
   consideration, it can, with a great degree of confidence, be
   stated that the Indian population of the United States has
   been very little diminished from the days of Columbus,
   Coronado, Raleigh, Captain John Smith, and other early
   explorers." The number of Indians in the United States in the
   year 1900, according to the report of the Indian Office, was
   272,023. This excludes "the Indians of Alaska, but includes
   the New York Indians (5,334) and the Five Civilized Tribes in
   Indian Territory (84,750)—a total population of 90,084. These
   Indians are often separated from the others in statistics
   because they have separate school and governmental systems."

      _Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
      1900, pages 47-49._

INDONESIAN RACE.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

INDUSTRIAL ARBITRATION.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1891-1900; and
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

INDUSTRIAL COMBINATIONS.

      See (in this volume)
      TRUSTS; UNITED STATES.

INDUSTRIAL COMMISSION, The United States.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1895-1896.
   Strike of glassworkers in France.

   A great strike of French glass workers, beginning in the
   summer of 1895, ended the following January in a lockout of
   the men, leaving thousands without means of subsistence.

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1897.
   The great dispute in the British engineering trades.

   "The strike originated in an effort on the part of some of the
   men employed in London to introduce the eight-hour day. As a
   consequence of this movement, the Employers' Federation voted,
   on July 1st, that in case the threatened movement in favor of
   eight hours should be carried out 'notices will immediately be
   given by the members of the associations affiliated to the
   federation that a reduction of hands of 25 per cent. will take
   place of the members of such unions in their employment.' This
   challenge of the employers was quickly taken up by the
   Unionists. The Amalgamated Society at once gave instructions
   that in all cases in which notices of lockout were issued to
   25 per cent. of their members, the remaining 75 per cent.
   should hand in notices to cease work at the same time. The
   result was the inauguration of a dispute, which took in part
   the form of a lockout, in part that of a strike, but which
   from the beginning was carried on with an ominous display of
   bitterness and obstinacy on both sides. The membership of the
   different societies concerned in the dispute was estimated, by
   the Labor Gazette in July, at over 109,000. All of these were
   not, of course, actually on strike. … It seems as if the
   employers had been quite ready to enter into this contest with
   the view of crushing the union, or at least of teaching it a
   lesson; but the result is a very widespread industrial
   conflict, which is producing results far beyond those
   immediately concerned."

      _Yale Review
      (November, 1897)._

   "The number of work people directly affected by the dispute
   was about 25,000 at the outset, but as the area of the dispute
   widened the number of firms and of workmen involved gradually
   increased, until the lock-out involved 702 firms and 35,000
   workmen directly and 12,500 indirectly. … Though the immediate
   cause of the general dispute was the demand for an eight
   hours' day in London, the real questions at issue between the
   parties had become of a much more far-reaching kind, and now
   involved the questions of workshop control and the limits of
   trade union interference. During October and November
   negotiations under the Conciliation Act took place between the
   Board of Trade and the representatives of the parties with a
   view to arrange a conference between them. As a result of the
   correspondence both sides assented to the following basis for
   a conference suggested by the Board of Trade:

   1. The Federated Employers, while disavowing any intention of
   interfering with the legitimate action of trade unions, will
   admit no interference with the management of their business.
   The Trade Unions on their part, while maintaining their right
   of combination, disavow any intention of interfering with the
   management of the business of the employers.

   2. The notices demanding a 48 hours' week served on the
   Federated Employers in London without previous request for a
   conference are withdrawn.

   3. A conference between representatives of the Federated
   Employers and the Trade Unions concerned in the dispute shall
   be held forthwith. …

   Pending the conference the employers agreed to suspend all
   pending lockout notices, and the Unions not to interfere in
   any way with men in employment. …

   "The sittings were held on November 24th and two following
   days, and again on November 30th and three following days,
   after which an adjournment took place until December 14th in
   order to allow the men to vote as to the acceptance or
   otherwise of the proposals made by the employers. … When the
   Conference resumed its sittings on December 14th the result of
   the ballot of the men was declared to be:—For the terms, 752;
   against, 68,966. Discussion of the proposals was, however,
   resumed and continued over four days by a sub-committee of
   three representatives on each side, who consulted with their
   colleagues when necessary. The terms were somewhat amended. …
   On submitting these amended conditions to the vote of the men
   1,041 voted in favour of their acceptance and 54,933 against.
   The truce which had been arranged over the period of
   negotiations was brought to an end by this vote, and fresh
   notices of lock-out were given in various centres, which
   considerably increased the numbers affected. …

   "On January 13th, however, an important change was made in the
   position of the men. The London Joint Committee, the body
   which took the first actual step in the dispute by ordering
   strike notices to be given in certain London shops, passed the
   following resolution:—That we intimate to the Employers'
   Federation that the demand for an eight hours' day, or
   forty-eight hours' week be withdrawn. That before such
   intimation is given the above resolution to be sent to the
   Executive Councils of the Societies represented on the Joint
   Committee for their approval or otherwise. … This resolution
   received the approval of the trade unions concerned, and the
   withdrawal of the demand for a 48 hours' week was intimated to
   the Employers' Federation, which, however, still insisted on
   the acceptance by the unions of the 'conditions of management
   mutually adjusted at the recent Westminster Conference' as a
   condition of returning to work. The men asked that the
   employers' notes and explanations should be read as part of
   the proposed agreement, and eventually, after renewed
   negotiations between the parties, a provisional agreement was
   arrived at and submitted to the votes of the men, who ratified
   it by 28,588 to 13,727. The final agreement was signed in
   London on January 28th, and work was resumed in the following
   week. …

{268}

   "Naturally, after so long a stoppage the resumption of work by
   the men was a gradual process, but the number unemployed owing
   to the dispute, including those indirectly affected, sank from
   44,500 at the close of the lock-out to 7,500 at the end of
   February, 2,000 at the end of April, 1,500 at the end of May,
   and 1,000 at the end of June. … Some idea of the indirect
   effects of the stoppage on trades related to those engaged in
   the struggle may be formed from the fact that the percentage
   of unemployed members in trade unions of the ship-building
   group rose from 4.4 per cent. in July, to 14.1 per cent. in
   December."

      _Great Britain, Board of Trade (Labour Department),
      Report on the Strikes and Lock-outs of 1897._

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1897.
   Great coal miners' strike in the United States.

   A general strike of the coal miners in the various districts
   of the United States began in July, 1897. The territory
   covered five states and involved about 157,000 men. The
   strikers asked for an advance in wages on the ground that it
   was their right to share in the increase of business
   prosperity and advanced prices. A grievance for which redress
   was asked was that of being obliged to buy at the company
   stores, paying in company's orders, to be deducted from their
   wages. The principal grievance was the 54-cent rate, paid by
   Mr. W. P. De Armitt of the New York and Cleveland Gas Coal
   Company. The men employed by Mr. De Armitt had signed a
   contract to accept a rate 10 cents below that of other
   operators, in return for which he had abolished company
   stores, gave steady employment, and paid promptly in cash. His
   men were satisfied with the arrangement, although the
   prevailing price for mining coal was 64 cents a ton. Most of
   them, however, were finally forced by the organization to join
   the strikers. The strike lasted until September 12, when
   matters were arranged in a convention at Columbus, Ohio, when
   a uniform rate of 65 cents was adopted.

   A tragic feature of the strike occurred at Lattimer,
   Pennsylvania, where a mob of marching miners, resisting the
   sheriff and handling him roughly, were fired upon by armed
   deputies. Eighteen were killed and about forty wounded.

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1898.
   New England cotton mill strike.

   In January a general strike, affecting 125,000 operatives,
   resulted from a reduction in wages in 150 cotton mills of New
   England. By April most of the strikers returned to work at the
   manufacturers' terms.

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1898.
   Coal miners' strike in Illinois.

   This strike, beginning in May, originated in the refusal of
   the mine operators to grant the rate of 40 cents a ton, agreed
   upon after the strike of 1897. The operators refused to
   compromise and the miners were upheld by the United Mine
   Workers. Riots arose in the towns of Pana and Virden upon the
   attempt of the mine owners to import negro workers from the
   south. Governor Tanner, in sending troops to restore order,
   enjoined upon them to protect citizens, but on no account to
   assist mine owners to operate their mines with imported labor,
   The governor's attitude provoked much criticism. A serious
   outbreak occurred on October 12, at Virden, when 14 persons
   were killed and 25 wounded. The strike at Virden was settled
   in November, the mine owners agreeing to the demands of the
   miners. The trouble at Pana lasted until April, when a
   settlement was arrived at.

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1900.
   Anthracite coal miners' strike in Pennsylvania.

   A great strike of the anthracite mine workers of Pennsylvania,
   which began September 17, practically ended October 17, when
   the Philadelphia and Reading Coal and Iron Company and the
   Lehigh Valley Coal Company agreed to abolish the sliding scale
   in their respective regions and to grant an advance in wages
   of 10 per cent. net, the advance to remain in operation until
   April 1, 1901, and thereafter till further notice. Mr. John
   Mitchell, president of the Mine Workers' National Union, in a
   speech soon after the end of the strike, said that of the
   142,000 men concerned "at first only 8,000 men were in the
   union or organized. Nevertheless, the day the strike began,
   112,000 men laid down their tools; and when the strike ended,
   after 39 days of non-employment, all but 2,000 of them had
   joined the ranks of the union."

INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION, in the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897.

INITIATIVE IN SWITZERLAND, The.

      See (in this volume)
      SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1894-1898.

INSURANCE, Compulsory, in Germany.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.

INTERCONTINENTAL RAILWAY, The.

      See (in this volume)
      RAILWAY, INTERCONTINENTAL.

INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION.

      See (in this volume)
      ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL.

INTERNATIONAL CATALOGUING, of Scientific Literature.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: SCIENTIFIC LITERATURE.

INTERNATIONAL COMMERCIAL CONGRESS.

   An important step in promotion of the development of
   international commerce was taken at Philadelphia, in October,
   1899, by the assembling of an International Commercial
   Congress, under the auspices of the Philadelphia Commercial
   Museum and the Franklin Institute, with the co-operation, not
   only of the city and the State, but also of the Congress of
   the United States. Some forty governments, and a great number
   of chambers of commerce and other business organizations were
   represented, and much good was expected from the meeting. It
   adopted resolutions urging co-operative and assimilated action
   by all nations, in the registration of trade marks, in the
   preparation of trade statistics and agricultural reports, and
   in the establishing of the parcels post. It commended the
   Philadelphia Commercial Museum as an example to be imitated;
   urged the construction of an interoceanic canal, recommended
   free trade in artistic works, and pleaded for the pacific
   settlement of international disputes by arbitration.

   At the time of the session of the Congress, a National Export
   Exposition was being held at Philadelphia, under the same
   auspices, with great success.

{269}

INTEROCEANIC CANAL.

      See (in this volume)
      CANAL, INTEROCEANIC.

INTEROCEANIC RAILWAY, The Tehuantepec.

      See (in this volume)
      MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.

INTER-STATE COMMERCE, American.
   Arbitration of industrial disputes.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

INVENTIONS:
   Comparison of the Nineteenth Century with preceding ages.

      See (in this volume)
      NINETEENTH CENTURY: COMPARISON.

IRADE.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1895.

   ----------IRELAND: Start--------

IRELAND: A. D. 1890-1900.
   Hopeful work in the organization and systematization
   of Irish agriculture.

   "Can nothing be made of an essentially food-producing country
   situated at the very door of the greatest market for
   food-stuffs that the world has ever seen? Government has at
   last moved in this matter, but, as usual, not before private
   initiation had shamed them into action. Mr. Horace Plunkett
   and his friends went to work ten years ago, pointing out that
   Ireland had natural resources equal or superior to those of
   countries which were driving her few products out of the
   English market, and preached the organisation, the
   co-operation, and the scientific methods of agriculture which
   in those other countries were inculcated and subsidised by
   state agencies. Then the Congested Districts Board, under the
   auspices of Mr. Arthur Balfour, began its beneficent work.
   Then came in 1895 the Recess Committee, on Mr. Plunkett's
   suggestion; and finally, in 1899, the recommendations of that
   Committee's invaluable Report were practically embodied in the
   creation of a Board of Agriculture and Technical Instruction.
   This body has scarcely as yet begun its work, but its main
   business will be to do throughout the whole of Ireland what
   has been done in the least hopeful districts by the Congested
   Districts Board, and over a larger area, but with very
   inadequate means, by the Irish Agricultural Organisation
   Society, of which Mr. Plunkett has been the moving spirit.
   Things are therefore only at their beginning. … The main
   purpose of the Irish Agricultural Organisation Society has
   been not to create new industries but to organize and
   systematise the one already existing—the characteristic Irish
   industry of agriculture. It has done the work which in France,
   Denmark, Canada, and a dozen other countries that can be
   named, is being done by a State department; and the efforts of
   its promoters have brought into being such a department for
   Ireland also. The Society spent in nine years £15,000 of
   subscriptions. This neither can last nor ought to last. It is
   the business of the Department, if it does not supersede the
   Society, to subsidise it."

      _Stephen Gwynn,
      A Month in Ireland
      (Blackwood's Magazine, October, 1900, page 573)._

   The most effective work done thus far, by the official and
   private agencies above mentioned, appears to have been in the
   organization of co-operative creameries and dairies.

IRELAND: A. D. 1894.
   Cooling of the Liberal party towards Irish Home Rule.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

IRELAND: A. D. 1896.
   A new Land Act.

   "The celebrated Land Act of 1881, supplemented by Acts in the
   same direction, placed the land of Ireland, as everyone knows,
   under a system of perpetual leases, at State-settled rents,
   renewable every fifteen years; and, in 1896, the time was at
   hand for revising the rents fixed from 1881 onwards, and for
   renewing the leases made during this interval of time. An Act,
   accordingly, was passed through Parliament in order fully to
   accomplish this end; and, incidentally, it dealt with many
   other things connected with the Irish Land System, and with
   the legislation inaugurated in 1881. It enlarged the sphere of
   State-settled rent, bringing within it certain classes of
   tenants which, hitherto, had been excluded from it; it placed
   the law for exempting tenants' improvements from rent, to a
   considerable extent, on a new basis; and it introduced, for
   the first time, what is called the principal of 'compulsory
   purchase' into the system of 'Land Purchase,' so named in
   Ireland, always a favourite policy of Lord Salisbury's
   Governments."

      _Judge O'Connor Morris,
      The Report of the Fry Commission
      (Fortnightly Review, November, 1898)._

   The new bill (59 & 60 Vict. ch. 47) was carried successfully
   through Parliament by the Government, with skillful management
   on the part of Mr. Gerald Balfour, the Secretary for Ireland,
   after many amendments and much debate. It was a compromise
   measure, reluctantly accepted and satisfying no interest or
   party. The general feeling with which it was passed is
   described as follows: "The practical result of the discussion
   was to show that the bill did not go so far as Mr. T. W.
   Russell, a member of the Government and the representative of
   the Ulster farmers, wished; that the section of the
   Nationalists headed by Mr. Dillon were anxious to throw cold
   water upon it, but afraid to oppose it openly; and that Mr.
   Healy and his friends, as well as the Parnellites, were ready
   to do their best to ensure its passing. But while the
   representatives of the tenants were ready to accept the bill
   as an installment of their claims, they at the same time
   pronounced it, to be inadequate. … The Dillonites were
   unwilling to give the Healyites and the Parnellites the chance
   of taunting them with having lost the bill, whilst the
   landlords hoped for an improvement of the purchase clauses and
   a reform of procedure in the law courts. … The debate on the
   third reading, although not forced to a division, was
   spirited; the landlords opposing it because it was too much of
   a tenant's bill, and Mr. Davitt opposing it because it was too
   much of a landlords' bill. Mr. Dillon and his followers voted
   for it, but in their speeches did all they could to run it
   down, while the Parnellites and Healyites did all in their
   power to support it."

      _Annual Register, 1896,
      pages 160-161._

{270}

IRELAND: 1896-1897.
   Report of a Royal Commission on the Financial Relations
   between Great Britain and Ireland.

   "At various times since the passing of the Act of Legislative
   Union between Great Britain and Ireland, complaints have been
   made that the financial arrangements between the two countries
   were not satisfactory, or in accordance with the principles of
   that Act, and that the resources of Ireland have had to bear
   an undue pressure of taxation. Inquiries into the truth of
   these allegations have frequently been called for"; but it was
   not until 1894 that provision was made for a thorough
   investigation of the subject. In that year a Royal Commission
   was appointed, with Mr. Childers, ex-Chancellor of the
   Exchequer, at its head, "to inquire into the financial
   relations between Great Britain and Ireland, and their
   relative taxable capacity, and to report:

   (1.) Upon what principles of comparison, and by the
   application of what specific standards, the relative capacity
   of Great Britain and Ireland to bear taxation may be most
   equitably determined.

   (2.) What, so far as can be ascertained, is the true
   proportion, under the principles and specific standards so
   determined, between the taxable capacity of Great Britain and
   Ireland.

   (3.) The history of the financial relations between Great
   Britain and Ireland at and after the Legislative Union, the
   charge for Irish purposes on the Imperial Exchequer during
   that period, and the amount of Irish taxation remaining
   available for contribution to Imperial expenditure; also the
   Imperial expenditure to which it is considered equitable that
   Ireland should contribute."

   The Commission made its "Final Report" in 1896, submitting the
   conclusions on which its members were unanimously agreed, and
   presenting, further, no less than seven differing reports on
   other points upon which agreement could not be reached. The
   summary of conclusions in the unanimous joint report was as
   follows:

   "In carrying out the inquiry we have ascertained that there
   are certain questions upon which we are practically unanimous,
   and we think it expedient to set them out in this joint
   report. Our conclusions on these questions are as follows:

   I. That Great Britain and Ireland must, for the purpose of
   this inquiry, be considered as separate entities.

   II. That the Act of Union imposed upon Ireland a burden which,
   as events showed, she was unable to bear.

   III. That the increase of taxation laid upon Ireland between
   1853 and 1860 was not justified by the then existing
   circumstances.

   IV. That identity of rates of taxation does not necessarily
   involve equality of burden.

   V. That whilst the actual tax revenue of Ireland is about
   one-eleventh of that of Great Britain the relative taxable
   capacity of Ireland is very much smaller, and is not estimated
   by any of us as exceeding one-twentieth."

      _Great Britain,
      Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command: C.—8262, pages 1-2)._

   The report was keenly criticised in England, and the fact that
   it emanated from a Commission in which the majority were
   partisans of Irish Home Rule was used by the Conservatives to
   disparage its conclusions. A new investigation of the subject
   was called for. The subject came before Parliament in the
   session of 1897,—first in the Lords, and later in the Commons.
   On the 30th of March, Mr. Blake, a member from Ireland, moved
   a resolution in the House of Commons, to the effect that the
   report of the Commission had established the existence of an
   undue burden of taxation on Ireland and made it the duty of
   the Government to propose remedial legislation at an early
   day. The debate which this opened was continued during three
   nights, at the end of which the motion was negatived by a vote
   of 317 to 157.

IRELAND: A. D. 1898 (July).
   The Local Government Act.

   A bill which had great success, so far as it went, in
   satisfying the representatives of Ireland in the Parliament of
   the United Kingdom, was brought forward there, by the
   Conservative Government, in February, 1898, and carried
   through both Houses in July. It was accepted by the Irish as
   "no substitute for Home Rule," but as a recognized "step in
   that direction." It had been foreshadowed in the Queen's
   Speech at the opening of Parliament, and described as a
   measure "for the organisation of a system of local government
   in Ireland substantially similar to that which, within the
   last few Years, has been established in Great Britain." This
   important Act established County Councils, Urban District
   Councils, Rural District Councils, and Boards of Guardians,
   all elected by ballot every three years, on a franchise
   broader than the Parliamentary franchise, since it gave the
   local suffrage to women. The same Act extended to Ireland the
   provisions of the Act for the relief of agricultural land, and
   contained some other welcome provisions of financial relief.

      _61 & 62 Vict. chapter 37._

   "To understand the extent of the change which is now
   determined on … it is necessary first to describe the system
   of Irish Local Government which is about to pass away forever.
   Broadly speaking, that system consisted of three parts, viz.:
   the Grand Jury, the Poor Law Boards, and various forms of
   Municipal Government in towns and cities. … The Grand Jury was
   about the most anomalous and indefensible institution which
   can be conceived. It consisted, usually, of a couple of dozen
   persons chosen from a larger number selected by the High
   Sheriff for the county or the city, as the case might be, the
   High Sheriff himself being the nominee of the Lord Lieutenant,
   who acted on the recommendation of the Superior Court Judges,
   who, in their turn, always recommended some leading landlord
   and magistrate. … The Grand Jury in every Irish county, down
   even to the present year, has always consisted almost entirely
   of members of the landlord class, and mainly of Protestants
   also. To bodies thus constituted was entrusted the control of
   all public roads and other public works of the county, the
   contracts therefor, the management of the prisons, the care of
   the public buildings, the power to contribute to infirmaries,
   lunatic asylums and fever hospitals, the appointment of all
   the paid officials of the county, and the right to levy a tax
   called the county cess, which, of late years, has produced
   considerably more than a million pounds sterling annually.
   Associated with the Grand Juries were smaller bodies, the
   members of which met at 'Presentment Sessions' once or twice a
   year to initiate county works. Those bodies also were
   non-elective, and represented mainly the landlords and
   magistrates of the respective counties. In the old days, these
   Grand Juries became—not unnaturally—not merely nests of jobbery
   and corruption, but an agency of social and political
   oppression. …
{271}
   For many years past, indeed, the Grand Juries have not been
   open to all those charges. They have not, as a rule, been the
   corrupt jobbers they were forty or fifty years ago. Their
   administration of the business entrusted to them has been
   fairly honest and efficient. But in their constitution they
   have, on the whole, continued to be what they were. …

   "The Boards of Poor Law Guardians have in the course of time
   become more or less popular bodies, and, besides their
   original function of dispensing relief out of the rates to the
   destitute poor, have been invested with the management of so
   many other matters in recent years that their title is now
   really a misnomer. They are, for instance, the sanitary
   authorities in all rural and in some urban districts; they
   have to do with the registration of births, deaths, and
   marriages, and—not to go through the whole list of their
   powers and duties—they have had the administration of the
   Laborers' Acts, under which a good deal has been done, since
   the year 1883, to improve the homes of agricultural laborers.

   "It remains to notice the system of Government in the towns
   and cities. In this case there has been some degree of reality
   in the phrase, 'local self-government'—at least, for the last
   forty or fifty years. Down to 1840 there was no really
   representative system of government in any Irish town or city.
   … Since the year mentioned the corporations have been more or
   less representative, and since 1854 the smaller towns in
   Ireland have been allowed the right to possess municipal
   institutions of a less important, but still representative,
   character. In respect, however, of both the corporations of
   the cities and of the town boards of the smaller civic
   communities, the franchise for municipal purposes has been
   ridiculously restricted. In Dublin, the population exceeds
   300,000; the Parliamentary electorate is upwards of 40,000;
   but the municipal electorate amounts to only about 8,000 or
   9,000; and the same story is true of all the other
   municipalities, except a few which, like Belfast, have by
   special acts of Parliament obtained extensions of the suffrage
   peculiar to themselves.

   "Here, then, was a state of thing's which, assuredly, required
   mending, and, as I have said, innumerable efforts to mend it
   had been made up to last year with no result. Last summer,
   however, the reform now virtually accomplished was announced
   to the House of Commons one afternoon by Mr. Arthur Balfour,
   without anyone having asked for it and without any warning
   whatever. The chief features of the measure may be briefly
   described. In the first place, the ground is cleared by
   absolutely sweeping away the Grand Juries for fiscal purposes.
   Those bodies are still retained for their original
   purpose—that, namely, of dealing with indictments. … With them
   go the Boards of Guardians as they are at present constituted.
   Bodies will still continue to exist under that name, but they
   will be no longer constituted as they are now. … In the place
   of the Grand Juries and the Boards of Guardians there has been
   set up a rather complicated system of County Councils and
   District Councils, these latter being sub-divided into two
   classes—Urban District Councils and Rural District Councils;
   and at this point one provision applicable to all those
   bodies, and also to every Corporation and Town Board in the
   country, may be conveniently mentioned. It is that which
   enacts that the electorate in each case shall be the
   Parliamentary electorate, in addition to peers and to such
   women as would, if they were men, be qualified for the
   Parliamentary franchise. Here is manifestly a great reform in
   itself. … The change is a vast one, in view of the narrow
   foundation on which even the most popular Irish local
   institutions have hitherto rested. It means the transfer of
   power from a class to the people. It means the ousting of what
   used to be the English garrison in Ireland from what it had
   come to regard as its inalienable heritage. It marks the entry
   of the Irish Nation, after ages of weary waiting, into at
   least a considerable portion of its birthright. To the County
   Councils, which will thus repose on a thoroughly popular
   basis, and one of which will be established in every county,
   will be entrusted all the fiscal business of the Grand Juries,
   with one exception. The excepted business is that of assessing
   compensation for malicious injuries."

      _J. J. Clancy,
      The Latest Reform in Ireland
      (North American Review, September, 1898)._

IRELAND: A. D. 1900 (April).
   Visit of Queen Victoria.

   For the first time in nearly forty years, Queen Victoria paid
   a visit to Ireland in April, and held court in Dublin for
   three weeks, being cordially received and treated throughout
   with respect by well-mannered crowds. Apparently the visit
   gave satisfaction to most of the Irish people.

IRELAND: A. D. 1900-1901.
   Parliamentary elections.
   Triumph of the United Irish League.
   Its absorption of the Nationalist party.
   Its programme.

   The elections to a new Parliament (see, in this volume,
   ENGLAND: A. D. 1900, SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER), held in October,
   resulted in a sweeping victory for the United Irish League, a
   new organization formed by Mr. William O'Brien, which,
   according to the "London Times," "has practically absorbed the
   whole of the Irish Nationalist party" and "is the successor in
   title of the old Land League." "Mr. William O'Brien," says the
   "Times," "returned his own followers to Parliament from
   practically every Nationalist constituency in Ireland. … For
   the moment at least all the other successors of Mr. Parnell
   are vanquished or in captivity, and Mr. O'Brien finds himself
   at the head of a party which for the first time in ten years
   has the right to call itself 'united.'"

   On the opening of the Parliament, in the following February,
   the new League was soon brought to its attention by Mr.
   O'Brien, who moved, on the 22d, to amend the Address to the
   King, which was then under discussion, by adding to it the
   following: "Humbly to represent to your Majesty that this
   House has observed that a combination of the agricultural
   classes in Ireland has been formed, under the name of the
   United Irish League, with the object of accomplishing reforms
   which alone, in the opinion of nine-tenths of the
   constitutional representatives of Ireland, can arrest the
   continued depopulation of that country and the decay of its
   only great national industry.
{272}
   These reforms being, first, the creation of an occupying
   proprietary in substitution for the present unsettled and
   vexatious system of dual ownership of land; and, secondly, the
   utilization of extensive tracts, at present lying practically
   waste in the congested districts, for the purpose of supplying
   holdings of sufficient extent to a hard-working and deserving
   population, who for want of land are compelled to live in a
   condition of chronic privation and even famine on the borders
   of those fertile depopulated areas; that the movement which
   has been carried on for the past three years for the promotion
   of these objects has been marked by the disappearance of those
   crimes of violence and secret conspiracies which were used to
   the discredit of all former agrarian combinations in Ireland,
   and the league, basing itself on the principle that its
   struggle is in the nature of a great economic industrial
   dispute between the tillers of the soil on the one side and
   the rent-owners, supported by a vast capital and territorial
   influence, on the other, has relied for success upon those
   combinations for mutual protection and appeals to public
   opinion which the trade union laws have expressly authorized
   in the cause of disputes between capital and labour of a
   non-agricultural character; that, nevertheless, this House has
   observed that the forces of the Crown have been
   unconstitutionally employed, and public justice has been
   polluted in the interest of one of the parties to the dispute;
   that the right of public meeting has been capriciously
   suppressed; that prosecutions for conspiracy and Whiteboyism
   have been instituted in reference to open and advised appeals
   to public opinion and measures of mutual protection, which are
   indisputably within the right of trade unions in ordinary
   industrial struggles; that the power of contempt of Court has
   been unconstitutionally and oppressively abused for the
   purpose of inflicting prolonged sentences of imprisonment
   without trial; that the right of trial by jury has been
   outraged by the systematic exclusion from the jury-box of all
   jurors sharing the politics or creed of the accused, and the
   empanelling of juries composed exclusively of sympathizers
   with the territorial class, that the liberty of the Press in
   Ireland has been assailed, and influential organs of opinion
   prosecuted in the endeavour to silence public comment on this
   iniquitous system; that grievous and vindictive fines have
   been exacted from districts obnoxious to the landlord interest
   by means of charges for extra police quartered upon peaceful
   populations, and that the people of Ireland have been
   subjected to divers others the like cruel oppressions and
   provocations; and humbly to represent to your Majesty that, it
   being of the highest constitutional import to encourage the
   Irish people to seek the redress of their grievances by the
   fullest freedom of speech and of combination which is
   warranted by the example of the trade unions of Great Britain,
   this House is of opinion that the attacks at present directed
   by the Executive against the rights of free speech and of
   combination in Ireland should cease, and that the legislation
   protecting the trade unions in the exercise of their rights of
   combination against capital and non-union labour should be
   extended to all agricultural combinations of a similar
   character in that country."

   In his speech supporting the amendment Mr. O'Brien charged
   that, "there being no real crime in Ireland, the Executive
   there had made crime of perfectly legitimate actions, treating
   the people as if the object was to goad them into conspiracy
   and violence. The record of the league was virtually a
   crimeless one, it had carried on its work now for three years
   without any of those blood-curdling incidents which coercion
   Ministers used to smack their lips over in that House. … The
   league, which had been tested by time and had proved its power
   at the general election, had started and carried on in Ireland
   an irresistible agitation for the suppression, for the
   abolition of landlordism, and had elicited in the King's first
   Speech a promise, such as it was, of another land Bill,
   although two years ago that House was assured that there was
   no longer an Irish land question."

   An extensive combination, he said, was going on in Ireland
   against the taking of evicted farms, and "what form of trade
   unionism could be more legitimate?" But charges of
   intimidation and conspiracy; he claimed, were trumped up, and
   juries were packed, for the suppression of this movement,
   though it went no farther than trades unions in England could
   go with no interference. "The Irish people exercised the right
   of combination in the United Irish League, and they would
   continue to exercise it whether the Government liked it or
   not, in order to obtain the land on conditions that would give
   its cultivators a living wage. In the ranks of the
   organization were 500,000 farmers and labourers, representing
   with their families three-fourths of the population of
   Ireland. Their object was to parcel out the vast grazing lands
   lying derelict among the cottagers who were starving on their
   verge. A department of the Government was actually engaged in
   carrying out the programme of the league, but at such a
   snail's pace that it would take centuries to make any
   impression upon the mass of misery which existed in the
   country."

   After several hours of debate the amendment to
   the Address was rejected by 203 votes against 109.

   ----------IRELAND: End--------

IRON, Combinations in the production of.

      See (in this volume)
      TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

IRON GATES OF THE DANUBE, Opening of the.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1896.

ISLE DU DIABLE.

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899.

ISRAEL, The People of:
   Discovery of the sole mention of them in Egyptian inscriptions.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: RESULTS.

ISTHMIAN CANAL, The.

      See (in this volume)
      CANAL, INTEROCEANIC.

ISTHMIAN RAILWAY, The Tehuantepec.

      See (in this volume)
      MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.

ITAGAKI, Count: Leader of the Japanese Liberal party.

      See (in this volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898.

{273}

   ----------ITALY: Start--------

ITALY: Recent archæological explorations.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: ITALY.

ITALY: A. D. 1895-1896.
   Accusations against the Crispi Ministry.
   Fresh offense to the Vatican.
   Disastrous war with Abyssinia.
   Fall of Crispi.

   In elections to the Italian Chamber of Deputies, which took
   place in May, 1895, the government, under Signor Crispi, was
   accused of audacious practices, striking the names of opposed
   electors from the voting lists, to the number, it is said, of
   several hundreds of thousands, and contriving otherwise to
   paralyze the opposition to itself. The result of the elections
   was the return of 336 government candidates, against 98 of
   other parties. An attempt to obtain an official return of all
   the deputies who were receiving pay from the State, directly
   or indirectly, was skilfully baffled by Signor Crispi, and
   remained a matter of rumor and guess. In September, the
   government gave fresh offense to the Vatican by an imposing
   celebration of the 25th anniversary of the entry of the
   Italian troops into Rome, with a display of the flag of
   free-masonry. Hostility of France and Russia to Italy was made
   acute "by the renewal, on the return of Lord Salisbury to
   office in 1895, of an agreement between England, Austria and
   Italy for common action in the Eastern question, originally
   made in 1887. In virtue of this agreement Italy sent her fleet
   to the Aegean to support Great Britain at the opening of the
   Armenian question [see, in this volume, TURKEY: A. D. 1895,
   and after], and the consequence was that France and Russia put
   pressure on Abyssinia to renew hostilities against Italy. This
   new campaign Crispi was ill-prepared to meet, as he had
   detailed a corps d'armée for an expedition to Asia Minor in
   conjunction with the naval preparations, and the strength of
   the forces under arms did not enable the minister of war to
   detach another corps to Erythrea. To complete the difficulties
   of the position, a coolness arose between the Emperor of
   Germany and the government of Crispi, the latter having
   notified the German government that he should at the proper
   time denounce the Treaty of the Triple Alliance with the
   object of providing better security for Italian interests in
   Africa. The Emperor in reply advised the King of Italy that
   Crispi was becoming importunate and must be got rid of. This
   defection probably determined the fall of Crispi. It gave such
   strength to the opposition at home, that the intrigues of the
   Court and military circles succeeded in paralyzing all his
   military plans, and especially in preventing him from
   superseding Baratieri, now recognized as incompetent for the
   enlarged operations which were in view. The King refused to
   consent to the suppression until it became imperative through
   the increase of the force to a point at which a superior
   officer was necessitated by the regulations, when Baldissera
   was appointed to the superior command. But before Baldissera
   could enter on his command, Baratieri, against the distinct
   orders of the government, attacked with a force of 14,000 men
   the impregnable positions near Adowah which Menelek held with
   80,000. He was met by the most crushing defeat that Italy has
   had to undergo in modern times. Out of the total force no less
   than 6,000 perished.

   "The history of this affair still remains more or less a
   secret, the court-martial which followed being rather
   calculated to bury than expose the facts of the case, but the
   immediate effect was to induce the ministry to resign without
   waiting for the assembling of parliament. The magnitude of the
   disaster made it evident that, considering the Italian
   temperament and its tendency to panic, the responsibility for
   it would be visited on the ministry, though it was only
   responsible in so far as it had submitted to the Royal
   decision deferring the recall of Baratieri. The King,
   unwilling to accept the programme of Rudini, gave the
   formation of the new ministry to General Ricotti, a Senator,
   Rudini taking the portfolio of home affairs (March, 1896). …
   The scheme of army reorganization proposed by Ricotti, which
   aimed at improving the efficiency of the force by devoting
   money rather to the instruction of the rank and file than to
   the maintenance of superfluous officers, was opposed, … the
   law was defeated in the chamber, and Ricotti gave place to
   Rudini as President of the Council. The rejection of Ricotti's
   plan was a triumph for the Franco-Russian party, which had
   re-assumed the direction of foreign affairs. Africa, under
   this policy, being excluded from the Italian sphere of action,
   peace was made with Menelek [October 26, 1896] on terms which
   practically implied withdrawal from Erythrea to the port of
   Massowah. This measure satisfied the exigencies of the old
   Right, while the Radicals were conciliated by the exclusion
   and proscription of Crispi and by the understanding with
   France, as well as by the reversal of the repressive policy
   towards the extreme members of their party. Thus the year 1897
   saw Italy reduced to inertia abroad and apathy within."

      _W. J. Stillman,
      The Union of Italy,
      chapter 15
      (Cambridge: University Press)._

   The peace made with King Menelek in 1896 ended the Italian
   claim to a protectorate over Abyssinia, which seems never to
   have had any basis of right. It started from a treaty
   negotiated in 1889, known as the Treaty of Uchali, which
   purported to be no more than an ordinary settlement of
   friendly relations, commercial and political. But the
   convention contained a clause which is said to have read in
   the Amharic (the court and official language of Abyssinia),
   "the King of Abyssinia may make use of the government of the
   King of Italy in all matters whereon he may have to treat with
   other governments." In the Italian version of the treaty, the
   innocent permissive phrase, "may make use," became, it is
   said, an obligatory "agrees to make use," &c., and was so
   communicated to foreign governments, furnishing grounds for a
   claim of "protection" which the Abyssinians rejected
   indignantly. Hence the wars which proved disastrous to Italy.

ITALY: A. D. 1897.
   Dissolution of the Chamber.
   Election of Deputies.
   Reconstruction of the Ministry.

   Early in the year a royal decree dissolved the Chamber of
   Deputies, and elections held in March gave the Rudini Ministry
   a large majority. The Catholic party refrained almost entirely
   from voting. But divisions arose in the course of the year
   which brought about a reconstruction of the Cabinet in
   December, Signor Rudini still being at the head. An important
   event of the year was the resolution of the Italian government
   to evacuate Kassala, on the Abyssinian frontier, directly
   eastward from Khartum. The Italians had taken it from the
   Mahdists in 1894. It now became part of the Anglo-Egyptian
   territory.

{274}

ITALY: A. D. 1898.
   Arbitration Treaty with Argentine Republic.

      See (in this volume)
      ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1898.

ITALY: A. D. 1898 (March-June).
   Report on charges against Signor Crispi.
   His resignation from Parliament and re-election.
   Change of Ministry.

   In March, a special commission, appointed the previous
   December, to investigate certain serious charges against the
   ex-Premier, Signor Crispi, reported his culpability, but that
   nothing in his conduct could be brought for trial before the
   High Court. The charges were connected with a scandalous
   wrecking of several banks, at Rome, Naples, and elsewhere,
   which had occurred during Signor Crispi's administration, and
   which was found to be due to political extortions practiced on
   those institutions by members and agents of the government.
   Personally, it did not appear that the ex-Premier had profited
   by what was done; but his wife seemed to have been a large
   recipient of gain, and moneys wrung from the banks had been
   used for party political purposes and for the government
   secret service fund. On the report made by the commission
   Signor Crispi resigned his seat in Parliament, and was
   promptly re-elected from Palermo by an overwhelming majority.
   In May, the Ministry of the Marquis di Rudini, much weakened
   by the troubled state of the country, was reconstructed, but
   only to hold its ground for another month. On the 17th of
   June, upon a threatened vote of want of confidence, it
   resigned, and, on the 28th, a new Liberal Ministry took
   office, with General Pelloux at its head.

ITALY: A. D. 1898 (April-May).
   Bread riots in the south and
   revolutionary outbreaks in the north.

   "May 1898 will be remembered for a long time in Italy, and one
   may wish that the eventful month may mark the turning-point in
   political life of the new kingdom. The revolt was general, the
   explosion broke out almost suddenly, but long was the period
   of preparation. 'Malcontento' is quite a household word in
   Italy—and the Italians had more than one reason to be
   dissatisfied with their national government. The rise in the
   price of bread, as a consequence of the Hispano-American war,
   was the immediate, but by no means the only, cause of the
   uprising which darkened the skies of sunny Italy for several
   days. The enormous taxation imposed upon a people yet young in
   its national life, in order to carry out a policy far too big for
   the financial means of the country; the failure in the attempt
   to establish a strong colony in the Red Sea; the economic war
   with France; the scanty help Italy received from her allies in
   time of need; the political corruption, unchecked when not
   encouraged by those who stood at the helm of the State; the
   impotence of the Chambers of Deputies to deal with the
   evil-doers as the claims of justice and the voice of the
   people required, all these evils have prepared a propitious
   ground for the agitators both of the radical and reactionary
   parties.

   "The Bread Riots began towards the end of April, and in a few
   days they assumed a very alarming aspect, especially in the
   small towns of the Neapolitan provinces, inhabited by people
   ordinarily pacific and law-abiding. The destruction of
   property was wanton and wide-spread, women careless of their
   lives leading the men to the assault. In many cases the riots
   soon came to an end; in others the immediate abolition of the
   'octroi' did not produce the desired effect. … There was no
   organization in the Neapolitan provinces; the riots were
   absolutely independent of one another, but they were
   originated by the same cause—misery; they aimed at the same
   object—a loud protest by means of devastation; they all ended
   in the same way—viz., after two or three days the soldiers
   restored order, the dead were buried, and the ringleaders
   taken to prison to be dealt with by the military court. In the
   north, at Milan, the uprising was of quite a different
   character. In the south of Italy it was truly a question of
   bread and bread alone. In Central Italy it was a question of
   work, in Lombardy a truly revolutionary movement. The
   Neapolitan mob shouted for bread and bread alone, some asking
   for cheaper bread, some others for 'free bread.' In Tuscany
   the cry was, 'Pane o Lavoro!' (bread or work). In Lombardy
   quite another trumpet was sounded: 'Down with the Government!
   Down with the Dynasty!'

   "The Milanese, of all the people of Italy, have plenty of work
   and bread, and it is admitted by all that bread had nothing to
   do with the revolt of Milan. I have studied this movement from
   its inception, and my conclusion is that the revolt broke out
   long before it was expected, thus making the discomfiture more
   certain. The great majority of the population of Milan was,
   and is, conservative and loyal to the King, although not
   pleased with the doings of the Government. Only a minority,
   but a very noisy and active minority, is against monarchical
   institutions. For some time past the revolutionary party of
   Milan have made no mystery of their political aspirations
   towards the establishment of a Milanese republic, to be called
   'Republica Ambrogiana.' … Milan is also the headquarters of
   Socialism and Anarchism. Socialists and Republicans once upon
   a time were implacable foes. Many a battle they fought one
   against the other; but since 1886 the two have come to love
   each other more, or to hate each other less, whichever it may
   be; and towards the end of 1895 they entered into partnership
   against their common enemy—Crispi! Then the Anarchists came
   in. Decent Republicans and timid Socialists were rather averse
   to ally themselves with anarchy; the very name was loathsome
   to them. However, this natural mistrust soon disappeared, and
   the Anarchists were welcomed into the dual alliance. Still
   another element was to enter—the clerical party. … The
   clericals have not a special cry of their own. They satisfied
   themselves by rubbing their hands and saying: 'Down it goes at
   last.' Little they knew that not the dynasty, not united Italy
   was then going down, but society itself. … A friend of mine,
   who was in the midst of the revolt, assures me that its
   importance has been very much exaggerated in the first reports
   sent abroad; and from the official documents, since published,
   it appears that about 90 barricades were erected, and some 20
   houses ransacked to provide the necessary material to build
   them. The number of the killed amounted to 72, and that of the
   seriously wounded to 63. On Monday evening [May 9] order was
   restored in Milan. … On Wednesday morning shops and factories
   were reopened, but it will take years to undo the mischief
   done on May 7, 8, and 9, 1898. All are sadder now; one may
   hope that they will be wiser also. The agitators, the deluded,
   the masses, the governing classes, the Government, all have
   had their lesson."

      _G. D. Vecchia,
      The Revolt in Italy
      (Contemporary Review, July, 1898)._

{275}

ITALY: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
   Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

ITALY: A. D. 1899-1900.
   Parliamentary disorder, leading to arbitrary government.
   Assassination of King Humbert.

   Much feeling was excited in Italy by the agreement between
   Great Britain and France which practically awarded most of the
   Sahara Hinterland of Tripoli (a possession long hoped for and
   expected by the Italians), as well as that of Tunis, Algiers,
   and Morocco, to France (see, in this volume, NIGERIA). The
   government was accused of want of vigor in opposing this, and
   was held responsible, at the same time, for the humiliating
   failure of an attempt to secure a share of spoils in China, by
   lease of Sammun Bay. The resignation of the Ministry was
   consequent, early in May; but the King retained General
   Pelloux at the head of the government, and new associates in
   his cabinet were found. The Chamber of Deputies became
   unmanageable; obstruction, very much in the Austrian manner,
   was carried to such an extent that Parliament was prorogued.
   The King then, by royal decree, conferred extraordinary powers
   on the Ministry, suspending, at the same time, rights of meeting
   and association, to suppress political agitation, and taking,
   in fact, a serious backward step, toward government outside of
   constitutional law. Liberals of all shades, and, apparently, many
   constitutional Conservatives, were alarmed and outraged by
   this threatening measure, and, when Parliament was reconvened,
   the proceedings of obstruction were renewed with more persistency
   than before. The government then attempted an arbitrary
   adoption of rules to prevent obstruction; whereupon (April 3,
   1900) the entire Opposition left the House in a body. The
   situation at length became such that the King adjourned the
   Parliament sine die, on the 16th of May, and a new Chamber of
   Deputies was elected on the 3d of the month following. The
   Opposition was considerably strengthened in the election, and
   the Ministry of General Pelloux, finding itself more helpless
   in Parliament than ever, resigned on the 18th of June. A new
   Cabinet under Signor Saracco was formed.

   On the 29th of July, 1900, King Humbert was assassinated by an
   Italian anarchist, named Angelo Bresci, who went to Italy for
   the purpose, from Paterson, New Jersey, in the United States,
   where he had latterly been living. The King was at Monza, and
   had been distributing prizes at a gymnasium. At the close of
   the ceremony, as he entered his carriage, the assassin fired
   three shots at him, inflicting wounds from which the King died
   within an hour. The murderer was seized on the spot, tried and
   convicted of the crime. He received the severest penalty that
   Italian law could inflict, which was imprisonment for life.
   The son who succeeds King Humbert, Victor Emmanuel III., was
   in his thirty-first year when thus tragically raised to the
   throne. He is weak in body, but is reputed to have an
   excellent mind. He was wedded in 1896 to Princess Helene of
   Montenegro.

ITALY: A. D. 1900.
   Military and naval expenditure.

      See (in this volume)
      WAR BUDGETS.

ITALY: A. D. 1900.
   Naval strength.

      See (in this volume)
      NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

ITALY: A. D. 1900 (January).
   Adhesion to the arrangement of an "open door" commercial
   policy in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

ITALY: A. D. 1900 (January).
   Exposure of the Mafia.

   Circumstances came to light in the course of the year 1899
   which compelled the government to enter upon an investigation
   of the doings of the Sicilian secret society known as the
   Mafia. This resulted in the arrest of a number of persons,
   including a Sicilian member of the Chamber of Deputies, named
   Palizzolo, charged with complicity in the murder, seven years
   before, of the Marquis Notarbartolo, manager of the Bank of
   Sicily at Palermo. The accused were brought to Milan for
   trial, which took place in January, 1900, and the disclosures
   then Made showed that Sicily had long been terrorized and
   tyrannized, in all departments of affairs, by a few men who
   controlled this murderous secret organization, Palizzolo
   being, apparently, the head of the fiendish crew. One of the
   ministers in the Italian government, General Mirri, Secretary
   of War, was found to have had, at least, some scandalous
   understandings with the Mafia, and he was forced to resign.

ITALY: A. D. 1900 (January-March).
   The outbreak of the "Boxers" in northern China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

ITALY: A. D. 1900 (June-December).
   Co-operation with the Powers in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA.

ITALY: A. D. 1900 (July-September).
   An Italian view of the state of the country.

   "Appearances, it is well known, are often deceptive, and the
   present condition of Italy is a case in point. Discontent is
   not a new thing for the Italian mind to be agitated by, but
   there is an enormous difference between being discontented
   with the Government of the day and being dissatisfied with the
   national institutions. Italians have a quick perception and
   are extremely impulsive; they often act suddenly and on the
   impression of the moment, but they are also apt to fall into a
   state of lethargy, during which the will of the nation is very
   weak, both as a stimulus to good government and as repressive
   of that which is bad. There are, however, times in which this
   will asserts itself. Italy is just passing through one of
   these lucid intervals.

   "The assassination of King Humbert seems to have awakened the
   whole nation from a long sleep. Those who thought there was no
   affection left for monarchical institutions in Italy must have
   experienced a very depressing disappointment. For forty-eight
   hours there was no king at all in Italy. King Humbert was dead
   and his successor was somewhere on the high seas, but nobody knew
   exactly where, yet not a single disorderly movement was
   noticed anywhere. Clericals, Socialists, Republicans, the
   three declared enemies of the monarchy, entirely disappeared
   from the scene during the crisis.
{276}
   If anyone of these parties, which during the last period of
   national lethargy had grown more audacious and bolder, had
   only attempted to assert itself, the Italian public 'en masse'
   would have revolted against it, and performed one of those
   acts of summary justice of which the history of Italy
   furnishes abundant examples. I think this absence of disorder
   of any kind is the most convincing proof that can be adduced
   in favour of the present state of things in Italy. Surely, if
   the people had been nursing in their hearts a general revolt,
   that was the moment for action.

   "Of course a few anarchists here and there have rejoiced over
   the crime of their comrade; however, I venture to assert that
   it is not quite correct to call Italy the hotbed of anarchy.
   It is true that many of the most fierce anarchists are Italian
   by birth; but anarchism did not originate in Italy, it was
   imported there. France and Russia had—under another
   name—anarchists long before the name of any Italian was ever
   connected with anarchism. … Political education is still in
   Italy of very poor quality—truthfully speaking, there is none.
   Even the anarchists go elsewhere to perfect their education.
   The assassins of Carnot, of the Empress Elizabeth, and of
   Canovas, had their political education perfected in Paris or
   in London. Italy does not export political murderers, as was
   very unkindly said on the occasion of the assassination of the
   Empress of Austria. Italy at the worst exports only the rough
   material for the making of anarchical murderers. Even the
   assassin of King Humbert belongs to this category. He left
   Italy with no homicidal mania in him. He was not then a wild
   beast with a human face, to make use of an expression uttered
   by Signor Saracco, the Premier of Italy. The anarchist clubs
   of Paris, London, and New York were his university colleges."

      _G. D. Vecchia,
      The Situation in Italy
      (Nineteenth Century Review, September, 1900)._

ITALY: A. D. 1901.
   Fall of the Saracco Ministry.
   Formation of a Liberal Cabinet under Signor Zanardelli.
   Census of the kingdom.

   The Saracco Ministry, which took direction of the government
   in June, 1900, was defeated on the 6th of February, 1901, and
   compelled to resign. An extraordinarily heavy vote (318 to
   102) was cast against it in condemnation of its conduct in
   matters relating to a "Chamber of Labor" at Genoa. First, it
   had ordered the dissolution of that body, as being subversive
   in influence, and then, when a "strike" occurred in Genoa, as
   the consequence, it receded from its action and reconstituted
   the Chamber. By the first proceeding it had disgusted the
   Conservatives; by the second the Radicals, and by its
   indecision the Moderates. They combined to overthrow it. With
   some difficulty a new Cabinet was formed containing Liberals
   of various shades, with Signor Zanardelli, a veteran
   republican of the Garibaldi generation, at its head. A writer
   who has frequently discussed foreign politics with a good deal
   of knowledge in the columns of the "New York Tribune," over
   the signature "Ex-Attache," believes that Zanardelli is
   committed "to anti-clerical legislation of the most drastic
   and far reaching character," and "may be depended upon to
   proceed against the Vatican with a vigor unprecedented in the
   annals of united Italy. And there will be," he thinks, "no
   attempt on the part of Victor Emmanuel to hold him in leash.
   Existing laws will be enforced to the utmost against the
   Papacy, while new measures may be looked for to restrict
   further the activity of the Church as a factor in political
   life, to extend the control of the government over all
   ecclesiastical enterprises and undertakings and to emphasize
   the fact that all Italians, no matter whether they form part
   of the Papal Court or not, are Italian citizens, as well as
   subjects of the Italian crown, and required to obey the laws
   and to fulfil their obligations as such."

   A Press despatch from Rome, in February, announced that "the
   result of the first Italian census in 20 years has proved a
   surprise. It shows that the population is 35,000,000, while it
   was not expected that it would exceed 31,000,000. The ratio of
   increase is greater than in any other European country. This
   is ascribed to improved sanitation. The birthrate continues
   high. It is estimated that 5,000,000 Italians have gone to the
   United States and South America."

   ----------ITALY: End--------

ITO, Marquis:
   Administration and political experiments.

      See (in this volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898; 1898-1899;
      and 1900 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

J.

JACKSON-HARMSWORTH EXPEDITION, Return of the.

      See (in this volume)
      POLAR EXPEDITION, 1897.

JAMAICA: A. D. 1898.
   Industrial condition.

      See (in this volume)
      WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.

JAMAICA: A. D. 1899.
   Financial crisis and conflict between
   the Governor and the Legislative Assembly.

   A crisis in the financial circumstances of the Colony,
   consequent on expenditures exceeding revenue for several
   years, was reached in 1899, and led to a serious conflict of
   views between the Governor and the Legislative Assembly. The
   latter is constituted of members partly elected and partly
   appointed by the Governor. The elected members of the Assembly
   had been in the majority, hitherto, but the Governor possessed
   authority to add to the nominated membership, and he exercised
   that authority, as a means of obtaining action on a tariff
   bill which he held to be a necessary measure. He did so under
   instructions from the British Colonial Secretary. Before this
   occurred, an agent of the Colonial Office, Sir David Barbour,
   had been sent to Jamaica to report on the financial situation.
   His report, submitted in June, besides recommending financial
   remedies, contained some references to the political
   constitution of the colony—among them these:

{277}

   "The peculiar constitution of the Government had … an
   influence in bringing about, or aggravating the present
   financial difficulties: When it was apparent that either more
   revenue must be raised or expenditure must be reduced, the
   Government was in favour of increasing taxation, while the
   elected members of the Legislative Council pressed for
   reductions of expenditure. From the nature of the
   Constitution, the Government was practically unable to carry
   proposals for increased taxation in opposition to the votes of
   nine elected members, while the elected members could not in
   any satisfactory manner enforce reduction of expenditure. The
   present state of things shows that both increase of taxation
   and reduction of expenditure were necessary, but though there
   has been much friction in recent years, and great loss of time
   in the Legislative Council, neither increase of taxation nor
   reduction of expenditure was effected in any degree at all
   adequate to avert the difficulties which were approaching. …
   The Home Government are, in the last resort, responsible for
   the financial condition of Jamaica, while, under ordinary
   circumstances, the Colonial Office exercises at present no
   real direct and immediate control over the finances. … It may
   be taken for granted that under any circumstances Her
   Majesty's Government would be unwilling to see the Colony sink
   into a condition of insolvency without an effort for its
   relief, and as the ultimate responsibility must, therefore,
   rest on Her Majesty's Government it would seem better to
   exercise the power of control, while it is still possible to
   apply a remedy, rather than to wait until the mischief can
   only be redressed at the cost of the British taxpayer. On the
   other hand, as no real responsibility can be enforced on the
   Elected Members, it seems necessary to give the Governor some
   practicable means of enforcing his policy, and I would suggest
   that this might be done by keeping the number of nominated
   Members at its full strength so that in case of need the
   Governor would only have to make the necessary declaration,
   and would not have to go through the preliminary operation of
   adding to the number of nominated Members."

   On the 22d of August, the report of Sir David Barbour was
   reviewed at length by the Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain,
   in a despatch to Governor Hemming, and the above
   recommendations were substantially approved and made
   instructions to the Governor. "Two plain facts in connection
   with this matter," said the Colonial Secretary, "must force
   themselves upon the attention of all who study the question,
   still more of all who are called upon to find a solution of
   it. The first is, that 'the Home Government,' in Sir David
   Barbour's words, 'are in the last resort responsible for the
   financial condition of Jamaica.' The second is that as a
   'working compromise,' the existing system has failed. It is a
   compromise, but it has not worked. I am not now so much
   concerned with principle as with practice. As a machine for
   doing the work which has to be done the present system has
   failed. It is in fact impossible, except where tact and
   goodwill and friendly feeling exist in an unusual degree, for
   the government of a country to be carried on when those who
   are responsible for it are in a permanent minority in the
   Legislature. I decline to allow the Jamaica Government to
   remain in that position any longer, not merely because it is
   unfair to them, but also because, recognizing the ultimate
   responsibility of Her Majesty's Government for the solvency of
   the Colony, I must ensure that the measures which they may
   consider necessary are carried out. I must instruct you,
   therefore, before the Legislative Council is again summoned,
   to fill up the full number of nominated members and to retain
   them, using at your discretion the power given you by the
   Constitution to declare measures to be of paramount
   importance. You will give the Council and the public to
   understand that this step is taken by my express instructions.
   It is my hope that the Elected Members will recognise that my
   decision is based on public grounds, and has become
   inevitable, that they will loyally accept it, and co-operate
   with me and with you for the good of the Colony."

      _Great Britain,
      Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command:
      Jamaica, 1899 [C.-9412] and 1900 [Cd.-125])._

   ----------JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.: Start--------

JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
   Administrator of Rhodesia.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
      A. D. 1894-1895.

JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
   Raid into the Transvaal.
   Surrender.
   Trial in England.
   Imprisonment.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1895-1896.

JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
   The German Emperor's message to President Kruger
   concerning the Jameson Raid.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1896 (JANUARY).

JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
   Investigation of the Raid by the Cape Colony Assembly.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1896 (JULY).

JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
   Indemnity for the Raid claimed by South African Republic.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D.1897 (FEBRUARY).

JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
   British Parliamentary investigation of the Raid.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

   ----------JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.: End--------

   ----------JAPAN: Start--------

JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898.
   Rise of Parliamentary parties.
   Working of Constitutional Government.

   "When the Emperor's nominal authority was converted into a
   reality by the overthrow of the Shogun in 1868, the work was
   largely due to the four clans of Satsuma, Choshu, Hizen, and
   Tosa. Their aim was to destroy the Shogunate and to create an
   Imperial Government, and though many other motives actuated
   them, these were the two main ideas of the revolution which
   grew in importance and left political results. No sooner,
   however, was the Imperial Government established than it was
   found that the Satsuma clan was strongly divided. There were
   within it a party in favour of reform, and another party, led
   by Shimazu Saburo and Saigo Takamori, who clung to old
   traditions. The sword had not yet given place to the
   ballot-box, and the result of a bloody contest was the
   annihilation of the reactionaries. There remained, therefore,
   the Satsuma men loyal to the Emperor and to the absolute
   government of 1868, and with them the Choshu, Hizen, Tosa, and
   other clans. Some of these clans had not always been friendly
   in the past. They found it difficult to work together now.
   Marquis Ito has observed that Japanese politicians are more
   prone to destroy than to construct, and an opportunity to
   indulge this proclivity soon presented itself.
{278}
   Although the four clans were equally pledged to secure
   representative government eventually, jealousy of one another
   drove two of them to take up this cry as a pretext for
   dissolving the alliance. The Tosa clan, now represented by
   Count Itagaki, seceded accordingly in 1873, and the Hizen
   clan, represented by Count Okuma, followed its example eight
   years afterwards. The former organised a party called the
   Fuyu-to, or Liberals, and the latter the Kaishin-to, or
   Progressives. The two remaining clans of Satsuma and Choshu
   were called for shortness the Sat-Cho. Such was the origin of
   parliamentary parties in Japan. There was no political issue
   at stake; the moving cause was simply clan jealousy, and hence
   it was that Hizen and Tosa did not join hands, though both
   strenuously opposed the Sat-Cho Government and each posed as
   the friend of the people. Consequently, when the first Diet
   met, in November, 1890, the Sat-Cho Ministry, with Marquis
   Yamagata as Premier, found itself face to face with a bitter
   and, it must be added, an unscrupulous opposition."

      _H. N. G. Bushby,
      Parliamentary Government in Japan
      (Nineteenth Century, July, 1899)._

   "The history of the Japanese Parliament [see CONSTITUTION OF
   JAPAN, in volume 1], briefly told, is as follows: The first
   Diet was opened in November, 1890, and the twelfth session in
   May, 1898. In this brief space of time there have been four
   dissolutions and five Parliaments. From the very first the
   collision between the Government and the Diet has been short
   and violent. In the case of the first dissolution, in
   December, 1891, the question turned on the Budget estimate,
   the Diet insisting on the bold curtailment of items of
   expenditure. In the second dissolution, in December, 1893, the
   question turned on the memorial to be presented to the Throne,
   the Opposition insisting in very strong terms on the necessity
   of strictly enforcing the terms of treaties with Western
   Powers, the Diet regarding the Cabinet as too weak-handed in
   foreign politics. The third dissolution, in June, 1894, was
   also on the same question. The Cabinet, in these two latter
   cases, was under the presidency of Marquis Ito (then Count),
   and was vigorously pushing forward negotiations for treaty
   revision, through the brilliant diplomacy of Count Mutsu, the
   Foreign Minister. This strict-enforcement agitation was looked
   upon by the Government as a piece of anti-foreign agitation—a
   Jingo movement—and as endangering the success of the
   treaty-revision negotiations. In fact, the revised treaty with
   Great Britain was on the latter date well-nigh completed, it
   being signed in July following by Lord Kimberley and Viscount
   Aoki. It was at this stage that the scepticism of foreign
   observers as to the final success of representative
   institutions in Japan seemed to reach its height. … Marquis
   Ito and some of the most tried statesmen of the time were out
   of office, forming a sort of reserve force, to be called out
   at any grave emergency. But great was the disappointment when
   it was seen that after Marquis Ito, with some of the most
   trusted statesmen as his colleagues, had been in office but
   little over a year, dissolution followed dissolution, and it
   seemed that even the Father of the Constitution was unable to
   manage its successful working. … There is no question that the
   Constitutional situation was at that time exceedingly critical.

   "But when the war broke out the situation was "But when the
   war broke out the situation was completely changed. In the
   August following the whole nation spoke and acted as if they
   were one man and had but one mind. In the two sessions of the
   Diet held during the war the Government was most ably
   supported by the Diet, and everybody hoped that after the war
   was over the same good-feeling would continue to rule the
   Diet. On the other hand, it was well known that the Opposition
   members in the Diet had clearly intimated that their support
   of the Government was merely temporary, and that after the
   emergency was over they might be expected to continue their
   opposition policy. Sure enough, many months before the opening
   of the ninth session, mutterings of deep discontent,
   especially with reference to the retrocession of the Liaotung
   peninsula, began to be widely heard, and it was much feared
   that the former scenes of fierce opposition and blind
   obstruction would be renewed. However, as the session
   approached (December, 1896), rumours were heard of a certain
   'entente' between the Government and the Liberal party, at
   that time the largest and the best organised in the country.
   And in the coming session the Government secured a majority,
   through the support of the Liberals, for most of its important
   Bills.

   "Now this 'entente' between Marquis Ito and the Liberals was a
   great step in advance in the constitutional history of the
   country, and a very bold departure in a new direction on the
   part of the Marquis. He was known to be an admirer of the
   German system, and a chief upholder of the policy of Chozen
   Naikaku, or the Transcendental Cabinet policy, which meant a
   Ministry responsible to the Emperor alone. Marquis Ito saw
   evidently at this stage the impossibility of carrying on the
   Government without a secure parliamentary support, and Count
   Itagaki, the Liberal leader, saw in the Marquis a faithful
   ally, whose character as a great constructive statesman, and
   whose history as the author of the Constitution, both forbade
   his ever proving disloyal to the Constitution. The 'entente'
   was cemented in May following by the entrance of Count Itagaki
   into the Cabinet as the Home Minister. On the other hand, this
   entente' led to the formation of the Progressist party by the
   union of the six Opposition parties, as well as to the union
   of Count Okuma, the Progressist leader, and Count Matsugata,
   leader of the Kagoshima statesmen. Their united opposition was
   now quite effective in harassing the administration. At this
   stage certain neutral men, particularly Count Inouye,
   suggested compromise, offering a scheme of a Coalition
   Cabinet. … But Count Itagaki was firm in opposing such a
   compromise, saying it was tantamount to the ignoring of party
   distinction, and as such was a retrogression instead of being
   a forward step in the constitutional history of the country.
   He finally tendered his resignation. When Marquis Ito saw that
   the Count was firm in his determination, he, too, resigned,
   saying that he felt so deeply obliged to the Liberals for
   their late parliamentary support that he would not let the
   Count go out of office alone. Thus fell the Ito Ministry after
   five years' brilliant service.

{279}

   "The new Cabinet, formed in September, 1896, had Count
   Matsukata for Premier and Treasury Minister; Count Okuma for
   Foreign Minister; and Admiral Kabayama, the hero of the Yaloo
   battle, for Home Minister. There were at this time three
   things that the nation desired. It wanted to be saved from the
   impending business depression. It wished to see Japanese
   Chauvinism installed at the Foreign Office, and the shame of
   the retrocession of the Liaotung peninsula wiped off. It
   hoped, lastly, to see a Parliamentary Government inaugurated
   and all the evils of irresponsible bureaucracy removed. The
   statesmen now installed in office aspired to satisfy all these
   desires, and they were expected to work wonders. But,
   unfortunately, the Cabinet lacked unity. … Early in the fall
   [of 1897] Count Okuma resigned office, saying that he felt
   like a European physician in consultation over a case with
   Chinese doctors. … Count Okuma led away the majority of the
   Progressist party, and the Government was left with but an
   insignificant number of supporters. As soon as the Diet met,
   the spirit of opposition manifested was so strong that the
   Ministers asked the Emperor to issue an edict for dissolution.
   It was expected that the government would at once appeal to
   the country with some strong programme. But to the
   astonishment of everybody the Ministry resigned the very next
   day. In the midst of the general confusion which followed,
   Marquis Ito's name was in the mouth of everybody. He was
   unanimously hailed as the only man to bring order into the
   political situation. In January following [1898] the new
   Cabinet was announced with Ito for Premier, Count Inouye for
   the Treasury, and Marquis Saionji, one of the best cultured,
   most progressive, and, perhaps, also most daring of the
   younger statesmen, for Education Minister."

      _Tokiwo Yokoi,
      New Japan and her Constitutional Outlook
      (Contemporary Review, September, 1898)._

JAPAN: A. D. 1895.
   The war with China.
   Treaty of Shimonoseki.
   Korean independence secured.
   Part of Feng-tien, Formosa and the Pescadores ceded by China.
   Relinquishment of Feng-tien by Japan.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.

JAPAN: A. D. 1896.
   Affairs in Formosa.
   Retirement of Marquis Ito.
   Progressists in power.
   Destructive sea-wave.

   Serious risings of the Chinese in Formosa against the newly
   established Japanese rule in that island were said to have
   been caused by insolent and atrocious conduct on the part of
   the Japanese soldiery. Possibly a decree which prohibited the
   importation of opium into Formosa, and which placed the
   medicinal sale of the drug under close restrictions, had
   something to do with the discontent. In Japan, the able
   statesman, Marquis Ito, was made unpopular by his yielding of
   the Liao Tung peninsula (in the Fêng-tien province of
   China,—see, in this volume, CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895), under
   pressure from Russia, Germany and France. He retired from the
   government, and Count Matsukata became Premier in September,
   with a cabinet of the Progressist (Kaishinto) party, which
   advocated resistance to Russia, and opposition generally to
   the encouragement of foreign enterprises in Japan. A frightful
   calamity was suffered in June, when a prodigious wave, probably
   raised by some submarine volcano, overwhelmed a long stretch
   of northeastern coast, destroying some 30,000 people, and
   sweeping out of existence a number of considerable towns.

      _Annual Register, 1896._

JAPAN: A. D. 1897.
   New tariff.

   A new tariff, regulating the customs duties levied in all
   cases wherein Japan is not bound by treaty stipulations, was
   adopted in March, 1897. The duties imposed range from 5 to 40
   per cent., ad valorem, the higher being laid upon liquors and
   tobacco. The "Japan Gazette" is quoted as saying in
   explanation: "The statutory tariff fixes the duties to be
   collected on every article imported into Japan from countries
   that have not concluded tariff conventions with her, or that
   are not entitled to the most-favored-nation treatment in
   regard to the tariff. Spain, Portugal, Greece, and many other
   countries have no tariff conventions with Japan and no
   favored-nation clause, in regard to tariff, in their new
   treaties with this country. The United States, Belgium,
   Holland, Russia, and others have the favored-nation clause and
   will get the benefit of the lesser duties on items named in
   the different mentioned tariffs. There will, therefore, be two
   columns of figures in the printed general tariff list, showing in
   the first column the duties on the articles named in the
   conventional tariffs, and in the second column the duties on
   the same articles imported from countries that have no tariff
   convention with Japan, and that are not entitled to
   favored-nation treatment. For instance, most textile articles
   are subject to a duty of 10 per cent in the conventional
   tariff column and to a duty of 15 per cent in the statutory
   column."

      _United States Consular Reports,
      July and September, 1897,
      pages 475 and 91._

JAPAN: A. D. 1897 (October).
   Introduction of the gold standard.

      See (in this volume)
      MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (MARCH).

JAPAN: A. D. 1897 (November).
   Treaty with the United States and Russia to suspend pelagic
   sealing.

      See (in this volume)
      BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

JAPAN: A. D. 1897-1898.
   Contentions with Russia in Korea.

      See (in this volume)
      KOREA: A. D. 1895-1898.

JAPAN: A. D. 1898-1899.
   The struggle between clan government and party government.

   "When, in January 1898, Marquis Ito made an attempt to win the
   country back to non-party government and efficiency by forming
   an independent Ministry in defiance of the Liberal demands, he
   was acting no doubt from no mere clan instinct, but, as he
   conceived, in the highest interests of the realm. His
   experiment was not destined to succeed. In the general
   election of March 1898, 109 Progressives and 94 Liberals were
   returned as Representatives in a House of 300. A common hunger
   for office and a common sense of humiliation at their
   treatment by the greater statesmen of the clans united the two
   parties under one banner as they had not been united since 1873.
   At last they took up in earnest the crusade against clan
   government, which, logically, they should have commenced
   together exactly a quarter of a century before. They called
   their coalition the 'Kensei-to,' or Constitutional Party.
   Japan is a country of rapid progress, but she is lucky that
   for twenty-five years the formation of the Kensei-to was
   deferred while she was content to be guided through difficult
   times by clansmen more skilled in statecraft than the usurient
   nobodies who were kicking at the heels of Counts Okuma and
   Itagaki.

{280}

   "Meanwhile Marquis Ito had to decide how he would act. He had
   tried to govern with the help of a party and had partially
   succeeded. He had tried to govern without one, and had
   discovered that it was impossible. The two parties could no
   longer be played off one against the other. They were united,
   and with fifty new recruits formed the Kensei-to, 253 strong.
   There remained only nineteen clan government sympathisers,
   calling themselves National Unionists, and twenty-eight
   Independents. In these difficult circumstances Marquis Ito's
   decision was a bold one, and in its consequences far-reaching.
   He advised that Count Okuma, the Progressive leader of the
   Kensei-to should be summoned to form a Cabinet in conjunction
   with his Liberal colleague, Count Itagaki. His advice was
   followed by the Emperor, but with the significant condition
   that the Ministries of War and the Navy were to be retained by
   clansmen. The Emperor was not disposed to allow constitutional
   experiments in these departments. On the 28th of June 1898,
   Marquis Ito resigned, and on the 30th the Okuma-Itagaki
   Cabinet was formed.

   "It now seemed to many that the death-blow had been given to
   clan government, and that at last the era of government by
   party had commenced. … The elements of which the Kensei-to was
   composed were the two great ones of the Progressives, led by
   Count Okuma, and the Liberals, led by Count Itagaki. These two
   parties acted together in a condition of veiled hostility.
   There was coalition without any approach to amalgamation. A
   common hunger for office, a common dislike for clan
   government, obscured for a little while a mutual jealousy and
   distrust. Meanwhile the Kensei-to as a whole, and both wings
   of it, were divided into endless clubs, cliques, and
   associations. Our own Temperance, Colonial, Church, and China
   parties are affable and self-effacing in comparison. Thus, to
   name only a few of the political divisions of the Kensei-to,
   there were the territorial associations of the Kwanto-kai (led
   by Mr. Hoshi), the Hokuriku-kai (led by Mr. Sugita), the
   Kyushu Kurabu (led by Mr. Matsuda), the Tohoku-dantai, the
   Chugoku-kai, and the Shigoku-kai; there were the Satsuma
   section, the Tosa section, the Kakushinto, the Young
   Constitutionalists, the Senior Politicians (such as Baron
   Kusumoto, Mr. Hiraoka, the chief organiser of the coalition,
   and others), the Central Constitutionalist Club, and so forth.
   Each clique had its private organisation and animosities; each
   aspired to dictate to the Cabinet and secure portfolios for
   its members in the House. They combined and recombined among
   themselves. … Clearly, however loyally the two leaders wished
   to work together, each must find it impossible in such
   circumstances to preserve discipline among his own followers.
   Indeed, the leaders scarcely tried to lead. … It was
   impossible to carry on the Government under such conditions.
   The Okuma-Itagaki Cabinet fell, and Field Marshal the Marquis
   Yamagata, Premier of the first Japanese Ministry, was summoned
   by the Emperor. Once more a clan Ministry, independent of
   party, was formed; once more it seemed as though party
   government was to be indefinitely postponed. … Marquis
   Yamagata formed his Ministry in November 1898, on strictly
   clan lines. … Being an old soldier, he wisely determined to
   profit by experience and seek an ally. No one knew better than
   himself the need of passing the Land Tax Bill, on which the
   efficiency of the national defence and the future of Japan
   depended. … It was natural, therefore, for him to approach the
   Liberals, who had shown themselves favourable to an increase
   of the Land Tax. … On the 27th of November the support of the
   Liberals was assured, an event which prompted the 'Jiji' to
   express its joy that Marquis Yamagata had become a party man,
   leaving 'the mouldy, effete cause of the non-partisan
   Ministry.' The Government party consisted now of the National
   Unionists (in favour of clan government' and loyal followers
   of Marquis Yamagata), the Liberals, and a few so-called
   Independents (who, of course, speedily formed themselves into
   a club), giving the Government a majority of about fifteen or
   twenty votes in the House. …

   "The first session of Marquis Yamagata's second Ministry will
   always be remembered in Japan because the Land Tax Bill was
   successfully passed through both Houses. … But the most
   important episode of the session, from a parliamentary point
   of view, was a remarkable act of self-denial on the part of
   the Liberals. In March of this year [1899] they agreed not to
   demand office from Marquis Yamagata for any of their number,
   though they were to be free to accept such offices as he might
   of his own bounty from time to time be able to offer them. If
   this unprecedented pledge be loyally adhered to, it marks a
   very great stride towards effective party government in the
   future. … The hope of the Liberals now lies, not in the
   immediate enjoyment of the sweets of office, but in winning
   over Marquis Ito to their party. If he were to show the way,
   it is probable that many more of the leading clan statesmen
   would take sides, in which case, to adopt Mr. Bodley's phrase,
   political society would be divided vertically as in England, not
   horizontally as in France, and either party on obtaining a
   majority in the House would be able to find material in its
   own ranks for an efficient Cabinet. At present neither is in
   that happy position."

      _H. N. G. Bushby,
      Parliamentary Government in Japan
      (Nineteenth Century, July, 1899)._

JAPAN: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
   Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

JAPAN: A. D. 1899 (July).
   Release from the treaties with Western Powers
   which gave them exterritorial rights.
   Consular jurisdictions abolished.

   "Japan has been promoted. The great sign that Europe regards a
   Power as only semi-civilised is the demand that all who visit
   it, or trade in it, should be exempted from the jurisdiction
   of the local Courts, the Consuls acting when necessary as
   Judges. This rule is maintained even when the Powers thus
   stigmatised send Ambassadors, and is, no doubt, very keenly
   resented. It seems specially offensive to the Japanese, who
   have a high opinion of their own merits, and they have for
   seventeen years demanded the treatment accorded to fully
   civilised States. As the alliance of Japan is now earnestly
   sought by all Europe this has been conceded, and on Monday,
   July 17th, the Consular jurisdiction ceased. (Owing to some
   blunder, the powers of the French and Austrian Consuls last a
   fortnight longer, but the difference is only formal.) The
   Japanese are highly delighted, and the European traders are
   not displeased, as with the Consular jurisdictions all
   restrictions on trading with the interior disappear."

      _The Spectator
      (London), July 22, 1899._

{281}

   The early treaties of Japan with Western Powers, which gave
   the latter what are called rights of extra-territoriality, or
   exterritoriality, for all their subjects (the right, that is,
   to administer their own laws, by their own consular or other
   courts, upon their own subjects, within a foreign country),
   were modified in 1894. Japan then became free to extinguish
   the foreign courts on her soil at the end of five years, upon
   giving a year's notice, which she did as stated above. Her
   government has thus attained a recognized peerage in
   sovereignty with the governments of the Western world. At the
   same time, the whole country has been thrown open to foreign
   trade—restricted previously to certain ports.

   In careful preparation of the Japanese people for this
   important change in their relations with the foreign world,
   the following imperial rescript was issued at the end of June,
   1899: "The revision of the treaties, our long cherished aim,
   is to-day on the eve of becoming an accomplished fact; a
   result which, while it adds materially to the responsibilities
   of our Empire, will greatly strengthen the basis of our
   friendship with foreign countries. It is our earnest wish that
   our subjects, whose devoted loyalty in the discharge of their
   duties is conspicuous, should enter earnestly into our
   sentiments in this matter, and, in compliance with the great
   policy of opening the country, should all unite with one heart
   to associate cordially with the peoples from afar, thus
   maintaining the character of the nation and enhancing the
   prestige of the Empire. In view of the responsibilities that
   devolve upon us in giving effect to the new treaties, it is
   our will that our ministers of state, acting on our behalf,
   should instruct our officials of all classes to observe the
   utmost circumspection in the management of affairs, to the end
   that subjects and strangers alike may enjoy equal privileges
   and advantages, and that, every source of dissatisfaction
   being avoided, relations of peace and amity with all nations
   may be strengthened and consolidated in perpetuity."

   Obedient to this command, the Minister President of State,
   Marquis Yamagata, published the following instruction on the
   1st of July: "The work of revising the treaties has caused
   deep solicitude to His August Majesty since the centralization
   of the Government, and has long been an object of earnest desire
   to the people. More than twenty years have elapsed since the
   question was opened by the dispatch of a special embassy to
   the West in 1871. Throughout the whole of that interval,
   numerous negotiations were conducted with foreign countries
   and numerous plans discussed, until finally, in 1884, Great
   Britain took the lead in concluding a revised treaty, and the
   other powers all followed in succession, so that now the
   operation of the new treaties is about to take place on the
   17th of July and the 4th of August.

   "The revision of the treaties in the sense of placing on a
   footing of equality the intercourse of this country with
   foreign states was the basis of the great liberal policy
   adopted at the time of the restoration, and that such a course
   conduces to enhance the prestige of the Empire and to promote
   the prosperity of the people is a proposition not requiring
   demonstration. But if there should be anything defective in
   the methods adopted for giving effect to the treaties, not
   merely will the object of revision be sacrificed, but also the
   country's relations with friendly powers will be impaired and its
   prestige may be lowered. It is, of course, beyond question
   that any rights and privileges accruing to us as a result of
   treaty revision should be duly asserted. But there devolves
   upon the Government of this Empire the responsibility, and
   upon the people of this Realm the duty, of protecting the
   rights and privileges of foreigners, and of sparing no effort
   that they may one and all be enabled to reside in the country
   confidently and contentedly. It behooves all officials to
   clearly apprehend the august intentions and to pay profound
   attention to these points."

   With still finer care for the honor and good name of Japan,
   the following instruction to schools was published on the same
   day by Count Kabayma, the Minister of State for Education:
   "The schools under the direct control of the Government serve
   as models to all the public and private educational
   institutions throughout the country. It is therefore my
   earnest desire that the behavior of the students at such
   schools should be regulated with notably strict regard to the
   canons of propriety, so that they may show themselves worthy
   of the station they occupy. The date of the operation of the
   revised treaties is now imminent, and His Imperial Majesty has
   issued a gracious rescript. It may be expected that the coming
   and going of foreigners in the interior of the country will
   henceforth grow more frequent, and if at such a time students
   be left without proper control, and suffered to neglect the
   dictates of propriety by cherishing sentiments of petty
   arrogance and behaving in a violent, outrageous, or vulgar
   manner, not only will the educational systems be brought into
   discredit, but also the prestige of the country will be
   impaired and its reputation may even be destroyed. For that
   reason I have addressed an instruction to the local governors
   urging them to guard against any defects in educational
   methods, and I am now constrained to appeal to the Government
   schools which serve for models. I trust that those upon whom
   the functions of direction and teaching devolve, paying
   respectful attention to the august intention, will discharge
   their duties carefully towards the students, and, by securing
   the latter's strict adherence to rules, will contrive that
   they shall serve as a worthy example to the schools throughout
   the country."

      _United States Consular Reports,
      October, 1899, page 285._

JAPAN: A. D. 1899 (August).
   Prohibition of religious instruction in the government schools.

   Some important regulations for the national schools were
   promulgated in August by the Minister of Education, having the
   effect, probably intended, of discouraging attendance at the
   Christian mission schools, and stimulating a preference for
   the schools of the national system. They forbade religious
   exercises or instruction in any schools that adopt the
   curriculum of the national schools, while, at the same time,
   they allow admission from no others to the higher schools of
   the national system without examination. Students in the
   middle schools of the national system are exempted from
   conscription, while others are not. That the aim in this
   policy is to strengthen the national schools, rather than to
   interfere with religious freedom, seems probable.

{282}

JAPAN: A. D. 1899 (December).
   Adhesion to the arrangement of an "open door" commercial
   policy in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1899-1000 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

JAPAN: A. D. 1900.
   Naval strength.

      See (in this volume)
      NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

JAPAN: A. D. 1900 (June-December).
   Co-operation with the Powers in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA.

JAPAN: A. D. 1900 (July)
   Failure of attempts to entrust the Japanese government
   with the rescue of the foreign Legations at Peking.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE-JULY).

JAPAN: A. D. 1900 (August-October).
   The new party of Marquis Ito.

   The letters of the Tokio correspondent of the London "Times"
   describe interestingly the genesis of a new party of which
   Marquis Ito has taken the lead, and which took control of the
   government in October, 1900. Various parties, the career of
   which the writer reviews, had been formed in opposition to the
   veteran statesmen who continued to hold the reins of government
   after constitutional forms were introduced in 1880. But very
   few of the party politicians who constructed these parties,
   says the writer, had held high office. "They were without the
   prestige of experience. To put such men on the administrative
   stage while the gallery was occupied by the greybeards—the
   'Meiji statesmen,' as they are called—who had managed the
   country's affairs since the Restoration, would have seemed a
   strange spectacle in the eyes of the nation. The Meiji
   statesmen, however, persistently declined to be drawn into the
   ranks of the political parties. They gave the latter plenty of
   rope; they even allowed them to administer the State, which
   essay ended in a fiasco; and they took them into alliances
   which served chiefly to demonstrate the eagerness of these
   politicians for office and emoluments. But there was no
   amalgamation. The line of demarcation remained indelible. …

   "The political parties, discovering the impossibility of
   becoming a real power in the State without the coöperation of
   the Meiji statesmen, asked Marquis Ito to assume their
   leadership. Marquis Ito may be said to possess everything that
   his country can give him. He has the unbounded confidence of
   his Sovereign and his countrymen; he is loaded with titles and
   honours, and a word from him can make or mar a Ministry. It
   seems strange that such a man should step down from his
   pedestal to become a party leader; to occupy a position which
   can bring no honour and must at once create enemies. Yet
   Marquis Ito has consented. He issued his manifesto. It is in
   two respects a very remarkable document. First, it tells the
   politicians that their great fault has been self-seeking; that
   they have set party higher than country; office and emolument
   above public duty and political responsibility. Secondly, it
   informs them in emphatic terms that Parliamentary Cabinets are
   unconstitutional in Japan; that "Ministers and officials must
   be appointed by the Sovereign without any reference to their
   party connexions. The politicians who place themselves under
   Marquis Ito's leadership must eschew the former failing and
   abandon the latter heresy. It would be impossible to imagine a
   more complete reversal of the tables. The men who, ten years
   ago, asked the nation to condemn the Meiji statesmen on a
   charge of political self-seeking are now publicly censured by
   the chief of these statesmen for committing the very same sin
   in their own persons; and the men who for ten years have made
   Parliamentary Cabinets the text of their agitation now enrol
   themselves in a party which openly declares such Cabinets to
   be unconstitutional."

   The new party calls itself the "Association of Friends of the
   Constitution" (Rikken Seiyukai). "In its ranks are found the
   whole of the Liberals, and many members of the Diet who had
   hitherto maintained an independent attitude, so that it can
   count on 152 supporters among the 300 members of the Lower
   House. … The Opposition, the Progressists, command only 90
   votes, and the remainder of the House is composed mainly of
   men upon whose support the Cabinet can always reckon. In fact,
   now for the first time since the Diet opened, does the
   direction of State affairs come into the hands of Ministers
   who may rest assured of Parliamentary cooperation."

   Marquis Yamagata, who had conducted the administration for
   nearly two years, resigned in October, and Marquis Ito brought
   his new party into power. His Cabinet "does not include one of
   the elder statesmen—the 'clan statesmen'—except the marquis
   himself. Among the seven portfolios that have changed
   hands—those of War and of the Navy are still held as before—
   three have been given to unequivocal party politicians,
   leaders of the Liberals, and four to men who may be regarded
   as Marquis Ito's disciples. … The Yamagata Cabinet consisted
   entirely of clan statesmen and their followers. The Ito
   Cabinet has a clan statesman for leader and his nominees for
   members. It may be called essentially a one man Ministry, so
   far does the Premier tower above the heads of his colleagues."

JAPAN: A. D. 1900-1901.
   Strategic importance of Korea.
   Interest in the designs of Russia.

      See (in this volume)
      KOREA: A. D. 1900.

JAPAN: A. D. 1901.
   Movement to erect a monument to commemorate the
   visit of Commodore Perry.

   A movement in Japan to erect a monument at Kurihama, the
   landing place of the American expedition, commanded by
   Commodore Matthew C. Perry, which visited Japan in 1853 and
   brought about the opening of that country to intercourse with
   the western world (see, in volume 3, JAPAN: A. D. 1852-1888),
   was announced to the State Department at Washington by the U.
   S. Consul-General at Yokohama, in March, 1901. The undertaking
   is directed by the "American Association of Japan," of which
   the Japanese Minister of Justice is President, and its purpose
   is to commemorate an event which the Association, in a
   published circular, declares to be "the most memorable" in the
   annals of Japan. The language of the circular, in part, is as
   follows: "This visit of Commodore Perry was in a word the
   turning of the key which opened the doors of the Japanese
   Empire to friendly intercourse with the United States, and
   subsequently to the rest of the nations of Europe on similar
   terms, and may in truth be regarded as the most memorable
   event in our annals—an event which paved the way for and
   accelerated the introduction of a new order of things, an
   event that enabled the country to enter upon the unprecedented
   era of National ascendancy in which we are now living.
{283}
   Japan has not forgotten—nor will she ever forget—that next to
   her reigning and most beloved sovereign, whose high virtues
   and great wisdom are above all praise, she owes, in no small
   degree, her present prosperity to the United States of
   America, in that the latter rendered her a great and lasting
   service already referred to. After the lapse of these
   forty-eight years, her people, however, have come to entertain
   but an uncertain memory of Kurihama, and yet it was there that
   Commodore Perry first trod on the soil of Japan and for the
   first time awoke the country from a slumberous seclusion of
   three centuries—there it was where first gleamed the light
   that has ever since illumined Japan's way in her new career of
   progress."

   ----------JAPAN: End--------

JESUS, Discovery of a fragment of the Logia or Sayings of.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: DISCOVERY OF A FRAGMENT.

   ----------JEWS: Start--------

JEWS:
   Discovery of the sole mention of the people of Israel in
   Egyptian inscriptions.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: RESULTS.

JEWS:
   General results of recent archæological research as affecting
   our knowledge of the ancient Hebrews.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: IN BIBLE LANDS.

JEWS: A. D. 1897:
   Freedom of residence in Russia given
   to the university educated.

      See (in this volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1897.

JEWS: A. D. 1897-1901.
   The Zionist movement.

   "The three closing days of August [1897] saw a congress at
   Basle concerning the significance of which friends and foes
   alike seem already pretty well agreed. It was the Congress of
   Zionists. Zionists! Until then that word was almost unknown to
   the public at large. Zionism virtually made its bow to the
   Gentile world at Basle, and disclosed for the first time what
   its aims and its needs were. … It was in my work, 'The Jewish
   State,' which appeared a year and a half ago, that I first
   formulated what the Congress at Basle virtually adopted as an
   axiom. In the terms of that definition: 'Zionism has for its
   object the creation of a home, secured by public rights, for
   those Jews who either cannot or will not be assimilated in the
   country of their adoption.'

   "Nothing was more instructive at the Basle Congress than the
   vigour—I might almost say violence—with which the
   representatives of the great Jewish strata of population
   resisted any attempt to limit the guarantees for a State based
   on public rights. The executive appointed to draw up a
   programme had proposed 'a legally secured home.' The
   delegates, however, were not satisfied, and clamoured for an
   alteration to 'secured on the basis of international rights.'
   It was only by adopting the intermediary expression 'public
   rights' that an agreement was arrived at. The significance of
   this logomachy is, that what the Jews desire is not to acquire
   more tracts of land, but a country for the Jewish people, and
   to emphasise that desire in terms as plain as possible without
   wounding certain legitimate and sovereign susceptibilities. We
   can acquire land any day in our private right everywhere. But
   that is not the point with Zionists. In our case we have
   nothing to do with private rights. That will come later—as
   well as the land speculators—once our movement has achieved
   success. What the Zionists are alone directing their attention
   to is the 'public rights' idea. In that they hope to find a
   remedy for the old evil. Were I to express myself
   paradoxically, I should say that a country belonging to the
   Jews on the basis of public rights, even though down to the
   very last parcel it was the legally secured property of
   non-Jews, would mean the final solution of the Jewish
   question. … We have held a gathering at Basle before the whole
   world, and there we saw the national consciousness and the
   popular will break forth, at times like a convulsive upheaval.
   To Basle came Jews of all countries, of all tongues, of all
   parties, and of all forms of religious confession. There were
   more than 200 representatives of the Jewish people—most of
   them delegates for hundreds and thousands. Men from Roumania
   alone brought over 50,000 signatures of those who had sent
   them there. There surely was never such a motley assembly of
   opinions in such a narrow space before. On the other hand,
   there would certainly have been more conflict of opinion in
   any other deliberative assembly than there was in this. …

   "It would … appear to be to the interest of Turkey to come to
   an arrangement with the Jews. But, what are the interests
   which other Governments would have in assisting the
   realisation of a legally guaranteed Jewish home? The interest
   would vary with each country, but it is present in some form
   or other everywhere. It would mean the drawing off of an
   unhappy and detested element of population which is reduced
   more and more to a condition of despair, and which, scattered
   over the face of the earth, and in a state of unrest, must
   perforce identify itself with the most extreme parties
   everywhere. Governments and all friends of the existing order
   of things cannot bring themselves to believe that, by helping
   us in the solution we propose, they could give peace to an
   element which has been driven to revolution and rendered
   dangerous through its dispersion. That a highly conservative
   people, like the Jews, have always been driven into the ranks
   of revolutionists is the most lamentable feature in the
   tragedy of our race. Zionism would mean an end to all that. We
   should see results accrue for the general condition of
   mankind, the full benefits of which we cannot even guess.
   There are, of course, a great number of existing political
   difficulties to be overcome, but these, given the necessary
   good will, might be surmounted."

      _Theodor Herzl,
      The Zionist Congress
      (Contemporary Review, October, 1897)._

{284}

   "The programme of the Philo-Zionists as defined in their
   printed constitution is as follows:

   (a) To foster the national idea in Israel.

   (b) To promote the colonization of Palestine and neighbouring
   territories by Jews, by establishing new colonies and
   assisting those already established.

   (c) To diffuse the knowledge of Hebrew as a living language.

   (d) To further the moral, intellectual, and material status of
   Israel.

   The English Association, known as the Chovevi Zion, is
   presided over by Colonel Albert Edward Goldsmid, Assistant
   Adjutant-General of Her Majesty's Forces; it has 35
   established 'Tents' spread through the length and breadth of
   the United Kingdom. … Similar associations have been
   established in America, Germany, France, Russia, Austria,
   Denmark, Switzerland, and other countries; and there is a
   central committee meeting at Paris, where the organisation of
   new colonies and development of existing ones in the Holy Land
   is systematically carried out. Even before these associations
   had been called into existence Baron Edmond de Rothschild of
   Paris, encouraged by the success of the agricultural schools
   at Jaffa, founded by the late Charles Netter, had devoted his
   vast influence and his open purse to the work; and there is a
   separate administration in Palestine charged with the control
   and management of what are known as 'the Baron's colonies.'

   "To-day we have in Palestine between twenty and thirty
   distinct colonies or communities spreading along the coast
   from Askalon in the south to Carmel in the north, and along
   the Jordan from the Waters of Meron to the Sea of Galilee in
   the east. The population of these colonies varies from 100 to
   700 souls, and they may safely be estimated to number 10,000
   souls in all, independently of the large number of Jewish day
   labourers from neighbouring towns and villages, to whom they
   give occasional employment. There are 50,000 more Jews—mostly
   refugees—in the various Holy Cities, and the immediate problem
   is to get these—or the better part of them—also on the land.
   The current language of the colonists is the Hebrew of the
   Bible, although many of them have acquired the native Arabic,
   and also French, which is taught in their schools. They have
   their places of worship, their houses of study, their modest
   institutes, their public baths, and in fact the counterpart in
   small of all the features of the model European village: and
   they have, thanks to the Baron and the Philo-Zionists'
   Associations, the most modern appliances and complete
   installations for the prosecution of their agricultural
   works."

      _Herbert Bentwich,
      Philo-Zionists and Anti-Semites
      (Nineteenth Century, October, 1897)._

   "At the beginning of March, 1898, an important Conference was
   held in London, attended by delegates from nearly 50
   societies, representing 10,000 English Zionists, and
   resolutions were passed adopting the International programme,
   and making provisions for a federation of all the English
   Zionist bodies. Similar conferences were held in New York, in
   Berlin, in Galatz (Roumania), and other great centres; and
   local federations were everywhere formed to give greater
   strength and solidity to the general organization. At the
   second International Congress, which was held at Basle in
   August, 1898, and was attended by an imposing body of more
   than 500 delegates, the Executive Committee were able to
   report that the 'Basle programme' had received the support of
   913 Zionist organizations (out of which over 700 had sprung up
   since the first Congress), it being calculated that these
   represented at least a quarter of a million of active members.
   The Congress had become the authorised representative and
   exponent of the people's wishes, and the Zionists had become a
   power to be reckoned with in any settlement of the Jewish
   question. Prominent among the attendants at this world
   gathering were the Rabbis—crown officials from orthodox Russia
   and Poland, as well as the elect of reform congregations from
   America—who took an active interest in the settlement of the
   programme of work for the ensuing year, which was the main
   business of the meeting."

      _H. Bentwich,
      The Progress of Zionism
      (Fortnightly Review, December, 1898)._

   At the International Zionist Congress which assembled in
   London on the 13th of August, 1900, the report of the
   executive committee on the progress which the movement has
   made showed as follows: "In Russia there are at least 100,000
   members of Zionist societies; in England the movement is
   supported by 38 societies, as against 16 last year, and all
   these societies have increased membership. Thanks to the work
   of the English Zionist Federation Zionism has made great
   headway in England. In the United States there are 135
   societies, as against 102 last year. Notwithstanding the war
   in South Africa, the contributions towards the expenses of the
   movement have been well maintained. Having regard to the
   returns received by the executive committee the reporter felt
   no hesitation in saying that to-day the vast majority of the
   Jewish nation were in favour of Zionism."

      _London Times,
      August 15, 1900._

   Late in December, 1900, it was announced at Vienna that the
   Sultan had issued or renewed a decree, according to which the
   Jews are forbidden to remain in Palestine for longer than
   three months. This measure, which applies both to traders and
   pilgrims, further prohibits the acquisition by Jews of landed
   property. It was suggested that the wholesale exodus of Jews
   from Russia and their recent emigration from Rumania gave rise
   to the apprehension that they might overcrowd Palestine. This
   apprehension is said to have been strengthened by the
   increasing activity of the Zionists, who are suspected in
   certain circles in Constantinople of pursuing distinct
   political ends. According to another suggestion, Russia had
   grown jealous of the Jewish colonization of Palestine, fearing
   it to be in the interest of German policy, and had used
   influence to check it.

   "Viewed merely on its prosaic side, Zionism is by no means a
   visionary scheme. The aggregation of Jews in Palestine is only
   a matter of time, and it is better that they should be
   aggregated there under their own laws and religion, and the
   mild suzerainty of the Sultan, than under the semi-barbarous
   restrictions of Russia or Roumania, and exposed to recurrent
   popular outbreaks. True, Palestine is a ruined country, and
   the Jews are a broken people, but neither is beyond
   recuperation. Palestine needs a people, Israel needs a
   country. If, in regenerating the Holy Land, Israel could
   regenerate itself, how should the world be other than the
   gainer? In the solution of the problem of Asia, which has just
   succeeded the problem of Africa, Israel might play no
   insignificant part. Already the colony of Rishon le Zion has
   obtained a gold medal for its wines from the Paris Exposition,
   which is not prejudiced in the Jew's favor.
{285}
   We may be sure the spiritual wine of Judæa would again pour
   forth likewise that precious vintage which the world has drunk
   for so many centuries. And as the unscientific activities of
   the colonization societies would have paved the way for the
   pastoral and commercial future of Israel in its own country,
   so would the rabbinical sing-song in musty rooms prove to have
   been but the unconscious preparation of the ages for the
   Jerusalem University.

   "But Palestine belongs to the Sultan, and the Sultan refuses
   to grant the coveted Judæan Charter, even for dangled
   millions. Is not this fatal? No, it matters as little as that
   the Zionists could not pay the millions, if suddenly called
   upon. They have barely collected a quarter of a million (in
   English pounds). But there are millionaires enough to come to
   the rescue, once the charter was dangled before the Zionists.
   It is not likely that the Rothschilds would see themselves
   ousted from their familiar headship in authority and
   well-doing, nor would the millions left by Baron Hirsch be
   altogether withheld. And the Sultan's present refusal is
   equally unimportant, because a national policy is independent
   of transient moods and transient rulers. The only aspect that
   really matters is whether Israel's face be, or be not, set
   steadily Zionwards,—for decades and even for centuries. Much
   less turns on the Sultan's mind than on Dr. Herzl's. Will he
   lose patience? for leaders like Herzl are not born in every
   century."

      _I. Zangwill,
      The Wandering Jew and the New Century
      (Sunday School Times, January 12, 1901)._

JEWS: A. D. 1899.
   In Palestine.

   "In view of the impetus given the Zionist movement by the
   second Zionist congress, held at Basel in September, and also
   by the Palestine journey of Emperor Wilhelm II, the present
   status of Jews in Palestine becomes a matter of general
   interest. Out of a total population in Palestine of some
   200,000 souls, about 40,000 are Jews, as against 14,000 twenty
   years ago. In Jerusalem, there are 22,000 Jews, half of whom
   have immigrated from Europe and America and are called
   Asehkenazim to distinguish them from the oriental Israelites,
   the Sephardists. Nine hundred and sixty families, numbering
   about 5,000 souls, inhabit the twenty-two Jewish colonies in
   Palestine which have been founded and subsidized by Europeans
   —ten by Baron Edmond de Rothschild, representing the Alliance
   Israélite Universelle; the rest by the Jewish Colonization
   Association and by the Odessa Company.

   "The idea of gathering in Palestine homeless Jews scattered
   all over the globe was championed in the forties by Moses
   Montefiore, but with indifferent success. In the eighties,
   however, the immigration of Jews to Palestine assumed
   significant proportions. Of the twenty-two present colonies,
   the 'Jacob Memorial' is the largest, supporting more than
   1,000 souls. It boasts a graded school (five teachers), a
   synagogue, etc., and 4,000 acres of land under cultivation, on
   which are raised fruit (chiefly grapes), honey, and mulberry
   leaves, the rearing of silkworms being a leading industry. The
   'First to Zion' is another quite important colony, owning
   2,000 acres of land. Some forty two-storied stone dwelling
   houses greet the eye of the approaching stranger; also a
   school house with a Hebrew library, a synagogue, and a
   hospital. One million five hundred thousand vines and 25,000
   olive, almond, orange, and mulberry trees belong to this
   colony, which also possesses famous wine cellars. The 'Hope of
   Israel,' a mile beyond Yafa, in the plains of Sharon, is
   perhaps best known for its agricultural school, in which one
   hundred or more pupils are taught gardening. Recently, a high
   school for Jewish girls was established in Yafa. The 'Head
   Corner Stone,' amid the hills beyond Tiberias, with
   snow-capped Hermon in the background, is another quite
   prosperous Jewish colony in Palestine. Being near the source
   of the Jordan, water is plentiful; and its situation, high up
   above the level of Lake Gennesareth, insures fair climatic
   conditions. In the 'Door of Hope,' dairy farming is profitably
   followed and experiments made in tea planting. This colony is
   said to have 1,000,000 vines.

   "Entirely irrespective of whether or not the Zionists will
   succeed in awakening in the Jewish people a national spirit
   and forming a Judean monarchy or republic, with its parliament
   in Jerusalem and its representation in foreign capitals, the
   present agitation makes for the development of a country which
   is but a shadow of its former self, and which will generously
   respond to modern influences. The Sultan seems quite disposed
   to grant railway, harbor, and other franchises, and it is
   possible that the new Jewish Colonial Bank, the organization
   of which was decided upon in Basel, will be permitted, under
   certain guaranties, to play an important part in the
   industrial advancement and growth of Palestine. The movement
   is furthermore bringing out new qualities in the Jews residing
   in Palestine. They are no longer content with studying the
   Talmud and living on charity, but are waking to the fact, as
   the Hebrew would put it, that to till the ground is worship of
   God.

   "It should not be inferred from statements here made that
   peace and prosperity have suddenly become the lot of the Jews
   in Palestine. Only a few days ago, Rev. William King Eddy, of
   Sidon, returned from beyond the Jordan, and he informs me that
   a Jewish colony situated not far from El Mzerib (on the
   caravan route from Damascus to Mekka) was recently attacked by
   predatory Bedouin tribes. The settlers were all driven away,
   their gardens and crops destroyed. Even a road built by the
   Jews to connect their frontier colony with older ones in
   Galilee, west of the river, was at least partially
   obliterated. Taxes are more oppressive than ever, officials
   are corrupt, and prohibitive measures regarding immigration
   are still in force, although inadequate. I think, however, I
   am justified in saying that the prospects are brighter than
   ever for the Jews in Palestine and for Palestine itself.
   European influence has obtained a foothold in the country, and
   the tide of modern ideas can not be long debarred. Only four
   or five weeks ago, an English company announced its
   determination to build a broad-gauge railway from the sea at
   Haifa through the very heart of Samaria and Galilee to
   Damascus and on to Bagdad, and active operations have already
   commenced."

      _G. B. Ravndal,
      United States Consul at Beirut
      (United States Consular Reports, April, 1899, page 691)._

{286}

JEWS: A. D. 1901.
   Turkish order regulating visits to Palestine.

   A Press telegram from Washington, February 16, 1901, states
   that "Consul Merrill, at Jerusalem, has reported to the State
   Department that the Turkish Minister of the Interior at
   Constantinople has issued an order relative to Jews who visit
   Palestine, which went into effect on January 29. The order
   applies to an Jews who come to Palestine from other countries
   as pilgrims or visitors. The conditions of the order are as
   follows: On arriving at Joppa the visitor must deliver his
   passport to the Turkish authorities and receive therefor a
   Turkish document. The visitor is allowed to stay in the
   country three months, when he must leave, surrendering the
   Turkish permit and receiving his own. Foreign consuls are to
   compel the Jews who overstay the three months' period to leave
   Turkey."

   ----------JEWS: End--------

JOAN OF ARC, The Beatification of.

   The beatification of Joan of Are, recommended by the
   Congregation of Rites, at Rome, was pronounced by the Pope,
   January 28, 1894.

JOHANNESBURG: Origin.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1885-1890.

JOHANNESBURG: A. D. 1895-1896.
   Revolutionary conspiracy of Uitlanders.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1895-1896.

JOHANNESBURG: A. D. 1900.
   Taken by the British forces.

      See (in this volume))
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 MAY-JUNE).

JOINT HIGH COMMISSION, Anglo-American.

      See (in this volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1898-1899.

JOLO, The Sultan of.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (MAY-AUGUST).

JONES, Samuel M., Mayor of Toledo.

      See (in this volume)
      TOLEDO, OHIO: A. D. 1899-1901.

JOUBERT, General Pietrus Jacobus:
   In the South African War.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

JOUBERT, General Pietrus Jacobus:
   Death.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (MARCH).

JUBILEE, The Diamond, of Queen Victoria.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE).

JUBILEE OF THE HOLY YEAR 1900, Proclamation of the Universal.

      See (in this volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1900-1901.

JU JU SACRIFICE.

      See (in this volume)
      NIGERIA: A. D. 1807.

K.

KAFIRISTAN: Its conquest by the Afghans.

      See (in this volume)
      AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1896.

KAGAYAN, or CAGAYAN, The American acquisition of.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

KAIRWAN: Opened to tourists.

      See (in this volume)
      TUNIS: A. D. 1881-1898.

KAISER WILHELM II.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY.

KAISER WILHELM SHIP CANAL, The.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (JUNE).

KAMERUNS, The: Cost of maintenance.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1809 (JUNE).

KANG YEU-WEI, Chinese reformer.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-SEPTEMBER), and after.

KAPILAVASTU, Discovery of the ruins of.

      See (in this volume)
      BUDDHA.

KARNAK, Fall of eleven columns of the temple of.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: FALL OF KARNAK COLUMNS.

KASSALA, Italian evacuation of.

      See (in this volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1897.

KATIPUNAN, The.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1896-1898.

KEARSARGE, Loss of the.

      The United States cruiser Kearsarge, destroyer of the
      Alabama, was totally wrecked, February 2. 1894, on
      Roncadore Reef, off the Mosquito coast, her crew being
      saved.

KENGI.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

KENTUCKY: A. D. 1895-1900.
   Political conflicts.
   Assassination of Governor Goebel.

   In 1895 a Republican Governor, William O. Bradley, was elected
   in Kentucky by a majority of nearly 9,000 votes. In 1896 the
   conflict of political parties became fierce and dangerous, on
   the occasion of the election of au United States Senator to
   succeed the Democratic incumbent, J. C. S. Blackburn, whose
   term would expire March 3d, 1897. On joint ballot in the
   Legislature the Republicans and Democrats had 68 votes each,
   and the Populists had 2,—the latter thus bolding a balance of
   power: But the two Populist members were divided, and the
   Democrats could not act together, owing to the division in
   their party on the money question. The "sound-money" Democrats
   refused support to Senator Blackburn, who obtained the caucus
   nomination of his party for re-election, and their votes were
   scattered. The Republicans were united on a candidate, and
   secured one of the Populist votes, but needed one more to give
   them a majority. They attempted to win the needed vote by
   unseating a Democrat in the Lower House whose seat was
   contested; but the Democrats promptly neutralized their move
   by unseating two Republicans in the Upper House. The passions
   excited by the factious contest had by this time become so
   violent and threatening that in March, 1897, the Governor of
   the State deemed it necessary to call out several companies of
   militia to preserve peace at Frankfort. In the end, the
   Legislature adjourned without electing an United States
   Senator; but a special session was called and the election
   accomplished, on the 28th of April, William J. Deboe,
   Republican, winning the senatorial seat.

{287}

   In the following year (1898) the Democrats secured strong
   majorities in both branches of the Legislature, and, under the
   lead of Senator William Goebel, passed an election bill which was
   bitterly denounced as a contrivance for fraud. It created a
   State election board, appointed by the existing Legislature
   for four years, which board should name three commissioners in
   each county, by whom all election and registration officers
   should be chosen. Notwithstanding this provision of partisan
   returning officers, the Democrats were so divided on the
   silver question in the gubernatorial election of 1899, and
   further weakened by personal hostilities which Goebel, who
   became their candidate for governor, had stirred up, that the
   official returns of the election gave William S. Taylor, the
   Republican candidate, a plurality of more than 2,000 votes
   over Goebel. There had been fear of riot in Louisville on
   election day, and the Governor had called out State troops to
   preserve order. The defeated party claimed that military
   interference in that city had made the election illegal, and
   demanded that the returns from Louisville should be thrown
   out. On both sides there were accusations of fraud, and a
   dangerous state of political excitement ensued again. But two
   of the three members (all Democrats) of the State Board of
   Election Commissioners decided that Taylor, the Republican
   candidate, had been lawfully elected, and he was inaugurated
   Governor on the 12th of December. Goebel and his partisans,
   refusing to accept the decision, determined to unseat Governor
   Taylor, by authority of the Legislature, in which they
   controlled a considerable majority of votes.

   The Legislature met and organized on the 1st of January, 1900.
   The Governor prepared to defend his possession of the office
   by summoning troops of the State Guard from the strong
   Republican districts of the mountain region, and 1,000 or more
   armed men arrived in Frankfort on the 25th. There had been
   fighting between the two parties already, and the situation
   now became desperately strained. Some kind of a bloody outcome
   seemed inevitable, but no one could anticipate the barbarous
   tragedy which ensued. As Senator Goebel was walking to the
   state house, on the 30th of January, he was shot from one of
   its windows, by a hidden assassin, receiving a wound from
   which he died February 3d. The Legislature at once closed its
   investigation of the election, and voted to recognize the
   dying William E. Goebel as Governor, with J. C. W. Beckham as
   his Lieutenant and the successor to the office in the event of
   his death. Governor Taylor issued an address to the people of
   the State, denouncing the murder and enjoining the
   preservation of order. At the same time he proclaimed an
   adjournment of the Legislature, closed the State House against
   it, and summoned its members to reassemble on the 6th of
   February, not at Frankfort, but at the distant small mountain
   town of London. Goebel, on his death-bed, took the oath of
   office, and issued orders dismissing Governor Taylor's
   Adjutant-General, appointing another in his place, and
   commanding the force at Frankfort to return to their homes.

   The President of the United States was applied to by Governor
   Taylor for recognition and support, but decided that he had no
   authority to interfere. The supporters of Goebel applied with
   more effect to the Circuit Court of Kentucky, which issued a
   writ enjoining Governor Taylor from the use of armed force to
   prevent the Legislature from meeting. A clerk who succeeded in
   serving the writ by tacking it on the door of the Governor's
   office was seized and held prisoner by the military, and a
   writ of habeas corpus requiring his deliverance was disobeyed
   for several days. All authority was breaking down, and a state
   of political chaos being produced. To save the State from
   actual anarchy and civil war, a conference of leaders in both
   parties was held at Louisville, February 5, and an agreement
   reached to withdraw troops from the capital, allow the
   Legislature to meet there, and abide by its action, with
   promise to repeal the obnoxious election law. Governor Taylor
   refused acceptance of the agreement. He dismissed the troops,
   however, on the 12th, and called the Legislature to meet at
   the capital. The Democratic members of that body were holding
   meetings at Louisville, the Republican members at London. The
   latter obeyed the call to Frankfort, while the former
   continued at Louisville, both fragments claiming to be the
   Legislature of the State. A petition to the United States
   Circuit Court, for injunctions against the Democratic
   claimants for certain of the minor State offices, was denied
   by Judge Taft on the 14th.

   On the 21st, Republican and Democratic leaders came to another
   agreement, that the gubernatorial question should be settled
   in the courts,—first in those of the State, and then carried
   by appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States. This
   agreement prevailed, and the case, as between Governor Taylor
   and Governor Beckham (declared to be Governor by a majority of
   the members of the Legislature after Governor Goebel's death)
   was peacefully adjudicated in favor of the latter. The Circuit
   Court of the State recognized the Legislature's decision of
   the election as final; the Court of Appeals, with only one of
   three Republican judges dissenting, did the same, April 6. On
   April 30 the case was argued, on appeal, before the Supreme
   Court of the United States, and on the 21st of May that
   tribunal decided that it had no jurisdiction. This ended
   attempts to dispute the authority of Governor Beckham.

   Strenuous efforts were being made to implicate his competitor,
   Mr. Taylor, as accessory to the murder of Goebel. Several
   persons had been arrested and put on trial for that crime,
   including Caleb Powers, the Secretary of State in Governor
   Taylor's fallen government, from the window of whose office it
   was claimed that the cowardly shot had been fired. The trials
   were scandalized by confessions of perjury and charges and
   counter-charges of subornation on the part of witnesses. In
   August, Powers was found guilty and sentenced to imprisonment
   for life. Subsequently, Henry E. Youtsey received the same
   sentence, while James Howard was condemned to death. Appeals
   were taken in each case. Mr. Taylor, under indictment as an
   accomplice, had left the State, and a requisition for his
   rendition was refused by the Governor of Indiana, where he
   sojourned. He indignantly denied all knowledge of the alleged
   conspiracy to kill his competitor, but claimed that a fair
   trial could not be secured to him if he was placed in the
   power of his political enemies.

{288}

   In October, a new election law was passed by the Legislature
   and signed by the Governor. It provides that, of the three
   State Election Commissioners, one is to be taken from each of
   the dominant parties, upon the recommendation of the State
   Central Committee, and the Clerk of the Court of Appeals, an
   elective officer, is to act as umpire. The Commissioners are
   to be appointed by the Governor. They are to appoint the
   county boards, one from each party, with the Sheriff as
   umpire. All the boards are to have only ministerial powers,
   and the law gives the right of appeal in all cases of contests
   to the courts except in the case of Governor and
   Lieutenant-Governor, which must be tried by the Legislature,
   as the constitution prescribes. The Goebel law made the boards
   supreme. The new law also provides for an equitable division
   of election officers.

KHAIBAR:
   Inclusion in a new British Indian province.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

KHALIFA, The.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896; 1897-1898; and 1899-1900.

KHARTUM, Destruction of.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

KHARTUM, Gordon Memorial College.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1899.

KIANG-HUNG: Cession to France.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895 (MARCH-JULY).

KIAO-CHAU: A. D. 1897.
   Seizure by Germany.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER).

KIAO-CHAU: A. D. 1899.
   Cost of maintenance.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

KIEL:
   Opening of the Baltic Canal.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (JUNE).

KIENNING, Anti-missionary riot at.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1899.

KIMBERLEY, Siege of.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER); (OCTOBER-DECEMBER);
      and 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

KINGSHIP BY DIVINE RIGHT:
   German revival of the doctrine.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1899.

KIS, The city of.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

KITCHENER, Major-General Sir Herbert (afterwards Lord):
   Sirdar of the Egyptian army.
   Expedition to Dongola.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

KITCHENER, Major-General Sir Herbert (afterwards Lord):
   Final campaigns against the Dervishes.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1897-1898.

KITCHENER, Major-General Sir Herbert (afterwards Lord):
   Dealing with the French expedition at Fashoda.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

KITCHENER, Major-General Sir Herbert (afterwards Lord):
   In the South African War.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY), and after.

KLONDIKE GOLD FIELDS, The.

   "Many years ago gold was known to exist on the Yukon. The
   Hudson Bay Company's men tested the bars of the main river,
   and found 'the color,' but not in sufficient quantity to
   warrant working. The reason is, that, in the disintegration of
   the rocks by the smaller streams and the action of frost and
   melting snow, the metallic burden of the waters is dropped in
   the causeway of the smaller tributaries; only the finest float
   gold and the lighter sand and gravel being carried as far as the
   Yukon itself. In 1880, after years of fruitless search on the
   main stream, a body of prospectors under the protection of
   Captain (now Admiral) Beardsley, United States Navy, landed at
   the head of Lynn Canal, crossed the divide, and proceeded to
   explore the head-waters. Not much being found at first in
   Canadian territory, the prospectors descended the river to the
   region near the lower end of the Upper Ramparts. In this
   region lies the boundary, formed by the one hundred and
   forty-first degree of west longitude from Greenwich. Here the
   Yukon receives from the southwest a tributary called
   Forty-Mile Creek. A few miles of the lower part of this creek,
   including its mouth, are on the Canadian side of the line: the
   head-waters—on which the gold is chiefly found—are, for the
   most part, on the American side. In this vicinity the first
   substantial deposits were discovered, many of which are still
   worked. …

   "The site of the new diggings—which have produced an
   excitement recalling the 'Fraser River rush' of 1857—is on a
   stream tributary to the Yukon from the northeast, wholly in
   Canadian territory, and entering the main river about fifty
   miles eastward from the boundary. Here a mining camp, called
   Dawson City,—after the head of the Dominion Geological
   Survey,—has been established. … The stream above referred to
   has been named the Klondyke,—signifying 'reindeer': on some of
   the older maps it is designated Reindeer River. It is said
   however that the name should really be Throndak,—a Tinneh term
   meaning 'plenty of fish.' The existence of gold on this stream
   and its branches appears to have been first made known by
   Indians. One of the first prospectors to locate upon it with
   success was J. A. Carmich, who staked out his claim in August,
   1896, and with two helpers, in a few weeks, washed out over
   $14,000."

      _W. H. Dall,
      Alaska and the New Gold-Field
      (Forum, September, 1897)._

KNIGHTHOOD: Victorian Order.

      See (in this volume)
      VICTORIAN ORDER.

KNOSSOS, Archæological excavations at.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: CRETE.

KOKANG: Cession to Great Britain.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1897 (MAY-JUNE).

KOREA: A. D. 1895-1898.
   Nominal independence of Korea.
   Japanese influence supplanted by Russian.

   On the 7th of January, 1893, the independence of Korea (see,
   in this volume, CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895) was formally
   proclaimed at Seoul. For a time, Japanese influence
   prevailed, and the party favorable to it controlled affairs.
   But Russian jealousy gave encouragement to the opposing
   faction, headed by the queen, and the latter succeeded at
   length in thwarting most of the aims of the Japanese. The
   result was a revolutionary conspiracy in October, carried out
   by a murderous band which broke into the palace and killed
   three women, one of whom was supposed to be the queen. The
   assassins were dressed in Japanese costume, and were said to
   belong to the "soshi," or hireling cutthroats, of that
   country; but the Japanese government indignantly repudiated
   the crime, recalled and arrested its Minister, who was
   suspected of complicity, and forbade its subjects to enter
   Korea without special permission. Russian influence,
   nevertheless, became dominant soon after; the king yielded to
   it completely, and obtained riddance of opposing ministers
   with Russian support. In the end, Russia and Japan came to an
   agreement, nominally establishing a joint protectorate over
   Korea; but practically the Japanese seemed to be fairly
   shouldered out.

{289}

   In the later part of 1897, the Russian Minister to Korea
   brought about the dismissal of an English official, Mr. Brown,
   who had been the financial adviser of the Korean government
   and its commissioner of customs, putting a Russian in his
   place, and secured a written agreement that none but Russians
   or Koreans should fill that important post in future. The
   vigorous remonstrance of the British government, however,
   caused this action to be reversed.

   Russia and Japan came to a new understanding in 1898, more
   favorable to the interests of the latter in Korea. This was
   embodied in a protocol, signed at Tokyo on the 25th of April,
   1898, in terms as follows:

   "I. That the Governments of Japan and Russia, recognizing the
   sovereignty and complete independence of Korea, shall in no
   way directly interfere with the domestic government of that
   country.

   II. That in order to avoid misunderstandings in the future,
   whenever either Japan or Russia is applied to by Korea for
   advice or assistance, neither contracting party shall take any
   steps toward the appointment of military instructors or
   financial advisers without previous consultation with the
   other.

   III. That Russia, recognizing the great progress made in
   commercial and industrial enterprises by Japan in Korea, and
   the great number of Japanese subjects residing in the
   settlements, will do nothing to injure the development of the
   commercial and industrial relations between Japan and Korea."

      _United States Consular Reports,
      August, 1898, page 591._

   A reform party had begun to manifest influence at this time,
   even aspiring to representative institutions in the
   government. Various progressive measures were undertaken in
   1898; the gold monetary standard was adopted; American
   engineers were engaged to plan roads, bridges, etc., and new
   ports were opened.

KOREA: A. D. 1900.
   Strategic importance of Korea to Russia and Japan.
    Japanese jealousy of Russian encroachments in
    Manchuria and its grounds.

    "Considerable as are the material interests which Japan is
    building up in Korea, it is still from the strategical point
    of view that she is most deeply concerned with the future of
    the Korean peninsula, which, in the hands of a great military
    Power like Russia, would be a permanent threat to her safety.
    And the Japanese appear to be firmly convinced that, when
    once Russia is firmly seated in Northern China, she must
    inevitably seek to absorb Korea. In any other hands but her
    own the Korean peninsula would always be a wedge
    inconveniently driven in between her older acquisitions on
    the Pacific seaboard and her more recent acquisitions in the
    Gulf of Chi-li, nor could she regard her strategical position
    in the Far East as thoroughly secured so long as she did not
    command one shore of the straits through which lies the
    natural waterway between her two naval bases at Vladivostok
    and at Port Arthur. … Port Arthur is situated practically on
    an inland sea to which the approaches can be dominated not
    only by positions already in the hands of other European
    Powers, such as Wei-hai-wei and Kiaochau, but by the Korean
    peninsula and islands as well as by the Japanese archipelago,
    from Tsushima down to Formosa. With Port Arthur as her main
    base Russia's position as a naval Power in the Far East would
    be subject to natural limitations not altogether unlike those
    which hamper her in the Black Sea and the Baltic.

   "Considered in this light the question of Russian
   aggrandisement in Northern China is so closely interwoven with
   that of the future of Korea that it must necessarily wear a
   much more serious aspect for Japan than for any other Power
   —so serious, indeed, that not a few Japanese deem the time to
   be close at hand when Japan should retort upon Russia in
   precisely the same terms which the latter used in 1895 and
   demand the evacuation of territories where her presence must
   be a permanent threat to the independence of the Chinese
   Empire and the peace of the Far East."

      _London Times,
      Tokio Correspondence, December 27, 1900._

KOTZE, Chief-Justice:
   Conflict with President Kruger of the Transvaal.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (JANUARY-MARCH);
      and 1898 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

KROONSTAD:
   Temporary seat of Orange Free State government.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (MARCH-MAY).

KRUGER: President Stephanus Johannes Paulus.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1885-1890, and after.

KUANG HSU, Emperor of China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-SEPTEMBER), and after.

KUMASSI, or COOMASSIE:
   Occupation by the British.
   Siege and relief.

      See (in this volume)
      ASHANTI.

KURAM, The:
   Inclusion in a new British Indian province.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

KURRAM VALLEY, British-Indian war with tribes in the.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

KWANGCHOW WAN, Lease of, to France.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-AUGUST).

KWANG-SI, Rebellion in.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

{290}

L.

LABOR COLONIES: In Australia.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRALIA; RECENT EXTENSIONS OF DEMOCRACY.

LABOR CONFLICTS.

      See (in this volume)
      INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES.

LABOR LEGISLATION:
   Compulsory insurance in Germany.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.

LABOR LEGISLATION:
   Eight-hours day in Utah.

      See (in this volume)
      UTAH: A. D. 1895-1896.

LABOR LEGISLATION:
   New Zealand Labor Laws.

      See (in this volume))
      NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1891-1900.

LABOR LEGISLATION:
   Workmen's Compensation Act in Great Britain.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (MAY-JULY).

LABOR LEGISLATION:
   The United States Industrial Commission.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

LABRADOR, Recent exploration of.

      See (in this volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION, 1893-1900, 1896.

LABYRINTH, The Cretan:
   Its supposed discovery.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: CRETE.

LADRONE ISLANDS:
   Sale by Spain to Germany.

      See (in this volume)
      CAROLINE AND MARIANNE ISLANDS.

LADYSMITH, Siege of.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER);
      and 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

LAGAS, The ancient city of.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH; BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

LAGOS.

      See (in this volume)
      NIGERIA: A. D. 1899.

LA GUASIMA, Battle at.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

LAKE SUPERIOR CONSOLIDATED IRON MINES:
   In the United States Steel Corporation.

      See (in this volume)
      TRUSTS: UNITED STATES: THE CLIMAX.

LAND BILL, Irish (1896).

      See (in this volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1896.

LAND SYSTEM, The New Zealand.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW ZEALAND; A. D. 1891-1900.

LAND TAXATION:
   In Australia and New Zealand.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRALIA: RECENT EXTENSIONS OF DEMOCRACY.

LANDLORDS, Irish, New League against.

      See (in this volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1900-1901.

LATTIMER,
   Conflict of striking coal miners with sheriffs' deputies at.

      See (in this volume)
      INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1897.

LAURIER, Sir Wilfrid:
   Prime Minister of Canada.

      See (in this volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1890-1896, and after.

LAWS OF WAR.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

LAWTON, General Henry W.:
   Command at Santiago de Cuba.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: CUBA).

LAWTON, General Henry W.:
   Military operations in the Philippine Islands.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

LAWTON, General Henry W.:
   Death.

      See (in this volume) PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899-1900.

LECHER, Dr.:
   Twelve-hours speech.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

LEE, General Fitzhugh:
   U. S. Consul-General at Havana.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1897-1898 (NOVEMBER-FEBRUARY);
      and (DECEMBER-MARCH).

LEE, General Fitzhugh:
   Command at Havana.
   Report.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER).

LEICHAU PENINSULA, Leases in, to France.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-AuGUST).

LEO XIII., Pope,

      See PAPACY.

LÈSE MAJESTÉ.

   A hurt to Majesty.
   Any offense or crime against the sovereign.
   For lèse majesté in Germany,

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1898; and 1900 (OCTOBER).

LEX FALKENHAYN, The.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

LEX HEINZE, The.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (MAY).

LEXOW INVESTIGATION, The.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW YORK CITY; A. D. 1894-1895.

LIAOTUNG PORTS: A. D. 1895.
   Russo-Chinese Treaty relating to.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1895.

      See, also, references from PORT ARTHUR;
      TALIENWAN; and FÊNG-TIEN PENINSULA.

LIBRARIES, The gifts of Mr. Andrew Carnegie to.

   Of neither the manifold items nor the stupendous total of the
   gifts made by Mr. Andrew Carnegie for the founding or for the
   assistance of public libraries in America and Great Britain is
   there any authentic account; but a tentative record of them,
   compiled mainly from the news columns of the "Library
   Journal," and published, on the 17th of March, 1901, in the
   "Buffalo Illustrated Express," is probably not far from
   correct. It begins in 1881, with the founding of a public
   library at Dunfermline, Scotland, the birthplace of Mr.
   Carnegie, who then gave for it $40,000. Two years later, he is
   said to have given $50,000 to a library at Inverness. In 1885
   the New York Free Circulating Libraries were helped by him to
   the extent of $5,000. In the following year his benefactions
   were raised to their larger scale by his gift of $250,000 to
   the Free Public Library of Edinburgh; besides which he gave
   $28,000 to the Workmen's Library of the Keystone Bridge Works,
   and smaller donations elsewhere. In 1889 he founded the
   Carnegie Library at Braddock, Pennsylvania, at a cost of
   $300,000.
{291}
   In 1890 he contributed $325,000 to the founding of the
   Carnegie Free Public Library at Allegheny, Pennsylvania, which
   the city undertook to support; he replaced the Cambria
   Library, which the great flood at Johnstown had destroyed,
   expending $65,000 in that kindly work; gave $40,000 to a
   library at Fairfield, Iowa, and $9,000 to another at Augusta,
   Maine. Five thousand dollars to a library in Airdrie, $50,000
   to one in Ayr, and $2,500 to a third at Jedburgh, all three in
   Scotland, are the gifts recorded in 1893 and 1894.

   In 1895 Mr. Carnegie seemed to be crowning his munificence by
   the creation, at Pittsburg, of the great institution,
   combining library, art gallery, and museum, on which, between
   that year and 1899 he is said to have expended no less than
   $3,860,000. In the same year he founded a small library at
   Wick, in Scotland. In 1897 the donations appear to have been
   small. In 1898 Dumfries, in Scotland, received for a public
   library $50,000 from his open purse, and $250,000 went from it
   to the creation of the Carnegie Library at Homestead,
   Pennsylvania, the seat of the Carnegie works.

   Hitherto the stream of Mr. Carnegie's bounty to public
   libraries had been a rivulet: it now, in 1899, began to pour
   like the fertilizing flood of the Nile, and that first
   twelvemonth of the amazing tide was celebrated by American
   librarians, at the annual meeting of their Association, as
   "the Carnegie year." In reality, it but opened a series of
   "Carnegie years," which have filled the period since, and may
   still go on. As compiled by the "Express," supplemented by a
   later record in the "Library Journal" for April, 1901, the
   list of the library gifts and offers of Mr. Carnegie, from the
   beginning of 1899 until March, 1901, includes $5,200,000,
   tendered to the city of New York for branches to its Public
   Library (see below); $1,000,000 tendered to St. Louis;
   $350,000 to the city of Washington; $260,000 to Syracuse;
   $125,000 each to Atlanta and Louisville; $100,000, or $150,000
   (there seems to be uncertainty as to the sum) to Seattle;
   $100,000 each to Richmond, Conneaut, Grand Rapids, Ottawa,
   Ont., and the State College in Pennsylvania; $75,000 each to
   Lincoln, Nebraska, Springfield, Illinois, Davenport, Iowa,
   Tacoma, Washington, and the Bellevue Medical College, New
   York; $50,000 each to San Diego, Oakland, Duluth Sedalia, East
   Liverpool, Ohio, Steubenville, Sandusky, Connellsville,
   McKeesport, Beaver, Beaver Falls, Tyrone, Pennsylvania,
   Clarion, Oil City, Fort Worth, Dallas, Cheyenne, Dubuque,
   Ottumwa, Emporia College, East Orange, York, Coal Center and
   Wilkinsburg, Pennsylvania, Chattanooga, Houston, San Antonio,
   Vancouver, British Columbia., Aurora, Illinois, Lewiston,
   Maine, Niagara Falls, Yonkers, Canton, Ohio, Montgomery,
   Alabama, Marion, Indiana, Galesburg, Illinois, Schenectady,
   New York, and Hawick, Scotland; besides a great number of
   lesser sums, ranging from a few hundred dollars to $40,000.
   The total of the library gifts and proffers of Mr. Carnegie,
   from the beginning to March, 1900, is thought to exceed
   $23,000,000.

   To many other educational institutions Mr. Carnegie has been
   munificently generous, giving, for example, $500,000 for the
   Manual Training School of Cooper Institute, New York; $250,000
   to Birmingham University; $50,000 to the engineering
   laboratory of Stevens Institute, Hoboken; $50,000 to the
   Edinburgh Technical School, and making other gifts of like
   kind.

LIBRARY,
   New York Public, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations.
   Andrew Carnegie's offered gift.

   "The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden
   Foundations, was formed by the consolidation, on the 23d of
   May, 1895, of the three corporations, 'The Trustees of the
   Astor Library,' originally incorporated January 18, 1849, 'The
   Trustees of the Lenox Library,' originally incorporated
   January 20, 1870, and 'The Tilden Trust,' originally
   incorporated March 26, 1887. … In the agreement for
   consolidation it was provided that the name of the new
   corporation should be 'The New York Public Library, Astor,
   Lenox and Tilden Foundations'; that the number of its trustees
   should be twenty-one, to be selected from the thirty-three
   members of the separate boards; and that 'the said new
   corporation shall establish and maintain a free public library
   and reading room in the city of New York, with such branches
   as may be deemed advisable, and shall continue and promote the
   several objects and purposes set forth in the respective acts
   of incorporation of 'The Trustees of the Astor Library,' 'The
   Trustees of the Lenox Library,' and the 'Tilden Trust.' … In
   December, Dr. John Shaw Billings, United States Army
   (retired), was chosen Director, but he did not enter fully
   upon his duties until June, 1896. …

   "At the time of the consolidation the Astor library owned its
   site and buildings, had an endowment fund of about $941,000,
   producing an annual income of about $47,000, and contained
   267,147 volumes. The Lenox library owned its site and
   building, had an endowment fund of $505,500, producing an
   annual income of $20,500, and contained about 86,000 volumes.
   The Tilden Trust possessed Mr. Tilden's private library,
   containing about 20,000 volumes, and an endowment fund
   estimated at $2,000,000, making the total number of volumes in
   the New York Public Library 373,147, and the total endowment
   fund about $3,446,500. … The joint libraries now contain about
   500,000 volumes and 175,000 pamphlets."

   Immediately upon the completion of the consolidation of the
   three libraries, the city of New York was asked to provide a
   suitable building for the great institution contemplated, and
   the ground covered by the old reservoir, on Fifth Avenue,
   between Fortieth and Forty-second Streets, was suggested as an
   advantageous site. "The result of this appeal, which met with
   cordial public support, was that an act was passed by the
   legislature and approved May 19, 1897, giving the necessary
   authority to the city to issue bonds for the construction of a
   library building, the result of which was that on November 10,
   1897, the plans prepared by Messrs. Carrère & Hastings, of New
   York City, were selected and approved, and were laid before
   the Board of Estimate and Apportionment of the City of New
   York on December 1, 1897. These plans were approved by the
   Board of Estimate and on December 8 a contract was entered
   into between the City of New York and the New York Public
   Library, by which the library building to be erected upon
   Bryant Park was leased to the New York Public Library. … The
   sketch plans provide for a building about 350 feet in length
   and about 250 feet in width from east to west, giving shelving
   for about 1,500,000 volumes and seating capacity for about 800
   readers in the main reading room. …

{292}

   "Plans and specifications for the removal of the Forty-second
   Street reservoir and laying the foundations for the new
   building having been approved the contract for this work was
   awarded to Mr. Eugene Lentilhon, and the work of removing was
   begun on June 6th, 1899."

      _Handbook to the New York Public Library, 1900._

   In October, 1900, it was stated in the newspapers of the city
   that Mayor Van Wyck, Controller Coler, and the other members
   of the Board of Estimate had come to an understanding
   regarding the consolidation of all the libraries of the
   Greater New York under the New York Public Library. "It was
   announced officially that all the smaller libraries would be
   allowed about the same amount of money for maintenance this
   year as was allowed last year. A practical plan of
   consolidation will be perfected, and when the matter comes up
   before the Board of Estimate next year it was agreed that the
   libraries would be put under one head. … It is proposed to
   spend $5,000,000 on the New York Public Library now in course
   of erection in Bryant Park on the site of the old reservoir.
   It will be four years before the building can be completed.
   Controller Coler's idea is to gradually merge the smaller
   libraries so that when the new building is completed New York
   will have the largest and best equipped library for sending
   out books of any city in the world."

   On the 12th of March, 1901, Mr. Andrew Carnegie addressed the
   following letter to Dr. Billings, the Director of the New York
   Public Library, making a proposal of unparalleled munificence:
"Dear Dr. Billings: Our conferences upon the needs of greater New
   York for branch libraries to reach the masses of the people in
   every district have convinced me of the wisdom of your plans.
   Sixty-five branches strike one at first as a very large order,
   but as other cities have found one necessary for every sixty
   thousand or seventy thousand of population, the number is not
   excessive. You estimate the average cost of these libraries
   at, say, $80,000 each, being $5,200,000 for all. If New York
   will furnish sites for these branches for the special benefit
   of the masses of the people, as it has done for the central
   library, and also agree in satisfactory form to provide for
   their maintenance as built, I should esteem it a rare
   privilege to be permitted to furnish the money as needed for
   the buildings, say, $5,200,000. Sixty-five libraries at one
   stroke probably breaks the record, but this is the day of big
   operations, and New York is soon to be the biggest of cities.
      Very truly yours, ANDREW CARNEGIE."

   In communicating this extraordinary proposal to the New York
   Public Library Board, Dr. Billings made the following
   statement of the plan contemplated in the suggestions he had
   made:

   "In the conferences referred to by Mr. Carnegie the
   suggestions which I have made have related mainly to a free
   public library system for the boroughs of Manhattan and The
   Bronx. I have stated that such a system should include the
   great central reference library in Forty-second street and
   Fifth avenue, about forty branch libraries for circulation,
   small distributing centres in those public school buildings
   which are adapted to such purpose, and a large travelling
   library system operated from the central building. Each of the
   branch libraries should contain reading rooms for from 50 to 100
   adults and for from 75 to 125 children, and in these reading
   rooms should be about 500 volumes of encyclopædias,
   dictionaries, atlases and large and important reference books.
   There should be ample telephone and delivery arrangements between
   the branches and the central library.

   "To establish this system would require at least five years.
   The average cost of the branch libraries I estimated at from
   $75,000 to $125,000, including sites and equipment. The cost
   of maintaining the system when completed I estimated at
   $500,000 a year. The circulation of books for home use alone
   in these boroughs should amount to more than 5,000,000 of
   volumes a year, and there should be at least 500,000 volumes
   in the circulation department, with additions of new books and
   to replace worn out books of at least 40,000 a year.

   "With regard to the other boroughs of greater New York I have
   made no special plans or estimates, but have said that about
   twenty-five libraries would be required for them."

LIBRARY, The Temple, of ancient Nippur.

      See (in this vol.)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

LIBRARY, The U. S. House of Representatives:
   Its management under the spoils system.

      See (in this volume)
      CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1901.

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, at Washington.
   The new building.

   "By the act of April 15, 1886, the present site, one-quarter
   of a mile south of east from the Capitol, was selected, its
   acquisition by the United States provided for, and the
   construction of a building authorized. During this long period
   of discussion many schemes for attaining the desired end,
   including a variety of plans for enlarging and occupying the
   Capitol and many different sites in the city of Washington,
   were considered. Several times did the legislation reach an
   advanced state and fail through the pressure of more absorbing
   interests. Finally the law referred to adopted sketch plans that
   had been prepared by Messrs. Smithmeyer and Pelz, a firm of
   Washington architects, but it fixed no limit of cost, nor did
   it specify the materials of construction or character of
   execution of the design other than to stipulate that the
   building should be fireproof. A commission, composed of the
   Secretary of the Interior, the Librarian of Congress, and the
   Architect of the Capitol, was designated to conduct the
   construction of the building. The site, comprising two city
   squares—nearly nine acres, within the city building lines and
   with the included streets—was purchased of the private owners,
   the ground cleared of some seventy buildings occupying it, and
   by the summer of 1888 about one-half of the foundation
   footings for the building were laid. During that year,
   however, Congress became dissatisfied with the progress that
   had been made and the uncertainties involved in the operation
   of the inadequate original law, and accordingly, on October 2,
   modified it and lodged the entire control of the work, including
   the preparation of new plans at a limited cost, in the hands
   of Brigadier General Thomas Lincoln Casey, Chief of Engineers
   of the United States Army. He immediately placed the writer in
   local charge.
{293}
   On March 2, 1889, Congress enacted that the building should be
   erected at a total cost of $6,500,000, including previous
   expenditures, according to a plan that had been prepared and
   submitted by General Casey, pursuant to the previous act of
   October 2, 1888. This plan was based on that adopted by the
   original act, and provided a building of similar form,
   dimensions, and architecture. The project embodied the
   principal materials of construction and a detailed estimate of
   the cost. Under these auspices operations were begun in the
   spring of 1889 where the operations had left off the year
   before, and the construction thence proceeded without
   interruption until the building was finally completed, in the
   spring of 1897. It was 470 feet in length by 340 feet in
   width, having three stories and a subbasement, and fronts
   west—toward the Capitol. … The foundations of the building are
   of hydraulic cement concrete, 6 feet deep in ground which is a
   mixture of clay and sand of very uniform character. The cellar
   walls are of hard red brick; the exterior face of the
   superstructure of a fine grained light blue granite from
   Concord, New Hampshire; the stone of the rotunda and the
   trimmings of the court walls a light blue granite from near
   Woodstock, Maryland; the facing of the court walls enameled
   brick from Leeds, England; and the backing and interior walls
   as well as all of the vaulting of the basement and first
   stories are of hard red brick. Most of the floors that are
   flat ceiled are of terra cotta, and this material also forms
   the covering and filling of the roofs and main dome, of which
   the supporting members are of rolled steel in beams, girders,
   and trusses. All of the floors are leveled up with concrete
   and surfaced with tiles, terrazzo, or mosaic in the public
   spaces, while in the office and working rooms they are covered
   with a carpet of southern pine boards. The most important of
   the strictly useful features of the building are the book
   stacks, of which the design is largely original. The problem
   was new, not only through the capacity to be provided but the
   numerous other conditions to be met, such as light,
   ventilation, adjustability to several uses, communication,
   immunity from fire, cleanliness, durability, and simplicity.
   It was also necessary that rapid mechanical transmission of
   books between the shelving and the reading room should be
   provided, coupled with a quick and reliable means of
   communication, both written and oral. … The book carrier is a
   pair of parallel, endless chains, running in a vertical shaft
   in the middle of the stack; thence in a horizontal duct in the
   cellar to a point below the central desk of the reading room,
   where it turns upward and ascends vertically to the delivery
   outlet at the desk. A series of equidistant book trays,
   eighteen in number, are suspended between the chains. The
   machine runs continuously and automatically takes on and
   delivers books of the size of a quarto or less at its reading
   room terminal and at each of the stack stories. The speed of
   the carrier is about 100 feet per minute. The pneumatic
   message tube is also convenient as a speaking tube. The great
   rotunda or public reading room of the building, the main
   staircase hall or foyer, the private reading rooms for the
   members of Congress, the Librarian's office, the corridors
   communicating with these, and the exhibition halls as well as
   many portions of the exterior walls, especially the west main
   pavilion, have received a good degree of artistic treatment
   and embellishment, but all within strict architectural
   requirements. Some forty sculptors and mural painters, about
   equally divided in numbers, furnished the principal works of
   art under the architects' supervision and direction. Many
   appropriate quotations and names are inscribed on the walls in
   the architectural tablets, friezes and panels, adding to the
   general impressiveness and interest of the building. In all
   ways and from all points of view the library building is
   eminently instructive as an example of good design, good
   appointment for its great purpose, good building and good
   administration in the execution, and therefore the more
   appropriate to house the nation's library. The unusual success
   of the undertaking under Government auspices is almost wholly due
   to the selection of a known competent, sturdy, and faithful
   individual such as General Casey was, and giving him the sole
   charge directly under Congress without an executive superior
   liable to interfere and cause delays. The work went on
   quietly, but with energy; and was completed within the
   originally estimated time and well within the legal limit of
   cost. The total cost of the building was $6,344,585.34—that of
   the site, $585,000."

      _Bernard R. Green,
      The Building for the Library of Congress
      (Annual Report Smithsonian Institution, 1897, page 625)._

LI HUNG-CHANG:
   Negotiation of peace with Japan.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.

LI HUNG-CHANG:
   Tour in Europe and America.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1896.

LI HUNG-CHANG:
   Charged with being in Russian pay.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

LI HUNG-CHANG:
   Acting Viceroy at Canton.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1899 (DECEMBER).

LI HUNG-CHANG:
   Attempt to open negotiations with allied Powers.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JULY).

LI HUNG-CHANG:
   Chinese Plenipotentiary to negotiate with the allied Powers.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

LIKIN, The Chinese taxes called.

   "Chinese tariff rates, where they exist, average about 5 per
   cent ad valorem. Many articles are admitted free of duty, and
   on some the rates are higher than 5 per cent, but in general
   terms this is about the average rate. To this, however, there
   is a material addition where the goods are intended for
   interior points. The Chinese Government, while it collects a
   part of its revenue from customs, relies largely upon the
   provinces to supply revenue, and arbitrarily names each year
   the sum which each province must supply, leaving to the
   officers of that province the methods by which this is
   obtained. The consequence is that each province is permitted
   to collect a tax on goods entering it from the adjacent
   provinces, and this custom has been extended to the
   subdivision of the provinces, so that goods in transit are
   frequently compelled to pay taxes every few miles. As a
   consequence, the interior taxes, known as 'likin,' became not
   only the terror of importers, but sometimes almost
   prohibitory. So serious was this system in its effects upon
   attempts to introduce foreign goods that, upon the insistence
   of foreign ministers, the Chinese Government announced that an
   addition of 50 per cent to the rates paid at the custom-houses
   would insure passage of the goods to any point in the interior
   without the exaction of likin taxes.
{294}
   This was gladly accepted by foreigners desiring to do business
   in the interior of China. The additional 50 per cent on duties
   was paid and 'transit passes' issued for the goods in question,
   purporting to authorize their free transit to any point in the
   Empire. Actual experience, however, shows that these transit
   passes do not always accomplish what was expected. … Every 8
   or 10 miles along the principal waterways or caravan routes a
   likin station is found, where a tax is levied upon some
   article or articles carried through by boat, pack animal, or
   wheelbarrow. At some points every article is taxed. This is
   the usual rule at the gates of cities. In some cases the tax
   is as little as 2 per cent ad valorem; in others, such as
   silk, satin, and native opium, much more, amounting at times
   to 6, 8, or even 10 per cent. Between Shanghai and Soochow, a
   distance of 84 miles, there are 8 likin stations. At the first
   and last stations all goods are dutiable; at the rest all
   goods must be examined, and there is scarcely a single article
   that does not in that distance pay at least three taxes. It is
   easily seen that under such a system foreign goods cannot be
   carried very far from the coast before their prices become
   prohibitive for ordinary people."

      _United States, Bureau of Statistics, Monthly Summary,
      March, 1899, pages 2188, 2231._

LINCOLN PARTY, The.

      See (in this volume).
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER),
      SILVER REPUBLICAN.

LIQUID AIR, The production of.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

LIQUOR SELLING, The regulation of.
   Abolition of the Army Canteen.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

LIQUOR SELLING:
   Dispensary Laws.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899;
      NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1897-1899;
      SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1899; and
      ALABAMA: A. D. 1899.

LIQUOR SELLING:
   International convention respecting the
   liquor traffic in Africa.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

LIQUOR SELLING:
   The question in American politics.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
      and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

LIQUOR SELLING:
   The Raines Liquor Law.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1896-1897.

LISCUM, Colonel Emerson H.:
   Death.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JULY).

LITTLE ENGLAND PARTY.

   A name given by its opponents to the section of the Liberal
   party in Great Britain which condemns the boundless
   enlargement of British annexations, protectorates and spheres
   of influence in all parts of the world, and which is critical
   of expansive and imperialistic wars.

LIU KUN-YI, Viceroy at Nanking:
   Admirable conduct during the Chinese outbreak.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

LOCH, Sir H. B.:
   British High Commissioner in South Africa.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1894.

LOCKOUTS.

      See (in this volume)
      INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES.

LOG OF THE MAYFLOWER, The so-called.

      See (in this volume)
      MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1897.

LOGIA, Discovery of a fragment of the.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT; DISCOVERY OF A FRAGMENT.

LOMBOK.

      See (in this volume)
      DUTCH EAST INDIES.

LONDON: A. D. 1894.
   The Tower Bridge.

   The Tower Bridge was formally opened on the 30th of June,
   eight years after the beginning of the work. Its cost was
   £1,250,000.

LONDON: A. D. 1897.
   Great fire.

   On November 19, 1897, occurred one of the largest fires in
   London since 1606. Beginning in Aldersgate, it spread over six
   acres of a densely populated quarter, destroying over 100
   warehouses and buildings. The loss was estimated at
   £2,000,000.

LONDON: A. D. 1899.
   The London Government Act.

   "The London Government Act is the most important measure
   passed by Lord Salisbury's Government during the year 1899;
   indeed, in some respects it is the most valuable reform
   carried by the Parliament which [expired in 1000]. There was
   urgent need for such a measure. The machinery of London
   Government was hopelessly out of gear. It was both cumbrous
   and intricate; it was controlled by a network of small local
   authorities whose duties were ill-defined and often clashed
   with each other. There was no uniformity or harmony in the
   system." The old Roman wall, "built somewhere between A. D.
   350 and A. D. 370 … played a most important part in the
   history of London; and, indeed, it had a large share in
   creating the problems with which Mr. Balfour had to deal in
   1899. Little did its unknown builder dream that his wall, so
   admirable in itself, would cause us trouble fifteen centuries
   after his death. But such is the fact. He was a wise man, this
   nameless benefactor of the infant municipality; he took care
   that the wall should be thoroughly well built; and he allowed,
   as he thought, ample room for later growth. The exact position of
   this wall is well known to antiquaries. Many portions of it
   still remain; it included in its ambit about a square mile of
   territory, with wells and trees, gardens and pastures,
   bordering on the great Roman roads. For a thousand years or
   more this area was sufficient for all purposes. … So far as we
   now can guess, it was not till the 16th century that any
   Londoner felt cramped within the wall and craved more
   elbow-room. Gradually the City expanded, and at first it
   incorporated its extra-mural parishes, such as Bishopsgate and
   Farringdon Without. The borough of Southwark was supposed for
   some purposes to be annexed to the City; it was till last year
   by a fiction regarded as a ward of the City—the ward of Bridge
   Without. To this extent, then, the City spread outside its
   wall. But here its natural expansion stopped. … The City
   proper remained a compact town, well organized and well
   governed, but the suburbs were treated as mere country
   villages; their only local authority was the parish vestry,
   and its only officers the churchwardens and the overseers.

{295}

   "This state of things obviously could not last. It soon became
   impossible for the parishioners to assemble in the vestry; no
   room, indeed, would hold them. First one parish and then
   another applied to Parliament for an Act creating what was
   called a 'select vestry,' and many representative bodies were
   thus formed with diverse and very miscellaneous powers. …
   Where the parishes were small, instead of a select vestry a
   district board was formed, under which several small parishes
   were grouped. And so when the London Government Act was passed
   there were 78 parishes and extra-parochial places within the
   county, but outside the City of London. … These vestries and
   boards were the sanitary authorities for their respective
   areas: they superintended the removal of nuisances, and the
   lighting, paving, watering, and cleansing of the streets; they
   also attended to some minor works of drainage, ancillary to
   the main system. … In 1855, the Metropolitan Board of Works
   was created to control the main drainage, to carry out
   improvements, to regulate the streets and bridges, and to
   maintain and manage the Fire Brigade. But its members were
   elected on a vicious system—by the various vestries and
   boards, and not directly by the ratepayers. … Its place was
   taken [in 1888] by the London County Council. But besides
   these vestries, local boards, district boards, and the
   Metropolitan Board, it was deemed necessary from time to time
   to create many minor authorities to meet various pressing
   needs; such were the Metropolitan Asylums Board, the Thames
   Conservators, the Lee Conservators, the commissioners of baths
   and washhouses, the commissioners of free libraries, the
   burial boards, &c., in addition to 30 boards of guardians and
   the London School Board. As the population of London outgrew
   its existing institutions, the defects and shortcomings were
   remedied by patchwork. …

   "From this position of affairs we have been rescued by two
   important measures, … the Local Government Act, 1888, and the
   London Government Act, 1899. … The Local Government Act of
   1888 abolished the Metropolitan Board of Works: it created the
   administrative county of London; it called into existence the
   London County Council. The London Government Act of 1899 has
   done still more for London. It has abolished some 127 local
   authorities, whose place will be taken by the 28 borough
   councils which must be elected on November 1. The London
   County Council, the City Corporation, the Metropolitan Asylums
   Board, the boards of guardians, and the London School Board
   remain practically untouched. But 73 vestries, 12 district
   boards, the Woolwich Local Board of Health (the last of its
   race), 12 burial boards, 19 boards of library commissioners,
   and 10 boards of baths and washhouses commissioners, for all
   purposes of civic government, cease to exist."

      _London Times, October 16, 1900._

LONDON CONVENTION (British-Boer), of 1884.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1884-1894.

LONGEVITY, Human:
   The Nineteenth Century increase of.

      See (in this vol.)
      NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE LENGTHENED AVERAGE.

LOOTING, in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST 5-16, and 15-28).

"LOS VON ROM" MOVEMENT, The.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1900.

LOUBET, Émile: Election to the Presidency of the French Republic.

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (FEBRUARY-JUNE).

LOUISIANA: A. D. 1898.
   New State Constitution.
   An educational qualification of the suffrage which applies
   to all negroes and few whites.

   The framing of a new constitution for the State was completed
   in May. Its distinctive feature is an educational
   qualification of the suffrage which does not apply to men who
   were qualified in any State to vote at the beginning of the
   year 1867, nor to the sons and grandsons of such men, nor to
   foreigners naturalized before the 1st of January, 1898. The
   amendment is as follows:

   "SECTION 3.
   He (the voter) shall be able to read and write, and shall
   demonstrate his ability to do so when he applies for
   registration, by making, under oath administered by the
   registration officer or his deputy, written application
   therefor, in the English language, or his mother tongue, which
   application shall contain the essential facts necessary to
   show that he is entitled to register and vote, and shall be
   entirely written, dated, and signed by him, in the presence of
   the registration officer or his deputy, without assistance or
   suggestion from any person or memorandum whatever, except the
   form of application hereinafter set forth: Provided, however,
   That if the applicant be unable to write his application in
   the English language, he shall have the right, if he so
   demands, to write the same in his mother tongue from the
   dictation of an interpreter; and if the applicant is unable to
   write his application by reason of physical disability, the
   same shall be written at his dictation by the registration
   officer or his deputy, upon his oath of such disability. The
   application for registration, above provided for, shall be a
   copy of the following form, with the proper names, dates, and
   numbers substituted for the blanks appearing therein, to wit:

   "I am a citizen of the State of Louisiana. My name is --. I
   was born in the State (or country) of --, parish (or county)
   of --, on the -- day of --, in the year --. I am now -- years
   -- months and -- days of age. I have resided in this State
   since --, and am not disfranchised by any provision of the
   constitution of this State.

   "SECTION 4.
   If he be not able to read and write, as provided by section 3
   of this article, then he shall be entitled to register and
   vote if he shall, at the time he offers to register, be the
   bona fide owner of property assessed to him in this State at a
   valuation of not less than $300 on the assessment roll of the
   current year, if the roll of the current year shall then have
   been completed and filed, and on which, if such property be
   personal only, all taxes due shall have been paid.

   "SECTION 5.
   No male person who was on January 1, 1867, or at any date
   prior thereto, entitled to vote under the constitution or
   statute of any State of the United States, wherein he then
   resided, and no son or grandson of any such person not less
   than 21 years of age at the date of the adoption of this
   constitution, and no male person of foreign birth, who was
   naturalized prior to the first day of January, 1898, shall be
   denied the right to register and vote in this State by reason
   of his failure to possess the educational or property
   qualifications prescribed by this constitution: Provided, He
   shall have resided in this State for five years next preceding
   the date at which he shall apply for registration, and shall
   have registered in accordance with the terms of this article
   prior to September 1, 1898; and no person shall be entitled to
   register under this section after said date."

{296}

LOW, Seth:
   Citizens' Union candidate for Mayor of Greater New York.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1897 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER.)

LOW, Seth:
   American commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

LÜBECK: A. D. 1900.
   The Elbe and Trave Canal.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (JUNE).

LUDLOW, General William:
   Military Governor of Havana.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER).

LUEGER, Dr.:
   Anti-Semitic agitation in Vienna.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896.

LUXEMBOURG: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
   Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

LUZON.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.

LYNCH LAW, in the United States.

   Statistics, compiled by the "Chicago Tribune," of the cases of
   mob-murder, called "lynchings," which were reported in the
   newspapers as having occurred in the United States during the
   year 1899, showed a total of 107, being 20 less than a similar
   record for 1898 had shown. Of the reported cases, 3 were in
   Kansas, 1 in Pennsylvania, and 103 in Southern States. Georgia
   led in the latter list, being credited with 20 executions
   under lynch law. Mississippi followed with 14, Louisiana with
   13, Arkansas with 11, and other States of the South with
   lesser numbers. Of the victims (mostly colored) 44 were
   accused of murder; 11 of complicity in murder; 11 with rape or
   attempted rape; 1 with rape and murder.

   The "Political Science Quarterly," in its Record of Political
   Events between November 11, 1897, and May 10, 1898, cites 31
   incidents of lynching, exclusive of a mob-murder committed at
   Lake City, South Carolina, where a negro postmaster and one of
   his children were killed, his wife and three other children
   wounded, and their house burned down. Of these incidents, 23
   were reported from the South, the victims in every case being
   black; 8 were from northwestern States, the victims being
   white.

   For 1897, the "Buffalo Express" compiled statistics of
   reported lynchings from its news columns, which showed 38
   between January 1 and June 8, and 77 during the remainder of
   the year, making a total of 115.

M.

MACARTHUR, General:
   Military operations in the Philippine Islands.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

MACDONALD, Sir Claude:
   British Minister at Peking.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY), and after.

MACEDONIA, Impending revolt in.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901; and
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

MACEO, Antonio:
   Death of the Cuban leader.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

MACHADADORP:
   Temporary seat of Transvaal government.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (MAY-JUNE).

MACKENZIE, The district of.

      See (in this volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1895.

MCKINLEY, William:
   Election and reelection to the Presidency of the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
      and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

MCKINLEY, William:
   Administration.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (MARCH), and after.

MCKINLEY, William:
   Message on the condition of Cuba in 1897.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

MCKINLEY, William:
   Message on the destruction of the battleship Maine.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

MCKINLEY, William:
   Message asking for power to intervene in Cuba.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-APRIL).

MCKINLEY, William:
   Message announcing state of war with Spain.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL).

MCKINLEY, William:
   Civil Service order in 1899.

      See (in this volume)
      CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1899.

MCKINLEY, William:
   Negotiation of peace with Spain.
   Instructions to and correspondence with Commissioners at Paris.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

MCKINLEY, William:
   Instructions to the military commander and
   to the two commissions in the Philippines.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS:
      A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-JANUARY);
      1899 (JANUARY); and 1900 (APRIL).

MADAGASCAR.

   The island of Madagascar, which stretches through more than
   thirteen degrees of latitude, in close neighborhood to the
   eastern African coast, opposite Mozambique, though often
   called "the great African island," is more Malayan than
   African in its population. The dominant tribe is the Hova. For
   more than a century the French have been covetous of the
   island, and since 1883, when they opened a war with its Hova
   rulers, they have pursued a steady policy toward the end of
   making it their own. The result of the war of 1886 was a
   treaty under which the French claimed a certain protectorate
   or control of Malagasy foreign relations,—a claim concerning
   which there remained much dispute. In 1890 the British
   government recognized the French protectorate, but the native
   government continued steadily to refuse acknowledgment that
   the treaty had given any such rights.

{297}

MADAGASCAR:
   Subjugation of the island by the French.
   Anti-foreign and anti-Christian risings.
   Revival of idolatry.
   Final possession of the island by France proclaimed.
   Submissive Declaration of the Queen.

   In 1894 the French government took decisive measures looking
   toward the subjugation of the island, and, early in 1895, a
   strong expedition under General Duchesne was landed on the
   coast. The Malagasy were much divided among themselves, and
   they were poorly prepared for war. They made feeble resistance
   to the invaders; but the latter had a difficult and costly
   campaign, notwithstanding, on account of the nature of the
   country and the absence of roads, which they were obliged to
   construct as they advanced. They are said to have lost only 20
   men killed in action, but 6,000 by disease. They reached
   Antananarivo, the Hova capital, at the end of September.
   "Immediately on the arrival of General Duchesne a treaty was
   signed by the Malagasy authorities, by which the whole power
   of the country was ceded to the French. The queen remained in
   her place, and the Hova Prime Minister was also allowed to be
   nominally at the head of affairs. Part of this arrangement was
   found impracticable after a short time; the Prime Minister had
   enjoyed unlimited power for too long a period to accept a
   subordinate position, and General Duchesne was forced to
   remove him. According]y, he was taken to a house of his own at
   a short distance from the capital, where he was kept under
   surveillance for two or three months, but as he was still
   supposed to be plotting he was deported to Algiers, in which
   country he died after a very short exile.

   "It seemed at first as if the change of masters in the island
   was to be accomplished without any serious disturbance. … In
   the early part of November (1895), however, this satisfactory
   state of affairs was rudely interrupted. A paltry quarrel
   between two clans about a piece of ground, which each claimed,
   gradually developed into a serious rising. The two parties
   came to an understanding by agreeing to make an attack upon
   the Europeans. As soon as General Duchesne was informed of
   what had been happening to the south-west of the capital, he
   sent a column … with orders to punish the insurgents and to
   pacify the district. … The resistance on the part of the
   natives was vigorous, and for a time well sustained. …
   Discipline and Lebel rifles, however, were more than a match
   for all their efforts, and after a loss of about 150 men they
   desisted. … One distressing feature in the insurrection was
   the revival of idolatry, which was thought to be extinct in
   Imerina, but which evidently has been scotched and not killed.
   Almost the first move on the part of the rebels had been to
   reinstate a local idol called Ravololona, and the performance
   of certain acts of worship in the presence of the idol was
   considered the mark of a good patriot. Naturally under these
   circumstances the teachers and the more prominent Christians
   in the various churches and chapels were objects of dislike
   and hatred, and in the disaffected district these men with
   their wives and families had to fly for their lives. It is
   useless to shut one's eyes to facts; a considerable number of
   those who were held in esteem by the missionaries failed to
   stand the test of persecution, and if not guilty of actually
   worshipping idols were actively in league with those who did
   so. … After the suppression of this first outbreak matters
   remained quiet in Imerina for some months. …

   "The next serious event in the island was an outbreak of a
   different character. With the exception of the Hova, few if
   any of the tribes were thought to be opposed to French rule. …
   The Hova were as much hated as they were feared, and, from
   whatever quarter it might come, release from their rule would
   be welcome. The arrival of the French was the long-wished-for
   moment; but news spreads slow]y in Madagascar, and though the
   Hova power came to an end at the beginning of October, it was
   not realised on the coast until the new year [1896]. When,
   however, it was known that the French were masters of the
   country the explosion came. The two large tribes of the
   Betsimisaraka and the Taimoro on the east rose against the
   Hova, and ruthlessly killed them wherever they could catch
   them. … The buildings used as churches and schools were also
   burnt, for, as the greater part of the teachers came from
   Imerina, religion and education were associated with the Hova.
   In one or two instances Europeans were murdered, but only when
   they were mixed up with the Hova."

      _F. A. Gregory,
      The French in Madagascar
      (Nineteenth Century, January, 1897)._

   Formal possession of the island was now proclaimed, and, on
   the 18th of January, 1896, the submissive queen signed the
   following "Declaration": "Her Majesty the Queen of Madagascar,
   having been made acquainted with the Proclamation taking
   possession of the Island of Madagascar by the French
   Government, declares her acceptance of the following
   conditions:

   "ARTICLE I.
   The Government of the French Republic shall be represented at
   the Court of Her Majesty the Queen of Madagascar by a
   Resident-General.

   "ARTICLE II.
   The Government of the French Republic shall represent
   Madagascar in all relations with foreign Powers. The
   Resident-General shall be intrusted with the conduct of
   relations with the Agents of foreign Powers; and all questions
   affecting foreigners in Madagascar shall be dealt with through
   him. The French Diplomatic and Consular Agents abroad shall be
   charged with the protection of Malagasy subjects and
   interests.

   "ARTICLE III.
   The Government of the French Republic reserve to themselves
   the right of maintaining in Madagascar the armed forces
   necessary for the exercise of their authority.

   "ARTICLE. IV.
   The Resident-General shall control the internal administration
   of the island. Her Majesty the Queen of Madagascar undertakes
   to introduce such reforms as the French Government shall deem
   expedient for the economic development of the island, and for
   the advancement of civilization.

   "ARTICLE. V.
   The Government of Her Majesty the Queen of Madagascar
   undertake to contract no loan without the authorization of the
   Government of the French Republic.

   (Signed) RANAVALOMANJAKA, Mpanjakany Madagascar."

   On the 11th of February the following "Notification" was
   officially communicated to all the Powers: "In consequence of
   difficulties which have arisen in Madagascar, the Government
   of the Republic, in the exercise of their Protectorate, have
   been obliged to intervene by force of arms in order to make
   their rights respected, and to obtain guarantees for the
   future. They have thus been obliged to occupy the island with
   their troops, and to take final possession thereof."

      _Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command: Africa, No.8, 1897)._

{298}

   About this time, "M. Laroche, the first Resident-General,
   arrived at the capital and began to organise the government of
   the country. A new Prime Minister was appointed, in whose name
   laws might be issued, for it had been settled that the
   administration should be indirect, that is to say conducted
   through the medium of the natives. A considerable number of
   regulations were promulgated, affecting the development of the
   industries of the country, the granting of concessions, and
   the education of the natives. Most of these were much too
   elaborate to be useful, and up to the present time nearly all
   of them have remained a dead letter. Some may be useful when
   the insurrection has been quelled, when the country is such as
   to invite capitalists, and when schools have been
   re-established. In March there were again signs of trouble,
   though at first these were faint and perhaps too far off to
   attract the serious attention of the authorities. …

   "A petty disturbance in the beginning, fomented for private
   purposes and fostered by an appeal to patriotic feeling, has
   developed into a formidable insurrection. I say formidable,
   but I do not mean to give the idea that the insurrection is
   formidable from a military point of view. … But from
   industrial, educational, and religious points of view, the
   rebellion has been a complete success, and however soon it may
   be suppressed, the progress of the country in some parts has
   been thrown back for years, a large tract reduced to
   desolation, and the inhabitants to little better than savages.
   This destruction has been effected in five months, for,
   beginning in May, it has spread over the whole of Avaradrano,
   Vonizongo, part of Imarovatana, and Vakin Ankaratoa, four out
   of the six divisions of Imerina. … To mark the, anti-European
   character of the rising, the churches were burnt without
   distinction, and in some places leper hospitals were
   destroyed, and their unhappy inmates rendered houseless. The
   English and Norwegian missions have suffered the most
   severely. It is impossible to estimate correctly the number of
   churches and chapels that have been burnt, but at the lowest
   computation it must amount to 600. … As in the West,
   idol-worship was practised, the idol in this case being
   Ramahavaly, the war-god or goddess; the pillaging of houses
   and property became almost universal, and soon it came to pass
   that no one was safe unless he either joined the insurgents or
   paid them to leave him unmolested. …

   "The greatest move in the organisation of the country is the
   abolition of slavery throughout the island. This was
   proclaimed in the official gazette issued on the 27th of
   September [1896] by decree of the Resident-General. It was
   wholly unexpected at the time, though there had been rumours
   two or three months previously to the effect that the step was
   contemplated, but would be effected gradually. Naturally, it
   fell upon the Hova like a clap of thunder, and, as the law was
   published on a Sunday, some worthy folk found themselves, on
   their return from service, without a slave to cook the dinner.
   … It would have been better to have proceeded more slowly to
   the desired end; to have made an children born after a fixed
   day free; and to have made the redemption of the rest, either
   by themselves or by others, cheap and easy. However, it has
   been decided otherwise, and certainly the state of the country
   is such as to justify any measure, for, when everything is in
   a state of upheaval the exact amount of pressure is of small
   importance. In addition to this it must be remembered that in
   consequence of the outbreak Madagascar has been declared a
   French colony, and that this carries with it the abolition of
   the status of slavery. While, then, the greater number of
   Europeans who know Madagascar would have preferred that
   slavery should have been abolished by degrees, few would be
   prepared to say that it was altogether a mistake."

      _F. A. Gregory,
      The French in Madagascar
      (Nineteenth Century, January, 1897)._

   An Act for the annexation of Madagascar was passed by the
   French Chamber and Senate in the early summer of 1896, with a
   declaration for the immediate abolition of slavery. In the
   following year Queen Ranavalomanjaka was banished to the
   French Island of Reunion, and in 1899 she was removed to a
   more distant and more cruel exile in Algiers.

MAFEKING, Siege of.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER); and 1900 (MARCH-MAY).

MAFIA, Exposure in Italy of the.

      See (in this volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY).

MAHAN, Captain Alfred T.:
   American Commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

MAHDI, The death of the.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

MAINE, The battle-ship:
   Destruction in Havana harbor.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

MAJESFONTEIN, Battle of.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

MALAGASY, The.

      See (in this volume)
      MADAGASCAR.

MALAKAND, Attack by Swat tribes on.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

MALARIA, Discovery of the secret of.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL.

MALAYAN RACE.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

MALOLOS:
   The seat of Aguinaldo's government in the Philippines.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

MANCHESTER SHIP CANAL.

      See (in this volume)
      CANAL, MANCHESTER SHIP.

MANCHURIA: A. D. 1895-1900.
   Trans-Siberian Railway.
   Russo-Chinese Treaty.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1895; and
      RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1891-1900.

{299}

MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900-1901.
   Chinese Boxer attack on the Russians and
   savage Russian retaliation.
   Russian occupation of Niu-chwang.
   Russo-Chinese negotiations concerning the province.
   Distrust of Russian designs.

   The Boxer outbreak in and around Peking, in the early summer
   (see, in this volume, CHINA: A. D. 1900-MAY-JUNE, and after),
   was followed, in July, by an attack on the Russians in
   Manchuria, along the line of the Manchurian branch of their
   Trans-Siberian Railway (see, in this volume, RUSSIA IN ASIA),
   and on the Amur. The retaliation of the Russians appears to
   have been simply ferocious. Professor G. Frederick Wright, who
   was travelling in Manchuria at the time, gives a sickening
   account of what he saw on the Amur, above Blagovestchensk, in
   a letter written, August 6, from Stretensk, Siberia, to "The
   Nation," of New York. The Chinese fort at Aygun, on the
   Manchurian side of the Amur, began, without warning, on the
   14th of July, he writes, "to fire upon passing steamboats,
   and, on the 15th, fire was opened upon Blagovestchensk, and
   some Russian villages were burned opposite the fort. The
   actual injury inflicted by the Chinese was slight; but the
   terror caused by it was indescribable, and it drove the
   Cossacks into a frenzy of rage. The peaceable Chinese, to the
   number of 3,000 or 4,000, in the city were expelled in great
   haste, and, being forced upon rafts entirely inadequate, were
   most of them drowned in attempting to cross the river. The
   stream was fairly black with their bodies. Three days after,
   we counted hundreds of them in the water. In our ride through
   the country to reach the city on Thursday, the 19th, we saw as
   many as thirty villages and hamlets of the Chinese in flames.
   One of them was a city of 8,000 or 10,000 inhabitants. We
   estimated that we saw the dwellings of 20,000 peaceable
   Chinese in flames that awful day, while parties of Cossacks
   were scouring the fields to find Chinese, and shooting them
   down at sight. What became of the women and children no one
   knew; but there was apparently no way for them to escape to a
   place of safety. On our way up the river for 500 miles above
   the city, every Chinese hamlet was a charred mass of ruins.
   The large village of Motcha was still smoking, and we were
   told that 4,000 Chinese had been killed. We do not mention
   these facts to excite prejudice against the Russian
   authorities or against the Cossacks. This work of devastation
   has not been ordered by those high in authority. It is rather
   the result of mob violence such as instigates the promoters of
   lynch law in the Southern States, or, more nearly, such as has
   from time immemorial animated the pioneers in America against the
   Indians. The wholesale destruction, both of property and of
   life, was thought to be a military necessity. The wives and
   children of the Cossacks were in terror."

   Russian troops were poured into Manchuria in vast numbers, and
   however much or little there may have been of the Boxer
   movement, it was crushed with merciless rigor. A letter from
   the Manchurian treaty port of Niu-chwang, on the Liao-tung
   Gulf, written August 13, to the "London Times," describes the
   Russian occupation of that town and region, in the previous
   week. After some 1,500 or 2,000 Chinese soldiers and
   civilians, in flight from the town, had been intercepted and
   killed, "the Russian general," says the writer, "was about to
   order a general assault on the town when the foreign residents
   interceded, as there were no longer any soldiers or 'Boxers'
   left. He declared his intention was to kill all, as it was
   impossible to distinguish between soldiers, 'Boxers' and
   civilians. Some foreigners then went down into the city and
   brought up the principal merchants, who were given until 10 a.
   m. to deliver up all the guns in the town. This, of course,
   they could not and did not do, so some foreign residents
   offered to enter the city with the Russian soldiers, and
   guaranteed peaceful occupation. This offer was accepted, and
   the town was spared enormous loss of life, though there was a
   certain amount of looting, and a few people were bayoneted in
   the outlying houses. Outside the walls men, women, and
   children were killed, and from all sides came reliable reports
   of violation of women. There is no possible doubt about the
   truth of these reports. The Russians are carrying out a policy
   of destruction of property and extermination of the people.
   Kai-chau, the district city, 24 miles south of this port, and
   nearly all the villages have been burnt and the inhabitants
   killed. The soldiers, both infantry and Cossacks, have been
   allowed to do what they like for some days."

   The same correspondent goes on to say: "The Russians hoisted
   their naval flag over the Custom-house at 7.30 p. m. on August
   4. Neither in the attack and bombardment of the town nor in
   hoisting their flag did they consult any of the foreign
   Consuls or the commanders of the two Japanese gunboats in
   port. Admiral Alexeieff arrived on the 5th and issued a
   circular announcing the occupation of the treaty port by
   Russian military forces. … What the other Powers will say to
   the seizure of a treaty port and hoisting of only one flag
   remains to be seen." The "one flag" seems to have been still
   waving over Niu-chwang as late as the 15th of February, 1901,
   since a member in the British House of Commons, on that day,
   arraigning his government for want of vigor in China, said
   that "though British people traded with Niu-chwang to the
   extent of three millions sterling a year, the port was now
   under the civil and military administration of Russia alone.
   He should like to know what undertaking his Majesty's
   Government had obtained that Russia would speedily evacuate
   Niu-chwang, and that the administration of the port would
   revert to the hands of the Chinese Government.

   A few days later, the Under Secretary of State for Foreign
   Affairs, Viscount Cranborne, said in reply to this statement:
   "We made proper inquiry from our representative, and he
   assured us that any agreement which exists between Russia and
   China in respect to Manchuria is in the nature of a 'modus
   vivendi,' consisting merely in the simultaneous presence of
   the Russian and Chinese forces in Manchuria, and in order to
   prevent disturbances on their frontier. He assured us that the
   occupation of the railway is of a purely temporary character,
   and that, although a guarantee is expected by the Russian
   Government that upon their withdrawal the disturbances shall
   not breakout again, yet that guarantee will not take the form
   of an acquisition of territory or of a virtual or actual
   protectorate in Manchuria. … In respect to Niu-chwang we have
   received assurances at least equal to those which have been
   given us in respect to the province of South Manchuria. We
   understand the Russians are prepared to restore Niu-chwang at
   the end of their occupation precisely to its former
   condition."

{300}

   For the time being, however, the Russians seem to have
   established in practice a very real protectorate over the
   province of Fêng-tien, in Southern Manchuria, by an agreement
   between the Russian governor of the territory leased from
   China in the Liao-tung peninsula and the Chinese Tartar
   general of Fêng-tien, signed on the 11th of November, 1900.
   The general terms of this agreement were reported late in
   December, and excited much uneasiness as to Russian designs.
   The full text was communicated to the "London Times," in the
   February following, by its Peking correspondent, with the
   information that the Tartar general who signed it, in
   transmitting a copy to Li Hung-chang, "states that grief
   pierces his very soul, but what alternative has he?" The
   agreement required the Tartar general to disband his troops
   and disarm them, on account of the rebellions which had
   occurred among them; to deliver up all munitions of war and
   dismantle all forts and defences, and to give full information
   of all important measures taken by him to a Russian resident
   who should be stationed at Mukden, with "general powers of
   control."

   Late in February, 1901, it was ascertained that the Russian
   Minister at Peking, M. de Giers, was negotiating a more
   definite and binding convention relative to Manchuria with the
   Chinese imperial government, as represented by Li Hung-chang;
   and, on the 7th of March, the Peking correspondent of the
   "London Times" telegraphed to that journal what claimed to be
   a translation of the full text of the treaty, as follows:

   "I. The Emperor of Russia, being desirous to manifest his
   friendly feelings, agrees to restore Manchuria completely to
   China without keeping in mind the fact of the recent warfare
   in that province. The Chinese administration shall be restored
   in all respects to the 'status quo ante.'

   "II. China granted to the railway company, as stipulated in
   Article VI. of the Eastern China Railway Concession, the right
   of guarding the line with troops, but the country being still
   in disorder and the number of troops being insufficient, it
   has been found necessary to station a body of troops in the
   province, which will be withdrawn as soon as peace and order
   are restored and the provisions of the last four articles of
   the present convention are carried out.

   "III. In case of emergency, the Russian troops stationed in
   the province shall render all possible assistance to China to
   suppress any disturbances.

   "IV. The recent attacks against Russia having been conducted
   principally by regular troops, China agrees not to organize
   any army before the completion of the railway and the opening
   thereof for traffic. When China subsequently organizes her
   military forces, the number of troops shall be fixed in
   consultation with Russia. The importation of arms and
   ammunition into Manchuria is prohibited.

   "V. In order to safeguard the province, China shall
   immediately dismiss such Governors-General and high local
   officials as have committed improper acts in connexion with
   foreign relations against which Russia would protest. China
   can organize infantry and cavalry in Manchuria for police
   purposes, but the number shall be fixed in consultation with
   Russia. Artillery should be excluded, and arms given to no
   subjects of any other Power employed in connexion with the
   exercise of functions.

   "VI. China, as previously agreed, shall not employ the
   subjects of any other Power for training her naval and
   military forces in the northern provinces.

   "VII. In order to maintain peace and order, the local
   authorities, residing in the vicinity of the neutral zone
   provided for by the fifth article of the convention relating
   to the lease of the territory of Leao-tong, shall establish
   special regulations suitable to the circumstances, and shall
   relinquish the administrative autonomy of Kin-chau, which is
   reserved to China by Article IV. of the special convention.

   "VIII. China shall not grant, without the consent of Russia,
   to any other Power or their subjects advantages relative to
   mines, railways, or other matters in the Russo-Chinese
   Frontier provinces—namely, Manchuria, Mongolia, Kashgar,
   Yarkand, Khotan, and Turkestan; neither shall she construct
   her own railways in those provinces without the consent of
   Russia. Leases of land outside Niu-chwang shall not be granted
   to the subjects of any other Power.

   "IX. China being under obligations to pay the war expenses of
   Russia and the claims of the various other Powers, the amount
   of Russia's indemnity, and the terms of payment and the
   security for it, shall be adjusted conjointly with the other
   Powers.

   "X. Indemnities shall be paid and compensation granted for the
   destruction of railway property and to the employés of the
   company. Losses accruing from delay in the work shall be
   adjusted between China and the railway company.

   "XI. When the indemnities for the various damages shall have
   been agreed upon between China and the company the whole or
   part of the amount of such indemnities should be met by
   advantages other than pecuniary compensation—that is, either
   by revision of the existing agreement relating to the railway
   or by the grant of new advantages.

   "XII. China shall, as previously agreed, grant to Russia a
   concession for the construction of a railway from the main or
   branch line of the Manchuria Railway towards Peking and to the
   Great Wall."

   Notwithstanding the very positive agreement contained in the
   first article of this treaty, that the Emperor of Russia will
   "restore Manchuria completely to China," the publication of
   its terms excited new and greater distrust of the designs and
   the action of the Muscovite Power. It was seen that Chinese
   authority, for the time being, would be pushed out of
   Manchuria so completely, and that of Russia would be
   established so firmly, that any future restoration of the
   former was improbable, to say the least. Moreover, the entire
   exclusion of all people except Russians from any share in the
   development of Manchurian resources was exceedingly offensive
   to the money-making desires with which the whole western world
   is looking toward the great decaying empire of the East. That
   such an exclusion should extend beyond Manchuria, even to
   Mongolia, Kashgar, Yarkand, Khotan and Turkestan, as set forth
   in the above report of the pending treaty, was an idea at
   which capitalistic circles in Europe and America stood aghast.
{301}
   Very soon there was denial that the exclusiveness asked for by
   the modest Russian went farther than the bounds of Manchuria;
   but, even as thus limited, it roused strenuous protest from
   the Press of the western world, if not from the governments.
   What diplomatic action was taken by the Powers in general is
   not known at the time of this writing; but the United States
   remonstrated to China (see CHINA: A. D. 1901, MARCH-APRIL,),
   and, as stated by the British Foreign Minister, Lord
   Lansdowne, in Parliament, on the 28th of March, the British
   and German governments did the same. The Chinese government
   was nerved accordingly to resist the Russian demands, though
   Li Hung-chang appears to have urged submission to them. The
   contemplated treaty was not signed.

   Before and after this determination the Russian government
   maintained that it had no ulterior designs in the arrangement
   it sought with China. Lord Lansdowne, in the speech to
   Parliament referred to above, spoke as follows of the
   assurances he had received from Count Lamsdorff, the Russian
   Foreign Minister: "He told us that it was the object of the
   Russian Government 'to arrange with the local civil
   authorities the terms of a "modus vivendi" between them for
   the duration of the simultaneous presence of Russian and
   Chinese authorities in Southern Manchuria, the object being to
   prevent the recurrence of disturbances in the vicinity of the
   Russian frontier and to protect the railway from the Russian
   frontier to Port Arthur.' And he told us that his government
   had 'no intention of seeking this guarantee in any acquisition
   of territory or of an actual or virtual protectorate over
   Manchuria.'"

   Similar assurances are reported to have been given to the
   American government, on the 4th of April; and, for the time
   being at least, the Manchurian question has ceased to be
   disturbing to the "Concert of the Powers."

MANCHURIA AND MONGOLIA.

   The following information concerning Manchuria and Mongolia is
   taken from notes made in 1897 by Colonel Browne, Military
   Attache to the British Legation at Peking: "The area of
   Manchuria is computed to contain no less than 362,310 square
   miles, or just three times as large as that of Great Britain
   and Ireland. It is divided into three provinces, of which the
   most southerly, Feng-tien or Shên-king, with its capital at
   Mukden, has for several hundred years formed an integral part
   of the Chinese Empire, and is consequently more opened up and
   more densely inhabited than the two northern provinces, which
   were regarded until the beginning of this century as waste
   lands, outside the pale of civilization, fit only for the
   transportation of criminals. Though the old palisades have
   long disappeared, their trace still marks the boundary between
   Manchuria and Mongolia, and the gateways on the main roads are
   still used as posts for the collection of transit dues. These
   places may be recognized by the termination 'mên' (a gate),
   such as Fa-k'u-mên, Fa-ta-ha-mên. The province of Kirin and
   its capital bear the same name, while the huge northern
   province of Hei-lung-chiang has its seat of government at
   Tsi-tsi-har. It is generally said that the Governor of
   Fêng-tien (Mukden) occupies somewhat the position, as regards
   the two northern provinces, as a viceroy in China holds
   towards the provinces comprised in his Viceroyalty, but this
   does not appear to be so, except in his capacity as High
   Commissioner for the defence of the three Manchurian
   provinces. The Governors of the three provinces are styled in
   the official Gazette by the same title of Military Governor of
   the Provincial Capital and Tartar General of the Province, but
   the Governor of Fêng-tien holds the more honourable post,
   because Mukden is an Imperial city, within its walls is an
   Imperial Palace, without its walls the tombs of the founders
   of the Manchu dynasty. It has also, in miniature, Boards
   similar to those at the capital for regulating ceremonies,
   punishments, and civil appointments; in short, all the
   theoretical paraphernalia to carry on the government of the
   country, should the Emperor visit this quarter of his
   dominions. … The great grain and bean producing area in the
   three provinces is contained in a strip of country, extending
   from the Treaty Port of Newchwang to 30 miles north of
   Pei-tuan-lin-tzu. To the west of this belt of arable are the
   Mongolian steppes, all in grass, but fading away into sand as
   they merge in the great desert of Gobi; to the east is a hilly
   or mountainous region, in which the only large cultivated area
   is that watered by the River Hwei-fa, an affluent of the Upper
   Sungari; elsewhere the cultivated areas are small, such as
   those at Mergen, Tsi-tsi-har, the Valley of the Yen, and at
   Sansing, Ninguta, Hun-chun, and Omoso. Exclusive of patches of
   cultivation in remote districts and valleys, the great
   cultivated area may be estimated to amount to 16,000 square
   miles, or about one twenty-fourth of the total area of the
   country. To what extent under improved communications,
   drainage, and more favourable conditions generally, the
   cultivated area is capable of expansion, it is difficult to
   say. … The population of Manchuria has been variously
   estimated from a few millions by the Chinese to as much as
   25,000,000 by Europeans. A Russian engineer, who has travelled
   all over the country, estimates it as between 10,000,000 and
   15,000,000. … Before I received these figures I had arrived at
   a somewhat similar result by taking the cultivated area at 700
   per square mile which gives a population of 11,250,000, and
   assuming 2,500,000 scattered throughout the more remote
   districts, or a population in all of about 14,000,000. What
   proportion of these are Manchus is also a vexed question to
   which no definite answer can be given. Certainly the Manchus
   are in the minority, for though there are several towns almost
   wholly Chinese, I know of no town in which it is not
   acknowledged that the Chinese form more than half the
   population. The Manchus are nearly all concentrated in towns;
   there are Manchu villages, but they are small, possibly their
   numbers amount to between 2,000,000 and 3,000,000, or about 20
   per cent. of the population. The chief appointments in
   Manchuria are, without exception, held by Manchus, the
   descendants of the conquerors of China. In four centuries of
   ease and sloth they have lost the wild courage, the spirit of
   adventure that inspired them to overrun China, and the
   hardihood and skill at arms that brought success to their
   venture. But if they have lost the warlike instincts of their
   savage ancestors, they have retained all their pride, their
   ignorance, their cruelty, and their superstition. All these
   qualities a Manchu possesses far in excess of the liberal
   share that nature has bestowed on the Chinese.
{302}
   It is true that skill at arms still nominally opens the door
   to military preferment, but such arms and such skill! Shooting
   arrows from a moderately strung bow when cantering on a pony
   is a test which displays neither skill, strength, nor
   endurance. Even according to Chinese ideas they are ignorant.
   … As regards their privileges, the Manchus pay no land tax;
   but in so far as I have been able to ascertain, the opinion
   generally held, that they are all pensioned by Government, is
   erroneous. … But though the mass of the Manchus receive no
   pension, nearly all are in pay as hangers-on at Yamêns,
   body-guard to officials, soldiers, care-takers at the Palace
   or Imperial tombs, and similar posts. The emoluments are
   small, just sufficient to enable the man to support his family
   without working, or making his way in the world as an ordinary
   Chinese must do. Formerly the Manchus did not intermarry with
   Chinese women, but at the present time this custom is
   frequently broken through, though of course no Chinese would
   be permitted to marry a Manchu woman. The Manchus, especially
   the dependents, hangers-on, and soldiers, are great opium
   smokers, and a very worthless class; probably intermarriage
   with the Chinese will prevent the extinction of the race,
   which, were the present dynasty to fall, would be speedily
   absorbed, for, without being propped up with State assistance,
   it could not on its merits hold the position it does at
   present. As regards the Chinese, few of the rich merchants
   make Manchuria their home. They come to the country for a
   definite number of years, and the same applies to their
   agents, managers, and staff generally, who leave their
   families in China. The settlers, on the contrary, have made
   the country their home. They are a fine, healthy, and vigorous
   race. Driven from China by poverty or famine, they regard
   Manchuria as a land flowing with milk and honey. … Whether it
   be the rigour of the climate which softens their manners, or
   the absence of the Chinese Mandarin, or living under the sway
   of an alien race which humbles their pride, or a combination
   of all these elements, it is difficult to say, but the people
   are far less hostile to the foreigner than those in China
   proper. …

   "Mongolia extends for 1,500 miles along the northern frontier
   of China, and as its eastern border is coterminous with
   Manchuria, a few words regarding the Mongols may not be out of
   place in these notes. The race is said to come with the Manchus
   from a common Tartar stock, but, except in colour and
   features, there is little resemblance between the two races.
   The Mongol is essentially a nomad, hating towns and houses. He
   prefers to wander about the steppes, pitching his 'yourt,' or
   felt tent, wherever water and pasture are for the time most
   plentiful. As the nature of the country they inhabit prohibits
   agriculture, the art is unknown among his people, who are
   entirely engaged in tending their flocks and herds, ponies,
   and camels. They are mere children in the hands of the
   Chinese, who can outwit them as easily as a member of the
   'confidence trick' fraternity outwits a rustic from the
   shires. … A small portion of their territory is rented by the
   Chinese on the west of the Provinces of Kirin and Fêng-tien,
   of which it has now become an integral part. Kuan-cheng-tzu
   was originally in Mongolia, and so are all the towns and
   villages to the west of the palisade, of which the principal
   are Mai-mai-kai (Fenghua), Ch'ang-tu, and Cheng-chia-tun.
   Mongolia is the great breeding land for horses and cattle. At
   first sight when travelling through the country one is
   astonished at the enormous size of the troops of ponies; but
   when one considers that this territory supplies Siberia,
   China, and Manchuria with animals, it is easy to see that the
   supply is not greater than the demand. … The Mongols are
   governed by their hereditary Princes, Chinese authority being
   maintained by Imperial Residents at Ching-hai, in Western
   Mongolia (Ko-ko-nor), and at Urga, in the north."

      _Great Britain,
      Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command, China,
      Number 1, 1899, pages 34-37)._

MANCHUS:
   Increasing ascendancy in Chinese Government.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1899 (APRIL).

MANETHO, Vindication of the list of.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH; EGYPT: RESULTS.

MANHATTAN BOROUGH.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.

MANILA:
   The capital city of the Philippine Islands.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.

MANILA: A. D. 1898 (April-July).
   Destruction of the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay.
   Blockade and siege.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

MANILA: A. D. 1898 (July-September).
   Capture by the Americans.
   Relations of Americans with Filipino insurgents.
   General Merritt's report.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

MANILA: A. D. 1900.
   Regulation of the sale of liquors.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

MANITOBA SCHOOL QUESTION.

      See (in this volume)
      CANADA; A. D. 1890-1896; and 1898 (JANUARY).

MARCHAND'S EXPEDITION.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

MARCONI, Guglielmo:
   Development of wireless telegraphy.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

MARIANNE ISLANDS:
    Sale by Spain to Germany.

       See (in this volume)
       CAROLINE AND MARIANNE ISLANDS.

MARITIME CANAL COMPANY.

      See (in this volume)
      CANAL, INTEROCEANIC.

MARITIME POWERS.

      See (in this volume)
      NAVIES; and WAR BUDGETS.

MARITIME WARFARE, Convention relative to.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

MARRIAGE LAWS, Hungarian.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1894-1895.

{303}

MARYLAND:
   New election law, establishing a qualification of the suffrage.

   A new election law, said to have been driven through the
   Legislature by partisan pressure, and for the purpose of
   disfranchising the majority of colored citizens, was passed by
   both houses on the 20th of March, 1901. It is said to be
   "considerably more fair than the North Carolina and similar
   laws in States farther south. It disfranchises by means of
   regulations which practically make it necessary for a voter to
   be able to read his ballot. The illiterate are denied any
   assistance when they go into the booths, and all emblems are
   omitted from the ticket. The color line is not drawn. It is
   believed that there are about 32,000 negroes and 16,000 whites
   who will not be able to vote under this law. Practically all
   of the negroes are supposed to be Republicans, while it is
   estimated that the whites are divided about evenly between the
   parties."

MASHONALAND:
   Embraced in Rhodesia.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
      A. D. 1894-1895.

MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1897.
   Recovery of the original manuscript of Governor Bradford's
   History of Plymouth Colony, sometimes called "The Log of the
   Mayflower."

   "It has long been well known that Governor Bradford wrote and
   left behind him a history of the settlement of Plymouth. It
   was quoted by early chroniclers. There are extracts from it in
   the records at Plymouth. Thomas Prince used it when he
   compiled his annals, Hubbard depended on it when he wrote his
   'History of New England,' Cotton Mather had read it, or a copy
   of a portion of it, when he wrote his 'Magnalia,' Governor
   Hutchinson had it when he published the second volume of his
   history in 1767. From that time it disappeared from the
   knowledge of everybody on this side of the water. All our
   historians speak of it as lost, and can only guess what had
   been its fate. …

   "In 1844 Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of Oxford, afterward
   Bishop of Winchester, One of the brightest of men, published
   one of the dullest and stupidest of books. It is entitled 'The
   History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in America.' It
   contained extracts from manuscripts which he said he had
   discovered in the library of the Bishop of London at Fulham.
   The book attracted no attention here until, about twelve years
   later, in 1855, John Wingate Thornton … happened to pick up a
   copy of it while he was lounging in Burnham's book store. He
   read the bishop's quotations, and carried the book to his
   office, where he left it for his friend, Mr. Barry, who was
   then writing his 'History of Massachusetts,' with passages
   marked, and with a note which is not preserved, but which,
   according to his memory, suggested that the passages must have
   come from Bradford's long-lost history. That is the claim for
   Mr. Thornton. On the other hand, it is claimed by Mr. Barry
   that there was nothing of that kind expressed in Mr.
   Thornton's note, but in reading the book when he got it an
   hour or so later, the thought struck him for the first time
   that the clue had been found to the precious book which had
   been lost so long. He at once repaired to Charles Deane, then
   and ever since, down to his death, as President Eliot
   felicitously styled him, 'the master of historical
   investigators in this country.' Mr. Deane saw the importance
   of the discovery. He communicated at once with Joseph Hunter,
   an eminent English scholar. Hunter was high authority on all
   matters connected with the settlement of New England. He
   visited the palace at Fulham, and established beyond question
   the identity of the manuscript with Governor Bradford's
   history, an original letter of Governor Bradford having been
   sent over for comparison of handwriting.

   "How the manuscript got to Fulham nobody knows. Whether it was
   carried over by Governor Hutchinson in 1774; whether it was
   taken as spoil from the tower of the Old South Church in 1775;
   whether, with other manuscripts, it was sent to Fulham at the
   time of the attempts of the Episcopal churches in America,
   just before the Revolution, to establish an episcopate here,
   —nobody knows."

      _George F. Hoar,
      address, May 26, 1897,
      on the Return of the Manuscript to Massachusetts._

   After the discovery of the manuscript, several attempts to
   bring about its return to America were made: by Justin Winsor,
   in 1860, and again in 1877; by Mr. Motley, in 1869; and by
   others. At length, Senator Hoar, after delivering an address
   at Plymouth, in 1895, on the anniversary of the landing of the
   Pilgrims, went abroad, with his interest in the matter warmly
   stirred up, and took steps, in concurrence with Ambassador
   Bayard, which led to the enlistment of potent influences on
   both sides of the sea in favor of the restoration of the
   precious piece of writing to its proper home. There were many
   difficulties in procuring the necessary legal authority for
   the surrender of the manuscript by the Bishop of
   London,—difficulties not created wilfully, but by questions
   and processes of law; but they were all overcome, with kindly
   help from everybody concerned, and, on the 12th of April,
   1897, the coveted manuscript book was formally delivered to
   the United States Ambassador, Mr. Bayard, for conveyance to
   the Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. It was
   delivered by Mr. Bayard in person, on the 26th of May
   following, in the presence of the Senate and the House of
   Representatives of Massachusetts, sitting together in the
   chamber of the latter, with many guests invited for the
   occasion. The ceremonies of the occasion included the address
   by Senator Hoar from which the above account is taken.

   The manuscript volume is now deposited in the State Library of
   Massachusetts at Boston. A new edition, carefully reproducing
   the text of the history from it, with a full report of the
   proceedings incident to its return to Massachusetts, was
   printed in 1900, under the direction of the Secretary of the
   Commonwealth, by order of the General Court. The following
   remarks on the manuscript are from the Introduction to that
   edition:

   "By very many it has been called, incorrectly, the log of the
   'Mayflower.' Indeed, that is the title by which it is
   described in the decree of the Consistorial Court of London.
   The fact is, however, that Governor Bradford undertook its
   preparation long after the arrival of the Pilgrims, and it
   cannot be properly considered as in any sense a log or daily
   journal of the voyage of the 'Mayflower.' It is, in point of
   fact, a history of the Plymouth Colony, chiefly in the form of
   annals, extending from the inception of the colony down to the
   year 1647. The matter has been in print since 1856, put forth
   through the public spirit of the Massachusetts Historical
   Society, which secured a transcript of the document from
   London, and printed it in the Society's Collections of the
   above-named year."

{304}

MASSACRES:
   Of Armenians in Constantinople.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1896 (AUGUST).

MASSACRES:
   Of Chinese by the allied troops.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST 5-16).

MASSACRES:
   Of Chinese in Manchuria by the Russians.

      See (in this volume)
      MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900.

MASSACRES:
   Of Christian missionaries and converts in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA:
      A. D. 1895 (AUGUST);
      1898 (MAY);
      1898-1899 (JUNE-JANUARY);
      1899;
      1900 (JANUARY-MARCH), (MAY-JUNE); and
      1901 (MARCH).

MATABELES.
   Matabeleland.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
      A. D. 1894-1895; and
      (RHODESIA); 1896 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

MATTHEW, The Gospel of:
   Discovery of a fragment of an early copy.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: RESULTS.

MAYFLOWER, The so-called Log of the.

      See (in this volume, page 303)
      MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1897.

MAZET INVESTIGATION, The.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1899 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

MEAT INSPECTION BILL, The German.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (MAY).

MEDICAL SCIENCE, Recent advances in.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL.

MEHTAR OF CHITRAL, The.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1895 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

MEIJI STATESMEN.

      See (in this volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

MENA, The tomb of.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: RESULTS.

MENELEK II., King of Shoa and Negus of Abyssinia.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

MERENPTAH I., The funeral temple of.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: RESULTS.

MERRIMAC, The sinking of the collier, at Santiago.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE).

MERRITT, General: Report of capture of Manila.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

MESOPOTAMIA, Recent archæological research in.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA.

MESOPOTAMIA:
   Projected railways.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (NOVEMBER); and
      JEWS: A. D. 1899.

MEXICAN FREE ZONE, The.

   "The Department of State has received through Consul-General
   Barlow a report of the Free Zone, compiled by the Secretary of
   the Treasury of Mexico, giving a history of the original
   creation of the zone and defining its limits, and the
   privileges and restrictions applicable thereto. The Free Zone
   is a narrow strip of territory extending along the northern
   border from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific Ocean, with a
   latitudinal area of about 12½ miles to the interior, and
   embracing a portion of the States of Tamaulipas, Coahnila,
   Chihuahua, Sonora, and the territory of Lower California. It
   was established many years ago [1861] by the Central
   Government, as a compromise or concession to the States
   bordering the Rio Grande, as a protection against smuggling
   from the United States. The principal cities of the zone are
   Matamoras, Camargo, Mier, Guerrero, Laredo, Porfirio Diaz
   (Piedras Negras), Juarez, and Nogales. The total population
   does not exceed 100,000 people. According to the official
   reports, there exist within the limits of the free zone no
   industries worth mentioning, which is explained by the fact
   that all industrial products manufactured in the zone when
   sent into the interior of the country are required to pay the
   regular duties charged on imports into the country; and, on
   account of the protective tariff of the United States, it is
   impracticable to export such products to that country. Thus
   the manufacturing industries would have to depend upon the
   home consumption, which is not sufficient to maintain them.
   All merchandise imported into the zone destined for
   consumption therein is admitted on a basis of 10 per cent of
   the regular tariff duties, but such merchandise when reshipped
   into the interior of Mexico is required to pay an additional
   duty of 90 per cent, making, in connection with the 10 per
   cent already paid, the regular tariff duty of Mexico. In his
   report the secretary of the treasury, Senor Limantour, makes
   this statement: 'Many distinguished financiers and eminent
   statesmen are opposed to the Free Zone, but all recognize the
   fact that, on account of existing circumstances in the
   northern frontier, its sparse population, without resources in
   agriculture, industry, or mining, the privilege could not be
   abolished without compensation, and the problem lies in
   choosing some other advantage without prejudice to the rest of
   the country.'"

      _Bulletin of the American Republics,
      August, 1898._

   "The franchise granted the Free Zone consisted, in the
   beginning, in not levying any duty upon imported articles;
   afterwards, however, some small duties, purely local, were
   established, and the ordinance of 1887 established as a fixed
   basis 3 per cent on the value of the duties according to
   tariff—a basis which was raised to 10 per cent by the
   ordinance of 1891. By subsequent decrees the duties were
   raised l½ per cent for the municipality and 7 per cent for
   stamps for internal revenue, the result of all this being that
   the merchandise introduced into the Free Zone from abroad now
   paid 18½ per cent upon the importation duties according to
   tariff. … As the records of the frontier custom-houses of the
   north make no distinction in the duties, those for the Free
   Zone as well as those for the interior appearing in the same
   classification, it is impossible to know exactly what the
   treasury loses by the 90 per cent rebate on the duties of the
   merchandise destined for consumption in the Free Zone; but,
   admitting as an exaggerated estimate that the total
   consumption of the Free Zone represents in duties $400,000
   ($177,600) a year, with the 10 per cent charge on this amount,
   the average annual loss would be $365,000 ($162,060).

{305}

   "The institution of the Free Zone obliges the Mexican
   Government, in order to prevent the introduction clandestinely
   into the interior of merchandise proceeding therefrom, to
   maintain a body of fiscal guards at an annual expense of
   $562,525.95 ($249,762). The guards of the custom-houses must
   not be reckoned in this account; for these, with or without
   the Free Zone, are necessary to prevent the smuggling which
   would be carried on from the United States, and which is even
   now done. In case of abolishing the Free Zone, it would not be
   possible to completely suppress the fiscal guards; lessened in
   number and with a distinct organization, they would have to be
   maintained, especially since in case of their abolition the
   entire duties would be charged (that is to say, 90 per cent
   more than is now levied), and this would be inducement enough
   to provoke attempts at smuggling. This body of guards, fiscal
   as well as administrative, supplies the place of an interior
   custom-house (although it does not levy duties), as it reviews
   in certain instances the merchandise shipped through the
   frontier custom-houses and in a military capacity guards the
   roads leading to and from the frontier to prevent smuggling.
   It has a system of fixed sections situated at convenient
   locations between the Gulf of Mexico and the Pacific, and of
   flying detachments continually patrolling the strip of
   territory named. Experience has demonstrated the usefulness of
   the body, for instances of smuggling by wagons, carts, or
   animals can be said to no longer exist."

   Of smuggling, "there are two divisions to be made, as follows:
   Smuggling to the interior of the Republic and smuggling to the
   United State, of America. The first was at one time of
   importance, since it was practiced on a large scale. Bands of
   smugglers, resorting at times to violence, conducted
   merchandise to the interior, but since the Republic entered
   the period of peace the Government has been able to take
   measures to end this illegal traffic. The custom-houses, which
   formerly scarcely produced enough to pay the employees, now
   render from $4,000,000 to $5,000,000 annually from import
   duties.

   "Smuggling from Mexico to the United States of America has
   never been practiced to any great extent."

      _United States Consular Reports,
      August, 1898, page 619._

   ----------MEXICO: Start--------

MEXICO: A. D. 1892-1895.
   Boundary surveys.

   The international commission which had been engaged since 1892
   in resurveying the incorrectly marked boundary between Mexico
   and the United States from San Diego, California, to El Paso,
   Texas, finished its work in 1895. Another commission began in
   the same year to resurvey the remainder of the boundary, along
   the Rio Grande from El Paso to the Gulf.

MEXICO: A. D. 1895.
   Boundary dispute with Guatemala.

   There was a quite serious threatening of war between Mexico
   and Guatemala in 1895, consequent upon a disputed boundary
   line. The mediation of the United States brought about a
   settlement, which gave the disputed district to Guatemala, and
   provided for an arbitration of indemnities, the United States
   Minister to Mexico being selected as arbitrator.

MEXICO: A. D. 1895.
   Census of population.
   Its distribution.

   "The population of Mexico appears to be, from our … census …
   in 1895, 12,570,195, which would give 16.38 for each square
   mile; but from my personal knowledge of the country, I am
   quite sure that it is not less than 15,000,000. It is very
   difficult to take a correct census in Mexico, because there is
   not the proper machinery in operation for that purpose, and
   especially because a great many districts are inhabited by
   Indians, who are impressed with the fear that if they inscribe
   themselves in the census they will be taxed or drafted into
   the military service, and they try to avoid registration.

   "A great many of our people live in such remote districts that
   they are practically cut off from communication with other
   portions of the country, and in fact are almost isolated; and
   this constitutes still another difficulty in the way of taking
   a correct census. … The upper lands being the healthiest, most
   of the population in Mexico is settled in the central plateau;
   a relatively small portion lives in the temperate zone, while
   the torrid zone is very thinly populated. I imagine, at a
   rough calculation, that about 75 per cent. of the population
   make their abode in the cold zone, from 15 to 18 per cent. in
   the temperate zone, and from 7 to 10 per cent. in the torrid
   zone.

   "From the synopsis of our censuses, … it appears that the
   population in Mexico has duplicated during the last century,
   and although that increase does not keep pace with the
   increase in the United States, because this has been really
   wonderful, it compares favorably with the increase in other
   countries."

      _M. Romero,
      Mexico and the United States,
      volume 1, pages 89-90
      (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons)._

MEXICO: A. D. 1896.
   Amendments to the Constitution.

      See (in this volume)
      CONSTITUTION OF MEXICO.

MEXICO: A. D. 1896.
   Re-election of President Diaz.

   By a popular election held on the 28th of June, 1896, followed
   by a vote of "electors" cast July 13, Porfirio Diaz was chosen
   President of the Republic of Mexico for a fifth term of four
   years, to begin December 1, 1896.

MEXICO: A. D. 1896 (July).
   Abolition of inter-state taxes.

   The following announcement was reported in May, 1896, by the
   United States Consul-General at the City of Mexico: "'All the
   States and Territories having approved the amendment to the
   constitution prohibiting any interstate tax on commerce
   (alcabalas), Congress has passed the bill, the President has
   signed it, the Diario Official has published it, and it will
   soon be promulgated by "bando." as the Vice-Presidency was the
   other day. The law takes effect July 1.' This tax has been in
   existence for many years in Mexico, and has been a source of
   much embarrassment to internal and external trade. Its repeal
   meets with general approval, although some of the States will
   be compelled to seek other modes of taxation to replace the
   money heretofore obtained by this interstate tax."

      _United States Consular Reports,
      June, 1806, page 354._

{306}

MEXICO: A. D. 1896-1899.
   Revolts of the Yaquis.

   The Yaquis, one of the native tribes of northwestern Mexico,
   taking their name from the river, in Sonora, on which they
   dwell, have been in frequent revolt. In 1896, and again in
   1899, some of the tribe were fiercely in arms, excited, it was
   said, by a religious enthusiast, Teresa Urrea, who claimed a
   divine mission and obtained boundless influence over her
   tribe, as a saint. She was expelled from the country by the
   Mexican government, but stayed on the border, in United States
   territory, and continued to stir up hostilities. Though
   repeatedly beaten by the government troops, with heavy loss,
   their late rising was obstinately persisted in for many
   months; but early in 1900 their chief, Tetabiate, was slain,
   and a few sharp engagements after that time seems to have
   brought the revolt, practically, to an end. A writer in the
   California magazine, entitled "The Land of Sunshine" (July,
   1899), says of the Yaquis that they are "the backbone of the
   population of Sonora. They are the best workmen in the
   republic, commanding from 10 to 20 per cent. higher wages in
   many localities than Mexican or other Indian labor. There is
   not a lazy bone in the Yaqui body. They are a peaceable,
   law-abiding people when justly treated. From time immemorial
   they have been hunters, miners, and tillers of the soil. They
   have the nomad instinct in less degree than almost any other
   Indian tribe."

   Another writer makes this statement: "There are about three
   hundred wild and rebellious Yaqui Indians hidden in the
   fastnesses of the Bacatete Mountains, and some thirty thousand
   peaceful Yaquis working all over Sonora—among the best workers,
   the most successful farmers, and the quietest citizens in the
   whole state. … There are few things in the history of the
   native races of North America of such absorbing interest as
   the career of the Yaqui Indians. The Spanish conquistadores
   found them living in this country three hundred and fifty
   years ago. They were a strong and stalwart race. Put a Yaqui
   by the side of an Iroquois and you can hardly tell them apart.
   Put a Yaqui and an Iroquois by the side of any other Indians
   in North America, and their physical superiority is seen at
   once. Compare them physically with all the other races of the
   earth and you will find that they have few, if any, superiors.
   The Yaquis were not, however, like their prototypes, the
   Iroquois, dependent upon the chase for their food. From the
   beginning they were not woodsmen, but farmers. Cabeza de Vaca,
   after his long, romantic and perilous journey across the
   continent, found great fields of Indian corn waving on the
   Yaqui River as far back as 1636. When the early Spanish
   missions were established in the Californias they obtained
   their supplies from the agricultural Indians in the Yaqui
   Valley, and many are the Spanish armies that have been saved
   from starvation in times past by the Yaqui corn fields."

      _W. S. Logan,
      Yaqui, the Land of Sunshine and Health,
      pages 15, 17._

MEXICO: A. D. 1898.
   Completion of the great drainage tunnel and canal
   of the City of Mexico.

   "Mexico is finishing a great work, the drainage of the valley
   where the capital city is located, which has required for its
   completion nearly three hundred years and many millions of
   dollars, and has cost the lives of hundreds of thousands of
   men. … The Valley of Mexico is an immense basin, of
   approximately circular shape, with one extreme diameter of
   about 60 miles, completely bounded by high mountains, and
   having only two or three quite high passes out of it. No water
   drains out of the basin. The surface of this valley has a mean
   altitude above the sea of 7,413 feet and an area of about
   2,220 square miles. Mountain ranges rise on every side, making
   a great corral of rock containing dozens of villages and
   hamlets, with the ancient capital in the centre. … Evaporation
   is so excessive at certain periods of the year that malaria,
   consequent on drouth, was far more dreaded by the inhabitants
   than the periodical floods, and thousands perished annually,
   so that proper drainage was an absolute necessity for the
   preservation of health. Nearly fifty years before the
   discovery of America, which took place in 1492,
   Netzahualcoyotl saw the necessity for a drainage canal, and
   commenced the work in 1450." The Spaniards, throughout their
   rule, labored at projects to the same end, and sacrificed the
   lives of vast numbers of the natives in the work, without much
   result.

   "Frequent floodings of the old Aztec city and of the Spanish
   capital, situated almost at the lowest point of the valley,
   were sure to come in times of unusually heavy rains. In early
   days, when the Aztecs lived in the middle of Lake Mexico, when
   their temples and wigwams were built on piles and the streets
   were often only canals, the periodical overflows from the
   upper lakes were a matter of small concern, though even then
   the Nahua engineers were called upon to protect the city by
   dykes. But when by evaporation, by filling in at the site of
   the city, by lessened waters, due to the fissures caused by
   earthquakes, Lake Mexico had disappeared, and the city had
   come to be built on the spongy soil, above all, when the
   short-sighted choice of Cortez had been confirmed and the
   capital of New Spain had come to stand on the ruins of the
   Aztec town, increasing rapidly in population and wealth,—it
   became a serious matter that on an average of once in
   twenty-five years the streets should be from two to six feet
   under water for an indefinite time. …

   "In 1866 the works now [1895] nearing completion were
   commenced. A project proposed by Señor Don Francisco de Garay,
   a well-known engineer of the city of Mexico, was pronounced
   the most feasible. But the revolutionary struggle succeeded,
   and for many years the work was relegated to the background. …
   The present gigantic work cannot have been considered to have
   been seriously undertaken, with a view of completion at any
   cost, until the year 1885, when the City Council of Mexico
   submitted a project to the Government to which they offered to
   contribute largely in the event of its being adopted. A
   special commission, with ample authority to deal with the
   funds set aside for the work, was appointed by President
   Porfirio Diaz. …

   "The drainage works, when carried out, will receive the
   surplus waters and sewage of the City of Mexico and carry them
   outside of the valley, and will also control the entire waters
   of the valley, affording an outlet, whenever found necessary,
   to those which might otherwise overflow fields and towns,
   rendering the soil stagnant and marshy. The work consists of
   three parts—1st, the tunnel; 2d, a canal starting from the
   gates of San Lazaro, and having a length of 47½ kilometres, or
   43 miles; … and 3d, the sewage of the City of Mexico. …
{307}
   As this paper goes to press, the drainage works of the Valley
   of Mexico are practically finished, as the waters of the
   valley have been for several years passing through the canal
   and the tunnel to their outlet in the river which takes them
   to the Gulf of Mexico, and the company with whom the canal was
   contracted is now giving the finishing touches to the sides
   and bottom of the canal and will deliver it to the Government
   Board of the Drainage Directors in January, 1898. …

   "The canal and six-mile tunnel through the mountain range have
   a total length approaching 37 miles. The present works will
   take rank with the great achievements of modern times, just as
   the immense 'cut' of Nochistongo, their unsuccessful predecessor,
   was the leader among ancient earthworks in all the world. The
   completed system will have cost $20,000,000."

      _M. Romero,
      Mexico and the United States,
      pages 266-280
      (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons)._

MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.
   The results of twenty years of the presidency of Porfirio Diaz.
   The wonderful advance of the Republic.

   In his interesting book on Mexico, entitled "The Awakening of
   a Nation," written in 1898, Mr. Charles F. Lummis expresses
   the opinion that, under the Presidency of Porfirio Diaz, that
   country "has graduated to be the most compact and unified
   nation in the New World"; that "she has acquired not only a
   government which governs, but one which knows how to govern—
   and contemporaneously a people which has learned how to be
   ruled"; and he characterizes its government as "logical
   paternalism—a scheme frightfully dangerous under a bad father,
   incalculably beneficial under a good one." Two years later, in a
   contribution to an elaborate "Review of the Nineteenth
   Century," by many writers, which was published by the "New
   York Evening Post," January 12, 1901, Mr. Lummis wrote:
   "Before Diaz, the rich and ancient capital had spent two and a
   half centuries and ten millions in vain attempts to relieve
   its recurrent Hoods. Sewerage was unknown. Today the valley is
   drained and sewered by a system nowhere surpassed. Electric
   lighting, transit, and power-transmission are in vogue. Law
   and order are of a proportion we may well envy. Public
   education and individual scholarship have no call to blush in
   any fair comparison with any land. Business is prosperous,
   almost without individual exceptions. Factories of all sorts—
   and some of the costliest and finest factories in the
   world—have sprung up by the thousand. The comminuted bones of
   a national spirit have knit as they never were before.
   Nowadays, it is not Mexico, but we, who are 'fooled' when we
   omit her from the category of the nations that count. She does
   count; she will count far more. She has mastered anarchy, she
   has triumphed even over free silver. She is busily engaged in
   practising one of the first gospels and mottoes of the
   American colonies—'Mind Your Own Business'—and is making a
   magnificent success at it. It is a curious problem in the
   philosophies of history, what shall be the outcome of a nation
   which instead of being born rugged and growing old and easy, was
   born old and in the last quarter-century has come into the
   heritage of sturdy youth. For it is as a young nation, with
   muscles still growing, that we must think of new Old Mexico."

   Honorable John W. Foster, writing to the "New York Tribune,"
   on the 9th of January, 1901, from the City of Mexico, where he
   formerly resided for some years as United States Minister, has
   borne similar testimony to the astonishing progress of the
   country. "Since the advent of General Porfirio Diaz to power
   in 1876," writes Mr. Foster, "there has been no foreign war
   and no serious disturbance of an internal character, the only
   exception being the outbreak of certain semi-independent
   Indian tribes. In the previous fifty years of the existence of
   the republic there had been as many presidents, the majority
   of whom owed their existence to revolutionary movements. The
   wretched story of Mexican history of that period is too
   familiar to be repeated here. … In his inaugural address to
   Congress last month, on being again installed as President, he
   [president Diaz] referred to the achievements of Mexico in the
   last twenty-five years, and modestly said that in it there
   were no brilliant deeds to chronicle. From that notable
   address I make this extract: 'If it were true that a peaceful
   and laborious people have no history, the administration
   period I am about to review would almost be devoid of history.
   But, on the contrary, those nations that deserve to be called
   happy in the only intelligible sense of the word, far from
   being without a history, have a very glorious and interesting
   one, if, besides being peaceful and laborious, they are also
   progressive. That history is the history of their progress,
   their achievements, their growing prosperity, of the
   improvements of every kind which they have introduced—a
   history which, in this modern age and the present constitution
   of civilized societies, is as interesting as that of their
   past and just as deserving of attention.'"

   A report for 1900 by the British Consul at Vera Cruz is to the
   same effect. The result of the recent elections he describes
   as an assurance of prosperity and a guarantee of the foreign
   capital invested in the country. Few countries, the Consul
   observes, can boast of such rapid and beneficial reforms as
   Mexico; these have, in a short time, prepared the way for the
   development of her extensive resources, which are themselves a
   sufficient assurance of the future. The finances have of
   recent years been brought to a high state of excellence, and
   commerce throughout the Republic has flourished. Foreign
   capital has flowed in steadily, railway construction has
   progressed, and other modes of communication have improved,
   the telegraph and postal service have been reformed. The
   improvement of inter-oceanic communication across the
   Tehuantepec isthmus, with the harbors now being constructed on
   both coasts, will revolutionize the foreign trade of Mexico.
   It will take more than three years to complete the
   reconstruction of the railway and to put the ports in a
   condition to enable freight to be taken from the ship's side
   at one port and placed alongside the ship at the other within
   24 hours. The Consul thinks the route is destined to become
   one of the principal thoroughfares of the world, competing
   with all other routes between Europe and the Far East.

{308}

   Of what has been done for public education in Mexico under the
   Diaz government the following account is given in one of the
   publications (1900) of the Bureau of the American Republics:
   "Education in Mexico has been for many years the subject of
   serious consideration on the part of the Government, on
   account of the difficulty experienced in combating the
   conservative ideas prevailing in the Republic. The main
   obstacles have, however, been overcome, and the country to-day
   enjoys the benefit of a liberal system of education, which is
   administered under three branches—gratuitous, lay, and
   obligatory. … The law making education compulsory was
   promulgated March 23, 1888, but its enforcement was not
   decreed at that time, and the first Congress of Public
   Education was convened for the purpose of adopting such
   measures as should tend to establish an efficient and uniform
   system of education. This congress met on December 1, 1889,
   and closed its sessions on March 31, 1890. … A second congress
   was convened on December 1, 1890, which solved certain
   problems on compulsory elemental education, fixed the methods
   to be followed in the schools of superior primary education,
   and settled matters pertaining to normal schools, preparatory
   education, and special schools. As the result of this
   congress, the law of March 21, 1891, was enacted, regulating
   compulsory education in the Federal District and the
   Territories of Tepic and Lower California, which law became
   effective on January 17, 1892. …

   "On May 19, 1896, the law of public education was promulgated,
   its salient points being as follows:

   Official primary elemental education in the Federal Districts
   and Federal Territories was placed under the exclusive control
   of the Executive; primary superior education was organized as
   an intermediate educational system between elementary and
   preparatory instruction. A general board of primary education
   was created, charged to develop and maintain the same under a
   scientific and administrative plan. Preparatory education was
   decreed to be uniform for all professions, its extent being
   limited to the study of such matters as are necessary to the
   development of the physical and intellectual faculties and the
   morals of youth, it being further directed that professional
   education be reorganized, limiting it to technical matters
   which pertain to the profession or professions to which each
   particular school is devoted.

   "By virtue of this law public education ceased to be in charge
   of the Board of Aldermen (ayuntamientos) of the
   above-mentioned sections. At the time of its promulgation the
   municipality of Mexico contained 113 schools, supported by the
   Board of Aldermen, 14,246 students being entered on the rolls,
   with an average attendance of 9,798. Each State defrays the
   expenses of public education, either with funds specially
   appropriated for that purpose or with the municipal funds.

   "According to statistical data, in 1876, there were throughout
   the country 8,165 primary schools, with 368,754 students of
   both sexes. In 1895 Government schools reached the number of
   4,056, of which 2,189 were for males, 1,119 for females, and
   748 for both sexes; municipal schools numbered 3,394—for
   males, 1,754; females, 932; both sexes, 708. These comprised
   7,380 primary, 32 secondary, and 35 professional schools, the
   number of students enrolled being 310,496 males and 181,484
   females (a total of 491,980), and the mean attendance 338,066.
   The total cost to the Government and the municipalities for
   the maintenance of these institutions was $3,973,738. In the
   same year private schools to the number of 1,816 were being
   conducted, 659 for males, 460 for females, and the remainder
   under a coeducational system. In addition, 276 were supported
   by the clergy and 146 by associations, the total number of
   students enrolled being 68,879, of which 40,135 were males and
   38,744 females. The total number of private schools was
   accordingly 2,238, of which 2,193 were devoted to primary
   education, 34 to secondary instruction, and 11 to professions.

   "The statistics for 1897, which are the latest available, give
   the following figures:

   SCHOOLS.                           1896.   1897.

   Federal and State Governments.     5,852  6,141
   Municipal.                         3,218  1,953
   Private institutions.              1,953  1,797
   Supported by the clergy.             303    285
   Supported by associations.           186    122

   "Using the figures given in 1896 for Vera Cruz and the Federal
   District as identical for 1897, it may be safely assumed that
   on December 31, 1897, the public schools in Mexico (Federal,
   State, and municipal) stood as follows:

   Number of schools.             9,065
   Students enrolled.           666,787
   Average monthly attendance.  458,035
   Private institutions.          2,361
   Number of students.           92,387
   Average attendance.           75,857

   "The total expenditures for the support of Federal, State, and
   municipal schools amounted in 1897 to $6,291,000. In addition
   to the normal and primary schools, the Government also
   supports the following institutions:
   School of jurisprudence,
   school of medicine,
   school of agriculture and veterinary instruction,
   school of engineers,
   school of fine arts,
   school of arts and trades for men,
   and a similar institution for women,
   school of commerce and administration.
   National conservatory of music,
   preparatory school,
   schools for the blind, for deaf-mutes;
   reform schools, etc.,

   also 9 museums, and 17 libraries containing from 400 to
   159,000 volumes. Beside the Government institutions above
   mentioned, there are throughout the country 26 museums, 83
   libraries, 32 scientific and literary associations, and 457
   periodical publications."

      _Bureau of American Republics,
      Mexico: a Geographical Sketch,
      page 313._

MEXICO: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
   Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

MEXICO: A. D. 1900 (January).
   Re-election of President Diaz.

   President Porfirio Diaz was reelected on January 1, for
   a sixth term of four years.

MEXICO: A. D. 1900 (October).
   Census of the Republic.
   Gains shown in five years.

   Announcement was made from Washington, on the 24th of
   February, 1901, that "complete official returns of the census
   taken on October 28, 1900, received by the Bureau of American
   Republics, shows that the population of Mexico is 13,570,545,
   against a population of 12,632,427 [given by M. Romero as
   12,570,195—see above] in 1895. The gain in five years was
   938,118, or 7.43 per cent. due in part to the greater accuracy
   of the latest enumeration. The Federal District, in which is
   located the City of Mexico, is the most densely populated
   portion of the republic, and contains 530,723 people.
{309}
   The City of Mexico increased about 20,000 in five years, and
   now has nearly 357,000 inhabitants. The population of seven
   States, Jalisco, Guanajuato, Puebla. Vera Cruz, Oaxaca,
   Michoacan and Mexico, is 6,995,880, or a little more than
   one-half of the entire population of the country. The
   population of the States of Sonora, Tamaulipas, Tlaxcala,
   Morelos, Tabasco, Aguas Calientes, Campeche, Colima, and the
   territories of Tepic and Lower California, the total area of
   which is more than one-fourth the entire country, is slightly
   in excess of 1,380,000, or a density of only about 2.7
   inhabitants to the square kilometre. The central and southern
   portions of the republic are the most thickly populated, the
   Western and Northern States being the most sparsely settled,
   and the Gulf region, or eastern coast, contains a larger
   number of inhabitants than the Pacific Coast region. … The
   greatest percentage of increase is noted in the northern
   States. These States, in addition to being good agricultural
   districts, are enormously rich in mineral wealth, and the
   large increase in population in this part of the country is
   chiefly due to the rapid development of the mines of the
   republic, the erection of smelters and manufacturing plants,
   and to the general stimulus given to trade and commerce by the
   construction of railroads and the heavy investments of foreign
   capital in the republic."

   ----------MEXICO: End--------

MIDDLE-OF-THE-ROAD POPULISTS, The.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1896 (JUNE-November); and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

MILAN, Ex-King:
   His later years and death.

      See (in this volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES (SERVIA).

MILAN: A. D. 1898.
   Revolutionary outbreak.

      See (in this volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY).

MILES, General Nelson A.:
   Operations against Santiago de Cuba.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

MILES, General Nelson A.:
   Commanding expedition against Porto Rico.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).

MILES, General Nelson A.:
   Charges against the Commissary Department, U. S. Army.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899.

MILITARY ESTABLISHMENTS:
   Armies of Europe and America and their cost.

      See (in this volume)
      WAR BUDGETS.

MILLENNIUM, The Hungarian.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1896.

MILNER, Sir Alfred:
   Governor of Cape Colony and High Commissioner for South Africa.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY), and after.

MILNER, Sir Alfred:
   Governor of the Transvaal and British High Commissioner.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH COLONIES): A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

MINDANAO.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.

MINERS, Strikes among.

      See (in this volume)
      INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES.

MINNESOTA: A. D. 1896.
   Constitutional amendments.
   Use of the Referendum.

   Several constitutional amendments were submitted to the voters
   of the State and adopted; among them one requiring citizenship
   of the United States for three months and residence in the
   State for six months before permitting a new-comer to vote;
   another vesting the pardoning power in a Board of Pardons;
   another empowering cities to frame their own charters, subject
   to the State laws. At the same time, the Referendum was
   brought into practical use, by the submission of several
   legislative acts to the popular vote. One of the acts thus
   submitted, providing for the holding of a constitutional
   convention, was rejected.

MINNESOTA: A. D. 1898.
   Outbreak of Pillager Indians.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1898.

MINOS, The Palace of:
   Its supposed discovery.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: CRETE.

MISSIONARIES, Christian:
   The outbreak against in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1895 (AUGUST);
      1898 (MAY);
      1898-1899 (JUNE-JANUARY);
      1899; 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH), (MAY-JUNE);
      and 1901 (MARCH).

MISSIONARIES, Christian:
   Outbreak against in Madagascar.

      See (in this volume)
      MADAGASCAR.

MISSIONS, Christian:
   The Ecumenical Conference of 1900 in New York.
   Statistics of the Protestant foreign missionary
   work of the world.

   The third Ecumenical Conference on Protestant foreign missions
   (the second having been held in London in 1888) was assembled
   at New York on the 21st of April, 1900, under circumstances
   related as follows in volume I. of the official report: "The
   immediate origin of the Ecumenical Conference of 1900 was the
   discussion of a question put in the 'question box' at the
   Annual Conference of Foreign Missions Boards of the United
   States and Canada, which met in New York in January, 1896, as
   to whether it would be advisable to invite the secretaries or
   representatives of societies from the other side of the
   Atlantic to meet with the Annual Conference of the American
   societies as it was then held, consisting chiefly of the
   officers of the Boards. The Reverend F. F. Ellinwood. D. D.,
   speaking to the question, said: 'I have had a hope that in the
   year 1898, ten years from the great London Conference, we
   might invite our brethren from all lands to a great Ecumenical
   Conference on Missions.'

   "Following this suggestion, a committee of five, consisting of
   the Reverend Drs. Judson Smith, F. F. Ellinwood, A. B.
   Leonard, S. W. Duncan, and William S. Langford was appointed
   'to consider the advisability of calling an Ecumenical
   Missionary Conference, to meet in this country within the next
   four years, to make preliminary preparation therefor, if
   deemed advisable, and to report at the Conference of the
   following year.' This committee corresponded with missionary
   societies throughout the world, and at the next Annual
   Conference recommended that such a Conference be held in New
   York City in April of the year 1900; that this recommendation
   be communicated to the societies, and a final date agreed
   upon. In January, 1898, after further correspondence, the
   place and date were finally decided." Measures were taken to
   raise a guarantee fund of $30,000 for expenses, and other
   preparations were made. Then "under date of June 1, 1899, a
   general invitation was sent to every missionary whose name and
   address could be secured, to attend the Conference and
   participate in the discussions."

{310}

   The Conference was opened in Carnegie Hall, New York, on the
   21st of April, 1900, and continued its sessions, there and in
   neighboring churches, until the 1st of May. "The personnel of
   the Conference was broadly representative. It consisted
   (1) of delegates appointed by organizations conducting foreign
   missions outside of Europe and America;
   (2) the missionaries of such organizations, and
   (3) members elected by the Executive Committee.

   The British and Continental and other foreign societies were
   invited to send as many delegates as possible. The American
   and Canadian societies were limited in the number of their
   delegates; the total from both countries, being fixed at
   1,666, was apportioned among the societies on the basis of
   their expenditures in foreign missions. All foreign
   missionaries in active service or retired were received as
   full members. Some of the honorary members and vice-presidents
   who were unable to attend desired to have their names
   connected with so historic a gathering. Members of committees
   and speakers, who were not already delegates, were by a
   general act of the Executive Committee, constituted 'special
   members.' In addition to the members of the Conference a large
   number of persons came from far and near to attend the
   meetings. Over fifty thousand tickets to the Carnegie Hall and
   alternate meetings were distributed among this class of
   visitors. Many thousands more attended the sectional and
   overflow meetings where no tickets were required. The
   Honorable Benjamin Harrison, for four years President of the
   United States of America, occupied the chair, and made an
   opening speech."

   The magnitude of the organizations of missionary work, all the
   interests, needs and fruits of which were discussed in the
   Conference, is most succinctly represented in the subjoined
   tables, prepared by Dr. James S. Dennis, which are given in
   the appendix to the official report (pages 424-426, volume 2).
   The classification appearing in the tables is explained as
   follows:

   "The Bible Societies, the Tract and Literature Societies, the
   United Society of Christian Endeavor, the Epworth Leagues, and
   similar organizations, philanthropic specialties like that of
   the Pundita Ramabai in India, with a considerable number of
   organizations, foreign missionary in title and purpose, but
   simply rendering financial or other aid to existing
   societies—demand recognition, and yet should they be counted
   as strictly and technically foreign missionary societies? It
   was chosen for the present purpose, to differentiate and
   classify, naming three classes of societies as follows;

   Class I. Societies directly engaged in conducting foreign
   missions.

   Class II. Societies indirectly co-operating or aiding in
   foreign missions.

   Class III. Societies or Institutions independently engaged in
   specialized effort in various departments of foreign
   missions."

MISSISSIPPI: A. D. 1890-1892.
   New State Constitution.
   Qualification of the suffrage.

   A new State Constitution, framed and put in force in 1890 by a
   constitutional convention, without submission to the people,
   established a qualification of the suffrage which heavily
   diminished the negro vote by its effect. It imposed a pool tax
   of two dollars per head, to which any county might add a
   further tax not exceeding one dollar per head, which poll tax
   for the year every voter must have paid before his ballot
   would be received at any election. A further clause of the
   Constitution on the subject was as follows: "On and after the
   first day of January, A. D. 1892, the following qualifications
   are added to the foregoing: Every qualified elector shall be
   able to read any section of the Constitution of this State, or
   he shall be able to understand the same when read to him, or
   to give a reasonable interpretation thereof. A new
   registration shall be made before the next ensuing election
   after these qualifications are established. Electors in
   municipal elections shall possess all the qualifications
   herein prescribed, and such additional qualifications as may
   be prescribed by law." In 1892 the Supreme Court of the State
   affirmed the validity of the Constitution, which had been
   challenged on two grounds, namely: that it had not been
   submitted to the vote of the people, and that it was in
   conflict with the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution of
   the United States.

   So far, the disfranchisement of the mass of blacks seems to
   have had an unlooked for evil effect. "The Negro eliminated,
   only one political party remains, and political stagnation has
   followed. In Mississippi, the requirement that a poll tax be
   paid long before the election deprives many white men also of
   their votes. But it does not bar them out of nominating
   conventions. Many communities are ruled by a mere handful of
   whites who cannot even cast a ballot. For instance, there are
   320,000 males of voting age in Mississippi, but the whole vote
   cast in the State in November was only 59,000. This is 11,000
   votes less than were cast four years ago under the same
   restrictions of suffrage. In other words, the whole State of
   Mississippi cast practically 110 more ballots to elect seven
   members of Congress than were cast in a single congressional
   district in New York. (The fourteenth New York district cast
   58,000 votes.) In the town of Eudora, where a mayor, a
   marshal, a treasurer, and four aldermen were elected, only
   eight votes were cast, and of the eight voters seven are said
   to have been candidates for office.

   "'The same men,' says a trustworthy despatch from New Orleans,
   'were voters, candidates for office, and judges of election to
   pass as judges on their own votes as voters for themselves;
   and in spite of all their efforts they could get only one
   outsider to come to the polls and cast his ballot.' This is an
   extreme case; but in every State that has disfranchised the
   Negro (making a discrimination between him and the ignorant
   white man, in the white man's favor) political activity has
   constantly disappeared, the vote has shrunk, public spirit in
   politics has died. In Louisiana the total vote in November
   fell from 99,000 in 1896 to 61,000; of Mississippi, from
   69,000 to 59,000; of South Carolina, from 68,000 to 50,000—the
   shrinkage in four years in these three States being nearly
   68,000 votes, in spite of the increase of population."

      _The World's Work,
      February, 1901._

MODDER RIVER, Military operations on.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER); and
      1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

{311}

[Image: Mission, Christian]

{312}

[Image: Mission, Christian]

{313}

[Image: Mission, Christian]

{314}

MODUS VIVENDI, Alaskan Boundary.

      See (in this volume)
      ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION.

MODUS VIVENDI, The Newfoundland.

      See (in this volume)
      NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1899-1901.

MOMBASA-VICTORIA RAILWAY, The.

      See (in this volume)
      UGANDA RAILWAY.

   ----------MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: Start--------

MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1895.
   The situation of the Treasury of the United States.
   Contract for replenishing its gold reserve.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1895-1896.
   The gold reserve in the U. S. Treasury again imperilled.
   Refusal of relief by the Senate.

      See (in this volume)
      MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES:
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1895-1896 (DECEMBER-FEBRUARY).

MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1896-1900.
   The Silver Question in the United States
   Presidential elections.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER); and
      1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1896-1898.
   Movements for monetary reforms in the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896-1898.

MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1897.
   Renewal of the privileges of the Bank of France.

   The privileges of the Bank of France, as the fiscal agent of
   the French Government, expired with the close of the year
   1897, and renewal of them was opposed by the Radicals and
   Socialists, who demanded the creation of a State Bank. The
   government succeeded, however (June, 1897), in carrying the
   measure necessary for continuing the existing system, on terms
   somewhat more favorable to the state than before.

MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1897 (March).
   Adoption of the gold standard in Japan.

   By a law of the Japanese Parliament, passed in March, 1897, to
   come into force October 1, a gold monetary standard was
   adopted, at the ratio of 32½ to 1, the silver dollar to be
   legal tender until six months after notice given of its
   withdrawal.

MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1897 (April-October).
   Negotiation by American Commissioners in Europe for an
   international bi-metallic agreement.

   In fulfilment of the pledge given by the Republican party, at
   its national convention, in 1896, that it would use efforts to
   bring about an international agreement for free coinage of
   gold and silver at some common ratio, the following Act was
   passed by the two Houses of Congress in January and February,
   1897: "That whenever after March 4, 1897, the president of the
   United States shall determine that the United States should be
   represented at any international conference called by the
   United States or any other country with a view to securing by
   international agreement a fixity of relative value between
   gold and silver as money by means of a common ratio between
   these metals, with free mintage at such ratio, he is hereby
   authorized to appoint five or more commissioners to such
   international conference; and for compensation of said
   commissioners, and for all reasonable expenses connected
   therewith, to be approved by the secretary of state, including
   the proportion to be paid by the United States of the joint
   expenses of any such conference, the sum of $100,000, or so
   much thereof as may be necessary, is hereby appropriated. That
   the president of the United States is hereby authorized, in
   the name of the government of the United States, to call, in
   his discretion, such international conference, to assemble at
   such point as may be agreed upon. And he is further
   authorized, if in his judgment the purpose specified in the
   first section hereof can thus be better attained, to appoint
   one or more special commissioners or envoys to such of the
   nations of Europe as he may designate, to seek by diplomatic
   negotiations an international agreement for the purpose
   specified in the first section hereof. And in case of such
   appointment so much of the appropriation herein made as shall
   be necessary shall be available for the proper expenses and
   compensation of such commissioners or envoys." Pursuant to
   this Act, President McKinley, on the 12th of April, appointed
   Senator Edward O. Wolcott; of Colorado, ex-Vice-President
   Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois, and General Charles J. Paine,
   of Massachusetts, to be commissioners for the purpose which
   the bill describes. The commissioners first visited Paris, and
   there obtained assurances from the French government of
   cordial cooperation and support. They then proceeded to
   London, for negotiation with the British authorities, on whose
   attitude towards the movement for international action in the
   matter its success was well known to depend. Some members of
   the British government, conspicuously Mr. Balfour, were
   outspoken advocates of bi-metallism, and much was hoped from
   the discussion to be opened with them. The American
   commissioners were cordially received, and they were invited
   to a formal meeting, on the 12th of July, with Lord Salisbury,
   the Prime Minister, Mr. Balfour, First Lord of the Treasury, Sir
   Michael Hicks-Beach, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Lord
   George Hamilton, Secretary of State for India. The American
   Ambassador, Mr. Hay, accompanied them to the conference, which
   was held at the Foreign Office. A memorandum of the
   conversation at this meeting, and at a second one held on the
   15th, together with a correspondence which followed, were
   published later in a parliamentary "blue book," from which the
   following account is drawn. Mr. Wolcott explained the wish of
   the American envoys to obtain the views of several
   governments, preliminary to the inviting of an international
   bi-metallic conference. He added that they expected to have,
   in England, the full cooperation of the Ambassador of the
   French Republic, who happened, for the moment, to be absent
   from the country, but who had requested them to proceed with
   the meeting in his absence. "Mr. Wolcott then presented some
   reasons which, in the opinion of the Special Envoys, rendered
   it desirable that some international agreement for the
   restoration of bimetallism should be reached, and explained
   why, in their opinion, the success of this effort depended
   upon the attitude which England would take regarding the
   question. He then stated that the Special Envoys requested
   that England should agree to open English mints as its
   contribution to an attempt to restore bimetallism by
   international agreement, and dwelt upon the importance of the
   fact that France and the United States were together engaged
   in an attempt to bring about such an agreement, and were
   cooperating together to that end. Lord Salisbury desired to
   know if the French Government would co-operate upon the basis
   of opening their mints to the free and unlimited coinage of
   silver.
{315}
   Mr. Wolcott answered in the affirmative. Lord Salisbury then
   asked at what ratio, and was informed by Mr. Wolcott that the
   French Government preferred the ratio of 15½ to 1, and that
   the United States were inclined to yield this point and accept
   this as a proper ratio. Considerable discussion on the
   question of the ratio and the method by which it should be
   settled then took place. … It was then suggested that further
   proceedings should be deferred until the French Ambassador
   might be also present. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in
   further conversation, said that if the suggestion of opening
   the English mints was to be made, he thought an answer in the
   negative would undoubtedly be given. The First Lord of the
   Treasury asked whether, assuming this request for opening
   English mints to be refused, it was desired that the subject
   be discussed upon the basis of something different and less
   than the opening of English mints. Upon a mutual understanding
   that in the absence of the French Ambassador, anything said
   should be considered as said informally, a discussion then
   took place as to the concessions that England might make
   towards an international solution of the question, if it
   should refuse to open English mints. Mr. Wolcott, for the
   Special Envoys, presented the following as a list of
   contributions which, among others, England might make towards
   bimetallism if an international agreement could be effected:

   1. Opening of the Indian mints. Repeal of the order making the
   sovereign legal tender in India.

   2. Placing one-fifth of the bullion in the Issue Department of
   the Bank of England in silver.

   3.
   (a.) Raising the legal tender limit of silver to, say, £10.
   (b.) Issuing the 20s. notes based on silver, which shall be
   legal tender.
   (c.) Retirement, gradual or otherwise, of the 10s. gold
   pieces, and substitution of paper based on silver.

   4. Agreement to coin annually £ … of silver [present silver
   coinage average for five years about £1,000,000, less annual
   withdrawal of worn and defaced coin for recoinage, £350,000].

   5. Opening of English mints to coinage of rupees, and for
   coinage of British dollar, which shall be full tender in
   Straits Settlements and other silver standard Colonies, and
   tender in the United Kingdom to the limit of silver legal
   tender.

   6. Colonial action, and coinage of silver in Egypt.

   7. Something having the general scope of the Huskisson plan.

   Some general conversation followed in regard to the preceding
   suggestions, and the interview terminated, to be resumed on
   the 15th July, 1897, when it was understood that the French
   Ambassador would also be present."

   At the second meeting, July 15, Baron de Courcol, Ambassador
   of the French Republic, and M. L. Geoffray, French Minister
   Plenipotentiary, were present, and the former spoke at length,
   stating the position of the French government on the question
   of the free coinage of silver. He said: "'Our population,
   notably the agricultural population, finds that it has not at
   its disposition sufficient resources in currency, in metallic
   money. On the other hand, if the Government in the actual
   state of affairs reopens the mints to the free coinage of
   silver, we would be flooded by the abundance of this metal
   coming from all other countries of the world, and we could not
   resist the even greater evil of the inevitable depreciation of
   one of our precious metals, that is to say, of the effective
   destruction of the legal ratio upon which our monetary system
   is based. … In other words, we think that the production of
   silver, more active in certain quarters of the globe in the
   last quarter of a century, is not of itself considerable
   enough to change in an enduring manner the normal ratio
   between gold and silver after these two metals will have been
   scattered over the entire surface of the world among all
   nations who are called upon to absorb them. There is, then, in
   our eyes, a need which is perhaps transitory, but which is
   actually common to all the commercial nations, of taking
   measures adequate for assuring, by a common understanding, the
   re-establishment of the normal ratio of 15½ between silver and
   gold. If measures of this kind should be adopted by all the
   commercial nations, we would be able to reopen our mints to
   the free coinage of silver without fear of being submerged by
   an excessive influx of this metal. The reopening of the mints
   of all the commercial countries to the free coinage of silver
   in the ratio of 15½ with gold would be the most natural and
   the most efficacious means of arriving at the result sought
   for. This is the desideratum which I am instructed to bring
   forward here, and which I am particularly to urge upon the
   English Government as a primordial condition of the success of
   the common understanding. If the Government of the Queen, even
   in consenting to reopen the mints in India, should refuse to
   adopt the same measure for England, at least would they not be
   able to take certain measures which would be, up to a certain
   point, equivalent, in order to maintain the full value of
   silver, and to prevent India from being the victim of a
   depreciation of this metal in consequence of an unlimited
   coinage? … By way of suggestion, I would indicate, as one of
   the measures which the English Government might usefully
   adopt, the annual purchase of a certain quantity of silver
   metal, which might afterwards be disposed of as seemed
   best-either it might be preserved in ingots, or it might be
   used for regular consumption, or it might be sent to India.
   This quantity might be fixed approximately, at least, for a
   number of years, at a sum of £10,000,000 in nominal value.
   This is, perhaps, only a palliative; it is, in any event, only
   one of the expedients which would be deemed necessary. But I
   am to urge strongly that the English Government determine to
   take measures of this kind, or other equivalent measures, if,
   as I believe, it recognizes with us the necessity of improving
   the monetary situation in a great part of its Empire—I may
   say, in a great part of the entire world.' Lord Salisbury then
   asked whether the French Government would decline to open its
   mints unless England would also open her mints. The French
   Ambassador replied that he preferred to discuss the subject
   upon the basis that France would go to open mints if England
   would consent to open her mints, but that he would not exclude
   from his view the question of contributions by England towards
   maintaining the value of silver, short of open mints. The
   Chancellor of the Exchequer, in response to this, stated
   definitely that the English Government would not agree to open
   English mints to the unlimited coinage of silver, and that,
   whatever views he and his colleagues might separately hold on
   the question of bimetallism, he thought he could say they were
   united upon this point. …
{316}
   The suggestions made by the Special Envoys at the interview on
   the 12th July were again read, and the Special Envoys accepted
   also as important and desirable the proposal that the English
   Government should purchase annually, say, £10,000,000 of
   silver, with proper safeguards and provisions as to the place
   and manner of its use. The French Ambassador expressed his
   approval generally of the suggestions of the Special Envoys,
   as being serviceable in the consideration of the question. It
   was then understood that the proposals submitted by the French
   Ambassador and by the Special Envoys of the United States
   should be considered, and due notice given when a reply could
   be made."

   The proposal for the reopening of the Indian mints to silver
   was submitted at once by the home authorities of the India
   Office, at London, to the government of India, and the reply
   of the latter was not received until the following October.
   When the reply came, it extinguished hopes of the arrangement
   which the American and French governments desired. In a long
   despatch, the Indian government explained with clearness the
   monetary situation in that country, and discussed the effect
   which a return to the unrestricted mintage of silver would
   have upon it, under the circumstances and prospects of the
   time. "The currency system of India," said the despatch, "is
   in a transition state; the Government of India in 1893 decided
   to establish a gold standard, and the first step towards that
   object was the closing of the mints to silver by Act VIII of
   1893. The silver rupee is still the sole legal tender coin,
   though the Government has by Executive orders undertaken to
   receive gold and sovereigns under certain restrictions, … the
   rate of exchange adopted being 16d. the rupee or 15 rupees=£1.
   The measures to be taken when the transition period has passed
   have not been laid down, but it is probable that the Indian mints
   will be opened to gold, and gold coins will be made legal
   tender to an unlimited amount; silver rupees would also
   continue to be legal tender to an unlimited amount, and the
   ratio between the rupee and the gold coins as legal tender
   would at the same time be finally settled. The system towards
   which India is moving is thus a gold standard of the same kind
   as that which now exists in France and the United States, but
   with a different ratio for legal tender; but for the present
   the mints are closed both to gold and silver. The transition
   period has lasted for more than four years, but there is
   ground for hope that it is now drawing to a close. The changes
   which are involved in the arrangements proposed to Her
   Majesty's Government are the following. France and the United
   States are to open their mints to the free coinage of silver,
   continuing the free coinage of gold and the unlimited legal
   tender of coins of both metals, the ratio remaining unchanged
   in France and being altered to the French ratio of 15½ to 1 in
   the United States. India is to open her mints to silver, to
   keep them closed to gold, and to undertake not to make gold
   legal tender. France and the United States would thus be
   bimetallic: India would be monometallic (silver); while most
   of the other important countries of the world would be
   monometallic (gold). The object which the proposers have in
   view is the establishment of a stable relation between the
   values of gold and of silver. This would include the
   establishment of a stable exchange between the rupee and
   sterling currency, which was the object of the Government of
   India in the proposals made in our financial despatch of the
   21st June, 1892, which proposals ultimately resulted in the
   adoption, in view to the attainment of that object, of the
   policy of a gold standard, and in the closing of the mints to
   the free coinage of silver. If, then, it were certain that the
   suggested measures would result in the establishment of a
   stable ratio, the Government of India might well consider
   whether their adoption would not be preferable to the policy
   to which they committed themselves in 1893 in the hope of
   attaining the same result by isolated action on the part of
   India alone. The principal questions therefore for us to
   consider are whether the measures are more likely to succeed
   than the policy of 1893, and what consequences to India may be
   apprehended if the measures should fail of success after being
   brought into operation. … The first result of the suggested
   measures, if they even temporarily succeed in their object,
   would be an intense disturbance of Indian trade and industry
   by the sudden rise in the rate of exchange, which, if the
   ratio adopted were 15½ to 1, would be a rise from about 16d.
   to about 23d. the rupee. Such a rise is enough to kill our
   export trade, for the time at least. If the public were not
   convinced that the arrangement would have the effect intended,
   or believed that it would not be permanent, the paralysis of
   trade and industry would be prolonged and accompanied by acute
   individual suffering, none of the advantages expected would be
   attained, and the country would pass through a critical period
   which would retard its progress for years. How long the crisis
   would last before normal or stable conditions were restored it
   is not possible to conjecture. It would be long even if the
   mercantile and banking community saw that silver was being
   steadily maintained at the prescribed ratio, while any
   indication of unsteadiness would greatly prolong the period by
   giving foundation for doubt. If the doubt should happen to be
   justified by the results, the position would be disastrous
   alike to the State, to individuals, and to trade generally. …
   We cannot help seeing that if the policy of 1893 is now
   abandoned, and if the triple union now proposed as a
   substitute should fail in its operation or should terminate,
   and in its failure subject Indian trade to the violent shocks
   we have described, the Government of India could not, as a
   responsible Government, call upon the commercial public to
   face another prolonged period of doubt, suspense, agitation,
   and difficulties. For it must be clearly and fully recognized
   that if India joins in the proposed measures, we shall be left
   dependent, as the sole means of attaining stability in
   exchange, on the success of those measures, and that if they
   should fail, India must be content to remain permanently under
   the silver standard with all its admitted disadvantages. … We
   have given very careful consideration to the question whether
   France and the United States are likely, with the help of
   India, to be able to maintain the relative value of gold and
   silver permanently at the ratio they intend to adopt, and have
   come to the conclusion that while we admit a possibility of
   the arrangements proposed resulting in the permanent
   maintenance of the value of gold and silver at the ratio of
   15½ to 1, the probability is that they will fail to secure
   that result, and that it is quite impossible to hold that
   there is anything approaching a practical certainty of their
   doing so.
{317}
   One reason for this conclusion is, that the arrangement would
   rest on too narrow a basis. A union consisting of two
   countries, with a third lending assistance, is a very
   different thing from the general international union of all or
   most of the important countries of the world, which was
   advocated by the Government of India in the despatches of
   March and June 1892 and of February and September 1886. To
   afford a hope that a monetary union will succeed in
   establishing stability in the relative value of gold and
   silver, it is essential that the nations adhering to it should
   be of such number and importance that the metallic currency of
   the whole body shall be of sufficient extent to allow of the
   exercise of adequate influence on the value of the two metals.
   We doubt whether any two, or even three, nations in the world,
   unless, indeed, one of them was Great Britain, could comply
   with this condition, and we have no hesitation in saying that
   France and the United States and India certainly could not. …
   We have no hesitation in recommending your Lordship to refuse
   to give the undertaking desired by the Governments of France
   and the United States. We are quite clearly of opinion that
   the interests of India demand that her mints shall not be
   opened as part of an arrangement to which two or three
   countries only are parties, and which does not include Great
   Britain." Immediately on receiving this reply, Lord Salisbury
   informed Ambassador Hay that "Her Majesty's Government feel it
   their duty to state that the first proposal of the United States
   Representatives is one which they are unable to accept," and
   expressing a wish to know "how far the views of the American
   and French Governments are modified by the decision now
   arrived at, and whether they desire to proceed further with
   the negotiations at the present moment."

      Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command: Commercial, Number 8, 1897).

   In the view of the American envoys, it seemed useless to
   proceed, with no hope of cooperation from Great Britain, and
   they returned to America with a discouraging report.

MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1897 (December).
   Adoption of the gold standard in Russia.

   An imperial ukase declared the adoption of the gold standard
   in Russia, authorizing the issue of a new five-rouble gold
   piece.

MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1900.
   Settlement of the monetary system in the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (MARCH-DECEMBER).

MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1900 (November).
   Withdrawal of legal tender silver coins in Germany.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER).

   ----------MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: End--------

MONGOLIA.

      See (in this volume)
      MANCHURIA AND MONGOLIA.

MONOPOLIES.

      See (in this volume)
      TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

MONROE DOCTRINE, The:
   As emphasized in the Treaty of International Arbitration.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

MONROE DOCTRINE, The:
   Its discussion as involved in the Venezuela Boundary Question.

      See (in this volume)
      VENEZUELA; A. D. 1895 (JULY) and (NOVEMBER).

MONTAUK POINT, Removal of troops from Santiago de Cuba to.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: CUBA).

MONTENEGRO.

      See (in this volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

MOROS, The.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS; THE NATIVE INHABITANTS;
      and A. D. 1899 (MAY-AuGUST).

MORTMAIN, Proposed restrictions on, in France.

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

MOSLEMS AND CHRISTIANS:
   Conflicts in Armenia.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1895.

MOSLEMS AND CHRISTIANS:
   Conflicts in Crete.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

MOSQUITO, The, as a carrier of disease.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL, AND SURGICAL.

MUKDEN.

      See (in this volume)
      MANCHURIA AND MONGOLIA; also,
      RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1891-1900.

MUNICIPAL EVENTS, Notable.

      See (in this volume)
      BOSTON, CHICAGO, NEW YORK, TOLEDO, LONDON.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENTS:
   Institution in Cuba.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENTS:
   Institution in the Philippines.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (MARCH).

MUSIC: In the Nineteenth Century.

      See (in this volume)
      NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE MUSICAL CENTURY.

N.

NABONIDOS, Discovery of an inscription of.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA:
      DISCOVERY OF AN INSCRIPTION.

NANSEN'S EXPEDITION, Return of.

      See (in this volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION, 1896.

NASHVILLE EXPOSITION.

      See (in this volume)
      TENNESSEE: A. D. 1897.

NATAL.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA.

NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF 1896.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER.)

NATIONAL PARTY, The.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER); and
      1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

NATIONAL SILVER PARTY.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

{318}

NATIONAL STEEL COMPANY, The.

      See (in this volume)
      TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

NATIONALISTS, FRENCH, Revolutionary conspiracy of.

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1899-1900 (AUGUST-JANUARY).

NAVAL POLICY, German.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (FEBRUARY-JUNE).

NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS: A. D. 1900.

   The following tables are compiled from a return issued by the
   British Admiralty in the spring of 1900, showing the state of
   the fleets of Great Britain, France, Russia, Germany, Italy,
   the United States, and Japan, including vessels then built and
   in progress of construction.

   Of battle-ships, there were built and building in the several
   navies:

                     Count   with a displacement of
   Great Britain.      70          821,605
   France.             35          339,599
   Russia.             24          262,912
   Germany.            25          191,259
   Italy.              19          193,001
   United States.      16          184,144
   Japan.               7           92,420

   Of armored and protected cruisers, there were built and
   building:

                     Count   with a displacement of
   Great Britain.     147          827,430
   France.             60          297,486
   Russia.             23          144,673
   Germany.            22          107,844
   Italy.              25           93,673
   United States.      26          140,274
   Japan.              23          114,479

   Of unprotected cruisers, armored coast-defence vessels,
   and special vessels there were built and building:

                     Count   with a displacement of
   Great Britain.      31          104,250
   France.             29           93,385
   Russia.             26           66,886
   Germany.            35           59,617
   Italy.               3           13,821
   United States.      30           77,150
   Japan.              13           24,065

   Of torpedo vessels and torpedo-boat destroyers
   the number built and building was:

                     Count   with a displacement of
   Great Britain.     238           70,311
   France.            305           34,002
   Russia.            233           37,735
   Germany.           130           20,094
   Italy.             180           24,863
   United States.      50           12,121
   Japan.              71            9,537

   A consolidation of the above figures shows a
   total of ships in the principal navies as follows:

   Great Britain,   486;
   France,          429;
   Russia,          306;
   Germany,         212;
   Italy,           227;
   United States,   122;
   Japan,           114.

   A writer in the "Fortnightly Review," discussing the above
   returns, points out the imperfectness of the representation
   which such gross figures give of the actual naval strength of
   the several Powers, and he has undertaken to correct them by a
   calculation of what he calls the "fighting weight" of the
   ships, based on the age of each and its displacement in tons.
   He says: "The scale of depreciation for age that I have used
   is as follows: Ships, built and now building, that were
   launched, or which will be launched, during 1895-1899 (and
   later), are reckoned at their full value of fighting weight;
   i. e., at 100 per cent. Ships launched during 1890 1894 are
   reckoned as now worth only 80 per cent. of their fighting
   weight. The other depreciations being: Ships launched
   1885-1889 are valued at 60 per cent. of their nominal fighting
   weight; 1880-1884, at 40 per cent.; before 1880, at 20 per
   cent."

   By this mode of reckoning, the table of battleships is
   converted to the following exhibit of estimated "naval
   strength":

                     Count   adjusted fighting weight
   Great Britain.      70          604,141
   France.             35          220,635
   Russia.             24          221,988
   Germany.            25          152,929
   Italy.              19          112,899
   United States.      16          176,708
   Japan.               7           88,088

   This method of depreciating the tonnage on the basis of the
   age of a ship causes the respective proportions of Great
   Britain, France and Italy, in battle-ships, to become smaller,
   while the respective proportions of Russia, Germany, United
   States and Japan become larger. The United States lose but 4
   per cent. of the nominal value of their battle-ships; Japan, 5
   per cent.; Russia, 16; Germany, 20; Great Britain, 26; France,
   35; Italy, 42.

   Applying the same arithmetic to the returns of armored and
   protected cruisers, the writer shows that Japan suffers a loss
   of 10 per cent. of their nominal fighting weight, France 14,
   United States 14, Italy 18, Great Britain 21, Russia 23,
   Germany 24.

   Reducing in like manner all the remaining returns, he arrives
   at the following summary of "the seven navies arranged in the
   order of their strength"—taking the navy of Japan as the unit:

                   Degree of strength.
   Great Britain,    6.38
   France,           2.57
   Russia,           1.88
   United States,    1.65
   Germany,          1.34
   Italy,            1.03
   Japan,            1.00.

   Stated in "tons of fighting weight," his comparison stands:

   Great Britain,   1,347,000
   France,            543,000
   Russia,            397,000
   United States,     349,000
   Germany,           282,000
   Italy,             218,000
   Japan,             211,000.

   Turning next to the consideration of armaments, the writer has
   compiled the following table, which shows "for each class of
   gun separately, and for all classes of guns combined, the
   number of these guns that are possessed by the seven naval
   powers":

   POWER            Breech   Quick   Muzzle   Torpedo  All Classes
                    Loading  Firing  Loading  Tubes    of Guns
                    Guns     Guns    Guns

   Great Britain.    912     7,454    340     1,534     10,240
   France.           471     3,653      -       928      5,052
   Russia.           393     2,589      -       625      3,607
   Germany.          258     1,995      -       611      2,864
   Italy.            140     1,791      4       573      2,508
   United States.    303     1,791      -       230      2,324
   Japan.            110     1,168      -       314      1,592
   ----------
   All the Powers
   combined.       2,587    20,441    344     4,815     28,187

   In this comparison the United States drops from the fourth
   rank to the sixth. For a comparison of the naval expenditure
   of the Powers,

      See (in this volume)
      WAR BUDGETS.

NEBUCHADREZZAR, Exploration of the ruins of the palace of.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA; GERMAN EXPLORATION.

NEELY EXTRADITION CASE, The.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1900-1901.

{319}

NEGRITOS.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

NEGRO, Disfranchisement of the.

      See (in this volume)
      MARYLAND, MISSISSIPPI, NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1900;
      SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1896;
      LOUISIANA: A. D. 1898; and
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

NEGROS, The island of:
   American occupation.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

   Acceptance of American sovereignty.
   Establishment of provisional government.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (MARCH-JULY).

NEMI, Lake: Sunken Roman vessels found in.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: ITALY.

NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): A. D. 1894.
   War in Lombok.

      See (in this volume)
      DUTCH EAST INDIES: A. D. 1894.

   -------NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): Start------

NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): A. D. 1896.
   Electoral Reform Act.

   A notable extension of the franchise was accomplished by an
   Act passed this year by the States General, to have effect in
   the elections of 1897. It made voters of all Dutch citizens
   not under 25 years of age who present "certain outward and
   positive signs of capacity and well-being. The chief sign is
   the fact of payment of one or more direct State taxes (for the
   land tax an amount of 1 florin is sufficient). Besides these,
   the Reform Act admits as electors all those who can prove that
   they are householders, and have paid rent of houses or
   lodgings during a fixed term, or that they are owners or
   tenants of boats of not less than 24 tons capacity, or that
   they have been during a fixed term in employment with an
   annual wage or salary of at least £22 18s. 4d., or possess a
   certificate of State interest of at least 100 florins, or a
   State savings bank deposit of at least 50 florins, or the
   legal qualifications for any profession or employment."

      _Statesman's Year-Book,
      1899, page 807._

NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): A. D. 1897.
   First election under the new Franchise Law.

   The first election in Holland under the new franchise law,
   held June 15-25, 1897, returned to the Chamber 47 Liberals, 22
   Catholics, 22 Protestant anti-Revolutionists, 4 Radicals, and one
   deputy who is styled an Historic Christian.

NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland):A. D. 1898.
   Enthronement of Queen Wilhelmina.

   Queen Wilhelmina, who succeeded to the crown on the death of
   her father, William III., in 1890, reached the age of 18 on
   the 31st of August, 1898, and received the reins of government
   from her mother, Queen Emma, who had acted as Regent until
   that time. The young Queen was enthroned September 6 in the
   New Church at Amsterdam, where she delivered, with a
   simplicity and fervor which impressed those present, her
   address to the States-General and took her oath of allegiance
   to the Constitution. "I am happy and thankful," the Queen
   said, "to rule over the people of the Netherlands, who,
   although small in numbers, are great in virtue and strong by
   nature and character. I esteem it a great privilege that it is
   my life's task and duty to dedicate all my powers to the
   prosperity and interests of my dear fatherland; and I adopt
   the words of my beloved father,—'Yes, Orange can never do
   enough for the Netherlands.'" After the Queen and the
   Queen-Mother, the most striking figures at the ceremony were
   the Princes from the Dutch Indies.

NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): A. D. 1898 (June).
   The Sugar Conference at Brussels.

      See (in this volume)
      SUGAR BOUNTIES.

NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): A. D. 1899 (April).
   Invitation to the Peace Conference to be held at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): A. D. 1899 (May-July).
   Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See,(in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): A. D. 1899 (May-August).
   Advice to President Kruger of the South African Republic.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1899 (MAY-AuGUST).

NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland):A. D. 1901.
   Marriage of Queen Wilhelmina.

   Queen Wilhelmina was married, on the 7th of February, to Duke
   Henry of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, who received the title of
   Prince of the Netherlands by proclamation on the same day.
   Both civil and religious ceremonies of marriage were
   performed.

   --------NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): End------

NEW BRUNSWICK.

      See (in this volume)
      CANADA.

NEWEL, Stanford:
   American Commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1895.
   Union with Canada refused.

   Terms proposed for the union of Newfoundland with the Dominion
   of Canada were rejected, and negotiations abandoned.

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1897.
   Conference of colonial premiers with the
   British Colonial Secretary.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1897-1900.
   The Reid contract.
   The question in politics.

   In the fall of 1897 a line of narrow-gauge railway, with
   branches over six hundred miles in total length, was completed
   and opened to traffic. The main line of rail extends from the
   capital, St. Johns, to Port aux Basques, at the southwestern
   extremity of the island, and is expected to produce an
   important development of resources from the forests and mines,
   as well as from agricultural lands. The railway was
   constructed by a contractor, Mr. Reid, who agreed to operate
   it for seven years at his own expense, receiving therefor a
   land grant of 5000 acres per mile. In 1898 a new contract was
   made with Mr. Reid, which placed most of the resources of the
   island under his control. For an additional land-grant of 2500
   acres per mile of road he undertook to operate the road for
   fifty years. By a present cash payment of $1,000,000 to the
   colony treasury, he purchased the reversion of its right to
   the possession of the road at the end of that period. At the
   same time he secured the right to purchase from the government
   its telegraph lines and the dry-dock at St. Johns, for half a
   million of dollars, and was given a monopoly for 30 years of
   the coast mail steam service, with an annual subsidy of
   $150,000, he undertaking to maintain in it eight steamers,
   well equipped. This remarkable contract was bitterly denounced
   by a large party in the island, and the Imperial government was
   strongly petitioned to nullify the whole transaction: but the
   British Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, while he
   characterized the contract as representing "the most
   unparalleled abrogation of its functions by a responsible
   government," decided that he could not properly interfere.
{320}
   The "Reid Deal," as it was known, then became a burning issue
   in Newfoundland politics, and the Ministry responsible for it,
   led by Sir James Winter, was ousted from the government in
   February, 1900. Mr. Reid was then arranging to transfer his
   Newfoundland contract and franchises to a company, which
   required the sanction of the colonial government. The new
   (Liberal) Ministry, of which Mr. Robert Bond was Premier,
   refused consent to the transfer unless Mr. Reid would amend
   his bargain with the colony in several very important
   particulars. He offered some concessions, but not to the
   extent demanded; and so the question between him and the Bond
   Ministry went into the canvass of 1900, for the election of a
   new Assembly, and the Conservatives, heavily backed by Mr.
   Reid, were defeated overwhelmingly, winning but 4 seats out of
   36 in the Lower House of the Legislature. On this result of
   the elections the "London Times" of November 26, 1900,
   comments as follows: "The course which the victorious Bond
   Ministry will now take must be awaited with interest. … A
   policy of compromise would certainly appear to be the wisest
   and the safest for all parties. Mr. Reid, it seems to be
   acknowledged, has carried out his part of the bargain of 1898
   fully and even generously, and the colony, it is stated, has
   profited largely in consequence. In the absence of actual
   fraud or corruption it would be difficult in these
   circumstances to justify the rescission or even the material
   modification of the agreement, on the faith of which he has
   spent his money, without his assent. A repeal of the Act of
   1898 against his will would savour of repudiation. It would
   assuredly damage the credit of the colony very seriously."

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1899-1901.
   The French Shore Question.
   The Modus Vivendi.

   "At the period of the negotiation of the Treaty of Utrecht, in
1713, by which the rights of the French fishermen were regulated
   [see, in volume 4, NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1713], thousands of
   French fishing vessels availed themselves of the inshore
   fisheries about the island; and that they might be not
   altogether without facilities for the drying and curing of
   their fish, they were granted under the Treaty the 'right to
   use a strip of the coast seven hundred miles long and half a
   mile wide.' Accompanying the Treaty, but, be it noted, not a
   part of it, was a declaration of King George, that British
   subjects on the island were not to interfere with these French
   coast rights by erecting permanent structures upon it,
   calculated to obstruct the operations of the French fishermen.
   This Royal declaration was harmless and unimportant when the
   population of the island was very small, and the French
   fishermen resorted to the inshore fisheries of Newfoundland.
   But to-day, a different condition exists. The French fishermen
   no longer use the inshore fisheries of the island, but
   prosecute, instead, their fishing operations on the Grand
   Banks, several hundred miles distant, drying their product
   either at the French islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon, which
   are more adjacent to the Banks, or transporting the fish
   direct to France. … The need for which the French shore right
   was granted has practically ceased to exist; and inasmuch as
   the prohibition to the people of the island from erecting
   permanent structures on the island was merely a mandate
   emanating from the King, and not an integral part of the
   Treaty itself; and because the reason for the observance of
   the mandate has thus ceased to exist, it is imperative that,
   in the interests of the prosperity of the island, this Royal
   concession should be revoked. … But what, it may be asked, on
   a perusal of the whole case, has caused the Newfoundland
   question to suddenly become paramount? Why is its urgency
   greater in 1899 than it was in 1889? Is there not some
   concentrated force, some propelling power, at work behind the
   scenes? There is—and that power is a millionaire. The name of
   this millionaire is Robert Gillespie Reid, who, having
   voluntarily assumed, by means of the measure known as the Reid
   contract, the responsibility of developing the island's
   resources, finds himself, at the outset, confronted by a
   situation which precludes all present enterprise. This
   gentleman has acquired, in fee simple, some three or four
   million acres of land in Newfoundland; and where the islanders
   were content to wait patiently for justice, he, as a
   business-man, eager to exploit his mines and timber, can
   hardly be expected to pin his faith to assurances so frail,
   and of fulfilment so remote."

      _B. Wilson,
      Newfoundland's Opportunity
      (Fortnightly Review, February, 1899)._

   A royal commission which lately investigated the situation of
   affairs on the Treaty Coast of Newfoundland found that the
   coast "is 800 miles in extent, with a permanent population of
   13,300, all but 76 of whom are native-born, while the total of
   French frequenting the territory during the fishing season
   does not exceed 600 men. The French, last year, according to
   the official reports furnished to the Admiralty, occupied only
   eight cod and nine lobster stations, with a personnel as
   above, while their catch of cod was but 18,000 qtls., worth
   about 36,000 dollars, and their pack of lobsters about 7,000
   cases, of about equal value. And is it not monstrous that, in
   order to satisfy vexatious French claims and perpetuate
   obsolete treaty claims, the people of the Treaty Coast should
   he coerced and victimised, and the development of the whole
   colony retarded, as has been the case? The Commissioners
   found that, despite the liberal bounties given by France for
   fishing on the Treaty Coast, the allowance of 50 francs per
   head by the St. Pierre municipality for the same purpose, and
   the special appropriation the past two seasons in the French
   colonial grant 'for extending operations on the Newfoundland
   coast, 4,000 francs,' the number of men frequenting there and
   the number of stations operated are steadily declining every
   year, and in ten years' time it is doubtful if there would be
   a Frenchman on the coast. Still, so powerful is the French
   fetish that the shore is tabooed as far as industrial
   development is concerned, and the hinterland likewise. No
   grant of land can be given there except with the stipulation
   that it is subject to French rights. No permanent building can
   be erected within half a mile of high-water mark, because the
   French claim the strand for drying their fish. No wharves can
   be built by which to load minerals, because they will
   interfere with the French fishery. (Only last year they
   stopped the erection of one which was twenty-two miles from
   their nearest station, and Mr. Reid, the railway contractor,
   when he wanted to build a wharf at Bay St. George to land
   construction materials, had to seize the opportunity of the
   French warship in the Bay leaving to coal and renew stores,
   and put an army of men to work, who built it in seventeen
   days, so that it was completed when the Frenchmen returned.)
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   No mineral developments are permitted because they may hamper
   the French. Competition on near-by fishing grounds is
   prohibited for the same reason. Illicit (?) lobster packers
   are hunted like malefactors for disregarding a 'modus vivendi'
   as unjust as it is ridiculous. Bait-selling is only possible
   by permission of the French and on their terms. The railway
   was deflected 120 miles out of its proper course because of
   French objection to a terminus on the shore. In fact, fishing
   is only pursued with the greatest difficulty, while the land
   is closed to agricultural settlement and mining enterprise.
   And that, too, in the face of the fact that the French 'army
   of occupation' consists of about one vessel, one station, and
   about sixty fishermen on every 100 miles of coast, whose
   annual catch is worth about 10,000 dollars."

      _P. T. McGrath, France in Newfoundland
      (Nineteenth Century, January, 1899)._

   In 1890, a temporary agreement ("modus vivendi") concerning
   the lobster packing and other questions, was arranged between
   the British and French governments, which has been extended
   from time to time, very much to the dissatisfaction of the
   Province. The last extension expired at the end of the year
   1900, and the Newfoundlanders showed a strong disposition to
   resist any renewal of it. A letter from St. Johns, in
   December, 1900, stated the feeling of the colony as follows:
   "Last year the term of the 'modus vivendi' was allowed to run
   out, and a deadlock, such as now seems inevitable, would
   doubtless have been created; but when the end of December came
   the reverses in South Africa appealed to our patriotism as the
   oldest British colony, and the Legislature unanimously passed
   at one sitting a Bill renewing the arrangement for another
   year. The colony was unable to afford any more substantial aid
   at the time, as her naval reserve had not then been
   inaugurated, but this course on her part testified to her
   sympathy with the Imperial mother, and her readiness to
   relieve her from other difficulties. This year Newfoundland is
   taking the bit between her teeth, and the result must be a
   complication which, however unwelcome to the Imperial Cabinet,
   cannot but have been regarded as inevitable sooner or later.
   If our case is as strong as we are led to believe that the
   Royal Commission represents it to be, there is certainly good
   ground for our insisting upon remedial measures. It must not
   be forgotten that the French now keep up less than 15 cod and
   lobster stations altogether on the treaty coast, and that
   about 550 men is the number they had there last season. As
   against this the resident population is nearly 14,000, and the
   objections which they urged against the 'modus vivendi' in its
   early days apply with equal strength now. These people are
   shamefully treated, the colony as a whole is humiliated, and
   the recognition of such conditions by England without making
   an attempt to get rid of them is a cause of reproach which she
   should remove without delay."

   Much newspaper discussion of the subject has been going on in
   both England and France, with an apparent showing of readiness
   on the part of the latter country to bargain with the British
   for cessions in West Africa or elsewhere. How much of a price
   Great Britain is willing to pay for release from the treaty of
   Utrecht is a question the answer to which cannot be forever
   postponed.

   Despite its reluctance, the Newfoundland Legislature was
   prevailed upon, in February, 1901, to pass an Act renewing the
   "modus vivendi" for another year. Several members who
   supported the measure declared that they did so for the last
   time, and only because of an unwillingness to embarrass the
   British government during the continuance of the South African
   war.

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1901.
   Change of Government.

   Early in the year, Sir Henry McCallum was transferred from the
   governorship of Newfoundland to that of Natal, and Sir
   Cavendish Boyle was appointed to succeed him.

NEW JERSEY: A. D. 1897.
   Constitutional Amendments.

   On the 28th of September, several proposals of constitutional
   amendment were voted on in New Jersey. One prohibitory of
   gambling was adopted by a small majority. Another, that would
   give the suffrage in school elections to women, was rejected
   by about 10,000 majority.

NEW SOUTH WALES.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRALIA; and CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1894-1895.
   The Lexow Investigation of Tammany government.
   Election of Mayor Strong.

   "On the second Sunday in February 1892 the minister of a
   wealthy Presbyterian church, Dr. Charles Parkhurst, startled
   his congregation by preaching an outspoken political sermon,
   in which he attacked the Tammany administration in most
   unmeasured language. 'The mayor and those associated with him
   are polluted harpies [he declared]. Under the pretence of
   governing this city they are feeding day and night on its
   quivering vitals. They are a lying, perjured, rum-soaked, and
   libidinous lot. … Every effort to make men respectable,
   honest, temperate, and sexually clean is a direct blow between
   the eyes of the mayor and his whole gang of lecherous
   subordinates, in the sense that while we fight iniquity they
   shield and patronise it; while we try to convert criminals
   they manufacture them, and they have a hundred dollars
   invested in the manufacturing business to every one invested
   in converting machinery. … Police and criminals all stand in
   with each other. It is simply one solid gang of criminals, one
   half in office and the other half out.' This sermon was the
   starting point of the new anti-Tammany movement. Dr. Parkhurst
   was called before the grand jury to prove his words, but he
   was obliged to admit that all he knew was the repeated
   accusations that appeared in almost every local newspaper.
   Thereupon the grand jury publicly rebuked him, and sent a
   formal presentment to the Recorder declaring their
   'disapproval and condemnation' of the sermon. Everyone at once
   concluded that no more would be heard of Parkhurst in
   politics, but they did not know the man. The clergyman called
   a couple of detectives to his aid, and personally visited the
   lowest resorts, to obtain the necessary evidences of
   corruption. A month later he preached a second political
   sermon, and this time he took into the pulpit with him a
   bundle of affidavits. He repeated and emphasised his former
   accusations, and again he was summoned before the grand jury.
   This time the result was different. 'The police are either
   incompetent or corrupt,' the jury declared, and citizens
   generally agreed. …

{322}

   "In 1894, the State Senate … appointed a committee, this time
   under Senator Lexow, to inquire into New York municipal
   affairs. Soon after the committee was appointed Mr. Croker
   found it convenient to hastily resign the leadership of
   Tammany and go to Europe. The worst accusations of the
   bitterest enemies of Crokerism were almost all more than
   substantiated by the evidence given before the committee. It
   was found that the police were utterly corrupt, that they
   extorted blackmail from gambling house keepers, women of ill
   fame, saloon keepers, and others, and in return gave them
   their protection. Even thieves, in some instances, were found
   to be regularly paying their police dues in return for
   immunity from arrest. One police justice had to admit that he
   received a hundred dollars from a keeper of a disorderly
   house. Everywhere that the Lexow Committee probed, or that
   other competent critics examined, the same thing was found.
   For several years New York had been living under a system of
   universal blackmail. Saloon keepers had to pay Tammany to be
   allowed to evade the Sunday closing law, merchants to be
   granted the simplest conveniences for getting their goods into
   their premises. But in the case of Mr. Croker no dishonesty
   could be proved. It was known that he had in a few years risen
   from a poor man to a millionaire, but in no instance could it be
   shown that he had acquired this wealth by corruption. His
   friends said he had made his money by horse-racing and real
   estate speculation, but unfortunately Mr. Croker did not go
   before the witness stand to finally clear up the matter. While
   the committee was sitting he remained in Europe.

   "The usual storm of indignation followed the 'Lexow' exposure,
   and most reputable citizens united once more to overthrow
   Tammany. Colonel Strong, a well-known banker, was chosen
   reform candidate for mayor, and secured a majority of fifty
   thousand. In 1895 he began his administration, and initiated a
   vigorous reform movement. The police force was entirely
   reorganised; municipal offices were given for merit rather
   than political reward; the streets, for the first time in the
   memory of the oldest inhabitant, were really kept clean, and
   the whole local government was taken out of politics. Mayor
   Strong's time of office has not been without its faults, but
   among those faults dishonesty has not been one. Rather the
   mistake has been to enforce all laws too rigidly, and make too
   few allowances for the weaknesses of human nature in a
   cosmopolitan resort. Police President Roosevelt's strict
   enforcement of the Sunday closing and social purity laws was
   only his duty, but yet it cost the reformers many votes.
   Although the report of the 'Lexow' Committee did Tammany much
   temporary harm, it recovered quickly. After the mayoral defeat
   of 1894 it pulled its forces together again, and rallied
   around it all the ambitions men who were disappointed in Mayor
   Strong's bestowal of his patronage. In the autumn of 1895 it was
   able to score a minor victory at the polls, and it carefully
   nursed its strength for the election of November 1897. Mr.
   Croker, notwithstanding his repeated declarations that he was
   'out of politics,' came back to New York, and at once took
   over command of his party."

      _F. A. McKenzie,
      Tammany
      (Nineteenth Century, December, 1897)._

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1895.
   Consolidation of the Astor, Lenox and Tilden foundations
   to form the New York Public Library.

      See (in this volume)
      LIBRARY, NEW YORK PUBLIC.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.
   Consolidation of New York, Brooklyn, and neighboring towns,
   in the Greater New York.

   "The project of uniting the cities of New York, Brooklyn, and
   the cities, towns and villages contiguous to the same, into
   one great municipality, although long mooted before 1890,
   first took definite form in that year, by the passage on May
   8th, by the Legislature, of Laws 1890, Chapter 11, entitled
   'An Act to create a commission to inquire into the expediency
   of consolidating the various municipalities in the State of
   New York, occupying the several islands in the harbor of New
   York.' …

   Pursuant to the provisions of this act, a commission
   consisting of the following members was appointed, viz.:
   Andrew H. Green, Frederick W. Devoe, John L. Hamilton, J.
   Seaver Page of New York; J. S. T. Stranahan, Edward F. Linton,
   William D. Veeder of Brooklyn; John H. Brinkerhoff of Queen's
   county; George G. Greenfield of Richmond county; Charles P.
   McClelland of Westchester county; and Campbell W. Adams, State
   Engineer and Surveyor, ex officio, and Albert E. Henschel
   acting as secretary. In 1893, the commission presented to the
   Legislature a bill providing for the submission of the
   question of consolidation to a vote of the residents of the
   various municipalities proposed to be united into one city.
   The following year the Legislature provided for the referendum
   suggested by the commission. … The following vote was cast
   upon the question of consolidation in the ensuing election on
   November 6, 1894:

                  for consolidation;  against;
   New York,       96,938;            59,959;
   Kings,          64,744;            64,467;
   Queens,          7,712;             4,741;
   Richmond,        5,531;             1,505;
   Mount Vernon,      873;             1,603;
   Eastchester,       374;               260;
   Westchester,       620;               621;
   Pelham,            261;               153.

   At the opening of the Legislature in 1895, the Commission of
   Municipal Consolidation Inquiry presented a report with a
   proposed bill declaring the entire district before mentioned
   (with the exception of the city of Mount Vernon) consolidated
   with the city of New York. The bill, however, failed of
   passage because of the addition of an amendment of referendum
   in the last hours of the session of 1895, too late for further
   action. The Legislature, as a result no doubt of this vote on
   consolidation, did annex to New York city the towns of
   Westchester, Eastchester, Pelham and other parts of
   Westchester county.

   "Early in January, 1896, the Legislature appointed a joint
   sub-committee of the Cities Committees of both Houses to
   inquire into the subject of the proposed consolidation and
   report March 1, 1806. The committee made a report and
   submitted a bill favoring consolidation. The bill as reported
   was passed by the Legislature and was submitted to the Mayors
   of the cities of New York and Brooklyn, and to the Mayor and
   Common Council of Long Island City pursuant to the provisions
   of the Constitution.
{323}
   The bill was returned to the Legislature without the
   acceptance of the cities of New York and Brooklyn. The
   Legislature repassed the bill over the vetoes of the Mayors of
   New York and Brooklyn, and it became a law May 11, 1896, with
   the approval of the Governor. This act (L. 1896, ch. 488) is
   entitled, 'An Act consolidating the local governments of the
   territory within the city and county of New York, the counties
   of Kings and Richmond and Long Island City and the towns of
   Newtown, Flushing and Jamaica and part of the town of
   Hempstead, in the county of Queens, and providing for the
   preparation of bills for enactment into laws for the
   government thereof.' … Pursuant to the act of consolidation,
   the Governor (Levi P. Morton) appointed on June 9, 1896, the
   following members of the commission to draft the proposed
   charter, viz.: Seth Low, Benjamin F. Tracy, John F. Dillon,
   Ashbel P. Fitch, Stewart L. Woodford, Silas B. Dutcher,
   William. C. De Witt, George M. Pinney, Jr., Harrison S. Moore.
   Mr. Fitch having resigned from the commission, the Governor
   appointed Thomas F. Gilroy in his place. By virtue of the act,
   the following gentlemen were members of the commission: Andrew
   H. Green, president of the commission appointed by L. 1890,
   ch. 311; Campbell W. Adams, State Engineer; Theodore E.
   Hancock, Attorney-General; William L. Strong, Mayor of New
   York; Frederick W. Wurster, Mayor of Brooklyn; and Patrick
   Jerome Gleason, Mayor of Long Island City. The commission
   organized on June 25, 1896, appointed Benjamin F. Tracy as
   president and George M. Pinney, Jr., as secretary, and named
   William C. De Witt, John F. Dillon, Thomas F. Gilroy, Seth
   Low, Andrew H. Green, Benjamin F. Tracy, and George M. Pinney,
   Jr., as a committee on draft of proposed charter."

      _M. Ash,
      The Greater New York Charter,
      introduction._

   The committee submitted a draft charter to the commission on
   the 24th of December, with a report in which a fundamental
   feature of its plan is thus set forth: "It is clear that the
   work of administering all of the Departments over so large a
   space of territory, situated on three islands and partly on
   the main land, must be subdivided in order to be successfully
   done. The draft, therefore, proposes to divide the city into
   the five Boroughs which nature and history have already
   formed; that is to say:

   (1.) Manhattan, which consists of the island of Manhattan and
   the outlying islands naturally related to it.

   (2.) The Bronx; that is to say, all that part of the present
   City of New York lying north of the Harlem, a territory which
   comprises two-thirds of the area of the present City of New
   York.

   (3.) Brooklyn.

   (4.) Queens, consisting of that portion of Queens County to
   be incorporated into the Greater New York.

   (5.) Richmond, that is, Staten Island.

   Power is given to the Municipal Assembly to subdivide these
   Boroughs still further, in case of need. The Greater New York
   will start with these five Boroughs for administrative
   purposes. Your Committee have reconstructed the Borough
   system, as submitted in the tentative draft, upon lines which
   we are of one accord in believing to be a better and more
   appropriate development of the plan for the Greater New York.
   These lines give to each Borough various boards through which
   the prosecution of local improvements may be facilitated
   within the limits of small districts, but reserve to the
   Municipal Assembly the right to incur indebtedness and to
   authorize the making of contracts."

   The draft thus prepared was subjected to criticism in the
   commission and in public hearings, and, after amendment and
   revision, was reported to the Legislature in February, 1897,
   as the charter recommended by the Commission for the
   consolidated city called "The Greater New York." It received
   some amendment and was passed. On submission, as required by
   the State constitution, to the mayors of New York and Brooklyn
   and the mayor and Common Council of Long Island City, it was
   approved in Brooklyn and Long Island City, but returned
   without approval by the mayor of New York. The Legislature
   then re-enacted the bill, and it was made law, by the
   governor's signature, on the 4th of May, 1897.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1897 (September-November).
   Election of the first Mayor of Greater New York.

   The first municipal election in Greater New York excited a
   passion of interest that was natural in the city itself, but
   extraordinary in the degree and the extent to which it spread,
   not only throughout the United States, but widely in the
   foreign world. The election was looked upon as the test of a
   vastly important experiment in the democratic government of an
   enormous city. The charter of the great consolidated
   municipality had lodged tremendous, unprecedented power and
   responsibility in the office of its mayor. The people were
   given an opportunity to determine by a single act of suffrage—
   by their choice of a single man—the character of their
   government. Would they choose that man, at the beginning of
   the new system, in the interest of the corrupting organization
   in party politics which had misruled the old city of New York
   for years, or would they rise to the grand opportunity
   afforded them, and set a strong, free, independently honest
   man at the head of their local government. Democracy in
   municipal affairs, at least, had never been put on trial so
   sharply before. To a great number of the citizens of New York
   the duty of the hour was plain, and they promptly set their
   hands to it. Many months before the election they began the
   organization of a Citizens' Union, in which men of all
   political parties, sinking every other difference, should join
   for the defeat of Tammany and "Boss" Croker, and for the
   election to the mayor's office of the best mayor to be found.
   With remarkable unanimity, their thought of the man turned to
   Seth Low, President of Columbia University, but one time mayor
   of Brooklyn, where his vigor, his firmness and his
   independence had been conspicuously proved. An extensive
   canvass of the city showed so widely spread a feeling in favor
   of Mr. Low that he was named at the beginning of September as
   the candidate of the non-partisan Citizens' Union. It was
   hoped that the whole opposition to Tammany Hall could be
   united in support of Mr. Low, representing as he did no
   partisan hostility to any organization in national or state
   politics. It was especially hoped and believed that the
   Republican party organization would endorse the choice of the
   Citizens' Union and make Mr. Low (himself a strong Republican)
   its own candidate. By nothing less than a general combination
   could the compact forces of Tammany Hall be overcome, and that
   fact was well understood.
{324}
   It was a fact so plain, indeed, that when the head of the
   Republican organization in New York persisted in setting a
   party candidate in the field, to divide the opposing voters of
   the city, there seemed to be small doubt of the intention with
   which it was done. The master politicians of the party were
   evidently more willing that the vast powers of the mayoralty,
   in the organization of the government of Greater New York,
   should be wielded by their prototypes of Tammany than that
   they should be given to independent hands. The party was
   obedient to them, and General Benjamin F. Tracy was put
   forward, by a Republican convention held September 28, in
   opposition to Mr. Low. The night previous, another candidate
   had appeared, in the person of Mr. Henry George, author of the
   economic doctrine of the "single tax," supported ardently by a
   large following, especially in the Democratic party. A section
   of that party, organized under the name of the United Democracy,
   had nominated Mr. George, and his nomination was endorsed a
   week later by a great assembly which claimed to represent the
   Jeffersonian Democracy of New York. On the 30th of September
   the nomination of the Tammany Democracy was given to Judge
   Robert A. Van Wyck. Between these four principal candidates,
   the result of the election was only put in doubt by some
   question as to the strength of the Democratic vote which Mr.
   George would draw away from Judge Van Wyck. It was a question
   extinguished sadly, three days before the election, by the
   sudden death of Mr. George. He had not been in good health,
   and the strain of the exciting canvass broke him down. His
   followers made a hasty nomination of his son, Henry George,
   Jr., in his place; but the personal prestige which might have
   carried a large vote with them was lost. Of the triumph of
   Tammany there was no longer any doubt, and no surprise was
   felt (though abundant grief and anger found expression) when
   the returns of the voting on November 2d were announced. Judge
   Van Wyck was elected by the ballots of 233,997 citizens, against
   151,540 cast for Mr. Low, 102,873 for General Tracy, 21,693
   for the younger Mr. George. Tammany would have been beaten if
   the Republican vote had gone to Mr. Low. Besides the four
   principal candidates here named, there were four other
   nominees who received small numbers of votes. Lucien Sanial,
   put forward by the Social Democrats, received 14,467; William
   T. Wardwell, named by the Prohibitionists, received 1,359;
   Patrick J. Gleason and Alfred B. Cruikshank, running with
   little more than some personal support, received a few
   hundreds of votes each.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1899 (April-December).
   The Mazet Investigation.

   An investigation of charges against the city government, by a
   committee of the Legislature, Mr. Robert Mazet, chairman, was
   opened in April, 1899, the examination of witnesses being
   conducted by Mr. Frank Moss. The investigation followed lines
   much the Same as those pursued by the Lexow committee, in
   1894, and revealed much the same foul state of things,
   especially in the department of police. But there was
   evidently less earnestness in the committee; the probing of
   iniquities was fill less thorough, and the whole proceeding
   was stopped with suspicious suddenness as soon as it drew near
   to prominent members of the party by which it was controlled.
   It called fresh attention to the rottenness in municipal
   politics, and it led to the creation of a new commission for
   the revision of the Greater New York charter; but otherwise it
   was most unsatisfactory.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1899-1900.
   The Ramapo Water Contract.

   In August, 1899, Bird S. Coler, Controller of the City,
   exposed a gigantic scheme of plunder involved in a contract
   with the Ramapo Water Company, which Tammany officials,
   assisted, it was said, by some interested Republicans, were
   attempting to crowd through the Board of Public Improvements.
   The contract would have bound the city for forty years to pay
   to the Ramapo Company $70 per million gallons for 200,000,000
   gallons of water daily. In his Message to the State
   Legislature, January 2, 1901, Governor Odell thus referred to
   the matter: "Under chapter 985 of the laws of 1895, as
   amended, the Ramapo Water Company was given the power of
   condemnation for the purpose of securing to it the water and
   lands necessary for its purposes. During the year 1899 an
   attempt was made to enter into a contract with this company by
   the municipal board empowered to make such contracts. This
   proposition, when presented to the citizens of New York, was
   severely criticised by them, and the question of continued
   municipal ownership of their water supply was thus brought to
   their attention. The Legislature of 1900 enacted a law which
   made the consummation of such a contract impossible without
   the unanimous consent of those empowered to make such
   contract. The ownership of water rights sufficient to provide
   the city of New York with an ample supply of pure and
   wholesome water should be entirely under the control and
   direction of the municipality." Action on the subject was
   taken by the Legislature, which, in March, repealed the Act of
   1895, thus stripping the Ramapo Company of its extraordinary
   powers.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900 (January-September).
   The Rapid Transit Tunnel Contract.
   Projected Tunnel to Brooklyn.

   "The great project of underground rapid transit is now an
   assured thing. A few months ago the prospect seemed very dark.
   It is true that the rapid transit commissioners, a very able
   and upright body of men, with the invaluable aid of a
   distinguished engineer, Mr. Parsons, had a good while ago
   decided on the route and the plans; but the way seemed blocked
   by a series of semi-political and semi-legal difficulties. …
   Suddenly these difficulties began to disappear. … The
   financial plan adopted was that the city should provide the
   money which a contractor would expend in building the road,
   the contractor following the plans furnished by the city,
   submitting to municipal inspection, and agreeing upon his part
   to pay the interest on the bonds sold by the city to obtain
   the money, and also to pay enough into a sinking fund to
   provide for the ultimate redemption of the bonds. Bids were
   called for on November 15, to be opened on January 15. … It
   turned out that two well-known contractors were the only
   bidders, and the award was given to Mr. John B. McDonald. His
   bid was $35,000,000. The theory of this contract is that the
   road is to be the property of the city, leased for fifty years
   to the contractor, who is to pay a rental that will be large
   enough so that the taxpayers will not have expended a penny. …
{325}
   The main trunk line will start at the post-office (City Hall
   Square) on the south and proceed northward along the spine of
   Manhattan Island, following the general direction of Broadway
   to Kingsbridge, a distance from the point of beginning of
   twelve or thirteen miles. Near the upper end of Central Park,
   at a distance of six or seven miles from the point of
   beginning, a branch of the tunnel road will take a
   northeasterly direction, terminating at Bronx Park, which is
   about the same distance north as Kingsbridge, but several
   miles further east. The road will have four tracks for six
   miles of main line, two of which will be used for local trains
   and two for express trains."

      _American Review of Reviews,
      February, 1900._

   Work on the great undertaking was begun promptly, and had made
   great progress within the first twelve months.

   In September, 1900, preliminary steps were taken toward the
   construction of a connecting tunnel, under the East River, to
   Brooklyn, and through the congested districts of the latter
   borough. "At least three years will be necessary for the
   preliminary work and actual construction before trains are
   running. … Tentative estimates have been made, and these are
   said to be from $8,000,000 to $10,000,000. … The route as
   contemplated … starts in connection with the Manhattan
   proposed tunnel at a point at or near the intersection of
   Broadway and Park Row; thence under Broadway and Bowling Green
   to Whitehall Street; under Whitehall Street to South Street;
   thence under South Street to the East River, and under the
   river, striking the Brooklyn shore at a point in Joralemon
   Street between the East River and Furman Street, under
   Joralemon Street to Fulton Street, to the Borough Hall, out
   Fulton Street to Flatbush Avenue, and under this thoroughfare
   to the railroad station. On the New York side the route
   includes a loop to be built whose debouching point shall lie
   between Bowling Green and Exchange Place in Broadway, running
   under Broadway to Bowling Green, and thence under Bowling
   Green to State Street, to and under Battery Park to Whitehall
   Street, thence returning under Whitehall Street and Battery
   Park to State Street and to Broadway. The construction calls
   for two tracks, and avoids all grade crossings, each track to
   have a separate tubular tunnel."

      _New York Times,
      September 28, 1900._

   On the 25th of January, 1901, announcement was published that
   the Board of Rapid Transit Commissioners had adopted a
   resolution definitely providing for the extension of the Rapid
   Transit Railroad to Brooklyn. The original plan of route in
   Brooklyn had been chosen. The only change made was in
   Manhattan. The trains would be run through State St. instead
   of Whitehall, as formerly planned, with a loop at the Battery
   for Manhattan trains.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900 (April-May).
   Ecumenical Conference on Missions.

      See (in this volume)
      MISSIONS.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900 (June).
   Great fire at the Hoboken piers.

      See (in this volume)
      HOBOKEN.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900-1901.
   Revision of the charter.

   Carefully as the Greater New York charter had been drawn, it
   proved unsatisfactory in the working, in various respects, and
   a commission to revise it was appointed in 1900. The report of
   the commission was submitted to the Governor on the 1st of
   December, and transmitted, with his approval, to the
   Legislature in the following month. In the hands of the
   Legislature, the bill embodying the revised charter underwent
   considerable amendment, very much, it would seem, to its
   detriment. It was passed by the Senate on the 3d of April and
   by the Assembly on the 4th, and went to the Mayor of New York
   for the submission to his judgment which the State
   Constitution of New York requires. Some of the more important
   changes in the charter made by the revision, as passed, are
   the shortening of the mayor's term of office from four years
   (which the revision commission had advised retaining) to two
   years, with eligibility for re-election (which the commission
   had advised against); an increase of the administrative powers
   of the presidents of boroughs; abolition of the municipal
   Council and creation of a Board of Aldermen of 73 members;
   reorganization of various departments of the municipal
   administration.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1901 (March).
   Offered gift of $5,200,000 to the Public Library
   by Andrew Carnegie.

      See (in this volume)
      LIBRARY, NEW YORK PUBLIC.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1894.
   The revised Constitution.

      See (in this volume)
      CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1896-1897.
   Passage of the Raines Liquor Law.

   An Act for the regulation of the liquor traffic, which was and
   is the subject of much controversy, was passed in March, 1896,
   by the Legislature of the State of New York. From its author,
   Senator John Raines, it has borne the name of the Raines Law.
   It heavily increased the tax on the selling of liquor, raising
   it to $800 on common "saloons" in the city of New York; to $650
   in Brooklyn; to $500 in other cities having more than 50,000
   and not more than 500,000 inhabitants; and to rates in lesser
   cities and towns which ranged from 8100 to $350. It forbade
   the licensing of any liquor shop within 200 feet of a
   schoolhouse or a church, and also forbade the opening of any
   new shop of that character in a residence district without
   consent of two-thirds of the property owners. It prohibited
   the sale of liquor on Sundays, except in hotels and clubs; but
   this provision furnished a means of evasion which was speedily
   brought into use. "Raines hotels" and "Raines Clubs," as they
   were called, sprang into existence everywhere, sufficiently
   answering the requirements of the law to escape its penalties.
   These and other defects were considerably remedied by
   amendments of the Act in April, 1897. It survived a powerful
   attack in the Legislature at that time, the whole strength of
   the leading cities in the State being brought against the law.
   The country districts were generally united in supporting it,
   partly on principle, and partly because of the extent to which
   it lightened the burdens of taxation. By apportioning
   two-thirds of the enormous revenue raised under the Act to the
   towns, counties and cities in which it is collected, and
   one-third to the state treasury, the Raines Law fortified
   itself strongly in more than the moral sentiment of the
   people. Under the Raines Law all local excise boards are
   abolished, and the whole licensing and regulating of the
   liquor traffic is placed under the supervision of a State
   commissioner.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1897.
   The Black Civil Service Law.

      See (in this volume)
      CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1897-1899.

{326}

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1898.
   Primary Election Law.

   An Act which aims to make the political party caucus for
   nominating candidates, and for choosing delegates to
   nominating conventions, a "primary election," conducted under
   strict regulations of law and guarded by registration, was
   passed by the New York State Legislature and signed by the
   Governor March 23, 1898.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1899.
   New Civil Service Enactment.

      See (in this volume)
      CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1897-1899.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1899 (May).
   Taxation of public franchises.

   A measure of great importance, introducing a new and eminently
   just principle in taxation, was carried through the
   Legislature of New York in May, by the energetic influence of
   Governor Roosevelt. Recommended by the Governor in a special
   message on the 27th of March and passed in an unsatisfactory
   form, a bill to provide for the taxing of public franchises
   which did not promise successful working was being left on his
   hands when the Legislature adjourned. He promptly called a
   special session and renewed to it his urgent recommendations.
   "I recommend," he said, "the enactment of a law which shall
   tax all these franchises as realty, which shall provide for
   the assessment of the tax by the Board of State Tax
   Commissioners, and which shall further provide that from the
   tax thus levied for the benefit of each locality, there shall
   be deducted the tax as now paid by the corporation in
   question. Furthermore, as the time for assessing the largest
   and wealthiest corporations, those of New York and Buffalo,
   has passed for this year, and as it will be preferable not to
   have the small country corporations taxed before the larger
   corporations of the city are taxed, I suggest that the
   operations of the law be deferred until October 1, of this
   year."

   Within a few days, the desired bill was passed by both Houses
   of the Legislature, signed by the Governor and became a law.
   The public franchises to which it relates are defined in its
   first section, as follows:

   "The terms 'land,' 'real estate,' and 'real property,' as used
   in this chapter, include the land itself above and under
   water, all buildings and other articles and structures,
   substructures, and superstructures, erected upon, under or
   above, or affixed to the same; all wharves and piers,
   including the value of the right to collect wharfage, cranage,
   or dockage thereon; all bridges, all telegraph lines, wires,
   poles, and appurtenances; all supports and inclosures for
   electrical conductors and other appurtenances upon, above, and
   underground; all surface, underground, or elevated railroads,
   including the value of all franchises, rights, or permission
   to construct, maintain, or operate the same in, under, above,
   on, or through streets, highways, or public places; all
   railroad structures, substructures, and superstructures,
   tracks, and the iron thereon, branches, switches, and other
   fixtures permitted or authorized to be made, laid, or placed
   on, upon, above, or under any public or private road, street,
   or grounds; all mains, pipes, and tanks laid or placed in,
   upon, above, or under any public or private street or place
   for conducting steam, heat, water, oil, electricity, or any
   property, substance or product capable of transportation or
   conveyance therein, or that is protected thereby, including
   the value of all franchises, rights, authority, or permission
   to construct, maintain, or operate in, under, above, upon, or
   through any streets, highways, or public places, any mains,
   pipes, tanks, conduits, or wires, with their appurtenances,
   for conducting water, steam, heat, light, power, gas, oil, or
   other substance, or electricity for telegraphic, telephonic,
   or other purposes; all trees and underwood growing upon land,
   and all mines, minerals, quarries, and fossils in and under
   the same, except mines belonging to the state. A franchise,
   right, authority, or permission, specified in this
   subdivision, shall, for the purpose of taxation, be known as a
   special franchise. A special franchise shall be deemed to
   include the value of the tangible property of a person,
   co-partnership, association, or corporation, situated in,
   upon, under, or above any street, highway, public place, or
   public waters in connection with the special franchise. The
   tangible property so included shall be taxed as a part of the
   special franchise."

NEW YORK UNIVERSITY:
   The Hall of Fame for Great Americans.

      See (in this volume)
      HALL OF FAME.

   ----------NEW ZEALAND: Start--------

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1891-1900.
   Democratic experiments.
   Labor laws and the land system.
   Compulsory industrial arbitration and its working.

   "I have been a studious observer of every phase of social life
   and legislative change that has taken place in this colony
   during the past seven years," wrote U. S. Consul Connolly, at
   Auckland, in July, 1896. "I arrived at the very beginning of
   the experimental era—and it is no misnomer to call much of the
   legislation of the past few years experimental in the truest
   sense [see, also (in this volume), AUSTRALIA: RECENT
   EXTENSIONS OF DEMOCRACY]. But while it is so, there is a most
   gratifying feature which compensates for the violence done to
   the feelings of those whose motto has been 'let us permit
   matters to remain as they are, they suit us well enough.' That
   the legislative innovations of the immediate past have shocked
   the sensibilities of a large number of prominent and
   well-to-do colonists is unquestionably true, but, at the same
   time, as against any inconvenience they may have experienced
   on this account, there is the fact of increased prosperity in
   nearly every branch of trade and industrial life throughout
   the country, farm products are fetching satisfactory prices,
   manufacturing industries are running full time and paying good
   wages and fair interest on the capital invested, labor is
   remuneratively employed, interest on money has fallen from 6
   and 7 per cent to 4 and 5 per cent (this of itself, is
   sufficient to prove that money is abundant). Millions of
   English capital are flowing in for the development of the gold
   fields of the colony, and the credit of the country at no
   period of its history stood so high on the English market as
   it does to-day.
{327}
   I may also mention that, through the genuine encouragement
   given by the Government to the small-farmer class, the waste
   lands of the country are being rapidly taken up wherever land
   is found suitable for farming or grazing purposes.
   Notwithstanding the admitted prosperity of the colony and the
   fact that the Government have had a substantial surplus over
   expenditure now for a number of years, the national debt
   continues to increase. But the increased indebtedness is not
   of the usual character, for the reason that the country has
   security for nearly all the money borrowed in recent years.
   Money had to be borrowed under Government guaranty to save the
   Bank of New Zealand from closing its doors. This was done to
   avert financial disaster. …

   "Money has been borrowed to purchase large estates for the
   purposes of settlement. Those who take up land under this
   system, as already stated, pay an annual rental sufficient to
   cover the interest on the purchase money and the cost of
   administration. The land is always vested in the Government
   and this must be regarded as a good asset. One million and a
   Half sterling was borrowed last year in England at 3 per cent
   per annum. This £1,500,000 loan is called the ' advances to
   settlers loan.' This money is lent out to farmers at 4 per
   cent per annum. … I need scarcely add that the large
   landholders, the mortgage companies, and the money lenders
   generally did not favor this kind of legislation, particularly
   the cheap advances to settlers, but their opposition was utterly
   futile. With the advent of the one-man-one-vote and the
   extension of the franchise to women, the power of corporate
   wealth in this country appears to have been irrevocably
   destroyed. Whether this be for good or evil, I am not, of
   course, in a position to say. I can say, however, that no ill
   effects of the change are apparent up to the present; on the
   contrary, the country is more prosperous and at least as
   honestly and as economically administered as it was under the
   old régime.

   "To say that this country is, in my opinion, more truly
   democratic than any country in the world would be merely
   stating a simple truth; and to say that the present Government
   is a workingman's Government is equally true. A great deal of
   the legislation of recent years, however, is in advance of the
   requirements and ideas of the people, with the result that
   some of it has proved to be annoying and irksome to many. This
   is especially true of some of the labor laws. The Government
   are honestly endeavoring to place the masses in possession of
   their legitimate rights with as little friction as possible,
   and at the same time with due regard to vested interests and
   the propriety of things generally. But while struggling thus
   with the duties and responsibilities of their official
   positions, the members of the Ministry are torn asunder by the
   clamorous and impracticable demands of the unreasonable and
   irresponsible. The sympathies of the Government are
   unmistakably with the people, but the honor, the dignity, and
   the welfare of the country will not permit them to depart from
   a course too inconsistent with the sense of obligation, fair
   dealing, integrity, and responsibility which are the admitted
   characteristics and duty of all civilized governments. The
   great danger at the present moment is too much legislation in
   one direction. This is the one thing wherein the Government
   find it really hard to resist the demands of organized labor.
   There is, however, a very gratifying disposition manifesting
   itself among the more reasonable members of the labor
   societies to let well enough alone for the present—a
   disposition it is much to be hoped may extend throughout the
   whole body of the workers. If not, I have no hesitation in
   predicting a serious revulsion of public sentiment and
   sympathy within the next few years."

      _United States Consular Reports,
      January, 1897, page 35._

   "Australian experience seems in many ways to prove the value
   of our system of written constitutions, to be construed and
   enforced by the courts. The effect on the minds of
   ill-informed legislators of the knowledge that they can do
   anything for which they can get a majority, is naturally to
   beget extravagance and an overweening sense of power, and lead
   to excessive experimentation. … It is in devices for the
   protection of labor that most of this experimentation occurs.
   New Zealand affords the best example of it. It provides
   elaborate legal protection for the eight-hour day. A workman
   cannot consent to work overtime without extra pay. The state
   sees that he gets the extra pay. It looks closely after the
   condition of women and children in the factories. It sees that
   servant girls are not overcharged by the registry offices for
   getting them places. It prescribes one half-holiday a week for
   all persons employed in stores and offices, and sees that they
   take it. It will not allow even a shopkeeper who has no
   employees to dispense with his half-holiday; because if he
   does not take it, his competition will injure those who do.
   The 'labor department' of the government has an army of
   inspectors, who keep a close watch on stores and factories,
   and prosecute violations of the law which they themselves
   discover. They do not wait for complaints; they ferret out
   infractions, so that the laborer may not have to prejudice
   himself by making charges. The department publishes a
   'journal' once a month, which gives detailed reports of the
   condition of the labor market in all parts of the colony, and
   of the prosecutions which have taken place anywhere of
   employers who have violated the law. It provides insurance for
   old age and early death, and guarantees every policy. It gives
   larger policies for lower premiums than any of the private
   offices, and depreciates the private offices in its documents.
   It distributes the profits of its business as bonuses among the
   policy-holders, and keeps a separate account for teetotalers,
   so that they may get special advantages from their abstinence.
   The 'journal' is, in fact, in a certain sense a labor manual,
   in which everything pertaining to the comfort of labor is
   freely discussed. The poor accommodation provided for servants
   in hotels and restaurants is deplored, and so is the
   difficulty which middle-aged men have in finding employment.
   More attention to the morals and manners of nursemaids is
   recommended. All the little dodges of employers are exposed
   and punished. If they keep the factory door fastened, they are
   fined. If housekeepers pretend that their servants are
   lodgers, and therefore not liable to a compulsory
   half-holiday, they are fined. If manufacturers are caught
   allowing girls to take their meals in a workshop, they are
   fined.

{328}

   "As far as I can make out, too, without visiting the country,
   there is as yet no sign of reaction against this minute
   paternal care of the laborer. The tendency to use the powers
   of the government chiefly for the promotion of the comfort of
   the working classes, whether in the matter of land settlement,
   education, or employment, seems to undergo no diminution. The
   only thing which has ceased, or slackened, is the borrowing of
   money for improvements. The results of this borrowing have
   been so disastrous that the present generation, at least, will
   hardly try that experiment again."

      _E. L. Godkin,
      The Australian Democracy
      (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1898)._

NEW ZEALAND:
   Labor Laws.
   Compulsory industrial arbitration.

   "There is not in any other country in the world a more
   valuable or more enlightened body of Labour laws than those
   now upon the statute book of this progressive colony. They
   cover almost every risk to life, limb, health, and interest of
   the industrial classes. They send the law, as it were,
   everywhere a worker is employed for daily wages to fling the
   shield of the state over him or her in the labour of
   livelihood. The bare enumeration of these laws will indicate
   the far-reaching ground they cover:—The Coal Mines Act, the
   Master and Apprentices Act, the Conspiracy Law Amendment Act,
   the Trade Union Act, the Servant's Registry Offices Act (for
   the protection of servant girls against the risks of dishonest
   offices of that kind), Contractors and Workmen's Lien Act,
   three amended Employer's Liability Acts, three amended
   Shipping and Seamen's Acts, two Shops and Shop-assistants
   Acts, the Factories Act, and the Industrial Conciliation and
   Arbitration Act of 1894. … The Industrial Conciliation and
   Arbitration Act, passed in 1894 … has attracted much attention
   outside New Zealand. An Act with a similar purpose, but
   permissive in its operations, was passed … in the New South
   Wales Legislature in 1892. It was limited in duration to four
   years, and was not a success. The New Zealand bill was more
   skilfully drawn, and, possessing the element of a gentle
   compulsion, has so far achieved its aim. The Act begins by
   inviting all parties to join 'in lawful association for the
   purpose of protecting or furthering the interests of employers
   or workmen in, or in connection with, any industry in the
   colony.' Such parties as accept the legal invitation are
   allowed to register themselves as 'an industrial union,' and
   this step once taken they are enticed on through a network of
   solicitations, provisions, and safeguards, until they find
   themselves, almost without knowing it, agreeing to everything
   that follows. Trades Unions, or any other labour organization,
   or any combination of employers, can register as individual
   bodies without a mixed association of workers and employers.
   Once registered, they are in the network of arbitration:—'The
   effect of registration shall be to render the industrial
   union, and all persons who may be members of any society or
   trade union, so registered as an industrial union at the time
   of registration, or who after such registration may become
   members of any society or trade union so registered, subject
   to the jurisdiction by this Act given to a Board and the Court
   respectively, and liable to all the provisions of this Act,
   and all such persons shall be bound by the rules of the
   industrial union during the continuance of the membership.' …
   'Every industrial agreement duly made and executed shall be
   binding on the parties thereto, and on every person who at any
   time during the term of such agreement is a member of any
   industrial union, trade union, or association party thereto,
   and on every employer who shall in the prescribed manner
   signify to the Registrar of the Supreme Court where such
   agreement is filed concurrence therein, and every such
   employer shall be entitled to the benefit thereof, and be
   deemed to be a party thereto.' … 'In and for every district
   there shall be established a Board of Conciliation, to have
   jurisdiction for the settlement of industrial disputes
   occurring in such district, which may be referred to it by one
   or more of the parties to an industrial dispute, or by
   industrial agreement.' … 'Every Board shall consist of such
   equal number of persons as the Governor may determine, being
   not more than six nor less than four persons, who shall be
   chosen by the industrial unions of employers and of workmen in
   the industrial district respectively, such unions voting
   separately, and electing an equal number of such members.' …
   Should this body itself be unable to come to a satisfactory
   decision it may refer the matter in question to a small
   committee of its members fairly representing each side. If a
   settlement or reconciliation be unattainable in this way,
   either party to the dispute can appeal to the Court of
   Arbitration, which is constituted as follows:—'There shall be
   one Court of Arbitration for the whole colony for the
   settlement of industrial disputes pursuant to this Act. … The
   Court shall consist of three members to be appointed by the
   Governor, one to be so appointed on the recommendation of the
   councils or a majority of the councils of the industrial
   associations of workmen in the colony, and one to be so
   appointed on the recommendation of the councils or a majority
   of the councils of the industrial associations of employers of
   the colony.' … 'No recommendation shall be made as to the
   third member, who shall be a Judge of the Supreme Court, and
   shall be appointed from time to time by the Governor, and
   shall be President of the Court.'"

      _M. Davitt,
      Life and Progress in Australasia,
      chapter 68._

   Honorable W. P. Reeves, lately Agent-General of New Zealand in
   England, but who was Minister of Education and Labor in New
   Zealand from 1891 to 1896, and who is looked upon as the
   principal author of the industrial arbitration laws in that
   colony, wrote, during the summer of 1900, on the working of
   those laws, in an article contributed to the "London Express,"
   as follows:

   "The arbitration law has been in constant use in New Zealand
   for about four years and a half. During those years there has
   never been a time when there has not been a dispute pending
   before one or other of the Conciliation Boards or the Central
   Arbitration Court. Writing, as I do, at some distance from
   London, I cannot say from memory what the exact number of
   disputes finally adjusted has been; but, so far, they cannot
   be less than sixty or seventy. Most of these have been
   carried, on appeal from some Conciliation Board, to the
   Arbitration Court and settled there. In about two cases out of
   seven the Conciliation Boards have been able successfully to
   arrange the disputes. Even where they have not done so, it by
   no means follows that their labors have been useless. Very
   often the appeal to the Arbitration Court is merely on one or
   two points out of many involved, and the advice of the
   Conciliation Board is accepted on the others. Often, too, most
   of the parties to a dispute have been ready to accept a board's
   suggestions, but it has needed the firm hand of the
   Arbitration Court to bring one or two stubborn men to
   acquiescence.

{329}

   "The process may be tedious, but it is not costly. Lawyers are
   not employed as counsel before either the boards or the court
   unless all parties to the action agree thereto, and they very
   seldom do agree. A firm of employers may appear by a manager
   or accredited representative, a trade union is usually
   represented by its Secretary or other official. During the
   hearing, of course, the factories concerned remain open, and
   work goes on as usual. Employers are secured not only against
   a dead stop of business, but against the meaner kinds of
   competition of undercutting rivals. In the organized trades
   all the shops of a district have to keep the same hours and
   pay the same wages. No man may filch trade from a neighbor by
   sweating his own people. The fair-minded employer now knows
   where he is, and is freed from many anxieties.

   "For six years there has virtually been neither strike nor
   lockout in New Zealand. All these, except the first, have been
   years of remarkable and increasing prosperity. During the time
   of depression which came before them, wages had fallen. With
   improving times employers would have been faced by resolute
   demands from trade unions for a return to former high rates of
   pay, and had there been no arbitration system in working order
   a series of very bitter conflicts must have ensued. This has
   been avoided. Workmen and workwomen have gained notable
   advances of pay, and also improved conditions as to hours of
   labor and otherwise. But this has come about gradually, and
   only after careful and painstaking inquiry. Many of the
   demands of labor have been refused; many more have been
   modified. In no case has an industry been throttled or
   crippled. Not only can we claim that no factory has been
   closed for a single day in New Zealand by labor war, but we
   can claim that the peace thus obtained has not been bought at
   the dear price of hampered industry and discouraged
   enterprise.

   "When the Arbitration act came into operation the number of
   hands returned as employed in the registered factories was
   about 26,000. It is now not far short of 50,000. A percentage
   of this striking increase may be due to more thorough
   registration. Far the larger part of it represents an actual
   increase of industry. During these years the imports and
   exports of the colony have grown apace. The revenue received
   from the customs, from the income tax, from the stamps, and
   the railways has risen in each case rapidly. Employment from
   being scarce has grown plentiful. Building has been brisk in
   all centres of population. The marriage rate has gone up. In a
   word, New Zealand shows all the signs which we connect with a
   highly prosperous country. It would be too much to claim that
   this is chiefly due to the working of the Arbitration act. It
   is perfectly fair, however, to claim that the Arbitration act
   and the improved condition of labor, and of confidence which
   it has brought about, have had some share in leading up to
   this happy state of things.

   "It is frequently asked, How could you possibly enforce an
   award of the Arbitration Court upon an employer or a union
   stubbornly determined to go to all lengths rather than obey
   it? In the first place, for nearly five years the law has been
   in constant use without a single exhibition of this desperate
   resistance. That alone should be evidence of some weight that
   such a duel is not likely in a British community. It is quite
   true that an employer could go out of business rather than
   obey an award, and that the court could not prevent him from
   doing so. But employers are not given to ruining themselves
   merely because they may not like the decision of an impartial
   tribunal. It is suggested that the decision itself might be
   ruinous. There need be no fear of that. Experience has shown
   that if arbitrators err at all it is almost invariably in the
   direction of overcaution. They may show too great a desire to
   'split the difference'; they are not in the least likely to
   impose intolerable conditions either upon masters or men. An
   employer who has the choice between accepting a legal decision
   arrived at after painstaking inquiry, and being taken into
   court and fined, will almost always accept the decision. In a
   very few cases he may run the risk of being fined once, but he
   will not lay himself open to a second penalty. That is the New
   Zealand experience.

   "On the other hand, it has been flatly declared that the court
   cannot coerce trade unions. Vivid pictures have been painted
   of the tragic absurdity of endeavoring to collect fines from
   trade unionists by distraining on the goods of poor workmen
   whose union is without funds, and who are themselves
   penniless. The answer to that is that poverty-stricken unions,
   composed of penniless workers, are only too thankful to accept
   the decision of a State tribunal. They cannot strike against a
   powerful employer; much less can they hope to starve out a
   court of arbitration. Its decision may not altogether please
   them, but it is all they are likely to get. The Arbitration
   Court, therefore, is as potent to deal with trade unions as
   with employers. Wealthy unions it can fine. Penniless unions
   are helpless to fight it. Finally, at its back is the mighty
   force of public opinion, which is sick of labor wars and
   determined that the experiment of judicial adjustment shall
   have a full and fair trial."

   The full text of the New Zealand "Industrial Conciliation and
   Arbitration Act" is published in pamphlet form by the United
   States Department of Labor, and appeared also in one of the
   Bulletins of the Department, in 1900.

NEW ZEALAND:
   Land system.

   "The Crown lands of New Zealand are administered under 'the
   land act, 1892,' and the regulations made thereunder. The
   distinguishing features of the present land system are the
   outcome of ideas which have been gradually coming to maturity
   for some years past in this colony. These features involve the
   principle of State ownership of the soil, with a perpetual
   tenancy in the occupier. This, whatever may be the difference
   in detail, is the prevailing characteristic of the several
   systems under which land may now be selected. In New Zealand,
   this tendency to State ownership has taken a more pronounced
   form than in any other of the Australasian colonies, and the
   duration of the leases has become so extended as to warrant
   the name, frequently given to them, of 'everlasting leases.'
   In point of fact, most of the Crown lands are now disposed of
   for terms of 999 years. The rentals are based on the assessed
   value of the land at the time of disposal, without increase or
   recurring valuations.
{330}
   Under this system there is a fixity of tenure practically
   equal to freehold, and which, like freehold, necessarily
   carries with it the power of sale, sub-lease, mortgage, or
   disposition by will. Since all lands held under the Crown 'by
   lease in perpetuity' are subject to the land tax, the
   necessity for the periodical revaluations under the
   perpetual-lease system is done away with, the State reaping
   the advantage of the unearned increment through the
   before-mentioned tax. At the same time, the improvements made
   in the soil by cultivation, etc., are secured to the tenant.

   "The advantages of this system to the selector are manifest.
   When it is taken into consideration that, with few exceptions,
   the Crown lands are, in their prairie condition, incapable of
   producing anything until brought into cultivation, the
   advantage to the settler of setting free his capital to
   develop the capabilities of the soil, rather than having to
   expend it in the purchase of a freehold, is very apparent. One
   of the most striking benefits of this system is the advantage
   it gives to the poor man, who, with little more capital than
   his strong right arm, is enabled to make a home for himself,
   which, under the freehold system, he is frequently unable to
   accomplish. The values placed on the Crown lands are, as a
   rule, low, for the State does not so much seek to raise a
   revenue directly therefrom as to encourage the occupation of
   the lands by the people; this secures indirectly an increased
   revenue, besides other advantages, resulting from a numerous
   rural population.

   "Again, underlying the whole of the New Zealand land system is
   a further application of the principle of 'the land for the
   people,' viz, the restriction in area which any man may hold.
   This subject has been forced upon the attention of the
   legislature by defects in former systems, under which one
   individual with means at his command could appropriate large
   areas, to the exclusion of his poorer fellow-settler. Under
   conditions where the price at which the land is offered is
   fixed and where choice of selection is by ballot, the poor
   settler has the same chance as the rich one and may, should he
   wish it, hold as much land. The limit that a selector may hold
   is so fixed as to encourage the class of small farmers, and up to
   that limit the amount he may select is left entirely to
   himself. The act defines the amount of land anyone may select
   at 640 acres of first-class or 2,000 acres of second-class
   land, inclusive of any land he may already hold. These limits
   apply to lands which are thrown open for 'free selection,' as
   it is termed, but in some cases, where found desirable, the
   limit is by regulation made much smaller.

   "In addition to the many advantages offered by the
   'lease-in-perpetuity' system, the land act provides others to
   meet the wants of different classes. The rule is almost
   invariable that land thrown open for so-called 'free
   selection' is offered to the public under three different
   tenures, and the choice left entirely to the would-be settler.
   The three tenures are:

   (1) For cash, in which one-fourth of the purchase-money is
   paid down at once, and the remainder within thirty days. The
   title does not issue until certain improvements have been made
   on the land.

   (2) Lease with a purchasing clause, at a 5-per-cent rental on
   the value of the land; the lease being for twenty-five years,
   with the right to purchase at the original upset price at any
   time after the first ten years.

   (3) Lease in perpetuity, at a rental of 4 per cent on the
   capital value, as already described above.

   "The present [1895] land laws have been in force since the 1st
   of November, 1892, and, therefore, the returns of the
   Department of Lands and Survey for the year ending the 31st of
   March, 1895, will give a fair idea of the proportions in which
   lands are selected under the three tenures above described
   during the past two and a half years. The figures given below
   include the 'special settlements,' all of which must by law be
   held on lease in perpetuity:

   (1) Selected for cash, 1,542; area, 110,570 acres.

   (2) Occupation with right of purchase, 1,060; area, 236,270
   acres.

   (3) Lease in perpetuity, 3,224; area, 634,086 acres.

   "'The land act, 1892,' provides for a special class of
   settlement, which has found favor with the public to a very
   considerable extent during the last two years. This is known
   as the 'small-farm association' system. It provides that,
   where not less than twelve individuals have associated
   themselves together for mutual help, such an association can,
   with the approval of the Minister of Lands, select a block of
   land of not more than 11,000 acres, but there must be a
   selector to each 200 acres in the block. The extreme limit
   that one person may hold is fixed at 320 acres. Settlements of
   this class are held on 'lease in perpetuity' for 999 years, in
   the same way as lands under the same tenure when thrown open
   for free selection. The conditions of residence and
   improvements are the same."

      _S. Percy Smith,
      in New Zealand Official Year-Book, 1895
      (reprinted in United States Consular Reports,
      January, 1897, page 4)._

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1899.
   Old-Age Pension Act.

   In the winter of 1899 an old-age pension act was added to the
   radical legislation of New Zealand. The Agent-General for New
   Zealand in England has described the measure in a review
   article, as follows: "As finally licked into shape, the act is
   one for giving a small pension to the poorest section of aged
   colonists without any contribution on their part whatever.
   Briefly summarized, its effect will be that any New
   Zealander—man or woman—who has come to the age of sixty-five,
   after living not less than twenty-five years in New Zealand,
   shall be entitled to 6s. 11d. a week, or £18 a year. The full
   pension is to be paid to those whose income from any source is
   less than £34. When the private income is above £34 a year £1
   is deducted from the pension for every £1 of such excess
   income. When, therefore, the private income is large enough to
   be £18 a year in excess of £34 no state pension is paid. In
   other words, no one who has an income of £52 a year is
   entitled to even a fraction of the pension. A rather more
   elaborate portion of the act deals with deductions to be made
   from the pension where the applicant for it is possessed of
   accumulated property. Under this the applicant's real and
   personal property are assessed, and his debts, if any, are
   subtracted from the total value thereof. Then he is allowed to
   own £325 without suffering any deduction therefor. After that
   he loses £1 of pension for every £15 worth of accumulated
   property. The result is that any one possessed of £600 worth
   of accumulated property ceases to be entitled to any allowance
   whatever. Men and women are equally entitled to the pension, and
   where a husband and wife are living together their property or
   income is divided by two for the purpose of the calculations
   above mentioned. That is to say, their united income must
   amount to £104 or their united property to £1,200 before they
   are altogether disentitled to any part of the pension. They
   may have, between them, an income of £68, or as much as £650
   of property, and yet be entitled to draw their respective
   pensions in full."

{331}

   The government is only authorized to pay the required amounts
   during three years from the passage of the Act, after which
   Parliament will have to decide on its continuance or
   amendment. Mr. Reeves expects that "the opposition will, more
   or less in unison, submit a rival old-age pension scheme to
   the constituencies. One of their prominent members, Mr. George
   Hutchison, indicated in the debate on the third reading of the
   measure scheme which some think will be generally adopted by
   his party. This is to draw a distinction between the older
   poor of the colony now living and the younger generation of
   colonists. All now over fifty years of age are to be permitted
   as they attain sixty-five to take advantage of Mr. Seddon's
   act without let or hindrance. But for the younger people a
   contributory scheme is to be drawn up, under which they would
   have to pay some such sum as sixpence a week, to go in aid of
   a substantial pension in their old age. Whatever may be
   thought of the economic merits of such a scheme, it might
   conceivably be expected at election-time to disarm the
   hostility of the aged poor to any such interference with their
   prospects under the present system as would be entailed by a
   complete repeal of the Seddon act."

      _National Review, February, 1899._

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1900 (March).
   Looking towards federation with Australia.

   New Zealand did not take part in the movements which led to
   the federation of the Australian colonies in the Commonwealth
   of Australia, but watched them with evident interest and a
   final wakening of inclination to be joined in union with them.
   When the Act of the Imperial Parliament "to constitute the
   Commonwealth of Australia" was under discussion in England
   (see, in this volume, AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1900), the
   Agent-General for New Zealand in London addressed to the
   Colonial Office (March 30, 1900) the following Memorandum,
   which explains the attitude of that colony towards the
   federation movement in Australia: "The Government of New
   Zealand desires to secure the insertion of certain amendments
   in the Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Bill shortly to
   be laid before the Imperial Parliament. These amendments are
   three in number. The first of them is, in effect, that New
   Zealand should preserve the right of joining the proposed
   Commonwealth of Australia on the same terms as the original
   States now about to be united in such Commonwealth. The second
   is, that while New Zealand remains outside the Commonwealth,
   litigants in her higher Courts, though reserving the right
   they now possess to appeal to the Queen in Council, should, as
   an alternative, have the right to appeal to the High Court of
   Australia on paying the fees and complying with the rules of
   that tribunal. The third amendment is, that the Australian
   Commonwealth and the Colony of New Zealand should be empowered
   to make the necessary arrangements to employ their naval and
   military forces for mutual aid and defence, including
   operations outside their own boundaries, and for that purpose
   to co-operate in forming a homogeneous Australasian force.

   "The importance of the first amendment to New Zealand is
   great. The Colony is divided from Australia by 1,200 miles of
   unbroken sea. It still takes from four to five days for
   persons quitting New Zealand to reach any port in Australia.
   Though a large and valuable trade is carried on between the
   two countries, and though New Zealand is linked to Australia,
   not merely by financial ties, but by bonds of intercourse,
   cordial friendship, and sympathy, she has also vital and
   separate interests. Many, also, of the leading matters on
   which the discussions on Federation in Australia during the
   last 12 years have turned are topics with which the New
   Zealand people is almost unacquainted. It is therefore only to
   be expected that the Colony should watch the Federal movement
   with caution and reserve. It is also true that, until June of
   last year, New Zealand was unable to judge as to the
   intentions of the great Colony of New South Wales with regard
   to the Commonwealth Bill. It was not until the month of
   September that Queensland decided to enter the Commonwealth;
   Western Australia has not even yet done so. And it was
   directly after the decision of Queensland had become known
   that, in response to a request from Sir John Forrest, the
   leading statesmen of Australia intimated that, in their
   opinion, it was impossible to consider any further amendments
   of the Commonwealth Bill. From that moment the only course
   left open to New Zealand has been that now taken. About that
   time there appeared in New Zealand evidences of the growth of
   a feeling in the Colony in favour of a closer union with
   Australia. This was on the eve of the general elections, and
   Mr. Seddon, the Prime Minister, then defined his position,
   stating that the future relations of New Zealand with
   Australia were a matter for education and careful examination:
   that for himself he kept an open mind, but that prudent
   deliberation was advisable. At the general elections which
   took place in December last, Mr. Seddon was returned to power
   with an unusually large majority. It may therefore very safely
   be assumed that this cautious but not hostile attitude fairly
   represents the present view of the people of the Colony. Some
   stress may be laid on the foregoing facts in view of the
   possible objection that New Zealand's action now comes too
   late. The Colony virtually asks that, in view of its position
   of distance and difficulty, it should have more time given it
   to make up its mind than has been found necessary by colonies
   which are contiguous or almost so. If it should be proposed to
   fix a limit of time to this, that would clearly be a matter
   for reasonable consideration.

   "In so far as the second amendment would give certain New
   Zealand litigants a right of resort to the High Court of
   Australia, it is scarcely likely to meet with objection in
   Australia unless on the general ground that no amendment
   whatever of the Commonwealth Bill is now desirable. In the
   event of the amendment being admitted, it is obvious that
   certain precautions might have to be taken to conserve the
   existing rights of New Zealand litigants, and also to prevent
   clashing of appeals, but doubtless these could be provided
   for. The third amendment, that providing for a species of
   partial federation for purposes of defence and mutual
   assistance, seems not only desirable but unobjectionable in
   every way.
{332}
   It does not propose that any kind of compulsion should be
   applied to either the Commonwealth or New Zealand: it merely
   empowers them to make such arrangements as may be deemed
   mutually advantageous. At present it seems more than doubtful
   whether either the Commonwealth or the Colony has the power to
   make simple, binding and effective arrangements which would
   involve operations and expenditure outside their own
   boundaries, and under which each would have to act so as to
   affect colonists not subject to their respective
   jurisdictions. Recent events have clearly shown that the time
   has passed by for regarding the military forces of a colony as
   something never to be employed outside of its own boundaries. I
   need not point out that such a co-operation would be of value
   not only to Australia and New Zealand, but to the Empire which
   both are so anxious to serve."

   The reply of the Colonial Office to this Memorandum set forth
   that its suggestions had been submitted to the delegates of
   the federating colonies and did not meet their approval. "They
   pointed out that during the period of grace proposed to be
   allowed circumstances might arise which would cause grave
   embarrassment to the Commonwealth if it were open to New
   Zealand to claim admission on the same terms as the original
   States, and that Article 121 of the draft Bill provided
   sufficiently for the admission of New Zealand at any time upon
   such conditions as might be found mutually acceptable to the
   Colony and the Commonwealth." It was added that "the suggested
   amendments as to the appeal from New Zealand Courts to the
   High Court of Australia, and the arrangements for mutual
   defence, would, if undertaken now, lead to great delay, and
   involve a fresh referendum to the people of the Federating
   Colonies, while there does not appear to be any probability
   that the Federation would not favourably entertain any
   proposals of the kind, if put forward after Federation."

   In the Constitution Act as passed, however, New Zealand is
   mentioned specifically among the "States" to which its
   provisions may apply, though not included in what relates to
   the "Original States."

      See (in this volume)
      CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

      _Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command:
      Cd. 158, 1900, pages 30-31, and 51)._

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1900 (October).
   Annexation of the Cook Islands.

   A correspondent of the "London Times," writing from Rarotonga,
   the largest of the Cook (or Hervey) Islands, on the 10th of
   October, 1900, reported the arrival there of the Earl of
   Ranfurly, Governor of New Zealand, for the purpose of
   effecting the annexation of the islands to that colony, in
   accordance with the expressed wish of the natives. "Lord
   Ranfurly," he writes, "landed this morning, and, as the
   representative of her Majesty, addressed the Arikis, or high
   chiefs, on the question of annexation, for which they had
   asked. This is his second visit to the island, and he
   congratulated the people on now finding such a satisfactory
   condition of affairs in Rarotonga. He expressed pleasure at
   their liberality in subscribing so large a sum of money for
   the relief of those families who, in the fortunes of the war
   in South Africa, might lose their main support, and in sending
   one of their representative residents to represent them on the
   field of battle. All this and much more about the interest
   they took in the British Empire the Queen was aware of, and
   their petition for annexation had been laid at the foot of the
   Throne and duly considered. He urged them, however, to
   consider carefully their decision in this matter, and,
   further, that it should be arrived at of their own free and
   untrammelled will. He had heard from the British Resident that
   the high chiefs and all the people wanted annexation, but he
   wished to hear it from their own lips. It would then remain
   but for them to perform the act of cession to her Majesty, and
   for him formally to annex the group, hoisting the British
   flag, and proclaiming that from henceforth they were part of
   the British Empire whose prestige and honour they would from
   that moment share. The high chiefs unanimously agreed to
   annexation. … There are 2,300 Maoris on this island and 70
   Europeans. All are intensely loyal to Queen Victoria. The
   island was discovered in 1823 by Messrs. Williams and Bourne,
   two officers of the London Mission Society, which for many
   years has had its headquarters for the Eastern Pacific located
   here. The volcanic soil of the island is marvellously fertile,
   coffee, cocoa, cotton, oranges, limes, cocoanuts and many
   other tropic fruits and trees growing without almost any
   cultivation. A British protectorate was declared over the
   group by Captain Bourke, of H. M. S. Hyacinth, in 1888. Since
   1892 the interests of the protectorate have been guarded and
   directed by a British Resident, paid by the New Zealand
   Government, so that the islands will now probably be included
   within the boundaries of that colony. Nearly the whole of the
   trade is with New Zealand. There are six islands in the group
   annexed [700 miles southeast of Samoa] the total population of
   which is about 4,500." The "Times," commenting on the
   annexation, remarked: "The New Zealand Legislature has passed
   resolutions expressing its desire that the Suwaroff Island, to
   the north of the Cook group and about half-way to the Penrhyn
   group, should also be annexed to the colony. This island,
   although thinly inhabited, is said to possess one of the best
   ports in that part of the Pacific. The only quarter from which
   any protest against the acquisition of the Cook Islands has
   come so far seems to be New South Wales, which fears the
   influence of the introduction of the New Zealand tariff on its
   trade with that place."

   ----------NEW ZEALAND: End--------

NIAGARA, Electric power at.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

NICARAGUA.
   Nicaragua Canal.

      See (in this volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA; also,
      CANAL, INTEROCEANIC; and
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1899-1901.

NICHOLAS II. OF RUSSIA:
   Coronation.

      See (in this volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1896 (MAY-JUNE).

NICHOLSON'S NEK, Battle of.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

NIFFER,
NUFFAR, Explorations at.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

{333}

NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.
   History of the formation of the Niger Coast Protectorate.
   Conventions of Great Britain with Germany and France.
   Settlement of the boundary of the French Sudan and
   Sahara Sphere.

   The following "Notes on the Niger Districts and Niger Coast
   Protectorates, 1882-1893," tracing the several steps by which
   the existing Protectorate was formed, appear in a paper
   "presented to both Houses of Parliament by command of Her
   Majesty, 1899 (C.—9372)":

   "In 1882 a Company, entitled the 'National African Company,
   Limited,' was formed to take over the business of the 'United
   Africa Company, Limited,' in Central Africa and in the Niger
   Regions. In October, 1884, the Company purchased the business
   and objects of the 'Compagnie Française de l'Afrique
   Equatoriale.' In the same year various treaties were concluded
   between Consul Hewett and native chiefs of the Niger Districts,
   by which these territories were placed under British
   protection. On the 26th February, 1885, the General Act of the
   Berlin Conference was signed, Chapter V. of which contained an
   'Act of Navigation for the Niger,' which applied, generally,
   to the Niger and its affluents the free navigation articles of
   the Final Act of the Congress of Vienna of 1815. In
   April-June, 1885, the British and German Governments entered
   into an Agreement, by an exchange of Notes, defining their
   respective spheres of action in the Gulf of Guinea. By this
   Agreement Germany engaged not to make acquisition, accept
   Protectorates, or interfere with the extension of British
   influence in that part of the Gulf of Guinea lying between the
   right river bank of the mouth of the Rio del Rey entering the
   sea between 8° 42' and 8° 46' longitude east of Greenwich and
   the British colony of Lagos, nor in the interior, to west of a
   line following the right river bank of the Rio del Rey from
   the said mouth to its source, thence striking direct to the
   left river bank of the Old Calabar or Cross River, and
   terminating, after crossing that river, at the point about 9°
   8' of longitude east of Greenwich, marked 'Rapids' on the
   English Admiralty chart.

   "On the 5th June, 1885, a Notification was inserted in the
   'London Gazette' to the effect that a British Protectorate had
   been established over the Niger Districts; the territories
   comprised within the Protectorate were defined to be—the line
   of coast between the British Protectorate of Lagos, and the
   right or western bank of the mouth of the Rio del Rey; and
   also the territories on both banks of the Niger, from its
   confluence with the River Benué at Lukoja to the sea, as well
   as the territories on both banks of the River Benué, from the
   confluence up to and including Ibi. On the 10th July, 1886, a
   Royal Charter was granted to the 'National African Company,
   Limited.' In July-August, 1886, a Supplementary Agreement was
   entered into between the British and German Governments
   defining their respective spheres of action in the Gulf of
   Guinea from the Rio del Rey to a point to the east and near to
   Yola. On the 18th October, 1887, another Notification was
   inserted in the 'London Gazette,' in which it was stated that
   the British Protectorate of the Niger Districts then comprised
   the following territories:—On the line of coast between the
   British Protectorate of Lagos and the right or western river
   bank of the mouth of the Rio del Rey, and all territories in
   the basin of the Niger and its affluents, which were or might
   be for the time being subject to the government of the
   'National African Company, Limited' (then called the 'Royal
   Niger Company'), in accordance with the provisions of the
   Charter of the said Company, dated 10th July, 1886.

   "On the 5th August, 1890, a Declaration was signed by the
   British and French Governments, which contained the following
   clause:—'The Government of Her Britannic Majesty recognises
   the sphere of influence of France to the south of her
   Mediterranean Possessions up to a line from Say on the Niger
   to Barrawa on Lake Tchad, drawn in such manner as to comprise
   in the sphere of action of the Niger Company all that fairly
   belongs to the kingdom of Sokoto; the line to be determined by
   Commissioners to be appointed.' On the 1st July, 1890, another
   Agreement was entered into between the British and German
   Governments defining their spheres of influence in the Gulf of
   Guinea and in other parts of Africa. On the 18th June, 1892,
   that portion of the Niger Protectorate which lies on, or to
   the north of, the 7 degree of north latitude was, by
   notification to the Signatory Powers of the Brussels Act,
   placed under the terms of Article 91 of that Act, within the
   zone of prohibition of alcoholic liquors. On the 14th April,
   1893, an agreement was signed between the British and German
   Governments, in which it was declared that the right bank of
   the Rio del Rey waterway should be the boundary between the
   Oil Rivers Protectorate and the Colony of the Cameroons.

   "On the 13th May, 1893, a Notification was inserted in the
   'London Gazette,' announcing that the portion of the British
   Protectorate of the Niger Districts which was under the
   administration of Her Majesty's Commissioner and Consul would,
   from the date of that Notification, be administered under the
   name of the 'Niger Coast Protectorate,' and would cease to be
   known as the 'Oil Rivers Protectorate.' And on the 15th
   November, 1893, a further Agreement was signed between the
   British and German Governments defining the boundary between
   their respective spheres of influence in the region extending
   from the Rio del Rey to 'a point to the east of, and close to
   Yola,' and on Lake Chad.

   "Between 1884 and 1893 numerous Treaties were concluded by the
   National Africa Company and by the Royal Niger Company with
   native Chiefs and others possessing territories in the basin
   of the Niger districts, by which they engaged to make no
   cession of territory or to enter into any Treaty negotiations
   with Foreign States without the previous consent of the
   British Government, and in return for which they were placed
   under British protection."

      _Great Britain,
      Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command, C.—9372)._

{334}

   In October, 1897, after a number of threatening collisions
   between English and French claims and undertakings had
   occurred in the Niger region, representatives of the two
   nations met in Paris to negotiate an agreement concerning
   boundaries. The result of their work was embodied in a
   convention signed June 14, 1898, but not ratified by both
   governments until June 13, 1899. By this agreement, the
   frontiers separating the British colony of the Gold Coast from
   the French colonies of the Ivory Coast and Sudan, and the British
   colony of Lagos from the French colony of Dahomey, were
   defined with precision, and the British and French possessions
   east of the Niger were then in the IVth article of the
   Convention, delimited as follows: Starting from a point on the
   left bank of the Niger which is fixed by the median line of
   the Dallul Mauri at its mouth, "the frontier shall follow this
   median line until it meets the circumference of a circle drawn
   from the centre of the town of Sokoto with a radius of 100
   miles (160,932 metres). From this point it shall follow the
   northern are of this circle as far as its second intersection
   with the 14th parallel of north latitude. From this second
   point of intersection it shall follow this parallel eastward
   for a distance of 70 miles (112,652 metres); then proceed due
   south until it reaches the parallel of 13° 20' north latitude,
   then eastward along this parallel for a distance of 250 miles
   (402,230 metres); then due north until it regains the 14th
   parallel of north latitude; then eastwards along this parallel
   as far as its intersection with the meridian passing 35° east
   of the centre of the town of Kuka, and thence this meridian
   southward until its intersection with the southern shore of
   Lake Chad. The Government of the French Republic recognizes,
   as falling within the British sphere, the territory to the
   east of the Niger, comprised within the above-mentioned line,
   the Anglo-German frontier, and the sea. The Government of Her
   Britannic Majesty recognizes, as falling within the French
   sphere, the northern, eastern, and southern shores of Lake
   Chad, which are comprised between the point of intersection of
   the 14th degree of north latitude, with the western shore of
   the lake and the point of incidence on the shore of the lake
   of the frontier determined by the Franco-German Convention of
   the 15th March, 1894."

   On the 21st of March, 1899, the following Declaration was
   added to the Convention, and ratified with it in the following
   June: "The IVth Article of the Convention of the 14th June,
   1898, shall be completed by the following provisions, which
   shall be considered as forming an integral part of it:

   "1. Her Britannic Majesty's Government engages not to acquire
   either territory or political influence to the west of the
   line of frontier defined in the following paragraph, and the
   Government of the French Republic engages not to acquire
   either territory or political influence to the east of the
   same line.

   "2. The line of frontier shall start from the point where the
   boundary between the Congo Free State and French territory
   meets the water-parting between the watershed of the Nile and
   that of the Congo and its affluents. It shall follow in
   principle that water-parting up to its intersection with the
   11th parallel of north latitude. From this point it shall be
   drawn as far as the 15th parallel in such manner as to
   separate, in principle, the Kingdom of Wadai from what
   constituted in 1882 the Province of Darfur; but it shall in no
   case be so drawn as to pass to the west beyond the 21st degree
   of longitude east of Greenwich (18° 40' east of Paris), or to
   the east beyond the 23rd degree of longitude east of Greenwich
   (20° 40' east of Paris).

   "3. It is understood, in principle, that to the north of the
   15th parallel the French zone shall be limited to the
   northeast and east by a line which shall start from the point
   of intersection of the Tropic of Cancer with the 16th degree
   of longitude east of Greenwich (13° 40' east of Paris), shall
   run thence to the southeast until it meets the 24th degree of
   longitude east of Greenwich (21° 40' east of Paris), and shall
   then follow the 24th degree until it meets, to the north of
   the 15th parallel of latitude, the frontier of Darfur as it
   shall eventually be fixed.

   "4. The two Governments engage to appoint Commissioners who
   shall be charged to delimit on the spot a frontier-line in
   accordance with the indications given in paragraph 2 of this
   Declaration. The result of their work shall be submitted for
   the approbation of their respective Governments.

   "It is agreed that the provisions of Article IX of the
   Convention of the 14th June, 1898, shall apply equally to the
   territories situated to the south of the 14° 20' parallel of
   north latitude, and to the north of the 5th parallel of north
   latitude, between the 14° 20' meridian of longitude east of
   Greenwich (12th degree east of Paris) and the course of the
   Upper Nile."

      _Great Britain,
      Papers by Command: Treaty Series, Number 15, 1899._

   Of the territorial partition in West Africa which this
   important treaty as first signed in 1898 determined, and of
   the magnitude of the empire which it conceded to France, a
   striking English view was given at the time in the following
   article:

   "Though we are perfectly satisfied with the agreement, and
   though we believe that the country as a whole will be
   perfectly satisfied, we do not disguise from ourselves the
   fact that under the Convention France receives the full
   title-deeds for the most magnificent piece of empire obtained
   this century by any European Power,—a dominion which, though
   'in partibus infidelium,' is yet within easy reach of both the
   western and the southern shores of France. We do not grudge
   France the great possession that was finally rounded off and
   consolidated on Tuesday; nay, rather we are glad to see it in
   her hands, for we want monopoly neither in trade nor in
   empire. We see, however, no good in pretending that she has
   not obtained the most magnificent opportunity for over-sea
   development which has fallen to any Power within recent times.
   The best way of understanding the Convention is to realise
   what it is that France now possesses in West Africa. Let our
   readers look at a map of Africa, and first fix their eyes on
   Algiers and Tunis, with their rich soil and splendid harbours
   and their remains of an ancient and splendid
   civilisation,—Phœnician, Greek, Roman, Christian, and Arab.
   Then let them allow their eyes to travel downwards to the
   right bank of the greatest river of Africa, the Congo. From
   Constantine, with its great memories and its scenery almost
   European in charm and splendour, to Brazzaville and Stanley
   Pool, with their tropical vegetation and savage life, there is
   a continuous and uninterrupted stretch of French territory. As
   they say in our country districts, the French President might now
   ride on his own land from Tunis to Loango. The French dominion
   of West Africa (as says an official 'communique' to the Paris
   Press with very natural exultation) now extends over a space
   as great as that from Paris to Moscow. From Algeria to the
   Congo, from Senegal to Lake Chad—i. e., almost to the centre
   of Africa—stretches this vast tract of French territory. 'At
   the present moment,' to quote the words of the 'communique,'
   'all our West African colonies—Algeria, Tunis, Senegal,
   Futa-Jallon, the Ivory Coast, the Soudan, and the Congo—are in
   communication by their respective Hinterlands.'

{335}

   "But probably this will not convey much to the ordinary
   English reader. Perhaps we can best make him realise the
   immensity of the French West African Empire by pointing out
   that, with the exception of certain great German and English
   and other 'enclaves' the whole of the huge piece of Africa
   which bulges out on the map towards the west now belongs to
   France. She has all the connecting links, all that does not
   specifically belong to some one else, and she cuts off short
   the Hinterlands of all the Powers with possessions on the West
   African coast. Let us begin at the most western point of the
   coast-line of Tripoli in the Mediterranean, and travel round
   the coast, marking off all that is not French.

   "First, we come to Tunis,—that is in the possession of France
   just as Egypt is in our possession. Algiers comes next,—that
   is French. Then Morocco. Morocco is at present independent,
   but at the back of Morocco all the land, be it desert or
   cultivable, is French. Next comes a strip of Spanish coast,
   but it goes only a very little way inland, and all the back
   country is French. Next come the great French colonies of
   Senegambia and Futa-Jallon, with two little colonies embedded
   in them, one belonging to us—the Gambia—and the other
   belonging to Portugal. Next come our Sierra Leone and
   independent Liberia, but here again the Hinterlands are all
   French. Next comes the French Ivory Coast colony, then the
   British Gold Coast, then German Togoland, and then French
   Dahomey. Here again all the Hinterlands beyond, say, four
   hundred miles inland, belong, since the signing of the
   Convention, to France. After that comes our Colony of Lagos,
   then the German Cameroons, and finally the French Congo—the
   last French possession in West Africa. Here, too, the
   Hinterlands have been cut off by the French, and our Colonies
   have been made into 'enclaves' in the mighty French dominion.
   It is true that the Niger or Lagos 'enclave' is a very vast
   one, and stretches now up to Lake Chad, which becomes
   henceforth as international a sheet of water as the Lake of
   Constance. Still, it is an 'enclave,' for, as we read the
   Convention, he who embarks upon Lake Chad from the British
   shore and steers eastward will land on French territory. In
   other words, Nigeria cannot now cross Lake Chad and expand
   beyond it. We should be glad to hear that this is not the true
   reading of the Convention, but we fear it is. We have
   travelled, then, round the map of Africa, from Tunis to the
   Congo, and found that France is everywhere the chief owner,
   —that hers is the great estate, and that the other Powers only
   have odd bits of land here and there. We do not say this in
   any grumbling spirit, for our odd bit—Nigeria—is very possibly
   worth as much as the great estate if Algiers and Tunis are not
   counted. We merely wish to make the public understand clearly
   that West Africa as a political and geographical expression
   has finally passed to France, though we no doubt have carved
   one very valuable piece out of it."

      _The Spectator (London)
      June 18, 1898._

   Nine months later, when the agreement embodied in the
   Declaration of March 21, 1899, had been added to the Original
   convention, the "Spectator" explained its effect as follows:

   "It will be remembered that last year we and the French agreed
   upon a delimitation of 'spheres' in West Africa which extended
   as far as Lake Chad. As to the country east of Lake Chad
   nothing was said. It was left as a kind of No-man's Land. What
   has now been done is to extend the area of the French 'sphere'
   eastward beyond Lake Chad till it reaches Darfur and the
   Bahr-el-Ghazel. Darfur and the region of the Bahr-el-Ghazel
   are declared to be in the English 'sphere.' All the rest of
   Northern Central Africa is to become French. France, that is,
   is to have the great Mahommedan State of Wadai as well as
   Baghirmi and Kanem. In the territory between Lake Chad and the
   Nile each Power, however, is to allow the other equality of
   treatment in matters of commerce. This will no doubt allow
   France to have commercial establishments on the Nile and its
   affluents, but it will also allow us to have similar
   privileges for trade on the eastern shore of Lake Chad. But as
   our system of giving equal trading rights to all foreigners
   would in any case have secured commercial rights to France, we
   are not in the least hampered by this provision, while the
   concession to us of equal rights on the eastern shore of Lake
   Chad will improve our position in the face of French Colonial
   Protection. …

   "The first thing that strikes one in considering the French
   possessions in Africa, after this latest addition, is their
   vastness. Practically, France will now have all North-Western,
   and all Northern, and all North Central Africa, except
   Morocco, our West African Colonies, Tripoli, Darfur, and the
   Valley of the Nile,—giving that phrase its widest
   interpretation, and regarding it as the whole of the country
   whence water flows into the Nile. … That, if she plays her
   cards properly, she ought to make a success of her African
   Empire we cannot doubt, for she starts with immense
   advantages. To begin with, she is nearer her African
   possessions than any other Power. You can go in a couple of
   days from Marseilles to Algiers and Tunis. Next, in Algiers
   and Tunis she has rich colonies with a temperate climate which
   may be made the basis for great developments in the way of
   railway extension. Lastly, her African possessions are
   conterminous, or, at any rate, connected with each other by
   land. She owns, that is, Northern Africa, and the rest of the
   Powers have only, as it were, enclaves—very large enclaves, no
   doubt, in many cases—in her territory. At present this
   advantage may not seem very great owing to the vast distances
   and the desert character of many of the French Hinterlands,
   but if and when France completes her Soudan railways, the
   strength of this continuity of territory will become apparent.
   But though France has many advantages, it would be foolish to
   deny that she has also many serious problems to solve. We
   shall perhaps be stating the most dangerous of them when we
   say that France now becomes the undisputed master of the great
   sect of El Senoussi. There are reported to be over twenty
   million followers of El Senoussi in North Africa, and, except
   in Tripoli, an these may now be said to be within the French
   'sphere of influence.' The Sultanate of Wadai—which, be it
   remembered, is a very formidable State, and one which has
   never yet come into contact with any European Power—is a
   Senoussi State. But the followers of the Senoussi, besides
   being numerous, are extremely fanatical. Though practising a
   much purer form of Mahommedanism than the Dervishes, they hate
   Europeans quite as ardently, and if once their religious zeal
   were to be thoroughly roused they would prove most formidable
   foes. We do not envy the French their task if they attempt to
   conquer Wadai."

      _The Spectator, March 25, 1899._

{336}

NIGERIA: A. D. 1897:
   Massacre of British officials near Benin.
   Capture of Benin.

   An unarmed expedition from the Niger Coast Protectorate,
   going, in January, on a peaceful mission to the King of Benin,
   led by Acting Consul-General Phillips, was attacked on the way
   and the whole party massacred excepting two, who were wounded,
   but who hid themselves in the bush and contrived to make their
   way back. The Consul-General had been warned that the king
   would not allow the mission to enter Benin, but persisted in
   going on. A "punitive expedition" was sent against Benin the
   following month, and the town was reached and taken on the
   18th, but the king had escaped.

   "The city presented the most appalling sight, particularly
   around the King's quarters, from which four large main roads
   lead to the compounds of the bigger Chiefs, the city being
   very scattered. Sacrificial trees in the open spaces still
   held the corpses of the latest victims[of 'Ju Ju'
   sacrifice]—seven in all were counted—and on every path a
   freshly-sacrificed corpse was found lying, apparently placed
   there to prevent pursuit. One large open space, 200 to 300
   yards in length, was strewn with human bones and bodies in all
   stages of decomposition. Within the walls, the sight was, if
   possible, more terrible. Seven large sacrifice compounds were
   found inclosed by walls 14 to 16 feet high, each 2 to 3 acres
   in extent; against the end wall in each, under a roof, was
   raised a daïs with an earthen (clay) sacrificial altar about
   50 feet long close against the wall on which were placed the
   gods to whom sacrifice is made—mostly being carved ivory
   tusks, standing upright, mounted at base, in hideously
   constructed brass heads. In front of each ivory god was a
   small earthen mound on which the victim's forehead would
   apparently be placed. The altars were covered with streams of
   dried human blood and the stench was too frightful. It would
   seem that the populace sat around in these huge compounds
   while the Ju Ju priests performed the sacrifices for their
   edification. In the various sacrifice compounds were found
   open pits filled with human bodies giving forth most trying
   odours. The first night several cases of fainting and sickness
   occurred owing to the stench, which was equally bad
   everywhere. In one of the pits, partially under other bodies,
   was found a victim, still living, who, being rescued, turned
   out to be a servant of Mr. Gordon's, one of the members of Mr.
   Phillips' ill-fated expedition. At the doors and gates of
   houses and compounds were stinking goats and fowls, sacrificed
   apparently to prevent the white man entering therein. The
   foregoing is but a feeble attempt to describe the horrors of
   this most terrible city, which after five days' continuous
   fatigue, working with about 1,000 natives, still presents most
   appalling and frightful sights. In the outlying parts of the
   city the same sights are met and the annual expenditure of
   human life in sacrifice must have been enormous. Most of the
   wells were also found filled with human bodies."

      _Great Britain,
      Papers by Command: Africa, Number 6, 1897, page 28. _

NIGERIA: A. D. 1897:
   Subjugation of Fulah slave-raiders.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (NIGERIA).

NIGERIA: A. D. 1899:
   Transfer to the British Crown.

   The Royal Niger Company transferred its territories to the
   crown in July, 1899, receiving the sum of £865,000. It was
   announced to Parliament that three governments would be
   formed, named North Nigeria, South Nigeria, and Lagos.

NILE, Barrage and reservoir works on the.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1901.

NILE VALLEY: The question of possession.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

NINETEEN HUNDRED, The Universal Jubilee of.

      See (in this volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1900.

   ----------THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: Start--------

NINETEENTH CENTURY:
   The date of the ending of the Century.

   Controversy as to whether the Nineteenth Century came to its
   end at the ending of the year 1899 or the year 1900 seems
   nearly incomprehensible to one who takes the trouble to begin
   a counting of years from the beginning of the Christian Era,
   and so reaches in his reckoning the fact that the first
   century did not end until the 100th year was ended. That seems
   to clear all confusion from the question, since the 200th,
   300th, 400th, and so on up to the 1900th, must be the closing
   years of the successive centuries, just as certainly as the
   100th is the last year of the first century. Arithmetically,
   there is no question left; but some minds refuse to recognize
   the century as a merely arithmetical fact. They see in it an
   entity of time with which the counting of years has little to
   do. Their somewhat mystical view is set forth in the
   following, which we quote from a communication that appeared
   in the "New York Times":

   "The centurial figures are the symbol, and the only symbol, of
   the centuries. Once every hundred years there is a change in
   the symbol, and this great secular event is of startling
   prominence. What more natural than to bring the century into
   harmony with its only visible mark? What more consonant with
   order than to make each group of a hundred years correspond
   with a single centennial emblem? Be it noticed that, apart
   from the centennial emblems, there is absolutely nothing to
   give the centuries any form. The initial figures 18 are time's
   standard which the earth carries while it makes 100 trips around
   the sun. Then a new standard, 19, is put up. Shall we wait now
   a whole year for 1901, at the behest of the abacists? No, we
   will not pass over the significant year 1900, which is stamped
   with the great secular change, but with cheers we will welcome
   it and the new century. The 1900 men, who compose the vast
   majority of the people, say to their opponents: 'We freely
   admit that the century you have in your mind, the artificial
   century, begins in 1901, but the natural century (which we
   prefer) begins in 1900.'"

{337}

   A consistent application of this view to the defining and
   naming of the centuries would seem to require that the years
   which carry the initial figures 18 should make up the
   Eighteenth, not the Nineteenth Century, and that we should
   turn back our centurial nomenclature a whole round.

NINETEENTH CENTURY:
   The epoch of a transformation of the world.

   In the last years of the Eighteenth Century a new epoch in
   history was entered,—an epoch marked by many distinctions, but
   most strikingly by what may be called the transformation of
   the world. The earlier great ages had been ages of simple
   expansion,—of a widening theatre for the leading races,—of a
   widening knowledge of the earth and the heavens,—of a widening
   range for human thought; but those expansive movements in
   civilization led up, at last, to more wonderful processes of
   transformation, which were just in their beginning when the
   Nineteenth Century dawned. For all the generations of mankind
   that had lived before this century, the earth, as a dwelling
   place, remained nearly unchanged. They had cleared some
   forests from its face, and smoothed some paths; but, in every
   substantial feature, the France, for example, of Napoleon was
   the unaltered Gaul that Julius Cæsar knew. Everywhere the
   material conditions of life were essentially the same for the
   man of the Eighteenth Century that they had been for the man
   of the First. Then began the amazing work of the brain and
   hand of man, by which he has been refashioning and refitting
   the planet he inhabits, and making a new world for his
   dwelling. As a habitable earth, to-day, it bears no likeness
   to the earth on which the first day of this century dawned.
   Its distances mean nothing that they formerly did; its
   dividing seas and mountains have nothing of their old effect;
   its pestilences have lost half their terror; its very storms
   are sentinelled and rarely surprise us in our travels or our
   work. Netted with steam and electric railways, seamed with
   canals, wire-strung with telegraphic and telephonic lines, its
   ocean-voyages made holiday excursions, its every-day labors,
   of the forge, the plough, the sickle, the spindle, the loom,
   the needle, and even of the pen, done with magical deftness by
   machines, which its coal mines and its waterfalls lend forces
   to move, it is nothing less than a new world that men are
   making for themselves, out of that in which they lived at the
   beginning of the era of mechanism and electricity and steam.

   "Yet these are but outward features of the transformation that
   is being wrought in the world. Socially, politically, and
   morally, it has been undergoing a deeper change. A growth of
   fellow-feeling which began in the last century has been an
   increasing growth. It has not ended war, nor the passions that
   cause war, but it is rousing an opposition which gathers
   strength every year. It has made democratic institutions of
   government so common that the few arbitrary governments now
   remaining in civilized countries seem disgraceful to the
   people who endure them so long. It has broken old yokes of
   conquest, and revived the independence of long subjugated
   states. It has swept away unnatural boundary lines, which
   separated peoples of kindred language and race. It is pressing
   long-neglected questions of right and justice on the attention
   of an classes of men, everywhere, and requiring that answers
   shall be found.

   "And, still, even these are but minor effects of the
   prodigious change which the Nineteenth Century has brought
   into the experience of mankind." Beyond them all in importance
   are the new conceptions of the universe, and of the method of
   God's working in it, which can, with no exaggeration, be said
   to have imparted a wholly new spirit and quality to the human
   mind. By what it learned from Copernicus, it was given a new
   standpoint in thinking. By what it learned from Newton, it was
   given a new and larger grasp. By what it has learned from
   Darwin and Spencer it has been equipped with a new insight,
   and looks at even the mystery of life as a problem to be
   solved. "If we live in a world that is different from that
   which our ancestors knew, it is still more the fact that we
   think of a different universe, and feel differently in all our
   relations to it."

      _J. N. Larned,
      History of England for the Use of Schools,
      page 561._

NINETEENTH CENTURY:
   Comparison of the Century with all preceding ages,
   as regards man's power over Nature.

   "No one, so far as I am aware, has yet pointed out the
   altogether exceptional character of our advance in science and
   the arts, during the century which is now so near its close.
   In order to estimate its full importance and grandeur—more
   especially as regards man's increased power over nature, and
   the application of that power to the needs of his life to-day,
   with unlimited possibilities in the future—we must compare it,
   not with any preceding century, or even with the last
   millennium, but with the whole historical period,—perhaps even
   with the whole period that has elapsed since the stone age."

   Such a comparison is made in the following lists of "the great
   inventions and discoveries of the two eras":

   "Of the Nineteenth Century."
      1. Rail ways.
      2. Steam-ships.
      3. Electric Telegraphs.
      4. The Telephone.
      5. Lucifer Matches.
      6. Gas illumination.
      7. Electric lighting.
      8. Photography.
      9. The Phonograph.
      10. Röntgen Rays.
      11. Spectrum-analysis.
      12. Anæsthetics.
      13. Antiseptic Surgery.
      14. Conservation of energy.
      15. Molecular theory of Gases.
      16. Velocity of Light directly measured
          and Earth's Rotation experimentally shown.
      17. The uses of Dust.
      18. Chemistry, definite proportions.
      19. Meteors and the Meteoritic Theory.
      20. The Glacial Epoch.
      21. The Antiquity of Man.
      22. Organic Evolution established.
      23. Cell theory and Embryology.
      24. Germ theory of disease and
          the function of the Leucocytes.

   "Of all Preceding Ages."
      1. The Mariner's Compass.
      2. The Steam Engine.
      3. The Telescope.
      4. The Barometer and Thermometer.
      5. Printing.
      6. Arabic numerals.
      7. Alphabetical writing.
      8. Modern Chemistry founded.
      9. Electric science founded.
      10. Gravitation established.
      11. Kepler's Laws.
      12. The Differential Calculus.
      13. The circulation of the blood.
      14. Light proved to have finite velocity.
      15. The development of Geometry.

{338}

   "Of course these numbers are not absolute. Either series may
   be increased or diminished by taking account of other
   discoveries as of equal importance, or by striking out some
   which may be considered as below the grade of an important or
   epoch-making step in science or civilization. But the
   difference between the two lists is so large, that probably no
   competent judge would bring them to an equality. Again, it is
   noteworthy that nothing like a regular gradation is
   perceptible during the last three or four centuries. The
   eighteenth century, instead of showing some approximation to
   the wealth of discovery in our own age, is less remarkable
   than the seventeenth, having only about half the number of
   really great advances."

      _A. R. Wallace,
      The Wonderful Century,
      chapter 15
      (copyright, Dodd, Mead & Company, New York,
      quoted with permission)._

NINETEENTH CENTURY:
   Difference of the Century from preceding ages.

   "In the last 100 years the world has seen great wars, great
   national and social upheavals, great religious movements,
   great economic changes. Literature and art have had their
   triumphs and have permanently enriched the intellectual
   inheritance of our race. Yet, large as is the space which
   subjects like these legitimately fill in our thoughts, much as
   they will occupy the future historian, it is not among these
   that I seek for the most important and the most fundamental
   differences which separate the present from preceding ages.
   Rather is this to be found in the cumulative products of
   scientific research, to which no other period offers a
   precedent or a parallel. No single discovery, it may be, can
   be compared in its results to that of Copernicus; no single
   discoverer can be compared in genius to Newton; but, in their
   total effects, the advances made by the 19th century are not
   to be matched. Not only is the surprising increase of
   knowledge new, but the use to which it has been put is new
   also. The growth of industrial invention is not a fact we are
   permitted to forget. We do, however, sometimes forget how much
   of it is due to a close connection between theoretic knowledge
   and its utilitarian application which, in its degree, is
   altogether unexampled in the history of mankind. I suppose
   that, at this moment, if we were allowed a vision of the
   embryonic forces which are predestined most potently to affect
   the future of mankind, we should have to look for them not in
   the Legislature, nor in the Press, nor on the platform, nor in
   the schemes of practical statesmen, nor the dreams of
   political theorists, but in the laboratories of scientific
   students whose names are but little in the mouths of men, who
   cannot themselves forecast the results of their own labors,
   and whose theories could scarcely be understood by those whom
   they will chiefly benefit. …

   "Marvellous as is the variety and ingenuity of modern
   industrial methods, they almost all depend in the last resort
   upon our supply of useful power; and our supply of useful
   power is principally provided for us by methods which, so far
   as I can see, have altered not at all in principle, and
   strangely little in detail, since the days of Watt. Coal, as
   we all know, is the chief reservoir of energy from which the
   world at present draws, and from which we in this country must
   always draw; but our main contrivance for utilizing it is the
   steam engine, and, by its essential nature, the steam engine
   is extravagantly wasteful. So that, when we are told, as if it
   was something to be proud of, that this is the age of steam,
   we may admit the fact, but can hardly share the satisfaction.
   … We have, in truth, been little better than brilliant
   spendthrifts. Every new invention seems to throw a new strain
   upon the vast but not illimitable, resources of nature. Lord
   Kelvin is disquieted about our supply of oxygen; Sir William
   Crookes about our supply of nitrates. The problem of our coal
   supply is always with us. Sooner or later the stored-up
   resources of the world will be exhausted. Humanity, having
   used or squandered its capital, will thenceforth have to
   depend upon such current income as can be derived from that
   diurnal heat of the sun and the rotation of the earth till, in
   the sequence of the ages, these also begin to fail. …

   "After all, however, it is not necessarily the material and
   obvious results of scientific discoveries which are of the
   deepest interest. They have affected changes more subtle and
   perhaps less obvious which are at least as worthy of our
   consideration and are at least as unique in the history of the
   civilized world. No century has seen so great a change in our
   intellectual apprehension of the world in which we live. Our
   whole point of view has changed. The mental framework in which
   we arrange the separate facts in the world of men and things
   is quite a new framework. The spectacle of the universe
   presents itself now in a wholly changed perspective. We not
   only see more, but we see differently. The discoveries in
   physics and in chemistry, which have borne their share in thus
   re-creating for us the evolution of the past, are in process of
   giving us quite new ideas as to the inner nature of that
   material whole of which the world's traversing space is but an
   insignificant part. Differences of quality once thought ultimate
   are constantly being resolved into differences of motion or
   configuration. What were once regarded as things are now known
   to be movement. … Plausible attempts have been made to reduce
   the physical universe, with its infinite variety, its glory of
   color and of form, its significance and its sublimity, to one
   homogeneous medium in which there are no distinctions to be
   discovered but distinction of movement or of stress. And
   although no such hypothesis can, I suppose, be yet accepted,
   the gropings of physicists after this, or some other not less
   audacious unification, must finally, I think, be crowned with
   success. The change of view which I have endeavored to
   indicate is purely scientific, but its consequences cannot be
   confined to science. How will they manifest themselves in
   other regions of human activity, in literature, in art, in
   religion?"

      _A. J. Balfour,
      The Nineteenth Century
      (Address before the University Extension Students
      at Cambridge, August 2, 1900)._

NINETEENTH CENTURY:
   The intellectual and social trend of the Century.

   "The two influences which have made the nineteenth century
   what it is seem to me to be the scientific spirit and the
   democratic spirit. Thus, the nineteenth century, singularly
   enough, is the great interpretative century both of nature and
   of the past, and at the same time the century of incessant and
   uprooting change in all that relates to the current life of
   men. It is also the century of national systems of popular
   education, and at the same time of nation-great armies; the
   century that has done more than any other to scatter men over
   the face of the earth, and to concentrate them in cities; the
   century of a universal suffrage that is based upon a belief in
   the inherent value of the individual; and the century of the
   corporation and the labor union, which in the domain of
   capital and of labor threaten to obliterate the individual. …

{339}

   "The mind has been active in all fields during this fruitful
   century; but, outside of politics, it is to science that we
   must look for the thoughts that have shaped all other
   thinking. When von Helmholtz was in this country, a few years
   ago, he said that modern science was born when men ceased to
   summon nature to the support of theories already formed, and
   instead began to question nature for her facts, in order that
   they might thus discover the laws which these facts reveal. I
   do not know that it would be easy to sum up the scientific
   method, as the phrase runs, in simpler words. It would not be
   correct to say that this process was unknown before the
   present century; for there have been individual observers and
   students of nature in all ages. … But it is true that only in
   this century has this attitude toward nature become the
   uniform attitude of men of science. …

   "One of the chief results of the scientific method as applied
   to nature and the study of the past is the change that it has
   wrought in the philosophic conception of nature and of human
   society. By the middle of the century, Darwin had given what
   has been held to be substantial proof of the theory of the
   development of higher forms out of lower in all living things;
   and since then, the doctrine of evolution, not as a body of
   exact teaching, but as a working theory, has obtained a
   mastery over the minds of men which has dominated all their
   studies and all their thinking. …

   "Every public educational system of our day, broadly speaking,
   is the child of the nineteenth century. The educational system
   of Germany, which in its results has been of hardly less value
   to mankind than to Germany itself, dates from the reconstitution
   of the German universities after the battle of Jena. Whatever
   system France may have had before the Revolution went down in
   the cataclysm that destroyed the ancient regime, so that the
   educational system of France also dates from the Napoleonic
   period. In the United States, while the seeds of the public
   school system may have been planted in the eighteenth, or
   perhaps even in the seventeenth century, it has only been in
   the nineteenth century, with the development of the country,
   that our public school system has grown into what we now see;
   while in England, the system of national education, in a
   democratic sense, must be dated from 1870. … Out of the growth
   of the democratic principle has come the belief that it is
   worth while to educate all the children of the state: and out
   of the scientific method, which has led to the general
   acceptance of the evolutionary theory, has been developed the
   advance in educational method which is so marked a feature of
   the last decades of the century. …

   "Not only has the scientific method furnished a philosophy of
   nature and of human life, but, by the great increase in man's
   knowledge of natural law to which it has led, it has resulted
   in endless inventions, and these, in turn, have changed the
   face of the world. … The rapid progress of invention during
   the century has been coincident with one far-reaching change
   in the habits of society, the importance of which is seldom
   recognized. I refer to deposit banking. Of all the agencies
   that have effected the world in the nineteenth century, I am
   sometimes inclined to think that this is one of the most
   influential. If deposit banking may not be said to be the
   result of democracy, it certainly may be said that it is in
   those countries in which democracy is most dominant that
   deposit banking thrives best. … Some one has said that it
   would have been of no use to invent the railroad, the
   submarine cable, or the telephone at an earlier period of the
   world's history, for there would have been no money at command
   to make anyone of them available before this modern banking
   system had made its appearance. If this be so, then indeed the
   part that has been played by deposit banking in the
   developments of the century cannot be overestimated.

   "During the century the conditions of the world's commerce
   have been radically altered. It is not simply that the
   steamboat and the locomotive have taken the place of the
   sailing-ship and the horse; that the submarine cable has
   supplanted the mails; nor even that these agencies have led to
   such improvements in banking facilities that foreign commerce
   is done, for the most part, for hardly more than a brokerage
   upon the transaction. These are merely accidents of the
   situation. The fundamental factors have been the opening up of
   virgin soil in vast areas to the cultivation of man, and the
   discovery of how to create artificial cold, which makes it
   possible to transport for long distances produce that only a
   few years ago was distinctly classed as perishable. The net
   result of these influences has been to produce a world
   competition at every point of the globe. …

   "Democracy, as a political theory, emphasizes the equality of
   men and the equal rights and privileges of all men before the
   law. The tendency of it has been, in this country, to develop
   in multitudes of men great individuality and self-reliance.
   Side by side with this tendency, however, we see the
   corporation supplanting the individual capitalist, and the
   trade union obliterating the individual laborer, as direct
   agents in the work of the world. Strange as this contrast is,
   both tendencies must be consistent with democracy, for the
   corporation and the trade union flourish most where democracy
   is most developed. Indeed, they seem to be successful and
   powerful just because democracy pours into them both its vital
   strength. …

   "The tendency to democracy in politics is unquestionably the
   dominant political fact of the century. … Outside of Russia,
   and possibly even there, monarchical government in Europe is
   obliged to depend for its support upon the great body of the
   nation, instead of upon the power of the great and the noble.
   … In the United States, the century, though it began with a
   limited suffrage, ends with universal manhood suffrage, and
   even with woman suffrage in some of the Western States. …
   Undoubtedly, universal suffrage and the large immigration of
   people without any experience in self-government have given
   form to many of our problems; but I often think there is far
   too great a disposition among us to magnify the difficulties
   which these conditions present. …
{340}
   The fact is, in my judgment, that our problems arise not so
   much from universal suffrage as from the effect of the
   multiplication table applied to all the problems of life. …
   Anyone building a house in the country, when he has dug a well
   has solved the problem of his water supply; but to supply
   water for a great city calls for the outlay of millions of
   dollars, and for the employment of the best engineering talent
   in the land. Yet nothing has happened except that the problem
   has been magnified. Thus the difficulties created by the
   multiplication table are real; so that the very enlargement of
   opportunity that democracy has brought with it has faced
   democracy with problems far harder than were formerly
   presented to any government. …

   "To sum up, therefore, I should say that the trend of the
   century has been to a great increase in knowledge, which has
   been found to be, as of old, the knowledge of good and evil;
   that this knowledge has become more and more the property of
   all men rather than of a few; that, as a result, the very
   increase of opportunity has led to the magnifying of the
   problems with which humanity is obliged to deal; and that we
   find ourselves, at the end of the century, face to face with
   problems of world-wide importance and utmost difficulty, and
   with no new means of coping with them other than the patient
   education of the masses of men."

      _Seth Low,
      The Trend of the Century
      (Atlantic Monthly, August, 1898)._

NINETEENTH CENTURY:
   Dominant lines in the intellectual development of the Century.

   "The future historian of thought will no doubt regard the
   promulgation and the rapid triumph of evolutionist doctrines
   as the most remarkable phenomenon in the intellectual
   development of the nineteenth century."

      _Leslie Stephen,
      Evolution and Religious Conceptions
      (Review of the Nineteenth Century,
      in New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901)._

   "In the briefest sketch of what the nineteenth century has
   done in literature, it is absolutely imperative to mention the
   publication of 'The Origin of Species' [Darwin, 1859] and
   'Principles of Psychology' [Spencer, 1855], because, although
   neither work is written with an attractive elegance, each is
   the starting point of an intellectual and moral revolution so
   vast that every branch of life is affected by it, and
   literature itself—in its lightest forms—can no longer ignore
   the germinal forces with which evolution has quickened all our
   emotions."

      _Edmund Gosse,
      A Century of English Literature
      (Review of the Nineteenth Century,
      in New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901)._

   "To an earlier age knowledge was power, merely that and
   nothing more; to us it is life and the 'summum bonum.'
   Emancipation from the bonds of self, of one's own
   prepossessions, importunately sought at the hands of that
   rational power before which all must ultimately bow—this is
   the characteristic that distinguishes all the great figures of
   nineteenth century science from those of former periods."

      _Professor Charles S. Peirce,
      The Century's Great Men in Science
      (Review of the Nineteenth Century,
      in New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901)._

   "The mark of the century has been a continuous attempt at a
   comprehensive understanding of nature, after the manner of
   Newton, but not limited or governed solely by his dynamical
   ideas. … The Newtonian laws of dynamics as applied to matter
   still hold, and will always hold, but they may no longer be
   fundamental or ultimate, they may be derivatives from a still
   deeper scheme; and it is towards this deeper scheme that
   physicists at present are groping. The realization of a need
   for some such scheme constitutes the chief philosophic feature
   of the latter part of the century."

      _Oliver J. Lodge.
      The Scope and Tendencies of Physics
      (Review of the Nineteenth Century,
      in New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901)._

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:
   The failures of the Century.
   Its sinful mismanagement of the powers which Science has
   given it.

   "The Nineteenth Century … has been characterised by a
   marvellous and altogether unprecedented progress in knowledge
   of the universe and of its complex forces; and also in the
   application of that knowledge to an infinite variety of
   purposes, calculated, if properly utilized, to supply all the
   wants of every human being, and to add greatly to the
   comforts, the enjoyments, and the refinements of life. The
   bounds of human knowledge have been so far extended that new
   vistas have opened to us in directions where it had been
   thought that we could never penetrate, and the more we learn
   the more we seem capable of learning in the ever-widening
   expanse of the universe. …

   "But the more we realize the vast possibilities of human
   welfare which science has given us, the more we must recognise
   our total failure to make any adequate rational use of them.
   With ample power to supply to the fullest extent necessaries,
   comforts, and even luxuries for all, and at the same time
   allow ample leisure for intellectual pleasures and æsthetic
   enjoyments, we have yet so sinfully mismanaged our social
   economy as to give unprecedented and injurious luxury to the
   few, while millions are compelled to suffer a lifelong
   deficiency of the barest necessaries for a healthy existence.
   Instead of devoting the highest powers of our greatest men to
   remedy these evils, we see the governments of the most
   advanced nations arming their people to the teeth, and
   expending much of their wealth and all the resources of their
   science, in preparation for the destruction of life, of
   property, and of happiness.

   "With ample knowledge of the sources of health, we allow, and
   even compel, the bulk of our population to live and work under
   conditions which greatly shorten life; while every year we see
   from 50,000 to 100,000 infants done to death by our criminal
   neglect. In our mad race for wealth, we have made gold more
   sacred than human life; we have made life so hard for the
   many, that suicide and insanity and crime are alike
   increasing. With all our labour-saving machinery and all our
   command over the forces of nature, the struggle for existence
   has become more fierce than ever before; and year by year an
   ever-increasing proportion of our people sink into paupers'
   graves.

   "Even more degrading, and more terrible in its consequences,
   is the unblushing selfishness of the greatest civilized
   nations. While boasting of their military power, and loudly
   proclaiming their Christianity, not one of them has raised a
   finger to save a Christian people, the remnant of an ancient
   civilization, from the most barbarous persecution, torture,
   and wholesale massacre. A hundred thousand Armenians murdered
   or starved to death while the representatives of the great
   powers coldly looked on—and prided themselves on their
   unanimity in all making the same useless protests—will surely
   be referred to by the historian of the future, as the most
   detestable combination of hypocrisy and inhumanity that the
   world has yet produced, and as the crowning proof of the utter
   rottenness of the boasted civilization of the Nineteenth
   Century.
{341}
   When the brightness of future ages shall have dimmed the
   glamour of our material progress, the judgment of history will
   surely be, that the ethical standard of our rulers was a
   deplorably low one, and that we were unworthy to possess the
   great and beneficent powers that science had placed in our
   hands.

   "But although this century has given us so many examples of
   failure, it has also given us hope for the future. True
   humanity, the determination that the crying social evils of
   our time shall not continue; the certainty that they can be
   abolished; an unwavering faith in human nature, have never
   been so strong, so vigorous, so rapidly growing as they are
   to-day."

      _A. R. Wallace,
      The Wonderful Century,
      chapter 21
      (copyright, Dodd, Mead &; Company, New York,
      quoted with permission)._

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:
   Expansion of the European races during the Century.
   Changes in the distribution of political power.
   Dominance of the Anglo-American peoples.
   Rise of the United States of America to the highest rank.

   At a dinner given by the Manchester Statistical Society,
   October 17, 1900, Sir Robert Giffen, the eminent statistician,
   made a notable speech on the political ideas which the
   statistics of the Nineteenth Century suggest. "The first of
   these was the prodigious rate at which the civilized world—
   the community of European nations and nations of European
   origin—was growing. The population of Europe and of nations of
   European origin like the United States might now be put at
   something over 500,000,000. The United States themselves might
   be put at nearly 80 millions; Russia in its recent census
   showed a population which must already have grown to about 135
   millions; Germany about 55 millions; the United Kingdom, with the
   self-governing colonies of Canada and Australasia and the
   white population of South Africa, 55 millions;
   Austria-Hungary, 45 millions; France, 40 millions; Italy, 32
   millions; Spain and Portugal, 25 millions; Scandinavian
   countries, ten millions; Holland and Belgium, ten millions;
   and other European countries, 20 millions. A century ago the
   corresponding figure to this 500,000,000 would not have been
   more than about 170,000,000. The economic development of the
   people had been even more marvellous. The wealth of the people
   all told, which would probably not have been reckoned at more
   than £5,000,000,000 at the beginning of the century, must be
   reckoned now by tens of thousands of millions.

   "Again the development was for the most part not uniform among
   the European populations. It was most marked in the
   Anglo-American section. The increase here was from a
   population of not more than about 20 millions, which was the
   population of the United States and the United Kingdom
   together 100 years ago, to a population of not less than 130
   millions at the present time. Russia and Germany also showed
   remarkable increases, but nothing like this. This astonishing
   growth of population meant a great change in the relative
   position of the European nations in the world—their relative
   weight in international politics. Practically the non-European
   races of the world had all the time been stationary, except in
   India, where the 'pax Britannica' had permitted the native
   population to expand. The result was that the forces of
   civilization, as against those of the black and yellow races,
   had become practically irresistible. The numbers were
   relatively far greater than ever they were before, and the
   economic force was indefinitely greater. A great change in the
   distribution of political power among European nations
   themselves was also indicated. The existence alone of the
   United States implied an immense change. If we considered that
   an empire like that of Britain had its strength rather
   diminished than increased by the possession of territories
   like India, then the United States having a larger European
   population than that of the British Empire might be considered
   the most powerful State in the world as far as population and
   resources were concerned. No doubt Russia had a much larger
   population, but the inferiority of the units was so great that
   the preeminence of the United States was not in question.
   Germany, Russia, and the United Kingdom had all grown, while
   France and Austria had by comparison remained stationary, so
   that now the great world Powers were four only—the United
   States, Britain, Russia, and Germany, with France a doubtful
   fifth. The extent of the revolution that had taken place in a
   century was evident, and obviously accounted for much that was
   going on in international politics.

   "If the forces now in existence continue to operate as they
   had done in the past century for only a few more generations,
   the close of the coming century must witness a further
   transformation, whose beginnings would be apparent in the
   lifetime of some amongst us. It was a reasonable probability
   that unless some great internal change should take place in
   the ideas and conduct of the European races themselves, the
   population of 500 millions would in another century become one
   of 1,500 to 2,000 millions. The black and yellow races still
   remaining, as far as one could see, comparatively stationary,
   this would make a greatly changed world. The yellow peril, for
   instance, of which we heard so much, would have vanished,
   because the yellow races themselves would be so much
   outnumbered. What would be the 400 millions of China compared
   with 1,500 to 2,000 millions of European race? Further
   progress must also be made in the redistribution of power
   among European nations. International politics would be more
   and more limited to the affairs of what were already the four
   great Powers—the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany,
   and Russia. The most serious problem would of course be
   whether the dilemma stated by Malthus and hitherto put aside
   by the occupation of new lands, would at length become an
   urgently practical question. It was impossible not to wonder
   which of the two forces—the growth of population and the
   increase of the needs of the growing population on the one
   side, and the growth of invention and mechanical power in
   supplying human wants on the other side—would gain as time
   went on. Referring to the desire to secure new markets abroad,
   Sir Robert Giffen said that the figures with which he had been
   dealing pointed to quite another source of new markets. Surely
   there could be no lack of new customers if the 500 millions of
   the advanced races themselves were to be doubled in from 30 to
   50 years and trebled or quadrupled in a century."

      _London Times, October 18, 1900._

{342}

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:
   The lengthened average of human life.

   "What has been the chief characteristic of the nineteenth
   century? No two critics agree, nor can they, because each
   prefers a different quality. One singles out science, another,
   invention, as the dominant trait. A third, who looks mainly at
   the political aspect of life, says democracy. Others, again,
   say pessimism, philanthropy, doubt, or toleration. So many
   features, so much diversity, argue at least for
   many-sidedness.

   "There is one characteristic, however, which distinguishes the
   nineteenth century from all previous centuries—a
   characteristic which has become too common to attract the
   attention it deserves, although it really measures all the
   rest: this is longevity. During the past one hundred years the
   length of life of the average man in the United States and in
   the more civilized parts of Europe has increased from a little
   over 30 to about 40 years. A multitude of causes, mostly
   physical, have contributed to this result. Foremost among
   these should be placed
   (1) whatever may be included under the general term sanitation;
   (2) improved methods in medicine; and
   (3) the more regular habits of living which are the direct
   outcome of industrial life on a large scale.

   "These are some of the evident means by which life has been
   lengthened. Inventions, which have made production cheap and
   the transportation of all products both cheap and easy, have
   had an influence too great to be computed. And no doubt much
   has been due to a general improvement in methods of
   government; although, in the main, there has been much less
   progress in practical government than is commonly supposed. No
   great railroad company or banking house or manufacturing
   corporation could prosper if its officers and employees were
   chosen and kept in office according to the system by which
   political offices, almost everywhere, are filled. 'None hut
   experts wanted,' is the sign written over the entrance to
   every profession, trade, and occupation—except government.

   "But, whatever governments have done or left undone, the fact
   to be insisted on here is, that the average man to-day lives
   almost ten years longer than his grandfather lived."

      _W. R. Thayer,
      Longevity and Degeneration
      (Forum, February, 1900)._

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:
   The Musical Century.

   "Music is the only one of the fine arts of which it can be
   said that it reached its highest development in the nineteenth
   century. It is the modern art par excellence; and while
   everybody has been told that it is the youngest of the arts,
   few realize how much is implied in that assertion."

      _Henry T. Finck,
      The Musical Century
      (New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901)._

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:
   The Woman's Century.

   "Victor Hugo predicted that the nineteenth century would be
   known as Woman's Century. The comparison of the woman of 1800
   and the woman of 1900 offers abundant proof of the correctness
   of the prophecy."

      _Mrs. Carrie C. Catt,
      Women in the Industries and Professions
      (New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901)._

   "In 1900 a third of all the college students in the United
   States are women. Sixty per cent. of the pupils in the
   secondary schools, both public and private, are girls—i. e.,
   more girls are preparing for college than boys. Women having
   in general more leisure than men, there is reason to expect
   that there will soon be more women than men in our colleges
   and graduate schools. The time, too, has passed when girls
   went to college to prepare themselves solely for teaching or
   for other bread-winning occupations. In considerable numbers
   they now seek intellectual resources and the enrichment of
   their private lives. Thus far between 50 and 60 per cent. of
   women college graduates have at some time taught. In the
   country at large more than 70 per cent. of the teaching is
   done by women, in the North Atlantic portion over 80 per cent.
   Even in the secondary schools, public and private, more women
   than men are teaching, though in all other countries the
   advanced instruction of boys is exclusively in the hands of
   men. Never before has a nation intrusted all the school
   training of the vast majority of its future population, men as
   well as women, to women alone."

      _Mrs. Alice F. Palmer,
      The Higher Education of Women
      (New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901)._

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:
   The Age of Steel succeeding the Age of Iron.

   "The age of iron, which passed away during the last century,
   was succeeded by the age of Bessemer steel, which enjoyed a
   reign of only thirty-six years, beginning, as it did, in 1864,
   and is in turn now passing away to be succeeded by the age of
   Siemens open-hearth steel. Already the product of open-hearth
   is far beyond that of Bessemer in Britain, and such the writer
   ventures to predict will soon be the case in the United
   States."

      _Andrew Carnegie,
      The Development of Steel Manufacture
      (New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901)._

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:
   As the "Age of Steam."

      See (in volume 4)
      STEAM ENGINE, STEAM LOCOMOTION, etc.; and
      (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: MECHANICAL.

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:
   As the "Electric Age."

      See (in volume 2)
      ELECTRICAL, DISCOVERY; and
      (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

   ----------THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: End--------

NIPPUR, Explorations of the ruins of.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

NIUCHWANG:
   "Niuchwang, while a comparatively small city of but 60,000
   population, is of especial importance to the United States as
   a treaty port. It is located at the extreme north of the Gulf
   of Pechili, considerably farther north than Tientsin, and is
   of especial importance to the United States because of the
   demand for goods from this country in that section. … The
   proposed Russian railway line, which is projected through
   Manchuria and the province of Shingking to the port of Port
   Arthur, passes near Niuchwang and is to be connected by a
   short line. Another line, to be built by British capital, will
   connect Niuchwang with Shanhaikwan, which is already in railway
   connection with Peking, the capital of the Empire."

      _United States, Bureau of Statistics, Monthly Summary,
      March, 1899, page 2196._

NIUCHWANG:
   Russian occupation.

      See (in this volume)
      MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900.

NORFOLK ISLAND:
   Change of government.

      (in this volume)
      AUSTRALIA (NEW SOUTH WALES): A. D. 1896.

{343}

NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1897-1899.
   Local Dispensary Laws.

   An Act applying the South Carolina "dispensary" system of
   regulation for the liquor traffic (see, in this volume, SOUTH
   CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899) to Fayetteville was passed by the
   Legislature in 1897, and several smaller towns secured local
   legislation to the same effect in 1899; but attempts to carry
   a general dispensary law for the State were defeated.

NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1898.
   Race war in Wilmington.

   Wilmington, North Carolina, was the scene, in November, of
   what can only be called a fierce revolution, whereby the city
   government, dominated by the colored population, which
   outnumbered the white, was violently overturned by the latter.
   The race conflict was precipitated by an article in a Republican
   newspaper, edited by a negro, which reflected on the honor of
   some of the white women, and caused wild excitement among the
   white men. The offending newspaper office was destroyed and
   its editor fled. Resistance being offered, furious fighting
   occurred, in which a considerable number of negroes was
   killed, many were wounded, and hundreds were driven by terror
   from the town. White Republican officials were also expelled
   or took to flight, and their opponents secured control of city
   affairs.

NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1900.
   Constitutional amendment for the qualification of the suffrage.

   By a constitutional amendment, adopted in August, 1900, the
   following qualification of the suffrage was established:

   "SECTION 4.
   Every person presenting himself for registration shall be able
   to read and write any section of the constitution in the
   English language: and, before he shall be entitled to vote, he
   shall have paid, on or before the 1st day of May of the year
   in which he proposes to vote, his poll tax for the previous
   year as prescribed by Article V, section 1, of the
   constitution. But no male person who was, on January 1, 1867,
   or at any time prior thereto, entitled to vote under the laws
   of any State in the United States wherein he then resided, and
   no lineal descendant of any such person, shall be denied the
   right to register and vote at any election in this State by
   reason of his failure to possess the educational qualification
   herein prescribed, provided he shall have registered in
   accordance with the terms of this section prior to December,
   1908. The general assembly shall provide for the registration
   of all persons entitled to vote without the educational
   qualifications herein prescribed, and shall, on or before
   November 1, 1908, provide for the making of a permanent record
   of such registration, and all persons so registered shall
   forever thereafter have the right to vote in all elections by
   the people in this State, unless disqualified under section 2
   of this article: Provided, Such person shall have paid his
   poll tax as above required."

NORTHWEST TERRITORIES, Canadian:
   Self-government granted.

      See (in this volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER).

NORWAY.

      See (in this volume)
      SWEDEN AND NORWAY.

NOVA SCOTIA.

      See (in this volume)
      CANADA.

NOVA ZEMBLA, Recent exploration of.

      See (in this volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION, 1895, 1896, 1897, 1900.

NUFFAR,
NIFFER, Explorations at.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

NUPÉ, British subjugation of.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (NIGERIA).

NUREMBERG: A. D. 1900.
   Remarkable growth in five years.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

NYASSALAND.

      See (in this volume)
      BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE.

O.

OIL RIVERS PROTECTORATE, The.

      See (in this volume)
      NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

OLD-AGE INSURANCE: In Germany.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.

OLD-AGE PENSIONS:
   In New South Wales.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRALIA (NEW SOUTH WALES): A. D. 1900.

OLD-AGE PENSIONS:
   In New Zealand.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1899;
      and AUSTRALIA: RECENT EXTENSIONS OF DEMOCRACY.

OLD-AGE PENSIONS:
   The question in England.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1896; and 1899-1900.

OLNEY, Richard:
   Correspondence with Lord Salisbury on the Venezuela boundary
   question.

      See (in this volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (JULY), and (NOVEMBER).

OLYMPIC GAMES, Revival of.

      See (in this volume)
      ATHENS: A. D. 1896.

OMAHA: A. D. 1898.
   The Trans-Mississippi Exposition.

   A highly successful Trans-Mississippi Exposition was opened on
   the 1st of June and closed on the last day of October, having
   been attended by 2,600,000 people. Buildings and grounds were
   prepared with beautiful effect, at a cost of $2,500,000.

OMDURMAN:
   Capital of the Khalifa.
   Capture by the Anglo-Egyptian Army.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896; and 1897-1898.

ONTARIO.

      See (in this volume)
      CANADA.

"OPEN DOOR,"
   The commercial policy of the.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

OPIUM COMMISSION, Report of the.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1895 (APRIL).

ORANGE FREE STATE: A. D. 1895.
   Proposed federal union with the Transvaal.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (ORANGE FREE STATE).

ORANGE FREE STATE: A. D. 1897.
   Treaty with the South African Republic.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE AND TRANSVAAL):
      A. D. 1897 (APRIL).

ORANGE FREE STATE: A. D. 1899-1900.
   Making common cause with the South African Republic.
   War with Great Britain.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE):
      A. D. 1899 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER), and after.

ORANGE FREE STATE: A. D. 1900 (May.)
   Proclamation of annexation to the British dominions.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE): A. D. 1900 (MAY).

{344}

OSMAN DIGNA.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896; 1897-1898; and 1899-1900.

OTIS, General:
   Reports as Military Governor of the Philippines.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

OTTAWA: A. D. 1900.
   Great fire.

   The city of Ottawa, capital of the Dominion of Canada, and the
   lumber manufacturing town of Hull, on the opposite side of the
   Ottawa River, were both devastated, on the 26th of April, by
   one of the most destructive fires of the century. It
   originated in the upsetting of a lamp in a dwelling in Hull.
   This was at half-past ten o'clock in the morning. A big gale
   blowing from the northeast made quick work of the inflammable
   houses in Hull, and by twelve o'clock the flames had
   reached the river-bank and leaped across to the Ottawa side.
   The fire then retraced its steps in Hull, and destroyed a
   group of factories. It "blazed a crescent-shaped path five
   miles long and a mile wide, destroying in its journey the
   public buildings and the residential part of Hull, the
   industrial area of the Chaudiere, and the suburbs of the
   Ottawa laboring classes at Mechanicsburg, Rochesterville, and
   Hintonburg. Fully 15,000 people were rendered homeless, and
   $15,000,000 worth of property was annihilated."

      _Canadian Magazine, July, 1900._

OTTOMAN BANK:
   Attack of Armenian revolutionists at Constantinople.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1896 (AUGUST).

P.

PAARDEBERG, Battle of.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

PACT OF HALEPA, The.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1896.

PAGO PAGO: Acquisition by the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      SAMOAN ISLANDS.

PALESTINE: A. D. 1897-1901.
   The Zionist movement for Jewish colonization.

      See (in this volume)
      JEWS: A. D. 1897-1901.

PALESTINE: A. D. 1898.
   Visit of the German Emperor.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

PALESTINE: A. D. 1901.
   Turkish restriction on Jewish visits.

         See (in this volume)
         JEWS: A. D. 1901.

PALMER, General John M.:
   Candidacy for the American Presidency in 1896.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

PAMIR REGION, The:
   Anglo-Russian agreement concerning.

      See (in this volume)
      AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1895.

PAMPANGAS, The.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

PANA, Riotous coal-mining strike at.

      See (in this volume)
      INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1898.

PANAMA CANAL, The: A. D. 1900.

      See (in this volume)
      PANAMA CANAL;
      and (in this volume)
      CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER).

PAN-AMERICAN EXPOSITION, The.

      See (in this volume)
      BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.

PANGASINANS, The.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

PAN-GERMANIC UNION.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1901.

   ----------PAPACY: Start--------

PAPACY: A. D. 1894.
   Conference with Eastern Patriarchs.

   A conference of Eastern Patriarchs to consider the reunion of
   the Eastern Churches (Armenian, Maronite, Melchite, etc.) with
   the Church of Rome was opened at the Vatican, in October,
   under the presidency of the Pope. The meeting had no result.

PAPACY: A. D. 1894-1895.
   The Hungarian Ecclesiastical Laws.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1894-1895.

PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (March).
   Resumption of authority over the Coptic Church.

   The authority of the Pope over the Coptic Church was resumed
   on the 30th of March, 1896, after a suspension of four
   centuries, by the re-establishment of the Catholic
   Patriarchate of Alexandria. Bishop Macarius was appointed
   Patriarch and two bishops were appointed for Upper and Lower
   Egypt.

PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (September).
   Decision on the invalidity of Anglican orders.

   In September, 1896, the final decision of the Vatican, on a
   reopened question as to the validity of ordinations under the
   ritual of the Church of England, was announced by Pope Leo
   XIII. in a bull which declares: "After long study, I must
   confirm the decree of my predecessors, that all ordinations
   made under the Anglican rite are absolutely invalid." Soon
   after the decision was announced, a writer in the
   "Contemporary Review" gave the following account of
   circumstances connected with it:

   "The question of Anglican Orders was taken up in connection
   with the appeal for union made by Leo XIII. in the Encyclical'
   Præclara' of 1894, and more particularly in his letter to the
   English people. The group of Anglicans of whom Lord Halifax is
   the spokesman took this appeal seriously, and ever since that
   time negotiations have been going on more or less continuously
   between them and the Vatican. … The idea of an incorporate
   union, so dear to Lord Halifax, and so much favoured in the
   first instance by the Pope, could only be carried out on the
   basis of a prior admission that the Anglican Church had an
   existence as a Church, and was therefore in a position to
   discuss a union with the Roman Church.
{345}
   Once recognise the validity of her Orders, and it would be
   possible to go into conference as to the points of difference
   between the two Churches, and the means of coming to an
   agreement. It is quite certain that the Pope entered heartily
   into these views. The Abbé Duchesne was accordingly deputed to
   inquire into the validity of the Anglican Orders, and was well
   aware that a favourable conclusion would be very well
   received. This was before the Abbé was put at the head of the
   French College at Rome. He made his investigation, arrived at
   the conclusion that the Orders were valid, sent his report to
   the Vatican, and received from Cardinal Rampolla a letter of
   thanks and congratulations, together with a grand silver
   medal, which the Holy Father sent him as a sign of his
   satisfaction and particular goodwill. All this happened in the
   winter of 1894-95.

   "In the autumn of 1895 the idea of union was in higher favour
   at the Vatican than ever. Cardinal Rampolla encouraged the
   foundation of the 'Revue Anglo-Romaine,' a journal devoted to
   the treatment of problems concerning the union of Churches,
   and particularly the re-union of the Anglican Church, and
   edited by the Abbé Portal, a French priest, and a personal
   friend of Lord Halifax. This movement in favour of union was,
   however, regarded by the Catholics in England with no little
   apprehension and mistrust, and their opposition alone would
   have been sufficient to wreck it for the time being. Cardinal
   Vaughan viewed the idea of incorporate union as a chimera, but
   treated the efforts to realise it as a real danger. … Leo, who
   would fain have maintained an attitude of judicial
   impartiality, soon found out that he must take a side: he must
   either definitely encourage the hopes of the Anglicans, or he
   must do something to calm the excited fears of the Catholics.
   Even at Rome, if we except the Pope and Cardinal Rampolla, who
   for a long time fondly hoped that they could make this policy
   of union a means of accomplishing very large results,
   theological opinion was adverse to the validity. Were there
   not, indeed, decisions of the Sacred Congregations which
   settled the dispute? There were, but in spite of them all the
   Pope was not disabused of his fancy. Compelled at last to take
   some action, he named a Commission of theologians, which sat
   at Rome in the spring of the present year [1896], under the
   presidency of Cardinal Mazzella. … The theologians set forth
   the arguments which favoured their respective views; papers
   were written, and, after a series of deliberations, a report
   was placed in the hands of the Pope. No conclusion was arrived
   at: none could be come to in this preliminary assembly. Only the
   materials for a judgment were worked out, in case his Holiness
   should think fit to pronounce a decision. … The Pope himself
   tells us, in the Bull Apostolicæ Curæ, that he left the final
   examination of the question to the congregation of cardinals
   called ' Suprema.' … The 'Suprema' met on July 16, under the
   presidency of the Pope. All the cardinals were of opinion that
   the matter had been long since decided, and that the debates
   in the preliminary commission had served to show how wise the
   decision had been. … The Bull declaring Anglican Orders null
   and void was published about the middle of September."

      _Catholicus,
      The Pope and the Anglicans: The Policy of the Bull
      (Contemporary Review, December, 1896)._

PAPACY: A. D. 1897.
   Influence in Austria.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PAPACY: A. D. 1898 (January).
   Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIII. on the
   Manitoba School Question.

      See (in this volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1898 (JANUARY).

PAPACY: A. D. 1899.
   Secession of German Catholics in Austria from the Church.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1000.

PAPACY: A. D. 1899 (January).
   Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIII. condemning certain
   opinions "called by some 'Americanism.'"

   The following passages are from the translation of an
   encyclical letter addressed, on the 22d of January, 1899, by
   Pope Leo XIII. to Cardinal Gibbons, for communication to the
   bishops and clergy of the Catholic Church in America:

   "To Our Beloved Son, James, Cardinal Gibbons, Cardinal Priest
   of the Title Sancta Maria, Beyond the Tiber, Archbishop of
   Baltimore: … We have often considered and admired the noble
   gifts of your nation which enable the American people to be
   alive to every good work which promotes the good of humanity
   and the splendor of civilization. Although this letter is not
   intended, as preceding ones, to repeat the words of praise so
   often spoken, but rather to call attention to some things to
   be avoided and corrected; still because it is conceived in
   that same spirit of apostolic charity which has inspired all
   our letters, we shall expect that you will take it as another
   proof of our love; the more so because it is intended to
   suppress certain contentions which have arisen lately among
   you to the detriment of the peace of many souls.

   "It is known to you, beloved son, that the biography of Isaac
   Thomas Hecker, especially through the action of those who
   undertook to translate or interpret it in a foreign language,
   has excited not a little controversy, on account of certain
   opinions brought forward concerning the way of leading
   Christian life. We, therefore, on account of our apostolic
   office, having to guard the integrity of the faith and the
   security of the faithful, are desirous of writing to you more
   at length concerning this whole matter.

   "The underlying principle of these new opinions is that, in
   order to more easily attract those who differ from her, the
   Church should shape her teachings more in accord with the
   spirit of the age and relax some of her ancient severity and
   make some concessions to new opinions. Many think that these
   concessions should be made not only in regard to ways of
   living, but even in regard to doctrines which belong to the
   deposit of the faith. They contend that it would be opportune,
   in order to gain those who differ from us, to omit certain
   points of her teaching which are of lesser importance, and to
   tone down the meaning which the Church has always attached to
   them. It does not need many words, beloved son, to prove the
   falsity of these ideas if the nature and origin of the
   doctrine which the Church proposes are recalled to mind. The
   Vatican Council says concerning this point: 'For the doctrine
   of faith which God has revealed has not been proposed, like a
   philosophical invention to be perfected by human ingenuity,
   but has been delivered as a divine deposit to the Spouse of
   Christ to be faithfully kept and infallibly declared. Hence
   that meaning of the sacred dogmas is perpetually to be
   retained which our Holy Mother, the Church, has once declared,
   nor is that meaning ever to be departed from under the pretense
   or pretext of a deeper comprehension of them.'

      _Constitutis de Fide Catholica, Chapter iv._ …

{346}

   "Let it be far from anyone's mind to suppress for any reason
   any doctrine that has been handed down. Such a policy would
   tend rather to separate Catholics from the Church than to
   bring in those who differ. There is nothing closer to our
   heart than to have those who are separated from the fold of
   Christ return to it, but in no other way than the way pointed
   out by Christ.

   "The rule of life laid down for Catholics is not of such a
   nature that it cannot accommodate itself to the exigencies of
   various times and places. The Church has, guided by her Divine
   Master, a kind and merciful spirit, for which reason from the
   very beginning she has been what St. Paul said of himself: 'I
   became all things to all men that I might save all.'

   "History proves clearly that the Apostolic See, to which has
   been intrusted the mission not only of teaching but of
   governing the whole Church, has continued 'in one and the same
   doctrine, one and the same sense, and one and the same
   judgment.'

      _Constitutis de fide, Chapter iv._

   "But in regard to ways of living she has been accustomed to so
   yield that, the divine principle of morals being kept intact,
   she has never neglected to accommodate herself to the
   character and genius of the nations which she embraces. Who
   can doubt that she will act in this same spirit again if the
   salvation of souls requires it? In this matter the Church must
   be the judge, not private men who are often deceived by the
   appearance of right. In this, all who wish to escape the blame
   of our predecessor, Pius the Sixth, must concur. He condemned
   as injurious to the Church and the spirit of God who guides
   her the doctrine contained in proposition lxxviii of the Synod
   of Pistoia, 'that the discipline made and approved by the
   Church should be submitted to examination, as if the Church
   could frame a code of laws useless or heavier than human
   liberty can bear.'

   "But, beloved son, in this present matter of which we are
   speaking, there is even a greater danger and a more manifest
   opposition to Catholic doctrine and discipline in that opinion
   of the lovers of novelty, according to which they hold such
   liberty should be allowed in the Church, that her supervision
   and watchfulness being in some sense lessened, allowance be
   granted the faithful, each one to follow out more freely the
   leading of his own mind and the trend of his own proper
   activity. They are of opinion that such liberty has its
   counterpart in the newly given civil freedom which is now the
   right and the foundation of almost every secular state.

   "In the apostolic letters concerning the constitution of
   states, addressed by us to the bishops of the whole Church, we
   discussed this point at length; and there set forth the
   difference existing between the Church, which is a divine
   society, and all other social human organizations which depend
   simply on free will and choice of men. It is well, then, to
   particularly direct attention to the opinion which serves as
   the argument in behalf of this greater liberty sought for and
   recommended to Catholics.

   "It is alleged that now the Vatican decree concerning the
   infallible teaching authority of the Roman Pontiff having been
   proclaimed that nothing further on that score can give any
   solicitude, and accordingly, since that has been safe-guarded
   and put beyond question a wider and freer field both for
   thought and action lies open to each one. But such reasoning
   is evidently faulty, since, if we are to come to any
   conclusion from the infallible teaching authority of the
   Church, it should rather be that no one should wish to depart
   from it and moreover that the minds of all being leavened and
   directed thereby, greater security from private error would be
   enjoyed by all. And further, those who avail themselves of
   such a way of reasoning seem to depart seriously from the
   over-ruling wisdom of the Most High—which wisdom, since it was
   pleased to set forth by most solemn decision the authority and
   supreme teaching rights of this Apostolic See—willed that
   decision precisely in order to safeguard the minds of the
   Church's children from the dangers of these present times.

   "These dangers, viz., the confounding of license with liberty,
   the passion for discussing and pouring contempt upon any
   possible subject, the assumed right to hold whatever opinions
   one pleases upon any subject and to set them forth in print to
   the world, have so wrapped minds in darkness that there is now
   a greater need of the Church's teaching office than ever
   before, lest people become unmindful both of conscience and of
   duty.

   "We, indeed, have no thought of rejecting everything that
   modern industry and study has produced; so far from it that we
   welcome to the patrimony of truth and to an ever-widening
   scope of public well-being whatsoever helps toward the
   progress of learning and virtue. Yet all this, to be of any
   solid benefit, nay, to have a real existence and growth, can
   only be on the condition of recognizing the wisdom and
   authority of the Church. …

   "From the foregoing it is manifest, beloved son, that we are
   not able to give approval to those views which, in their
   collective sense, are called by some 'Americanism.' But if by
   this name are to be understood certain endowments of mind
   which belong to the American people, just as other
   characteristics belong to various other nations, and if,
   moreover, by it is designated your political condition and the
   laws and customs by which you are governed, there is no reason
   to take exception to the name. But if this is to be so
   understood that the doctrines which have been adverted to
   above are not only indicated, but exalted, there can be no
   manner of doubt that our venerable brethren, the bishops of
   America, would be the first to repudiate and condemn it as
   being most injurious to themselves and to their country. For
   it would give rise to the suspicion that there are among you
   some who conceive and would have the Church in America to be
   different from what it is in the rest of the world.

   "But the true church is one, as by unity of doctrine, so by
   unity of government, and she is catholic also. Since God has
   placed the centre and foundation of unity in the chair of
   Blessed Peter, she is rightly called the Roman Church, for
   'where Peter is, there is the church.' Wherefore, if anybody
   wishes to be considered a real Catholic, he ought to be able
   to say from his heart the self-same words which Jerome
   addressed to Pope Damasus; 'I, acknowledging no other leader
   than Christ, am bound in fellowship with Your Holiness: that
   is, with the chair of Peter. I know that the church was built
   upon him as its rock, and that whosoever gathereth not with
   you, scattereth.' …"

      _American Catholic Quarterly Review,
      April, 1899._

{347}

PAPACY: A. D. 1900 (September-October).
   Church and State in Austria.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER).

PAPACY: A. D. 1900 (December).
   Pope Leo XIII. on the French Associations Bill.

      See (in this volume))
      FRANCE; A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

PAPACY: A. D. 1900-1901.
   Proclamation of the Universal Jubilee of the
   Holy Year Nineteen Hundred.
   Its extension for six months.

   The following is the text of the Papal proclamation of the
   Universal Jubilee, in its English translation, as published in
   the "American Catholic Quarterly Review":

   "To all the Faithful of Christ who shall read these Letters,
   Health and Apostolic Benediction. The century, which, by the
   grace of God, we have ourselves seen almost from its
   commencement, draws rapidly to its close. Willingly have we
   followed the institutions of our predecessors in so ordering
   things that they may redound in the good of all Christian
   peoples, and which may be perhaps for them the last proof of
   our care to the government of the Sovereign Pontificate. We
   speak of the Great Jubilee introduced in ancient times among
   Christian customs and observed by our predecessors, who
   bestowed upon the years of general jubilee the title of the
   Holy Year, because it was usual for such a year to be blessed
   by a greater number of holy ceremonies, as these furnish the
   most copious means of help for the correction of morals and
   the leading of souls to sanctity.

   "We have ourselves seen with our own eyes the fruitful result
   of the last solemn celebration of the Holy Year. It was in the
   Pontificate of Leo XII, and we were as yet in the years of our
   youth. It was truly a grand sight to see then the manifestations
   of religious fervor in Rome. We can remember as if the scene
   were still before our eyes, the immense concourse of pilgrims,
   the multitudes which flocked processionally to one or other of
   the great basilicas, the sacred orators who preached in the
   public streets, and the most frequented quarters of the city
   resounding with the Divine praises. The Sovereign Pontiff
   himself, with a numerous suite of Cardinals and in the sight
   of all the people, gave a noble example of piety and charity.

   "From such thoughts as these we turn with renewed sorrow to
   the times in which we now live; for such practices of piety,
   when without hindrance they were fulfilled under the eyes of
   all the citizens, augmented admirably the fervor and piety of
   the whole people; but now, on account of the changed condition
   of Rome, it is impossible to renew them, for in order to do so
   in any measure we must depend upon the arbitration of others.
   But however that may be, God, who ever blesses salutary
   counsels, will concede—such is our hope—success to this our
   design, undertaken solely for Him and for His glory. At what
   do we aim or what do we wish? Nothing else truly than to
   render more easy the way of eternal salvation to the souls
   confided to us, and for this end to administer to the infirm
   of spirit those remedies which it has pleased our Lord Jesus
   Christ to place in our hands. This administration seems to us
   not alone a duty of our apostolic office, but a duty which is
   peculiarly necessary to our times. The present age, however,
   cannot be said to be sterile, either in regard to good works
   or to Christian virtues. Thanks be to God, we have examples of
   both in abundance, nor is there any virtue, however lofty and
   arduous its attainment and practice, in which many are not
   found to signalize themselves, because it is a power proper to
   the Christian religion, Divinely founded, inexhaustible and
   perpetual, to generate and nourish virtue. Yet, casting our
   eyes around, we see, on the other hand, with what blindness,
   with what persistent error, whole peoples are hurrying to
   eternal ruin. And this thought strikes bitterly to our
   heart—how many Christians, led away by the license of hearing
   and of thought, absorbing with avidity the intoxicating errors
   of false doctrine, go on day by day dissipating and destroying
   the grand gift of the faith. Hence arise repugnance to
   Christian living, that insatiable appetite for the things of
   this world, and hence cares and thoughts alienated from God
   and rooted in the world. It is almost impossible to express in
   words the damage which has already accrued from this
   iniquitous source to the very foundations of society. The
   minds of men ordinarily rebellious, the blind tendency of
   popular cupidity, hidden perils, tragical crimes, are nothing
   more to those who seek their source and cause than the
   unrestrained strife to possess and enjoy the goods of this
   world.

   "It is of supreme importance, therefore, to public no less
   than private life, to admonish men as to the duties of their
   state, to arouse souls steeped in forgetfulness of duty, to
   recall to the thought of their own salvation those who run
   imminent risk of perishing and of losing through their
   negligence and pride those celestial and unchangeable rewards
   for the possession of which we are born. This is the aim of
   the Holy Year. The Church, mindful only of her intrinsic
   benignity and mercy as a most tender Mother, studies at this
   time, with love and by every means within her ample power, to
   re-conduct souls to better counsels and to promote in each
   works of expiation by means of penance and emendation of life.
   To this end, multiplying prayers and augmenting the fervor of
   the faithful, she seeks to appease the outraged majesty of God
   and to draw down His copious and celestial gifts. She opens
   wide the rich treasury of indulgences, of which she is the
   appointed dispenser, and exhorts the whole of Christianity to
   the firm hope of pardon. She is purely intent upon vanquishing
   with unconquerable love and sweetness the most rebellious
   wills. How, then, may we not hope to obtain, with God's help,
   rich fruits and profuse, and such as are most adapted to the
   present needs?

   "Several extraordinary solemnities, the notices of which we
   believe to be already sufficiently diffused, and which will
   serve in some manner to consecrate the end of the nineteenth
   century and the beginning of the twentieth, greatly increase
   the advantage of the opportunity now given. We speak of the
   honors to be rendered at this time in every part of the world
   to Jesus Christ as our Redeemer. On this account we were
   profuse in our approbation and praise of a project which had
   its source in the piety of private individuals, and, in fact,
   what could be more holy and salutary? All that which man
   should hope for and desire is contained in the only-begotten
   Son of God, our Salvation, Life, and Resurrection.
{348}
   To desire to abandon Him is to desire eternal perdition. We
   could never silence adoration, praise, thanksgiving due to our
   Lord Jesus Christ, and without intermission they should be
   repeated everywhere, for in every place no thanksgiving, no
   honor, can be so great but that it may be increased. Our age
   produces perhaps many men who are forgetful and ungrateful,
   who ordinarily respond to the mercy of their Divine Saviour
   with disdain and to His gifts with offenses and injuries.
   Certainly the lives of many are so far removed from His laws
   and His precepts as to argue in themselves ungrateful and
   malicious souls. And what shall we say to see renewed again in
   these times and not once alone, the blasphemy of the Arian
   heresy regarding the Divinity of Jesus Christ. Courage, then,
   and to work, all you who with this new and most beautiful
   proposition seek to excite the piety of the people to new
   fervor. Do what you can in such manner that you impede not the
   course of the Jubilee and the appointed solemnities. Let it be
   added that in the forthcoming manifestations of faith and
   religion this special intention shall be kept in view—hatred
   of all that which within our memory has been impiously said or
   done, especially against the Divine Majesty of our Lord Jesus
   Christ, and to satisfy publicly for the injuries publicly
   inflicted upon Him. Now if we are really in earnest, we must
   know that to repent of evil done, and, having implored peace
   and pardon of God, to exercise ourselves with great diligence,
   in the duties necessary to virtue, and to assume those we have
   cast aside, is the means of satisfaction most desirable and
   assured, and which bears upon it the impress of truth. Since
   the Holy Year offers to all the opportunities which we have
   touched on in the beginning, it is a necessary provision that
   the Christian people enter upon it full of courage and of
   hope.

   "For which reason, raising our eyes to heaven and praying from
   our heart that God, so rich in mercy, would vouchsafe to
   concede benignly His blessing and favor to our desires and
   works, and would illuminate with His Divine light the minds of
   all men, and move their souls to conform with His holy will
   and inestimable goodness, We, following in this the example of
   the Roman Pontiffs, our predecessors, with the assent of the
   Cardinals of the Holy Roman College, our Venerable Brethren,
   in virtue of these letters, with the authority of Christ, of
   the blessed Peter and Paul, and with our own authority, order
   and promulgate from this hour the great and universal jubilee,
   which will commence in this holy city of Rome at the first
   Vespers of the Nativity of our Lord Jesus Christ of the year
   1899, and which will close at first Vespers of the Nativity of
   our Lord of the year 1900. May all redound to the glory of
   God, the salvation of souls, and the good of the Church.
   During this year of jubilee we concede and impart mercifully
   in our Lord full indulgence, remission and pardon of sin to
   all faithful Christians of either sex, who, being truly
   penitent shall confess and communicate, visiting devoutly the
   Roman basilicas of SS. Peter and Paul, St. John Lateran, and
   St. Mary Major, at least once a day for twenty days
   continuously or at intervals; that is, the obligation is to be
   fulfilled between the first Vespers of each day and the last
   Vespers of the day following, whether the Faithful be citizens
   of Rome or not, if they are residing permanently in Rome. If
   they come to Rome as pilgrims, then they must visit the said
   basilicas in the same manner for ten days, praying devoutly to
   God for the exaltation of Holy Church, for the extirpation of
   heresies, for peace and concord amongst Christian princes, and
   for the salvation of the whole Christian people.

   "And since it may happen to many that with all their good-will
   they cannot or can only in part carry out the above, being
   either, while in Rome or on their journey, impeded by illness
   or other legitimate causes, we, taking into account their
   good-will, can, when they are truly repentant and have duly
   confessed and communicated, concede to them the participation
   in the same indulgences and remission of sins as if they had
   actually visited the basilicas on the days appointed. Rome,
   therefore, invites you lovingly to her bosom, beloved
   children, from all parts of the world, who have means of
   visiting her. Know also that to a good Catholic in this sacred
   time it is fitting that he come to Rome guided purely by
   Christian faith, and that he should renounce especially the
   satisfaction of sight-seeing merely idle or profane, turning
   his soul rather to those things which predispose him to
   religion and piety. And that which tends greatly so to
   predispose him, if he look within, is the natural character of
   the city, a certain character divinely impressed upon her, and
   not to be changed by human means, nor by any act of violence.
   For Jesus Christ, the Saviour of the world, chose only,
   amongst all its cities, that of Rome to be the centre of an
   action more than earthly, consecrating it to Himself. Here He
   placed, and not without long and careful preparation, the
   throne of His own empire; here He commanded that the see of
   His Vicar should be raised to the perpetuity of time; here He
   willed that the light of revealed truth should be jealously
   and inviolably guarded, and that from here light should be
   diffused throughout the whole earth in such a manner that
   those who are alienated from the faith of Rome are alienated
   from Christ. The religious monuments raised by our fathers,
   the singular majesty of her temples, the tomb of the Apostles,
   the Catacombs of the martyrs, all serve to increase the aspect of
   holiness and to impress those who visit her in the spirit of
   faith. Whosoever knows the voice of such monuments feels that
   he is no pilgrim in a foreign city, but a citizen in his own,
   and by God's grace he will realize this fact at his going,
   more forcibly than at his coming.

   "We wish, in order that these present letters may be brought
   more easily under the notice of all, that printed copies,
   signed by a public notary and furnished with the seal of some
   ecclesiastical dignitary, shall be received with the same
   faith as would be given to the original by those who have
   heard or read it.

   "To no one will it be lawful to alter any word of this our
   disposition, promulgation, concession, and will, or to rashly
   oppose it. If any should presume to make any such attempt, let
   them know that they incur thereby the indignation of God
   Almighty and of His Apostles Peter and Paul.

   "Given at St. Peter's, Rome, on the 11th of May, in the year
   of the Incarnation of our Lord 1899, and the 22d of our
   Pontificate. C. Card. ALOISI-MASELLA, Pro-Datory. L. Card.
   MACCHI.

{349}

   "Witnessed on behalf of the Curia: G. DELL' AQUILA VISCONTI.
   Registered in the Secretariate of Briefs, J. CUGNONI. In the
   year of the Nativity of our Lord 1899, on the 11th day of May,
   feast of the Ascension of our Lord Jesus Christ, in the 22d year
   of the Pontificate of our Holy Father and Lord in Christ, Leo
   XIII, by Divine Providence Pope, I have read and solemnly
   promulgated the present apostolical letters in the presence
   of the people, in the porch of the Holy Patriarchal Vatican
   Basilica. GIUSEPPE DELL' AQUILA VISCONTI, Official of the
   Curia."

   On the termination of the "holy year," by a letter "given at
   Rome in the year of Our Lord 1901," the Pope announced: "We
   do, therefore, by the authority of Almighty God, of the
   Blessed Apostles Peter and Paul, and by our own, extend and
   prorogue, for a period of six months, the Great Jubilee which
   has just been celebrated in the Holy City. Wherefore, to all
   the faithful of both sexes, in all parts of the earth,
   including even those that have come to Rome during the past
   year and there or elsewhere gained the Jubilee under any
   conditions, we grant and accord mercifully in the Lord, for
   once, the fullest indulgence, remission and pardon of their
   sins, the annual Paschal confession and communion being,
   however, not valid as conditions for gaining the Jubilee,
   provided that within six months from the date of the
   publication in each diocese of this letter they visit the
   cathedral in the episcopal city or the principal church in
   other parts of the different dioceses, together with three
   other churches in the same place, as appointed by the Ordinary
   either directly or through his officials, the parish priests
   or Vicar Foran, at least once a day for fifteen continuous or
   uninterrupted days, natural or ecclesiastical (the
   ecclesiastical day being that which commences with the first
   vespers of one day and ends with the dusk of the day
   following), and pray devoutly to God for the exaltation of the
   Church, the extirpation of heresy, the concord of Catholic
   princes and the salvation of the Christian people. In places
   where there are not four churches, power is granted in the
   same way to the Ordinaries to fix a smaller number or
   churches, or even one church where there is only one, in which
   the faithful may make the full number of visits, separate and
   distinct, on the same natural or ecclesiastical day, in such a
   way that the sixty visits be distributed through fifteen
   continuous or interrupted days."

   Provisions relating to the circumstances of persons at sea or
   traveling, or in religious community, or in prison, are
   prescribed in the papal letter, and special privileges and
   powers are granted to "Jubilee confessors,"

PAPACY: A. D. 1901.
   Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIII. concerning Social and
   Christian Democracy.

   In a letter dated January 18, 1901, addressed "to the
   Patriarchs, Primates, Archbishops, Bishops, and other Local
   Ordinaries in communion with the Apostolic See," the Pope has
   discussed the subjects of Democracy and Socialism, with
   reference to controverted views and opinions "defining what
   Catholics ought to think," and giving them "some injunctions
   so as to make their own action larger in scope and more
   beneficial to the commonwealth." The letter opens with these
   words: "Venerable Brethren—Grave economical disputes in more
   than one country have long been raging; peace and concord are
   affected; the violence of the disputants grows every day,
   insomuch that the thoughts of the wiser part are laden with
   doubt, and apprehension. These disputes arise in the first
   instance from widespread philosophical and moral error. The
   scientific resources belonging to the age, increased
   facilities of communication and appliances of all kinds for
   economizing labor and making it more productive have resulted
   in a keener struggle for existence. Through the malefic
   influence of agitators the gulf between rich and poor has been
   widened, so that frequent disturbances arise and even great
   calamities seem impending such as would bring ruin on a
   country."

   The Pope then refers to his early encyclicals ("Quod
   Apostolici Muneris," issued in 1878, on the error in
   socialistic opinions, and "Rerum Novarum," issued in 1891, on
   "the rights and duties binding together the two classes of
   capitalists and laborers"), and to the good influence which he
   finds reason to believe they have had, and says further:
   "Thus, therefore, under the guidance of the Church, some sort
   of concerted action and institutional provision has been set
   up among Catholics for the protection of the lower classes,
   who are very often as much the victims of dangerous
   machinations and snares as they are suffering from hardship
   and poverty. The creed of the benefactor of the people had
   originally no name of its own; that of Christian Socialism and
   its derivatives, which some brought in, has not undeservedly
   grown obsolete. Afterward many wanted, very rightly, to name
   it Popular Christianity. In some places those who devote
   themselves to such work are called Christian Socialists;
   elsewhere it is called Christian Democracy, and its supporters
   Christian Democrats, as opposed to the Social Democracy, which
   Socialists uphold. Of these two appellations, certainly that
   of Christian Socialists, if not also of Christian Democracy,
   is offensive to many right-minded people, inasmuch as they
   think there is a perilous ambiguity attaching to it. They are
   afraid of the name for several reasons—popular government may
   be covertly promoted or preferred to other forms of political
   constitution; the influence of Christianity may seem to be
   confined to the benefit of the common people, all other ranks
   being as it were left out in the cold; beneath the specious
   designation may lurk some design or other of subverting all
   legitimate authority, being civil and religious.

   "There is now commonly much dispute, and sometimes over-bitter
   dispute, on this topic, and we deem it our duty to put an end
   to the controversy by defining what Catholics ought to think;
   moreover we intend to give them some injunctions so as to make
   their own action larger in scope and more beneficial to the
   commonwealth.

   "What Social Democracy means, and what Christian ought to
   mean, does not surely admit of doubt. The former, more or less
   extreme, as the case may be, is by many carried to such
   extravagance of wickedness as to reckon human satisfaction
   supreme and acknowledge nothing higher, to pursue bodily goods
   and those of the natural world, and to make the happiness of man
   consist in attaining and enjoying them. Hence they would have
   the supreme power in a state to be in the hands of the common
   people, in such sort that all distinction or rank being
   abolished and every citizen made equal to every other, all
   might have equal access also to the good things of life; the
   law of lordship is to be abolished, private fortunes
   confiscated and even socialization of the appliances of labor
   carried out.

{350}

   But Christian Democracy, as Christian, ought to have as its
   foundation the principles laid down by divine faith, having
   regard, indeed, to the temporal advantage of the lower orders,
   but designing therewith to fit their minds for the enjoyment
   of things eternal. Accordingly, to Christian Democracy, let
   there be nothing more sacred than law and right; let it bid
   the right of having and holding be kept inviolate; let it
   maintain the diversity of ranks which properly belong to a
   well-ordered state; in fine, let it prefer for human
   association that form and character which its divine author
   has imposed upon it. Clearly, therefore, Social and Christian
   Democracy can have nothing in common; the difference between
   them is no less than that between the sectarianism of
   socialism and the profession of the Christian law.

   "Far be it from any one to pervert the name of Christian
   Democracy to political ends. For although democracy by its
   very name and by philosophical usage denotes popular rule, yet
   in this application it must be employed altogether without
   political significance, so as to denote nothing whatever
   besides this beneficent Christian action upon the people. For
   natural morality and the precepts of the Gospel, for the very
   reason that they transcend the chances of human existence,
   must necessarily be independent of any particular form of
   civil government and adapt themselves to all, so long as there
   is nothing to conflict with virtue and right. They are,
   therefore, and remain in themselves, absolutely external to
   all conflict of parties and vicissitudes of occurrence, so
   that, under whatever kind of government, people may and ought
   to abide by these precepts, which bid them love God above all
   and their neighbors as themselves. This has ever been the
   morality of the Church: by it Roman Pontiffs have constantly
   dealt with states whatever might be their executive
   government. And this being so, the mind and action of
   Catholics, when devoted to promoting the good of the lower
   orders, cannot by any possibility aim at embracing and
   introducing any one form of government in preference to
   another.

   "Just in the same way must Christian Democracy repudiate the
   other ground of offense, which arises from paying so much
   regard to the interests of the lower classes as to seem to
   pass over the higher, who are nevertheless of equal importance
   to the preservation and development of the State. The
   Christian law of charity, which we have just mentioned,
   forbids this. It is large enough to embrace all ranks as the
   aim and the task of those who would have the common people in
   a Christian spirit on the one hand suitably relieved, and, on
   the other, preserved against the contagion of socialism. …

   "We have recalled these various topics on which we have before
   this found occasion to dilate according to our ability, and we
   trust that all dispute over the name of Christian Democracy
   may now be laid aside, as well as any suspicion of dangerous
   signification attaching to it. This trust we rightly cherish.
   For making exception of the ideas of certain persons regarding
   the force and virtue of this kind of Christian Democracy,
   ideas which are not free from extravagance or error, surely
   there will be no single person to find fault with an endeavor,
   conformably to the law of nature and of God, to do merely
   this, to make the lives of laborers and artisans more
   tolerable, and gradually to give them the opportunity of
   self-culture, so that at home and in the world they may freely
   fulfil the obligations of virtue and religion, may feel
   themselves to be men, and not mere animals, Christian men, not
   pagans, and so strive with more felicity and earnestness to
   attain that 'one thing needful,' that final good, for which we
   came into the world. This is belonging to one and the same
   family, the offspring of the same all-beneficent Father,
   redeemed by one Saviour and called to the same eternal
   inheritance. …

   "God forbid that under the name of Christian democracy should
   lie the surreptitious aim of throwing off all obedience and
   turning away from those in lawful authority. The law of
   nature, no less than that of Christ, enjoins respect for all
   such as in their several degree hold office in the State, and
   further enjoins obedience to their lawful commands. This is
   the only attitude worthy of a man and a Christian, and ought
   to be taken up heartily and as a matter of duty, 'for
   conscience's sake,' as the Apostle himself has admonished,
   when he ordained: 'Let every soul be subject to the highest
   powers.' …

   "We spoke just now advisedly of virtue and religion. For it is
   the opinion of some, which is caught up by the masses, that
   the social question, as they call it, is 'economical' merely.
   The precise opposite is the truth—that it is first of all
   moral and religious, and for that reason its solution is to be
   expected mainly from the moral law and the pronouncements of
   religion. … Without the instincts which Christian wisdom
   implants and keeps alive, without providence, self-control,
   thrift, endurance and other natural qualities, you may try
   your hardest, but prosperity you cannot provide. That is the
   reason why we have never encouraged Catholics to form
   associations for the assistance of the poor, or introduce
   other schemes of the kind, without at the same time warning
   them that such things must not be attempted without the
   sanction of religion, without its inclusion and aid. … It is a
   laudable charity not merely to relieve the temporary needs of
   the poor, but to have an organized system of relief; this will
   be a more real and reliable assistance. It must be considered
   still more laudable to desire to instill into the minds of the
   mechanic and of the laborer notions of thrift and prudence, so
   that they may at least in part make provision for their
   declining years. It is an aim which not only relieves the cost
   of the wealthy, but it is a moral step for the poor
   themselves; it encourages them to approve their position,
   while it keeps them away from temptations, checks
   self-indulgence and leads them on to virtuous behavior. …

   "Finally, we again enjoin with greater insistence that
   whatever schemes people take up in the popular cause, whether
   individually or in association, they should remember that they
   must be entirely submissive to episcopal authority. Do not let
   them be beguiled by an excessive ardor for charitable
   enterprise, which, if it induces any relaxation of due
   obedience, is itself false, unproductive of solid benefit and
   displeasing to God. Those who please God are those who are
   ready to give up their own ideas and listen to the bidding of
   the rulers of the Church, absolutely as to His own."

      _Catholic Union and Times,
      February 21, 1901._

{351}

PARIS: A. D. 1897.
   Burning of the Charity Bazaar.

   An awful destruction of life was caused on the 4th of May by
   fire breaking out in a charity bazaar, held in the Rue Jean
   Goujon, at Paris. Temporary structures had been erected, of
   wood and other combustible materials, to represent a street of
   Old Paris shops, and the flames ran through them like
   wildfire. The place was thronged with people, mostly of the
   aristocratic class and more than 200 are said to have
   perished.

PARIS: A. D. 1900 (April-November).
   Exposition.

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

PARIS: A. D. 1900 (September).
   Gigantic banquet to the Mayors of France.

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER).

PARIS, Treaty of (1898), between the United States and Spain.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

PARKHURST, Reverend Dr. Charles:
   His attack on the Tammany administration of New York City.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1894-1895.

PARLIAMENT, The British:
   Ceremonious opening by King Edward VII.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM, Austrian.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896.

   ----------PARTIES AND FACTIONS, POLITICAL
   AND POLITICO-RELIGIOUS: Start--------

PARTIES:
   Afrikander Bund, or Bondsmen.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY):
      A. D. 1881-1888; 1898; 1898(MARCH-OCTOBER);
      and 1900 (DECEMBER).

PARTIES:
   Agrarian Protectionists, German.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1895-1898.

PARTIES:
   Anti-Imperialists.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:
   Anti-Semites.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896, and after;
      FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899, and after;
      GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

PARTIES:
   Blancos, or Whites.

      See (in this volume)
      URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

PARTIES:
   The Bond.

      See above,
      AFRIKANDER BUND.

PARTIES:
   Centre (Catholic, of Germany).

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D.1898 (JUNE).

PARTIES:
    Christian Social party.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:
   Clerical party, Austria.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:
   Colorados, or Reds.

      See (in this volume)
      URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

PARTIES:
   Deutsch Fortschrittliche.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:
   "Fanatics."

      See (in this volume)
      BRAZIL: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:
   "Free Silver" Democracy.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER)
      and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:
   Fuyu-to (Liberals).

      See (in this volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898.

PARTIES:
   German Democrats.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

PARTIES:
   German Liberal party, Austria.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:
   German People's party.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:
   Gold Democrats.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:
   Hintchak, The.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1895.

PARTIES:
   Historic Christian party.

      See (in this volume)
      NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:
   Kai-shin-to (Progressives).

      See (in this volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898.

PARTIES:
   Kensei-to (Constitutional party).

      See (in this volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1898-1899.

PARTIES:
   Labor party, French (Parti Ouvrier).

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1896 (APRIL-MAY).

PARTIES:
   Liberal Democrats (German).

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

PARTIES:
   Liberal Unionists (German).

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

PARTIES:
   Lincoln party.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER), SILVER REPUBLICAN.

PARTIES:
   Little England party.

      See (in this volume)
      LITTLE ENGLAND PARTY.

PARTIES:
   Middle-of-the-Road Populists.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
      and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:
   National Democratic party.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:
   National Liberals (German).

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

PARTIES:
   National party, 1896 and 1900.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
      and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:
   National Silver party.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:
   New Radical party.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (MAY).

PARTIES:
   Old Czechs.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:
   Pan-Germanic Union.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1901.

PARTIES:
   Patriotic League.

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:
   Polish Club.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:
   Progressives (Kaishin-to).

      See (in this volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898.

PARTIES:
   Progressives (Cape).

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY):
      A. D. 1898; and 1898 (MARCH-OCTOBER).

PARTIES:
   Protestant Anti-Revolutionists.

      See (in this volume)
      NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:
   Rikken Seiyu-kai
   Association of Friends of the Constitution.

      See (in this volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

PARTIES:
   Siah Chai, The.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1895 (AUGUST).

PARTIES:
   Silver Republicans.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
      and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:
   Socialist parties.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897;
      FRANCE: A. D. 1896 (APRIL-MAY);
      GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1895, and 1898 (JUNE);
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER),
      and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:
   "Sound Money" Democrats.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:
   United Christian party.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:
   United Irish League.

      See (in this volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1900-1901.

PARTIES:
   "Vegetarians."

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1895 (AUGUST).

PARTIES:
   Verfassungstreue Grossgrundbesitz.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:
   Volkspartei.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:
   Young Czechs.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PATRIARCHATE: Re-established at Alexandria.

      See (in this volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (MARCH).

PATRIOTIC LEAGUE.

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

{352}

PAUNCEFOTE, Sir Julian:
   British commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

   ----------PARTIES: End--------

   ----------PEACE CONFERENCE.: Start--------

PEACE CONFERENCE:

   On the 24th of August, 1898, without previous heralding or
   intimation, Count Mouravieff, the Russian Minister for Foreign
   Affairs, placed copies of the following momentous proposal
   from the Tsar in the hands of all the foreign representatives
   attending his weekly reception at St. Petersburg:

   "The maintenance of universal peace and a possible reduction
   of the excessive armaments which weigh upon all nations
   represent, in the present condition of affairs all over the
   world, the ideal towards which the efforts of all Governments
   should be directed. This view fully corresponds with the
   humane and magnanimous intentions of His Majesty the Emperor,
   my august Master. Being convinced that this high aim agrees
   with the most essential interests and legitimate aspirations
   of all the Powers, the Imperial Government considers the
   present moment a very favourable one for seeking, through
   international discussion, the most effective means of assuring
   to all peoples the blessings of real and lasting peace, and
   above all of limiting the progressive development of existing
   armaments. During the last twenty years aspirations towards
   general pacification have particularly asserted themselves in
   the consciences of civilized nations. The preservation of
   peace has been made the aim of international policy; for the
   sake of peace the Great Powers have formed powerful alliances,
   and for the purpose of establishing a better guarantee of peace
   they have developed their military forces in an unprecedented
   degree, and continue to develop them without hesitating at any
   sacrifice. All these efforts, however, have not yet led to the
   beneficent results of the desired pacification. The ever
   increasing financial burdens strike at the root of public
   prosperity. The physical and intellectual forces of the
   people, labour and capital, are diverted for the greater part
   from their natural application and wasted unproductively.
   Hundreds of millions are spent in acquiring terrible engines
   of destruction which are regarded to-day as the latest
   inventions of science, but are destined to-morrow to be
   rendered obsolete by some new discovery. National culture,
   economical progress, and the production of wealth are either
   paralysed or developed in a wrong direction. Therefore, the
   more the armaments of each Power increase, the less they
   answer to the objects aimed at by the Governments. Economic
   disturbances are caused in great measure by this system of
   excessive armaments, and the constant danger involved in this
   accumulation of war material renders the armed peace of to-day
   a crushing burden more and more difficult for the nations to
   bear. It consequently seems evident that if this situation be
   prolonged, it will inevitably lead to that very disaster which
   it is desired to avoid, and the horrors of which make every
   humane mind shudder by anticipation. It is the supreme duty,
   therefore, at the present moment of all States to put some
   limit to these unceasing armaments, and to find means of
   averting the calamities which threaten the whole world. Deeply
   impressed by this feeling, His Majesty the Emperor has been
   pleased to command me to propose to all Governments who have
   Representatives at the Imperial Court the meeting of a
   Conference to discuss this grave problem. Such a Conference,
   with God's help, would be a happy augury for the opening
   century. It would concentrate in one powerful effort the
   strivings of all States which sincerely wish to bring about
   the triumph of the grand idea of universal peace over the
   elements of trouble and discord. It would, at the same time,
   cement their agreement by a united affirmation of the
   principles of law and equity on which rest the security of
   States and the welfare of peoples."

      _Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command: Russia, Number 1, 1899)._

   Having allowed his supremely noble proposition to stand before
   the world for consideration during a period of four months,
   and having received from almost every governing authority a
   formal expression of willingness to join in the Conference
   recommended, the sovereign of Russia pursued his grand design,
   on the 11th of January, 1899, by the following communication
   to the foreign representatives at his court:

   "When, in the month of August last, my August master
   instructed me to propose to the Governments which have
   Representatives in St. Petersburg the meeting of a Conference
   with the object of seeking the most efficacious means for
   assuring to all peoples the blessings of real and lasting
   peace, and, above all, in order to put a stop to the
   progressive development of the present armaments, there
   appeared to be no obstacle in the way of the realization, at
   no distant date, of this humanitarian scheme. The cordial
   reception accorded by nearly all the Powers to the step taken
   by the Imperial Government could not fail to strengthen this
   expectation. While highly appreciating the sympathetic terms
   in which the adhesions of most of the Powers were expressed,
   the Imperial Cabinet has been also able to collect, with
   lively satisfaction, evidence of the warmest approval which
   has reached it, and continues to be received, from all classes
   of society in various parts of the globe. Notwithstanding the
   strong current of opinion which set in favour of the ideas of
   general pacification, the political horizon bas recently
   undergone a sensible change. Several Powers have undertaken
   fresh armaments, striving to increase further their military
   forces, and in the presence of this uncertain situation, it
   might be asked whether the Powers considered the present
   moment opportune for the international discussion of the ideas
   set forth in the Circular of the 12th (24th) August. In the
   hope, however, that the elements of trouble agitating
   political centres will soon give place to a calmer disposition
   of a nature to favour the success of the proposed Conference,
   the Imperial Government is of opinion that it would be
   possible to proceed forthwith to a preliminary exchange of
   ideas between the Powers, with the object:

   (a.) Of seeking without delay means for putting a limit to the
   progressive increase of military and naval armaments, a question
   the solution of which becomes evidently more and more urgent
   in view of the fresh extension given to these armaments; and

   (b.) Of preparing the way for a discussion of the questions
   relating to the possibility of preventing armed conflicts by
   the pacific means at the disposal of international diplomacy.

{353}

   In the event of the Powers considering the present moment
   favourable for the meeting of a Conference on these bases, it
   would certainly be useful for the Cabinets to come to an
   understanding on the subject of the programme of their
   labours. The subjects to be submitted for international
   discussion at the Conference could, in general terms, be
   summarized as follows:

   "1. An understanding not to increase for a fixed period the
   present effective of the armed military and naval forces, and
   at the same time not to increase the Budgets pertaining
   thereto; and a preliminary examination of the means by which a
   reduction might even be effected in future in the forces and
   Budgets above-mentioned.

   "2. To prohibit the use in the armies and fleets of any new
   kind of fire-arms whatever and of new explosives, or any
   powders more powerful than those now in use either for rifles
   or cannon.

   "3. To restrict the use in military warfare of the formidable
   explosives already existing, and to prohibit the throwing of
   projectiles or explosives of any kind from balloons or by any
   similar means.

   "4. To prohibit the use in naval warfare of submarine
   torpedo-boats or plungers, or other similar engines of
   destruction; to give an undertaking not to construct vessels
   with rams in the future.

   "5. To apply to naval warfare the stipulations of the Geneva
   Convention of 1864, on the basis of the Additional Articles of
   1868.

   "6. To neutralize ships and boats employed in saving those
   overboard during or after an engagement.

   "7. To revise the Declaration concerning the laws and customs
   of war elaborated in 1874 by the Conference of Brussels, which
   has remained unratified to the present day.

   "8. To accept in principle the employment of good offices, of
   mediation and facultative arbitration in cases lending
   themselves thereto, with the object of preventing armed
   conflicts between nations; to come to an understanding with
   respect to the mode of applying these good offices, and to
   establish a uniform practice in using them.

   "It is well understood that all questions concerning the
   political relations of States and the order of things
   established by Treaties, as generally all questions which do
   not directly fall within the programme adopted by the
   Cabinets, must be absolutely excluded from the deliberations
   of the Conference. In requesting you, Sir, to be good enough
   to apply to your Government for instructions on the subject of
   my present communication, I beg you at the same time to inform
   it that, in the interest of the great cause which my august
   master has so much at heart, His Imperial Majesty considers it
   advisable that the Conference should not sit in the capital of
   one of the Great Powers, where so many political interests are
   centred which might, perhaps, impede the progress of a work in
   which all the countries of the universe are equally
   interested."

   General assent being given to the suggestions here offered,
   the next step toward realization of the grand project was
   taken, by an arrangement with the government of the Kingdom of
   the Netherlands, in accordance with which an invitation was
   addressed from The Hague, in April, to many governments, both
   the greater and the less of the political world, in the
   following terms:

   "For political reasons the Imperial Russian Government
   considered that it would not be desirable that the meeting of
   the Conference should take place in the capital of one of the
   Great Powers, and after securing the assent of the Governments
   interested, it addressed the Cabinet of The Hague with a view of
   obtaining its consent to the choice of that capital as the
   seat of the Conference in question. The Minister for Foreign
   Affairs at once took the orders of Her Majesty the Queen in
   regard to this request, and I am happy to be able to inform
   you that Her Majesty, my august Sovereign, has been pleased to
   authorize him to reply that it will be particularly agreeable
   to her to see the proposed Conference meet at The Hague.
   Consequently, my Government, in accord with the Imperial
   Russian Government, charges me to invite [the Government
   named] to be good enough to be represented at the
   above-mentioned Conference, in order to discuss the questions
   indicated in the second Russian Circular of the 30th December,
   1898 (11th January, 1899), as well as all other questions
   connected with the ideas set forth in the Circular of the 12th
   (24th) August, 1898, excluding, however, from the
   deliberations everything which refers to the political
   relations of States or the order of things established by
   Treaties. My Government trusts, that [the Government named]
   will associate itself with the great humanitarian work to be
   entered upon under the auspices of His Majesty the Emperor of
   All the Russias, and that it will be disposed to accept this
   invitation, and to take the necessary steps for the presence
   of its Representatives at The Hague on the 18th May next for
   the opening of the Conference, at which each Power, whatever
   may be the number of its Delegates, will only have one vote."

      _Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command: Miscellaneous,
      Number 1, 1899, pages 3-4 and 8)._

   In response to this definite invitation, the governments of
   Austria-Hungary, Belgium, Bulgaria, China, Denmark, France,
   Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg,
   Mexico, Montenegro, the Netherlands, Persia, Portugal,
   Roumania, Russia, Servia, Siam, Spain, Sweden and Norway,
   Switzerland, Turkey, and the United States of America,
   appointed representatives who met at The Hague, on the 18th of
   May, 1899, and organized the Conference by electing M. de
   Staal, Russian Ambassador, to preside. The United States was
   represented by the Honorable Andrew D. White, Ambassador to
   Berlin, the Honorable Seth Low, President of Columbia
   University, the Honorable Stanford Newel, Envoy Extraordinary,
   &c., to The Hague, Captain Alfred T. Mahan, U. S. N., Captain.
   William Crozier, U. S. A., and the Honorable Frederick W.
   Holls, of New York. The representatives of Great Britain were
   Sir Julian Pauncefote, Ambassador to the United States, Sir
   Henry Howard, Envoy Extraordinary, &c., to The Hague,
   Vice-Admiral Sir John A. Fisher, Major-General Sir J. C.
   Ardagh, and Lieutenant-Colonel C. à Court.

{354}

   "The Conference at The Hague was a Parliament of Man
   representing, however imperfectly, the whole human race. The
   only independent ones not represented at the Huis ten Bosch
   were the South American republics, the Emperor of Morocco, the
   King of Abyssinia, and the Grand Lama of Tibet. That the South
   American republics were not represented is not the fault of
   the Russian Emperor. Mexico received and accepted an
   invitation. Brazil received, but rejected, the invitation to
   be present, and so did one other South American republic. The
   original Russian idea was to assemble representatives from
   every independent government in the world; nor did they even
   confine themselves to the secular governments. They were very
   anxious that the Pope should also be directly represented in
   this supreme assembly. Even with the Pope and South America
   left out, the Congress represented more of the world and its
   inhabitants than any similar assembly that has ever been
   gathered together for the work of international legislation.
   That circumstance in itself is sufficient to give distinction
   to the Conference at The Hague, which, it is expected, will be
   the forerunner of a series of conferences, each of which will
   aim at being more and more universally representative. On the
   eve of the twentieth century the human race has begun to
   federate itself. That is the supreme significance of the
   assembly which has just spent two months in the capital of
   Holland."

      _W. T. Stead,
      The Conference at The Hague
      (Forum, September, 1899)._

   To systematize and facilitate the discussions of the
   Conference, three Commissions or Committees were appointed,
   between which the several subjects suggested in the Russian
   circular of January 11 (as given above), and agreed to by the
   several governments, were distributed. The 1st, 2d, 3d and 4th
   propositions of the programme were referred to the First
   Commission, the 5th, 6th and 7th to the Second, the 8th
   (concerning mediation and arbitration) to the Third. This was
   done on the 23d of May, after which the general Conference was
   held only at intervals, to receive and consider reports from
   the several Commissions, of agreements reached or
   disagreements ascertained. This went on until the 29th of
   July, when the several Conventions, Declarations, and
   Recommendations agreed upon for submission to the governments
   represented were summarized in the following "Final Act,"
   signed by all:

   "In a series of meetings, between the 18th May and the 29th
   July, 1899, in which the constant desire of the Delegates
   above mentioned has been to realize, in the fullest manner
   possible, the generous views of the august Initiator of the
   Conference and the intentions of their Governments, the
   Conference has agreed, for submission for signature by the
   Plenipotentiaries, on the text of the Conventions and
   Declarations enumerated below and annexed to the present Act:

   "I. Convention for the pacific settlement of international
   conflicts.

   "II. Convention regarding the laws and customs of war by land.

   "III. Convention for the adaptation to maritime warfare of the
   principles of the Geneva Convention of the 22nd August, 1864.

   "IV. Three Declarations:

      1. To prohibit the launching of projectiles and explosives
      from balloons or by other similar new methods,

      2. To prohibit the use of projectiles, the only object of
      which is the diffusion of asphyxiating or deleterious
      gases.

      3. To prohibit the use of bullets which expand or flatten
      easily in the human body, such as bullets with a hard
      envelope, of which the envelope does not entirely cover the
      core, or is pierced with incisions.

   "These Conventions and Declarations shall form so many
   separate Acts. These Acts shall be dated this day, and may be
   signed up to the 31st December, 1899, by the Plenipotentiaries
   of the Powers represented at the International Peace
   Conference at The Hague.

   "Guided by the same sentiments, the Conference has adopted
   unanimously the following Resolution:—'The Conference is of
   opinion that the restriction of military budgets, which are at
   present a heavy burden on the world, is extremely desirable
   for the increase of the material and moral welfare of
   mankind.'

   "It has, besides, formulated the following wishes:

   "1. The Conference, taking into consideration the preliminary
   steps taken by the Swiss Federal Government for the revision
   of the Geneva Convention, expresses the wish that steps may be
   shortly taken for the assembly of a Special Conference having
   for its object the revision of that Convention. This wish was
   voted unanimously.

   "2. The Conference expresses the wish that the questions of
   the rights and duties of neutrals may be inserted in the
   programme of a Conference in the near future.

   "3. The Conference expresses the wish that the questions with
   regard to rifles and naval guns, as considered by it, may be
   studied by the Governments with the object of coming to an
   agreement respecting the employment of new types and calibres.

   "4. The Conference expresses the wish that the Governments,
   taking into consideration the proposals made at the
   Conference, may examine the possibility of an agreement as to
   the limitation of armed forces by land and sea, and of war
   budgets.

   "5. The Conference expresses the wish that the proposal, which
   contemplates the declaration of the inviolability of private
   property in naval warfare, may be referred to a subsequent
   Conference for consideration.

   "6. The Conference expresses the wish that the proposal to
   settle the question of the bombardment of ports, towns, and
   villages by a naval force may be referred to a subsequent
   Conference for consideration.

   "The last five wishes were voted unanimously, saving some
   abstentions.

   "In faith of which, the Plenipotentiaries have signed the
   present Act, and have affixed their seals thereto. Done at The
   Hague, 29th July, 1899, in one copy only, which shall be
   deposited in the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, and of which
   copies, duly certified, shall be delivered to all the Powers
   represented at the Conference."

      _Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command: Miscellaneous,
      Number 1, 1899, pages 3-4, 8 and 288-9)._

{355}

   The accompanying Conventions and Declarations were in no case
   unanimously signed, several delegations, in each case,
   claiming time for the governments they represented to consider
   certain questions involved. The most important of the proposed
   Conventions, namely, that "For the Pacific Settlement of
   International Disputes," was signed at The Hague by the
   delegates from Belgium, Denmark, Spain, the United States of
   America, Mexico, France, Greece, Montenegro, the Netherlands,
   Persia, Portugal, Roumania, Russia, Siam, Sweden and Norway,
   and Bulgaria; but not by Austria-Hungary, Germany, Italy,
   Japan, Great Britain, Luxembourg, Switzerland, Servia, Turkey,
   or China. Ultimately, however, the great Treaty of Arbitration
   was signed by everyone of the Powers represented. The
   signature of the delegates of the United States was given
   under reserve of a declaration which will be found in the
   following excerpt from the general report of the American
   Commission. The full text of each of the Conventions is given
   below.

   "The entire plan for the tribunal and its use is voluntary, so
   far as sovereign States are concerned. The only seeming
   exceptions to this rule are contained in Article 1, which
   provides that the Signatory Powers agree to employ their
   efforts for securing the pacific regulation of international
   differences; and Article 27, which says that the Signatory
   Powers consider it to be a duty, in the case where an acute
   conflict threatens to break out between two or more of them,
   to remind those latter that the permanent court is open to
   them. The obligation thus imposed is not legal or diplomatic
   in its nature. These articles merely express a general moral
   duty for the performance of which each State is accountable
   only to itself. In order, however, to make assurance doubly
   sure and to leave no doubt whatever of the meaning of the
   Convention, as affecting the United States of America, the
   Commission made the following declaration in the full session
   of the Conference, held July 25:—

   The Delegation of the United States of America, in signing the
   Convention regulating the peaceful adjustment of international
   differences, as proposed by the International Peace
   Conference, make the following declaration:—Nothing contained
   in this Convention shall be so construed as to require the
   United States of America to depart from its traditional policy
   of not intruding upon, interfering with, or entangling itself
   in the political questions or policy or internal
   administration of any foreign State; nor shall anything
   contained in the said Convention be construed to imply a
   relinquishment by the United States of America of its
   traditional attitude toward purely American questions.' Under
   the reserve of this declaration the United States delegates
   signed the Arbitration Convention itself. Article 8 of the
   Convention, providing for a special form of Mediation, was
   proposed individually by Mr. Holls of the United States
   Commission. … It is hoped that in particular crises, when the
   other means provided by the Convention for keeping or
   restoring peace have failed, it may prove to have real and
   practical value. It is certain that, by the Continental States
   of Europe, it has been exceedingly well received."

      _General Report of the American Commission._

   "Objection has been made to [the International Court of
   Arbitration] on the ground that submission to it is purely
   voluntary and that no executive authority has been provided to
   carry out its decrees. The answer to all such objections is
   simply that the power of enlightened public opinion is relied
   upon to be amply sufficient for the purpose of insuring
   obedience to every just mandate of this Court. In the case of
   the United States of America the judgments of the Court,
   according to the decisions now in force, will have a
   peculiarly binding force. An agreement to submit a case to the
   Court cannot be made by the United States, except by way of a
   treaty, which, when ratified by the Senate, becomes the
   supreme law of the land. In the case of La Ninfa, Whitelaw v.
   The United States (75 Fed. Rep., 513), it was decided by the
   United States Circuit Court of Appeals in California that by
   virtue of the treaty the judgment of the Court of Arbitration
   provided for by the terms of the treaty has all the force of a
   federal statute, and it is itself the supreme law of the land,
   binding upon every individual citizen of the United States,
   including all federal and State authorities. For us, at least,
   the International Court of Arbitration at The Hague will, if
   this view prevails, in reality be the highest possible
   tribunal, with an authority binding even on our own United
   States Supreme Court.

   "Article 27 aims, in a measure, to supply the deficiency of
   the provision for obligatory arbitration, in that it declares
   it to be the duty of all Signatory Powers to remind anyone or
   more of themselves, in case of a threatened dispute, that the
   permanent Court of Arbitration is open to them. What
   particular effect this particular article will have must be
   left to the future. Without modification or reservation the
   article, when ratified by the United States, would have
   constituted a complete abandonment of the time-honored Monroe
   Doctrine. Accordingly the representatives of the United States
   declined to sign the treaty, except under a reservation or
   declaration, which was solemnly accepted by the Peace
   Conference, thus materially modifying the jurisdiction of the
   Court [see above]. … By this declaration the Monroe Doctrine
   was not only self-guarded, but it was stated and vindicated
   more emphatically than ever before in our history, and the
   people of this country are, therefore, in a position to
   cordially support the International Court of Arbitration,
   without the fear that the Court itself, or the fact of its
   establishment, may ever be used against this country, or to
   the embarrassment of its diplomacy and traditional policy. …

   "The effect of the establishment of the Court upon European
   diplomacy is necessarily surrounded by great uncertainty. In
   a recent review of the work of the Peace Conference I ventured
   to use this language: 'It is most encouraging and of the
   highest importance that upon the whole Continent the
   governments are apparently in advance of public opinion upon
   the entire subject of the Peace Conference. The reason is not
   far to seek. No man who is fit for the position can to-day
   hold a place involving the direction of his country's
   international policy without feeling an almost intolerable
   pressure of responsibility. To him every remote chance of a
   lightening of his burden comes as a promise of blessed relief.
   It is a historical fact that none of the obstacles to success
   which the Peace Conference had to overcome originated in the
   mind of any sovereign or of any high minister of State. In
   every case they were raised by underlings without
   responsibility and anxious to show superior wisdom by finding
   fault. So long as this favorable governmental attitude
   continues there is every reason for encouragement.'

{356}

   'Continental public opinion, especially in questions of
   foreign policy, seems more pliable than ever before, and is as
   clay in the hands of a potter, so far as alliances and
   sympathies are concerned, when following a popular monarch or
   foreign minister.' I have since been assured by the highest
   officials of at least two great European Powers, that this
   statement meets with their unqualified approval. The sneers of
   irresponsible journals and politicians cannot and will not
   affect the deliberate purposes of a high-minded and serious
   minister of State."

      _F. W. Holls,
      The International Court of Arbitration at The Hague;
      a paper read before the New York State Bar Association,
      January 15, 1901._

PEACE CONFERENCE:
   Convention for the Pacific Settlement of
   International Disputes.

   TITLE I.
   On the Maintenance of the General Peace.

      ARTICLE I.
      With a view to obviating as far as possible, recourse to
      force in the relations between States, the Signatory Powers
      agree to use their best efforts to insure the pacific
      settlement of international differences.

   TITLE II.
   On Good Offices and Mediation.

      ARTICLE II.
      In case of serious disagreement or conflict, before an
      appeal to arms, the Signatory Powers agree to have
      recourse, as far as circumstances allow, to the good
      offices or mediation of one or more friendly Powers.

      ARTICLE III.
      Independently of this recourse, the Signatory Powers
      recommend that one or more Powers, strangers to the
      dispute, should, on their own initiative, and as far as
      circumstances may allow, offer their good offices or
      mediation to the States at variance. Powers, strangers to
      the dispute, have the right to offer good offices or
      mediation, even during the course of hostilities. The
      exercise of this right can never be regarded by one or the
      other of the parties in conflict as an unfriendly act.

      ARTICLE IV.
      The part of the mediator consists in reconciling the
      opposing claims and appeasing the feelings of resentment
      which may have arisen between the States at variance.

      ARTICLE V.
      The functions of the mediator are at an end when once it is
      declared, either by one of the parties to the dispute, or
      by the mediator himself, that the means of reconciliation
      proposed by him are not accepted.

      ARTICLE VI.
      Good offices and mediation, either at the request of the
      parties at variance, or on the initiative of Powers
      strangers to the dispute, have exclusively the character of
      advice and never have binding force.

      ARTICLE VII.
      The acceptance of mediation can not, unless there be an
      agreement to the contrary, have the effect of interrupting,
      delaying, or hindering mobilization or other measures of
      preparation for war. If mediation occurs after the
      commencement of hostilities it causes no interruption to
      the military operations in progress, unless there be an
      agreement to the contrary.

      ARTICLE VIII.
      The Signatory Powers are agreed in recommending the
      application, when circumstances allow, for special
      mediation in the following form:—In case of a serious
      difference endangering the peace, the States at variance
      choose respectively a Power, to whom they intrust the
      mission of entering into direct communication with the
      Power chosen on the other side, with the object of
      preventing the rupture of pacific relations. For the period
      of this mandate, the term of which, unless otherwise
      stipulated, cannot exceed thirty days, the States in
      conflict cease from all direct communication on the subject
      of the dispute, which is regarded as referred exclusively
      to the mediating Powers, who must use their best efforts to
      settle it. In case of a definite rupture of pacific
      relations, these Powers are charged with the joint task of
      taking advantage of any opportunity to restore peace.

   TITLE III.
   On International Commissions of Inquiry.

      ARTICLE IX.
      In differences of an international nature involving neither
      honour nor vital interests, and arising from a difference
      of opinion on points of fact, the Signatory Powers
      recommend that the parties, who have not been able to come
      to an agreement by means of diplomacy, should as far as
      circumstances allow, institute an International Commission
      of Inquiry, to facilitate a solution of these differences
      by elucidating the facts by means of an impartial and
      conscientious investigation.

   ARTICLE X.
   The International Commissions of Inquiry are constituted by
   special agreement between the parties in conflict. The
   Convention for an inquiry defines the facts to be examined and
   the extent of the Commissioners' powers. It settles the
   procedure. On the inquiry both sides must be heard. The form
   and the periods to be observed, if not stated in the inquiry
   Convention, are decided by the Commission itself.

      ARTICLE XI.
      The International Commissions of Inquiry are formed, unless
      otherwise stipulated, in the manner fixed by Article XXXII
      of the present Convention.

      ARTICLE XII.
      The powers in dispute engage to supply the International
      Commission of Inquiry, as fully as they may think possible,
      with all means and facilities necessary to enable it to be
      completely acquainted with and to accurately understand the
      facts in question.

      ARTICLE XIII.
      The International Commission of Inquiry communicates its
      Report to the conflicting Powers, signed by all the members
      of the Commission.

      ARTICLE XIV.
      The Report of the International Commission of Inquiry is
      limited to a statement of facts, and has in no way the
      character of an Arbitral Award. It leaves the conflicting
      Powers entire freedom as to the effect to be given to this
      statement.

   TITLE IV.
   On International Arbitration.

   CHAPTER I.
   On the System of Arbitration.

      ARTICLE XV.
      International arbitration has for its object the settlement
      of differences between States by judges of their own
      choice, and on the basis of respect for law.

      ARTICLE XVI.
      In questions of a legal nature, and especially in the
      interpretation or application of International Conventions,
      arbitration is recognized by the Signatory Powers as the
      most effective, and at the same time the most equitable,
      means of settling disputes which diplomacy has failed to
      settle.

      ARTICLE XVII.
      The Arbitration Convention is concluded for questions
      already existing or for questions which may arise
      eventually. It may embrace any dispute or only disputes of
      a certain category.

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      ARTICLE XVIII.
      The Arbitration Convention implies the engagement to submit
      loyally to the Award.

      ARTICLE XIX.
      Independently of general or private Treaties expressly
      stipulating recourse to arbitration as obligatory on the
      Signatory Powers, these Powers reserve to themselves the
      right of concluding, either before the ratification of the
      present Act or later, new Agreements, general or private,
      with a view to extending obligatory arbitration to all
      cases which they may consider it possible to submit to it.

   CHAPTER II.
   On the Permanent Court of Arbitration.

      ARTICLE XX.
      With the object of facilitating an immediate recourse to
      arbitration for international differences, which it has not
      been possible to settle by diplomacy, the Signatory Powers
      undertake to organize a permanent Court of Arbitration,
      accessible at all times and operating, unless otherwise
      stipulated by the parties, in accordance with the Rules of
      Procedure inserted in the present Convention.

      ARTICLE XXI.
      The Permanent Court shall be competent for all arbitration
      cases, unless the parties agree to institute a special
      Tribunal.

      ARTICLE XXII.
      An International Bureau, established at The Hague, serves
      as record office for the Court. This Bureau is the channel
      for communications relative to the meetings of the Court.
      It has the custody of the archives and conducts all the
      administrative business. The Signatory Powers undertake to
      communicate to the International Bureau at The Hague a duly
      certified copy of any conditions of arbitration arrived at
      between them, and of any award concerning them delivered by
      special Tribunals. They undertake also to communicate to
      the Bureau the Laws, Regulations, and documents eventually
      showing the execution of the awards given by the Court.

      ARTICLE XXIII.
      Within the three months following its ratification of the
      present Act, each Signatory Power shall select four persons
      at the most, of known competency in questions of
      international law, of the highest moral reputation, and
      disposed to accept the duties of Arbitrators. The persons
      thus selected shall be inscribed, as members of the Court,
      in a list which shall be notified by the Bureau to all the
      Signatory Powers. Any alteration in the list of Arbitrators
      is brought by the Bureau to the knowledge of the Signatory
      Powers. Two or more Powers may agree on the selection in
      common of one or more Members. The same person can be
      selected by different Powers. The Members of the Court are
      appointed for a term of six years. Their appointments can
      be renewed. In case of the death or retirement of a member
      of the Court, his place shall be filled in accordance with
      the method of his appointment.

      ARTICLE XXIV.
      When the Signatory Powers desire to have recourse to the
      Permanent Court for the settlement of a difference that has
      arisen between them, the Arbitrators called upon to form the
      competent Tribunal to decide this difference, must be
      chosen from the general list of members of the Court.
      Failing the direct agreement of the parties on the
      composition of the Arbitration Tribunal, the following
      course shall be pursued:—Each party appoints two
      Arbitrators, and these together choose an Umpire. If the
      votes are equal, the choice of the Umpire is intrusted to a
      third Power, selected by the parties by common accord. If
      an agreement is not arrived at on this subject, each party
      selects a different Power, and the choice of the Umpire is
      made in concert by the Powers thus selected. The Tribunal
      being thus composed, the parties notify to the Bureau their
      determination to have recourse to the Court and the names
      of the Arbitrators. The Tribunal of Arbitration assembles
      on the date fixed by the parties. The Members of the Court,
      in the discharge of their duties and out of their own
      country, enjoy diplomatic privileges and immunities.

      ARTICLE XXV.
      The Tribunal of Arbitration has its ordinary seat at The
      Hague. Except in cases of necessity, the place of session
      can only be altered by the Tribunal with the assent of the
      parties.

      ARTICLE XXVI.
      The International Bureau at The Hague is authorized to
      place its premises and its staff at the disposal of the
      Signatory Powers for the operations of any special Board of
      Arbitration. The jurisdiction of the Permanent Court, may,
      within the conditions laid down in the Regulations, be
      extended to disputes between non-Signatory Powers, or
      between Signatory Powers and non-Signatory Powers, if the
      parties are agreed on recourse to this Tribunal.

      ARTICLE XXVII.
      The Signatory Powers consider it their duty, if a serious
      dispute threatens to break out between two or more of them,
      to remind these latter that the Permanent Court is open to
      them. Consequently, they declare that the fact of reminding
      the conflicting parties of the provisions of the present
      Convention, and the advice given to them, in the highest
      interests of peace, to have recourse to the Permanent
      Court, can only be regarded as friendly actions.

      ARTICLE XXVIII.
      A Permanent Administrative Council, composed of the
      Diplomatic Representatives of the Signatory Powers
      accredited to The Hague and of the Netherland Minister for
      Foreign Affairs, who will act as President, shall be
      instituted in this town as soon as possible after the
      ratification of the present Act by at least nine Powers.
      This Council will be charged with the establishment and
      organization of the International Bureau, which will be
      under its direction and control. It will notify to the
      Powers the constitution of the Court and will provide for
      its installation. It will settle its Rules of Procedure and
      all other necessary Regulations. It will decide all
      questions of administration which may arise with regard to
      the operations of the Court. It will have entire control
      over the appointment, suspension or dismissal of the
      officials and employés of the Bureau. It will fix the
      payments and salaries, and control the general expenditure.
      At meetings duly summoned the presence of five members is
      sufficient to render valid the discussions of the Council.
      The decisions are taken by a majority of votes. The Council
      communicates to the Signatory Powers without delay the
      Regulations adopted by it. It furnishes them with an annual
      Report on the labours of the Court, the working of the
      administration, and the expenses.

      ARTICLE XXIX.
      The expenses of the Bureau shall be borne by the Signatory
      Powers in the proportion fixed for the International Bureau
      of the Universal Postal Union.

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   CHAPTER III.
   On Arbitral Procedure.

      ARTICLE XXX.
      With a view to encourage the development of arbitration,
      the Signatory Powers have agreed on the following Rules
      which shall be applicable to arbitral procedure, unless
      other Rules have been agreed on by the parties.

      ARTICLE XXXI.
      The Powers who have recourse to arbitration sign a special
      Act ("Compromis"), in which the subject of the difference
      is clearly defined, as well as the extent of the
      Arbitrators' powers. This Act implies the undertaking of
      the parties to submit loyally to the award.

      ARTICLE XXXII.
      The duties of Arbitrator may be conferred on one Arbitrator
      alone or on several Arbitrators selected by the parties as
      they please, or chosen by them from the members of the
      Permanent Court of Arbitration established by the present
      Act. Failing the constitution of the Tribunal by direct
      agreement between the parties, the following course shall
      be pursued: Each party appoints two Arbitrators, and these
      latter together choose an Umpire. In case of equal voting,
      the choice of the Umpire is intrusted to a third Power,
      selected by the parties by common accord. If no agreement
      is arrived at on this subject, each party selects a
      different Power, and the choice of the Umpire is made in
      concert by the Powers thus selected.

      ARTICLE XXXIII.
      When a Sovereign or the Chief of a State is chosen as
      Arbitrator, the arbitral procedure is settled by him.

      ARTICLE XXXIV.
      The Umpire is by right President of the Tribunal. When the
      Tribunal does not include an Umpire, it appoints its own
      President.

      ARTICLE XXXV.
      In case of the death, retirement, or disability from any
      cause of one of the Arbitrators, his place shall be filled
      in accordance with the method of his appointment.

      ARTICLE XXXVI.
      The Tribunal's place of session is selected by the parties.
      Failing this selection the Tribunal sits at The Hague. The
      place thus fixed cannot, except in case of necessity, be
      changed by the Tribunal without the assent of the parties.

      ARTICLE XXXVII.
      The parties have the right to appoint delegates or special
      agents to attend the Tribunal, for the purpose of serving
      as intermediaries between them and the Tribunal. They are
      further authorized to retain, for the defense of their
      rights and interests before the Tribunal, counselor
      advocates appointed by them for this purpose.

      ARTICLE XXXVIII.
      The Tribunal decides on the choice of languages to be used
      by itself, and to be authorized for use before it.

      ARTICLE XXXIX.
      As a general rule the arbitral procedure comprises two
      distinct phases; preliminary examination and discussion.
      Preliminary examination consists in the communication by
      the respective agents to the members of the Tribunal and to
      the opposite party of all printed or written Acts and of
      all documents containing the arguments invoked in the case.
      This communication shall be made in the form and within the
      periods fixed by the Tribunal in accordance with Article
      XLIX. Discussion consists in the oral development before
      the Tribunal of the arguments of the parties.

      ARTICLE XL.
      Every document produced by one party must be communicated
      to the other party.

      ARTICLE XLI.
      The discussions are under the direction of the President.
      They are only public if it be so decided by the Tribunal,
      with the assent of the parties. They are recorded in the
      "procès-verbaux" drawn up by the Secretaries appointed by
      the President. These "procès-verbaux" lone have an
      authentic character.

      ARTICLE XLII.
      When the preliminary examination is concluded, the Tribunal
      has the light to refuse discussion of all fresh Acts or
      documents which one party may desire to submit to it
      without the consent of the other party.

      ARTICLE XLIII.
      The Tribunal is free to take into consideration fresh Acts
      or documents to which its attention may be drawn by the
      agents or counsel of the parties. In this case, the
      Tribunal has the right to require the production of these
      Acts or documents, but is obliged to make them known to the
      opposite party.

      ARTICLE XLIV.
      The Tribunal can, besides, require from the agents of the
      parties the production of all Acts, and can demand all
      necessary explanations. In case of refusal, the Tribunal
      takes note of it.

      ARTICLE XLV.
      The agents and counsel of the parties are authorized to
      present orally to the Tribunal all the arguments they may
      think expedient in defence of their case.

      ARTICLE XLVI.
      They have the right to raise objections and points. The
      decisions of the Tribunal on those points are final, and
      cannot form the subject of any subsequent discussion.

      ARTICLE XLVII.
      The members of the Tribunal have the right to put questions
      to the agents and counsel of the parties, and to demand
      explanations from them on doubtful points. Neither the
      questions put nor the remarks made by members of the
      Tribunal during the discussions can be regarded as an
      expression of opinion by the Tribunal in general, or by its
      members in particular.

      ARTICLE XLVIII.
      The Tribunal is authorized to declare its competence in
      interpreting the "Compromis" as well as the other Treaties
      which may be invoked in the case, and in applying the
      principles of international law.

      ARTICLE XLIX.
      The Tribunal has the right to issue Rules of Procedure for
      the conduct of the case, to decide the forms and periods
      within which each party must conclude its arguments, and to
      arrange all the formalities required for dealing with the
      evidence.

      ARTICLE L.
      When the agents and counsel of the parties have submitted
      all explanations and evidence in support of their case, the
      President pronounces the discussion closed.

      ARTICLE LI.
      The deliberations of the Tribunal take place in private.
      Every decision is taken by a majority of members of the
      Tribunal. The refusal of a member to vote must be recorded
      in the "procès-verbal."

      ARTICLE LII.
      The award, given by a majority of votes, is accompanied by
      a statement of reasons. It is drawn up in writing and
      signed by each member of the Tribunal. Those members who
      are in the minority may record their dissent when signing.

      ARTICLE LIII.
      The award is read out at a public meeting of the Tribunal,
      the agents and counsel of the parties being present, or
      duly summoned to attend.

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      ARTICLE LIV.
      The award, duly pronounced and notified to the agents of
      the parties at variance, puts an end to the dispute
      definitely and without appeal.

      ARTICLE LV.
      The parties can reserve in the "Compromis" the right to
      demand the revision of the award. In this case, and unless
      there be an agreement to the contrary, the demand must be
      addressed to the Tribunal which pronounced the award. It
      can only be made on the ground of the discovery of some new
      fact calculated to exercise a decisive influence on the
      award, and which, at the time the discussion was closed,
      was unknown to the Tribunal and to the party demanding the
      revision. Proceedings for revision can only be instituted
      by a decision of the Tribunal expressly recording the
      existence of the new fact, recognizing in it the character
      described in the foregoing paragraph, and declaring the
      demand admissible on this ground. The "Compromis" fixes the
      period within which the demand for revision must be made.

      ARTICLE LVI.
      The award is only binding on the parties who concluded the
      "Compromis." When there is a question of interpreting a
      Convention to which Powers other than those concerned in
      the dispute are parties, the latter notify to the former
      the "Compromis" they have concluded. Each of these Powers
      has the right to intervene in the case. If one or more of
      them avail themselves of this right, the interpretation
      contained in the award is equally binding on them.

      ARTICLE LVII.
      Each party pays its own expenses and an equal share of
      those of the Tribunal.

   General Provisions.

      ARTICLE LVIII.
      The present Convention shall be ratified as speedily as
      possible. The ratification shall be deposited at The Hague.
      A "procès-verbal" shall be drawn up recording the receipt
      of each ratification, and a copy duly certified shall be
      sent, through the diplomatic channel, to all the Powers who
      were represented at the International Peace Conference at
      The Hague.

      ARTICLE LIX.
      The non-Signatory Powers who were represented at the
      International Peace Conference can adhere to the present
      Convention. For this purpose they must make known their
      adhesion to the Contracting Powers by a written
      notification addressed to the Netherland Government, and
      communicated by it to all the other Contracting Powers.

      ARTICLE LX.
      The conditions on which the Powers who were not represented
      at the International Peace Conference can adhere to the
      present Convention shall form the subject of a subsequent
      Agreement among the Contracting Powers.

      ARTICLE LXI.
      In the event of one of the High Contracting Parties
      denouncing the present Convention, this denunciation would
      not take effect until a year after its notification made in
      writing to the Netherland Government, and by it
      communicated at once to all the other Contracting Powers.
      This denunciation shall on]y affect the notifying Power. In
      faith of which the Plenipotentiaries have signed the
      present Convention and affixed their seals to it. Done at
      The Hague, the 29th July, 1899, in a single copy, which
      shall remain in the archives of the Netherland Government,
      and copies of it, duly certified, be sent through the
      diplomatic channel to the Contracting Powers.

      _United States, 56th Congress,
      1st Session., Senate Document 159._

PEACE CONFERENCE:
   The Permanent Court of Arbitration.

   The following is the membership of the Permanent Court of
   Arbitration, as finally organized, in January, 1901, and
   announced to be prepared for the consideration of any
   international dispute that may be submitted to it. Fifteen of
   the greater nations of the world are represented in this most
   august tribunal that has ever sat for judgment of the disputes
   of men:

   Austria-Hungary.

      His Excellency Count Frederic Schonborn, LL. D., president
      of the Imperial Royal Court of Administrative Justice,
      former Austrian Minister of Justice, member of the House of
      Lords of the Austrian Parliament, etc.

      His Excellency Mr. D. de Szilagyi, ex-Minister of Justice,
      member of the House of Deputies of the Hungarian
      Parliament.

      Count Albert Apponyi, member of the Chamber of Magnates and
      of the Chamber of Deputies of the Hungarian Parliament,
      etc.

      Mr. Henri Lammasch, LL. D., member of the House of Lords of
      the Austrian Parliament, etc.

   Belgium.

      His Excellency Mr. Beernaert, Minister of State, member of
      the Chamber of Representatives, etc.

      His Excellency Baron Lambermont, Minister of State, Envoy
      Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary,
      Secretary-General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

      The Chevalier Descamps, Senator.

      Mr. Rolin Jacquemyns, ex-Minister of the Interior.

   Denmark.

      Professor H. Matzen, LL. D., Professor of the Copenhagen
      University, Counsellor Extraordinary of the Supreme Court,
      President of the Landsthing.

   France.

      M. Leon Bourgeois, Deputy, ex-President of the Cabinet
      Council, ex-Minister for Foreign Affairs.

      M. de Laboulaye, ex-Ambassador.

      Baron Destournelles de Constant, Minister Plenipotentiary,
      Deputy.

      M. Louis Renault, Minister Plenipotentiary, Professor in
      the Faculty of Law at Paris, Law Office of the Department
      of Foreign Affairs.

   Germany.

      His Excellency Mr. Bingner, LL. D., Privy Councillor,
      Senate President of the Imperial High Court at Leipsic.

      Mr. von Frantzius, Privy Councillor, Solicitor of the
      Department of Foreign Affairs at Berlin.

      Mr. von Martitz, LL. D., Associate Justice of the Superior
      Court of Administrative Justice in Prussia, Professor of
      Law at the Berlin University.

      Mr. von Bar, LL. D., Judicial Privy Councillor, Professor
      of Law at the Göttingen University.

   Great Britain.

      His Excellency the Right Honorable Lord Pauncefote of
      Preston, G. C. B., G. C. M. G., Privy Councillor,
      Ambassador at Washington.

      The Right Honorable Sir Edward Baldwin Malet,
      ex-Ambassador.

      The Right Honorable Sir Edward Fry, member of the Privy
      Council, Q. C.

      Professor John Westlake, LL. D., Q. C.

   Italy.

      His Excellency Count Constantin Nigra, Senator of the
      Kingdom, Ambassador at Vienna.

      His Excellency Commander Jean Baptiste Pagano
      Guarnaschelli, Senator of the Kingdom, First President of
      the Court of Cassation at Rome.

      His Excellency Count Tornielli Brusati di Vergano, Senator
      of the Kingdom, Ambassador at Paris.

      Commander Joseph Zanardelli, Attorney at Law, Deputy to the
      National Parliament.

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   Japan.
      Mr. Motono, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
      Plenipotentiary at Brussels.

      Mr. H. Willard Denison, Law Officer of the Minister for
      Foreign Affairs at Tokio.

   Netherlands.
      Mr. T. M. C. Asser, LL. D., member of the Council of
      State, ex-Professor of the University of Amsterdam.

      Mr. F. B. Coninck Liefsting, LL. D.,
      President of the Court of Cassation.

      Jonkheer A. F. de Savornin Lohman, LL. D.,
      ex-Minister of the Interior, ex-Professor of the Free
      University of Amsterdam, member of the Lower House of the
      States-General.

      Jonkheer G. L. M. H. Ruis de Beerenbrouck,
      ex-Minister of Justice, Commissioner of the Queen in the
      Province of Limbourg.

   Portugal.
      Count de Macedo, Peer of the Realm,
      ex-Minister of Marine and Colonies, Envoy Extraordinary and
      Minister Plenipotentiary at Madrid.

   Rumania.
      Mr. Theodore Rosetti, Senator,
      ex-President of the High Court of Cassation and Justice.

      Mr. Jean Kalindero, Administrator of the Crown Domain,
      ex-Judge of the High Court of Cassation and Justice.

      Mr. Eugene Statsco,
      ex-President of the Senate, ex-Minister of Justice and
      Foreign Affairs.

      Mr. Jean N. Lahovari, Deputy, ex-Envoy Extraordinary and
      Minister Plenipotentiary, ex-Minister of Foreign Affairs.

   Russia.
      Mr. N. V. Mouravieff, Minister of Justice, Active Privy
      Councillor, Secretary of State of His Majesty the Emperor.

      Mr. C. P. Pobedonostzeff, Attorney-General of the Most
      Holy Synod, Active Privy Councillor, Secretary of State of
      His Majesty the Emperor.

      Mr. E. V. Frisch,
      President of the Department of Legislation of the Imperial
      Council, Active Privy Councillor, Secretary of State of His
      Majesty the Emperor.

      Mr. de Martens, Privy Councillor,
      permanent member of the Council of the Ministry of Foreign
      Affairs.

   Spain.
      His Excellency the Duke of Tetuan,
      ex-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Senator of the Kingdom,
      Grandee of Spain.

      Mr. Bienvenido Oliver,
      Director-General of the Ministry of Justice, ex-Delegate of
      Spain to the Conference on Private International Law at The
      Hague.

      Dr. Manuel Torres Campos,
      Professor of international law at the University of
      Grenada, associate member of the Institute of International
      Law.

   Sweden and Norway.
      Mr. S. R D. K. D'Olivecrona,
      member of the International Law Institute, ex-Associate
      Justice of the Supreme Court of the Kingdom of Sweden,
      Doctor of Laws and Letters at Stockholm.

      Mr. G. Gram,
      ex-Minister of State of Norway, Governor of the Province of
      Hamar, Norway.

   United States.
      Mr. Benjamin Harrison,
      ex-President of the United States.

      Mr. Melville W. Fuller,
      Chief Justice of the United States.

      Mr. John W. Griggs,
      Attorney-General of the United States.

      Mr. George Gray,
      United States Circuit Judge.
      First Secretary of the Court

      J. J. Rochussen.
      Second Secretary of the Court

      Jonkheer W. Roell.

   The Administrative Council consists of the Minister of Foreign
   Affairs of the Netherlands and the diplomatic representatives
   at The Hague of the ratifying Powers.

   Secretary-General
   Mr. R Melvil, Baron Van Leyden,
   Judge of the District Court of Utrecht and a member of the
   First Chamber of the States-General.

PEACE CONFERENCE:
   Convention with respect to the Laws and Customs of
   War on Land.

   ARTICLE I.
   The High Contracting Parties shall issue instructions to their
   armed land forces, which shall be in conformity with the
   "Regulations respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land"
   annexed to the present Convention.

   ARTICLE II.
   The provisions contained in the Regulations mentioned in
   Article I. are only binding on the Contracting Powers, in case
   of war between two or more of them. These provisions shall
   cease to be binding from the time when, in a war between
   Contracting Powers, a non-Contracting Power joins one of the
   belligerents.

   ARTICLE III.
   The present Convention shall be ratified as speedily as
   possible. The ratifications shall be deposited at The Hague. A
   "procès-verbal" shall be drawn up recording the receipt of
   each ratification, and a copy, duly certified, shall be sent
   through the diplomatic channel, to all the Contracting Powers.


   ARTICLE IV.
   Non-Signatory Powers are allowed to adhere to the present
   Convention. For this purpose they must make their adhesion
   known to the Contracting Powers by means of a written
   notification addressed to the Netherland Government, and by it
   communicated to all the other Contracting Powers.

   ARTICLE V.
   In the event of one of the High Contracting Parties denouncing
   the present Convention, such denunciation would not take
   effect until a year after the written notification made to the
   Nethterland Government, and by it at once communicated to all
   the other Contracting Powers. This denunciation shall affect
   only the notifying Power.

   In faith of which the Plenipotentiaries have signed the
   present Convention and affixed their seals thereto.

   [Signed by representatives of Belgium, Denmark, Spain, Mexico,
   France, Greece, Montenegro, the Netherlands, Persia, Portugal,
   Roumania, Russia, Siam, Sweden and Norway, and Bulgaria.]

REGULATIONS.

   SECTION I.
   On Belligerents.

   CHAPTER I.
   On the qualifications of Belligerents.

   ARTICLE I.
   The laws, rights, and duties of war apply not only to armies,
   but also to militia and volunteer corps, fulfilling the
   following conditions:

      1. To be commanded by a person responsible for his
      subordinates;

      2. To have a fixed distinctive emblem recognizable at a
      distance;

      3. To carry arms openly; and,

      4. To conduct their operations in accordance with the laws
      and customs of war. In countries where militia or volunteer
      corps constitute the army, or form part of it, they are
      included under the denomination "army."

   ARTICLE II.
   The population of a territory which has not been occupied who,
   on the enemy's approach, spontaneously take up arms to resist
   the invading troops without having time to organize themselves
   in accordance with Article I, shall be regarded a belligerent,
   if they respect the laws and customs of war.

   ARTICLE III.
   The armed forces of the belligerent parties may consist of
   combatants and non-combatants. In case of capture by the enemy
   both have a right to be treated as prisoners of war.

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   CHAPTER II.
   On Prisoners of War.

   ARTICLE IV.
   Prisoners of war are in the power of the hostile Government,
   but not in that of the individuals or corps who captured them.
   They must be humanely treated. All their personal belongings,
   except arms, horses, and military papers remain their
   property.

   ARTICLE V.
   Prisoners of war may be interned in a town, fortress, camp, or
   any other locality, and bound not to go beyond certain fixed
   limits; but they can only be confined as an indispensable
   measure of safety.

   ARTICLE VI.
   The State may utilize the labour of prisoners of war according
   to their rank and aptitude. Their tasks shall not be
   excessive, and shall have nothing to do with the military
   operations. Prisoners may be authorized to work for the Public
   Service, for private persons, or on their own account. Work
   done for the State shall be paid for according to the tariffs
   in force for soldiers of the national army employed on similar
   tasks. When the work is for other branches of the Public
   Service or for private persons, the conditions shall be
   settled in agreement with the military authorities. The wages
   of the prisoners shall go towards improving their position,
   and the balance shall be paid them at the time of their
   release, after deducting the cost of their maintenance.

   ARTICLE VII.
   The Government into whose hands prisoners of war have fallen
   is bound to maintain them. Failing a special agreement between
   the belligerents, prisoners of war shall be treated as regards
   food, quarters, and clothing, on the same footing as the
   troops of the Government which has captured them.

   ARTICLE VIII.
   Prisoners of war shall be subject to the laws, regulations,
   and orders in force in the army of the State into whose hands
   they have fallen. Any act of insubordination warrants the
   adoption, as regards them, of such measures of severity as may
   be necessary. Escaped prisoners, recaptured before they have
   succeeded in rejoining their army, or before quitting the
   territory occupied by the army that captured them, are liable
   to disciplinary punishment. Prisoners who, after succeeding in
   escaping, are again taken prisoners, are not liable to any
   punishment for the previous flight.

   ARTICLE IX.
   Every prisoner of war, if questioned, is bound to declare his
   true name and rank, and if he disregards this rule, he is
   liable to a curtailment of the advantages accorded to the
   prisoners of war of his class.

   ARTICLE X.
   Prisoners of war may be set at liberty on parole if the laws
   of their country authorize it, and, in such a case, they are
   bound, on their personal honour, scrupulously to fulfil, both
   as regards their own Government and the Government by whom
   they were made prisoners, the engagements they have
   contracted. In such cases, their own Government shall not
   require of nor accept from them any service incompatible with
   the parole given.

   ARTICLE XI.
   A prisoner of war cannot be forced to accept his liberty on
   parole; similarly the hostile Government is not obliged to
   assent to the prisoner's request to be set at liberty on
   parole.

   ARTICLE XII.
   Any prisoner of war, who is liberated on parole and
   recaptured, bearing arms against the Government to whom he had
   pledged his honour, or against the allies of that Government,
   forfeits his right to be treated as a prisoner of war, and can
   be brought before the Courts.

   ARTICLE XIII.
   Individuals who follow an army without directly belonging to
   it, such as newspaper correspondents and reporters, sutlers,
   contractors, who fall into the enemy's hands, and whom the
   latter think fit to detain, have a right to be treated as
   prisoners of war, provided they can produce a certificate from
   the military authorities of the army they were accompanying.

   ARTICLE XIV.
   A Bureau for information relative to prisoners of war is
   instituted, on the commencement of hostilities, in each of the
   belligerent States and, when necessary, in the neutral
   countries on whose territory belligerents have been received.
   This Bureau is intended to answer all inquiries about
   prisoners of war, and is furnished by the various services
   concerned with all the necessary information to enable it to
   keep an individual return for each prisoner of war. It is kept
   informed of internments and changes, as well as of admissions
   into hospital and deaths. It is also the duty of the
   Information Bureau to receive and collect all objects of
   personal use, valuables, letters, &c., found on the
   battlefields or left by prisoners who have died in hospital or
   ambulance, and to transmit them to those interested.

   ARTICLE XV.
   Relief Societies for prisoners of war, which are regularly
   constituted in accordance with the law of the country with the
   object of serving as the intermediary for charity, shall
   receive from the belligerents for themselves and their duly
   accredited agents every facility, within the bounds of
   military requirements and Administrative Regulations, for the
   effective accomplishment of their humane task. Delegates of
   these Societies may be admitted to the places of internment
   for the distribution of relief, as also to the halting places
   of repatriated prisoners, if furnished with a personal permit
   by the military authorities, and on giving an engagement in
   writing to comply with all their Regulations for order and
   police.

   ARTICLE XVI.
   The Information Bureau shall have the privilege of free
   postage. Letters, money orders, and valuables, as well as
   postal parcels destined for the prisoners of war or despatched
   by them, shall be free of all postal duties, both in the
   countries of origin and destination, as well as in those they
   pass through. Gifts and relief in kind for prisoners of war
   shall be admitted free of all duties of entry and others, as
   well as of payments for carriage by the Government rail ways.

   ARTICLE XVII.
   Officers taken prisoners may receive, if necessary, the full
   pay allowed them in this position by their country's
   regulations, the amount to be repaid by their Government.

   ARTICLE XVIII.
   Prisoners of war shall enjoy every latitude in the exercise of
   their religion, including attendance at their own church
   services, provided only they comply with the regulations for
   order and police issued by the military authorities.

   ARTICLE XIX.
   The wills of prisoners of war are received or drawn up on the
   same conditions as for soldiers of the national army. The same
   rules shall be observed regarding death certificates, as well as
   for the burial of prisoners of war, due regard being paid to
   their grade and rank.

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   ARTICLE XX.
   After the conclusion of peace, the repatriation of prisoners
   of war shall take place as speedily as possible.

   CHAPTER III.
   On the Sick and Wounded.

   ARTICLE XXI.
   The obligations of belligerents with regard to the sick and
   wounded are governed by the Geneva Convention of the 22d
   August, 1864, subject to any modifications which may be
   introduced into it.

   SECTION II.
   On Hostilities.

   CHAPTER I.
   On means of injuring the Enemy, Sieges: and Bombardments.

   ARTICLE XXII.
   The right of belligerents to adopt means of injuring the enemy
   is not unlimited.

   ARTICLE XXIII.
   Besides the prohibitions provided
   by special Conventions, it is especially prohibited:

      (a.) To employ poison or poisoned arms;

      (b.) To kill or wound treacherously individuals belonging
      to the hostile nation or army;

      (c.) To kill or wound an enemy who, having laid down arms,
      or having no longer means of defence, has surrendered at
      discretion;

      (d.) To declare that no quarter will be given;

      (e.) To employ arms, projectiles, or material of a nature
      to cause superfluous injury;

      (f.) To make improper use of a flag of truce, the national
      flag, or military ensigns and the enemy's uniform, as well
      as the distinctive badges of the Geneva Convention;

      (g.) To destroy or seize the enemy's property, unless such
      destruction or seizure be imperatively demanded by the
      necessities of war.

   ARTICLE XXIV.
   Ruses of war and the employment of methods necessary to obtain
   information about the enemy and the country, are considered
   allowable.

   ARTICLE XXV.
   The attack or bombardment of towns, villages, habitations or
   buildings which are not defended, is prohibited.

   ARTICLE XXVI.
   The Commander of an attacking force, before commencing a
   bombardment, except in the case of an assault, should do all
   he can to warn the authorities.

   ARTICLE XXVII.
   In sieges and bombardments all necessary steps should be taken
   to spare as far as possible edifices devoted to religion, art,
   science, and charity, hospitals, and places where the sick and
   wounded are collected, provided they are not used at the same
   time for military purposes. The besieged should indicate these
   buildings or places by some particular and visible signs,
   which should previously be notified to the assailants.

   ARTICLE XXVIII.
   The pillage of a town or place, even when taken by assault, is
   prohibited.

   CHAPTER II.
   On Spies.

   ARTICLE XXIX.
   An individual can only be considered a spy if, acting
   clandestinely, or on false pretences, he obtains, or seeks to
   obtain information in the zone of operations of a belligerent,
   with the intention of communicating it to the hostile party.
   Thus, soldiers not in disguise who have penetrated into the
   zone of operations of a hostile army to obtain information are
   not considered spies. Similarly, the following are not
   considered spies: soldiers or civilians, carrying out their
   mission openly, charged with the delivery of despatches
   destined either for their own army or for that of the enemy.
   To this class belong likewise individuals sent in balloons to
   deliver despatches, and generally to maintain communication
   between the various parts of an army or a territory.

   ARTICLE XXX.
   A spy taken in the act cannot be punished without previous
   trial.

   ARTICLE XXXI.
   A spy who, after rejoining the army to which he belongs, is
   subsequently captured by the enemy, is treated as a prisoner
   of war, and incurs no responsibility for his previous acts of
   espionage.

   CHAPTER III.
   On Flags of Truce.

   ARTICLE XXXII.
   An individual is considered as bearing a flag of truce who is
   authorized by one of the belligerents to enter into
   communication with the other, and who carries a white flag. He
   has a right to inviolability, as well as the trumpeter,
   bugler, or drummer, the flag-bearer, and the interpreter who
   may accompany him.

   ARTICLE XXXIII.
   The Chief to whom a flag of truce is sent is not obliged to
   receive it in all circumstances. He can take all steps
   necessary to prevent the envoy taking advantage of his mission
   to obtain information. In case of abuse, he has the right to
   detain the envoy temporarily.

   ARTICLE XXXIV.
   The envoy loses his rights of inviolability if it is proved
   beyond doubt that he has taken advantage of his privileged
   position to provoke or commit an act of treachery.

   CHAPTER IV.
   On Capitulations.

   ARTICLE XXXV.
   Capitulations agreed on between the Contracting Parties must
   be in accordance with the rules of military honour. When once
   settled, they must be scrupulously observed by both the
   parties.

   CHAPTER V.
   On Armistices.

   ARTICLE XXXVI.
   An armistice suspends military operations by mutual agreement
   between the belligerent parties. If its duration is not fixed,
   the belligerent parties can resume operations at any time,
   provided always the enemy is warned within the time agreed
   upon, in accordance with the terms of the armistice.

   ARTICLE XXXVII.
   An armistice may be general or local. The first suspends all
   military operations of the belligerent States; the second,
   only those between certain fractions of the belligerent armies
   and in a fixed radius.

   ARTICLE XXXVIII.
   An armistice must be notified officially, and in good time, to
   the competent authorities and the troops. Hostilities are
   suspended immediately lifter the notification, or at a fixed
   date.

   ARTICLE XXXIX.
   It is for the Contracting Parties to settle, in the terms of
   the armistice, what communications may be held, on the theatre
   of war, with the population and with each other.

   ARTICLE XL.
   Any serious violation of the armistice by one of the parties
   gives the other party the right to denounce it, and even, in
   case of urgency, to recommence hostilities at once.

   ARTICLE XLI.
   A violation of the terms of the armistice by private
   individuals acting on their own initiative, only confers the
   right of demanding the punishment of the offenders, and, if
   necessary, indemnity for the losses sustained.

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   SECTION III.
   On Military Authority over Hostile Territory.

   ARTICLE XLII.
   Territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed
   under the authority of the hostile army. The occupation
   applies only to the territory where such authority is
   established, and in a position to assert itself.

   ARTICLE XLIII.
   The authority of the legitimate power having actually passed
   into the hands of the occupant, the latter shall take all
   steps in his power to re-establish and insure, as far as
   possible, public order and safety, while respecting, unless
   absolutely prevented, the laws in force in the country.

   ARTICLE XLIV.
   Any compulsion of the population of occupied territory to take
   part in military operations against its own country is
   prohibited.

   ARTICLE XLV.
   Any pressure on the population of occupied territory to take
   the oath to the hostile Power is prohibited.

   ARTICLE XLVI.
   Family honours and rights, individual lives and private
   property, as well as religious convictions and liberty, must
   be respected. Private property cannot be confiscated.

   ARTICLE XLVII.
   Pillage is formally prohibited.

   ARTICLE XLVIII.
   If, in the territory occupied, the occupant collects the
   taxes, dues, and tolls imposed for the benefit of the State,
   he shall do it, as far as possible, in accordance with the
   rules in existence and the assessment in force, and will in
   consequence be bound to defray the expenses of the
   administration of the occupied territory on the same scale as
   that by which the legitimate Government was bound.

   ARTICLE XLIX.
   If, besides the taxes mentioned in the preceding Article, the
   occupant levies other money taxes in the occupied territory,
   this can only be for military necessities or the
   administration of such territory.

   ARTICLE L.
   No general penalty, pecuniary or otherwise, can be inflicted
   on the population on account of the acts of individuals for
   which it cannot be regarded as collectively responsible.

   ARTICLE LI.
   No tax shall be collected except under a written order and on
   the responsibility of a Commander-in-chief. This collection
   shall only take place, as far as possible, in accordance with
   the rules in existence and the assessment of taxes in force.
   For every payment a receipt shall be given to the taxpayer.

   ARTICLE LII.
   Neither requisitions in kind nor services can be demanded from
   communes or inhabitants except for the necessities of the army
   of occupation. They must be in proportion to the resources of the
   country, and of such a nature as not to involve the population
   in the obligation of taking part in military operations
   against their country. These requisitions and services shall
   only be demanded on the authority of the Commander in the
   locality occupied. The contributions in kind shall, as far as
   possible, be paid for in ready money; if not, their receipt
   shall be acknowledged.

   ARTICLE LIII.
   An army of occupation can only take possession of the cash,
   funds, and property liable to requisition belonging strictly
   to the State, depots of arms, means of transport, stores and
   supplies, and, generally, all movable property of the State
   which may be used for military operations. Railway plant, land
   telegraphs, telephones, steamers, and other ships, apart from
   cases governed by maritime law, as well as depots of arms and,
   generally, all kinds of war material, even though belonging to
   Companies or to private persons, are likewise material which
   may serve for military operations, but they must be restored
   at the conclusion of peace, and indemnities paid for them.

   ARTICLE LIV.
   The plant of railways coming from neutral States, whether the
   property of those States, or of Companies, or of private
   persons, shall be sent back to them as soon as possible.

   ARTICLE LV.
   The occupying State shall only be regarded as administrator
   and usufructuary of the public buildings, real property,
   forests, and agricultural works belonging to the hostile
   State, and situated in the occupied country. It must protect
   the capital of these properties, and administer it according
   to the rules of usufruct.

   ARTICLE LVI.
   The property of the communes, that of religious, charitable,
   and educational institutions, and those of arts and science,
   even when State property, shall be treated as private
   property. All seizure of, and destruction, or intentional
   damage done to such institutions, to historical monuments,
   works of art or science, is prohibited, and should be made the
   subject of proceedings.

   SECTION IV.
   On the Internment of Belligerents and the Care of the Wounded
   in Neutral Countries.

   ARTICLE LVII.
   A neutral State which receives in its territory troops
   belonging to the belligerent armies shall intern them, as far
   as possible, at a distance from the theatre of war. It can
   keep them in camps, and even confine them in fortresses or
   localities assigned for this purpose. It shall decide whether
   officers may be left at liberty on giving their parole that
   they will not leave the neutral territory without
   authorization.

   ARTICLE LVIII.
   Failing a special Convention, the neutral State shall supply
   the interned with the food, clothing, and relief required by
   humanity. At the conclusion of peace, the expenses caused by
   the internment shall be made good.

   ARTICLE LIX.
   A neutral State may authorize the passage through its
   territory of wounded or sick belonging to the belligerent
   armies, on condition that the trains bringing them shall carry
   neither combatants nor war material. In such a case, the neutral
   State is bound to adopt such measures of safety and control as
   may be necessary for the purpose. Wounded and sick brought
   under these conditions into neutral territory by one of the
   belligerents, and belonging to the hostile party, must be
   guarded by the neutral State, so as to insure their not taking
   part again in the military operations. The same duty shall
   devolve on the neutral State with regard to wounded or sick of
   the other army who may be committed to its care.

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   ARTICLE LX.
   The Geneva Convention applies to sick and wounded interned in
   neutral territory. The Convention establishing these
   regulations was not signed by the delegates from the United
   States, nor by those of Great Britain. The reasons for
   abstention on the part of the latter were stated in a
   communication from the British War Office, as follows: "Lord
   Lansdowne … considers it essential that the revised Articles,
   together with the Preamble and final dispositions, should be
   submitted to the most careful examination by the high military
   authorities and by the legal advisers of Her Majesty's
   Government, before he can pronounce a definitive opinion on
   the three points raised. Subject to such reserves as may
   result from this examination, Lord Lansdowne is of opinion
   that the Project of Convention is in general of such a nature
   that it may, in principle, be accepted as a basis of
   instructions for the guidance of the British army, but he is
   unable, until that examination has been completed, to offer an
   opinion as to whether it is desirable to enter into an
   international engagement. Lord Lansdowne would therefore
   suggest, for Lord Salisbury's consideration, that instructions
   should be given to Sir Julian Pauncefote to reserve full
   liberty for Her Majesty's Government, to accept only such
   Articles as, after mature examination by their military and
   legal advisers, they may approve of." Probably the delegates
   from the United States were similarly instructed by their
   government.

   Added to the Convention relative to Laws and Customs of War
   were three Declarations, separately signed, as follows:

   1. "The contracting powers agree to prohibit, for a term of
   five years, the launching of projectiles and explosives from
   balloons, or by other new methods of a similar nature."

   2. "The contracting parties agree to abstain from the use of
   bullets which expand or flatten easily in the human body, such
   as bullets with a hard envelope which does not entirely cover
   the core, or is pierced with incisions."

   3. "The contracting parties agree to abstain from the use of
   projectiles the object of which is the diffusion of
   asphyxiating or deleterious gases."

   The first of these Declarations was signed by the delegates
   from the United States, but not by those from Great Britain.
   The second and third were signed by neither British nor
   American representatives. In the discussion that preceded the
   adoption of the second Declaration by a majority of the
   Conference, Captain Crozier, of the American delegation,
   presented the objections to it, on which he and his colleagues
   were in agreement with the British representatives. He said
   "there was a great difference of opinion as to whether the
   bullets of small calibre rifles sufficed to put men 'hors de
   combat,' which was admitted on all sides to be the object
   which rifle fire was expected to achieve. He considered the
   proposition before the Conference to be unsatisfactory, since
   it limited the prohibition to details of construction which
   only included a single case, and left all others out of
   consideration. He would not enter into a recapitulation of all
   the advantages of small calibre rifles, since they were
   perfectly well known; but he felt sure that certain Powers
   might adopt calibres even smaller than those at present in
   use, and, in this case, he maintained that they would be
   compelled to secure increased shock by some new method of
   construction of the projectile. He considered that it would be
   perfectly easy to devise such projectiles while keeping within
   the terms of the proposed interdiction, and he thought that
   the result might be the ultimate adoption of a bullet of an
   even less humane character than those aimed at by the
   Resolution. He declared that he had nothing to say for or
   against the Dum-Dum bullet [see, in this volume, DUM-DUM
   BULLET], of which he knew nothing except what had been stated
   during the meetings of the First Commission, but that he was
   not disposed to make any condemnation without proofs, and
   these proofs had not been forthcoming."

   As for the third Declaration, it was opposed by Captain Mahan,
   who spoke for the Americans, because "he considered the use of
   asphyxiating shell far less inhuman and cruel than the
   employment of submarine boats, and as the employment of
   submarine boats had not been interdicted by the Conference
   (though specially mentioned with that object in the Mouravieff
   Circular), he felt constrained to maintain his vote in favour of
   the use of asphyxiating shell on the original ground that the
   United States' Government was averse to placing any
   restriction on the inventive genius of its citizens in
   inventing and providing new weapons of war."

PEACE CONFERENCE:
   Convention for the adaptation to maritime warfare of the
   principles of the Geneva Convention of August 22, 1864.

   ARTICLE I.
   Military hospital-ships, that is to say, ships constructed or
   assigned by States specially and solely for the purpose of
   assisting the wounded, sick, or shipwrecked, and the names of
   which shall have been communicated to the belligerent Powers
   at the commencement or during the course of hostilities, and
   in any case before they are employed, shall be respected and
   cannot be captured while hostilities last. These ships,
   moreover, are not on the same footing as men-of-war as regards
   their stay in a neutral port.

   ARTICLE II.
   Hospital-ships, equipped wholly or in part at the cost of
   private individuals or officially recognized relief Societies,
   shall likewise be respected and exempt from capture, provided
   the belligerent Power to whom they belong has given them an
   official commission and has notified their names to the
   Hostile Power at the commencement of or during hostilities,
   and in any case before they are employed. These ships should
   be furnished with a certificate from the competent
   authorities, declaring that they had been under their control
   while fitting out and on final departure.

   ARTICLE III.
   Hospital-ships, equipped wholly or in part at the cost of
   private individuals or officially recognized Societies of
   neutral countries, shall be respected and exempt from capture,
   if the neutral Power to whom they belong has given them an
   official commission and notified their names to the
   belligerent Powers at the commencement of or during
   hostilities, and in any case before they are employed.

   ARTICLE IV.
   The ships mentioned in Articles I, II, and III shall afford
   relief and assistance to the wounded, sick, and shipwrecked of
   the belligerents independently of their nationality. The
   Governments engage not to use these ships for any military
   purpose. These ships must not in any way hamper the movements
   of the combatants. During and after an engagement they will
   act at their own risk and peril. The belligerents will have
   the right to control and visit them; they can refuse to help
   them, order them off, make them take a certain course, and put
   a Commissioner on board; they can even detain them, if important
   circumstances require it. As far as possible the belligerents
   shall inscribe in the sailing papers of the hospital-ships the
   orders they give them.

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   ARTICLE V.
   The military hospital-ships shall be distinguished by being
   painted white outside with a horizontal band of green about a
   metre and a half in breadth. The ships mentioned in Articles
   II and III shall be distinguished by being painted white
   outside with a horizontal band of red about a metre and a half
   in breadth. The boats of the ships above mentioned, as also
   small craft which may be used for hospital work, shall be
   distinguished by similar painting. All hospital-ships shall
   make themselves known by hoisting, together with their
   national flag, the white flag with a red cross provided by the
   Geneva Convention.

   ARTICLE VI.
   Neutral merchantmen, yachts, or vessels, having, or taking on
   board, sick, wounded, or shipwrecked of the belligerents,
   cannot be captured for so doing, but they are liable to
   capture for any violation of neutrality they may have
   committed.

   ARTICLE VII.
   The religious, medical, or hospital staff of any captured ship
   is inviolable, and its members cannot be made prisoners of
   war. On leaving the ship they take with them the objects and
   surgical instruments which are their own private property.
   This staff shall continue to discharge its duties while
   necessary, and can afterwards leave when the
   Commander-in-chief considers it possible. The belligerents
   must guarantee to the staff that has fallen into their hands
   the enjoyment of their salaries intact.

   ARTICLE VIII.
   Sailors and soldiers who are taken on board when sick or
   wounded, to whatever nation they belong, shall be protected
   and looked after by the captors.

   ARTICLE IX.
   The shipwrecked, wounded, or sick of one of the belligerents
   who fall into the hands of the other, are prisoners of war.
   The captor must decide, according to circumstances, if it is
   best to keep them or send them to a port of his own country,
   to a neutral port, or even to a hostile port. In the last
   case, prisoners thus repatriated cannot serve as long as the
   war lasts.

   ARTICLE X.
   The shipwrecked, wounded, or sick, who are landed at a neutral
   port with the consent of the local authorities, must, failing
   a contrary arrangement between the neutral State and the
   belligerents, be guarded by the neutral State, so that they
   cannot again take part in the military operations. The
   expenses of entertainment and internment shall be borne by the
   State to which the shipwrecked, wounded, or sick belong.

   ARTICLE XI.
   The rules contained in the above Articles are binding only on
   the Contracting Powers, in case of war between two or more of
   them. The said rules shall cease to be binding from the time
   when, in a war between the Contracting Powers, one of the
   belligerents is joined by a non-Contracting Power.

   ARTICLE XII.
   The present Convention shall be ratified as soon as possible.
   The ratifications shall be deposited at The Hague. On the
   receipt of each ratification a "procès-verbal" shall be drawn
   up, a copy of which, duly certified, shall be sent through the
   diplomatic channel to all the Contracting Powers.

   ARTICLE XIII.
   The non-Signatory Powers who accepted the Geneva Convention of
   the 22d August, 1864, are allowed to adhere to the present
   Convention. For this purpose they must make their adhesion
   known to the Contracting Powers by means of a written
   notification addressed to the Netherland Government, and by it
   communicated to all the other Contracting Powers.

   ARTICLE XIV.
   In the event of one of the High Contracting Parties denouncing
   the present Convention, such denunciation shall not take
   effect until a year after the notification made in writing to
   the Netherland Government, and forthwith communicated by it to
   all the other Contracting Powers. This denunciation shall only
   affect the notifying Power.

   In faith of which the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed
   the present Convention and affixed their seals thereto.

   [Signed by the representatives of Belgium, Denmark, Spain,
   Mexico, France, Greece, Montenegro, the Netherlands, Persia,
   Portugal, Roumania, Russia, Siam, Sweden and Norway, and
   Bulgaria]

   ----------PEACE CONFERENCE: End--------

PEARY'S EXPLORATIONS.

      See (in this volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION, 1895, 1896, 1897, 1898—.

PEKING: A. D. 1900.
   The siege of the Foreign Legations and their rescue.
   Occupation of the city by the allied forces.
   Looting and outrage.
   March through the "Forbidden City."

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE-AUGUST);
      and (AUGUST 4-16, and 15-28).

PEKING: A. D. 1900-1901.
   Seizure of grounds for a fortified Legation Quarter.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900-1901 (NOVEMBER-FEBRUARY).

PEKING SYNDICATE, Chinese concessions to the.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

PELAGIC SEAL KILLING, The question of.

      See (in this volume)
      BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

PELEW ISLANDS:
   Sale by Spain to Germany.

      See (in this volume)
      CAROLINE AND MARIANNE ISLANDS.

PENNSYLVANIA: A. D. 1897.
   Great strike of coal miners.
   Conflict at Lattimer.

      See (in this volume)
      INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1897.

PENNSYLVANIA: A. D. 1900.
   Strike of anthracite coal miners.

      See (in this volume)
      INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1900.

PENNSYLVANIA, University of:
   Expeditions to explore the ruins of Nippur.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA:
      AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

PENNY POSTAGE, British Imperial.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (DECEMBER).

PENSIONS, Old-Age.

      See references (in this volume) under
      OLD-AGE PENSIONS.

PEONES.

      See (in this volume)
      PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (AUGUST-JULY).

PEOPLE'S PARTY, The.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
      and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

{366}

PERRY'S EXPEDITION TO JAPAN,
   Proposed monument to commemorate.

      See (in this volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1901.

PERSIA: A.D. 1896.
   Assassination of the Shah.

   The Shah of Persia, Nâsr-ed-din, was shot, on the 1st day of
   May, when entering the mosque of Shah Abdul Azim, by one Mirza
   Mahomed Reza, said to be of the Babi sect. Nâsr-ed-din had
   reigned since 1848. He was succeeded by his son,
   Muzaffar-ed-din, who was forty-three years old at his
   accession.

PERSIA: A. D. 1897-1899.
   Recent exploration of the ruins of Susa.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: PERSIA.

PERSIA: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
   Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

PERSIA: A. D. 1900.
   Russian railway projects.

      See (in this volume)
      RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1900.

PERSIAN GULF, Railways to the.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (NOVEMBER);
      and RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1900.

PERU: A. D. 1894-1899.
   Overthrow of an unconstitutional government.
   Legitimate authority restored.

   The death of President Bermudez, in March, 1894, brought about
   a revolutionary movement in the interest of ex-President
   Caceres. Constitutionally, the First Vice-President, Dr. del
   Solar, would have succeeded the deceased President, until a
   new election was held; but the Second Vice-President, who was
   a partisan of Caceres, and who had the army with him, seized
   control of the government. In May, Caceres was proclaimed
   Provisional President, and in August it was claimed for him
   that he had been elected by Congress; but the election was not
   recognized by his opponents. A formidable rebellion was
   organized, under the lead of ex-President Pierola, who had
   been in exile and now returned. Civil war raged for nearly a
   year, Pierola gaining steadily. In February, 1895, his forces
   reached the capital and laid siege to it. On the 17th of March
   they entered the city, and there was desperate fighting in the
   streets of Lima for three days, nearly 2,000 of the
   combatants being killed and more than 1,500 wounded. Chiefly
   through the efforts of the Papal delegate, the bloody conflict
   was finally stopped and terms of peace arranged. A provisional
   government, made up from both parties, was formed, under which
   a peaceable election was held in the following July. Pierola
   was then elected President. Caceres and his partisans
   attempted a rising the next year (1896), but it had no
   success. In the northern department of Loreto, on the border
   of Ecuador, an abortive movement for independence was set on
   foot by an ambitious official, who gave the government
   considerable trouble, but accomplished nothing more. In 1899,
   President Pierola was succeeded by Eduardo L. de Romana,
   elected in May. A rebellion attempted that year by one General
   Durand was promptly suppressed.

PERU: A. D. 1894.-1900.
   The dispute with Chile concerning Tacna and Arica.

      See (in this volume)
      CHILE: A. D. 1884-1900.

PESCADORES ISLANDS:
   Cession by China to Japan.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.

PHILADELPHIA: A. D. 1897.
   Opening of the Commercial Museum.

   A Commercial Museum which has acquired great importance was
   opened in Philadelphia on the 2d of June, 1897. "In both aim
   and results the institution is unique. Other countries, also,
   have their commercial museums, which are doing excellent work.
   Their scope, however, is much more limited; the Museum of
   Philadelphia differing from them in that it is an active, not
   merely a passive, aid to the prospective exporter. The foreign
   museums, situated in London, Bremen, Hamburg, Stuttgart,
   Vienna, Havre, Brussels, and various other commercial centres,
   do not extend active aid, but content themselves with more or
   less complete displays of samples of domestic and foreign
   competitive goods sold in export markets. The theory of their
   organization is, that the manufacturer, contemplating a
   foreign business campaign, will be enabled to pursue it
   intelligently through the study of these samples. The
   initiative is left to the exporter himself, who must discover
   what opportunities exist for him abroad; and it is also left
   to him to take advantage of his opportunities in the way that
   may seem best to him. The display of manufactured samples is
   only a small part of the work of the Philadelphia Museum. This
   institution shows not only what goods are sold in foreign
   markets, but also where those markets are, what commercial
   conditions obtain in connection with them, what particular
   kinds of goods they demand, how these markets may be best
   competed for, and where the raw material may be most
   profitably purchased. It furnishes information, furthermore,
   as to business connections as well as the credit ratings of
   the agents or firms recommended. To secure specific
   information it is not necessary to visit the institution
   itself; for reports of trade opportunities abroad are
   distributed by the Museum to its members; and these reports
   are provided with photographs of many of the articles which,
   at that particular time, are in demand, in certain parts of
   the world. Under these circumstances, the exporter is
   practically provided with a staff of expert, foreign
   representatives, without any expense to himself beyond the
   merely nominal fee for membership. While its activities are
   dependent to a certain extent upon the income derived from
   subscribers, the Museum is not a money-making institution.
   Indeed, its income from this source does not cover half the
   expenditures. It is enabled to carry on its work only by
   reason of the generous, annual appropriation provided for it
   by the City Councils of Philadelphia. But a very large income
   is required to maintain a staff of 150 employees in
   Philadelphia, as well as 500 regular and several thousand
   occasional correspondents scattered throughout the world. The
   only advantage which the city itself derives from the Museum
   is that resulting indirectly from the presence of foreign
   buyers attracted to Philadelphia by the Museum's work."

      _W. P. Wilson,
      The Philadelphia Commercial Museum
      (Forum, September, 1899)._

PHILADELPHIA: A. D. 1899.
   National Export Exposition and International
   Commercial Congress.

      See (in this volume)
      INTERNATIONAL COMMERCIAL CONGRESS.

{367}

   ----------PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: Start--------

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS:
   Number, area, shore line, and population.

   "In regard to the number and areas of the islands in the
   archipelago there must necessarily be a certain inaccuracy,
   because the group has never been properly surveyed, and the
   only method of determining the number and areas is by counting
   and measuring on the charts. The following figures are
   probably the best ever compiled. They are drawn from
   enumeration and mensuration on maps recently obtained by the
   United States commissioners to the Philippines and which are
   without doubt the most complete and the most thorough ever
   made. The following is quoted from the introduction to these
   maps, which are being published by the United States Coast and
   Geodetic Survey. All the islands or groups having an area of over
   20 square miles have been measured, and the areas are here
   given in square miles and square kilometers. Many different
   statements have been made in regard to the number of the
   islands composing the archipelago. The cause for this must be
   attributed to the scale of the charts on which the count was
   made and the difficulty of distinguishing between rocks and
   formations of sufficient area to dignify them by the name of
   islands. Thus on a small-scale Spanish chart of the entire
   group 948 islands were counted; on various large-scale charts
   of the same area there were found 1,725. The principal
   islands, with the extent of shore line of some of them and
   their area, are given on the following lists. The areas were
   carefully measured, but are subject to the inaccuracy of the
   length of general shore line.

   Name.                   Square Miles.  Square kilometers.

   Babuyan                      36                93
   Bagata, or Quinalasag        27                70
   Balabae                      38                98
   Basilan                     350               907
   Batan                        21                54
   Bantayan                     26                67
   Bohol                     1,430             3,727
   Bucas                        41               106
   Burias                      153               422
   Busuanga                    328               850
   Calayan                      37                96
   Calamian                    117               303
   Camiguin (Babnyanes group)   54               140
   Camiguin                     71               184
   Catandunanes                680             1,761
   Cebu                      1,742             4,512
   Dalupiri                     20                53
   Dinagat                     259               671
   Dumaran                      95               246
   Fuga                         21                54
   Guimaras                    176               456
   Leite (Leyte)             2,713             7,027
   Linapacan                    40               104
   Luzon                    47,238           122,346
   Mactan                       20                52
   Malhou (Homonkon)            35                91
   Marindugna                  287               743
   Masbate                   1.200             3,341
   Mindanao                 36,237            93,854
   Mindoro                   3,972            10,987
   Negros                    4,854            12,571
   Olutanga                     71               184
   Panaon                       57               148
   Panay                     4,708            12,194
   Panglao                      24                62
   Pangutaran                   32                85
   Polillo                     231               598
   Samal                       105               272
   Samar                     5,040            13,054
   Saranguani                   36                93
   Semerara                     23                60
   Siargao                     134               347
   Sibuyan                     131               339
   Siquijor                     83               215
   Sulu, or Jolo               241               624
   Tablas                      250               648
   Ticao                        94               243
   Ybayat, or Ibayat            22                57
   Ylin                         24                62

   GROUPS.

   Alabat                       76              197
   Jomalig

   Banton                       44              114
   Simara
   Romblon

   Daram                        41              106
   Buad

   Camotes group:               74              192
      Ponson
      Poro
      Pasijan

   Calaguas group:
      Tinagua                   19              49
      Guintinua

   Cuyos group:                 28              73
     Cuyos
      Cugo
      Agutaya
      Hamipo
     Bisukei

   Laguan                      23               60
   Batag

   Limbancauyan               184              477
   Mesa, or Talajit
   Maripipi
   Balupiri
   Biliran

   Lubang                     53              163
   Ambil
   Golo

   San Miguel                 82              212
   Batan
   Cacraray
   Rapurrapu

   Tawi Tawi group:          183             414
      Tawi Tawi
      Tabulinga
      Tandubato

   Others of the
   Tawi Tawi group.           54            140

   Total measured        118,542        307,025

   Estimated area of
   unmeasured islands      1,000          2,500

   Total area            119,542        309,615

{368}

   Length of general shore line.

   Name.                     Miles          Kilometers

   Bohol                       161             259
   Cebu                        310             499
   Jolo Archipelago            858           1,381
   Kalamines                   126             203
   Leite                       363             584
   Luzon                     2,144           3,450
   Masbate                     244             393
   Mindanao                  1,592           2,562
   Mindoro                     322             518
   Negros                      386             621
   Palawan                     644           1,036
   Panay                       377             607
   Samar                       412             663
   Minor islands             3,505           5,641

   Total                    11,444          18,417

   "The following [as to population] is a quotation from an
   article by W. F. Wilcox, of the United States Census Bureau.
   It is well to notice that the last official census was in 1887
   and that the figures of that census, though probably
   underestimating the population of the islands, are the ones
   which, in default of better, we are obliged to take as final.
   It is probable that these are an understatement of the true
   population of the Philippines for several reasons, among which
   is one not observed by Mr. Wilcox, and which is therefore
   mentioned. It is, of course, only supposition, but is at least
   suggestive. For every adult counted in the census the
   officials were obliged to return a poll tax. Thus, for
   instance, if 100,000 persons were counted 100,000 pesetas
   would have to be returned to the treasury. It has therefore
   been supposed that the officials counted, say, 150,000 and
   returned only 100,000 pesetas and 100,000 names. Mr. Wilcox
   says (American Statistical Association Publ., September,
   1899): 'The population of the islands in 1872 was stated in a
   letter to Nature (6:162), from Manila, by Dr. A. B. Meyer, who
   gives the latest not yet published statistics as his
   authority. The letter gives the population of nine islands, as
   follows:

   Luzon    4,467,111
   Panay    1,052,586
   Cebu       427,356
   Leite      285,495
   Bohol      283,515
   Negros     255,873
   Samar      250,062
   Mindanao   191,802
   Mindoro     70,926

   "It also gives the population of each of the 43 provinces of
   the islands. The population was not counted, but estimated.
   The number who paid tribute was stated as 1,232,544. How this
   was ascertained we are not informed. The total population,
   7,451,352, was approximated 'on the supposition that about the
   sixth part of the whole has to pay tribute.' In reality this
   population is 6.046 times the assigned tribute-paying
   population. But Dr. Meyer adds: 'As there exist in all the
   islands, even in Luzon, independent tribes and a large number
   in Mindanao, the number of 7,451,352 gives no correct idea of
   the real population of the Philippines. This is not known at
   all and will not be known for a long time to come.'

   "Since 1872 there have been actual enumerations of the
   Philippines, but authorities differ as to the time when they
   occurred and the detailed results. These enumerations were
   usually confined to the subject and Catholic population, and
   omitted the heathen, Mohammedan, and independent tribes. Four
   reports of the entire population have been printed:

   1. A report made by the religious orders in 1876 or 1877, in
   which the nationalities and creeds of the population were
   distinguished.

   2. A manuscript report to Professor Blumentritt of the
   enumeration made by the religious orders in December, 1879.

   3. The official report of the civil census of December 31,
   1877, contained in Reseña geog. y estad. de España, 1888, p.
   1079.

   4. The official report upon the census taken by the civil
   officers December 31, 1887, and printed in the first volume of
   Censo de la Poblacion de España, at Madrid, in 1891.

   The first two may be compared, and tend somewhat to
   corroborate each other, as follows:

   1. Tribute-paying natives.            5,501,356

   2. Army                                  14,545
   3. Navy                                   2,924
   4. Religious officers (Geistlichkeit)     1,962
   5. Civil officers                         5,552
   6. Other Spaniards                       13,265

   Total Spaniards                          38,248


                                   1876-77.      1879.
   Total Catholics                5,539,604   5,777,522
   Heathen and Mohammedan natives   602,853     632,640
   Foreigners (In 1876 there were:
     British,  176; German, 109;
     Americans, 42; French, 30)         378         592
     Chinese                         30,797      39,054

     Total                        6,173,632   6,449,813


   "The third enumeration reported 5,567,685 as the
   tribute-paying population. To this number should be added the
   estimated number of the independent tribes, 'Indios no
   sometidos'; this according to the missionaries' count was
   about 600,000, making a total of 6,167,685. Most experts agree
   that this official report is untrustworthy and involves
   serious omissions, but believe that the facts are so
   imperfectly known that they are unable to correct it. One
   author, del Pac, writing in 1882, started from the
   missionaries' census of 1876-77, viz, 6,173,632, assumed that
   this omitted as many as 600,000 members of independent tribes
   and that the increase of 1876-1882 would be 740,000. In this
   way he got 7,513,632. A second writer, Sanciano, estimated the
   population in 1881 as 10,260,249. The missionaries made an
   estimate of their own in 1885 which showed 9,529,841.

[Image: Seat of War in the Island of Luzon.]

{369}

   "The fourth enumeration of those mentioned above showed a
   population of 5,985,123 in 1887, and the totals both for the
   group as a whole and for the fifty odd provinces tend to
   confirm and to be confirmed by the civil count of 1877. This
   number, however, represents only the nominally Catholic or
   tribute-paying population. To it must be added the Mohammedan
   or heathen tribes set down by clerical authorities as about
   600,000. Perhaps the highest authority in this field,
   Professor Blumentritt, is confident that this number does not
   include all the independent tribes, but only those in the
   mountains who have a special arrangement freeing them from all
   the dues of the subject tribes. On the whole, therefore, Prof.
   H. Wagner is inclined to estimate these omissions of
   independent or non-Christian tribes at about 1,000,000 and the
   population of the group at about 7,000,000. This result is
   indorsed by the latest German authority, Hübner's
   Geographisch-Statistische Tabellen for 1898, which gives the
   population as
   5,985,124 + 1,000,000 = 6,985,124, as follows:

                                   Spanish     Estimated number
                                   census.     not counted.

   Luzon and adjacent islands     3,443,000       150,000
   Mindoro and Masbate              126,000       100,000
   Visayas Archipelago            2,181,000       200,000
   Mindanao                         209,000       400,000
   Calamianes and Palawan            22,000        50,000
   Jolo (Sulu) Islands                4,000       100,000

   Total                          5,985,000     1,000,000

   "Personally I am disposed to suspect that this number,
   although called by Professor Wagner an outside estimate, is
   below rather than above the truth. In favor of this position
   it may be urged that Professor Wagner's estimate makes no
   allowance either for the natural increase of population,
   1887-1898, or for the fact that the first careful census of
   densely populated regions, like India and Japan, usually
   reveals a larger population than had been previously
   estimated. This analogy might reasonably be applied to Luzon
   and the Visayas."

      _United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,
      Senate Document Number 171, pages 4-7._

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS:
   The native inhabitants.

   "The inhabitants of the Philippines belong to three sharply
   distinct races—the Negrito race, the Indonesian race, and the
   Malayan race. It is universally conceded that the Negritos of
   to-day are the disappearing remnants of a people which once
   populated the entire archipelago. They are, physically,
   weaklings of low stature, with black skin, closely-curling
   hair, flat noses, thick lips, and large, clumsy feet. In the
   matter of intelligence they stand at or near the bottom of the
   human series, and they are believed to be incapable of any
   considerable degree of civilization or advancement. Centuries
   ago they were driven from the coast regions into the wilder
   interior portions of the islands by Malay invaders, and from
   that day to this they have steadily lost ground in the
   struggle for existence, until but a few scattered and
   numerically insignificant groups of them remain. … It is
   believed that not more than 25,000 of them exist in the entire
   archipelago, and the race seems doomed to early extinction. …

   "So far as is at present known, the Philippine tribes
   belonging to the Indonesian race are confined to the great
   island of Mindanao, the surface of which constitutes about
   one-third of the total land area of the archipelago. … The
   Philippine representatives of this race are physically
   superior not only to the Negritos, but to the more numerous
   Malayan peoples as well. They are tall and well developed,
   with high foreheads, aquiline noses, wavy hair, and often with
   abundant beards. The color of their skins is quite light. Many
   of them are very clever and intelligent. None of the tribes
   have been Christianized. Some of them have grown extremely
   fierce and warlike as a result of their long struggle with
   hostile Malayan peoples. Others, more happy in their
   surroundings, are pacific and industrious.

   "The great majority of the inhabitants of the Philippines are
   of Malayan extraction, although the race is not found pure in
   any of the islands, but is everywhere more or less modified
   through intermarriage with Chinese, Indonesians, Negritos,
   Arabs, and, to a limited extent, Spaniards and other
   Europeans. The individuals belonging to these Malayan tribes
   are of medium size, with straight black hair. As a rule the
   men are beardless, and when they have a beard it is usually
   straggling, and appears late in life. The skin is brown and
   distinctly darker than that of the Indonesians, although very
   much lighter than that of the Negritos. The nose is short and
   frequently considerably flattened. The representatives of
   these three races are divided into numerous tribes, which
   often differ very greatly in language, manners, customs, and
   laws, as well as in degree of civilization. …

   "Any estimate of the total population must manifestly depend
   on the number of inhabitants assigned to the various wild
   tribes, of which there are no less than 69. For the purposes
   of this report the commission has adopted as the total figure
   8,000,000, considering this a conservative estimate. Baranera,
   whose figures are believed to be carefully prepared, places
   the total at 9,000,000. The extent of territory occupied in
   whole or in part by each of the more important civilized
   tribes can be estimated with a greater degree of accuracy, and
   is approximately as follows: Visayans (occupying 28,100 square
   miles) 2,601,600; Tagalogs (15,380 sq. miles) 1,663,900;
   Bicols (6,900 sq. miles) 518,100; Ilocanos (6,170 sq. miles)
   441,700; Pangasinaus (1,950 sq. miles) 365,500; Pampangas
   (1,950 sq. miles) 337,900; Moros (12,860 sq. miles) 268,000;
   Cagayans(11,500 sq. miles) 166,300. All of these peoples,
   although ignorant and illiterate, are possessed of a
   considerable degree of civilization, and, with the exception
   of the Mohammedan Moros, are Christianized."

      _Philippine Commission,
      Report, January 31, 1900, volume 1, pages 11-15._

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1896-1898.
   The Katipunan and the rising against Spanish rule.
   Appearance of Aguinaldo as a leader.
   Dr. José Rizal.
   The Treaty of Biac-na-bato.
   Departure of Aguinaldo and his return with
   the American forces.

   The Philippine Islands, discovered in 1521 by Magellan (or
   Maghallanes or Magalhaes), and occupied by the Spaniards in
   1565, seems, for a long period, to have interested that people
   more as a missionary than as a commercial field. Indeed, the
   doings of the church and of the religious orders, and the
   acceptance of Roman teachings of Christianity by the greater
   part of the native population, make up the essential history
   of the Philippines until quite recent times. If the islands
   had offered gold mines, or pearl fisheries, or spice forests
   to their European discoverers, the story would certainly have
   been different. As it was, the Spaniards were not moved to
   much eagerness in exploiting such resources of commerce as
   they found; and so, through fortunate circumstances, the
   natives were made converts instead of slaves.
{370}
   By missionaries, more than by soldiers, they were subdued; by
   the church, more than by the Spanish state, they were ruled.
   It is certain that there were great corruptions and
   oppressions in the government, and it follows that a large
   share of responsibility for them rests on those who controlled
   the affairs of the church. For the past hundred years, at
   least, the more spirited part of the native population has
   been restive under the misrule and its burdens, and frequent
   attempts at insurrection have been made. Such an outbreak in
   1872 was suppressed and punished with a vengefulness, in
   executions and banishment, which rankled ever afterwards in
   the hearts of the people.

   A secret society, called the "Katipunan," or League, was then
   formed, which became a revolutionary organization, and from
   which sprang the most serious of Filipino rebellions, in 1896.
   The province of Cavite was the center of revolt, and it was
   there that Emilio Aguinaldo, then the schoolmaster at Silan,
   came into prominence as a leader. Mr. John Foreman, who was in
   the Philippines at the time of the insurrection, states that
   Aguinaldo was personally humane, but fearful atrocities were
   committed in the first months of the rising by some of the
   insurgents of his band. One captured priest, according to Mr.
   Foreman's account, "was cut up piecemeal; another was
   saturated with petroleum and set on fire; and a third was
   bathed in oil and fried on a bamboo spit run through the
   length of his body." The Spaniards, on their side, were
   equally inhuman in their treatment of captured rebels and
   "suspects." Says Mr. Foreman: "About 600 suspects were
   confined in the dungeons of Fort Santiago at the mouth of the
   Pasig River. Then occurred a frightful tragedy. The dungeons
   are below water-mark at high tide; the river filtered in
   through the crevices in the ancient masonry; thus twice a day
   these unfortunates were up to their waists or necks in water,
   according to the height of the men. The Spanish sergeant on
   duty threw his rug over the only light and ventilating shaft,
   and, in a couple of days, carts were seen by many citizens
   carrying away the dead, calculated to number 70. Provincial
   governors and parish priests seemed to regard it as a duty to
   supply the capital with batches of 'suspects' from their
   localities. In Vigan, where nothing had occurred, many of the
   heads of the best families and monied men were arrested and
   brought to Manila in a steamer. They were bound hand and foot,
   and carried like packages of merchandise in the hold. I
   happened to be on the quay when the steamer discharged her
   living freight, with chains and hooks to haul up and swing out
   the bodies like bales of hemp. …

   "Thousands of peaceful natives were treated with a ferocity
   which would have shocked all Europe. … Within three months of
   the outbreak, hundreds of the richest natives and half-castes
   in Manila were imprisoned for a few days and released
   conditionally"—the condition being a payment of ransom,
   sometimes said to be as high as $40,000. But General Blanco,
   the then Governor-General, was not vigorous enough in his
   measures to satisfy the all-powerful clerical party in the
   islands, and he was replaced by General Polaveja, who received
   large reinforcements from Spain, and who succeeded in breaking
   the strength of the rebellion to a great extent. But the
   character of Polaveja's administration is thus described by
   Mr. Foreman: "Apart from the circumstances of legitimate
   warfare, in which probably neither party was more merciful
   than the other, he initiated a system of striking terror into
   the non-combatant population by barbarous tortures and
   wholesale executions. … Men were escorted to the prisons by
   pure caprice and subjected to horrible maltreatment. Many of
   them were liberated in the course of a few days, declared
   innocent, but maimed for life and forever unable to get a
   living. … The only apparent object in all this was to
   disseminate broadcast living examples of Spanish vengeance."
   The most notable victim at this period was Dr. José Rizal, a
   physician, highly educated in Europe, distinguished as an
   oculist, and the author of certain novels in which the
   condition of things in his native country was set forth. On
   his return to the Islands, Dr. Rizal incurred the enmity of
   the friars by opposing them, and was pursued by their
   hostility. From 1893 to 1896 he was kept in banishment,
   closely watched, at a small town in the island of Mindanao.
   Then he sought and obtained permission to go to Cuba in the
   medical staff of the Spanish army; but, just as he arrived at
   Manila, on his way to Spain, the insurrection of 1896 broke
   out, and though he was suffered to depart, his enemies pursued
   him with accusations of complicity in the rising and caused
   him to be brought back. Says Mr. Foreman, who was an
   eye-witness of what occurred: "Not a few of us who saw the
   vessel leave wished him 'God speed.' But the clerical party
   were eager for his extermination. … The lay authorities always
   had to yield to the monks, and history herein repeated itself.
   Dr. Rizal was cabled for to answer certain accusations, and so
   on his landing in the Peninsula he was incarcerated in the
   celebrated fortress of Montjuich (the scene of so many
   horrors), pending his re-shipment by the returning steamer. He
   reached Manila as a state prisoner in the Colon, isolated from
   all but his jailors. It was materially impossible for him to
   have taken any part in the rebellion, whatever his sympathies
   may have been." Nevertheless, he was tried by court-martial
   for sedition and rebellion, condemned and shot; and his memory
   is cherished in the islands as that of a martyred patriot.
   "The decree of execution was one of Polaveja's foulest acts."

   Having scotched but not killed the insurrection, Polaveja went
   home, with broken health, in the spring of 1897, and was
   succeeded by General Primo de Rivera, who, after some months
   of continued warfare, opened negotiations with Aguinaldo, the
   recognized leader of the revolt. The result was a treaty,
   known as the "Pacto de Biac-na-bato, signed December 14. By
   this treaty "the rebels undertook to deliver up their arms and
   ammunition of all kinds to the Spaniards; to evacuate the
   places held by them; to conclude an armistice for three years
   for the application and development of the reforms to be
   introduced by the other part, and not to conspire against
   Spanish sovereignty in the Islands, nor aid or abet any
   movement calculated to counteract the reforms.
{371}
   Emilio Aguinaldo and 34 other leaders undertook to quit the
   Philippine Islands, and not to return to them until so
   authorised by the Spanish Government. On behalf of the Spanish
   Government it was agreed to pay, through the medium of Pedro
   A. Paterno, to the rebels the sum of $1,000,000, and to the
   families who had sustained loss by reason of the war $700,000,
   in instalments and conditionally,"—the condition being that no
   renewal of rebellion or conspiracy occur. Aguinaldo and other
   chiefs of the insurrection left the Islands, accordingly; but
   they are said to have been utterly duped. One instalment, only
   ($400,000), of the promised money was ever paid; the promised
   reforms were not carried out, and persecution of those who had
   been in sympathy with the rising was renewed.

      _J. Foreman,
      The Philippine Islands,
      chapter 26 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons)._

   "Aguinaldo and his associates went to Hongkong and Singapore.
   A portion of the money, $400,000, was deposited in banks at
   Hongkong, and a lawsuit soon arose between Aguinaldo and one
   of his subordinate chiefs named Artacho, which is interesting
   on account of the very honorable position taken by Aguinaldo.
   Artacho sued for a division of the money among the insurgents
   according to rank. Aguinaldo claimed that the money was a
   trust fund, and was to remain on deposit until it was seen
   whether the Spaniards would carry out their promised reforms,
   and if they failed to do so, it was to be used to defray the
   expenses of a new insurrection. The suit was settled out of
   court by paying Artacho $5,000. No steps have been taken to
   introduce the reforms, more than 2,000 insurgents, who had
   been deported to Fernando Po and other places, are still in
   confinement, and Aguinaldo is now using the money to carry on
   the operations of the present insurrection."

      _F. V. Greene,
      Memorandum concerning the Situation in the Philippines,
      August 30, 1898 (Treaty of Peace and Accompanying Papers:
      55th Congress, 3d Session,
      Senate Document Number 62, part 1, page 421._

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1897.
   Refusal of United States Government to negotiate
   with the insurgent republic.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (April-May).
   Circumstances in which Aguinaldo was brought to
   Manila to co-operate with American forces.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY: PHILIPPINES).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (April-July).
   Destruction of the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay.
   Blockade and siege of the city.
   Co-operation of insurgents under Aguinaldo.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (May-August).
   Conduct of English and German naval officers at Manila.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (MAY-AUGUST).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (July-August).
   Correspondence between the American commander and Aguinaldo.

   This is fully given (showing the relations between the
   American and Filipino forces, before the capture of Manila),
   in the general account of the Spanish-American War.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PHILIPPINES).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (July-September).
   American capture of Manila.
   Relations with the Filipino insurgents.
   General Merritt's report.
   Aguinaldo declared President of the Philippine Republic.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (August).
   Suspension of hostilities between the United States and Spain.
   Manila held by the former pending the conclusion
   of a treaty of peace.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (August).
   Losses of the American army during the war with Spain.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (August-December).
   The state of things following the occupation of Manila
   by American forces.
   Growing distrust and unfriendliness of the Tagalos.
   General Otis's report.

   Of the state of things which followed the departure of General
   Merritt, August 30, General Otis, who succeeded him in
   command, reported subsequently as follows:

   "Until October 14 [1898], the United States troops in the
   Philippines remained stationed at Manila and Cavite, as
   provided in General Merritt's orders of August 23, with very
   slight exceptions, Major-General Anderson retaining
   supervision of the district of Cavite and Major-General
   MacArthur of the troops stationed in Manila, the three
   organizations composing the provost guard continuing, however,
   under the control of Brigadier-General Hughes. They were most
   bountifully supplied with subsistence and medicines, but light
   clothing suited to the climate and facilities necessary for
   occupying and messing in barracks were needed. These were soon
   obtained through contract and purchase from the merchants of
   Hongkong and Manila and by shipment from the United States.
   The troops received tactical instructions daily, but the
   weather was too hot for much physical exertion, and time hung
   heavily upon them. They entertained the impression that the
   Spanish war had terminated, and the volunteers appeared to
   believe that they should be recalled to the United States at
   once and regular troops sent out to perform the monotonous
   garrison duties which were about to follow the victory of
   Manila. Many became ill from too free indulgence in the fruits
   and manufactured drinks of the country, and indifference to
   that care and attention of person which a tropical climate
   makes necessary. Homesickness alone produced illness in
   numerous cases, so that early in September the hospitals began
   to be rapidly filled. This led to the adoption of judicious
   precautionary measures. … In November improvement was
   noticeable, and in January the health of this army would
   compare favorably with those of any concentrated army of like
   proportions in existence. To be sure the men had become by
   this time fairly acclimatized, and new troops arriving here
   will be obliged to pass through this period of acclimatization
   before they become properly efficient for prolonged service in
   the field.

{372}

   "During my first weeks of duty here I was impressed with the
   spirit of suspicion and the partially concealed unfriendly
   feeling manifested by the Tagalos toward the American forces.
   That they either had very little confidence in our promises or
   were then forming conclusions to oppose any establishment of
   United States authority in Luzon was apparent, however loudly
   they might disclaim hostile intent or declare as an excuse for
   their attitude fear of the return of Spain. I saw, however,
   with satisfaction, their ablest men by education, and mental
   equipment taking part in their authoritative deliberations,
   and I had considerable confidence in the efficacy of their
   suggestions and advice. Still, after carefully weighing
   conditions, I was unable to arrive at any satisfactory
   conclusions. …

   "Measures were being applied constantly to improve the
   sanitary condition of the city, to increase the efficiency of
   the troops, and to meet any emergency which might develop from
   an uprising of the inhabitants, or from hasty action by any
   portion of our or the insurgent forces, which, though
   maintaining amicable intercourse, were, in fact, in an
   attitude of resistance and hostility upon all questions
   involving the right of armed occupation of the suburbs and
   defenses of Manila. The insurgent soldiers had looted
   extensively the portions of the city to which they gained
   access, and were greatly disappointed that this privilege over
   other parts of the same was not accorded them. Their enforced
   withdrawal to outer lines was the cause of discontent, and
   augmented any desire which they may have formerly entertained
   to resist or attack the American troops. This growing
   discontent was observable among the lower classes of the
   city's inhabitants, from whom a considerable share of
   Aguinaldo's army was drawn, and was undoubtedly increased by
   the reprehensible conduct and illegal actions of some of our
   own men, who were severely punished for their misdeeds when
   detected. Outwardly, however, relations of the most friendly
   character were maintained. The officers and enlisted men of
   the two armies mingled in friendly social intercourse. To the
   casual observer the only discordant element in this dense
   complex population, made up of every nation and tongue in
   existence, were the hated Spanish prisoners, whom the
   Filipinos still longed to persecute and kill, and who were
   obliged to keep within the walls of Old Manila for safety.
   Repeated conferences were held with influential insurgents,
   whose chief aim appeared to be to obtain some authoritative
   expression on the intent of the United States with regard to
   the Philippines, and complained that they were unable to
   discover anyone who could speak ex cathedra. They asserted
   that their Malolos arrangement was a government de facto,
   which had the right to ask an expression of intent from the
   United States Government. …

   "My own confidence at this time in a satisfactory solution of
   the difficulties which confronted us may be gathered from a
   dispatch sent to Washington on December 7, wherein I stated
   that conditions were improving and that there were signs of
   revolutionary disintegration; that I had conferred with a
   number of the members of the revolutionary government and
   thought that the most of them would favor peaceful submission
   to United States authority. I had strong reasons for this
   expressed confidence from assurances made to me by some of the
   ablest Filipinos who had occupied positions of importance in the
   insurgent government and had signified their intention to
   withdraw from it."

      _Report of General Otis,
      August 31, 1899
      (Message and Documents: Abridgement, 1899-1900,
      volume 2, pages 1048-1052)._

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (August-December).
   The state of things following the occupation of Manila,
   as represented by English witnesses.

   The writer of the following remarks, in an interesting book on
   "The Inhabitants of the Philippines," published late in 1900, is
   an English civil engineer, who had resided in Luzon for
   fourteen years and knew the country and people thoroughly
   well:

   "Personally, I think that if a sympathetic and conciliatory
   attitude had been adopted, had the local government
   established been recognized, had Aguinaldo and his staff been
   given commissions in the Native Army or Civil Service, and the
   flower of the Tagal Army taken into the service of the United
   States, a peaceful settlement could have been made on the
   lines of a Protectorate. I therefore look upon the war as
   unnecessary, and consider the lives already sacrificed, and
   that will have to be sacrificed, as absolutely thrown away.
   The tragical side of American unpreparedness is manifest in
   the state of anarchy in which the whole Archipelago has been
   plunged by the American unreadiness to occupy the military
   posts as soon as they were vacated by the Spanish garrisons. A
   hideous orgy of murder, plunder, and slave-raiding has
   prevailed in Visayas, and especially in Mindanao.

   "Three conditions were essential to a peaceful settlement:

   First.
   A broad-minded and sympathetic representative of America,
   fully authorized to treat, and a lover of peace.

   Second.
   A strict discipline amongst the American forces.

   Third,
   The principal aim and object of the Tagal insurrection must be
   secured.

   "General Otis does not seem to me to fulfil the first
   condition, he lacked prestige and patience, and he showed that
   he had an insufficient conception of the magnitude of his task
   by occupying himself with petty details of all kinds and by
   displaying an ill-timed parsimony. Apparently he had no power
   to grant anything at all, and only dealt in vague generalities
   which the Tagals could not be expected to accept.

   "As regards the second point, I regret that I am not
   personally acquainted with the gentlemen from Nebraska,
   Colorado, Dakota and other states serving in the United States
   Army or volunteers. I have no doubt that they are good
   fighting-men, but from all I can hear about them they are not
   conspicuous for strict military discipline, and too many of
   them have erroneous ideas as to the most suitable drink for a
   tropical climate. Manila was in the time of the Spaniards a
   most temperate city; a drunken man was a very rare sight, and
   would usually be a foreign sailor. Since the American
   occupation, some hundreds of drinking saloons have been
   opened, and daily scenes of drunkenness and debauchery have
   filled the quiet natives with alarm and horror. When John L.
   Motley wrote his scathing denunciation of the army which the
   great Duke of Alva led from Spain into the Low Countries, to
   enforce the high religious purposes of Philip II., he could
   not foresee that his words would be applicable to an American
   Army sent to subjugate men struggling to be free 'for their
   welfare, not our gain,' nor that this army, besides bringing
   in its train a flood of cosmopolitan harlotry, would be
   allowed by its commander to inaugurate amongst a strictly
   temperate people a mad saturnalia of drunkenness that has
   scarcely a parallel.
{373}
   Such, however, is undoubtedly the case, and I venture to think
   that these occurrences have confirmed many of the Tagals in
   their resolve rather to die fighting for their independence
   than to be ruled over by such as these."

      _F. H. Sawyer,
      The Inhabitants of the Philippines,
      page 113-114 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons)._

   Substantially the same account of things at Manila in this
   period has been given in a magazine article by Mr. John
   Foreman, the well known writer on the Philippine Islands. "The
   conduct," he declares, "of the boisterous, undisciplined
   individuals who formed a large percentage of the first
   volunteer contingents sent to Manila had had an ineffaceably
   demoralizing effect on the proletariat, and has inspired a
   feeling of horror and loathful contempt in the affluent and
   educated classes who guide the Philippine public opinion. From
   the outset it was a mistake to treat the Christian Philippine
   population like savages ignorant of western civilization,
   considering that there are thousands of Filipinos mentally
   equal to the invading forces, and comparable, in intellectual
   training, with the average middle-class Europeans.

   "Within a fortnight after the capitulation of Manila the
   drinking saloons had increased four-fold. According to the
   latest advices, there are at least twenty to one existing in
   the time of the Spaniards. Drunkenness, with its consequent
   evils, is rife all over the city among the new white
   population. The orgies of the new-comers, the incessant street
   brawls, the insults offered with impunity to natives of both
   sexes, the entry with violence into private houses by the
   soldiery, who maltreated the inmates and laid hands on what
   they chose, were hardly calculated to arouse in the natives
   admiration for their new masters. Brothels were absolutely
   prohibited under the Spanish rule, but since the evacuation
   there has been a great influx of women of ill fame, whilst
   native women have been pursued by lustful tormentors. During a
   certain period after the capitulation there was indiscriminate
   shooting, and no peaceable native's life was safe in the
   suburbs. Adventurers of all sorts and conditions have flocked
   to this centre of vice, where the sober native is not even
   spoken of as a man by many of the armed rank and file, but, by
   way of contempt, is called a yuyu. A few miles from Manila,
   the villages of Mandaloyan and Sant Ana were looted by the
   victors, much of the spoil being brought up to the capital and
   included in auction sales or sold to the Chinese. In Taal the
   houses of families, with whom I have been long acquainted,
   were ransacked, effects of little value, or too difficult to
   transport, being carelessly strewn about from sheer
   wantonness. And presumably no greater respect for private
   property was shown in the other numerous villages overrun by
   the invaders. …

   "The situation then during this period was somewhat as
   follows: The Filipinos, aided by Dewey's victory, had driven
   the Spaniards from practically the whole Archipelago except
   the city of Manila, they had established a government of their
   own, and they looked upon the country as belonging both by
   nature and by right of conquest to them. We upon the other
   hand, having destroyed the Spanish fleet and captured the city
   of Manila, and being in the process of acquiring by treaty the
   Spanish title to the whole country regarded it as belonging to
   us. The situation was therefore critical."

      _J. Foreman,
      Will the United States withdraw from the Philippines?
      (National Review, September, 1900)._

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (September-December).
   Instructions from the President of the United States to the
   Commissioners for the negotiation of peace with Spain
   concerning the Philippine Archipelago.
   Cession of the Islands to the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (October-November).
   State of the country under the native government of Aguinaldo,
   as witnessed by two U. S. naval officers who traversed it.-
   Conflicting opinions as to the fitness of the Filipinos
   for self-government.

   During October and November, 1898, while the only authority in
   Luzon, outside of Manila and Cavite, was that exercised by the
   native government organized under Aguinaldo, two American
   naval officers, Paymaster W. B. Wilcox and Cadet Leonard R.
   Sargent, with permission from Admiral Dewey, made a tour of
   observation through seven provinces of the island, and
   rendered a report of what they saw and what they experienced,
   which Admiral Dewey sent to Washington, commending it to the
   attention of the government as containing "the most complete
   and reliable information obtainable in regard to the present
   state of the northern part of Luzon Island." Subsequently Mr.
   Sargent wrote articles descriptive of the journey, which were
   published in "The Outlook" and "The Independent," and which
   were reprinted, with the official report, in a document
   compiled for the U. S. Senate. The following is from the
   article in "The Outlook," September 2, 1899:

   "Although this government has never been recognized, and in
   all probability will go out of existence without recognition,
   yet it cannot be denied that, in a region occupied by many
   millions of inhabitants, for nearly six months it stood alone
   between anarchy and order. The military forces of the United
   States held control only in Manila, with its environs, and in
   Cavite, and had no authority to proceed further; while in the
   vast remaining districts the representatives of the only
   recognized power on the field were prisoners in the hands of
   their despised subjects. It was the opinion at Manila during
   this anomalous period in our Philippine relations, and
   possibly in the United States as well, that such a state of
   affairs must breed something akin to anarchy. I can state
   unreservedly, however, that Mr. Wilcox and I found the
   existing conditions to be much at variance with this opinion.
   During our absence from Manila we travelled more than 600
   miles in a very comprehensive circuit through the northern
   part of the island of Luzon, traversing a characteristic and
   important district. In this way we visited seven provinces, of
   which some were under the immediate control of the central
   government at Malolos, while others were remotely situated,
   separated from each other and from the seat of government by
   natural divisions of land, and accessible only by lengthy and
   arduous travel. As a tribute to the efficiency of Aguinaldo's
   government and to the law-abiding character of his subjects, I
   offer the fact that Mr. Wilcox and I pursued our journey
   throughout in perfect security, and returned to Manila with
   only the most pleasant recollections of the quiet and orderly
   life which we found the natives to be leading under the new
   regime."

{374}

   The following is from the official report, jointly made by
   Cadet Sargent and Paymaster Wilcox:

   "The Philippine officers, both military and civil, that we
   have met in all the provinces we have visited, have, with very
   few exceptions, been men of intelligent appearance and
   conversation. The same is true of all those men who form the
   upper class in each town. The education of most of them is
   limited, but they appear to seize every opportunity to improve
   it. They have great respect and admiration for learning. Very
   many of them desire to send their children to schools in the
   United States or Europe. Many men of importance in different
   towns have told us that the first use to be made of the
   revenues of their government, after there is no more danger of
   war, will be to start good schools in every village. The
   poorer classes are extremely ignorant on most subjects, but a
   large percentage of them can read and write. …

   "Of the large number of officers, civil and military, and of
   the leading townspeople we have met, nearly every man has
   expressed in our presence his sentiment on this question [of
   independence]. It is universally the same. They all declare
   that they will accept nothing short of independence. They
   desire the protection of the United States at sea, but fear
   any interference on land. …

   "There is much variety of feeling among the Philippines with
   regard to the debt of gratitude they owe the United States. In
   every town we found men who said that our nation had saved
   them from slavery, and others who claimed that without our
   interference their independence would have been recognized
   before this time. On one point they are united, however, viz.,
   that whatever our Government may have done for them it has not
   gained the right to annex them. They have been prejudiced
   against us by the Spaniards. The charges made have been so
   numerous and so severe that what the natives have since
   learned has not sufficed to disillusion them. With regard to
   the record of our policy toward a subject people, they have
   received remarkable information on two points,—that we have
   mercilessly slain and finally exterminated the race of Indians
   that were natives of our soil, and that we went to war in 1861
   to suppress an insurrection of negro slaves, whom we also
   ended by exterminating. Intelligent and well-informed men have
   believed these charges. They were rehearsed to us in many
   towns in different provinces, beginning at Malolos. The
   Spanish version of our Indian problem is particularly well
   known."

      _United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,
      Senate Document 66._

   In the third number of the first series of its publications,
   the Philippine Information Society—see below: A. D. 1899
   (JANUARY-FEBRUARY)—has brought together a number of
   conflicting opinions expressed by various persons concerning
   the capacity of the Filipinos for self-government, among them
   the following:

   "The population of Luzon is reported to be something over
   3,000,000, mostly natives. These are gentle, docile, and under
   just laws and with the benefits of popular education would
   soon make good citizens. In a telegram sent to the department
   on June 23 I expressed the opinion that 'these people are far
   superior in their intelligence and more capable of
   self-government than the natives of Cuba, and I am familiar
   with both races.' Further intercourse with them has confirmed
   me in this opinion."

      _Admiral Dewey,
      Letter, August 29, 1898,
      Replying to inquiry of War Department._

   "They [the natives] would have to be educated up to it
   [self-government]. They want a protectorate, but they do not
   exactly understand what that means. Their idea is that they
   should collect the revenues and keep them in their treasury,
   and that we should be at the expense of maintaining an army
   and a navy there for their protection, which is the kind of a
   protectorate they would like very much."

      _General Merritt,
      statement before United States Peace Commission at Paris,
      October 4, 1898._

   "If the United States should evacuate these islands, anarchy
   and civil war will immediately ensue and lead to foreign
   intervention. The insurgents were furnished arms and the moral
   support of the navy prior to our arrival, and we cannot ignore
   obligations, either to the insurgents or to foreign nations,
   which our own acts have imposed upon us. The Spanish
   Government is completely demoralized, and Spanish power is
   dead beyond all possibility of resurrection. … On the other
   hand, the Filipinos cannot govern the country without the
   support of some strong nation. They acknowledge this
   themselves, and say their desire is for independence under
   American protection, but they have only vague ideas as to what
   our relative positions would be—what part we should take in
   collecting and expending the revenue, and administering the
   government."

      _General F. V. Greene,
      Memorandum concerning the Philippine Islands,
      made August 27, 1898._

   "The capability of the Filipinos for self-government cannot be
   doubted. Such men as Arellano, Aguinaldo, and many others whom
   I might name are highly educated; nine tenths of the people
   can read and write, all are skilled artisans in one way or
   another; they are industrious, frugal, temperate, and, given a
   fair start, could look out for themselves infinitely better
   than our people imagine. In my opinion they rank far higher
   than the Cubans or the uneducated negroes to whom we have
   given right of suffrage."

      _General Charles King,
      Letter to Milwaukee Journal,
      June 22, 1899._

   "Concerning the capacity of the Filipinos to govern themselves
   I regret to say that I see no reason to change the opinion
   previously expressed, that they are unfit. I wish my opinion
   might be otherwise, for I prefer to believe them capable of
   self-government. There are a number of Filipinos whom I have
   met, among them General Aguinaldo and a few of his leaders,
   whom I believe thoroughly trustworthy and fully capable of
   self-government, and the main reliance for small official
   positions and many larger ones would be upon people who know
   no standard of government other than that the Spaniards have
   furnished. Their sense of equity and justice seems not fully
   developed, and their readiness to coerce those who come under
   their power has been strongly illustrated in this city since
   our occupation. A regularly organized system of blackmail has
   been instituted under the guise of making subscriptions to the
   insurgent cause."

      _Major J. F. Bell
      [of Engineers, on "secret service"]
      Letter to General Merritt, Manila, August 29, 1898._

{375}

   "The people are the most enlightened and vigorous branch of
   the Malay race, and have been Christians for centuries, in
   fact longer than the principles of the Reformation were
   established in Great Britain, and are the nearest akin to
   European people of any alien race, and it is simply ridiculous
   to imagine that eight to ten millions of such people can be
   bought and sold as an article of commerce without first
   obtaining their consent. Let all those who are greedy for a
   slice of the archipelago ponder well over this before burning
   their fingers."

      _H. W. Bray
      [merchant and planter in the islands for fifteen years],
      Letter to Singapore Free Press, June 8, 1898._

   "The native has no expansive ideas; he cannot go far enough to
   understand what it is to rule matters for the benefit of the
   common weal; he cannot get past his own most personal
   interest, or his town, at the most. I think the greatest
   length he would go would be his own town. But constructing
   laws, and obeying them, for the benefit of the commonwealth, I
   do not think he is capable of it at all. I think an attempt at
   a native government would be a fiasco altogether."

      _John Foreman,
      Testimony before United States Peace Commission at Paris._

   "The excuse that they [the Filipinos] are not ripe for
   independence is not founded on facts. The Filipinos number
   more educated people than the kingdom of Servia and the
   principalities of Bulgaria and Montenegro. They have fewer
   illiterates than the states of the Balkan peninsula, Russia,
   many provinces of Spain and Portugal, and the Latin republics
   of America. There are provinces in which few people can be
   found who do not at least read. They pay more attention to
   education than Spain or the Balkan states do. There is no lack
   of trained men fit to govern their own country, and indeed in
   every branch, because under the Spanish rule the official
   business was entirely transacted by the native subalterns. The
   whole history of the Katipunan revolt and of the war against
   Spain and America serves to place in the best light the
   capability of the Filipinos for self-government."

      _F. Blumentritt,
      The Philippine Islands,
      page 61._

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898-1899 (December-January).
   Instructions by the President of the United States to
   General Otis, Military Governor and Commander in
   the Philippines.
   Their proclamation to the people of the Islands as
   modified by General Otis.
   The effect.

   On the 27th of December, 1898, the following instructions,
   dated December 21, and signed by the President, were cabled by
   the Secretary of War to General Otis, in command of the United
   States forces in the Philippines. They were not made public in
   the United States until the 5th of January following, when
   they appeared in the newspapers of that day: "The destruction
   of the Spanish fleet in the harbor of Manila by the United
   States naval squadron commanded by Rear Admiral Dewey,
   followed by the reduction of the city and the surrender of the
   Spanish forces, practically effected the conquest of the
   Philippine Islands and the suspension of Spanish sovereignty
   therein. With the signature of the treaty of peace between the
   United States and Spain by their respective plenipotentiaries
   at Paris, on the 10th inst., and as the result of victories of
   the American arms, the future control, fulfilment disposition
   and government of the Philippine Islands are ceded to the
   United States. In  of the offices of the sovereignty thus
   acquired, and the responsible obligations of government thus
   assumed, the actual occupation and administration of the
   entire group becomes immediately necessary, and the military
   government heretofore maintained by the United States in the
   city, harbor and bay of Manila is to be extended with all
   possible despatch to the whole of the ceded territory. In
   performance of this duty, the military commander of the United
   States is enjoined to make known to the inhabitants of the
   Philippine Islands that in succeeding to the sovereignty of
   the islands, in severing the former political relations of the
   inhabitants and in establishing a new political power, the
   authority of the United States is to be exerted for the
   security of the persons and property of the people of the
   islands and for the confirmation of all their private rights.
   It will be the duty of the commander of the forces of
   occupation to announce and proclaim in the most public manner
   that we come, not as invaders or conquerors, but as friends,
   to protect the natives in their homes, in their employments
   and in their personal and religious rights. All persons who,
   either by active aid or by honest submission, cooperate with
   the government of the United States to give effect to these
   beneficent purposes, will receive the reward of its support
   and protection. All others will be brought within the lawful
   rule we have assumed, with firmness if need be, but without
   severity so far as may be possible.

   "Within the absolute domain of military authority, which
   necessarily is and must remain supreme in the ceded territory
   until the government of the United States shall otherwise
   provide, the municipal laws of the territory in respect to
   private interests and property and the repression of crime are
   continued in force, the authority to be administered by the
   ordinary tribunals so far as practicable. The operations of
   civil and municipal government are to be performed by such
   officers as may accept the supremacy of the United States by
   taking the oath of allegiance, or by officers chosen, as far
   as may be practicable, from the inhabitants of the islands.
   While the control of all the public property and the revenues
   of the state passes with the cession, and while the use and
   management of all public means are of necessity reserved to
   the authority of the United States, private property, whether
   belonging to individuals or corporations, is to be respected
   except for cause duly established. The taxes and duties
   heretofore payable by the inhabitants to the late government
   become payable to the authorities of the United States, unless
   it be seen fit to substitute for them other reasonable rates
   or modes of contribution to the expenses of government,
   whether general or local. If private property be taken for
   military use, it shall be paid for when possible in cash at a
   fair valuation, and when payment in cash is not practicable
   receipts are to be given.

{376}

   "All ports and places in the Philippine Islands in the actual
   possession of the land and naval forces of the United States
   will be opened to the commerce of all friendly nations. All
   goods and wares not prohibited for military reasons by due
   announcement of the military authority will be admitted upon
   payment of such duties and other charges as shall be in force
   at the time of their importation. Finally, it should be the
   earnest and paramount aim of the military administration to
   win the confidence, respect and affection of the inhabitants
   of the Philippines by assuring to them in every possible way
   that full measure of individual rights and liberties which is
   the heritage of free peoples, and by proving to them that the
   mission of the United States is one of benevolent
   assimilation, substituting the mild sway of justice and right
   for arbitrary rule. In the fulfilment of this high mission,
   supporting the temperate administration of affairs to the
   greatest good of the governed, there must be sedulously
   maintained the strong arm of authority, to repress disturbance
   and to overcome all obstacles to the bestowal of the blessings
   of good and stable government upon the people of the
   Philippine Islands under the free flag of the United States.

      WILLIAM McKINLEY."

   On receiving President McKinley's "proclamation," as the
   instructions of December 21 were commonly described, General
   Otis promptly forwarded a copy to General Miller, who had been
   sent to occupy the city of Iloilo, and the latter made it public.
   Meantime General Otis had studied the document with care and
   arrived at conclusions which he sets forth in his subsequent
   annual report as follows: "After fully considering the
   President's proclamation and the temper of the Tagalos with
   whom I was daily discussing political problems and the
   friendly intentions of the United States Government toward
   them, I concluded that there were certain words and
   expressions therein, such as 'sovereignty,' 'right of
   cession,' and those which directed immediate occupation, etc.,
   though most admirably employed and tersely expressive of
   actual conditions, might be advantageously used by the Tagalo
   war party to incite widespread hostilities among the natives.
   The ignorant classes had been taught to believe that certain
   words, as 'sovereignty,' 'protection,' etc., had peculiar
   meaning disastrous to their welfare and significant of future
   political domination, like that from which they had recently
   been freed. It was my opinion, therefore, that I would be
   justified in so amending the paper that the beneficent object
   of the United States Government would be brought clearly
   within the comprehension of the people, and this conclusion
   was the more readily reached because of the radical change [a
   change of cabinet] of the past few days in the constitution of
   Aguinaldo's government, which could not have been understood
   at Washington at the time the proclamation was prepared. …

   "The amended proclamation of January 4 appeared in the
   English, Spanish, and Tagalo languages, and was published in
   Manila through newspapers and posters. The English text is as
   follows: 'To the people of the Philippine Islands:
   Instructions of His Excellency the President of the United
   States relative to the administration of affairs in the
   Philippine Islands have been transmitted to me by direction of
   the honorable the Secretary of War, under date of December 28,
   1898. They direct me to publish and proclaim, in the most
   public manner, to the inhabitants of these islands that in the
   war against Spain the United States forces came here to
   destroy the power of that nation and to give the blessings of
   peace and individual freedom to the Philippine people; that we
   are here as friends of the Filipinos; to protect them in their
   homes, their employments, their individual and religious
   liberty, and that all persons who, either by active aid or
   honest endeavor, co-operate with the Government of the United
   States to give effect to these beneficent purposes, will
   receive the reward of its support and protection. The
   President of the United States has assumed that the municipal
   laws of the country in respect to private rights and property
   and the repression of crime are to be considered as continuing
   in force in so far as they be applicable to a free people, and
   should be administered by the ordinary tribunals of justice,
   presided over by representatives of the people and those in
   thorough sympathy with them in their desires for good
   government; that the functions and duties connected with civil
   and municipal administration are to be performed by such
   officers as wish to accept the assistance of the United
   States, chosen in so far as it may be practicable from the
   inhabitants of the islands; that while the management of
   public property and revenues and the use of all public means
   of transportation are to be conducted under the military
   authorities, until such authorities can be replaced by civil
   administration, all private property, whether of individuals
   or corporations, must be respected and protected. If private
   property be taken for military uses it shall be paid for at a
   fair valuation in cash if possible, and when payment in cash
   is not practicable at the time, receipts therefor will be
   given to be taken up and liquidated as soon as cash becomes
   available. The ports of the Philippine Islands shall be open
   to the commerce of all foreign nations, and goods and
   merchandise not prohibited for military reasons by the
   military authorities shall be admitted upon payment of such
   duties and charges as shall be in force at the time of
   importation. The President concludes his instructions in the
   following language: "Finally, it should be the earnest and
   paramount aim of the Administration to win the confidence,
   respect, and affection of the inhabitants of the Philippines
   by insuring to them in every possible way the full measure of
   individual rights and liberty which is the heritage of a free
   people, and by proving to them that the mission of the United
   States is one of beneficent assimilation, which will
   substitute the mild sway of justice and right for arbitrary
   rule. In the fulfillment of this high mission, while upholding
   the temporary administration of affairs for the greatest good
   of the governed, there will be sedulously maintained the
   strong arm of authority to repress disturbance, and to
   overcome all obstacles to the bestowal of the blessings of
   good and stable government upon the people of the Philippine
   Islands."

   "'From the tenor and substance of the above instructions of
   the President, I am fully of the opinion that it is the
   intention of the United States Government, while directing
   affairs generally, to appoint the representative men now
   forming the controlling element of the Filipinos to civil
   positions of trust and responsibility, and it will be my aim
   to appoint thereto such Filipinos as may be acceptable to the
   supreme authorities at Washington. It is also my belief that
   it is the intention of the United States Government to draw
   from the Filipino people so much of the military force of the
   islands as is possible and consistent with a free and
   well-constituted government of the country, and it is my
   desire to inaugurate a policy of that character.
{377}
   I am also convinced that it is the intention of the United
   States Government to seek the establishment of a most liberal
   government for the islands, in which the people themselves
   shall have as full representation as the maintenance of law
   and order will permit, and which shall be susceptible of
   development, on lines of increased representation and the
   bestowal of increased powers, into a government as free and
   independent as is enjoyed by the most favored provinces of the
   world. It will be my constant endeavor to cooperate with the
   Filipino people, seeking the good of the country, and I invite
   their full confidence and aid.
      E. S. OTIS, Major-General,
      U. S. V., Military Governor.'

   "Before publication of this proclamation I endeavored to
   obtain from able Filipino residents of the city an expression
   of opinion as to its probable effect upon the population, but
   was not much encouraged. A few days thereafter they declared
   the publication to have been a mistake, although the foreign
   residents appeared to believe the proclamation most excellent
   in tone and moderation, offered everything that the most
   hostile of the insurgents could expect, and undoubtedly would
   have a beneficial influence. It was received by the better
   classes of natives with satisfaction, as it was the first
   authoritative announcement of the attitude which the United
   States assumed toward the islands and declared the policy
   which it intended to pursue, and because the declared policy
   was one which, in their opinion, conditions imperatively
   demanded should be imposed for the interests of the Filipino
   people who were incapable of self-government. The publication
   separated more widely the friendly and war factions of the
   inhabitants and was the cause of exciting discussion. The
   ablest of insurgent newspapers, which was now issued at
   Malolos and edited by the uncompromising Luna, … attacked the
   policy of the United States as declared in the proclamation,
   and its assumption of sovereignty over the islands, with all
   the vigor of which he was capable. …

   "Aguinaldo met the proclamation by a counter one in which he
   indignantly protested against the claim of sovereignty by the
   United States in the islands, which really had been conquered
   from the Spaniards through the blood and treasure of his
   countrymen, and abused me for my assumption of the title of
   military governor. Even the women of Cavite province, in a
   document numerously signed by them, gave me to understand that
   after all the men were killed off they were prepared to shed
   their patriotic blood for the liberty and independence of
   their country. The efforts made by Aguinaldo and his
   assistants made a decided impression on the inhabitants of
   Luzon outside of Manila. … Shortly before this time the
   insurgents had commenced the organization of clubs in the
   city, membership in which now, I was informed, amounted to
   10,000. The chief organizer was a shrewd mestizo, a former
   close companion of Aguinaldo, by whom he had been commissioned
   to perform this work. He was a friend and associate of some of
   our officers; was engaged in organizing the clubs only, as he
   stated, to give the poorer classes amusement and education;
   held public entertainments in athletics to which our officers
   were invited, and in which our soldiers were asked to
   participate. Gradually arms were being secretly introduced and
   bolos were being manufactured and distributed. The arms were
   kept concealed in buildings, and many of them were
   subsequently captured. The Chinamen were carrying on a
   lucrative business in bolo making, but the provost-marshal had
   cruelly seized considerable of their stock. These clubs had
   received military organization and were commanded by cunning
   Filipino officers regularly appointed by the Malolos
   government. The chief organizer departed after organization
   had been perfected and thereafter became a confidential
   adviser in Malolos affairs. This organization was the subject
   of grave apprehension, as it was composed of the worst social
   element of the city, and was kept under police supervision as
   closely as possible. … The streets of the city were thronged
   with unarmed insurgent officers and enlisted men from the
   numerically increasing insurgent line on the outskirts, proud
   of their uniforms and exhibiting matchless conceit, amusing to
   our men, who were apparently unconcerned observers, but who
   were quick to take in the rapidly changing conditions. …

   "Greater precautionary measures were directed and taken in the
   way of redistributing organizations throughout the city, in
   advancing and strengthening (though still far within our own
   mutually conceded military lines) our posts of observation,
   and for the quick response of the men if summoned for
   defensive action. Otherwise no change in the conduct,
   condition, or temper of the troops was observable. So quietly
   were these precautions effected that Filipino citizens,
   noticing the apparent indifference of our men, warned me
   repeatedly of the danger to be apprehended from a sudden
   simultaneous attack of the insurgents within and without the
   city, and were quietly informed that we did not anticipate any
   great difficulty. Another very noticeable proof of
   premeditated intent on the part of the insurgents was
   perceived in the excitement manifested by the natives and
   their removal in large numbers from the city. All avenues of
   exit were filled with vehicles transporting families and
   household effects to surrounding villages. The railway
   properties were taxed to their utmost capacity in carrying the
   fleeing inhabitants to the north within the protection of the
   established insurgent military lines. Aguinaldo, by written
   communications and messages, invited his old-time friends to
   send their families to Malolos, where their safety was
   assured, but Hongkong was considered a more secure retreat and
   was taken advantage of. A carefully prepared estimate showed
   that 40,000 of the inhabitants of the city departed within the
   period of fifteen days."

      _Report of General Otis, August 31, 1899
      (Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,
      volume 2, pages 1075-88)._

   The counter-proclamation of Aguinaldo, referred to above by
   General Otis, was issued on the 5th of January, 1899, from
   Malolos, addressed to My brothers, the Filipinos, all the
   honorable consuls, and other foreigners." It said:

   "Major General E. S. Otis's proclamation published yesterday
   in the Manila papers obliges me to circulate the present one,
   in order that all who read and understand it may know of my
   most solemn protest against said proclamation, for I am moved
   by my duty and my conscience before God, by my political
   obligations with my beloved country, by my official and
   private relations to the North American nations.
{378}
   In the above mentioned proclamation, General Otis calls
   himself 'Military Governor in the Philippines,' and I protest
   once and a thousand times, with all the energy in my soul,
   against such an authority. I solemnly proclaim that I have
   never had, either at Singapore or here in the Philippines, any
   verbal or written contract for the recognition of American
   sovereignty over this cherished soil. … Our countrymen and
   foreigners are witnesses that the land and naval forces of the
   United States existing here have recognized by act the
   belligerency of the Philippines, not only respecting but also
   doing public honor to the Filipino banner, which triumphantly
   traversed our seas in view of foreign nations represented here
   by their respective consuls.

   "As in his proclamation General Otis alludes to some
   instructions issued by His Excellency the President of the
   United States relating to the administration of affairs in the
   Philippines, I solemnly protest in the name of God, root and
   source of all justice and all right, who has visibly acceded
   me the power to direct my dear brethren in the difficult task
   of our regeneration, against this intrusion of the United
   States Government in the administration of these islands. In
   the same manner I protest against such an unexpected act which
   treats of American sovereignty in these islands in the face of
   all antecedents that I have in my possession referring to my
   relations with the American authorities, which are unequivocal
   testimony that the United States did not take me out of Hong
   Kong to make war against Spain for their own benefit, but for
   the benefit of our liberty and independence, to which end said
   authorities verbally promised me their active support and
   efficacious co-operation. So that you all may understand it,
   my beloved brothers, it is the principle of liberty and
   absolute independence that has been our noble ambition for the
   purpose of obtaining the desired object, with a force given by
   the conviction, now very widespread, not to retrace the path
   of glory that we have passed over."-

      _United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,
      Senate Document 208, page 103._

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (January).
   Appointment of the First Commission to the Philippines
   and the President's instructions to it.

   On the 20th of January, 1899, the President of the United
   States addressed the following communication to the Secretary
   of State: "My communication to the Secretary of War, dated
   December 21, 1898, declares the necessity of extending the
   actual occupation and administration of the city, harbor, and
   bay of Manila to the whole of the territory which by the
   treaty of Paris, signed on December 10, 1898, passed from the
   sovereignty of Spain to the sovereignty of the United States,
   and the consequent establishment of military government
   throughout the entire group of the Philippine Islands. While
   the treaty has not yet been ratified, it is believed that it
   will be by the time of the arrival at Manila of the
   commissioners named below. In order to facilitate the most
   humane, pacific, and effective extension of authority
   throughout these islands, and to secure, with the least
   possible delay, the benefits of a wise and generous protection
   of life and property to the inhabitants, I have named Jacob G.
   Schurman, Rear-Admiral George Dewey, Major General Elwell S.
   Otis, Charles Denby, and Dean C. Worcester to constitute a
   commission to aid in the accomplishment of these results. In
   the performance of this duty, the commissioners are enjoined
   to meet at the earliest possible day in the city of Manila and
   to announce, by a public proclamation, their presence and the
   mission intrusted to them, carefully setting forth that, while
   the military government already proclaimed is to be maintained
   and continued so long as necessity may require, efforts will
   be made to alleviate the burden of taxation, to establish
   industrial and commercial prosperity, and to provide for the
   safety of persons and of property by such means as may be
   found conducive to these ends.

   "The commissioners will endeavor, without interference with
   the military authorities of the United States now in control
   of the Philippines, to ascertain what amelioration in the
   condition of the inhabitants and what improvements in public
   order may be practicable, and for this purpose they will study
   attentively the existing social and political state of the
   various populations, particularly as regards the forms of
   local government, the administration of justice, the
   collection of customs and other taxes, the means of
   transportation, and the need of public improvements. They will
   report through the Department of State, according to the forms
   customary or hereafter prescribed for transmitting and preserving
   such communications, the results of their observations and
   reflections, and will recommend such executive action as may
   from time to time seem to them wise and useful. The
   commissioners are hereby authorized to confer authoritatively
   with any persons resident in the islands from whom they may
   believe themselves able to derive information or suggestions
   valuable for the purposes of their commission, or whom they
   may choose to employ as agents, as may be necessary for this
   purpose.

   "The temporary government of the islands is intrusted to the
   military authorities, as already provided for by my
   instructions to the Secretary of War of December 21, 1898, and
   will continue until Congress shall determine otherwise. The
   commission may render valuable services by examining with
   special care the legislative needs of the various groups of
   inhabitants, and by reporting, with recommendations, the
   measures which should be instituted for the maintenance of
   order, peace, and public welfare, either as temporary steps to
   be taken immediately for the perfection of present
   administration, or as suggestions for future legislation. In
   so far as immediate personal changes in the civil
   administration may seem to be advisable, the commissioners are
   empowered to recommend suitable persons for appointment to
   these offices from among the inhabitants of the islands who
   have previously acknowledged their allegiance to this
   Government.

   "It is my desire that in all their relations with the
   inhabitants of the islands the commissioners exercise due
   respect for all the ideals, customs, and institutions of the
   tribes which compose the population, emphasizing upon all
   occasions the just and beneficent intentions of the Government
   of the United States. It is also my wish and expectation that the
   commissioners may be received in a manner due to the honored
   and authorized representatives of the American Republic, duly
   commissioned on account of their knowledge, skill, and
   integrity as bearers of the good will, the protection, and the
   richest blessings of a liberating rather than a conquering
   nation.

      WILLIAM McKINLEY."

      _Report of the Philippine Commission, January 31, 1900,
      volume 1, exhibit 2 (page 185)._

{379}

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (January-February).
   Causes of and responsibility for the outbreak of hostilities
   between the Americans and the Filipinos.

   "The Philippine Information Society," organized for the
   purpose of "placing within reach of the American people the
   most reliable and authoritative evidence attainable in regard
   to the people of the Philippine Islands and our relations to
   them," has published in Number VII of the First Series of its
   pamphlets a carefully made collection of information, from
   official and other sources, relative to the circumstances in
   which hostilities between the American and Filipino forces
   came about. On this as on other subjects which the society has
   investigated it seems to have pursued its inquiries with no
   aim but to learn and set forth the truth. Its conclusions,
   resting on the evidence which it submits, are stated in an
   introduction to the pamphlet as follows:

   "It will presumably he admitted that the important question
   with regard to the Outbreak of Hostilities, February 4, 1899,
   is not, who fired the first shot, but who was responsible for
   the conditions that made it evident to every observer weeks
   before the clash came that a single shot might bring on war. …
   The situation may be briefly explained as follows: We believed
   that the Philippine Archipelago was and ought to be ours, and
   we were moving to take possession as rapidly as possible. The
   Filipinos, or at least Aguinaldo's government and followers,
   believed that the country was theirs and they resented every
   effort on our part to occupy it. We considered it ours through
   cession from Spain and right of conquest. They claimed that
   Spain no longer held possession of the country and therefore
   had no right to cede it to us; moreover, that by right of
   conquest we were entitled only to temporary occupation of
   Manila. We wished to extend our sovereignty throughout the
   Archipelago with all possible dispatch. They desired
   independence, or at least a protectorate which, while securing
   them from foreign aggression, should leave them control of
   their internal affairs. While a discussion of the justice of
   either position does not come within the limits of the present
   inquiry, it is important to remember that from the first a
   minority in this country urged that the Filipinos were
   entitled to a promise of ultimate independence, and that a
   resolution of Congress, similar to that passed in the case of
   Cuba, would avert all occasion for war. This course having
   been rejected by our country, the question arises, did the
   assertion of United States sovereignty render war inevitable? …

   "No doubt most Americans believe that left to themselves the
   Filipinos would soon have lapsed into anarchy, while a few
   maintain that with temporary assistance in international
   affairs they would have developed a government better suited
   to their peculiar needs than we can ever give them. Still
   others who are familiar with the Filipinos and kindred races
   believe that their aspiration for an independent national
   existence was not deep rooted, that had we adopted an
   affectionate, admiring tone to their leaders, had we
   recognized their government and approved of it, we could soon
   have made their government our government, could have been as
   sovereign as we pleased, and had the people with us. Whatever
   view one may hold, it must be admitted that if we were to
   establish our sovereignty by peaceful methods it was essential
   to win the confidence and affection of the Filipinos. … There
   is every indication that the Filipinos were prepared, at
   first, to treat us as friends and liberators. General Anderson
   tells the following interesting story: The prevailing
   sentiment of the Filipinos towards us can be shown by one
   incident. About the middle of July the insurgent leaders in
   Cavite invited a number of our army and navy officers to a
   banquet. There was some post-prandial speech-making, the
   substance of the Filipino talk being that they wished to be
   annexed but not conquered. One of our officers in reply
   assured them that we had not come to make them slaves, but to
   make them free men. A singular scene followed. All the
   Filipinos rose to their feet, and Buencomeno, taking his
   wine-glass in his hand, said: We wish to be baptized in that
   sentiment. Then he and the rest poured the wine from their
   glasses over their heads. After the very first, however, the
   cultivation of intimate relations with the Filipino leaders
   seems to have been considered unimportant or inadvisable.
   General Merritt states that he never saw Aguinaldo. Social
   intercourse between our officers and the Filipinos was
   discouraged by General Otis. In fact after the surrender of
   Manila General Whittier seems to have been the only one of our
   superior officers who ever had a personal interview with
   Aguinaldo.

   "Certainly after the proclamation of January 4, [see above: A.
   D. 1898-1899 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY)] war could only have been
   avoided by a decisive action of Congress promising ultimate
   independence to the Filipinos. That proclamation of January 4
   raised the issue and provoked the counter proclamation of
   January 5, which so stirred the people against us—a
   proclamation in which Aguinaldo once and a thousand times and
   with all the energy of his soul protested against American
   sovereignty, and which closed with the words,  'upon their
   heads be all the blood which may be shed.' …

   "Aguinaldo's proclamation was followed by a series of
   conferences of which General Otis reports 'It was one
   continued plea for some concession that would satisfy tho
   people.' On January 16th he cabled to Washington, 'Aspiration
   Filipino people is independence with restrictions resulting
   from conditions which its government agree with American when
   latter agree to officially recognize the former.' Finally on
   January 25th he sent word to the insurgent commissioners that
   'To this dispatch no reply has been received.' From this time
   General Otis states, the insurgents hurried forward
   preparations for war. Contemporaneous with these events in the
   Philippines the Treaty of Peace was pending in the United
   States Senate where it had been assigned for a vote on
   February 6th.

   "With regard to the actual outbreak of' hostilities, there is
   a sharp difference of opinion. The United States press
   dispatches announcing the outbreak, and the contemporaneous
   newspaper statements by the Filipinos … are of interest as
   evidence that from the very first each side claimed the other
   to be the aggressor.
{380}
   As to which of these opposing claims is borne out by the
   facts, the editors would say that after careful study of all
   the accessible evidence they find that according to the most
   authoritative statements the outbreak occurred as the result
   of a trespass by four armed Filipinos on territory admitted by
   the Filipino in command to be within the jurisdiction of the
   United States. The number of Filipinos has been variously
   estimated. The editors follow the report of General MacArthur
   in command of the division in which the firing began, which
   agrees with the report of Second-Lieutenant Wheedon of the
   First Nebraska U. S. Volunteer Infantry, stationed at Santa
   Mesa. The action of the Filipino trespassers seems to have
   been an instance of bad discipline in the insurgent army.
   Certainly it was not ordered on that date by the insurgent
   leaders, although there are some indications that the leaders
   had planned to attack in a few days. The claim that our forces
   instigated the attack for the purpose of securing the votes
   necessary to ratify the treaty is absolutely unsupported by
   any evidence which has come to the attention of the editors."

      _Philippine Information Society,
      Publications, First Series, VII., Introduction._

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (January-November).
   Attack on American forces by the Tagalos.
   Continued hostilities.
   Progress of American conquest.

   "No definite date had been set for the attack [by the hostile
   Tagalos], but a signal by means of rockets had been agreed
   upon, and it was universally understood that it would come
   upon the occurrence of the first act on the part of the
   American forces which would afford a pretext; and in the lack
   of such act, in the near future at all events. Persistent
   attempts were made to provoke our soldiers to fire. The
   insurgents were insolent to our guards and made persistent and
   continuous efforts to push them back and advance the insurgent
   lines farther into the city of Manila. … With great tact and
   patience the commanding general had held his forces in check,
   and he now made a final effort to preserve the peace by
   appointing a commission to meet a similar body appointed by
   Aguinaldo and to 'confer with regard to the situation of
   affairs and to arrive at a mutual understanding of the intent,
   purposes, aims, and desires of the Filipino people and of the
   people of the United States.' Six sessions were held, the last
   occurring on January 29, six days before the outbreak of
   hostilities. No substantial results were obtained, the
   Filipino commissioners being either unable or unwilling to
   give any definite statements of the 'intent, purposes, and
   aims of their people.' At the close of the last session they
   were given full assurances that no hostile act would be
   inaugurated by the United States troops. The critical moment
   had now arrived. Aguinaldo secretly ordered the Filipinos who
   were friendly to him to seek refuge outside the city. The
   Nebraska regiment at that time was in camp on the east line at
   Santa Mesa, and was guarding its front. For days before the
   memorable 4th of February, 1899, the outposts in front of the
   regiment had been openly menaced and assaulted by insurgent
   soldiers; they were attempting to push our outposts back and
   advance their line. They made light of our sentinels and
   persistently ignored their orders. On the evening of the 4th
   of February, an insurgent officer came to the front with a
   detail of men and attempted to pass the guard on the San Juan
   Bridge, our guard being stationed at the west end of the
   bridge. The Nebraska sentinel drove them back without firing,
   but a few minutes before 9 o'clock that evening a large body
   of insurgent troops made an advance on the South Dakota
   outposts, which fell back rather than fire. About the same
   time the insurgents came in force to the east end of the San
   Juan Bridge, in front of the Nebraska regiment. For several
   nights prior thereto a lieutenant in the insurgent army had
   been coming regularly to our outpost No. 2, of the Nebraska
   regiment, and attempting to force the outpost back and
   insisting on posting his guard within the Nebraska lines; and
   at this time and in the darkness he again appeared with a
   detail of about six men and approached Private Grayson, of
   Company D, First Nebraska Volunteers, the sentinel on duty at
   outpost No. 2. He, after halting them three times without
   effect, fired, killing the lieutenant, whose men returned the
   fire and then retreated. Immediately rockets were sent up by
   the Filipinos, and they commenced firing all along the line, …
   and continued to fire until about midnight; and about 4
   o'clock on the morning of February 5 the insurgents again
   opened fire all around the city and kept it up until the
   Americans charged them and drove them with great slaughter out
   of their trenches."

      _Philippine Commission, Preliminary Report
      (Exhibit 1.—Report, January 31, 1900,
      volume 1, pages 174-175)._

   "They [the insurgents] were promptly repulsed in a series of
   active engagements which extended through the night of the
   4th, and the 5th, 6th, and 10th days of February. Our lines
   were extended and established at a considerable distance from
   the city in every direction. On the 22d of February a
   concerted rising of the Tagalogs in the city of Manila, of
   whom there are about 200,000, was attempted, under
   instructions to massacre all the Americans and Europeans in
   the city. This attempt was promptly suppressed and the city
   was placed under strict control. The troops composing the
   Eighth Army Corps under General Otis's command at that time
   were of regulars 171 officers and 5,201 enlisted men and of
   volunteers 667 officers and 14,831 enlisted men, making an
   aggregate of 838 officers and 20,032 enlisted men. All of the
   volunteers and 1,650 of the regulars were, or were about to
   become entitled to their discharge, and their right was
   perfected by the exchange of ratifications of the treaty on
   the 11th of April. …

   "The months of the most intense heat, followed by the very
   severe rainy season of that climate, were immediately
   approaching, and for any effective occupation of the country
   it was necessary to await both the close of the rainy season
   and the supply of new troops to take the place of those about
   to be discharged. Practically all the volunteers who were then
   in the Philippines consented to forego the just expectation of
   an immediate return to their homes, and to remain in the field
   until their places could be supplied by new troops. They
   voluntarily subjected themselves to the dangers and casualties
   of numerous engagements, and to the very great hardships of
   the climate. They exhibited fortitude and courage, and are
   entitled to high commendation for their patriotic spirit and
   soldierly conduct. …

{381}

   "No attempt was … made to occupy the country, except in the
   vicinity of Manila, and at such points as were important for
   the protection of our lines. Such movements as passed beyond
   this territory were designed primarily to break up threatening
   concentrations of insurgent troops, and to prevent undue
   annoyance to the positions which we occupied. On the 11th of
   February the city of Iloilo, on the island of Panay, the
   second port of the Philippines in importance, was occupied.
   After the capture of Iloilo the navy took possession of the
   city of Cebu, on the island of Cebu, and on the 26th of
   February a battalion of the 23d Infantry was dispatched to
   that port for the protection of the inhabitants and property.
   On the 1st of March a military district comprising the islands
   of Panay, Negros, and Cebu, and such other Visayan islands as
   might be thereafter designated, to be known as the 'Visayan
   Military District,' was established and placed under the
   supervision of Brigadier General Marcus P. Miller, commanding
   1st Separate Brigade, Eighth Army Corps, with headquarters at
   Iloilo. The 3d Battalion of the 1st California Volunteer
   Infantry was thereupon ordered to the island of Negros, under
   the command of Colonel (now Brigadier General) James F. Smith,
   and took possession of the city of Bacolod, on that island,
   without resistance. On the 5th of May Brigadier General James
   F. Smith assumed temporary command of the Visayan military
   district, and on the 25th of May Brigadier General R. P.
   Hughes, United States Volunteers, was assigned to the command
   of the district. On the 19th of May the Spanish garrison at
   Jolo, in the Sulu Archipelago, was replaced by American
   troops. By the 31st of August the number of troops stationed
   at Jolo and the Visayan Islands, including a small guard at
   the Cavite Arsenal, amounted to 4,145. …

   "All of the forces who were entitled to be discharged as above
   mentioned have now [November. 29, 1899] been returned to this
   country and mustered out. The new troops designed to take the
   place of those returning to this country, and to constitute an
   effective army for the occupation of the Philippines, have
   been transported to Manila. … The troops now in the
   Philippines comprise 905 officers and 30,578 men of the
   regular force, and 594 officers and 15,388 men of the
   volunteer force, making an aggregate of 1,499 officers and
   45,966 men, and when the troops on the way have arrived the
   total force constituting the Eighth Army Corps will be 2,051
   officers and 63,483 men.

   "By the 10th of October the process of changing armies and the
   approach of the dry season had reached a point where an
   advance toward the general occupation of the country was
   justified. At that time the American lines extended from the
   Bay of Manila to Laguna de Bay, and included considerable
   parts of the provinces of Cavite, Laguna, and Morong to the
   south and east of Manila, substantially all of the province of
   Manila and the southern parts of Bulacan and Pampanga,
   dividing the insurgent forces into two widely separated parts.
   To the south and east of our lines in Cavite and Morong were
   numerous bands occasionally concentrating for attack on our
   lines, and as frequently dispersed and driven back toward the
   mountains. On the 8th or October, the insurgents in this
   region having again gathered and attacked our lines of
   communication, General Schwan with a column of 1,726 men
   commenced a movement from Bacoor, in the province of Cavite,
   driving the enemy through Old Cavite, Noveleta, Santa Cruz,
   San Francisco de Malabon, Saban, and Perez das Marinas,
   punishing them severely, scattering them and destroying them
   as organized forces, and returning on the 13th to Bacoor. On
   the north of our lines stretched the great plain of central
   Luzon extending north from Manila about 120 miles. This plain
   comprises parts of the provinces of Manila, Pampanga, Bulacan,
   Tarlac, Nueva, Ecija, and Pangasinan. It is, roughly speaking,
   bounded on the south by the Bay of Manila: on the east and
   west by high mountain ranges separating it from the seacoasts,
   and on the north by mountains and the Gulf of Lingayen.
   Through the northeast and central portion flows the Rio Grande
   from the northern mountains southwesterly to the Bay of Manila,
   and near the western edge runs the only railroad on the island
   of Luzon, in a general southeasterly direction from Dagupan,
   on the Bay of Lingayen, to Manila. In this territory Aguinaldo
   exercised a military dictatorship, and with a so-called
   cabinet imitated the forms of civil government, having his
   headquarters at Tarlac, which he called his capital, and which
   is situated near the center of the western boundary of the
   plain.

   "The operations commenced in October involved the movement of
   three separate forces:

   (1) A column proceeding up the Rio Grande and along the
   northeastern borders of the plain and bending around to the
   westward across the northern boundary toward the Gulf of
   Lingayen, garrisoning the towns and occupying the mountain
   passes which gave exit into the northeastern division of the
   island.

   (2) An expedition proceeding by transports to the Gulf of
   Lingayen, there to land at the northwestern corner of the
   plain and occupy the great coast road which from that point
   runs between the mountains and the sea to the northern
   extremity of the island, and to proceed eastward to a junction
   with the first column.

   (3) A third column proceeding directly up the railroad to the
   capture of Tarlac, and thence still up the road to Dagupan,
   driving the insurgent forces before it toward the line held by
   the first two columns.

   These movements were executed with energy, rapidity, and
   success, notwithstanding the exceedingly unfavorable weather
   and deluges of rain, which rendered the progress of troops and
   transportation of subsistence most difficult. On the 12th of
   October a strong column under General Lawton, with General
   Young commanding the advance, commenced the northerly movement
   up the Rio Grande from Arayat, driving the insurgents before
   it to the northward and westward. On the 18th the advance
   reached Cabiao. On the 19th San Isidro was captured, and a
   garrison established; on the 27th Cabanatuan was occupied, and
   a permanent station established there. On the 1st of November
   Aliaga and Talavera were occupied. In the meantime
   detachments, chiefly of Young's cavalry, were operating to the
   west of the general line of advance, striking insurgent
   parties wherever they were found and driving them toward the
   line of the railroad. By the 13th of November the advance had
   turned to the westward, and our troops had captured San Jose,
   Lupao, Humingan, San Quintin, Tayug, and San Nicolas. By the
   18th of November the advance had occupied Asingan and Rosales,
   and was moving on Pozorrubio, a strongly intrenched post about 12
   miles east of San Fabian. General Lawton's forces now held a
   line of posts extending up the eastern side of the plain and
   curving around and across the northern end to within a few
   miles of the Gulf of Lingayen.

{382}

   "On the 6th of November a force of 2,500, under command of
   General Wheaton, sailed from Manila for the Gulf of Lingayen,
   convoyed by ships of the Navy, and on the 7th the expedition
   was successfully landed at San Fabian with effective
   assistance from a naval convoy against spirited opposition. On
   the 12th the 33d Volunteers, of Wheaton's command, under
   Colonel Hare, proceeded southeastward to San Jacinto, attacked
   and routed 1,200 intrenched insurgents, with the loss of the
   gallant Major John A. Logan and 6 enlisted men killed, and one
   officer and 11 men wounded. The enemy left 81 dead in the
   trenches and suffered a total loss estimated at 300. In the
   meantime, on the 5th of November, a column under General
   McArthur advanced up the railroad from Angeles to Magalang,
   clearing the country between Angeles and Arayat, encountering
   and routing bodies of the enemy at different points, and
   capturing Magalang. On the 11th it took Bamban, Capas, and
   Concepcion, and on the 12th of November entered Tarlac, from
   which the enemy fled on its approach. Meantime, parties,
   mainly of the 36th Volunteers, under Colonel J. F. Bell,
   cleared the country to the right of the line of advance as far
   east as the points reached by General Lawton's flanking
   parties. On the 17th of November McArthur's column had
   occupied Gerona and Panique, to the north of Tarlac, On the
   19th, Wheaton's troops, and on the 20th, McArthur's troops,
   entered Dagupan.

   "On the 24th of November General Otis was able to telegraph to
   the Department as follows: 'Claim to government by insurgents
   can be made no longer under any fiction. Its treasurer,
   secretary of the interior, and president of congress in our
   hands; its president and remaining cabinet officers in hiding,
   evidently in different central Luzon provinces; its generals
   and troops in small bands scattered through these provinces,
   acting as banditti, or dispersed, playing the rôle of
   "Amigos," with arms concealed.' Since that time our troops
   have been actively pursuing the flying and scattered bands of
   insurgents, further dispersing them, making many prisoners,
   and releasing many Spanish prisoners who had been in the
   insurgents' hands. On the 23d General Young's column had
   reached Namacpacan, 30 miles north of San Fernando, in the
   province of Union, and passed north into the mountains; and on
   the 24th Vigan, the principal port of the northwest coast, was
   occupied by a body of marines landed from the battle ship
   Oregon. Wherever the permanent occupation of our troops has
   extended in the Philippine Islands civil law has been
   immediately put in force. The courts have been organized and
   the most learned and competent native lawyers have been
   appointed to preside over them. A system of education has been
   introduced and numerous schools have been established."

      _Annual Report of the Secretary of War, 1899
      (Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,
      volume 2, pages 735-741)._

   General Young, whose movement is referred to above, reported
   to General Otis from Pozorrubio, on the 17th of November:
   "Aguinaldo is now a fugitive and an outlaw, seeking security
   in escape to the mountains or by sea. My cavalry have ridden
   down his forces wherever found, utterly routing them in every
   instance, killing some, capturing and liberating many
   prisoners, and destroying many arms, ammunition, and other war
   impediments." On the 30th, Major March was sent by General
   Young, as he expresses it, "on Aguinaldo's trail," and
   encountered the forces of the Filipino General Pilar in the
   Tila Pass. The following is Major March's report of the fight
   which then occurred, and in which the Filipino commander fell:
   "The trail winds up the Tila Mountains in a sharp zigzag. The
   enemy had constructed a stone barricade across the trail at a
   point where it commanded the turns of the zigzag for a
   considerable distance. The barricade was loopholed for
   infantry fire and afforded head cover for the insurgents. On
   passing on beyond Lingey the advance was checked by a heavy
   fire from this barricade, which killed and wounded several
   men, without having its position revealed. I brought up the
   remainder of the command at double time, losing two men
   wounded during the run up. On arriving at the point, I located
   the insurgents' position with my glasses—their fire being
   entirely Mauser and smokeless powder—by the presence of the
   insurgent officer who showed himself freely and directed the
   fire. On pushing forward, the number of my men who were hit
   increased so rapidly that it was evident that the position
   could not be taken by a front attack, when the trail only
   allowed the men to pass one at a time. On the left of the
   barricade was a gorge several hundred feet deep. On its right,
   as we faced it, was a precipitous mountain which rose 1,500 feet
   above the trail. Across the gorge and to the left front of the
   barricade was a hill, which, while it did not permit of flank
   fire into the barricade, commanded the trail in its rear, and
   this point I occupied with ten sharpshooters in command of
   Sergeant-Major McDougall. He lost one man wounded in getting
   to the top, and when there rendered most effective assistance.
I then ordered Lieutenant Tompkins to take his company (H) and
   proceeding back on the trail to ascend the slope of the
   mountain under cover of a slight ridge which struck the face
   of the mountain about 150 feet from the summit. From there he
   had a straight-up climb to the top, where the men pulled
   themselves up by twigs and by hand. The ascent took two hours,
   during which the enemy kept up an incessant and accurate fire,
   which they varied by rolling down stones on our heads. When
   Tompkins' men appeared upon the crest of the hills over their
   heads, he had the command of the two other trenches which were
   constructed in rear of the barricade, I have described, around
   a sharp turn in the trail, and which were also held by the
   insurgents. He opened fire upon them and I charged the first
   barricade at the same time, and rushed the enemy over the
   hill. We found eight dead bodies on the trail, and the bushes
   which grew at the edge of the gorge were broken and
   blood-stained where dead or wounded men fell through. Among
   the dead bodies was that of Gregorio del Pilar, the general
   commanding insurgent forces. I have in my possession his
   shoulder straps; French field glasses, which gave the range of
   objects; official and private papers, and a mass of means of
   identification. He was also recognized personally by Mr.
   McCutcheon and Mr. Keene, two newspaper correspondents who had
   met him before.
{383}
   The insurgents' report of their loss in this fight is 52,
   given to me after I reached Cervantes. My loss was 2 killed
   and 9 wounded. I reached the summit at 4.30 P. M. and camped
   there for the night. … At Cervantes I learned that the force
   at Tila Pass was a picked force from Aguinaldo's body guard,
   and that it was wiped out of existence. Aguinaldo with his
   wife and two other women and a handful of men were living in a
   convent at Cervantes, perfectly secure in his belief that Tila
   Pass was an impregnable position. It was the insurgents'
   Thermopylæ."

      _Report of Lieutenant-General Commanding the Army, 1900,
      part 4, page 331._

   Mr. McCutcheon, one of the newspaper correspondents referred
   to by Major March, gave to the "Chicago Record" a graphic
   account of the fight in Tila Pass, and wrote feelingly of the
   death to the young Filipino General Pilar:

   "General Gregorio del Pilar," wrote Mr. McCutcheon, "was the
   last man to fall. He was striving to escape up the trail and
   had already received a wound in the shoulder. A native was
   holding his horse for him and just as he was preparing to
   mount a Krag-Jorgensen bullet caught him in the neck, and
   passing through came out just below his mouth. The men of
   Company E, rushing up the trail, caught the native, who was
   endeavoring to secure the papers which the general had in his
   pockets, and a moment later captured the horse. At that time
   no one knew who the dead man was, but from his uniform and
   insignia they judged that he was an officer of high rank. The
   souvenir fiend was at once at work and the body was stripped
   of everything of value from the diamond ring to the boots. …
   Many letters were found, most of them from his sweetheart,
   Dolores Jose, who lived in Dagupan. A handkerchief bearing her
   name was also found in his pocket. One letter was found from
   the president of Lingay and gave the exact number of soldiers
   in March's command. Pilar's diary, which ran from November 19
   on to the day of his death, was of remarkable interest, for it
   detailed many things regarding the wild flight of himself and
   Aguinaldo's party up the coast. The last words written in it
   were pathetic and indicated something of the noble character
   of the man. The passage, which was written only a few minutes
   previously, while the fight was on and while death even then
   was before him, said: 'I am holding a difficult position
   against desperate odds, but I will gladly die for my beloved
   country.'

   "Pilar alive and in command, shooting down good Americans, was
   one thing, but Pilar lying in that silent mountain trail, his
   body half denuded of its clothes, and his young, handsome,
   boyish face discolored with the blood which saturated his
   blouse and stained the earth, was another thing. We could not
   help but feel admiration for his gallant fight, and sorrow for
   the sweetheart whom he left behind. The diary was dedicated to
   the girl, and I have since learned that he was to have married
   her in Dagupan about two weeks before. But the Americans came
   too soon. Instead of wedding bells there sounded the bugle
   calls of the foe and he was hurriedly ordered to accompany his
   chief, Aguinaldo, on that hasty retreat to the mountains. The
   marriage was postponed, and he carried out his orders by
   leaving for the north. Pilar was one of the best types of the
   Filipino soldier. He was only 23 years old, but he had been
   through the whole campaign in his capacity as
   brigadier-general. It was he who commanded the forces at
   Quingua the day that Colonel Stotsenberg was killed, and it
   may be remembered that the engagement that day was one of the
   most bloody and desperate that has occurred on the island. He
   was a handsome boy, and was known as one of the Filipinos who
   were actuated by honestly patriotic motives, and who fought
   because they believed they were fighting in the right and not
   for personal gain or ambition."

      _Chicago Record's Stories of Filipino Warfare,
      page 14._

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (March-July).
   The establishment of a provisional government
   in the island of Negros.

   Negros "was the first island to accept American sovereignty.
   Its people unreservedly proclaimed allegiance to the United
   States and adopted a constitution looking to the establishment
   of a popular government. It was impossible to guarantee to the
   people of Negros that the constitution so adopted should be
   the ultimate form of government. Such a question, under the
   treaty with Spain and in accordance with our own Constitution
   and laws, came exclusively within the jurisdiction of the
   Congress. The government actually set up by the inhabitants of
   Negros eventually proved unsatisfactory to the natives
   themselves. A new system was put into force by order of the
   Major-General Commanding the Department [July 22, 1899], of
   which the following are the most important elements:

   "It was ordered that the government of the island of Negros
   should consist of a military governor appointed by the United
   States military governor of the Philippines, and a civil
   governor and an advisory council elected by the people. The
   military governor was authorized to appoint secretaries of the
   treasury, interior, agriculture, public instruction, an
   attorney-general, and an auditor. The seat of government was
   fixed at Bacolod. The military governor exercises the supreme
   executive power. He is to see that the laws are executed,
   appoint to office, and fill all vacancies in office not
   otherwise provided for, and may with the approval of the
   military governor of the Philippines, remove any officer from
   office. The civil governor advises the military governor on
   all public civil questions and presides over the advisory
   council. He, in general, performs the duties which are
   performed by secretaries of state in our own system of
   government. The advisory council consists of eight members
   elected by the people within territorial limits which are
   defined in the order of the commanding general. The times and
   places of holding elections are to be fixed by the military
   governor of the island of Negros. The qualifications of voters
   are as follows:

   (1) A voter must be a male citizen of the island of Negros.

   (2) Of the age of 21 years.

   (3) He shall be able to speak, read, and write the English,
   Spanish, or Visayan language, or he must own real property
   worth $500, or pay a rental on real property of the value of
   $1,000.

   (4) He must have resided in the island not less than one year
   preceding, and in the district in which he offers to register
   as a voter not less than three months immediately preceding
   the time he offers to register.

   (5) He must register at a time fixed by law before voting.

   (6) Prior to such registration he shall have paid all taxes
   due by him to the Government.

{384}

   Provided, that no insane person shall bc allowed to register
   or vote. The military governor has the right to veto all bills
   or resolutions adopted by the advisory council, and his veto
   is final if not disapproved by the military governor of the
   Philippines. The advisory council discharges all the ordinary
   duties of a legislature. The usual duties pertaining to said
   offices are to be performed by the secretaries of the
   treasury, interior, agriculture, public instruction, the
   attorney-general, and the auditor. The judicial power is
   vested in three judges, who are to be appointed by the
   military governor of the island. Inferior courts are to be
   established. Free public schools are to be established
   throughout the populous districts of the island, in which the
   English language shall be taught, and this subject will
   receive the careful consideration of the advisory council. The
   burden of government must be distributed equally and equitably
   among the people. The military authorities will collect and
   receive the customs revenue, and will control postal matters
   and Philippine inter-island trade and commerce. The military
   governor, subject to the approval of the military governor of
   the Philippines, determines all questions not specifically
   provided for and which do not come under the jurisdiction of
   the advisory council."

      _Message of the President, December 5, 1899
      (Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,
      volume 2, page 47)._

      Also in:
      _Report of General Otis (Message and Documents,
      volume 2, page 1131-1137)._

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (May-August).
   Agreement of terms with the Sultan of Jolo concerning
   the Sulu Archipelago.

   On the 19th of May, a detachment of U. 8. troops took the
   place of the Spanish garrison at Jolo, the military station in
   the Sulu Archipelago. On the 3d of July, General Otis, Military
   Governor of the Philippines, issued orders as follows to
   General J. C. Bates, U. S. V.: "You will proceed as soon as
   practicable to the United States military station of Jolo, on
   the island of that name, and there place yourself in
   communication with the Sultan of Jolo, who is believed to be
   at Siassi, where he was sojourning when the last information
   concerning him was received. You are hereby appointed and
   constituted an agent on the part of the United States military
   authorities in the Philippines to discuss, enter into
   negotiations, and perfect, if possible, a written agreement of
   character and scope as hereinafter explained, with the Sultan,
   which upon approval at these headquarters and confirmation by
   the supreme executive authority of the United States, will
   prescribe and control the future relations, social and
   political, between the United States Government and the
   inhabitants of the archipelago. … In your discussions with the
   Sultan and his datos the question of sovereignty will be
   forced to the front, and they will undoubtedly request an
   expression of opinion thereon, as they seem to be impressed
   apparently with the belief that the recent Spanish authorities
   with whom they were in relationship have transferred full
   sovereignty of the islands to them. The question is one which
   admits of easy solution, legally considered, since by the
   terms of treaties or protocols between Spain and European
   powers Spanish sovereignty over the archipelago is conceded.
   Under the agreement between Spain and the Sultan and datos of
   July, 1878, the latter acknowledged Spanish sovereignty in the
   entire archipelago of Jolo and agreed to become loyal Spanish
   subjects, receiving in consideration certain specific payments
   in money. The sovereignty of Spain, thus established and
   acknowledged by all parties in interest, was transferred to
   the United States by the Paris treaty. The United States has
   succeeded to all the rights which Spain held in the
   archipelago, and its sovereignty over the same is an
   established fact. But the inquiry arises as to the extent to
   which that sovereignty can be applied under the agreement of
   1878 with the Moros. Sovereignty, of course, implies full
   power of political control, but it is not incompatible with
   concessionary grants between sovereign and subject. The Moros
   acknowledged through their accepted chiefs Spanish sovereignty
   and their subjection thereto, and that nation in turn conferred
   upon their chiefs certain powers of supervision over them and
   their affairs. The kingly prerogatives of Spain, thus abridged
   by solemn concession, have descended to the United States, and
   conditions existing at the time of transfer should remain. The
   Moros are entitled to enjoy the identical privileges which
   they possessed at the time of transfer, and to continue to
   enjoy them until abridged or modified by future mutual
   agreement between them and the United States, to which they
   owe loyalty, unless it becomes necessary to invoke the
   exercise of the supreme powers of sovereignty to meet
   emergencies. You will therefore acquaint yourself thoroughly
   with the terms of the agreement of 1878, and take them as a
   basis for your directed negotiations. …

   "It is greatly desired by the United States for the sake of
   the individual improvement and social advancement of the
   Moros, and for the development of the trade and agriculture of
   the islands in their interests, also for the welfare of both the
   United States and Moros, that mutual friendly and well-defined
   relations be established. If the Sultan can be made to give
   credit to and fully understand the intentions of the United
   States, the desired result can be accomplished. The United
   States will accept the obligations of Spain under the
   agreement of 1878 in the matter of money annuities, and in
   proof of sincerity you will offer as a present to the Sultan
   and datos $10,000, Mexican, with which you will be supplied
   before leaving for Jolo—the same to be handed over to them,
   respectively, in amounts agreeing with the ratio of payments
   made to them by the Spanish Government for their declared
   services. From the 1st of September next, and thereafter, the
   United States will pay to them regularly the sums promised by
   Spain in its agreement of 1878, and in any subsequent promises
   of which proof can be furnished. The United States will
   promise, in return for the concessions to be hereinafter
   mentioned, not to interfere with, but to protect the Moros in
   the free exercise of their religion and customs, social and
   domestic, and will respect the rights and dignities of the
   Sultan and his advisers."


{385}

   Of the results of the mission of General Bates, General Otis
   reported subsequently as follows:

   "General Bates had a difficult task to perform and executed it
   with tact and ability. While a number of the principal datos were
   favorably inclined, the Sultan, not responding to invitations,
   kept aloof and was represented by his secretary, until
   finally, the general appearing at Maibung, the Moro capital, a
   personal interview was secured. He being also Sultan of North
   Borneo and receiving large annual payments from the North
   Borneo Trading Company, expected like returns from the United
   States, and seemed more anxious to obtain personal revenue
   than benefits for his people. Securing the port of Siassi from
   the Spaniards, establishing there his guards and police, he
   had received customs revenues from the Sandaken trade which he
   was loath to surrender. Negotiations continued well into
   August, and finally, after long conferences, an agreement was
   reached by which the United States secured much more liberal
   terms than the Spaniards were ever able to obtain."

      _Report of General Otis, August 31, 1899
      (Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,
      volume 2, pages 1162-1164). _

   "By Article I the sovereignty of the United States over the
   whole archipelago of Jolo and its dependencies is declared and
   acknowledged. The United States flag will be used in the
   archipelago and its dependencies, on land and sea. Piracy is
   to be suppressed, and the Sultan agrees to co-operate heartily
   with the United States authorities to that end and to make
   every possible effort to arrest and bring to justice all
   persons engaged in piracy. All trade in domestic products of
   the archipelago of Jolo when carried on with any part of the
   Philippine Islands and under the American flag shall be free,
   unlimited, and undutiable. The United States will give full
   protection to the Sultan in case any foreign nation should
   attempt to impose upon him. The United States will not sell
   the island of Jolo or any other island of the Jolo archipelago
   to any foreign nation without the consent of the Sultan.
   Salaries for the Sultan find his associates in the
   administration of the islands have been agreed upon to the
   amount of $760 monthly. Article X provides that any slave in
   the archipelago of Jolo shall have the right to purchase
   freedom by paying to the master the usual market value. The
   agreement by General Bates was made subject to confirmation by
   the President and to future modifications by the consent of
   the parties in interest. I have confirmed said agreement,
   subject to the action of the Congress, and with the
   reservation, which I have directed shall be communicated to
   the Sultan of Jolo, that this agreement is not to be deemed in
   any way to authorize or give the consent of the United States
   to the existence of slavery in the Sulu archipelago."

      _Message of the President, December 5, 1899
      (Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,
      volume 2, pages 47-48)._

   "The population of the Sulu Archipelago is reckoned at
   120,000, mostly domiciled in the island of Jolo, and numbers
   20,000 fighting men. Hostilities would be unfortunate for all
   parties concerned, would be very expensive to the United
   States in men and money, and destructive of any advancement of
   the Moros for years to come. Spain's long struggle with these
   people and their dislike for the former dominant race in the
   Philippines, inherited, it would seem, by each rising
   generation during three centuries, furnishes an instructive
   lesson. Under the pending agreement General Bates, assisted by
   the officers of the Navy, quietly placed garrisons of one
   company each at Siassi and at Bongao, on the Tawai Tawai group
   of islands, where they were well received by the friendly
   natives. With the approval of the agreement, the only
   difficulty to a satisfactory settlement of the Sulu affairs
   will arise from discontent on the part of the Sultan
   personally because of a supposed decrease in anticipated
   revenues or the machinations of the insurgents of Mindanao,
   who are endeavoring to create a feeling of distrust and
   hostility among the natives against the United States troops.

   "The Sultan's government is one of perfect despotism, in form
   at least, as all political power is supposed to center in his
   person; but this does not prevent frequent outbreaks on the
   part of the datos, who frequently revolt, and are now, in two
   or three instances, in declared enmity. All Moros, however,
   profess the Mohammedan religion, introduced in the fourteenth
   century, and the sacredness of the person of the Sultan is
   therefore a tenet of faith. This fact would prevent any marked
   success by a dato in attempting to secure supreme power. Spain
   endeavored to supplant the Sultan with one of his most
   enterprising chiefs and signally failed. Peonage or a species
   of serfdom enters largely into the social and domestic
   arrangements and a dato's following or clan submits itself
   without protest to his arbitrary will. The Moro political
   fabric bears resemblance to the state of feudal times—the
   Sultan exercising supreme power by divine right, and his
   datos, like the feudal lords, supporting or opposing him at
   will, and by force of arms occasionally, but not to the extent
   of dethronement, as that would be too great a sacrilege for a
   Mohammedan people to seek to consummate. The United States
   must accept these people as they are, and endeavor to
   ameliorate their condition by degrees, and the best means to
   insure success appears to be through the cultivation of
   friendly sentiments and the introduction of trade and commerce
   upon approved business methods. To undertake forcible radical
   action for the amelioration of conditions or to so interfere
   with their domestic relations as to arouse their suspicions
   and distrust would be attended with unfortunate consequences."

      _Report of General Otis, August 31, 1899
      (Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,
      volume 2, page 1165)._

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899-1900.
   Military operations against the Insurgents.
   Death of General Lawton.

   "The enlargement of the field of operations and government in
   the Philippine Islands made it impracticable to conduct the
   business under the charge of the army in those islands through
   the machinery of a single department, and by order made April
   7, 1900, the Philippine Islands were made a military division,
   consisting of four departments: The Department of Northern Luzon,
   the Department of Southern Luzon, the Department of the
   Visayas, and the Department of Mindanao and Jolo. The
   Department of Northern Luzon is subdivided into six, the
   Department of Southern Luzon into four, the Department of the
   Visayas into four, and the Department of Mindanao and Jolo
   into four military districts. …

   "At the date of the last report (November 29, 1899 [see
   above]) the government established by the Philippine
   insurgents in central Luzon and the organized armed forces by
   which it was maintained had been destroyed, and the principal
   civil and military leaders of the insurrection, accompanied by
   small and scattered bands of troops, were the objects of
   pursuit in the western and the northern parts of the island.
{386}
   That pursuit was prosecuted with vigor and success, under
   conditions of extraordinary difficulty and hardship, and
   resulted in the further and practically complete
   disintegration of the insurrectionary bands in those regions,
   in the rescue of nearly all the American prisoners and the
   greater part of the Spanish prisoners held by the insurgents,
   in the capture of many of the leading insurgents, and in the
   capture and destruction of large quantities of arms,
   ammunition, and supplies. There still remained a large force
   of insurgents in Cavite and the adjacent provinces south of
   Manila, and a considerable force to the east of the Rio Grande
   de Pampanga, chiefly in the province of Bulacan, while in the
   extreme southeastern portions of Luzon, and in the various
   Visayan islands, except the island of Negros, armed bodies of
   Tagalogs had taken possession of the principal seacoast towns,
   and were exercising military control over the peaceful
   inhabitants. Between the insurgent troops in Bulacan and the
   mountains to the north, and the insurgents in the south,
   communication was maintained by road and trail, running along
   and near the eastern bank of the Mariquina River, and through
   the towns of Mariquina, San Mateo, and Montalban and the
   province of Morong. This line of communication, passing
   through rough and easily defended country, was strongly
   fortified and held by numerous bodies of insurgents.

   "On the 18th of December, 1899, a column, under the command of
   Major General Henry W. Lawton, proceeded from Manila, and
   between that date and the 29th of December captured all the
   fortified posts of the insurgents, took possession of the line
   of communication, which has ever since been maintained, and
   destroyed, captured, or dispersed the insurgent force in that
   part of the island. In the course of this movement was
   sustained the irremediable loss of General Lawton, who was
   shot and instantly killed while too fearlessly exposing his
   person in supervising the passing of his troops over the river
   Mariquina at San Mateo.

   "On the 4th of January, 1900, General J. C. Bates, U. S. V.,
   was assigned to the command of the First Division of the
   Eighth Army Corps, and an active campaign under his direction
   was commenced in Southern Luzon. The plan adopted was to
   confront and hold the strong force of the enemy near Imus and
   to the west of Bacoor by a body of troops under General
   Wheaton, while a column, under General Schwan, should move
   rapidly down the west shore of the Laguna de Bay to Biñang,
   thence turn southwesterly and seize the Silang, Indang, and
   Naic road, capture the enemy's supplies supposed to be at the
   towns of Silang and Indang, and arrest the retreat of the
   enemy, when he should be driven from northern Cavite by our
   troops designated to attack him there, and thus prevent his
   reassembling in the mountains of southern Cavite and northern
   Batangas. This plan was successfully executed. General
   Schwan's column moved over the lines indicated with great
   rapidity, marching a distance of over 600 miles, striking and
   defeating numerous bodies of insurgents and capturing many
   intrenched positions, taking possession of and garrisoning
   towns along the line, and scattering and demoralizing all the
   organized forces of the enemy within that section of country.
   From these operations and the simultaneous attacks by our
   troops under General Wheaton in the north the rebel forces in
   the Cavite region practically disappeared, the members either
   being killed or captured or returning to their homes as
   unarmed citizens, and a few scattered parties escaping through
   General Schwan's line to the south. By the 8th of February the
   organized forces of the insurgents in the region mentioned had
   ceased to exist. In large portions of the country the
   inhabitants were returning to their homes and resuming their
   industries, and active trade with Manila was resumed. In the
   course of these operations about 600 Spanish prisoners were
   released from the insurgents, leaving about 600 more still in
   their hands in the extreme southeastern provinces of Camarines
   and Albay, nearly all of whom were afterwards liberated by our
   troops. In the meantime an expedition was organized under the
   command of Brigadier General William A. Kobbé, U. S. V., to
   expel the Tagalogs who had taken possession of the principal
   hemp ports of the islands situated in Albay, the extreme
   southeastern province of Luzon, and in the islands of Leyte,
   Samar, and Catanduanes. This expedition sailed from Manila on
   the 18th of January and accomplished its object. All of the
   principal hemp ports were relieved from control of the
   insurgents, garrisoned by American troops, and opened to
   commerce by order of the military governor of the islands on
   the 30th of January and the 10th and 14th of February. The
   expedition met with strong resistance at Legaspi by an
   intrenched force under the Chinese general, Paua. He was
   speedily overcome and went into the interior. After a few days
   he reassembled his forces and threatened the garrisons which
   had been left in Albay and Legaspi, whereupon he was attacked,
   and defeated, and surrendered. Thirty pieces of artillery, a
   large quantity of ammunition, a good many rifles, and a
   considerable amount of money were captured by this expedition.

   "On the 15th of February an expedition, under the supervision
   of Major-General Bates and under the immediate command of
   Brigadier General James M. Bell, U. S. V., sailed from Manila
   to take possession of the North and South Camarines provinces
   and Western Albay, in which the insurgent forces had been
   swelled by the individuals and scattered bands escaping from
   our operations in various sections of the north. The insurgent
   force was defeated after a sharp engagement near the mouth of
   the Bicol River, pursued, and scattered. Large amounts of
   artillery and war material were captured. The normal
   conditions of industry and trade relations with Manila were
   resumed by the inhabitants. On the 20th of March the region
   covered by the last-described operations was created a
   district of southeastern Luzon, under the command of General
   James M. Bell, who was instructed to proceed to the
   establishment of the necessary customs and internal-revenue
   service in the district. In the meantime similar expeditions
   were successfully made through the mountains of the various
   islands of the Visayan Group, striking and scattering and
   severely punishing the bands of bandits and insurgents who
   infested those islands. In the latter part of March General
   Bates proceeded with the Fortieth infantry to establish
   garrisons in Mindanao. The only resistance was of a trifling
   character at Cagayan, the insurgent general in northeastern
   Mindanao surrendering and turning over the ordnance in his
   possession.
{387}
   With [the execution of these movements] all formal and open
   resistance to American authority in the Philippines
   terminated, leaving only an exceedingly vexatious and annoying
   guerilla warfare of a character closely approaching
   brigandage, which will require time, patience, and good
   judgment to finally suppress. As rapidly as we have occupied
   territory, the policy of inviting inhabitants to return to
   their peaceful vocations, and aiding them in the
   reestablishment of their local governments, has been followed,
   and the protection of the United States has been promised to
   them. The giving of this protection has led to the
   distribution of troops in the Philippine Islands to over 400
   different posts, with the consequent labor of administration
   and supply. The maintenance of these posts involves the
   continued employment of a large force, but as the Tagalogs who
   are in rebellion have deliberately adopted the policy of
   murdering, so far as they are able, all of their countrymen
   who are friendly to the United States, the maintenance of
   garrisons is at present necessary to the protection of the
   peaceful and unarmed Filipinos who have submitted to our
   authority; and if we are to discharge our obligations in that
   regard their reduction must necessarily be gradual."

      _United States, Secretary of War,
      Annual Report, November 30, 1900, pages 5-10._

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (January).
   Report of the First Philippine Commission.

   The First Commission to the Philippines returned to the United
   States in the autumn of 1899, and then submitted to the President
   a brief preliminary statement of its proceedings in the
   Islands and the opinions its members had formed, concerning
   the spirit and extent of the Tagalo revolt, the general
   disposition of the people at large, their capacity for
   independent self-government, etc. On the 31st of January
   following the commissioners presented a report which deals
   extensively with many subjects of investigation and
   deliberation. In Part I., it sets forth the efforts made by
   the commission "toward conciliation and the establishment of
   peace," through interviews with various emissaries of
   Aguinaldo, and others, and by means of a proclamation to the
   people. In Part II., it gives an extended account of the races
   and tribes of which the native population of the Islands is
   composed. In Part III., it details the provision that has
   heretofore been made for education, and states the conclusions
   of the commission as to the capacity of the people and their
   fitness for a popular government. In Part IV., a very full
   account of the Spanish organization of government in the
   Philippines, general, provincial and municipal, is given, and
   the reforms that were desired by the Filipino people are
   ascertained. From this the commission proceeds to consider the
   question of a plan of government for the Islands under the
   sovereignty of the United States, and concludes that the
   Territorial system of the United States offers all that can be
   desired. "What Jefferson and the nation did for Louisiana,"
   says the report, "we are … free to-day to do for the
   Philippines. The fact that Bonaparte had provided in the
   treaty that Louisiana should in due time be admitted as a
   State in the Union, and that in the meantime its inhabitants
   should have protection in the free enjoyment of their liberty,
   property, and religion, made no difference in the relation of
   Louisiana to the Constitution of the United States so long as
   Louisiana remained a Territory; and, if it had made a
   difference, it should have constituted something of a claim to
   the immediate enjoyment of some or all of the benefits of the
   Constitution. Unmoved by that consideration, however, the
   Jeffersonian policy established once for all the subjection of
   national domain outside the States to the absolute and
   unrestricted power of Congress. The commission recommends that
   in dealing with the Philippines this vast power be exercised
   along the lines laid down by Jefferson and Madison in
   establishing a government for Louisiana, but with … deviations
   in the direction of larger liberty to the Filipinos. … The
   result would be substantially the transformation of their
   second-class Territorial government of Louisiana into a
   Territorial government of the first-class for the Philippine
   Islands." To this recommendation of the Territorial system of
   government the commission adds a strenuous plea for a closely
   guarded civil service. "It is a safe and desirable rule," says
   the report, "that no American should be appointed to any office
   in the Philippines for which a reasonably qualified Filipino
   can, by any possibility, be secured. Of course the merit or
   business system must be adopted and lived up to; the patronage
   or spoils system would prove absolutely fatal to good
   government in this new Oriental territory." Further parts of
   the report are devoted to the Philippine judicial system, as
   it had been and as it should be; to "the condition and needs
   of the United States in the Philippines from a naval and
   maritime standpoint"; to the secular clergy and religious
   orders; to registration laws; to the currency; to the Chinese
   in the Philippines; and to public health. Among the exhibits
   appended in volume 1 of the published Report are the
   constitution of Aguinaldo's Philippine Republic (called the
   Malolos constitution), and several other constitutional drafts
   and proposals from Filipino sources, indicating the political
   ideas that prevail.

      _Report of the Philippine Commission,
      January 31, 1900, volume 1._

      See, also (in this volume),
      EDUCATION: A. D. 1898 (PHILIPPINE ISLANDS).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (March).
   Institution of municipal governments.

   By General Orders, on the 29th of March, 1900, the Military
   Governor of the Islands promulgated a law providing for the
   election and institution of municipal governments, the
   provisions of which law had been framed by a board appointed
   in the previous January, under the presidency of Don Cayetano
   Arellano, chief justice of the Philippines. The first chapter
   of the law reads as follows:

   "ARTICLE 1.
   The towns of the Philippine Islands shall be recognized as
   municipal corporations with the same limits as heretofore
   established, upon reorganizing under the provisions of this
   order. All property vested in any town under its former
   organization shall be vested in the same town upon becoming
   incorporated hereunder.

   "ARTICLE 2.
   Towns so incorporated shall be designated as 'municipios,' and
   shall be known respectively by the names heretofore adopted.
   Under such names they may, without further authorization, sue
   and be sued, contract and be contracted with, acquire and hold
   real and personal property for the general interests of the
   town, and exercise all the powers hereinafter conferred. The
   city of Manila is exempt from the provisions of this order.

{388}

   "ARTICLE 3.
   The municipal government of each town is hereby vested in an
   alcalde and a municipal council. The alcalde and councilors,
   together with the municipal lieutenant, shall be chosen at
   large by the qualified electors of the town, and their term of
   office shall be for two years from and after the first Monday
   in January next after their election and until their
   successors are duly chosen and qualified: Provided, That the
   alcalde and municipal lieutenant elected in 1900 shall hold
   office until the first Monday in January, 1902, only; and that
   the councilors elected in 1900 shall divide themselves, by
   lot, into two classes; the scats of those of the first class
   shall be vacated on the first Monday of January, 1901, and
   those of the second class one year thereafter, so that
   one-half of the municipal council shall be chosen annually.

   "ARTICLE 4.
   Incorporated towns shall be of four classes, according to the
   number of inhabitants. Towns of the first class shall be those
   which contain not less than 25,000 inhabitants and shall have
   18 councilors; of the second class, those containing 18,000
   and less than 25,000 inhabitants and shall have 14 councilors;
   of the third class, those containing 10,000 and less than
   18,000 inhabitants and shall have 10 councilors; of the fourth
   class, those containing less than 10,000 inhabitants and shall
   have 8 councilors. Towns of less than 2,000 inhabitants may
   incorporate under the provisions of this order, or may, upon
   petition to the provincial governor, signed by a majority of
   the qualified electors thereof, be attached as a barrio to an
   adjacent and incorporated town, if the council of the latter
   consents.

   The qualifications of voters are defined in the second chapter
   as follows:

   "ARTICLE 5.
   The electors charged with the duty of choosing elective
   municipal officers must be male persons, 23 years of age or
   over, who have had a legal residence in the town in which they
   exercise the suffrage for a period of six months immediately
   preceding the election, and who are not citizens or subjects
   of any foreign power, and who are comprised within one of the
   following three classes:

   1. Those who, prior to the 13th of August, 1898, held the
   office of municipal captain, gobernadorcillo, lieutenant or
   cabeza de barangay.

   2. Those who annually pay 30 pesos or more of the established
   taxes.

   3. Those who speak, read, and write English or Spanish."

   Succeeding articles in this chapter prescribe the oath to be
   taken and subscribed by each elector before his ballot is
   cast, recognizing and accepting "the supreme authority of the
   United States of America"; appoint the times and places for
   holding elections, and set forth the forms to be observed in
   them. In the third chapter, the qualifications of officers are
   thus defined:

   "ARTICLE 13.
   An alcalde, municipal lieutenant, or councilor must have the
   following qualifications:

   1. He must be a duly qualified elector of the municipality in
   which he is a candidate, of 26 years of age or over, and have
   had a legal residence therein for at least one year prior to
   the date of election.

   2. He must correctly speak, read, and write either the English
   language or the local dialect.

   "ARTICLE 14.
   In no case can there be elected or appointed to municipal
   office ecclesiastics, soldiers in active service, persons
   receiving salary from municipal, provincial or government
   funds; debtors to said funds, whatever the class of said
   funds; contractors of public works and their bondsmen; clerks
   and functionaries of the administration or government while in
   said capacity; bankrupts until discharged, or insane or
   feeble-minded persons.

   "ARTICLE 15.
   Each and every person elected or appointed to a municipal
   office under the provisions of this order shall, before
   entering upon the duties thereof, take and subscribe before
   the alcalde or town secretary"—an oath analogous to that
   required from the electors.

   Further articles in this chapter and the next define the
   duties of the alcalde, the municipal lieutenant, municipal
   attorney, municipal secretary, municipal treasurer, and the
   municipal councilors. The fifth chapter relates to taxation
   and finances; the sixth and seventh contain provisions as
   follows:

   "ARTICLE 53.
   The governor of the province shall be ex officio president of
   all municipal councils within the province and shall have
   general supervisory charge of the municipal affairs of the
   several towns and cities therein organized under the
   provisions of this order, and in his said supervisory capacity
   may inspect or cause to be inspected, at such times as he may
   determine, the administration of municipal affairs and each
   and every department thereof, and may hear and determine all
   appeals against the acts of municipal corporations or their
   officers. He, or those whom he may designate in writing for
   that duty, shall at all times have free access to all records,
   books, papers, moneys, and property of the several towns and
   cities of the province, and may call upon the officers thereof
   for an accounting of the receipts and expenditures, or for a
   general or special report of the official acts of the several
   municipal councils or of any and every of them, or of any and
   every of the officers thereof, at any time, and as often as he
   may consider necessary to inform himself of the state of the
   finances or of the administration of municipal affairs, and
   such requests when made must be complied with without excuse,
   pretext, or delay. He may suspend or remove municipal
   officers, either individually or collectively, for cause, and
   appoint substitutes therefor permanently, for the time being
   or pending the next general election, or may call a special
   election to fill the vacancy or vacancies caused by such
   suspension or removal, reporting the cause thereof with a full
   statement of his action in the premises to the governor of the
   islands without delay. He shall forward all questions or
   disputes that may arise over the boundaries or jurisdictional
   limits of the city, towns, or municipalities to the governor
   of the islands for final determination, together with full
   report and recommendations relative to the same. He may, with
   the approval of the governor of the islands, authorize the
   cities and towns to form among themselves associations or
   communities for determined ends, such as the construction of
   public works, the creation and foundation of beneficent,
   charitable, or educational institutions, for the better
   encouragement of public interests or the use of communal
   property.

{389}

   "ARTICLE 54.
   It shall be the duty of commanding officers of military
   districts, immediately after the publication of this order, to
   recommend to the office of the military governor in which towns
   within their commands municipal governments shall be
   established, and upon approval of recommendations, either
   personally or through subordinate commanders designated by
   them, to issue and cause to be posted proclamations calling
   elections therein. Such proclamations shall fix the time and
   place of election and shall designate three residents of the
   town who shall be charged with the duty of administering
   electors' oaths; of preparing, publishing, and correcting,
   within specified dates, a list of electors having the
   qualifications hereinbefore set forth, and of presiding at and
   making a due return of the election thus appointed. The
   proclamation shall specify the offices to be filled, and in
   order to determine the number of councilors the commanders
   charged with calling the election shall determine, from the
   best available evidence, the class to which the town belongs,
   as hereinbefore defined; the classification thus made shall
   govern until the taking of an official census. The first
   alcaldes appointed under the provisions of this order shall
   take and subscribe the oath of office before the commanding
   officer of the military district or some person in the several
   towns designated by said commanding officer for the said
   purpose; whereupon the alcalde so sworn shall administer the
   said oath of office to all the other officers of the municipio
   there elected and afterwards appointed. The election returns
   shall be canvassed by the authority issuing the election
   proclamation, and the officers elected shall assume their
   duties on a date to be specified by him in orders.

   "ARTICLE. 55.
   Until the appointment of governors of provinces their duties
   under this order will be performed by the commanding officers
   of the military districts. They may, by designation, confer on
   subordinate commanding officers of subdistricts or of other
   prescribed territorial limits of their commands the
   supervisory duties herein enumerated, and a subordinate
   commander so designated shall perform all and every of the
   duties herein prescribed for the superior commanding officer.

   "ARTICLE. 56.
   For the time being the provisions of this order requiring that
   alcaldes be elected, in all cases shall be so far modified as
   to permit the commanding officers of military districts, in
   their discretion, either to appoint such officers or to have
   them elected as hereinbefore prescribed. The term of office of
   alcaldes appointed under this authority shall be the same as
   if they had been elected; at the expiration of such term the
   office shall be filled by election or appointment.

   "ARTICLE 57.
   The governments of towns organized under General Orders No.
   43, Headquarters Department of the Pacific and Eighth Army
   Corps, series 1899, will continue in the exercise of their
   functions as therein defined and set forth until such time as
   municipal governments therefor have been organized and are in
   operation under this order."

      _United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,
      House Document Number 659._

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (April).
   Appointment of the Second Commission to the Philippines and
   the President's instructions to it.
   Steps to be taken towards the establishment of civil
   government, and the principles to be observed.

   On the 7th of April, 1900, the President of the United States
   addressed the following communication to the Secretary of War,
   appointing a Second Commission to the Philippines, "to
   continue and perfect the work of organizing and establishing
   civil government" in the Islands, and defining the principles
   on which that work should proceed: "In the message transmitted
   to the Congress on the 5th of December, 1899, I said, speaking of
   the Philippine Islands: 'As long as the insurrection continues
   the military arm must necessarily be supreme. But there is no
   reason why steps should not be taken from time to time to
   inaugurate governments essentially popular in their form as
   fast as territory is held and controlled by our troops. To
   this end I am considering the advisability of the return of
   the commission, or such of the members thereof as can be
   secured, to aid the existing authorities and facilitate this
   work throughout the islands.'

   "To give effect to the intention thus expressed I have
   appointed the Honorable William H. Taft of Ohio, Professor
   Dean C. Worcester of Michigan, the Honorable Luke I. Wright of
   Tennessee, the Honorable Henry C. Ide of Vermont, and
   Professor Bernard Moses of California, Commissioners to the
   Philippine Islands to continue and perfect the work of
   organizing and establishing civil government already commenced
   by the military authorities, subject in all respects to any
   laws which Congress may hereafter enact. The Commissioners
   named will meet and act as a board, and the Honorable William
   H. Taft is designated as President of the board. It is
   probable that the transfer of authority from military
   commanders to civil officers will be gradual and will occupy a
   considerable period. Its successful accomplishment and the
   maintenance of peace and order in the meantime will require
   the most perfect co-operation between the civil and military
   authorities in the island, and both should be directed during
   the transition period by the same executive department. The
   commission will therefore report to the Secretary of War, and
   all their action will be subject to your approval and control.

   "You will instruct the commission to proceed to the City of
   Manila, where they will make their principal office, and to
   communicate with the Military Governor of the Philippine
   Islands, whom you will at the same time direct to render to
   them every assistance within his power in the performance of
   their duties. Without hampering them by too specific
   instructions, they should in general be enjoined, after making
   themselves familiar with the conditions and needs of the
   country, to devote their attention in the first instance to
   the establishment of municipal governments, in which the
   natives of the islands, both in the cities and in the rural
   communities, shall be afforded the opportunity to manage their
   own local affairs to the fullest extent of which they are
   capable, and subject to the least degree of supervision and
   control which a careful study of their capacities and
   observation of the workings of native control show to be
   consistent with the maintenance of law, order, and loyalty.
   The next subject in order of importance should be the
   organization of government in the larger administrative
   divisions corresponding to counties, departments, or
   provinces, in which the common interests of many or several
   municipalities falling within the same tribal lines, or the
   same natural geographical limits, may best be subserved by a
   common administration. Whenever the commission is of the
   opinion that the condition of affairs in the islands is such
   that the central administration may safely be transferred from
   military to civil control, they will report that conclusion to
   you, with their recommendations as to the form of central
   government to be established for the purpose of taking over
   the control.

{390}

   "Beginning with the 1st day of September, 1900, the authority
   to exercise, subject to my approval, through the Secretary of
   War, that part of the power of government in the Philippine
   Islands which is of a legislative nature is to be transferred
   from the Military Governor of the Islands to this commission,
   to be thereafter exercised by them in the place and stead of
   the Military Governor, under such rules and regulations as you
   shall prescribe, until the establishment of the civil central
   government for the islands contemplated in the last foregoing
   paragraph, or until Congress shall otherwise provide. Exercise
   of this legislative authority will include the making of rules
   and orders, having the effect of law, for the raising of
   revenue by taxes, customs duties, and imposts; the
   appropriation and expenditure of public funds of the islands;
   the establishment of an educational system throughout the
   islands; the establishment of a system to secure an efficient
   civil service; the organization and establishment of courts;
   the organization and establishment of municipal and
   departmental governments, and all other matters of a civil
   nature for which the Military Governor is now competent to
   provide by rules or orders of a legislative character. The
   commission will also have power during the same period to
   appoint to office such officers under the judicial,
   educational, and civil service systems and in the municipal
   and departmental governments as shall be provided for. Until
   the complete transfer of control the Military Governor will
   remain the chief executive head of the Government of the
   islands, and will exercise the executive authority now
   possessed by him and not herein expressly assigned to the
   commission, subject, however, to the rules and orders enacted
   by the commission in the exercise of the legislative powers
   conferred upon them. In the meantime the municipal and
   departmental governments will continue to report to the
   Military Governor, and be subject to his administrative
   supervision and control, under your direction, but that
   supervision and control will be confined within the narrowest
   limits consistent with the requirement that the powers of
   government in the municipalities and departments shall be
   honestly and effectively exercised and that law and order and
   individual freedom shall be maintained. All legislative rules
   and orders, establishments of Government, and appointments to
   office by the commission will take effect immediately, or at
   such times as it shall designate, subject to your approval and
   action upon the coming in of the commission's reports, which
   are to be made from time to time as its action is taken.
   Wherever civil Governments are constituted under the direction
   of the commission, such military posts, garrisons, and forces
   will be continued for the suppression of insurrection and
   brigandage, and the maintenance of law and order, as the
   military commander shall deem requisite, and the military
   forces shall be at all times subject, under his orders to the
   call of the civil authorities for the maintenance of law and
   order and the enforcement of their authority.

   "In the establishment of Municipal Governments the commission
   will take as the basis of its work the Governments established
   by the Military Governor under his order of Aug. 8, 1899, and
   under the report of the board constituted by the Military
   Governor by his order of January 29, 1900, to formulate and
   report a plan of Municipal Government, of which his Honor
   Cayetano Arellano, President of the Audencia, was Chairman,
   and it will give to the conclusions of that board the weight
   and consideration which the high character and distinguished
   abilities of its members justify. In the constitution of
   Departmental or Provincial Governments it will give especial
   attention to the existing Government of the Island of Negros,
   constituted, with the approval of the people of that island,
   under the order of the Military Governor of July 22, 1899, and
   after verifying, so far as may be practicable, the reports of
   the successful working of that Government, they will be guided
   by the experience thus acquired, so far as it may be
   applicable to the conditions existing in other portions of the
   Philippines. It will avail itself, to the fullest degree
   practicable, of the conclusions reached by the previous
   commissions to the Philippines. In the distribution of powers
   among the Governments organized by the commission, the
   presumption is always to be in favor of the smaller
   sub-division, so that all the powers which can properly be
   exercised by the Municipal Government shall be vested in that
   Government, and all the powers of a more general character
   which can be exercised by the Departmental Government shall be
   vested in that Government, and so that in the governmental
   system, which is the result of the process, the Central
   Government of the islands, following the example of the
   distribution of the powers between the States and the National
   Government of the United States, shall have no direct
   administration except of matters of purely general concern,
   and shall have only such supervision and control over local
   Governments as may be necessary to secure and enforce faithful
   and efficient administration by local officers.

   "The many different degrees of civilization and varieties of
   custom and capacity among the people of the different islands
   preclude very definite instruction as to the part which the
   people shall take in the selection of their own officers; but
   these general rules are to be observed: That in all cases the
   municipal officers, who administer the local affairs of the
   people, are to be selected by the people, and that wherever
   officers of more extended jurisdiction are to be selected in
   any way, natives of the islands are to be preferred, and if
   they can be found competent and willing to perform the duties,
   they are to receive the offices in preference to any others.
   It will be necessary to fill some offices for the present with
   Americans which after a time may well be filled by natives of
   the islands. As soon as practicable a system for ascertaining
   the merit and fitness of candidates for civil office should be
   put in force. An indispensable qualification for all offices and
   positions of trust and authority in the islands must be
   absolute and unconditional loyalty to the United States, and
   absolute and unhampered authority and power to remove and
   punish any officer deviating from that standard must at all
   times be retained in the hands of the central authority of the
   islands.
{391}
   In all the forms of government and administrative provisions
   which they are authorized to prescribe, the commission should
   bear in mind that the government which they are establishing
   is designed not for our satisfaction, or for the expression of
   our theoretical views, but for the happiness, peace, and
   prosperity of the people of the Philippine Islands, and the
   measures adopted should be made to conform to their customs,
   their habits, and even their prejudices, to the fullest extent
   consistent with the accomplishment of the indispensable
   requisites of just and effective government.

   "At the same time the commission should bear in mind, and the
   people of the islands should be made plainly to understand,
   that there are certain great principles of government which
   have been made the basis of our governmental system which we
   deem essential to the rule of law and the maintenance of
   individual freedom, and of which they have, unfortunately,
   been denied the experience possessed by us; that there are
   also certain practical rules of government which we have found
   to be essential to the preservation of these great principles
   of liberty and law, and that these principles and these rules
   of government must be established and maintained in their
   islands for the sake of their liberty and happiness, however
   much they may conflict with the customs or laws of procedure
   with which they are familiar. It is evident that the most
   enlightened thought of the Philippine Islands fully
   appreciates the importance of these principles and rules, and
   they will inevitably within a short time command universal
   assent. Upon every division and branch of the government of
   the Philippines, therefore, must be imposed these inviolable
   rules: That no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or
   property without due process of law; that private property
   shall not be taken for public use without just compensation;
   that in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the
   right to a speedy and public trial, to be informed of the
   nature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the
   witnesses against him, to have compulsory process for
   obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance
   of counsel for his defense; that excessive bail shall not be
   required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual
   punishment inflicted; that no person shall be put twice in
   jeopardy for the same offense, or be compelled in any criminal
   case to be a witness against himself; that the right to be
   secure against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be
   violated; that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall
   exist except as a punishment for crime; that no bill of
   attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed; that no law
   shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech or of the
   press, or the rights of the people to peaceably assemble and
   petition the Government for a redress of grievances; that no
   law shall be made respecting an establishment of religion, or
   prohibiting the free exercise thereof, and that the free
   exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship
   without discrimination or preference shall forever be allowed.

   "It will be the duty of the commission to make a thorough
   investigation into the titles to the large tracts of land held
   or claimed by individuals or by religious orders; into the
   justice of the claims and complaints made against such
   landholders by the people of the island or any part of the
   people, and to seek by wise and peaceable measures a just
   settlement of the controversies and redress of wrongs which
   have caused strife and bloodshed in the past. In the
   performance of this duty the commission is enjoined to see
   that no injustice is done; to have regard for substantial
   rights and equity, disregarding technicalities so far as
   substantial right permits, and to observe the following rules:
   That the provision of the treaty of Paris pledging the United
   States to the protection of all rights of property in the
   islands, and, as well, the principle of our own Government,
   which prohibits the taking of private property without due
   process of law, shall not be violated; that the welfare of the
   people of the islands, which should be a paramount
   consideration, shall be attained consistently with this rule
   of property right; that if it becomes necessary for the public
   interest of the people of the islands to dispose of claims to
   property which the commission finds to be not lawfully
   acquired and held, disposition shall be made thereof by due
   legal procedure, in which there shall be full opportunity for
   fair and impartial hearing and judgment; that if the same
   public interests require the extinguishment of property rights
   lawfully acquired and held, due compensation shall be made out
   of the public Treasury therefor; that no form of religion and
   no minister of religion shall be forced upon any community or
   upon any citizen of the islands; that, upon the other hand, no
   minister of religion shall be interfered with or molested in
   following his calling, and that the separation between State
   and Church shall be real, entire, and absolute.

   "It will be the duty of the commission to promote and extend,
   and, as it finds occasion, to improve, the system of education
   already inaugurated by the military authorities. In doing this
   it should regard as of first importance the extension of a system
   of primary education which shall be free to all, and which
   shall tend to fit the people for the duties of citizenship and
   for the ordinary avocations of a civilized community. This
   instruction should be given in the first instance in every
   part of the islands in the language of the people. In view of
   the great number of languages spoken by the different tribes,
   it is especially important to the prosperity of the islands
   that a common medium of communication may be established, and
   it is obviously desirable that this medium should be the
   English language. Especial attention should be at once given
   to affording full opportunity to all the people of the islands
   to acquire the use of the English language. It may be well
   that the main changes which should be made in the system of
   taxation and in the body of the laws under which the people
   are governed, except such changes as have already been made by
   the military Government, should be relegated to the civil
   Government which is to be established under the auspices of
   the commission. It will, however, be the duty of the
   commission to inquire diligently as to whether there are any
   further changes which ought not to be delayed, and, if so, it
   is authorized to make such changes, subject to your approval.
   In doing so it is to bear in mind that taxes which tend to
   penalize or to repress industry and enterprise are to be
   avoided; that provisions for taxation should be simple, so
   that they may be understood by the people; that they should
   affect the fewest practicable subjects of taxation which will
   serve for the general distribution of the burden.

{392}

   "The main body of the laws which regulate the rights and
   obligations of the people should be maintained with as little
   interference as possible. Changes made should be mainly in
   procedure, and in the criminal laws to secure speedy and
   impartial trials, and at the same time effective
   administration and respect for individual rights. In dealing
   with the uncivilized tribes of the islands the commission
   should adopt the same course followed by Congress in
   permitting the tribes of our North American Indians to
   maintain their tribal organization and government, and under
   which many of those tribes are now living in peace and
   contentment, surrounded by a civilization to which they are
   unable or unwilling to conform. Such tribal governments
   should, however, be subjected to wise and firm regulation;
   and, without undue or petty interference, constant and active
   effort should be exercised to prevent barbarous practices and
   introduce civilized customs. Upon all officers and employés of
   the United States, both civil and military, should be
   impressed a sense of the duty to observe not merely the
   material but the personal and social rights of the people of
   the islands, and to treat them with the same courtesy and
   respect for their personal dignity which the people of the
   United States are accustomed to require from each other. The
   articles of capitulation of the City of Manila on the 13th of
   August, 1898, concluded with these words: 'This city, its
   inhabitants, its churches and religious worship, its
   educational establishments, and its private property of all
   descriptions, are placed under the special safeguard of the
   faith and honor of the American Army.' I believe that this
   pledge has been faithfully kept. As high and sacred an
   obligation rests upon the Government of the United States to
   give protection for property and life, civil and religious
   freedom, and wise, firm, and unselfish guidance in the paths
   of peace and prosperity to all the people of the Philippine
   Islands. I charge this commission to labor for the full
   performance of this obligation, which concerns the honor and
   conscience of their country, in the firm hope that through
   their labors all the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands may
   come to look back with gratitude to the day when God gave
   victory to American arms at Manila and set their land under
   the sovereignty and the protection of the people of the United
   States.
      WILLIAM McKINLEY."

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (April).
   Speech of Senator Hoar against the subjugation and
   retention of the Islands by the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (APRIL).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (May).
   Filipinos killed, captured and surrendered from the breaking
   out of hostilities with them to May, 1900.
   Losses of American army.

   In response to a resolution of the United States Senate, May
   17, 1900, the following report, by cable, from Manila, was
   made by General MacArthur:

   "Filipinos killed, 10,780;
   wounded, 2,104;
   captured and surrendered, 10,425;
   number prisoners in our possession, about 2,000.

   No systematic record Filipino casualties these headquarters.
   Foregoing, compiled from large number reports made immediately
   after engagements, is as close an approximation as now
   possible, owing to wide distribution of troops. More accurate
   report would take weeks to prepare. Number reported killed
   probably in excess of accurate figures; number reported
   wounded probably much less, as Filipinos managed to remove
   most wounded from field, and comparatively few fell into our
   hands. Officers high rank and dangerous suspicious men have
   been retained as prisoners; most other men discharged on field
   as soon as disarmed. Propose to release all but very few
   prisoners at early date."

      _56th Congress, 1st Session,
      Senate Doc. 435._

   For returns of casualties in the American army during the same
   period,

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (May-November).
   The question in American politics.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 {July).
   Appeal of citizens of Manila to the
   Congress of the United States.

   An appeal "to the Congress of the United States," dated at
   Manila, July 15, 1900, and signed by 2,006 of the inhabitants
   of the city, who were said by Senator Hoar and Senator Teller
   to be "the leading people of that section of country—lawyers
   and bankers and professional men generally" was presented to
   the Senate on the 10th of January, 1901. It opens as follows:

   "The undersigned, Filipinos and peaceful inhabitants of this
   city, in their own name and in the name of the misnamed
   'irreconcilables,' respectfully present themselves and submit
   to the worthy consideration of the Congress of the United
   States of America the following appeal: "The people of the
   Philippine Islands, in view of their calamitous condition,
   demand in the name of her sons, in the name of all races, in
   the name of humanity, that an end be put to the misfortunes
   which afflict them which, while they distress and agonize her,
   compel her to struggle for the rights that are hers, and for
   the maintenance whereof she must, if necessary, continue to
   pour out her blood as she has so constantly and generously
   done on battlefields, in the woods, on the mountains, in the
   city, everywhere! The blood which has been shed and that is
   still being shed, and which will continue to be shed until she
   has secured her rights, is not shed because of the intrigues
   of a few who, according to misinformed persons, desire to
   exploit the people and enrich themselves at the cost of their
   brother's blood. It has, gentlemen, sprung from the hearts of
   the people, who alone are the real strength of nations, the
   sovereign king of races, the producers of the arts, of
   science, of commerce, of wealth, of agriculture, of
   civilization, of progress, and of all the productions of human
   labor and intelligence, in all of which the people of the
   Philippine Islands had made great progress. The Filipinos were
   not sunk in lethargy, as some untruthfully assert. They
   suffered, but the hour to break their chains came to them in
   August, 1896, and they proclaimed to the world their
   emancipation."

{393}

   The paper proceeds to review the circumstances of the revolt
   against Spanish rule which broke out in 1896, and the later
   circumstances of the conflict between Filipinos and Americans
   at such length that it cannot be given in full. Its aim and
   its spirit may be sufficiently shown by quotation of the
   following passages from the closing parts of the appeal:

   "Even supposing that America should force us to submit, and
   after many years of war the country should submit, as the
   lesser evil, to the proclamation of an ample autonomy, that
   autonomy would not produce a sincere bond of friendship
   between the two people, because, having sacrificed herself for
   her independence, the country could not look with affection upon
   those who would be the only obstacle to her happiness. She
   would always retain her aspirations, so that autonomy would be
   a short 'interregnum' which the country would necessarily take
   advantage of to regain new strength to be used in the
   attainment of her high political ideals, happen what may, and
   perhaps in some hour of peril strike a fatal blow at a hated
   oppressor. … In giving this warning we do not forget the good
   Americans whom we sincerely respect; we are mindful of the
   rupture of our good relations with the United States; we are
   mindful of the blood which will again run on the soil of our
   country. We see in that autonomy a new and sorrowful page in
   the history of the Philippines, and therefore we can not but
   look upon it with horror. Our people have had enough of
   suffering. … They steadfastly believe that their independence
   is their only salvation. Should they obtain it, they would be
   forever grateful to whomsoever shall have helped them in their
   undertaking; they would consider him as their redeemer, and
   his name will be engraved with bright letters in the national
   history, that all the generations to come may read it with
   sublime veneration. America, consistent with her tradition, is
   the only one which could play that great rôle in the present
   and future of the Philippines. If she recognizes their
   independence, they could offer her a part of the revenues of
   the Philippine state, according to the treaty which shall be
   stipulated; the protection in the country of the merchandise
   of the United States, and a moral and material guarantee for
   American capital all over the archipelago; finally, whatever
   may bring greater prosperity to America and progress to the
   country will, we doubt not, be taken into account in the
   treaty which shall be celebrated.

   "That the independence of the country will be attended with
   anarchy is asserted only by those who, offending the truth and
   forgetting their dignity, represent the Filipinos under
   horrible colors, comparing them to beasts. Their assertions
   are backed by isolated acts of pillage and robbery. What
   revolution of the world was free from such deeds? At this
   epoch passions are unrestrained; vengeance finds opportunity
   to satisfy itself; private ambitions are often favored by the
   occasion. Could such criminal deeds be avoided? Pythagoras
   said: 'If you like to see monsters, travel through a country
   during a revolution.' …

   "In order to end our appeal we will say, with the learned
   lawyer, Senor Mabini: 'To govern is to study the wants and
   interpret the aspirations of the people, in order to remedy
   the former and satisfy the latter.' If the natives who know
   the wants, customs, and aspirations of the people are not fit
   to govern them, would the Americans, who have had but little
   to do with the Filipinos, be more capable to govern the
   latter? We have, therefore, already proven—

   1. That the revolution was the exclusive work of the public;

   2. That in preparing it they were moved by a great ideal, the
   ideal of independence;

   3. That they are ready to sacrifice their whole existence in
   order to realize their just aspirations;

   4. That in spite of the serious difficulties through which
   they are passing, they still expect from America that she will
   consider them with impartiality and justice, and will
   recognize what by right belongs to them, and thus give them an
   opportunity to show their boundless gratitude;

   5. That the annexation of the Philippines to America is not
   feasible;

   6. That the American sovereignty is not favored by the
   Philippine people;

   7. That an ample autonomy can not be imposed without violating
   the Filipino will;

   8. That the Filipinos are firm for self-government.

   "From this it results that the only admissible solution for
   the present difficulties is the recognition by America of the
   independence of the Filipinos. In saying this we do not
   consider either the nullity or the legality of the Paris
   treaty on our country, but the well-known doctrine of the
   immortal Washington, and of the sons of the United States of
   America, worthy champions of oppressed people. Therefore we,
   in the name of justice and with all the energies of our souls,
   demand—

   1. That the independence of the Filipinos be recognized;

   2. That all the necessary information regarding the events
   which are taking place, concerning the peaceful towns and
   places which are supporting the arms of the revolution, be
   obtained from Filipinos who, by their antecedents and by their
   actual conduct, deserve the respect and confidence of the
   Filipino people."

      _Congressional Record,
      January 10, 1901, page 850._

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (September).
   Adoption of civil service rules.

      See (in this volume)
      CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1900.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (September-November).
   Civil government of the Islands by the President's Commission.
   Legislative measures.
   Report of the Commission.

   "In April of this year the second Philippine commission, of
   which Honorable William H. Taft, of Ohio, Professor Dean C.
   Worcester, of Michigan, Honorable Luke I. Wright, of
   Tennessee, Honorable Henry C. Ide, of Vermont, and Professor
   Bernard Moses, of California, were members, sailed for Manila
   with the powers of civil government prescribed in the
   instructions of April 7, 1900 [see above]. After devoting
   several months to familiarizing themselves with the conditions
   in the islands, this commission on the 1st of September, 1900,
   entered upon the discharge of the extensive legislative powers
   and the specific powers of appointment conferred upon them in
   the instructions, and they have since that time continued to
   exercise all that part of the military power of the President
   in the Philippines which is legislative in its character,
   leaving the military governor still the chief executive of the
   islands, the action of both being duly reported to this
   Department for the President's consideration and approval. …
   On consultation with the commission, and with the President's
   approval, a note of amnesty was issued by the military
   governor, dated June 21, 1900, and supplemented by a public
   statement by the military governor, under date of July 2,
   1900, based, in the main, upon the instructions to the
   commission.
{394}
   … In pursuance of them something over 5,000 persons, of all
   grades of the civil and military service of the insurrection,
   presented themselves and took the following oath: 'I hereby
   renounce all allegiance to any and all so-called revolutionary
   governments in the Philippine Islands and recognize and accept
   the supreme authority of the United States of America therein;
   and I do solemnly swear that I will bear true faith and
   allegiance to that government; that I will at all times
   conduct myself as a faithful and law-abiding citizen of said
   islands, and will not, either directly or indirectly, hold
   correspondence with or give intelligence to an enemy of the
   United States, neither will I aid, abet, harbor, or protect
   such enemy. That I impose upon myself this voluntary
   obligation without any mental reservation or purpose of
   evasion, so help me God.' This number included many of the
   most prominent officials of the former Tagalog government. …

   "The commission in its legislative action is following the
   ordinary course of legislative procedure. Its sessions are
   open, and its discussion and the proposed measures upon which
   it is deliberating are public, while it takes testimony and
   receives suggestions from citizens as if it were a legislative
   committee. Its first legislative act was the appropriation, on
   the 12th of September, of $2,000,000 (Mexican), to be used in
   construction and repair of highways and bridges in the
   Philippine Islands. The second act, on the same day, was an
   appropriation of $5,000 (Mexican) for a survey of a railroad
   to the mountains of Benguet, in the island of Luzon. The
   proposed railroad, about 45 miles in length, extending from
   the Manila and Dagupan road, near the Gulf of Lingayen, to the
   interior, will open, at a distance of about 170 miles from
   Manila, a high tableland exceedingly healthy, well wooded with
   pine and oak, comparatively dry and cool, and where the
   mercury is said to range at night in the hottest season of the
   year between 50° and 60° F. The value of such a place for the
   recuperation of troops and foreign residents will be very
   great. The third act of the commission was an appropriation
   for the payment of a superintendent of public instruction.
   They have secured for that position the services of Frederick
   W. Atkinson, recently principal of the high school of
   Springfield, Massachusetts, who was selected by the commission
   for that purpose before their arrival in Manila.

   "Before the 1st of September a board of officers had been
   engaged upon the revision of the tariff for the islands in the
   light of such criticisms and suggestions as had been made
   regarding the old tariff. The commission has considered the
   report of this board, and after full public hearings of
   business interests in the island has formulated a tariff law
   which has been transmitted to the Department. … A
   civil-service board has been constituted by the commission
   [see, in this volume, CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1900). They
   have secured from the United States Civil Service Commission
   the experienced and capable services of Mr. Frank M. Kiggins,
   and a civil-service law has been enacted by the commission
   providing for the application of the merit system to
   appointments in the island."

      _United States, Secretary of War, Annual Report,
      November 30, 1900, pages 25-27._

   A report by the Commission, dated November 30, was received at
   Washington late in January, 1901. Of the legislative work on
   which it entered September 1st, and which, at the time of
   reporting, it had prosecuted during three months, the
   Commission speaks as follows:

   "It adopted the policy of passing no laws, except in cases of
   emergency, without publishing them in the daily press after
   they had passed a second reading, and giving to the public an
   opportunity to come before the Commission and suggest
   objections or amendments to the bills. The Commission has
   likewise adopted as part of its regular procedure the
   submission of all proposed bills to the Military Governor for
   his consideration and comment before enactment. We think that
   the holding of public sessions furnishes instructive lessons
   to the people, as it certainly secures to the Commission a
   means of avoiding mistakes. … The Commission has now passed
   forty-seven laws of more or less importance. … A municipal
   code has been prepared and forwarded to you for the
   consideration of one or two critical matters, and has not yet
   been adopted, pending your consideration of it. A tariff bill
   … has been prepared. … A judicial and civil procedure bill is
   nearly completed. The same thing is true of a bill for
   provincial government organization. A new internal tax law
   must then be considered. The wealth of this country has
   largely been in agricultural lands, and they have been
   entirely exempt. This enabled the large landowners to escape
   any other taxation than the urbana, a tax which was imposed
   upon the rental value of city buildings only, and the cedula
   tax, which did not in any case exceed $37.50 (Mexican) a
   person. We think that a land tax is to be preferred, but of
   this there will be found more detailed discussion below. …

   "The only legislation thus far undertaken by the Commission
   which bears directly on the conduct of municipal affairs in
   the city of Manila is a law regulating the sale of spirituous,
   malt, vinous or fermented liquors. It is provided that none of
   the so-called native 'wines' [said to be concocted by mixing
   alcohol with oils and flavoring extracts] shall be sold except
   by holders of native wine licenses, and that such holders
   shall not be allowed to sell intoxicants of any other sort
   whatever. … The selling of native wines to soldiers of the
   United States under any circumstances is strictly prohibited,
   because the soldiers are inclined to indulge in those
   injurious beverages to excess, with disastrous results. … The
   Filipino ordinarily uses them moderately, if at all.
   Fortunately, he does not, to any considerable extent, frequent
   the American saloon. With a view to preventing his being
   attracted there, the playing of musical instruments or the
   operation of any gambling device, phonograph, slot machine,
   billiard or pool table or other form of amusement in saloons,
   bars or drinking places is prohibited."

   The report of the Commission urged strongly the establishing
   of a purely civil government in the Islands, for reasons thus
   stated: "The restricted powers of a military government are
   painfully apparent in respect to mining claims and the
   organization of railroad, banking and other corporations and
   the granting of franchises generally. It is necessary that
   there be some body or officer vested with legislative
   authority to pass laws which shall afford opportunity to
   capital to make investment here. This is the true and most
   lasting method of pacification. Now the only corporations here
   are of Spanish or English origin with but limited concessions,
   and American capital finds itself completely obstructed.
{395}
   Such difficulties would all be removed by the passage of the
   Spooner bill now pending in both houses.

      See below: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

   The far reaching effect upon the feeling of the people of
   changing the military government to one purely civil, with the
   Army as merely auxiliary to the administration of civil law,
   cannot be too strongly emphasized. Military methods in
   administering quasi-civil government, however successful in
   securing efficiency and substantial justice, are necessarily
   abrupt and in appearance arbitrary, even when they are those
   of the Army of the Republic; and until a civil government is
   established here it will be impossible for the people of the
   Philippine Islands to realize the full measure of the
   difference between a government under American sovereignty and
   one under that of Spain."

   Another subject of great importance dealt with in the November
   report of the Commission was that concerning the employment of
   native troops and police, on which it was said: "The question
   as to whether native troops and a native constabulary are at
   present practicable has received much thought and a careful
   investigation by the Commission. … We have sought and obtained
   the opinions of a large number of Regular and volunteer officers
   of all rank, having their fields of operation in all parts of
   the islands, and there appears to be a general consensus of
   opinion among them that the time is ripe for these
   organizations, and this is also our conclusion. Assuming that
   Congress at its next session will provide for an increase of
   the Regular Army, it by no means follows that a large part
   thereof will, or should, be stationed here permanently.
   Considerations of public policy and economy alike forbid such
   a programme, nor in our judgment is it necessary.

   "While the American soldier is unsurpassed in war, as it is
   understood among civilized people, he does not make the best
   policeman, especially among a people whose language and
   customs are new and strange to him, and in our opinion should
   not be put to that use when, as we believe, a better
   substitute is at hand. We therefore earnestly urge the
   organization of ten regiments of native troops of infantry and
   cavalry, the proportion between the two arms of the service to
   be fixed by competent military judges. These troops should in
   the main be officered by Americans. Certainly this should be
   the case as to their field officers and company commanders.
   Lieutenants might be Filipinos, judicially selected, and
   provision might be made for their promotion in the event of
   faithful or distinguished service.

   "We further recommend that a comprehensive scheme of police
   organization be put in force as rapidly as possible; that it
   be separate and distinct from the army, having for its head an
   officer of rank and pay commensurate with the importance of
   the position, with a sufficient number of assistants and
   subordinates to exercise thorough direction and control. This
   organization should embrace every township in the islands, and
   should be so constituted that the police of several contiguous
   townships could be quickly mobilized. The chief officers of
   this organization should be Americans, but some of the
   subordinate officers should be natives, with proper provision
   for their advancement as a reward for loyal and efficient
   services. The main duty of the police would, of course, be to
   preserve the peace and maintain order in their respective
   townships, but occasion would, no doubt, frequently arise when
   it would be necessary to utilize the forces of several
   townships against large bands of ladrones."

   With regard to the organization of municipal government in the
   townships (pueblos) of the Islands the report of the
   Commission says, in part: "The 'pueblos' of these islands
   sometimes include a hundred or more square miles. They are
   divided into so-called 'barrios' or wards, which are often
   very numerous and widely separated. In order that the
   interests of the inhabitants of each ward may be represented
   in the Council, on the one hand, and that the body may not
   become so numerous as to be unwieldy, on the other, it is
   provided that the Councillors shall be few in number (eighteen
   to eight, according to the number of inhabitants), and shall
   be elected at large; that where the wards are more numerous
   than are the Councillors the wards shall be grouped into
   districts, and that one Councillor shall be in charge of each
   ward or district, with power to appoint a representative from
   among the inhabitants of every ward thus assigned to him, so
   that he may the more readily keep in touch with conditions in
   that portion of the township which it is his duty to supervise
   and represent. …

   "In order to meet the situation presented by the fact that a
   number of the pueblos have not as yet been organized since the
   American occupation, while some two hundred and fifty others
   are organized under a comparatively simple form of government
   and fifty-five under a much more complicated form on which the
   new law is based, the course of procedure which must be
   followed in order to bring these various towns under the
   provisions of the new law has been prescribed in detail, and
   every effort has been made to provide against unnecessary
   friction in carrying out the change.

   "In view of the disturbed conditions which still prevail in
   some parts of the archipelago it has been provided that the
   military government should be given control of the appointment
   and arming of the municipal police and that in all provinces
   where civil provincial government has not been established by
   the Commission the duties of the Provincial Governor,
   Provincial Treasurer and Provincial 'Fiscal' (prosecuting
   attorney) shall be performed by military officers assigned by
   the Military Governor for these purposes. It has been further
   provided that in these provinces the Military Governor shall
   have power through such subordinates as he may designate for
   the purpose to inspect and investigate at any time all the
   official books and records of the several municipalities, and
   to summarily suspend any municipal officer for inefficiency,
   misconduct or disloyalty to the United States. If upon
   investigation it shall prove that the suspended officer is
   guilty, the Military Governor has power to remove him and to
   appoint his successor, should he deem such a course necessary
   in the interest of public safety. It is thought that where the
   necessity still exists for active intervention on the part of
   the Military Governor it will ordinarily be desirable to allow
   the towns to retain their existing organization until such
   time as conditions shall improve; but, should it prove
   necessary or desirable in individual instances to put the new
   law into operation in such provinces, it is felt that the
   above provisions will give to the Military Governor ample
   power to deal with any situation which can arise, and he has
   expressed his satisfaction with them.

{396}

   "There are at the present time a considerable number of
   provinces which, in the judgment of the Commission, are ready
   for a provincial civil government. It is believed that in the
   majority of cases it will be possible to organize all the
   municipalities of a province, creating at the same time a
   civil provincial government. So soon as civil government is
   established in any province, power to remove officials for
   inefficiency, misconduct or disloyalty, and, should public
   safety demand it, to fill the offices thus made vacant, is
   vested in the civil authorities. The law does not apply to the
   city of Manila or to the settlements of non-Christian tribes,
   because it is believed that in both cases special conditions
   require special legislation. The question as to the best
   methods of dealing with the non-Christian tribes is one of no
   little complexity. The number of these tribes is greatly in
   excess of the number of civilized tribes, although the total
   number of Mahometans and pagans is much less than the number
   of Christianized natives. Still, the non-Christian tribes are
   very far from forming an insignificant element of the
   population. They differ from each other widely, both in their
   present social, moral and intellectual state and in the
   readiness with which they adapt themselves to the demands of
   modern civilization."

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (October).
   United States military forces in the Islands.

   "At the date of my last annual report there were in the
   Philippine Islands 971 officers and 31,344 enlisted men; and
   there were en route for service in those islands 546 officers
   and 16,553 enlisted men—the latter force being principally in
   California. Since that time an additional force ordered to
   China was diverted to the Philippine Islands, making a total
   of 98,668 men sent to the archipelago. Of this number 15,000
   volunteers, first sent to that country in 1898, together with
   the sick and disabled, have been returned to the United
   States, leaving at the present time in the islands, according
   to last report, 2,367 officers and 69,161 enlisted men.
   Fifteen hundred men have been left in China to act as a guard
   for the American legation in that country and for other
   purposes."

      _United States, Annual Report of Lieutenant-General
      Commanding the Army, October 29, 1900._

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (November).
   The problem of the Spanish Friars.
   Two contradictory representations of their work and influence.
   Views and recommendations of the United States Commission.

   Of the character, work and influence of the Spanish religious
   orders in the Philippine Islands there are two diametrically
   opposite accounts given by different writers. Both are
   represented in two of the quotations below, and those are
   followed by extracts from a report made by the United States
   Commission, November 30, 1900, on the subject of the problem
   they present to the new government of the Islands. The first
   writer is condemnatory. He says:

   "The better classes [of the Filipinos] have absorbed much of
   Spanish civilization in their three-century-old
   apprenticeship. They show extraordinary talent for music. The
   church of the mother land of Spain is much in evidence among
   them. It brought to them its blessings, but also incidentally
   a terrible curse. The mendicant orders—the Franciscans, the
   Dominicans, the Augustinians, no longer poor preachers,
   thinking only of serving, blessing, loving men, but grown
   rich, domineering, and, in many cases, sadly corrupt in
   morals—ate up the land. They added field to field, house to
   house, till there was but little space left for the people.
   They charged enormous rents to those who to put bread in their
   mouths must till their fields. Just such cause for revolt existed
   as that which in France aroused the storm of the great
   revolution; the people taxed without mercy, the clergy
   untaxed, reaping the benefit. Had the Christ-like St. Francis
   of Assisi been endowed with the gift of prophetic vision to
   see this gross degeneracy of his followers, more than ever
   would he have felt the soundness of his intuition which made
   him set his face like flint against the acquisition of any
   property by his order. His beloved fair Lady of Poverty would
   have seemed to him more beautiful than ever. He would have
   been horrified with the knowledge of the cruel rapacity of
   monks bearing his name, who, nevertheless, grossly oppressed
   the Philippine peasantry in rents and taxes,—the very poor
   whom St. Francis founded his order to serve.

   "Perhaps the most deep-seated cause of Filipino insurrection
   against Spanish authority was this unchecked growth of
   ignorant, cruel, and oppressive ecclesiasticism. It was this
   which weighed most heavily upon the people. It made the mere
   question of gaining a livelihood difficult, but especially did
   it strangle intellectual and moral growth. It not only
   oppressed the Filipinos, but it overawed and dominated the
   Spanish authorities. It was the power of the mendicant orders
   which drove out the just Condé de Caspe, and later the
   well-disposed and clement Blanco, which stimulated and
   supported the frightful atrocities of the cruel Polavieja
   during the revolution of 1896. Archbishop Nozaleda, a Spanish
   monk of the Dominican order, was a leader in urging wholesale
   and often wholly unjustifiable arrests, which were succeeded
   by the torture and execution of hundreds of persons. It is
   difficult for a mind reared in the freedom and culture of
   modern Europe, or still freer America, to realize the horrible
   excesses and actual mediæval cruelties which were committed in
   the prisons of Manila and elsewhere in the islands upon Filipino
   insurgents, or those accused of being in league with them,
   during the revolution of 1896. The actual story of these
   things as it is unfolded, not only from Filipino sources, but
   from the Spanish archives of Manila, is like a scene evoked
   from the long-buried and forgotten past in the middle ages.
   Indeed, the only intelligible interpretation of events which
   cast shame on the name of Spanish authority and Spanish
   Christianity is found by reflecting that affairs in the
   Philippines, just previous to the battle of Manila, were
   controlled by ideas and forces which existed generally in
   Europe previous to the Reformation,—ideas which slowly
   retreated before the dawn of the new learning and the
   liberation of the individual conscience."

      _H. Welsh,
      The Other Man's Country,
      chapter 1 (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company)._

{397}

   In the other view there is an appeal to results which cannot
   easily be divested of force. They are set forth in the
   following:

   "The ideals of civilization for the Spanish missionary priests
   in the Philippines were substantially the same as those of
   Bacon and Raleigh, of the founders of New England and the
   founders of New York. In the mind of all, a civilized people
   was one which lived under settled laws by steady labor, which
   was more or less acquainted with the material progress made
   amongst the races of Europe, and, as all would say, which was
   Christian. The Spanish friars undertook the task of giving
   such a civilization to the Malays of the Philippines, and no
   other body of men of any race or any faith have accomplished
   what they have done. A task of somewhat similar kind has been
   attempted by others in our own day in the name of Christian
   civilization but not the Catholic Church. Hawaii has been
   under control of missionaries from New England for
   seventy-five years more completely than the Philippines were
   ever under that of the Spanish friars. The native kings
   adopted the new creed and enforced its adoption on their
   subjects by vigorous corporal punishments. The missionaries
   were abundantly supplied with such resources of civilization
   as money could buy, and they have grown wealthy on their
   mission; but what has been the fate of the natives? They have
   dwindled in numbers to a fourth of what they were when Messrs.
   Bingham and Thurston entered their islands, their lands have
   been taken by strangers, their government overthrown by brute
   force, and the scanty remnant has dropped the religion imposed
   on them. In the Philippines in a hundred and forty years a
   million of Catholic natives has grown seven fold. In Hawaii
   under missioners of the world's manufacture a hundred and
   forty thousand of the same race has shrunk to thirty-eight
   thousand. Have the promises of the Spanish friars or those of
   the American ministers been the most truthfully kept? The
   actual condition of the Catholic population formed by the work
   of the religious orders should not be judged by the excesses
   which have marked the present revolution. Many old Christian
   nations have gone through similar experiences. It would be as
   unreasonable to judge the Christianity of France by the Reign
   of Terror as to condemn the Filipino population for the
   atrocities sanctioned by Aguinaldo. The mass of the country
   population has taken no part in these deeds of blood which are
   the work of a small number of political adventurers and
   aspirants for office by any means. Until lately revolutionary
   disturbance was unknown in the Philippines. During three
   centuries there was only one serious Indian rebellion, that of
   Silan, in the province of Illocos, at the time of the English
   invasion. The Spanish military force was always too small to
   hold the islands had there been any real disaffection to the
   Government. The whole force at Manila in the present war, as
   given by General Otis, was only fifty-six hundred, and about
   as many more represented the entire Spanish force among a
   population of seven millions.

   "The disposition of the Catholic Filipinos is essentially law
   abiding. One of the friars lately driven from the islands by
   the revolution assured the writer that in Panay, an island
   with a population of half a million, a murder did not occur
   more often than once or twice in a year. In our own country
   last year the proportion was more than fifty times as great.
   There is no forced labor as in the Dutch Indian colonies to
   compel the native Filipinos to work, yet they support
   themselves in content without any of the famines so common in
   India under the boasted rule of civilized England. A sure
   evidence of material prosperity is the growth of the
   population, and of its religion a fair test is the proportion
   of Catholic marriages, baptisms and religious interments to
   the whole number. The proportion of marriages in 1806 to the
   population among the natives administered by the friars was
   one to every hundred and twenty, which is higher than England,
   Germany, or any European country. The number of baptisms
   exceeded the deaths by more than two and a half per cent, a
   greater proportion than in our own land. Compare this with
   Hawaii and one feels what a farce is the promise of increased
   prosperity held out by the American Press as the result of the
   expulsion of the Spanish friars. It is not easy to compare
   accurately the intellectual development of the Catholic
   Filipinos with American or European standards. The ideals of
   civilization of the Catholic missioners were different from
   those popular with English statesmen and their American
   admirers. The friars did not believe that the accumulation of
   wealth was the end of civilization, but the support of a large
   population in fair comfort. There are no trusts and few
   millionaires in the islands, but their population is six times
   greater than that of California after fifty years of American
   government. The test so often applied of reading and writing
   among the population finds the Filipinos fairly up to the
   standard of Europe at least. Of highly educated men the
   proportion is not so large as in Europe, but it is not
   inconsiderable, and neither in science nor in literature are
   the descendants of the Malay pirates unrepresented in their
   remote islands. The native languages have developed no
   important literature of their own, but they have a fair supply
   of translations from Spanish works in history, poetry, and
   philosophy. In that they are superior to the Hindoo of British
   India, though spoken by nearly a hundred millions. These are
   facts that throw a strange light on the real meaning of
   civilization as planted by the Spanish friars among a
   barbarian race. Compare them with the fate of the Indian races
   on our own territory and say what benefit the Filipinos may
   expect from the advent of 'Anglo-Saxon' civilization."

      _Bryan J. Clinch
      (American Catholic Quarterly Review,
      volume 24, page 15)._

   These opposing views are suggestive of the seriousness of the
   problem which the subject offers to the new authority in the
   Philippines. The American Commission now studying such
   problems in those islands has presented its first views
   concerning the Spanish friars in a lengthy report, written by
   Judge Taft, and transmitted to Washington as part of the
   general report of the Commission, bearing date November 30,
   1900. The passages quoted below contain what is most essential
   in the interesting document:

   "Ordinarily, the Government of the United States and its
   servants have little or no concern with religious societies or
   corporations and their members. With us, the Church is so
   completely separated from the State that it is difficult to
   imagine cases in which the policy of a Church in the selection
   of its ministers and the assignment of them to duty can be
   regarded as of political moment, or as a proper subject of
   comment in the report of a public officer.
{398}
   In the pacification of the Philippines by our Government,
   however, it is impossible to ignore the very great part which
   such a question plays. Excepting the Moros, who are Moslems,
   and the wild tribes, who are pagans, the Philippine people
   belong to the Roman Catholic Church. The total number of
   Catholic souls shown by the Church registry in 1898 was
   6,559,998. To care for these in that year there were in the
   archipelago 746 regular parishes, 105 mission parishes and 116
   missions, or 967 in all. Of the regular parishes all save 150
   were administered by Spanish monks of the Dominican,
   Augustinian, or Franciscan orders. Natives were not admitted
   to these orders. There were two kinds of Augustinians in these
   islands, the shod and the unshod. The latter are called
   Recolletos, and are merely an offshoot from the original order
   of St. Augustine.

   "By the revolutions of 1896 and 1898 against Spain, all the
   Dominicans, Augustinians, Recolletos, and Franciscans acting
   as parish priests were driven from their parishes to take
   refuge in Manila. Forty were killed and 403 were imprisoned,
   and were not all released until by the advance of the American
   troops it became impossible for the insurgents to retain them.
   Of the 1,124 who were in the islands in 1896, only 472 remain.
   The remainder were either killed or died, returned to Spain,
   or went to China or South America. There were also in the
   islands engaged in missions and missionary parishes, 42
   Jesuits, 16 Capuchins, and six Benedictines, and while many of
   these left their missions because of disturbed conditions they
   do not seem to have been assaulted or imprisoned for any
   length of time. In addition to the members of the monastic
   orders, there were 150 native secular clergymen in charge of
   small parishes who were not disturbed. There were also many
   native priests in the larger parishes who assisted the friar
   curates and they have remained, and they have been and are
   acting as parish priests. The burning political question,
   discussion of which strongly agitates the people of the
   Philippines, is whether the members of the four great orders
   of St. Dominic, St. Augustine, St. Francis, and the Recolletos
   shall return to the parishes from which they were driven by
   the revolution. Colloquially the term 'friars' includes the
   members of these four orders. The Jesuits, Capuchins,
   Benedictines, and the Paulists, of whom there are a few
   teachers here, have done only mission work or teaching, and
   have not aroused the hostility existing against the four large
   orders to which we are now about to refer. …

   "The truth is that the whole government of Spain in these
   islands rested on the friars. To use the expression of the
   Provincial of the Augustinians, the friars were 'the pedestal,
   or foundation, of the sovereignty of Spain in these islands,'
   which being removed, 'the whole structure would topple over.'
   … Once settled in a parish, a priest usually continued there
   until superannuation. He was, therefore, a constant political
   factor for a generation. The same was true of the Archbishop
   and the bishops. The civil and military officers of Spain in
   the island were here for not longer than four years, and more
   often for a less period. The friars, priests, and bishops,
   therefore, constituted a solid, powerful, permanent, well
   organized political force in the islands which dominated
   policies. The stay of those officers who attempted to pursue a
   course at variance with that deemed wise by the orders was
   invariably shortened by monastic influence. Of the four great
   orders, one, the Franciscans, is not permitted to own
   property, except convents and schools. This is not true of the
   other three. They own some valuable business property in
   Manila, and have large amounts of money to lend. But the chief
   property of these orders is in agricultural land. The total
   amount owned by the three orders in the Philippines is
   approximately 403,000 acres. Of this 121,000 acres is in the
   Province of Cavité alone. The whole is distributed as follows:
   Cavité, Province of Luzon, 121,747 acres; Laguna, Province of
   Luzon, 62,172 acres; Manila, Province of Luzon, 50,145;
   Bulacan, Province of Luzon, 39,341; Morong, Province of Luzon,
   4,940; Bataan, Province of Luzon, 1,000; Cagayan, Province of
   Luzon, 49,400; Island of Cebu, 16,413; Island of Mindoro,
   58,455. Total, 403,713. …

   "It cannot admit of contradiction that the autocratic power
   which each friar curate exercised over the people and civil
   officials of his parish gave them a most plausible ground for
   belief that nothing of injustice, of cruelty, of oppression,
   of narrowing restraint of liberty, was imposed on them for
   which the friar was not entirely responsible. His sacerdotal
   functions were not in their eyes the important ones, except as
   they enabled him to clinch and make more complete his civil
   and political control. The revolutions against Spain's
   sovereignty began as movements against the friars. … Having in
   view these circumstances, the statement of the bishops and friars
   that the mass of the people in these islands, except only a
   few of the leading men of each town and the native clergy, are
   friendly to them cannot be accepted as accurate. All the evidence
   derived from every source but the friars themselves shows
   clearly that the feeling of hatred for the friars is well nigh
   universal and permeates all classes. In the provinces of
   Cavité, Laguna, and Bulacan, as well as in the country
   districts of Manila, the political feeling against the friars
   has in it also an element of agrarianism. For generations the
   friars have been lords of these immense manors, upon which,
   since 1880, they have paid no taxes, while every 'hombre'
   living on them paid his cedula, worked out a road tax, and, if
   he were in business of any kind, paid his industrial impost. …

   "In the light of these considerations it is not wonderful that
   the people should regard the return of the friars to their
   parishes as a return to the conditions existing before the
   revolution. The common people are utterly unable to appreciate
   that under the sovereignty of the United States the position
   of the friar as curate would be different from that under
   Spain. This is not a religious question, though it concerns
   the selection of religious ministers for religious
   communities. The Philippine people love the Catholic Church. …
   The depth of their feeling against the friars may be measured
   by the fact that it exists against those who until two years
   ago administered the sacraments of the Church upon which they
   feel so great dependence and for which they have so profound a
   respect. The feeling against the friars is solely political.
   The people would gladly receive as ministers of the Roman
   Catholic religion any save those who are to them the
   embodiment of all in the Spanish rule that was hateful.
{399}
   If the friars return to their parishes, though only under the
   same police protection which the American Government is bound
   to extend to any other Spanish subjects in these islands, the
   people will regard it as the act of that Government. They have
   so long been used to have every phase of their conduct regulated
   by governmental order that the coming again of the friars will
   be accepted as an executive order to them to receive the
   friars as curates with their old, all-absorbing functions. It
   is likely to have the same effect on them that the return of
   General Weyler under an American Commission as Governor of
   Cuba would have had on the people of that island.

   "Those who are charged with the duty of pacifying these
   islands may therefore properly have the liveliest concern in a
   matter which, though on its surface only ecclesiastical, is,
   in the most important phase of it, political, and fraught with
   the most critical consequences to the peace and good order of
   the country, in which it is their duty to set up civil
   government. … It is suggested that the friars, if they
   returned, would uphold American sovereignty and be efficient
   instruments in securing peace and good order, whereas the
   native priests who now fill the parishes are, many of them,
   active insurgent agents or in strong sympathy with the cause.
   It is probably true that a considerable number of the Filipino
   priests are hostile to American sovereignty, largely because
   they fear that the Catholic Church will deem it necessary, on
   the restoration of complete peace, to bring back the friars or
   to elevate the moral tone of the priesthood by introducing
   priests from America or elsewhere. But it is certain that the
   enmity among the people against the American Government caused
   by the return of the friars would far outweigh the advantage
   of efforts to secure and preserve the allegiance of the people
   to American Sovereignty which might be made by priests who are
   still subjects of a monarchy with which the American
   Government has been lately at war, and who have not the
   slightest sympathy with the political principles of civil
   liberty which the American Government represents.

   "We have set forth the facts upon this important issue because
   we do not think they ought to be or can be ignored. We
   earnestly hope that those who control the policy of the
   Catholic Church in these islands with the same sagacity and
   prevision which characterize all its important policies, will
   see that it would be most unfortunate for the Philippine
   Islands, for the Catholic Church and for the American
   Government to attempt to send back the friars, and that some
   other solution of the difficulties should be found. … The
   friars have large property interests in these islands which
   the United States Government is bound by treaty obligations
   and by the law of its being to protect. It is natural and
   proper that the friars should feel a desire to remain where so
   much of their treasure is. … It would avoid some very
   troublesome agrarian disturbances between the friars and their
   quondam tenants if the Insular Government could buy these
   large haciendas of the friars, and sell them out in small
   holdings to the present tenants, who, forgiven for the rent
   due during the two years of war, would recognize the title of
   the Government without demur, and gladly accept an
   opportunity, by payment of the price in small instalments, to
   become absolute owners of that which they and their ancestors
   have so long cultivated. With the many other calls upon the
   insular treasury a large financial operation like this could
   probably not be conducted to a successful issue without the
   aid of the United States Government, either by a direct loan
   or by a guaranty of bonds to be issued for the purpose. The
   bonds or loans could be met gradually from the revenues of the
   islands, while the proceeds of the land, which would sell
   readily, could be used to constitute a school fund. This
   object, if declared, would make the plan most popular, because
   the desire for education by the Filipinos of all tribes is
   very strong, and gives encouraging promise of the future
   mental development of a now uneducated and ignorant people.
   The provincials of the orders were understood in their
   evidence to intimate a willingness on the part of the orders
   to sell their agricultural holdings if a satisfactory price
   should be paid. What such a price would be we are unable
   without further investigation to state. If an agreement could
   not be reached it is probable, though upon this we express no
   definite opinion, that there would be ground in the
   circumstances for a resort to condemnation proceedings."

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.
   Act of the United States Congress increasing army and
   authorizing the enlistment of native troops.
   Rejection of the proviso of Senator Hoar.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 (February-March).
   Congressional grant of military, civil and judicial
   powers for the government of the Islands to persons whom the
   President may appoint.
   The so-called "Spooner Amendment."

   During the first session of the 56th Congress the following
   bill was introduced in the U. S. Senate by Mr. Spooner, of
   Wisconsin, but received no action:

   "Be it enacted, etc., That when all insurrection against the
   sovereignty and authority of the United States in the
   Philippine Islands, acquired from Spain by the treaty
   concluded at Paris on the 10th day of December, 1898, shall
   have been completely suppressed by the military and naval
   forces of the United States, all military, civil, and judicial
   powers necessary to govern the said islands shall, until
   otherwise provided by Congress, be vested in such person and
   persons, and shall be exercised in such manner as the
   President of the United States shall direct for maintaining
   and protecting the inhabitants of said islands in the free
   enjoyment of their liberty, property, and religion."

   Half the following session of Congress passed before any
   disposition to take the action proposed by Senator Spooner was
   shown. Then the matter was brought to notice and pressed by
   the following communication to the Secretary of War, from the
   Commission in the Philippines:

   "If you approve, ask transmission to proper Senators and
   Representatives of following: Passage of Spooner bill at
   present session greatly needed to secure best result from
   improving conditions. Until its passage no purely central
   civil government can be established, no public franchises of
   any kind granted, and no substantial investment of private
   capital in internal improvements possible." This was repeated
   soon afterwards more urgently by cable in the message
   following:

{400}

   "Sale of public lands and allowance of mining claims
   impossible until Spooner bill. Hundreds of American miners on
   ground awaiting law to perfect claims. More coming. Good
   element in pacification. Urgently recommend amendment Spooner
   bill so that its operation be not postponed until complete
   suppression of all insurrection, but only until in President's
   judgment civil government may be safely established."

   The request of the Philippine Commission, endorsed by the
   Secretary of War, was communicated to Congress by the
   President, who said in doing so: "I earnestly recommend
   legislation under which the government of the islands may have
   authority to assist in their peaceful industrial development."
   Thereupon the subject was taken up in Congress, not as
   formulated in Senator Spooner's bill of the previous session,
   but in the form of an amendment to the Army Appropriation
   Bill, then pending in the Senate. The amendment, as submitted
   to discussion in the Senate on the 25th of February, 1901, was
   in the following terms:

   "All military, civil, and judicial powers necessary to govern
   the Philippine Islands, acquired from Spain by the treaties
   concluded at Paris on the 10th day of December, 1898, and at
   Washington on the 7th day of November, 1900, shall, until
   otherwise provided by Congress, be vested in such person and
   persons and shall be exercised in such manner as the President
   of the United States shall direct, for the establishment of
   civil government and for maintaining and protecting the
   inhabitants of said islands in the free enjoyment of their
   liberty, property, and religion: Provided, That all franchises
   granted under the authority hereof shall contain a reservation
   of the right to alter, amend, or repeal the same. Until a
   permanent government shall have been established in said
   archipelago full reports shall be made to Congress, on or
   before the first day of each regular session, of all
   legislative acts and proceedings of the temporary government
   instituted under the provisions hereof, and full reports of
   the acts and doings of said government and as to the condition
   of the archipelago and its people shall be made to the
   President, including all information which may be useful to
   the Congress in providing for a more permanent government."

   Strenuous opposition was made, firstly to the hasty grafting
   of so profoundly important a measure of legislation on an
   appropriation bill, and secondly to the measure itself, as
   being a delegation of powers to the President which did
   violence to the Constitution and to all the precedents and
   principles of the American government, and also as having
   objects which would not only do flagrant wrong to the people
   of the Philippine Islands, but bring dishonor on those of the
   United States. The military authority already exercised by the
   President in the Philippines sufficed fully, it was contended,
   for every purpose of temporary or provisional government
   there, except in its lack of ability to grant franchises and
   to dispose of the public lands. Hence it was freely charged
   that the controlling influences which pressed this measure on
   the government came from capitalists and speculators who were
   reaching after valuable franchises, mining rights and land
   grants in the archipelago. Said Senator Daniel in the debate:
   "So far as any legislation which looks forward to the opening
   of the way to civil government may be involved to the
   softening of the conditions which exist, to the amelioration
   of the distresses which are upon the Philippine people, I
   would give most cheerful acquiescence. But because we desire
   to do these things in a good spirit, in a resolute and
   patriotic spirit, let us not permit the provocation of
   difficult conditions to lead us into enacting any kind of
   provision of law that is not necessary to these ends. Let us
   not undertake to give to the President of the United States
   any power of disposing of the permanent assets of the
   Philippine people; let us not put him in the attitude of being
   a franchise giver or a franchise seller or a franchise lessor.
   The franchises of those islands—their rivers, their ferries,
   their streets, their roads, the thousand and one privileges
   which are granted by public authority—are as important and as
   valuable to that people and as permanently associated with
   their happiness and their prosperity as are their fields or
   their mines or their fisheries or anything else which belongs
   to their country. … It is true there is the reservation of the
   right to alter, amend, or repeal, but while that is legally
   broad enough for any remedial legislation whatsoever to
   follow, we know that practically it is of very small
   consequence. If capital goes in and invests itself in
   improvements which are in themselves of a permanent nature, if
   railroads are constructed, telegraph lines run, telephones
   established, ferries built, steamers and boats, gas
   establishments, electrical establishments—if those things are
   disposed of, the man who once gets in will never be gotten
   out. In all such affairs possession is nine points of the law
   before they get into court, where it is generally made the
   tenth."

   Senator Hoar called attention "to the fact that the report of
   the Taft commission urges that power be given to sell the
   public lands at once, as it is necessary for their
   development, and a large amount of capital is there now
   clamoring to be invested," and he remarked: "So I suppose that
   one of the chief purposes of this is that the public lands in
   the Philippine Islands may be sold before the people of the
   islands have any chance whatever to have a voice in their
   sale." He then quoted the following passages from the report
   of the Taft commission:

   "The commission has received a sufficient number of
   applications for the purchase of public land to know that
   large amounts of American capital are only awaiting the
   opportunity to invest in the rich agricultural field which may
   here be developed. In view of the decision that the military
   government has no power to part with the public land belonging
   to the United States, and that the power rests alone in
   Congress, it becomes very essential, to assist the development
   of these islands and their prosperity, that Congressional
   authority be vested in the government of the islands to adopt
   a proper public-land system, and to sell the land upon proper
   terms. There should, of course, be restrictions preventing the
   acquisition of too large quantities by any individual or
   corporation, but those restrictions should only be imposed
   after giving due weight to the circumstances that capital can
   not be secured for the development of the islands unless the
   investment may be sufficiently great to justify the
   expenditure of large amounts for expensive machinery and
   equipments.
{401}
   Especially is this true in the cultivation of sugar land. …
   Restricted powers of a military government referred to in
   discussing the public lands are also painfully apparent in
   respect to mining claims and the organization of railroad,
   banking, and other corporations, and the granting of
   franchises generally. It is necessary that there be some body
   or officer vested with legislative authority to pass laws
   which shall afford opportunity to capital to make investment
   here. This is the true and most lasting method of
   pacification." "In other words," said Senator Hoar, "the
   leading, principal, bald proposal on which this amendment
   rests is that before those 10,000,000 people are allowed any
   share in their own government whatever their property is to be
   sold by Americans to Americans in large quantities, as on the
   whole the best means of pacification—that the best way to
   pacify a man is to have one foreign authority to sell his
   property and another to buy it." An amendment to the
   amendment, offered by Senator Bacon, reserving to Congress the
   right to annul any grant or concession made, or any law
   enacted, by any governmental authority created under the
   powers proposed to be conferred on the President; another
   offered, by Senator Vest, providing that "no judgment, order,
   nor act by any of said officials so appointed shall conflict
   with the Constitution and laws of the United States," and
   still others of somewhat kindred aims, were voted down; but
   the influence of Senator Hoar prevailed with the Senate so far
   as to induce its acceptance of the following important
   modification of the so-called "Spooner Amendment":

   "Provided, That no sale or lease or other disposition of the
   public land, or the timber thereon, or the mining rights
   therein, shall be made: And provided further, That no
   franchise shall be granted which is not approved by the
   President of the United States, and is not, in his judgment,
   clearly necessary for the immediate government of the islands
   and indispensable for the interests of the people thereof, and
   which can not, without great public mischief, be postponed
   until the establishment of a permanent civil government, and
   all such franchises shall terminate one year after the
   establishment of such civil government."

   With this proviso added, the "Spooner amendment" was adopted
   by the Senate on the 26th of February (yeas 45, nays 27, not
   voting 16), and agreed to by the House on the 1st of March
   (yeas 161, nays 136, not voting 56).

      _Congressional Record,
      February 25-March 1, 1901._

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 (March).
   Organization of provincial governments.
   Establishment of a department of public education.
   Proposed tariff.
   Date fixed for cessation of military regime.

   On the 3d of March, the President of the Philippine
   Commission, Judge Taft, addressed a cable despatch to the U.
   S. Secretary of War in which he reported: "Commission has last
   three weeks organized five provincial governments—Pampanga,
   Pangasinan, Tarlac, Bulacan, Bataan—last two are Tagalog
   provinces. Attended each provincial capital in a body; met by
   appointment Presidentes, Councillors, and principal men of
   towns; explained provisions general provincial act and special
   bill for particular province and invited discussion natives
   present of both bills. Conventions thus held very
   satisfactory; amendments suggested, considered, special bills
   enacted, appointments followed. … In three large provinces
   natives appointed provisional Governors. In Bataan, on
   petition, eight out of nine towns, volunteer officer
   appointed. In Tarlac feeling between loyal factions required
   appointment American. … In compliance with urgent native
   invitations leave March 11 for south to organize provinces
   Tayabas, Romblon, Iloilo, Capiz, Zamboanga, such others are
   ready. Returning shall organize Zambales, Union, Cagayan,
   Ilocos Norte. Military Governor has recommended organization
   Batangas, Cavité, Laguna, Nueva Ecija, but shall delay action
   as to these until return from northern and southern trips."

   On the 18th of March it was announced from Washington that a
   number of recent Acts of the Philippine Commission had been
   received at the War Department, among them one which
   establishes a general department of public instruction, with a
   central office at Manila, under the direction of a general
   superintendent, to be appointed by the commission, at a salary
   of $6,000 a year. "Schools are to be established in every
   pueblo in the archipelago where practicable, and those already
   established shall be reorganized where necessary. There are to
   be ten school divisions in the archipelago, each with a
   division superintendent, and there is to be a superior
   advisory board, composed of the general superintendent and
   four members to be appointed by the Philippine Commission, to
   consider the general subject of education in the islands and
   make regulations. The English language, as soon as
   practicable, shall be made the basis of all public
   instruction, and soldiers may be detailed as instructors until
   replaced by trained teachers. Authority is given to the general
   superintendent to obtain from the United States 1,000 trained
   teachers, at salaries of not less than $75 nor more than $100
   a month, the exact salary to be fixed according to the
   efficiency of the teacher. The act provides that no teacher or
   other person "shall teach or criticise the doctrines of any
   church, religious sect or denomination or shall attempt to
   influence the pupils for or against any church or religious
   sect in any public school." Violation of this section is made
   punishable by summary dismissal from the public service. It is
   provided, however, that it may be lawful for the priest or
   minister of the pueblo where the school is situated to teach
   religion for half an hour three times a week in the school
   building to pupils whose parents desire it. But if any priest,
   minister or religious teacher use this opportunity "for the
   purpose of arousing disloyalty to the United States or of
   discouraging the attendance of pupils or interfering with the
   discipline of schools," the division superintendent may forbid
   such offending priest from entering the school building
   thereafter. The act also provides for a normal school at
   Manila for the education of natives in the science of
   teaching. It appropriates $400,000 for school buildings,
   $220,000 for text books and other supplies for the current
   calendar year, $25,000 for the normal school, $15,000 for the
   organization and maintenance of a trade school in Manila and
   the same amount for a school of agriculture.

{402}

   The new tariff for the Islands, which the Commission had been
   long engaged in framing, was submitted, in March, to the
   government at Washington for approval. "In his letter of
   transmittal Judge Taft says that the proposed bill follows
   largely the classification of the Cuban tariff, 'but has been
   considerably expanded by the introduction of articles
   requiring special treatment here by reason of different
   surroundings and greater distance from the markets.' Judge
   Taft says also that the disposition of the business interests
   of the islands is to accept any tariff the commission
   proposes, provided only that the duties are specific and not
   ad valorem. The question of revenue was kept steadily in view
   in the preparation of the schedules, but it was not the only
   consideration. Raw materials of Philippine industries, tools,
   implements and machinery of production, materials of
   transportation, the producers and transmitters of power and
   food products are taxed as lightly as possible. … Export
   duties are levied on only six articles—hemp, indigo, rice,
   sugar, cocoanuts, fresh or as copra, and tobacco. The free
   list admits natural mineral waters, trees, shoots and plants,
   gold, copper and silver ores, fresh fruits, garden produce,
   eggs, milk, ice and fresh meat, except poultry and game. There
   is also a list of articles conditionally free of duty. The
   importation of explosives is prohibited, but that of firearms
   is not."

   It is announced from Washington that "Judge Taft and General
   MacArthur have agreed upon July 1 as the date for the
   establishment of civil government in the Philippines. The
   military regime in the islands will therefore cease on June
   30, when General Chaffee will relieve General MacArthur of the
   command, and Governor Taft will be inaugurated the next day
   with considerable ceremony."

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 (March-April).
   Capture of Aguinaldo.
   His oath of allegiance to the United States.
   His address to his countrymen, counselling peace.

   A stratagem, executed with great daring by General Funston of
   the American forces, accomplished the capture of the Filipino
   leader, Aguinaldo, on the 23d of March. From intercepted
   correspondence, it had been learned that Aguinaldo, then
   occupying his headquarters at Palanan, Isabela Province, was
   expecting to be joined by some riflemen, whom his brother had
   been ordered to send to him from central Luzon. On this,
   General Funston conceived the plan of equipping a number of
   native troops who should pass themselves off as the expected
   reinforcements, several American officers going with them
   ostensibly as prisoners, the hope being that Aguinaldo might
   thus be reached and taken by surprise. General MacArthur
   approved the scheme, and it was carried out with success. The
   party was made up of 78 Macabebe scouts, four Tagalogs who had
   formerly been officers in the insurgent army, and General
   Funston, Captain Newton, Lieutenants Hazzard and Mitchel, who
   acted the part of prisoners. They were taken by gunboat from
   Cavite to a point above Baler, whence they made their way on
   foot, sending a message in advance that the expected
   reinforcements were on the way and had captured some prisoners
   en route. The following brief narrative of what occurred
   subsequently is taken from a newspaper account of the
   expedition:

   "For six days the expedition marched over an exceedingly
   difficult country, covering 90 miles. When the men reached a
   point eight miles from Aguinaldo's camp they were almost
   exhausted from lack of food and the fatigue of the march. They
   stopped at this place and sent a message to Aguinaldo,
   requesting him to send food to them. The ruse thus far had
   worked with the greatest success, and on March 22d, when
   Aguinaldo sent provisions, it was seen that he did not have
   the slightest suspicion. With the food he sent word that the
   Americans were not wanted in his camp, but instructing their
   supposed captors to treat them kindly. On March 23d the march
   was resumed, the Macabebe officers starting an hour ahead of
   the main body of the expedition. The 'prisoners,' under guard,
   followed them. When the party arrived at Aguinaldo's camp a
   bodyguard of 50 riflemen was paraded, and the officers were
   received at Aguinaldo's house, which was situated on the
   Palanan River. After some conversation with him, in which they
   gave the alleged details of their suppositious engagement with
   an American force, they made excuses and quietly left the
   house. They at once gave orders in an undertone for the
   Macabebes to get in position and fire on the bodyguard. The
   order was obeyed with the greatest rapidity, and three volleys
   were delivered. The insurgents were panic-stricken by the
   sudden turn in affairs, and they broke and ran in
   consternation. Two of them, however, were killed and eighteen
   wounded. Simultaneously with the delivery of the volleys the
   American officers rushed into Aguinaldo's house. Major
   Alhambra, one of Aguinaldo's staff, had been shot in the face.
   He, however, was determined not to be captured and he jumped
   from a window into the river and disappeared. Two captains and
   four lieutenants made their escape in a similar manner.
   Aguinaldo, Colonel Villa, his chief of staff, and Santiago
   Barcelona, the insurgent treasurer, did not have time to make
   an attempt to get away before General Funston and the others
   were upon them, demanding their surrender. Seeing that the
   situation was hopeless, they gave themselves up. Aguinaldo was
   furious at having been caught, but later he became
   philosophical and declared that the ruse by which he had been
   captured was the only one which would have proved successful
   if the Americans had tried for 20 years. One of the Macabebes
   was wounded. The party stayed two days at the camp and then
   marched overland to the coast, where the Vicksburg, whose
   arrival was excellently timed, picked them up and brought them
   back to Manila."

   On the 2d of April, a despatch from General MacArthur to the
   War Department announced that Aguinaldo, on the advice of
   Chief Justice Arellano, had taken the following oath of
   allegiance to the United States: "I hereby renounce all
   allegiance to any and all so-called revolutionary governments
   in the Philippine Islands, and recognize and accept the
   supreme authority of the United States of America therein; I
   do solemnly swear that I will bear true faith and allegiance
   to that government; that I will at all times conduct myself as
   a faithful and law abiding citizen of the said islands, and
   will not, either directly or indirectly, hold correspondence
   with or give intelligence to an enemy of the United States,
   nor will I abet, harbor or protect such enemy; that I impose
   upon myself these voluntary obligations without any mental
   reservations or purpose of evasion, so help me God."

{403}

   On the 19th of April, Aguinaldo issued the following address
   to his countrymen: "I believe I am not in error in presuming
   that the unhappy fate to which my adverse fortune has led me
   is not a surprise to those who have been familiar with the
   progress of the war. The lessons taught with a full meaning,
   and which have recently come to my knowledge, suggest with
   irresistible force that a complete termination of hostilities
   and lasting peace are not only desirable, but absolutely
   essential to the welfare of the Philippine Islands. The
   Filipinos have never been dismayed at their weakness, nor have
   they faltered in following the path pointed out by their
   fortitude and courage. The time has come, however, in which
   they find their advance along this path to be impeded by an
   irresistible force, which, while it restrains them, yet
   enlightens their minds and opens to them another course,
   presenting them the cause of peace. This cause has been
   joyfully embraced by the majority of my fellow countrymen who
   already have united around the glorious sovereign banner of
   the United States. In this banner they repose their trust and
   believe that under its protection the Filipino people will
   attain all those promised liberties which they are beginning
   to enjoy. The country has declared unmistakably in favor of
   peace. So be it. There has been enough blood, enough tears and
   enough desolation. This wish cannot be ignored by the men
   still in arms, if they are animated by a desire to serve our
   noble people, which has thus clearly manifested its will. So
   do I respect this will, now that it is known to me. After
   mature deliberation, I resolutely proclaim to the world that I
   cannot refuse to heed the voice of a people longing for peace,
   nor the lamentations of thousands of families yearning to see
   their dear ones enjoying the liberty and the promised
   generosity of the great American Nation. By acknowledging and
   accepting the sovereignty of the United States throughout the
   Philippine Archipelago, as I now do, and without any
   reservation whatsoever, I believe that I am serving thee, my
   beloved country. May happiness be thine."

PHŒNICIANS, The:
   Modified estimates of their influence upon early
   European civilization.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: CRETE.

PILLAGER INDIAN OUTBREAK.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1898.

PLAGUE, The Bubonic.

   For years the plague has "continued to breed in various inner
   parts of Asia, and in 1894, coming from the Chinese province
   of Yunnan, it invaded Canton, taking there 60,000 victims in a
   few weeks. Thence it spread to Hong Kong, reached next year
   the island of Haïnan and Macao, invaded Formosa in 1896, and
   in the autumn of the same year appeared at Bombay. In the big
   city of India it found all necessary conditions for breeding,
   unchecked, for several months in succession: famine,
   overcrowding, and the absence of all preventive measures; and
   from Bombay it was carried by rail and road, to different
   parts of India. … Happily enough, the plague is no longer the
   mysterious, revengeful being which it used to be for our
   ancestors. Its cause and modes of propagation are well known.
   It is an infectious disease with a short period of incubation.
   From four to six days after infection takes place, a sudden
   loss of forces—often a full prostration, accompanied by a high
   fever-sets in. A bubo appears, and soon grows to the size of
   an egg. Death soon follows. If not—there is a chance of slow
   and painful recovery; but that chance is very small, because
   even under the best conditions of nursing, the mortality is
   seldom less than four out of each five cases of illness. As to
   the means of propagation of the plague, they are many. The
   poison may infect a wound or a scratch; it may be ingested in
   food; it may be simply inhaled. Dust from an infected house
   was sufficient to infect healthy rats; and when healthy rats
   were shut up in one cage with unhealthy ones, all caught the
   disease and died. Already in 1881 Netten Redcliffe and Dr.
   Pichon indicated that before the plague attacks men it
   destroys mice and rats. This was fully confirmed in 1894 by
   the Japanese and French bacteriologists Kitasato and Yersin,
   at Hong Kong, and by Dr. Rennie, of the Chinese Customs, at
   Canton. Masses of dead rats were seen in the streets of the
   infested parts of Hong Kong, and the keeper of the west gates
   of Canton collected and buried 24,000 of these animals. Dr.
   Rennie also pointed out that among those inhabitants of Canton
   who lived in boats on the river there were no cases of plague,
   except a few imported from town, so that even rich Cantonese
   took to living in boats; and he explained the immunity of the
   boat-dwellers by the absence of infection through rats. The
   worst is, however, that swine, and even goats and buffaloes,
   snakes and jackals, are attacked by the plague. …

   "As soon as the plague broke out at Hong Kong, the great
   Japanese bacteriologist Kitasato and the French doctor Yersin,
   who is well known for his work with Roux on the serum
   treatment of diphtheria, were already on the spot. Yersin
   obtained from the English authorities permission to erect a
   small straw hut in the yard of the chief hospital, and there
   he began his researches. Both Kitasato and Yersin had no
   difficulty in ascertaining that the plague buboes teemed with
   special bacteria, which had the shape of tiny microscopic
   sticklets, thickened at their ends. To isolate these bacteria,
   to cultivate them in artificial media, and to ascertain the
   deadly effects of these cultures upon animals, was soon done
   by such masters in bacteriology as Kitasato and Yersin. The
   cause of the plague was thus discovered. It was evident that
   infected rats and swine—especially swine with the Chinese, who
   keep them in their houses—were spreading the disease, in
   addition to men themselves. The same bacteria teemed in the
   dead animals. As to men, the discharges from their buboes, and
   even, in many cases, their expectorations, were full of plague
   bacteria. Besides, Yersin soon noticed that in his
   'laboratory,' where he was dissecting animals killed by the
   plague, the flies died in numbers. He found that they were
   infested with the same bacteria, and carried them about:
   inoculations of bacteria obtained from the flies at once
   provoked the plague in guinea-pigs. Ants, gnats, and other
   insects may evidently spread infection in the same way, while
   in and round the infested houses the soil is impregnated with
   the same bacteria. As soon as the pest microbe became known,
   experiments were begun, at the Paris Institut Pasteur, for
   finding the means to combat it; and in July 1895 Yersin,
   Calmette, and Borel could already announce that some very
   promising results had been obtained."

      _P. Kropotkin,
      Recent Science
      (Nineteenth Century, July, 1897)._

{404}

   Of the first appearance of the plague in India, at Bombay, and
   the early stages of its spread in that country, the Viceroy,
   Lord Elgin, made the following report to the Secretary of
   State for India, on the 27th of January, 1897: "The first
   official intimation of the outbreak which reached us was in a
   telegram from the Government of Bombay, dated the 29th
   September 1896. The disease was then reported to be of a mild
   type, and at first it showed no tendency to increase. …
   Throughout the months of October and November the disease made
   little or no progress, and the number of deaths reported a day
   averaged nine. Early in December there was a marked increase,
   and the number of deaths reported daily from the 2nd to the
   23rd (inclusive) was about 32. From the 24th December onwards
   there was another marked increase, and the number of deaths
   reported from that date to the 14th January (inclusive)
   averaged about 51. The next week shows a further increase, the
   reported number of deaths averaging 74 a day. The total number
   of deaths reported during October was 276; during November,
   268; during December, 1,160; and from the 1st to the 25th
   January, 1,444. The total number of deaths reported from the
   beginning of the outbreak thus amounts to 3,148. We have
   reason to fear that all deaths from the plague have not been
   reported as such, and that the true mortality from the disease
   is higher than is shown by the above figures. … For a
   considerable time, except for a few imported cases in some
   towns in Gujarat, the outbreak was confined to Bombay itself,
   but on the 23rd of December we learnt from the Government of
   Bombay that the plague had broken out in Karachi. … The total
   number of deaths that have been reported in Karachi, from the
   beginning of the outbreak up to the 24th January, is 608. It
   will be observed that the disease has been very malignant in
   Karachi, and that almost all the cases reported have been
   fatal. As soon as the Surgeon General with the Government of
   Bombay reported to that Government that he had seen cases of a
   mild type of bubonic plague in the city, preventive measures
   were adopted and a Committee of medical experts were appointed
   to report on the disease and the situation. The Municipal
   Corporation have from the outset required the infected
   quarters to undergo a thorough and systematic cleaning and
   disinfection; and they have also pushed on vigorously other
   sanitary measures, such as the improvement of house
   connections and the construction of surface drains in quarters
   where the drainage was defective. A house-to-house visitation
   by medical officers has also been instituted. The Corporation
   have sanctioned liberal measures towards these ends, and the
   executive officers have displayed great energy in carrying
   them out. … We have informed the Government of Bombay that we
   consider it necessary that the plan of removing all persons
   from infected houses, and thoroughly cleansing and
   disinfecting the buildings, should be carried out, and we have
   asked His Excellency in Council, if he agrees, to report the
   measures that are adopted to bring the plan into general
   effect."

   To the above suggestion that all persons be removed from
   infected houses, the government of Bombay replied, on the 12th
   of February: "His Excellency is advised that, to give full
   effect to such a proposal, at the lowest computation, 30,000
   persons belonging to different races, castes, and creeds would
   need to be provided with temporary dwellings. There is no site
   within the limits of the Bombay municipality which would
   accommodate a tenth of this number. Great difficulty has
   attended all attempts at the segregation of healthy inmates of
   infected houses hitherto made, and very limited success bas
   been achieved. From the beginning of the outbreak of this
   disease it has been found that the native inhabitants of the
   city are very reluctant to leave their houses or to allow any
   member of their family afflicted with the disease to be taken
   away. Indeed, their dread of the disease itself appears to be
   hardly so powerful as their horror of being removed from their
   houses. Ignorance and superstition prevent them from
   discerning either that removal to a hospital is good for the
   sick or removal [from] infected dwellings good for the
   healthy, and they are far more easily moved by fear of the
   municipal and police authorities than by any realisation of
   the benefits that will accrue from a sensible course of
   action. It is estimated that not less than 300,000 persons
   have already fled from Bombay, moved so to do, not only by
   fear of the plague, but quite as much, if not more, by an
   unfounded and unreasonable fear of what might happen to them
   at the hands of the police and municipal authorities were they
   to remain."

   Contending with such obstacles to the use of the most
   effective measures for checking the spread of the disease, the
   authorities at Bombay and elsewhere, who seem to have worked
   with energy, saw little to encourage their efforts for some
   time. In a second report to the Secretary of State for India,
   made February 10, Lord Elgin was compelled to write: "We much
   regret that we are unable to report that the plague shows any
   signs of abating. In both Bombay and Karachi there has been an
   increase in the daily number of seizures and deaths since the
   beginning of the current month." But, a month later, on the
   10th of March, the Viceroy reported that "the position of
   affairs in Bombay is distinctly better. There has been a
   decrease in the reported number of plague seizures and deaths,
   and the total daily mortality from all causes shows a marked
   diminution. During the week ending the 22nd February, the
   average daily number of seizures and deaths was 115 and 117,
   respectively; during the following week the daily average fell
   to 107 and 99, whilst during the period March 2nd to March 8th
   it has been 99 and 84. … Persons are now returning to the
   quarters of Bombay, which are comparatively free from plague,
   from the more infected outlying suburbs, and the Government of
   Bombay have therefore found it necessary to watch persons
   entering as well as those leaving Bombay. In the suburbs of
   Kurla, Bandora, and Bhiwandi the plague continues to be
   severe. Outside Bombay in the Presidency proper the number of
   indigenous cases has increased, and the disease shows a
   tendency to spread, especially in the Thana and Surat
   districts. … Outside Karachi the plague shows no tendency to
   spread in Sind, and Sukkur is the only other place from which
   indigenous cases have been reported."

      _Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command: C.-8386, 1897; and C.-8511, 1897)._

{405}

   From that time there appears to have been a nearly steady
   subsidence of the disease until the following September, when
   it showed renewed virulence at Poona, and began to be newly
   spread, invading districts in the Punjab and elsewhere outside
   of the Bombay Presidency. By the middle of November Poona was
   substantially empty of inhabitants, except those stricken with
   the disease and those who bravely cared for the sick and dying.
   In December there was a fresh outbreak in Bombay, which soon
   became more deadly than that of the previous winter and
   spring. By the beginning of February, 1898, and through March,
   the deaths from plague alone in Bombay had risen above a
   thousand a week. Then another subsidence occurred, followed by
   another recrudescence of the disease in August, and another
   decline in October. But the variations in other districts were
   not uniform with those in Bombay. At the end of 1898, the
   total of mortality from plague in all the afflicted districts
   of India, reckoning from the beginning, was believed to exceed
   100,000, including 70,000 in the Bombay Presidency and Sind
   (28,000 in the city of Bombay), and 2,000 in the Punjab. In
   Calcutta there had been but 150 deaths. Although the measures
   taken for checking the spread of the pestilence were far less
   stringent than they would have been among people more capable
   of understanding what they meant and what their importance
   was, they alarmed the religious jealousies of both the Hindus
   and the Mohammedans, and were resisted and resented with
   dangerous fury at a number of times. At Poona, in June, 1897,
   two British officials were murdered by young Brahmins, who had
   been excited to the deed by native journals, the language of
   which was so violent that the government found it necessary to
   prosecute several for sedition. At Bombay, in March, 1898,
   when the plague was at its worst, there were very serious
   riots, in which a number of Europeans were killed, and troops
   were called to the help of the police before the frenzied mob
   could be overcome.

   Again, in 1899, there was a revival of the disease in India,
   especially at Bombay, during the winter, with a decline in
   April and fresh virulence in September. At the end of the year
   the estimate of total mortality from plague in India since the
   beginning was 250,000.

   Of the wider spreading of the pestilence during 1900 the
   following summary of information is given in the annual report
   of the United States Secretary of the Treasury, in connection
   with details of quarantine measures: "The Surgeon-General
   reports that plague has been more widely distributed during
   the year than was ever known in history, and for the first
   time obtained lodgment in the Western Hemisphere, at Santos,
   Brazil, in October, 1899. By this it is not meant that the
   disease has been actually more prevalent than before, but that
   its points of contact have embraced nearly every civilized
   country in the world, though its prompt recognition and
   application of modern methods have either entirely prevented
   its spread or have caused it to disappear after a short period
   of infection. The scientific knowledge of the disease renders
   it far less to be dreaded than before, but increase in rapid
   communication between different parts of the world facilitates
   its transportation. In illustration, the fact is cited that 20
   vessels have been reported, arriving at as many principal
   seaports in different parts of the world, on which plague was
   discovered on arrival or had manifested itself during the
   voyage. As heretofore, its chief ravages have been in India,
   where preventive measures have been hindered by religious
   fanaticism. In India during the year there were 66,294 deaths.
   Notable outbreaks of the disease occurred in Kobe and in
   Formosa, Japan, at Oporto, Santos, Rio de Janeiro, Honolulu,
   Sydney, Mauritius, Hongkong, and Glasgow.

   "In December, 1899, on account of the apparent spread of this
   disease, 12 commissioned officers were detailed by order of
   the President for duty in the offices of the United States
   consuls at the principal ports in England and on the
   Continent. In June, the disease fortunately not having become
   as widespread as anticipated, they were recalled, with the
   exception of five, who are still retained for the purpose of
   furnishing information and for service at any needed point.
   Two of those thus retained, when the plague was announced at
   Glasgow, Scotland, on August 28, 1900, were immediately sent
   to that point and began inspection of vessels for the United
   States and also for Canada, by request of that Government,
   thus enabling vessels to be entered at ports on this side
   without undue restraint. In the laboratory of the Service,
   scientific investigations as to the viability of the plague
   bacillus and the methods and efficiency of disinfection have
   been conducted, and the results, together with excerpts from
   all available literature hearing upon the prevention of
   plague, have been published in the Public Health Reports,
   forming, for this year, a volume containing most complete
   information upon this disease. About 700,000 doses of
   Haffkine's prophylactic were also prepared in the laboratory
   and sent to the United States quarantine officers at home and
   abroad, together with large quantities of Yersin's serum,
   purchased early in the year from the Pasteur Institute in
   Paris. In these two preparations, the one (Haffkine) a
   prophylactic and the other (Yersin) both prophylactic and a
   cure, the Surgeon-General says that science has effective
   methods of combating the spread of this disease."

      _United States, Secretary of the Treasury,
      Annual Report, December 4, 1900._

   The "antitoxin, or serum, first prepared by Professor Haffkine
   as a plague inoculation, called Haffkine's prophylactic, is
   now being used in Bombay and western India with remarkable
   results. This prophylactic is prepared by first taking the
   plague bacilli, or the young germs, from a person affected
   with the plague and cultivating them. These microbes are
   killed by artificial means and a high degree of heat. From
   these dead germs and their poisonous excrements is produced a
   fluid that is believed to have acquired the power, when
   injected into the human system, to render the blood immune
   from the attack of plague germs and to neutralize their
   effect. The injection of such a poison has the effect of an
   antitoxin and prevents the system from nourishing plague. A
   dead plague germ being inoculated into a person, plague will
   not follow. A person after having one attack of the disease is
   rarely liable to a second. The person first inoculated is
   subject to symptoms of the plague.
{406}
   In vaccination for smallpox
   a living germ is dealt with, whereas in plague inoculation
   dead seed only are injected. … Inoculation is exceedingly
   unpopular among the natives. The government has had great
   labor in persuading the Hindoo mind of the efficacy of
   Haffkine's prophylactic against plague and at the same time of
   its utter harmlessness in every other respect. The Hindoo is
   suspicious that the dead germs and their toxic excreta may be
   of animal rather than vegetable substance, which would make
   the injection of the fluid into their body a religious
   offense."

      _United States Consular Reports,
      January, 1900, page 101._

   "In the present epidemic, plague-spots are scattered over the
   whole face of the globe from Sydney to Santos and Hongkong,
   and recently from San Francisco suspicious cases have been
   reported. The annual pilgrimage of Moslems to worship at the
   shrines of Mecca and Medina is now, as in the past, of all
   human agencies, the most active in spreading the pest. … Since
   Egypt is nearest, plague first appears there in the seaport
   towns, particularly Alexandria. Sanitary conditions have
   improved vastly, like economics, under British control; and,
   last year, what in other times might have been a devastating
   epidemic was limited to relatively a few scattered cases.
   Recognizing the danger to themselves, the European powers have
   been led to take steps, under the Venice Convention, for their
   own protection. An international quarantine, under the control
   of the Egyptian Sanitary, Maritime, and Quarantine Council, in
   which the powers have one vote each and Egypt three, has
   established stations at two points on the Red Sea."

      _American Review of Reviews,
      May, 1900._

PLATT AMENDMENT, The.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

PLURAL VOTING.

      See (in this volume)
      BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

PLYMOUTH COLONY:
   Return of the manuscript of Bradford's History to
   Massachusetts.

      See (in this volume)
      MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1897.

POET LAUREATE.

   To the line of English Poets Laureate (see, in volume 3,
   LAUREATE, ENGLISH POETS), there was added on the 1st of
   January, 1896, the name of Alfred Austin, succeeding Tennyson,
   who died October B, 1892.

POLAND, Russian:
   Relaxation of oppressions.

      See (in this volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1897.

POLAR EXPLORATION, Arctic and Antarctic:
   A chronological record.

   Until quite recent years, the antarctic region had had few
   explorers. In 1598-9 Dirk Gerritz was carried south by a storm
   and found land, probably the South Shetlands, at 64° South
   latitude. Capt. Cook made two antarctic voyages, in the second
   one reaching latitude 71° 10' South, at longitude 106° 54'
   West, sailing entirely around the southern ocean in a high
   latitude, and discovering many islands. In a Russian
   expedition, 1819-21, Bellinghausen discovered Peter I. Island
   and Alexander I. Land. Enderby Land was discovered by John
   Biscoe in 1831-2. In 1840-3 the great English expedition under
   Captain (afterward Sir) James Ross, in the Erebus and Terror,
   discovered and named Victoria Land, and reached latitude 78°
   11', February 23, 1842. The continent which Captain Charles
   Wilkes claimed to have discovered in 1840 has not been found
   by later explorers. In 1874 the Challenger was turned back by
   the ice in latitude 66° 43' South.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1892-1893.

   Whaling voyage of the Dundee vessels, the Balæna, Active,
   Diana and Polar Star, equipped for geographical observation by
   the Royal Geographical Society and others interested, carrying
   William S. Bruce, C. W. Donald, and W. G. Burn Murdoch.
   Accompanied by the Norwegian sealer Jasen, under Captain
   Larsen. South Shetlands and Graham Land visited and valuable
   observations made.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1893-1900.
   Scientific exploration of Labrador by A. P. Low.
   Operations still in progress.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1894-1895.

   Commercial voyage of the Norwegian whaler Antarctic, under
   Captain Kristensen, sent by Captain Svend Foyn, fitted out by
   H. J. Bull, and carrying the scientist C. E. Borchgrevinck.
   The valuable right whale was not found, but large beds of
   guano were discovered in Victoria Land, where a landing was
   made near Cape Adare.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895.

   Return of Peary relief expedition with Lieutenant Robert E.
   Peary and his companions. In spite of great difficulties
   Lieutenant Peary had again crossed the ice-sheet to
   Independence Bay, determined the northern limits of Greenland,
   charted 1,000 miles of the west coast, discovered eleven
   islands and the famous Iron Mountain (three great meteorites),
   and obtained much knowledge of the natives. The purely
   scientific results of the expedition are of great value. The
   relief expedition was organized by Mrs. Peary.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895.
   Cruise of Mr. Pearson and Lieutenant Feilden in Barents Sea.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895.

   Return of Martin Ekroll from Spitzbergen after a winter's
   study of the ice conditions there. Convinced that his plan of
   reaching the pole by a sledge journey had little chance of
   success.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895.

   Survey of the lower Yenesei River and Obi Bay by Siberian
   hydrographic expedition.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895.

   Commercial expedition of Captain Wiggins from England to
   Golchika, at the mouth of the Yenesei.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895.

   Russian geological expedition to Nova Zembla.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895.

   Russian expedition under the geologist Bogdanovich to the Sea
   of Okhotsk and Kamchatka.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895-1896.

   Two scientific voyages of the Danish cruiser Ingolf
   in the seas west and east of Greenland.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

   Summer expedition of naturalists and college students to the
   northern coast of Labrador.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

   Attempt of Lieutenant Peary to remove the great meteorite
   discovered by him at Cape York, Greenland. After dislodging it
   he was compelled by the ice to leave it. Small parties from
   Cornell University and Massachusetts Institute of Technology
   and one under Mr. George Bartlett, left by Peary at different
   points to make scientific observations and collections,
   returned with him.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

   Hydrographical survey of the Danish waters of Greenland and
   Iceland.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

   Hansen sent to Siberia to look for traces of Nansen.

{407}

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

   Return of Dr. Nansen from voyage begun in 1893. After skirting
   the coast of Siberia almost to the Lena delta, the Fram was
   enclosed by the ice and drifted with it north and northwest.
   On March 14, 1895, in 84° 4' North latitude, 102° East
   longitude, Nansen and Johansen left the Fram and pushed
   northward with dogs and sledges across an ice floe till they
   reached latitude 86° 13.6', at about 95° West longitude, on
   April 8, within 261 statute miles of the pole. With great
   difficulty they made their way to Franz Josef Land, where they
   wintered, and in June met explorer Jackson. Returning on the
   Jackson supply steamer Windward, they reached Vardö August 13.
   The Fram drifted to latitude 85° 57' North, 66° East
   longitude, then southwestward, reaching Tromsoë August 20,
   1896. Nansen demonstrated the existence of a polar sea of
   great depth, comparatively warm below the surface, apparently
   with few islands; though he did not find the trans-polar
   current he sought.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

   Spitzbergen crossed for the first time, by Sir W. Martin
   Conway and party.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

   Many parties visit the northern coast of Norway and Nova
   Zembla to view the total eclipse of the sun, August 8-9.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

   Expedition sent by Russian Hydrographic Department to find
   site for a sealers' refuge in Nova Zembla. Bielusha Bay, on
   the southwest coast, chosen.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

   Expedition sent by Canadian government to investigate Hudson
   Bay and Strait as a route to Central Canada. Passage found to
   be navigable for at least sixteen weeks each summer.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

   Seventh Peary expedition to Greenland. Accompanied by parties
   for scientific research. Preliminary arrangements made with
   the Eskimos for the expedition of 1898, and food-stations
   established. Relics of Greeley's expedition found on Cape
   Sabine, and the great meteorite at Cape York brought away at
   last.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

   Second expedition of Sir Martin Conway for the exploration of
   Spitzbergen.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

   A summer resort established on west coast of Spitzbergen, with
   regular steamer service for tourists during July and August.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

   Cruise of Mr. Arnold Pike and Sir Savile Crossley among the
   islands east of Spitzbergen.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

   Cruise of Mr. Pearson and Lieutenant Feilden in the Laura in
   the Kara Sea and along the east coast of Nova Zembla, for the
   purpose of studying the natural history of the region.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

   Expedition of F. W. L. Popham with a fleet of steamers through
   Yugor Straits to the Yenesei.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

   Hydrological and commercial expedition, comprising seven
   steamers, under Rear-Admiral Makaroff, sent by the Russian
   government to the north Siberian sea.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

   Balloon voyage of Salamon August Andrée and two companions,
   Mr. Strindberg and Mr. Fraenkel, starting from Danes' Island,
   north of Spitzbergen, in the hope of being carried to the
   pole. Four buoys from the balloon have been found. The first,
   found in Norway in June, 1899, and containing a note from
   Andrée, was thrown out eight hours after his departure. The
   "north pole buoy," to be dropped when the pole was passed, was
   found empty on the north side of King Charles Island,
   north-east of Spitzbergen, September 11, 1899. A third buoy,
   also empty, was found on the west coast of Iceland July 17,
   1900. Another, reported from Norway, August 31, 1900,
   contained a note showing that the buoy was thrown out at 10 P.
   M., July 11, 1897, at an altitude of 250 metres (820 feet),
   moving North 45 East, with splendid weather. Many search
   expeditions, some equipped at great expense, have returned
   unsuccessful. In spite of many rumors nothing definite is
   known of the fate of any of the party. One message from Andrée
   was brought back by a carrier pigeon. It was dated July 13,
   12.30 P. M., in latitude 82° 2', longitude 12° 5' East, and
   stated that the balloon was moving eastward.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

   New islands on the southern coast of Franz Josef Land
   discovered by Captain Robertson of the Dundee whaler Balæna.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

   Return of Jackson-Harmsworth expedition from three years'
   exploration of Franz Josef Land and the region north of it.
   Franz Josef Land was resolved into a group of islands and
   almost entire]y mapped. Small parties journeying northward
   over the ice, establishing depots of supplies, the most
   northern in latitude 81° 21', discovered and named Victoria
   Sea, the most northern open sea in the world.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

   Anglo-Australasian antarctic conference in London.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897-1899.

   Journey of Andrew J. Stone through the Canadian Rockies, down
   Mackenzie River and along the arctic coast, in search of rare
   mammals and information concerning the native tribes. Mr.
   Stone often had only one companion. He traveled rapidly, in
   one period of five months covering 3,000 miles of arctic coast
   and mountains, between 70° and 72° North latitude and between
   117½° and 140° West longitude.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897-1899.

   Belgian antarctic expedition under Captain Adrien de Gerlache
   to lands south of America. Sailed from Antwerp to explore and
   chart coast line, expecting to leave party to winter at Cape
   Adare and explore interior. Near Alexander I. Land the Belgica
   caught in the ice pack and held for a year, drifting as far
   south as latitude 71° 36', in longitude 87° 39' West. Finally
   released by the cutting of a canal through the ice. This
   dreary winter the first spent by men far enough south to lose
   sight of the sun. The continent found to be mountainous,
   glaciated, and without land animals except a few insects,
   though sea fowl abounded. One flowering grass, and a few
   mosses, rock lichens, and fresh-water algæ constitute the
   flora. Some 500 miles of coast chartered.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

   Expedition of Dr. K. J. V. Steenstrup to Greenland to study
   the glaciers of Disko island.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

   Completion by Dr. Thoroddsen of his systematic exploration of
   Iceland, begun in 1881.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

   Spitzbergen circumnavigated and surveyed by Dr. A. G.
   Nathorst. Coast mapped and important scientific observations
   made.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

   Pendulum observations made in Spitzbergen by Professor J. H.
   Gore, with instruments of the United States Coast and Geodetic
   Survey, for the determination of the force of gravity in that
   latitude.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

   Cruise of Prince Albert of Monaco, on coast of Spitzbergen,
   for the purpose of making scientific observations.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

   Some claim to Spitzbergen made by Russia. Never before claimed
   by any nation.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

   German arctic expedition under Theodor Lerner to the islands
   east of Spitzbergen, for scientific purposes and to obtain
   news of Andrée if possible.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

   Andrée search expedition under J. Stadling sent to the Lena
   delta, the mouth of the Yenesei and the islands of New Siberia
   by the Swedish Anthropological and Geographical Society.

{408}

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

   Conference on antarctic exploration held in the rooms of
   the Royal Society, London, February 24.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898-1899.

   Reconnoitring expedition by Danish party under Lieutenant G.
   C. Amdrup, to east coast of Greenland. Coast explored and
   mapped from Angmagsalik, 65¾ North latitude, to 67° 22'.
   Remains of a small extinct Eskimo settlement found.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898-1899.

   Second attempt by Walter Wellman to reach the north pole.
   Wintered in Franz Josef Land, establishing an outpost, called
   Fort McKinley, in latitude 81° North. In February Mr. Wellman,
   with three companions, started northward and seemed likely to
   succeed in their undertaking, but a serious accident befalling
   Mr. Wellman, and an icequake destroying many dogs and sledges,
   a hurried return to headquarters was necessary. Here important
   scientific observations were made. The 82d parallel was
   reached by the explorer.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898-1899.

   German expedition for deep-sea exploration in antarctic
   waters, in charge of Professor Carl Chun, on the Valdivia.
   Southern ocean found to be of great depth.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898-1900.

   British antarctic expedition under Borchgrevinck to Victoria
   Land; the funds provided by Sir George Newnes. Latitude 78°
   50' South reached, and the present position of the southern
   magnetic pole determined.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

   Carefully planned expedition of Lieutenant Peary, purposing to
   advance toward the pole by west coast of Greenland,
   establishing food stations and depending upon picked Eskimos
   for co-operation with his small party. In the last dash for
   the pole, supply sledges to be sent back as emptied, and the
   returning explorer, with two companions only, to be met by a
   relief party of Eskimos. The Windward was presented by Mr.
   Harmsworth for this expedition. Lieutenant Peary was disabled
   for several weeks in 1898-9 by severe frost-bites, causing the
   loss of seven toes. The Greeley records were found at Fort
   Conger and sent back by the annual supply vessel. Sextant and
   record of the Nares expedition found and sent back; presented
   by Lieutenant Peary to the Lords of the Admiralty of Great
   Britain and placed in the museum of the Royal Naval College at
   Greenwich. Vessel sent to Greenland each summer to carry
   supplies and bring back letters, carrying also small parties
   of explorers, scientists, university students and hunters, to
   be left at various points and picked up by the vessel on its
   return.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.
   Expedition of Captain Sverdrup to northern Greenland
   Lieutenant Peary's especial field.

   Having planned a polar expedition similar to Peary's he sailed
   up the west coast, but the Fram was frozen in near Cape
   Sabine. Sverdrup therefore explored the western part of
   Ellesmere Land, then sailed again in an attempt to round the
   northern coast of Greenland.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

   International conference held at Stockholm in June recommended
   a program for hydrographical and biological work in the
   northern parts of the Atlantic ocean, the North Sea, the
   Baltic, and adjoining seas.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

   Scientific expedition of Edward Bay, a Dane, to Melville Bay,
   Greenland.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

   Swedish expedition under Dr. A. G. Nathorst to search for
   Andrée in eastern Greenland. Valuable observations made and
   fjord-systems of King Oscar Fjord and Kaiser Franz Josef Fjord
   mapped.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

   Explorations in Iceland by F. W. W. Howell and party.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

   Hydrographic surveys on the coasts of Iceland and the Färoe
   Islands by MM. Holm and Hammer in the Danish guard-ship Diana.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

   Joint Russian and Swedish expedition to Spitzbergen, for the
   measurement of a degree of the meridian. Owing to the
   condition of the ice, the northern and southern surveying
   parties unable to connect their work.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

   Explorations in Spitzbergen by the Prince of Monaco, with a
   scientific staff.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

   Successful experimental voyage of the Russian Vice-Admiral
   Makaroff in his ice-breaking steamer, the Yermak, north of
   Spitzbergen.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

   Russian government expedition, to cost £5,400, to explore
   northern shores of Siberia to mouths of the Obi and Yenesei.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899-1900.

   Arctic expedition of the Duke of the Abruzzi. His ship, the
   Stella Polare, was left at Crown Prince Rudolf Land during the
   winter. The Duke became incapacitated by a fall and by the loss
   of two joints from the fingers of his left hand, incurably
   frost-bitten; but a small party under Captain Cagni pushed
   northward till provisions were exhausted. Nansen's record was
   beaten, the Italian party reaching latitude 86° 33', at about
   56° East longitude. No land was found north or northwest of
   Spitzbergen. Three men were lost from Cagni's party.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

   Exploration of Ellesmere Land, Greenland, by Dr. Robert Stein,
   of the United States Geological Survey, Dr. Leopold Kann of
   Cornell, and Samuel Warmbath of Harvard, who took passage in
   the Peary supply ship Diana, trusting to chance for conveyance
   home. Their totally inadequate outfit was generously augmented
   by Peary's friends of the Diana. Dr. Kann returned in 1900,
   leaving Dr. Stein.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

   Seward peninsula, the most westward extension of Alaska,
   explored and surveyed by five government expeditions.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

   Exploration of the interior of northern Labrador by a party
   from Harvard University. Soundings along the coast by schooner
   Brave.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

   Second Danish expedition under Lieutenant Amdrup to east
   Greenland, completing the work of 1898-9 by mapping the coast
   between 67° 20' North and Cape Gladstone, about 70° North, and
   making valuable scientific collections.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

   Swedish expedition, under Gustav Kolthoff, to eastern
   Greenland, for study of the arctic fauna.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

   Swedish scientific expedition of Professor G. Kolthoff to
   Spitzbergen and Greenland.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

   Exploration of Spitzbergen by a Russian expedition under
   Knipovich.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

   Russian expedition to east coast of Nova Zembla by Lieutenant
   Borissoff to complete survey of the islands.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

   Dr. Nansen's expedition under the leadership of Dr. J. Hjort,
   for the physical and biological examination of the sea between
   Norway, Iceland, Jan Mayen and Spitzbergen.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

   German expedition, under Captain Bade, to explore East
   Spitzbergen, King Charles' Land and Franz Josef Land, and to
   look for traces of Andrée.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

   Attempt of a German, Captain Bauendahl, to reach the north
   pole, leaving his vessel in the ice north of Spitzbergen and
   traveling over the ice with provisions for two years, weighing
   ten tons.

{409}

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

   Scientific expedition of Baron E. von Toll to the unexplored
   Sannikoff Land, sighted in 1805 from the northern coast
   islands of New Siberia. Preceded by a party which established
   food depots at various places months before.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1901.

   Three exploring parties sent to Alaska by the United States
   Geological Survey.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1901.

   Expedition sent by the Duke of the Abruzzi to Franz Josef Land
   to search for the three men lost from his party in 1900.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1901.

   North polar expedition under Mr. Evelyn B. Baldwin of the
   United States Weather Bureau; splendidly equipped by Mr.
   William Ziegler of New York. Mr. Baldwin, who has had arctic
   experience with Lieutenant Peary and Mr. Wellman, will
   probably proceed by way of Franz Josef Land.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1901.

   Several expeditions to co-operate in exploration of the
   antarctic region and to reach the south pole if possible. The
   British expedition, long striven for by the Royal Geographical
   Society and the Royal Society and made possible by L. W.
   Longstaff's contribution of £25,000, to be under the command
   of Captain Robert Scott and to explore the Victoria (90°-180°
   East) and Ross (180°-90° West) quadrants,—in the main the
   region south of the Pacific. The Weddell (90° West-0°,
   Greenwich) and Enderby (0°-90 East) quadrants assigned to the
   finely equipped German expedition, under Drygalski, which will
   first explore south of the Indian Ocean. The Swedish expedition
   under Dr. Nordenskïold to explore the lands south of America.
   A private Scottish expedition under William S. Bruce to
   explore the Weddell Sea region south of the Atlantic Ocean. An
   Argentine expedition to visit the South Shetlands.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1901.

   Projected expedition of Captain J. E. Bernier of Quebec, on
   Nansen's principle, with a specially built vessel, to sail
   through Bering Strait, coast Siberia to longitude 170° or 165°
   East, then enter the ice. Sledging parties to push toward the
   pole, marking the route with hollow signal poles (of aluminum)
   packed with records and provisions, and maintaining
   communication with the ship by wireless telegraphy. This is
   one of two plans which he lays before the Canadian government.
   The other contemplates a movement, with dogs and reindeers,
   from Franz Josef Land, coming back to Spitzbergen, taking 12
   or 14 men, all scientists.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1901.

   Projected expedition of Herr Annschütz-Kämpfe, of Munich, to
   the north pole, in a submarine boat capable of carrying five
   men and remaining under water for fifteen hours at a time.

POLAR EXPLORATION: 1901.

   As this goes to press (April, 1901), a national antarctic
   expedition is being fitted out, jointly, by the Royal
   Geographical Society and the Royal Society of Great Britain,
   assisted by a subsidy of £45,000 from the British government.
   A steamer named the "Discovery," built especially for the
   expedition, at Dundee, was launched in March, and is being
   equipped with remarkable completeness. Special arrangements,
   says "The Times," will be made for magnetic work, while
   meteorology, geology and biology will be well cared for. "The
   staff of navigating officers and of scientific specialists has
   been carefully selected, and under Commander Robert Scott. R.
   N., who will be in command of the expedition, their work, we
   may be sure, will be so well organized that nothing of
   importance will be neglected. There will be five navigating
   officers, three of them belonging to the Royal Navy and two
   others to the Royal Naval Reserve, while the special
   scientific staff, including the two medical officers, will be
   of equal strength. … Captain Scott is at present investigating
   the question of the utility of balloons."

POLISH PARTY, in Austria.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896, and after.

POONA, The Plague at.

      See (in this volume)
      PLAGUE.

POPE LEO XIII.

      See (in this volume)
      PAPACY.

POPULATION:
   Of Europe and countries peopled from Europe.

      See (in this volume)
      NINETEENTH CENTURY: EXPANSION.

POPULIST PARTY, The.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
      and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PORT ARTHUR: A. D. 1894.
   Capture by Japanese.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.

PORT ARTHUR: A. D. 1895.
   Trans-Siberian Railway.
   Russo-Chinese Treaty.

      See (in this volume)
      RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1891-1900.

PORT ARTHUR: A. D. 1898.
   Lease to Russia.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-JULY).

   ----------PORTO RICO: Start--------

[Image: Map of Porto Rico.]

PORTO RICO:
   Area and Population.

   In the testimony given, January 13, 1900, before the United
   States Senate Committee on Pacific Islands and Porto Rico,
   General George W. Davis, Military Governor of Porto Rico, gave
   the following information: "The island of Puerto Rico has an area
   of about 3,600 square miles, according to the best information
   that now exists, but that area has to be verified, and it is
   doubted if the area is quite so large. It has a population of
   about a million, perhaps—certainly one of the most densely
   populated areas of 3,000 or 4,000 square miles on the face of
   the earth, approximating the density of population of Belgium,
   I think, and considerably greater than that of any of our
   thickly settled agricultural regions in the United States. New
   England has about 200 to the square mile while Puerto Rico has
   nearly 300. The inhabitants are mostly of Spanish
   origin—emigrants from Spain during the last 400 years and
   their descendants. There is a large representation from the
   Canary Islands and the Balearic group in the Mediterranean, a
   large number of Corsicans and their descendants, and
   consequently they are French subjects, a few Germans, a few
   English, and very few Americans before the occupation; a few
   Venezuelans, a few from Santo Domingo, and a few Cubans, but
   the most of the population is Spanish. Included in that
   million are about 300,000 negroes and mulattoes, approximately
   a little more than that number.
{410}
   About one-third of the entire population is of the negro or
   mixed race, what would be called in the United States
   'colored' people. Of pure-blood negroes there are about
   70,000, the remainder mulattoes, and all speaking Spanish, and
   largely the slaves liberated in 1874. The number of slaves
   liberated at that time was considerably less than the number
   of negroes in Puerto Rico, the number being only about 30,000,
   for whom some $11,000,000 was paid the owners. That statement
   gives a fair idea of the character of the population as
   respects numbers and race." Several small adjacent islands are
   regarded as belonging to Porto Rico and were included in the
   cession to the United States. One of these, named Viequez,
   about 15 miles long and 3 or 4 miles wide, is very fertile,
   and has about 7,000 inhabitants. On another, called Culebra,
   there are some 600 or 700 people. The remaining islands are
   smaller and unimportant.

      _56th Congress, 1st Session,
      Senate Document Number 147, pages 1-2._

PORTO RICO:
   The government as it was under Spanish rule.

   "The civil government of the island was the Governor-General,
   and the Governor-General was the civil government. All power
   was lodged in his hands and he was accountable only to Madrid.
   He was at once the executive, the legislative, and the judicial
   head. As Captain-General, he had chief command of the military
   forces, and made such disposition of them as he chose; as
   Governor-General, he conducted civil affairs, whether insular
   or municipal, according to his own pleasure. … If, as
   occasionally happened, he was a wise and good man, seeking the
   welfare of the people rather than his own personal enrichment
   or the advancement of his political friends, there was less
   cause for complaint from the people, who were completely
   ignored. As the position was one of great power and of large
   opportunities for pecuniary profit, it not infrequently went
   to those who were prepared to exploit it in their own
   interests. …

   "The system of autonomy, which was proclaimed November 25,
   1897 [see, in this volume, CUBA: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER)], was
   never fully installed. The war intervened, and the provincial
   legislature, which was its most important feature, was
   dissolved when Sampson's fleet appeared, and the
   Governor-General conducted the government practically on the
   old plan, except that the ministry, as provided by the
   autonomistic law, was retained, as follows: Secretary of
   government or of state, secretary of the treasury, secretary
   of the fomento or interior, including public works, public
   instruction, public lands, mines, etc., agriculture and
   commerce, and secretary of justice and worship. The last three
   secretaries were subordinate to the secretary of government,
   through whom all orders from the Governor-General and all
   communications to or from him must pass. The autonomist law
   allowed the secretaries or ministers to be members of one or
   the other of the two legislative chambers. The
   Governor-General with his council constituted the executive
   power. No act of his was valid unless approved by one of the
   secretaries, and the secretaries could issue no order which he
   had not countersigned. He had the power to convoke or dissolve
   the chambers, to refer objectionable bills to Madrid for
   approval or disapproval, and to appoint or remove the
   secretaries. All matters of a diplomatic character were in his
   hands exclusively, and, constituted by the Pope patronato
   real, he was the head of the church in the island and
   practical director of ecclesiastical affairs. The legislature
   consisted of two chambers, the council and the house of
   representatives. The council was composed of fourteen members,
   eight of whom were elected, and six appointed by the Crown;
   the house of representatives of one representative for each
   25,000 inhabitants, elected by the people. The liberality of
   this law is further indicated by the fact that it gave the
   right of suffrage to all males of 25 years of age and over.
   The two chambers were empowered to legislate on all insular
   questions, such as the estimates, which must be adopted by the
   Cortes at Madrid, public instruction, public works,
   sanitation, charities, etc. It will be seen that the reforms
   granted by this autonomistic decree were large in the letter,
   taking powers which the Governor-General had exercised
   unquestioned and giving them to the people, who had never been
   allowed to participate in the government of their own country.
   Whether it would have proved liberal in practical operation is
   not so certain. The Government invariably discriminated
   against Porto Ricans in favor of Spaniards, and it is also to
   be remembered that Spanish laws as written and Spanish laws as
   administered are not always identical."

      _H. K. Carroll (Special Commissioner),
      Report on Porto Rico, 1899, pages. 15-16._

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898 (May).
   American bombardment of forts at San Juan.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE).

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898 (July-August).
   American conquest of.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898 (July-December).
   Suspension of hostilities.
   Cession to the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (August-July).
   Popular feeling in the Island on the American occupation.
   Welcome to the Stars and Stripes.
   Expectations and desires of the people.
   Their character.
   Extent of illiteracy.
   The Peones.

   "All classes of natives of the island welcomed the American
   Army, American occupation, and American methods, and accepted
   without hesitation the Stars and Stripes in place of the red
   and yellow bars. They had not been disloyal to the old flag;
   but it had come to represent to them, particularly during the
   present century, in which a class feeling developed between
   the insular and the peninsular Spaniard, partiality and
   oppression. In the short war, some of the natives occupying
   official positions made demonstrations of loyalty to the Crown
   of Spain, as was perfectly natural, but they were among the
   first to submit to American rule when the protocol promised
   cession of the island to the United States. On the other hand,
   as the commissioner is informed, a Porto Rican who had hoped
   and prayed for American intervention for fifty years enrolled
   himself as a Spanish citizen some months after the war was
   concluded, and his hopes had been realized. Porto Ricans
   generally complained that the former Government discriminated
   in favor of the Spaniard, who, in the distribution of the
   offices, was preferred to the native, and who, aided by the
   powerful influence of the authorities, prospered in business
   as banker, merchant, manufacturer, or agriculturist. They also
   insist that the internal improvement of the island was
   neglected; that agriculture bore more than its share of the
   burden of taxation; that the assessments were very inequitable
   and unequal; that education was not fostered, and that in
   general the welfare of the people was not the first concern of
   their rulers.

{411}

   "They expect under American sovereignty that the wrongs of
   centuries will be righted; that they will have an honest and
   efficient government; the largest measure of liberty as
   citizens of the great Republic under the Constitution; home
   rule as provided by the Territorial system; free access to the
   markets of the United States and no customs duties on goods
   coming from our ports; a school system modeled after that of
   the United States; the adoption of the English language in due
   time and the general adaptation to the island of all those
   institutions which have contributed to the prosperity,
   progress, and happiness of the American people. The largest
   and most representative gathering, since American occupation,
   was held in San Juan, October 30, 1898, without distinction of
   party or class with the object of consultation and formulation of
   a programme for the future. In brief, the propositions of the
   congress as submitted to the commissioner for presentation to
   the President of the United States were these: Immediate
   termination of military and inauguration of civil government;
   establishment of the Territorial system, with laws common to
   other Territories of the Union; a legislature in two branches;
   suffrage for all male citizens of 21 years of age or over, the
   right to be surrendered at the end of the first two years by
   those who do not then know how to read and write; judicial
   reform; introduction of the jury system; autonomy for
   municipal governments; taxation on the basis of valuation;
   free and reciprocal commerce with the ports of the United
   States; aid for agriculture; obligatory and universal
   education; trade schools; savings banks. This programme of
   reforms seems to have very general support, although there is
   a difference of opinion on certain points. Many Porto Ricans
   urged the commissioner to represent them as desiring that the
   military regime be made as short as possible, not because the
   military governors were in any way objectionable or their rule
   oppressive, but because the civil status of the island should
   be fixed with no unnecessary delay. There was no other opinion
   except among foreign subjects, many of whom thought that the
   people were not yet ready for self-government, and that the
   firm hand of military power would be needed for probably two
   years. …

   "If the desire to assume the burdens of local self-government
   may be taken as indicating some degree of capacity for
   self-government, the people of Porto Rico certainly have the
   desire. They may be poor, but they are proud and sensitive,
   and would be bitterly disappointed if they found that they had
   been delivered from an oppressive yoke to be put under a
   tutelage which proclaimed their inferiority. Apart from such
   qualifications as general education and experience constitute,
   the commissioner has no hesitation in affirming that the
   people have good claims to be considered capable of
   self-government. Education and experience, although too high
   a value can hardly be set upon them, do not necessarily make
   good citizens. … The unswerving loyalty of Porto Rico to the
   Crown of Spain, as demonstrated by the truth of history, is no
   small claim to the confidence and trust of the United States.
   The people were obedient under circumstances which provoked
   revolt after revolt in other Spanish colonies. The habit of
   obedience is strong among them. Their respect for law is
   another notable characteristic. They are not turbulent or
   violent. Riots are almost unknown in the island; so is
   organized resistance to law; brigandage flourished only for a
   brief period after the war and its object was revenge rather
   than rapine. They are not a criminal people. The more violent
   crimes are by no means common. Burglary is almost unknown.
   There are many cases of homicide, but the number in proportion
   to population is not as large as in the United States.
   Thievery is the most common crime, and petty cases make up a
   large part of this list of offenses. The people as a whole are
   a moral, law-abiding class, mild in disposition, easy to
   govern, and possess the possibilities of developing a high
   type of citizenship."

      _H. K. Carroll (Special Commissioner),
      Report on Porto Rico, 1899, pages 55-57._

   "On the 25th day of July, 1899, an election was held in
   Adjuntas for municipal officers, and the registration was made
   in conformity to General Orders, No. 112, c. s., Headquarters
   Department of Puerto Rico. The order imposed the following
   qualifications for electors: Men over 21 years old, able to
   read and write, or who were taxpayers of record, who had been
   actual residents of the island for at least two years, and of
   the municipality for six months preceding the date of the
   election. The number who proved these qualifications before
   the board of registration was 906, out of a population,
   according to the census of 1897, of 18,505; that is, less than
   5 per cent could vote under the conditions stated. There was
   much public interest in this election, and it is believed that
   about all who were eligible were registered. This incident
   indicated that in the whole island there may be approximately
   45,000 who could vote under the conditions of the order above
   referred to. The class who can not fulfill these conditions,
   say 75 per cent of the males over 21 years of age, are usually
   in a state of abject poverty and ignorance, and are assumed to
   include one-fifth of the inhabitants. They are of the class
   usually called peones. This word in Spanish America, under old
   laws, defined a person who owed service to his creditor until
   the debt was paid. While those laws are obsolete, the
   condition of these poor people remains much as before. So
   great is their poverty that they are always in debt to the
   proprietors or merchants. They live in huts made of sticks and
   poles covered with thatches of palm leaves. A family of a
   dozen may be huddled together in one room, often with only a
   dirt floor. They have little food worthy of the name and only
   the most scanty clothing, while children of less than 7 or 8
   years of age are often entirely naked. A few may own a machete
   or a hoe, but more have no worldly possessions whatever. Their
   food is fruit, and if they are wage-earners, a little rice and
   codfish in addition. They are without ambition and see no
   incentive to labor beyond the least that will provide the
   barest sustenance. All over the island they can be seen to-day
   sitting beside their ruined huts, thinking naught of
   to-morrow, making no effort to repair and restore their cabins
   nor to replant for future food.

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   "The remarks of Mr. James Anthony Froude in his work on 'The
   English in the West Indies' apply with full force to these
   people: 'Morals in the technical sense they have none, but
   they can not be said to sin because they have no knowledge of
   law, and therefore they can commit no breach of the law. They
   are naked and not ashamed. They are married but not parsoned.
   The women prefer the looser tie, that they may be able to lose
   the man if he treats her unkindly. Yet they are not
   licentious. … The system is strange, but it answers. … There
   is evil, but there is not the demoralizing effect of evil.
   They sin, but they sin only as animals, without shame, because
   there is no sense of doing wrong. They eat the forbidden
   fruit, but it brings with it no knowledge of the difference
   between good and evil. … They are innocently happy in the
   unconsciousness of the obligations of morality. They eat,
   drink, sleep, and smoke, and do the least in the way of work
   they can. They have no ideas of duty, and therefore are not
   made uneasy by neglecting it.' Between the negro and the peon
   there is no visible difference. It is hard to believe that the
   pale, sallow, and often emaciated beings are the descendants
   of the conquistadores who carried the flag of Spain to nearly
   all of South America, and to one-third of North America."

      _General George W. Davis,
      Report on the Civil Government of Puerto Rico,
      September 30, 1899
      (Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,
      volume 2, pages 1293-1294)._

   "The educated class of Puerto Ricans are as well educated and
   accomplished as the educated men of any country. They have had
   the benefit of a liberal education, a few in the United
   States, a good many in France, and a great many in Madrid and
   Habana, where they have passed through the universities. The
   lawyers and doctors are all graduates of either the university
   in Habana or some university in Spain, with very few exceptions.
   The merchants are largely Spanish, many of whom will probably
   preserve their nationality under the provision of the Treaty
   of Paris which gives them that right. A few may adopt American
   citizenship, and ultimately possibly all will, but many of the
   merchants who conduct the largest part of the business of
   Puerto Rico will retain their Spanish citizenship. There are a
   number of merchants who are natives, a few Germans, and a few
   English. I do not remember any American merchant in business
   there before the occupation. The schools in Puerto Rico
   conducted under the Spanish system were few in number. The
   amount allotted for education by the insular budget was
   something like 300,000 pesos a year, as I now recall the
   figures. The teachers were officers of the government, holding
   life positions and receiving pensions when superannuated. They
   belong to a civil-service class which is not dependent upon
   any change of administration, only being removed for cause.
   The lawyers, or judges, rather, of the island, occupy a
   similar position."

      _General George W. Davis,
      Testimony before Senate Committee.
      (56th Congress, 1st Session, Senate Document. No. 147)._

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (October-October).
   The military government instituted by the United States.

   "The government of the island, its various civil institutions,
   its codes and its courts, the systems of taxation, etc., have
   been modified in very important particulars since the American
   occupation began, October 18, 1898. It will be useful, perhaps,
   to indicate the more important changes. Under General John R.
   Brooke [in command of the Department, October 18 to December
   5, 1898] orders were issued declaring

   (1) That the political relations of Porto Rico with Spain were
   at an end; that provincial and municipal laws were in force in
   so far as not incompatible with the changed conditions, and
   that they would be enforced substantially as they were before.

   (2) Abolishing the use of all stamped paper and stamps of
   every kind for documents, public and private.

   (3) Exempting all conveyances and contracts from the payment
   of royal dues.

   (4) Discontinuing the diputacion provincial, and distributing
   its duties among the secretaries or ministers.

   (5) Directing that appeals should not be sent to the supreme
   court in Madrid, but should be heard by the superior court at
   San Juan.

   (6) Abolishing the subdelegation of pharmacy which gave
   degrees to pharmacists.

   (7) Making the fisheries free to all.

   Appropriations for the support of the church ceased with
   American occupation, and the Government lottery was
   discontinued.

   "Under the military government of General Guy V. Henry
   [December 6, 1898 to May 8, 1899], orders were issued:

   (l) Appointing military commissions to try cases of arson and
   murder which had accumulated in the civil courts.

   (2) Closing public offices on Sunday, as far as possible.

   (3) Suspending the municipal tax on fresh beef for use of the
   Army.

   (4) Making Christmas and New Year's holidays.

   (5) Forbidding grants or concessions of public or corporate
   rights or franchises without the approval of the commanding
   general and the Secretary of War.

   (6) Abolishing the municipal consumo tax on articles of food,
   fuel, and drink, and providing for additional assessments on
   the sale of liquors and tobacco.

   (7) Separating the collection of customs duties from that of
   direct taxes.

   (8) Establishing a new system of land taxation, by which
   agricultural lands should be taxed according to the several
   classes instituted, from 1 peso down to 25 centavos per
   cuerda, and levying 50 per cent additional on lands whose
   owners reside abroad.

   (9) Providing for the free vaccination of the people of the
   island.

   (10) Prohibiting the exhumation of bodies in the cemeteries,
   recognizing the right of priests to control burials in
   consecrated grounds, and requiring municipalities to keep
   cemeteries in repair.

   (11) Reducing notarial fees from $1.88 to $1, from $4.50 to
   $1, from $11 to $1, and from $1 to 50 cents, according to
   class of document, and canceling others.

   (12) Reorganizing the cabinet, so as to make all the
   secretaries directly responsible to the governor-general.

   (13) Suspending the foreclosure of mortgages on agricultural
   property and machinery for one year.

   (14) Appointing February 22 a holiday.

   (15) Prohibiting the sale of liquor to children under 14 years
   of age.

   (16) Modifying the civil marriage law.

   (17) Declaring that eight hours shall constitute a day's work.


   (18) Creating an insular police.

{413}

   "Under the military government of General George W. Davis
   [May 8, 1899, to May 1, 1900], orders were issued

   (1) Modifying the order of

   General Henry concerning hours of labor, so as to allow
   agreements between employer and employee for longer or shorter
   hours.

   (2) Naming May 30 as a holiday.

   (3) Allowing the writ of habeas corpus to be issued.

   (4) Constituting a board of prison control and pardon.

   (5) Continuing the observance as a holiday of June 24.

   (6) Creating a provisional court on the basis of circuit and
   district courts of the United States for the hearing of cases
   not falling within the jurisdiction of local insular courts.

   (7) Creating a superior board of health for the island.

   (8) Reorganizing the bureau of public instruction and the
   system of education.

   (9) Relieving the judiciary from all control by the department
   of justice, discontinuing the office of secretary of justice,
   and appointing a solicitor-general.

   (10) Abolishing the sale at auction of the privilege of
   slaughter of cattle, and making it free.

   (11) Reorganizing the judicial system of the island, with a
   supreme court in San Juan and district courts in San Juan,
   Ponce, Mayaguez, Arecibo, and Humacao, and with modifications
   of civil and criminal procedure.

   (12) Discontinuing the departments of state, treasury, and
   interior, and creating bureaus of state and municipal affairs,
   of internal revenue, and of agriculture, to be placed under
   the direction of a civil secretary, responsible to the
   governor-general, and continuing the bureaus of education and
   public works, with an insular board of nine members to advise
   the governor-general on matters of public interest referred to
   them.

   "The reductions in the budget of expenditures have been
   extensive. That of 1898-99, adopted in June, 1898, amounted to
   $4,781,920, native money. The appropriations for 'general
   obligations,' which went to Madrid, $498,502, for the clergy,
   $197,945; for the army, $1,252,378; for the navy, $222,668,
   making a total of $2,171,493, ceased to be obligations,
   leaving $2,610,428 for the fiscal year. A new budget was
   adopted for the calendar year 1899, which still further
   reduces expenditures, calling only for $1,462,276. This
   budget, if carried out, would have involved a reduction from
   the proposed budget of 1898-99 of $3,319,644; but a new budget
   was formed, as already stated, for 1899-1900, which appears to
   call for an increase over this very moderate sum. The revenues
   were reduced by the abolition of stamped paper, personal
   passports, export duties, royal dues on conveyances, the
   lottery system, and other sources of income, amounting, all
   told, to less probably than a million of pesos."

      _H. R. Carroll (Special Commissioner),
      Report on Porto Rico, October 6, 1899, pages 53-55._

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1899 (August).
   Destructive cyclone.

   "On the morning of the 7th of August, 1899, the United States
   Weather Bureau, through its branch establishment here,
   announced the approach of a cyclonic disturbance, and the
   danger signal was ordered to be hoisted at substations of the
   Bureau at Ponce and Mayaguez. At the same time I directed that
   the danger be reported to all commanding officers of posts
   throughout the island. There had been no serious or
   destructive storm in Puerto Rico since 1867, and the
   inhabitants had ceased to feel great concern on account of
   tropical tempests. Except at seaports, little heed was given
   to the caution, and in some cases the telegraph operators
   failed to receive or to promptly deliver the warning messages.
   The vortex of the cyclone appears to have traversed the island
   throughout its whole length, from about Humacao to Mayaguez,
   and its path was a scene of very great devastation. … The gale
   struck the island at Humacao about midnight of August 7, and
   furiously blew all the rest of that night and well into the
   next day, while at Mayaguez the violence was not great until 9
   o'clock on the morning of the 8th. But as the latter town was
   under the lee of high mountains, it suffered much less than it
   would have done had it been higher or not thus protected. Most
   of the habitations in the track of the center of the cyclone
   were entirely smashed and the débris strewn all over the
   country. The full reports of the loss of life bring the number
   of deaths up to 2,700. The wind worked dreadful havoc with nearly
   everything useful to man. Besides the mortality, which was
   appalling, the material damage was almost beyond belief. But
   the greatest loss of life resulted, not from the wind, but
   from the terrible downfall of rain that immediately followed.
   … Added to the horror of the situation there came with the
   gale on the southern coast a tidal wave, which submerged large
   areas with sea water and swept away what the wind and rain had
   spared, in some places completing the destruction. Every river
   bed or bottom of a land depression was a roaring torrent. The
   wind uprooted myriads of trees, and the rain, entering and
   permeating the soil, loosened it, and on steep declivities
   resulted in avalanches of earth, mud, and water, covering wide
   areas and piling up the debris in the ravines and gorges. … The
   material loss to the coffee growers can as yet only be
   estimated, but the most conservative figures received place
   this year's crop at one-third of the normal. … Regard being
   had to the fact that five years must elapse before the coffee
   trees and their shade can be replanted and reach a normal
   bearing condition, the total loss can not be safely placed
   below 25,000,000 pesos for Puerto Rico on account of this
   hurricane."

      _General George W. Davis,
      Report (Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,
      volume 2, pages 1343-1344)._

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1899 (October).
   Census of the Island taken under the direction of the
   War Department of the United States.

   "The population of Porto Rico shown by the schedules of the
   present census taken with reference to the date of October 16,
   1899, was 953,243. This was about nine-tenths of the
   population of Maryland in 1890, the State whose population is
   nearest to that of Porto Rico. … If the figures for … earlier
   censuses may be accepted, it appears that the population of
   Porto Rico has been growing through the last twelve years with
   greater rapidity than before since 1860. Its present rate of
   increase is about the same as that of Ohio, Tennessee, or the
   Carolinas during the decade between 1880 and 1890. … It
   appears that the average increase of population in the
   interior has been more rapid than that on the coast. If the
   figures for the coast cities of San Juan, Ponce, and Mayaguez
   had been excluded, the difference would be yet more marked.
   The depressed condition of sugar-cane growing in the West
   Indies of recent years may have played an important part in
   producing this difference, for the growing of sugar cane is
   prevalent in the coast plains of Porto Rico.

{414}

   "The area of Porto Rico, including the adjacent and dependent
   islands of Vieques, Culebra, Mona, and Muertos, has been
   measured in connection with this census and found to be 3,606
   square miles. But owing to the imperfect surveys on which all
   maps of Porto Rico are based there must be a considerable and
   indeterminate margin of possible error in any such
   measurement. The island is about three times the size of Long
   Island, which was in 1890 perhaps the largest insular division
   of the United States. It is also slightly greater than the
   eastern shore of Maryland (3,461 square miles). … Porto Rico
   has 264 persons to a square mile. This density of population
   is about the same as in Massachusetts, twice that in New York
   State, and thrice that in Ohio. It is more than seven times
   that of Cuba and not much less than twice that of Habana
   province. …

   "The people of Porto Rico are, in the main, a rural community.
   There are no large cities in the island, the two largest being
   San Juan, which, regarding the entire municipal district as a
   city, had a population of 32,048, and Ponce, which with its
   port constituted practically one city, with a population of
   27,952. These are the only two cities exceeding 25,000
   inhabitants. The next city of magnitude is Mayaguez, on the
   west coast, with a population of 15,187. The only other city
   exceeding 8,000 inhabitants is Arecibo, with a population of
   8,008. The total urban population of the island contained in
   cities exceeding 8,000 inhabitants each is 83,195, or only 8.7
   per cent of the population of the island. This is a much
   smaller proportion than in Cuba, where the corresponding
   figures are 32.3 per cent, or in the United States, where the
   corresponding proportion in 1890 was 29.2 per cent. There are
   in Porto Rico 57 cities, each having a population of 1,000 or
   more. The total urban population of the island, under this
   definition, numbers 203,792, or 21.4 per cent of the total
   number of inhabitants of the island. Similar figures for Cuba
   show 47.1 per cent of the population of that island."

      _Census of Porto Rico, Bulletin No.1._

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1899-1900.
   The question of the tariff treatment of its new Territory
   by the United States Government.

   Writing in "The Forum," November, 1899, Mr. H. K. Carroll, who
   had investigated the conditions in Porto Rico as a Special
   Commissioner of the United States government, described the
   obligation which, in his view, they imposed on the latter as
   follows: "The only free market the Puertorican has for his
   products is the island market. All the rest of the world is
   closed to him. He cannot even buy in a free market; everything
   he buys as well as everything he sells being subject to
   duties. This is the penalty of independence; but Puerto Rico
   is not, and does not want to be, independent. She wants such
   commercial relations with us as Alaska, New Mexico, and
   Arizona have, and desires a territorial form of government. I
   am of the opinion that we cannot refuse these reasonable
   requests without doing great injustice to Puerto Rico. It must
   be remembered that we sought Puerto Rico; for Puerto Rico did
   not seek us. We wrested her from the sovereignty of Spain,
   without asking her if she desired to change her allegiance. We
   were of the opinion that she was not justly treated by Spain;
   that she was governed in the interests of the mother country
   solely; that she was oppressed and overtaxed and denied a
   proper measure of home rule; and that in consequence we were
   serving the cause of humanity in breaking the chains that
   bound her. This was what the Puertoricans thought also. They
   welcomed our troops and our control. They were glad to turn
   their backs on the history of the past, and begin under the
   glorious Republic of the North a new and more prosperous
   career. They are disappointed, perhaps unreasonably, that
   their new life has not already begun; they are eagerly
   expectant. They look to the President to recommend, and to
   Congress to adopt, a system of government which will make the
   island a Territory, equal in rank and rights and privileges to
   existing Territories. They ought not to be disappointed
   without the best and strongest of reasons. Three reasons are
   mentioned in opposition to the granting of territorial
   government to Puerto Rico. First, admission as a Territory
   implies ultimate admission to statehood; and statehood for
   islands separated as Hawaii and Puerto Rico are by from 1,200
   to 2,500 miles from the United States is not to be thought of
   for a moment. Second, territorial organization involves the
   relinquishment of customs duties; and the cane and tobacco
   growers of our West India possession would have free access to
   the markets of the United States, and thus come into injurious
   competition with our own farmers. Third, the people of Puerto
   Rico are not competent for the measure of self-government
   which the territorial system provides."

   This most reasonable and just view of the duty of the American
   people to their new fellow citizens received strong
   endorsement from higher official authority in the subsequent
   annual report of the Secretary of War, who said: "It is plain
   that it is essential to the prosperity of the island that she
   should receive substantially the same treatment at our hands
   as she received from Spain while a Spanish colony, and that
   the markets of the United States should be opened to her as
   were the markets of Spain and Cuba before the transfer of
   allegiance. Congress has the legal right to regulate the
   customs duties between the United States and Porto Rico as it
   pleases; but the highest considerations of justice and good
   faith demand that we should not disappoint the confident
   expectation of sharing in our prosperity with which the people
   of Porto Rico so gladly transferred their allegiance to the
   United States, and that we should treat the interests of this
   people as our own; and I wish most strongly to urge that the
   customs duties between Porto Rico and the United States be
   removed."

      _Message and Documents:
      Abridgment, 1899-1900, volume 2, page 757._

   And, finally, the President of the United States, in his
   Message to Congress, December 5, 1899, gave his high authority
   to the declaration that this duty of his government to Porto
   Rico was "plain": "It must be borne in mind," he said, "that
   since the cession Porto Rico has been denied the principal
   markets she had long enjoyed and our tariffs have been
   continued against her products as when she was under Spanish
   sovereignty. The markets of Spain are closed to her products
   except upon terms to which the commerce of all nations is
   subjected. The island of Cuba, which used to buy her cattle
   and tobacco without customs duties, now imposes the same
   duties upon these products as from any other country entering
   her ports.
{415}
   She has therefore lost her free intercourse with Spain and
   Cuba, without any compensating benefits in this market. Her
   coffee was little known and not in use by our people, and
   therefore there was no demand here for this, one of her chief
   products. The markets of the United States should be opened up
   to her products. Our plain duty is to abolish all customs
   tariffs between the United States and Porto Rico and give her
   products free access to our markets."

      _Message and Documents: Abridgment,
      volume 1, page 53._

   Notwithstanding all which high official acknowledgments and
   declarations of obligation and duty, on the part of the
   Republic of the United States to the people of the island
   which it had wrested from Spain, certain interests in the
   former that objected to competition from the latter were able
   to secure legislation which deferred the performance of the
   "plain duty" required. An Act of Congress which the President
   approved on the 12th of April, 1900, "temporarily to provide
   revenues and a civil government for Porto Rico and for other
   purposes," enacted as follows:

   "SECTION 3.
   That on and after the passage of this Act all merchandise
   coming into the United States from Porto Rico and coming into
   Porto Rico from the United States shall be entered at the
   several ports of entry upon payment of fifteen per centum of
   the duties which are required to be levied, collected, and
   paid upon like articles of merchandise imported from foreign
   countries; and in addition thereto upon articles of
   merchandise of Porto Rican manufacture coming into the United
   States and withdrawn for consumption or sale upon payment of a
   tax equal to the internal-revenue tax imposed in the United
   States upon the like articles of merchandise of domestic
   manufacture; such tax to be paid by internal-revenue stamp or
   stamps to be purchased and provided by the Commissioner of
   Internal Revenue and to be procured from the collector of
   internal revenue at or most convenient to the port of entry of
   said merchandise in the United States, and to be affixed under
   such regulations as the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, with
   the approval of the Secretary of the Treasury, shall
   prescribe; and on all articles of merchandise of United States
   manufacture coming into Porto Rico in addition to the duty
   above provided upon payment of a tax equal in rate and amount
   to the internal-revenue tax imposed in Porto Rico upon the
   like articles of Porto Rican manufacture: Provided, That on
   and after the date when this Act shall take effect, all
   merchandise and articles, except coffee, not dutiable under
   the tariff laws of the United States, and all merchandise and
   articles entered in Porto Rico free of duty under' orders
   heretofore made by the Secretary of War, shall be admitted
   into the several ports thereof, when imported from the United
   States, free of duty, all laws or parts of laws to the
   contrary notwithstanding; and whenever the legislative
   assembly of Porto Rico shall have enacted and put into
   operation a system of local taxation to meet the necessities
   of the government of Porto Rico, by this Act established, and
   shall by resolution duly passed so notify the President, he
   shall make proclamation thereof, and thereupon all tariff
   duties on merchandise and articles going into Porto Rico from
   the United States or coming into the United States from Porto
   Rico shall cease, and from and after such date all such
   merchandise and articles shall be entered at the several ports
   of entry free of duty; and in no event shall any duties be
   collected after the first day of March, nineteen hundred and
   two, on merchandise and articles going into Porto Rico from
   the United States or coming into the United States from Porto
   Rico.

   "SECTION 4.
   That the duties and taxes collected in Porto Rico in pursuance
   of this Act, less the cost of collecting the same, and the
   gross amount of all collections of duties and taxes in the
   United States upon articles of merchandise coming from Porto
   Rico, shall not be covered into the general fund of the
   Treasury, but shall be held as a separate fund, and shall be
   placed at the disposal of the President to be used for the
   government and benefit of Porto Rico until the government of
   Porto Rico herein provided for shall have been organized, when
   all moneys theretofore collected under the provisions hereof,
   then unexpended, shall be transferred to the local treasury of
   Porto Rico, and the Secretary of the Treasury shall designate
   the several ports and sub-ports of entry in Porto Rico, and
   shall make such rules and regulations and appoint such agents
   as may be necessary to collect the duties and taxes authorized
   to be levied, collected, and paid in Porto Rico by the
   provisions of this Act, and he shall fix the compensation and
   provide for the payment thereof of all such officers, agents,
   and assistants as he may find it necessary to employ to carry
   out the provisions hereof: Provided, however, That as soon as
   a civil government for Porto Rico shall have been organized in
   accordance with the provisions of this Act and notice thereof
   shall have been given to the President he shall make
   proclamation thereof, and thereafter all collections of duties
   and taxes in Porto Rico under the provisions of this Act shall
   be paid into the treasury of Porto Rico, to be expended as
   required by law for the government and benefit thereof instead
   of being paid into the Treasury of the United States."

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (April).
   Act to provide temporarily for the civil government
   of the Island.

   The fundamental provisions of the act of the Congress of the
   United States to provide temporarily for the civil government
   of Porto Rico, which the President approved April 12, 1900,
   are the following:

   "SECTION 6.
   That the capital of Porto Rico shall be at the city of San
   Juan and the seat of government shall be maintained there.

   "SECTION 7.
   That all inhabitants continuing to reside therein who were
   Spanish subjects on the eleventh day of April, eighteen
   hundred and ninety-nine, and then resided in Porto Rico, and
   their children born subsequent thereto, shall be deemed and
   held to be citizens of Porto Rico, and as such entitled to the
   protection of the United States, except such as shall have
   elected to preserve their allegiance to the Crown of Spain on
   or before the eleventh day of April, nineteen hundred, in
   accordance with the provisions of the treaty of peace between
   the United States and Spain entered into on the eleventh day
   of April, eighteen hundred and ninety-nine; and they, together
   with such citizens of the United States as may reside in Porto
   Rico, shall constitute a body politic under the name of The
   People of Porto Rico, with governmental powers as hereinafter
   conferred, and with power to sue and be sued as such.

{416}

   "SECTION 8.
   That the laws and ordinances of Porto Rico now in force shall
   continue in full force and effect, except as altered, amended,
   or modified hereinafter, or as altered or modified by military
   orders and decrees in force when this Act shall take effect,
   and so far as the same are not inconsistent or in conflict
   with the statutory laws of the United States not locally
   inapplicable, or the provisions hereof, until altered,
   amended, or repealed by the legislative authority hereinafter
   provided for Porto Rico or by Act of Congress of the United
   States: Provided, That so much of the law which was in force
   at the time of cession, April eleventh, eighteen hundred and
   ninety-nine, forbidding the marriage of priests, ministers, or
   followers of any faith because of vows they may have taken,
   being paragraph four, article eighty-three, chapter three,
   civil code, and which was continued by the order of the
   secretary of justice of Porto Rico, dated March seventeenth,
   eighteen hundred and ninety-nine, and promulgated by
   Major-General Guy V. Henry, United States Volunteers, is
   hereby repealed and annulled, and all persons lawfully married
   in Porto Rico shall have all the rights and remedies conferred
   by law upon parties to either civil or religious marriages:
   And provided further, That paragraph one, article one hundred
   and five, section four, divorce, civil code, and paragraph
   two, section nineteen, of the order of the minister of justice
   of Porto Rico, dated March seventeenth, eighteen hundred and
   ninety-nine, and promulgated by Major-General Guy V. Henry,
   United States Volunteers, be, and the same hereby are, so
   amended as to read: 'Adultery on the part of either the
   husband or the wife.' …

   "SECTION 14.
   That the statutory laws of the United States not locally
   inapplicable, except as hereinbefore or hereinafter otherwise
   provided, shall have the same force and effect in Porto Rico
   as in the United States, except the internal-revenue laws,
   which, in view of the provisions of section three, shall not
   have force and effect in Porto Rico.

   "SECTION 15.
   That the legislative authority hereinafter provided shall have
   power by due enactment to amend, alter, modify, or repeal any
   law or ordinance, civil or criminal, continued in force by
   this Act, as it may from time to time see fit.

   "SECTION 16.
   That all judicial process shall run in the name of 'United
   States of America, ss: the President of the United States,'
   and all criminal or penal prosecutions in the local courts
   shall be conducted in the name and by the authority of 'The
   People of Porto Rico'; and all officials authorized by this
   Act shall before entering upon the duties of their respective
   offices take an oath to support the Constitution of the United
   States and the laws of Porto Rico.

   "SECTION 17.
   That the official title of the chief executive officer shall
   be 'The Governor of Porto Rico.' He shall be appointed by the
   President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate;
   he shall hold his office for a term of four years and until
   his successor is chosen and qualified unless sooner removed by
   the President; he shall reside in Porto Rico during his
   official incumbency, and shall maintain his office at the seat
   of government; he may grant pardons and reprieves, and remit
   fines and forfeitures for offenses against the laws of Porto
   Rico, and respites for offenses against the laws of the United
   States, until the decision of the President can be
   ascertained; he shall commission all officers that he may be
   authorized to appoint, and may veto any legislation enacted,
   as hereinafter provided; he shall be the commander in chief of
   the militia, and shall at all times faithfully execute the
   laws, and he shall in that behalf have all the powers of
   governors of the Territories of the United States that are not
   locally inapplicable; and he shall annually, and at such other
   times as he may be required, make official report of the
   transactions of the government in Porto Rico, through the
   Secretary of State, to the President of the United States:
   Provided, That the President may, in his discretion, delegate
   and assign to him such executive duties and functions as may
   in pursuance with law be so delegated and assigned.

   "SECTION 18.
   That there shall be appointed by the President, by and with
   the advice and consent of the Senate, for the period of four
   years, unless sooner removed by the President, a secretary, an
   attorney-general, a treasurer, an auditor, a commissioner of
   the interior, and a commissioner of education, each of whom
   shall reside in Porto Rico during his official incumbency and
   have the powers and duties hereinafter provided for them,
   respectively, and who, together with five other persons of
   good repute, to be also appointed by the President for a like
   term of four years, by and with the advice and consent of the
   Senate, shall constitute an executive council, at least five
   of whom shall be native inhabitants of Porto Rico, and, in
   addition to the legislative duties hereinafter imposed upon
   them as a body, shall exercise such powers and perform such
   duties as are hereinafter provided for them, respectively, and
   who shall have power to employ all necessary deputies and
   assistants for the proper discharge of their duties as such
   officials and as such executive council. …

   "SECTION 27.
   That all local legislative powers hereby granted shall be
   vested in a legislative assembly which shall consist of two
   houses; one the executive council, as hereinbefore
   constituted, and the other a house of delegates, to consist of
   thirty-five members elected biennially by the qualified voters
   as hereinafter provided; and the two houses thus constituted
   shall be designated 'The legislative assembly of Porto Rico.'

   "SECTION 28.
   That for the purposes of such elections Porto Rico shall be
   divided by the executive council into seven districts,
   composed of contiguous territory and as nearly equal as may be
   in population, and each district shall be entitled to five
   members of the house of delegates.

   SECTION 29.
   That the first election for delegates shall be held on such
   date and under such regulations as to ballots and voting as
   the executive council may prescribe. … At such elections all
   citizens of Porto Rico shall be allowed to vote who have been
   bona fide residents for one year and who possess the other
   qualifications of voters under the laws and military orders in
   force on the first day of March, 1900, subject to such
   modifications and additional qualifications and such
   regulations and restrictions as to registration as may be
   prescribed by the executive council. …

{417}

   "SECTION 32.
   That the legislative authority herein provided shall extend to
   all matters of a legislative character not locally inapplicable,
   including power to create, consolidate, and reorganize the
   municipalities, so far as may be necessary, and to provide and
   repeal laws and ordinances therefor; and also the power to
   alter, amend, modify, and repeal any and all laws and
   ordinances of every character now in force in Porto Rico, or
   any municipality or district thereof, not inconsistent with
   the provisions hereof: Provided, however, That all grants of
   franchises, rights, and privileges or concessions of a public
   or quasi-public nature shall be made by the executive council,
   with the approval of the governor, and all franchises granted
   in Porto Rico shall be reported to Congress, which hereby
   reserves the power to annul or modify the same.

   "SECTION 33.
   That the judicial power shall be vested in the courts and
   tribunals of Porto Rico as already established and now in
   operation, including municipal courts. …

   "SECTION 34.
   That Porto Rico shall constitute a judicial district to be
   called 'the district of Porto Rico.' The President, by and
   with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint a
   district judge, a district attorney, and a marshal for said
   district, each for a term of four years, unless sooner removed
   by the President. The district court for said district shall
   be called the district court of the United States for Porto
   Rico.

   "SECTION 35.
   That writs of error and appeals from the final decisions of
   the supreme court of Porto Rico and the district court of the
   United States shall be allowed and may be taken to the Supreme
   Court of the United States in the same manner and under the
   same regulations and in the same cases as from the supreme
   courts of the Territories of the United States. …

   "SECTION 39.
   That the qualified voters of Porto Rico shall, on the first
   Tuesday after the first Monday of November, anno Domini
   nineteen hundred, and every two years thereafter, choose a
   resident commissioner to the United States, who shall be
   entitled to official recognition as such by all Departments,
   upon presentation to the Department of State of a certificate
   of election of the governor of Porto Rico, and who shall be
   entitled to a salary, payable monthly by the United States, at
   the rate of five thousand dollars per annum: Provided, That no
   person shall be eligible to such election who is not a bona
   fide citizen of Porto Rico, who is not thirty years of age,
   and who does not read and write the English language.

   "SECTION 40.
   That a commission, to consist of three members, at least one
   of whom shall be a native citizen of Porto Rico, shall be
   appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent
   of the Senate, to compile and revise the laws of Porto Rico; also
   the various codes of procedure and systems of municipal
   government now in force, and to frame and report such
   legislation as may be necessary to make a simple, harmonious,
   and economical government, establish justice and secure its
   prompt and efficient administration, inaugurate a general
   system of education and public instruction, provide buildings
   and funds therefor, equalize and simplify taxation and all the
   methods of raising revenue, and make all other provisions that
   may be necessary to secure and extend the benefits of a
   republican form of government to all the inhabitants of Porto
   Rico."

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (May).
   Organization of civil government.
   Appointment of Governor Allen.

   Under the Act to establish civil government in Porto Rico,
   Honorable. Charles H. Allen, formerly a representative in
   Congress from Massachusetts, and lately Assistant-Secretary of
   the Navy, was appointed to the governorship of the island. Mr.
   J. H. Hollander, of Maryland, was appointed Treasurer, and Mr.
   John R. Garrison, of the District of Columbia, Auditor.
   Governor Allen was inducted into office with considerable
   ceremony, at San Juan, on the 1st of May.

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (August-October).
   First steps in the creation of a public school system.

   "The report of M. G. Brumbaugh, commissioner of education, on
   education in Porto Rico, dated October 15, 1900, shows what
   has been accomplished in the short time that elapsed after the
   commissioner entered upon his duties on August 4, 1900. … The
   people want schools … and the pupils will attend them. In
   1899, 616 schools were opened in Porto Rico. In 1900 the
   department will maintain at least 800 schools, an increase of
   30 per cent, which will provide for nearly 9,000 additional
   pupils.

   "In 1899 there were 67 Americans in the teaching force of the
   island. Since October 1, 1900, the number has increased to
   100. The commissioner criticises one class of teachers who are
'seekers after novelty and new experiences, who imposed upon the
   administration and the children, and who used the salary and
   position of teacher solely to see a new country for a year and
   then return. … The people of Porto Rico have patiently borne
   with these adventurers, and quietly longed for their
   departure.' This class of teachers is now gone and the newly
   selected American teachers have some knowledge of Spanish and
   are graduates of universities, colleges, and normal schools in
   the States, and are for the most part young men and women of
   ability and discretion. The salaries of American teachers were
   fixed by law at $40 per month for nine months in cities of
   less than 5,000 population. In cities of larger population the
   salary was $50 per month for nine months and both are
   inadequate, although at the time the salaries were fixed the
   War Department provided free transportation from and to the
   United States. This transportation may now be withdrawn at any
   time, and the small inducement held out by the meager salary
   offered to teachers is not calculated to invite the best class
   of them to the island.

   "The new normal and industrial school at Fajardo, which was to
   have been established by the joint efforts of the local
   municipality and the American Government, was only so far
   advanced that the land had been purchased by the end of
   September, 1900. The normal department was opened October 1,
   in a rented building, while the industrial department cannot
   be opened until suitable quarters are provided. The
   commissioner recommends that the United States make this place
   the site of an agricultural experiment station for which it is
   pre-eminently fitted. On account of the industries of the
   country—coffee, sugar, tobacco, and fruit—agriculture could be
   well studied here, and free boarding, lodging, and tuition would
   be given the students, who would be for the most part poor
   boys and girls.

   "As to the school accommodation, the commissioner states that
   there are no public school buildings in Porto Rico. The
   schools are conducted in rented houses or rooms which are
   often unfit for the purpose, and the hygienic conditions are
   bad. There is a wide field, or rather a demand, for
   improvement in this direction, as well as in the school
   equipment and material.

{418}

   In 1899, $33,000 was expended for school-books, and in 1900,
   $20,000 will be expended for books and supplies, which shall
   be free. In the United States 'free books' means usually their
   purchase by local boards and free use by the pupils. In Porto
   Rico the books and supplies will be free to the pupils without
   expense to the local boards. A pedagogical museum and library
   has been established for the benefit of teachers and others.
   About 300 volumes have been contributed to the library from
   friends in the States, and the Department will make the number
   up to 500 by purchase. A library of 5,000 volumes of standard
   Spanish and American literature was found in a building in San
   Juan, which has been installed in suitable rooms as a public
   library.

   "Many of the leading institutions of the United States have
   responded cordially to the application of the Department of
   Education on behalf of young Porto Ricans who wish to
   prosecute their studies in colleges and universities. Some
   have offered free tuition, some have added free lodging, while
   others have offered even free living to all such students as
   wish to avail themselves of their instruction. Many young
   Porto Ricans have availed themselves of these generous offers.

   "There are now 800 schools in Porto Rico, and 38,000 pupils
   attending them, while there are 300,000 children of school age
   for whom there are no accommodations. But the commissioner
   expresses the hope that gradually the great illiteracy in
   Porto Rico will be reduced, and the people prepared for the
   duties of citizenship in a democracy by means of the schools
   that shall be established. … The total expenditure for
   education in Porto Rico from the 1st of May to the end of
   September was $91,057.32."

      _United States, Secretary of the Interior,
      Annual Report, November 28, 1900, page 116._

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (November-December).
   The first election under U. S. law.
   Meeting of the Legislative Assembly.

   The first election in the Island under the provisions of the
   Act recited above occurred on the 6th of November
   simultaneously with the elections in the United States. It
   seems to have been almost entirely a one-sided vote. "About
   two weeks before election day," says a despatch from San Juan,
   November 7, "the Federal Party, which carried the island at
   the election of less than a year ago by a majority of 6,500
   votes, suddenly withdrew from the electoral contest. The
   Federal leaders sent instruction to their followers not to
   appear at the polls, but the Federal Election Judges were
   instructed to appear and watch the proceedings until the
   elections were concluded in order to gather evidence of any
   unfairness in the registration and any irregularity in the
   voting. The Federal Party intends to institute court
   proceedings after the election in the hope of nullifying it,
   claiming that gross irregularities in the registration and
   voting will be shown, and alleging that the districting was
   not done according to law." Only about 200 Federals voted, it
   is stated, while some 60,000 votes were cast for the
   candidates of the Republicans. Governor Allen cabled the
   following announcement of the election to President McKinley:
   "I am gratified and delighted. The outcome in Porto Rico is a
   guarantee of the island's future. To bring people who had long
   been under different rules and conditions to their first
   general election, to have the election pass off as quietly and
   orderly as in any State of the North conducted by the people
   without let or hindrance, and without a soldier or armed force
   of any sort, and to have nearly 60.000 men march to the polls
   to deposit their first ballot for self-government in such a
   manner, are good reasons for congratulation, not only to the
   people of the island, but to the painstaking members of the
   Administration, who had worked diligently and patiently to
   this end. This overwhelming Republican victory also means
   legislation for the good of the island in line with the
   American Administration. It means stable government and the
   protection of property interests, with which prospective
   investors in Porto Rico are deeply concerned. It means
   education, public works, and all the beneficent works which
   follow legislation wisely and conscientiously undertaken. It
   is an emphatic declaration of unqualified loyalty to the
   United States."

   The newly elected Legislative Assembly met and the House of
   Delegates was organized December 3. A correspondent of the
   "New York Tribune," writing a week later, said: "Already
   nineteen bills have been introduced. To introduce nineteen
   bills in six days after organizing, as well as forming the
   regular committees, is not bad work when it is considered that
   not one of the members had the slightest idea of parliamentary
   procedure. During the session one of the members may be seen
   making frequent trips to the Executive Mansion, where he
   confers with Secretary Hunt in regard to some doubtful point.
   It is said by some that in a short time the lower house will
   be controlled entirely by the portfolio members of the
   Council. It is known that the five Porto Rican members of the
   Council, when considering the question of franchises, etc.,
   often vote contrary to their own ideas in order that the
   Council may continue harmonious. But it is not likely that the
   heads of departments will be able to control the thirty-five
   members of the House. The House, although regularly elected,
   is not representative of the island; the Federals refraining
   from voting kept over half the natives from the polls. The
   Federal party, it is asserted, is made up of the richest and
   best element of Porto Rico. The Republicans, though in power,
   do not feel that they are able to run things alone, so the
   majority is willing to be dictated to by the Council.
   Nevertheless there is a certain element in the House which
   will not be dictated to. So soon as any really important bill
   comes up for debate it is predicted that the House will divide
   against itself. And a little later, when the House passes some
   pet bill and the Council rejects it, the House will probably
   resign in a body. It is a natural trait of the people.'

   After another fortnight had passed, the same correspondent
   wrote very discouragingly of the disposition shown by a
   majority of the members of the House of Delegates, and their
   conduct of business, and stated: "The popular opinion among
   the Americans, even among some of the higher officials, is
   that if the House continues as it is Congress will abolish it
   altogether, and govern the island through a Governor and
   Cabinet. Such irregular procedure has been followed that it is
   a question here whether any business has been legally done."

{419}

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1901 (January),
   Close of the first session of the Legislative Assembly.

   The first session of the first Legislative Assembly of the
   island came to a close on the 31st of January, 1901, and the
   following remarks on its work were made in a newspaper
   despatch of that date from San Juan: "Over one hundred bills
   have been introduced in the House of Delegates, and dozens
   have been passed by both houses, and are awaiting the
   Governor's approval. … Committees have a hard day's work if
   they get together and agree to pass the bills on hand before
   midnight to-night. Ever since the House of Delegates resumed
   business after the new year, eight or nine members have been
   continually absent. There are only thirty-five members
   altogether, and the island is small, yet twenty-six has been
   the average attendance. A full attendance for even one day is
   not recorded. It was predicted that a number of the members
   would resign; they did not. They simply remained away, like
   truant schoolboys. A bill has been passed providing for the
   education of certain young Porto Rican men and women in the
   United States, about two hundred of them having petitioned the
   House of Delegates to be sent north at the island's expense.
   It is not known on what ground these petitions have been made.
   The island expends about $400,000 yearly on education, and
   excellent educational facilities are offered. But the people,
   in a way, seem to discredit the value of the opportunities at
   hand."

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1901 (April).
   Distress of the workingmen of the Island.
   Their appeal to the President of the United States.

   The following petition, signed by 6,000 of the workingmen of
   Porto Rico, was brought to the United States by a delegate
   from the Federation of Labor in Porto Rico and presented to
   President McKinley on the 15th of April:

   "The undersigned, workers of Porto Rico, without distinction
   of color, political or religious creed, have the honor to
   bring to your attention the following facts: Misery, with all
   its horrible consequences, is spreading in our homes with
   wonderful rapidity. It has already reached such an extreme
   that many workers are starving to death while others, that
   have not the courage to see their mothers, wives, sisters and
   children perish of hunger, commit suicide by drowning
   themselves in the rivers or hanging themselves from branches
   of trees. All this, honorable sir, is due to the scarcity of
   work, which keeps us in enforced idleness, the mother of our
   misery. Our beautiful estates are idle; our lands are not
   being cultivated; our shops remain closed; and our Chambers do
   absolutely nothing to prevent our misery on this once so rich
   an island. The Government and municipality do not undertake
   any public works to keep us out of idleness. The emigration of
   workers, unknown in this island before, increases day by day,
   in proportion as misery increases. Under these trying
   conditions we are no longer a happy and contented people. We
   therefore, beg of you, honorable sir, to interest yourself in
   our cause, leading us, as the father of our country, in the
   path that will bring us work, and with it the means of
   subsistence. We want work; nothing but work. We want to earn
   the means of subsistence by the sweat of our brows; and nobody
   better than our Chief Magistrate can help us by lending ear to
   our appeals. "

   ----------PORTO RICO: End--------

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1891-1900.
   Delagoa Bay Arbitration.

      See (in this volume)
      DELAGOA BAY ARBITRATION.

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1898.
   Alleged Treaty with Great Britain.

   There is said to be knowledge in diplomatic circles of a
   treaty between Great Britain and Portugal, concluded in 1898,
   which has never been made public, but which is understood to
   engage the former to assist the latter financially and to
   protect the kingdom as against dangers both external and
   internal. In return it is believed that England received the
   right to embark and disembark troops, stores and ammunitions
   at any point on Portuguese territory in Africa, to keep them
   there, or to convey them across Portuguese territory to any
   point she might see fit, irrespective as to whether she was at
   war with any third Power. Circumstances have given some
   support to this rumor, but it has no positive confirmation.

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1899.
   Reciprocity Treaty with the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899-1901.

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
   Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

PORTUGUESE EAST AFRICA: A. D. 1895-1896.
   War with Gungunhana.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1895-1896 (PORTUGUESE EAST AFRICA).

POSTAGE, British Imperial Penny.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (DECEMBER).

POWERS, Concert of the.

      See (in this volume)
      CONCERT OF EUROPE.

POWERS, The four great.

      See (in this volume)
      NINETEENTH CENTURY: EXPANSION.

PRATT, Consul:
   Interviews with Aguinaldo at Singapore.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY: PHILIPPINES).

"PREDOMINANT MEMBER," Remarks of Lord Rosebery on the.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

PREHISTORIC DISCOVERIES.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH.

PREMPEH, Overthrow of King.

      See (in this volume)
      ASHANTI.

PRESBYTERIAN CHURCHES: Union in Scotland.

      See (in this volume)
      SCOTLAND: A. D. 1900.

PRESS, The:
   Relaxation of restrictions in Poland.

      See (in this volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1897.

PRESS, The:
   Prosecutions in Germany.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER 9).

PRETORIA: A. D. 1894.
   Demonstration of British residents.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1894.

PRETORIA: A. D. 1900.
   Taken by the British forces.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1900 (MAY-JUNE).

PRIMARY ELECTION LAW.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1898.

PRINCE EDWARD'S ISLAND.

      See (in this volume)
      CANADA.

{420}

PRINCETON UNIVERSITY:
   Celebration of 250th anniversary.
   Assumption of new name.

      See (in this volume)
      EDUCATION (UNITED STATES): A. D. 1896.

PRINSLOO, Commandant: Surrender.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1900 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

PROCTOR, Senator Redfield:
   Account of the condition of the Cuban Reconcentrados.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1897-1898 (DECEMBER-MARCH).

PROGRESSISTS,
PROGRESSIVES.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897;
      JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898, and after;
      SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1898,
      and 1898 (MARCH-OCTOBER).

PROHIBITION PARTY, The.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
      and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PROHIBITION PLEBISCITE, Canadian.

      See (in this volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER).

PROTECTIVE TARIFFS.

      See (in this volume)
      TARIFF LEGISLATION.

PROTOCOL, for suspension of Spanish-American War.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

PRUSSIA: Census, 1895.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1899-1901.
   Canal projects.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (AUGUST); and 1901 (JANUARY).

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1901.
   Bicentenary celebration.

   The bicentenary of the coronation of the first King of Prussia
   was celebrated with much ceremony and festivity on the 18th of
   January, 1901.

PULLMAN.

   A decision of the Supreme Court of Illinois, rendered early in
   1899, deprives the Pullman Car Company of the legal right to
   own and conduct the affairs of the town of Pullman, Illinois.
   The effect is understood to be that the town will be
   incorporated with Chicago.

PUNJAB, Formation of a new province from districts of the.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

PUPIN, Dr. Michael I.:
   Improvement in long-distance telephony.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

Q.

QUEBEC, Province.

      See (in this volume)
      CANADA.

QUEENS COUNTY:
   Incorporation in Greater New York.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.

QUEENSLAND.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRALIA; and CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

QUINCY, Josiah:
   Progressive measures as Mayor of Boston.

      See (in this volume)
      BOSTON: A. D. 1895-1899.

R.

RACES, European, The expansion of.

      See (in this volume)
      NINETEENTH CENTURY: EXPANSION.

RAILWAY, The Anatolian.
   Extension to the Persian Gulf.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (NOVEMBER).

RAILWAY, Cape to Cairo.

   "A line now [1899] runs northward from Cape Town to Bulawayo,
   in Rhodesia, a distance of 1,360 miles, and is being pushed
   still farther northward. From Bulawayo to Lake Tanganyika is
   about 1,000 miles; and this Mr. Rhodes hopes to reach by 1905.
   Lake Tanganyika is 410 miles long; and it is likely that its
   waters will be utilized for a time at least for transferring
   northwardly the freights and passengers reaching its southern
   end. Meantime the railroad from Cairo is being pushed
   southwardly to meet the line which is coming from the Cape
   northwardly. It has already been constructed to Atbara, where
   American contractors have just finished the steel bridge in a
   time which British bridge-builders considered impossible; and
   the line is being pushed forward to Khartoum from that point.
   Khartoum is 1,300 miles from Cairo; so that when work on the
   section from Atbara to Khartoum is completed, as it will be
   within a few months, the two gaps to be filled in will be from
   Khartoum to the north end of Lake Tanganyika, a distance of
   1,700 miles, and the 950 miles from the south end of Lake
   Tanganyika to Bulawayo; i. e., 2,700 miles in all. Thus, of
   the necessary land length, assuming that at least the 410
   miles length of Lake Tanganyika will be at first utilized,
   about one-half will be finished on the completion of the
   section from Atbara to Khartoum, within the next few months.
   The remaining 2,700 miles will, it is estimated, cost
   $60,000,000; and Mr. Rhodes confidently predicts its
   completion before the year 1910."

      _O. P. Austin,
      Africa: Present and Future
      (Forum, December, 1899)._

      See, also (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1899.

   Of course, the plans and calculations of Mr. Cecil Rhodes have
   been seriously interfered with by the South African War. He
   may have anticipated the war, but not the length nor the
   effects of it.

RAILWAY, Haifa to Damascus and Bagdad.

      See (in this volume)
      JEWS: A. D. 1899.

RAILWAY, The Intercontinental, or "Three Americas."

   "One of the important results of the International American
   Conference, held in Washington in 1889-90, was its
   recommendation that an International Commission be created to
   ascertain the feasibility, the cost, and the available
   location for a railroad connecting the countries of South and
   Central America with Mexico and the United States. This
   recommendation was cordially indorsed by Secretary Blaine in
   submitting the report to President Harrison, who transmitted
   it to Congress, asking that an appropriation be made to
   commence the surveys. In the same act which authorized the
   establishment of the Bureau of the American Republics—the
   Diplomatic and Consular Appropriation Act of July 14, 1890—the
   Intercontinental Railway Commission was created.
{421}
   In this act it was provided that three Commissioners on the
   part of the United States should be appointed by the
   President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, who were
   to act with representatives of the other American Republics to
   devise plans for carrying out the objects recommended by the
   International American Conference. The Commission organized
   December 4, 1890, and at once set about the equipping of the
   surveying parties to make the necessary topographical
   examination. The United States representatives on the
   Commission were practical railroad men—A. J. Cassatt, Henry G.
   Davis, and R. C. Kerens, and eleven other Republics were
   represented on the Commission. The report just issued [March,
   1899] is in four volumes, with four sets of maps and profiles,
   exhibiting the surveys and examination of the country that
   were made from Mexico through Central America to Colombia,
   Ecuador, and Peru, in South America. In addition to the
   personal observations in South America, the officers making
   the reports also gathered from the best obtainable sources
   geographical, railroad, and other information relating to
   Bolivia, Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, Chile, and
   Venezuela. The report gives the proposed distances as follows:

   Central American division, from Ayutla, Guatemala, on the
   Mexican border, to Rio Golfito, Colombia, 1,043 miles; from
   Rio Golfito to Buenos Aires, Argentina, 5,446.76 miles;
   through the United States from New York to Laredo, Texas,
   2,094 miles; and from that point, through Mexico to Ayutla,
   Guatemala, 1,644.3 miles; making a total of 10,228.06 miles,
   including the lines already in operation in the different
   countries. The extent of railway to be constructed is a little
   over one-half the total, being 5,456.13 miles. An estimate is
   given of the cost for grading, masonry, and bridges of that
   portion of the line which must be constructed to complete the
   connections, which amounts to $174,290,271.84."

      _Bureau of American Republics,
      Bulletin, March, 1899._

   As now surveyed, from New York City to Buenos Ayres, it will
   be 10,221 miles long, and to finish and equip it will cost at
   least $200,000,000. This length and cost will also be
   increased when the line is extended through Patagonia to the
   southern limits of South America. The complete surveys … prove
   that a practicable route can be found and the road built
   within a reasonable time. The route of this road can be traced
   on the map, while the following table shows the distances, the
   miles built, and the gaps to be filled:

                           Built.    Proposed.    Total.
   United States.          2,094           …      2,094
   Mexico                  1,183         461      1,644

   Total North America.    3,277         461      3,738

   ---------

   Guatemala.                 43         126        169
   San Salvador.              64         166        230
   Honduras.                   …          71         71
   Nicaragua.                103         106        209
   Costa Rica.                 …         360        360

   Total Central America.    210         829      1,039


   Colombia.                   …       1,354      1,354
   Ecuador.                    …         658        658
   Peru.                     151       1,833      1,784
   Bolivia.                  195         392        587
   Argentina.                936         125      1,061

   Total South America.    1,282       4,769      5,444


   Grand total.            4,769       5,452     10,221


   "The demands of trade may compel early construction of this
   railroad. It is doubtful if a remunerative commerce can be
   built up between North and South America by ship. The
   conformation of the eastern coast of South America compels a
   long detour to the east, and brings a ship almost as near to
   the ports of Europe as to the ports of the United States. The
   exports of South America, being mainly agricultural, will find
   a readier sale in Europe than in this country, and when they
   are exchanged for the cheap manufactured goods of that
   continent the conditions for trade are supplied. If, for these
   reasons, this country can not build up a commerce with South
   America by water, a quicker means of transit must be had, such
   as the Pan-American Railway would provide. The obstacles to be
   overcome are great. They surpass the difficulties in the way of
   the Siberian or the 'Cape to Cairo' road, but the results will
   be correspondingly greater.

   "South America has greater undeveloped resources than any
   other continent. Its agricultural possibilities are boundless.
   It has the greatest rivers in the world; its soil can produce
   any crop grown on the earth, and its mines of gold, silver,
   and coal have been scarcely touched. A railroad which would
   traverse the coffee lands of the Central American States, pass
   through the mines of Peru, and penetrate the rich pampas of
   Brazil and Argentina, must have great possibilities before it.
   The products of the three great valleys of the Orinoco, the
   Amazon, and the Paraguay rivers would find a market by means
   of it, and the riches of the mines of the Incas be shown to
   surpass those of California and South Africa."

      _Bureau of American Republics,
      Bulletin, December, 1899._

RAILWAY, The Tehuantepec.

      See (in this volume)
      MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.

RAILWAY, The Three Americas.

      See, above,
      RAILWAY, INTERCONTINENTAL.

RAILWAY, Trans-Siberian.

      See (in this volume)
      RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1891-1900.

RAILWAY, The Uganda, or Mombasa-Victoria.

      See (in this volume)
      UGANDA RAILWAY.

RAILWAYS: in Africa.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1899.

RAILWAYS: American Inter-State.
   Arbitration of industrial disputes.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

RAILWAYS: Concessions in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1895;
      1897 (MAY-JUNE);
      1897 (NOVEMBER);
      1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER);
      1898 (MARCH);
      1898 (APRIL-AuGUST);
      1898 (MAY);
      1899 (MARCH-APRIL).

RAILWAYS:
   Russian projects in Persia.

      See (in this volume)
      RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1900.

{422}

RAILWAYS:
   State purchase in Switzerland.

      See (in this volume)
      SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1894-1898.

RAINES LAW, The.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1896-1897.

RAMAPO WATER CONTRACT, The.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1899-1900.

RANAVALOMANJAKA, Queen.

      See (in this volume)
      MADAGASCAR.

RAND, Gold fields of the.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1885-1890.

RECIPROCITY:
   Treaties under the Dingley Tariff Act.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899-1901.

RECONCENTRADOS.

      (See in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897;
      and 1897-1898 (DECEMBER-MARCH).

RED CROSS SOCIETY, The:
   Relief work in Armenia and Cuba.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1896 (JANUARY-MARCH);
      and CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

REFERENDUM, The:
   In Minnesota.

      See (in this volume)
      MINNESOTA: A. D. 1896.

REFERENDUM, The:
   Introduction in South Dakota.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1898.

REFERENDUM, The:
   Its exercise in Switzerland.

      See (in this volume)
      SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1894-1898.

REID CONTRACT, The.

      See (in this volume)
      NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1897-1900; and 1899-1901.

REITFONTEIN, Battle of.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

RELIGIOUS ORDERS, Bill to regulate, in France.

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

REPRESENTATIVES:
   Reapportionment in the Congress of the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

REPUBLICAN PARTY, The,
   in the U. S. Presidential elections, 1896 and 1900.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
      and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

RESERVOIRS, Nile.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1901.

RHINE-ELBE CANAL PROJECT, The.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (AUGUST);
      and 1901 (JANUARY).

RHODE ISLAND: A. D. 1900.
   Newport no longer a capital city.

   At the election in November, 1900, a constitutional amendment
   was adopted which makes Providence alone the capital city of
   Rhode Island. Newport had been one of the capitals since the
   colonies of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations were
   united.

RHODES, Cecil John:
   Founder of the British South Africa Company.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1884-1894.

RHODES, Cecil John:
   Master spirit of the British South Africa Company.
   His name given to its dominions.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
      A. D. 1894-1895.

RHODES, Cecil John:
   Participation in Uitlander revolutionary conspiracy at
   Johannesburg, leading to Jameson Raid.
   Resignation of Cape Colony premiership.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1895-1896.

RHODES, Cecil John:
   Dealing with Matabele revolt.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA):
      A. D. 1896 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

RHODES, Cecil John:
   Resignation from the Board of the British South Africa
   Company.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA
      (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY): A. D. 1896 (JUNE).

RHODES, Cecil John:
   Accused by the Cape Colony Assembly of complicity in the
   Jameson Raid.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1896 (JULY).

RHODES, Cecil John:
   Testimony before British Parliamentary Committee on the
   Jameson Raid.
   The Committee's report.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
      A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

RHODES, Cecil John:
   In Cape Colony politics.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1898.

RHODES, Cecil John:
   Projection of a Cape to Cairo Railway.

      See (in this volume)
      RAILWAY, CAPE TO CAIRO;
      and AFRICA: A. D. 1899.

RHODES, Cecil John:
   Beleaguered in Kimberley.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

RHODES, Cecil John:
   Projection of a Cape to Cairo Telegraph.

      See (in this volume)
      TELEGRAPH, CAPE TO CAIRO.

RHODESIA: A. D. 1896 (March-September).
   Revolt of the Matabeles.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA):
      A. D. 1896 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

RHODESIA: A. D. 1896 (July).
   Parliamentary investigation of British South Africa Company.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
      A. D. 1896 (JULY).

RHODESIA: A. D. 1897.
   Report on compulsory native labor.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
      A. D. 1897 (JANUARY).

RHODESIA: A. D. 1898.
   Reorganized administration.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA
      (RHODESIA AND THE BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
      A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY).

RHODESIA: A. D. 1900.
   Protectorate proclaimed over Barotsiland.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA): A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER).

RIO PRIETO, Engagement at the.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST; PORTO RICO).

RIZAL, Dr. José.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1896-1898.

ROBERTS, Field Marshal, Lord (Sir Frederick Sleigh):
   In the South African War.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY), and after.

ROBINSON, Sir Hercules:
   British High Commissioner in South Africa.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
      A. D. 1896 (JANUARY-APRIL).

ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH, The.

      See PAPACY.

ROMAN CATHOLICS:
   Protest of British Peers against the
   Declaration required from the Sovereign.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

{423}

ROMAN CATHOLICS:
   Victory in Belgium.

      See (in this volume)
      BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

ROMAN LAW:
   Superseded in Germany.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY).

ROME:
   The likeness of its early settlement shown by excavations
   at Antemnæ.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: ITALY.

RÖNTGEN, Wilhelm Konrad:
   Discovery of the X rays.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   Lieutenant-Colonel of the Regiment of Rough Riders.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY).

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   Elected Vice President of the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

ROSEBERY, Earl of:
   Prime minister.
   Remarks on the "predominant member."

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

ROSEBERY, Earl of:
   Tribute to Mr. Gladstone.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (MAY).

ROSEBERY, Earl of:
   Tribute to Queen Victoria.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

ROUGH RIDERS, The.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY).

ROUGH RIDERS, The.
   At Santiago.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

ROUMANIA.

      See (in this volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES;
      and TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901.

ROYAL NIGER COMPANY, The.

      See (in this volume)
      NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

ROYAL NIGER COMPANY, The.
   Transfer of territories to the British crown.

      See (in this volume)
      NIGERIA: A. D. 1899.

RUDINI, Marquis di:
   Resignation of Ministry.

      See (in this volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-JUNE).

RUMANIA.

      See (in this volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES;
      and TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1895.
   Agreement with Great Britain concerning the frontier of
   Afghanistan and spheres of influence in the Pamir region.

      See (in this volume)
      AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1895.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1895.
   Alliance with France.

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1895.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1895.
   Treaty with China giving railway and other privileges and
   rights in Manchuria.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1895.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1896 (May-June).
   Coronation of the Tzar.

   The Tzar Nicholas II., who succeeded his father, Alexander
   III., on the death of the latter, November 1, 1894, was not
   formally crowned until May 26, 1896. The splendid festivities
   of the occasion lasted from May 18 until June, and were
   attended by a brilliant assembly of princes and high officials
   from all parts of the world. They were saddened by a frightful
   calamity on the 31st of May, when an attempt was made to
   distribute gifts of food and drink to a vast multitude of
   nearly half a million people, on Khodynskoye plain. Adequate
   measures for controlling the pressure of the crowd had not
   been taken, and nearly 3,000 were suffocated or trampled to
   death.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1897.
   Relaxations of oppressive laws.

   Several important relaxations of oppressive laws were
   commanded by the Tzar in the course of the year. By one, sons
   of the marriage of an orthodox Russian with one of another
   creed were allowed to be brought up in the religion of the
   father and daughters in that of the mother. By another, Jews
   having an university education were allowed freedom of
   residence in any part of the empire. By others, greater
   freedom was given to the Polish press, formerly forbidden to
   discuss political questions; local assemblies of Polish nobles
   were organized; permission was given to restore Roman Catholic
   churches in Poland, and certain special Polish taxes were
   removed.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1897 (February).
   Census of the Empire.

   "For the first time in the history of the Hyperborean Empire,
   a general, and if I may use the expression, scientific, census
   has been taken of the various tongues and tribes, religions
   and sects, cultured races and nomadic hordes who acknowledge
   the sway of the Tsar. It was a Herculean labour, without
   precedent in history and without a formula in statistics. … On
   June 5, 1895, the reigning Tsar gave his sanction to a scheme
   which was both conformable to the exigencies of modern
   statistics and suitable to the various conditions peculiar to
   Russia. … The general plan of operations was simple, and
   calculated as far as possible to impose a large portion of the
   task upon officials of the Administration, and obviate the
   necessity of paying for it. Thus there was a Committee in
   every Government or Province of the Empire, presided over by
   the actual Governor; and there were sub-committees in every
   district under the direction of the Marshal of the Nobility. …
   The task undertaken by the Central Committee was in the
   highest degree formidable: rooted prejudices had to be
   overcome, inarticulate suspicions removed—the half-civilised
   nomads have an insuperable dislike to answer questions of the
   'Tshinovniks'—the confidence of the people gained, languages
   mastered, routes studied, badges prepared for the officials,
   millions upon millions of census papers printed and
   distributed over the length and breadth of the Empire, &c. &c.
   …

   "In order that the work might be finished as early as possible
   at the same time, the cantonal sections were split up into
   divisions, which had to be more or less equal. In country
   places the division was not usually allowed to exceed 400
   households, or say, 2,600 souls; in cities 150 flats, or about
   750 souls. The registrars, who were answerable for the census
   in these districts, were chosen from all classes of society,
   the only condition being that they must be persons of some
   education, and calculated to inspire the population with
   confidence—a very important consideration in Russia. Thus,
   there were priests, officers, school-teachers, students,
   merchants, landowners, and in some cases peasants. The
   remuneration fixed for the work, which was sometimes attended
   with danger and in almost every case with very disagreeable
   experiences, was 12 roubles, or about £1 4s. 6d., in rural
   districts, and 7 roubles in towns.
{424}
   Labour is still cheap in Russia, but even there this modest
   sum was found insufficient to tempt the competent persons, who
   in out-of-the-way districts were few and far between. When
   this had become painfully evident, it was too late to set the
   clumsy machinery in motion through which alone it might have
   been possible to obtain a higher rate of remuneration. As the
   registrars were, in many places, not to be had, it seemed
   likely that the census would prove a lamentable failure. Then
   the Tsar appeared as a 'deus ex machinâ,' and instituted a
   special medal for all those who should agree to undertake the
   work gratis. Like most Continental peoples, Russians have a
   hankering after 'ribbons to stick in their coats,' and the
   moment the medal was promised for gratuitous services there
   was no lack of willing workmen. Thousands of volunteers
   presented themselves, and the authorities selected the most
   competent. … On January 28 [Old Style, being, N. S. February
   9, 1897], … at break of day an army of 150,000 individuals
   left their homes to count the number of people inhabiting an
   empire which occupies one-sixth of the globe. …

   "The first Russian census … may be considered to have proved a
   brilliant success. The results may be summed up very briefly
   as follows: The population of the Russian Empire and the Grand
   Duchy of Finland numbers 129,211,114 souls, of whom

   94,188,750 inhabit the 50 Governments of European Russia
    9,442,500 inhabit the 10 Governments of Poland
    9,723,553 inhabit the 11 Governments of the Caucasus
    5,731,732 inhabit the 9 Governments of Siberia
    3,415,174 inhabit the 5 Governments of the Steppe regions
    4,175,101 inhabit the Provinces of Transcaspia and of Turkestan.
        6,413 inhabit Khiva and Boukhara
    2,527,801 inhabit Finland
   ----------
  129,211,114 Total

   "Compared with the figures of former years, as given by the
   partial official returns and in the tables of the statistician
   Köppen, we find that the population has increased since the
   year 1851 by 96.2 per cent; since 1858 by 73.2 per cent; since
   1885 by 18.1 per cent. The average density of the population
   is 8.8 persons to the square verst [the verst equalling
   1166.66 yards], but it naturally varies a good deal in the
   different districts and Provinces. Thus, in the 10 Governments
   of Poland it amounts to 84.6 to the sq. verst. In the 50
   Governments of European Russia it amounts to 22.2 to the sq.
   verst. In the Governments of the Caucasus it amounts to 23.6
   to the sq. verst. In Siberia it amounts to 0.5 to the sq.
   verst. In the Steppe region it amounts to 1.6 to the sq.
   verst.

   "Even in the different Governments of European Russia the
   density varies considerably. …

   "There are 19 cities in Russia, with a population of more than
   100,000 souls each, and 35 which have from 50,000 to 100,000.
   In fifteen cities the number of females exceeds that of the
   males, whereas in all the others it is smaller. … The natural
   increase of the population is kept down to a relatively low
   figure by an abnormally large death-rate, which is mainly due
   to avoidable causes. Infectious diseases and insufficiency of
   medical help are among the most obvious. … In no country in
   the world are infectious diseases so frequently mortal as in
   Russia. Children especially suffer, and diphtheria, measles,
   scarlatina, smallpox, &c., literally decimate villages and
   country towns. It has been stated by the statistician Ekk,
   with the help of official figures, that about 1,900,000
   persons, chiefly children, die every year who might, with a
   little care, be preserved to the Empire. The difference which
   this loss makes to the population in fifty years is enormous."

      _E. J. Dillon,
      The First Russian Census
      (Contemporary Review, December, 1897). _

RUSSIA: A. D. 1897 (November).
   Treaty with the United States and Japan, to suspend pelagic
   sealing.

      See (in this volume)
      BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1897 (December).
   Adoption of the gold monetary standard.

      See (in this volume)
      MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (DECEMBER).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1897-1898.
   Contentions with Japan in Korea.

      See (in this volume)
      KOREA: A. D. 1895-1898.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1898 (March).
   Increase of naval armament.

   On the 10th of March an imperial ukase ordered an addition of
   90,000,000 roubles to the expenditure on war ships already
   provided for, the extra disbursement to be spread over seven
   years.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1898 (March).
   Lease of Port Arthur, Talienwan and the Liaotung Peninsula
   from China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 MARCH-JULY).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1898 (May-December).
   In the Chinese "Battle of Concessions."

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1898-1899.
   The Tzar's proposal to check the increase of armaments.
   The resulting Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1898-1901.
   The question of sugar bounties.
   United States countervailing duties and Russian retaliation.

      See (in this volume)
      SUGAR BOUNTIES.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1898-1901.
   The Russianizing of Finland.
   Overthrow of the constitutional rights of the Finns.

      See (in this volume)
      FINLAND: A. D. 1898-1901.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1899.
   Famine.

   A fearful famine in eastern Russia, within and beyond the
   valley of the Volga, was caused in 1899 by an almost
   unprecedented failure of crops. With the famine came typhus
   fever, and the tale of suffering and death was one of the most
   heart-rending of the century.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1899 (February-June.)
   Disorder among the students.

   For some months, the universities and most of the higher
   schools of Russia were in a state of disorder, and in conflict
   with the police authorities. Many of the institutions were closed
   and a great number of the students were under arrest. The
   students complained of the statutes of the universities, and
   of the general treatment to which they were subjected, and
   were bitterly hostile to the police. The Tzar seems to have
   given personal attention to their grievances, which he
   appointed a commission to investigate. On the report of the
   commission he issued an imperial order severely censuring the
   administration of the universities, and also reproving the
   police, while, at the same time, he addressed some serious
   admonitions to the students.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1899 (March-April).
   Agreement with Great Britain concerning railway interests in
   China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1899 (MARCH-APRIL).

{425}

RUSSIA: A. D. 1899 (May).
   Steps toward the abolition of transportation to Siberia.

   On the 18th of May, the Tzar issued the following order: "A
   commission of the officers of the ministry of justice and
   representatives of the respective departments under the
   auspices of the minister of justice shall be formed. The
   commission is to work out the following: To replace
   transportation of criminals by punishment by courts; to
   abolish or limit administrative transportation by peasant
   boards; to reorganize penal servitude and the deportation
   which follows; to better the condition of the convicts now in
   Siberia; to improve prisons where criminals are confined
   awaiting transportation and deportation; to establish
   compulsory public labor and workhouses as penal measures; to
   provide means for carrying out the measures necessary for the
   reorganization of the transportation of criminals and of penal
   establishments. The minister of justice is to ask direct, and
   not through any department, for the imperial sanction of the
   committee's recommendations." The British Commercial Agent in
   Russia, reporting to the Foreign Office in June, 1900, stated
   in allusion to the above order: "The State Council is reported
   to have just decided, by a majority of votes, to introduce at
   once the necessary changes, as the Central Prisons
   Administration has declared that the gaol accommodation is
   sufficient. The number of exiles to Siberia from 1823 to 1898
   is given as 908,266, mostly to Eastern Siberia."

RUSSIA: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
   Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1899 (December).
   Adhesion to the arrangement of an "open door" commercial
   policy in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1899-1901.
   Attitude towards impending revolt in Macedonia.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901; and BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1900.
   Military and naval expenditure.

      See (in this volume)
      WAR BUDGETS.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1900.
   Naval strength.

      See (in this volume)
      NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1900 (June-December).
   Co-operation with the Powers in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1900 (August).
   Proposal to withdraw troops from Peking.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER.)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1900-1901.
   Student outbreaks.
   Serious demonstrations of discontent.
   Severe measures of repression.
   Action of the Tzar.

   A fresh outbreak of revolt among the students in the Russian
   universities, more serious in its nature, apparently, than
   that of 1899 (see above; A. D. 1899, FEBRUARY-JUNE), was
   started at Kieff, in December, 1900, by a remonstrance on the
   part of the students against the retention of a professor whom
   they deemed incompetent. The rector of the university refused
   to dismiss the objectionable professor; whereupon the
   governor-general of the province intervened and forbade him to
   lecture. The rector and the council of the university could
   not resist the authority of the governor-general, but they are
   said to have revenged themselves on the students by requiring
   seven of the latter to choose between three days of
   imprisonment and three years of expulsion from the university.
   They chose the latter and were expelled. Then the students as
   a body began to be troublesome, especially after the rector
   had refused to meet them for a discussion of their grievances.
   Finally the police and the military authorities were called
   in; a large number of the students were arrested and brought
   to trial before a special court which had been created for
   dealing with the student troubles of the year before.
   According to subsequent reports, more than two hundred of them
   were condemned to be sent into the ranks of the army—which seems
   to be a punishment newly devised for such cases, and not
   likely to improve the loyal spirit of the army.

   This hard treatment of the students at Kieff inflamed their
   sympathetic fellows in all the universities of the empire, and
   became the immediate cause of disorderly demonstrations, which
   began, in January or early in February, to be made at St.
   Petersburg, Moscow, Odessa, and elsewhere; but there cannot be
   a doubt that the disturbances since occurring represent an
   instigation deeper, more revolutionary, more serious, than the
   resentment of students misused by their teachers. The students
   persisted resolutely in attempts to hold meetings which were
   prohibited as seditious; to make appeals to the people; to
   circulate forbidden literature; while the authorities struck
   them, at every movement they made, with a relentless hand. As
   usual, the oppressive violence of government provoked
   desperate crime. On the 27th of February, the Minister of
   Public Instruction, Privy Councillor Bogoliepoff, was shot by
   an expelled student, who approached him, in his official
   apartments, under pretense of presenting a petition. He died
   of the wound on the 15th of March. Meantime, the conduct of
   students, at St. Petersburg and Moscow especially, became more
   and more riotous and revolutionary in spirit. There were
   signs, too, of an understanding between them and the
   discontented workingmen of the cities, which caused anxiety. A
   Vienna journal claims to have knowledge that, after the
   troubles at Kieff, a widespread movement of alliance between
   secret associations of students and workmen was set on foot,
   and that it threatened to be the most formidable revolutionary
   organization that the government had yet faced.

   That the sympathy of literary circles in Russia is with the
   students appears to be proved by the following manifesto,
   which was published in Paris on the 22d of March, signed, it
   is said, by forty-five Russian men of letters:

   "We, the undersigned Russian men of letters, deprived of the
   possibility of freely expressing our ideas on the needs of our
   poor Fatherland, prevented by the censorship from speaking of
   what happens before our eyes or indicating an outlet from the
   terrible situation of our country, and conscious of our duty
   towards the people, resort to our foreign brethren for the
   purpose of informing the civilized world of the atrocities now
   being committed among us. On March 17, in the Kazan Square at
   St. Petersburg, the police fell on an inoffensive and unarmed
   crowd of several thousand persons, men, women, and children,
   and without any provocation showed unexampled brutality and
   ferocity. Cossacks, surrounding the crowd and preventing it
   from dispersing, charged without warning the compact mass,
   which had mostly been drawn together by curiosity.
{426}
   The police seized at random the people who fell into their
   hands, striking them without mercy with their fists or swords.
   Those of the public, even officers in uniform, who begged for
   a cessation of the carnage, were maltreated or even arrested.
   Such are the facts of which several of us have been
   eye-witnesses. Similar atrocities have recently been committed
   in other Russian towns. Full of terror and anguish at the
   future in store for our country, thus given up to the whips of
   Cossacks and the swords of the police, convinced that our
   indignation is shared by those of our Russian brethren whose
   signatures we have not had time to obtain, by all the
   intellectual society of Russia, and by all those from whom
   feelings of self-respect and humanity have not yet been
   eradicated, convinced also that our foreign brethren will not
   remain indifferent to what passes among us, we appeal to the
   Press of the world to give the utmost publicity to the
   attestation of the lamentable facts of which we have been
   witnesses." A despatch from St. Petersburg on the 26th
   reported that the Mutual Aid Association of Russian writers
   attached to the St. Petersburg Literary Society, from which
   this protest emanated, had been suppressed, as the consequence
   of its publication.

   A more significant expression, and one from which a more
   definite idea of the nature and causes of the discontent among
   the students may be obtained, is the following petition,
   addressed to the Tzar by a number of Russian professors and
   Senators in March. The St. Petersburg correspondent of the
   "London Times," who sent a translation of the paper to that
   journal on the 18th of March, remarked that "it is very
   doubtful if it will have any real effect, and its contents may
   very possibly be regarded by the red-tape officials into whose
   hands it may fall, if not by the Emperor himself, as implying
   a request for something like a Constitution. Apart from that
   consideration a collective petition in Russia is illegal." The
   translation of the document is as follows:

   "Your Imperial Majesty,—We, the undersigned loyal subjects,
   consider it our patriotic duty to address you, Sire, with the
   present humble petition on the subject of the recent agitation
   among the students. We desire to express in this paper the
   thoughts that have long been a matter of painful reflection to
   every Russian conscious of the life which he is living. This
   perturbation among the students, which has been of periodical
   recurrence for the last 40 years, has ruined the careers of
   thousands of young men and women animated by the most ardent
   aspirations for the good and happiness of their native
   country. It would undoubtedly be most unjust to lay all the
   blame for these disorders on the students themselves. The
   causes of this state of things lie much deeper. They are
   connected with many of the general conditions of the life of
   our State and society; they are to a great extent rooted in
   the want of organization of academical centres. This want of
   organization was explained by the special commission appointed
   by your Majesty's command two years ago. But the labours of that
   body failed to have the practical result which was apparently
   expected of it; public opinion was not permitted to take part
   in its deliberations, either by means of the Press or in any
   other way. The matter was treated according to the usual
   official routine, and in the Ministry of Public Instruction
   the magnanimous intentions of your Majesty were not only
   rendered colourless, but deprived of all their real
   significance. Instead of properly carrying out your Majesty's
   indications in regard to closer communion between the students
   and professors of the higher educational establishments, the
   Ministry dismissed those among the latter whose moral
   qualities and devotion to duty were calculated to exercise the
   most beneficial influence over their scholars.

   "Those among the students who took part in the disturbances,
   and who should have been worked upon by moral persuasion, were
   expelled from the Universities, and the force of inspectors,
   otherwise the University police, was increased for the purpose
   of controlling those who remained. The temporary law of June
   29, 1899, against further disorders threatened the agitators
   with the punishment of being drafted into the ranks of the
   army. This measure, which has now been enforced, will, of
   course, put down the movement at least for a time; but it is
   impossible to ignore its moral effect. It only represses, but
   does not thoroughly convince. By this means the more
   hot-headed among the students, inspired by the most
   respectable aspirations and feelings, will be weeded out of
   the scholastic ranks, and their parents will be suddenly
   deprived of all hope and consolation in their children perhaps
   for years; while on the rest this measure can only have the
   effect which is always produced by terror and fear for the
   future. It oppresses them, extinguishes their best impulses,
   and tends to bring the weaker ones beneath the influence of
   those petty egotistical motives which are already so powerful
   in our daily life. To bring up an entire generation in such
   conditions is to create and support an oppressive state of
   things in the life of the nation which must finally lead to
   downfall and decay.

   "The oppressiveness of this environment is felt not only by
   the young, but also by their elders. Is it normal that in an
   autocratic State the voice of loyal subjects should be unable
   to reach their Sovereign? And yet at the present moment many
   persons regard the signature of this loyal petition as almost
   an act of the greatest civil courage. In order to loyally and
   honestly bring their wants and traditional desires to the
   notice of their Monarch (Lord), the subjects of your Majesty
   are obliged to act in the dark for fear that the police will
   seize hold on the petition and intercept it before it can
   reach your Majesty's hands. Many who fully agree with all that
   is here expressed will certainly be deterred from signing the
   petition because of the unpleasant consequences to themselves
   which they fear may follow. In such conditions life becomes
   intolerable. A deadening apathy spreads over everyone, all
   interest in public activity is lost, and in all spheres of the
   Government and society there is a decided feeling of the want
   of men. Put an end, Sire, by your magnanimous initiative to
   this oppressive situation! Show confidence in your faithful
   subjects, and, while discontinuing repression, accord us the
   possibility of freely expressing the voice of public opinion,
   which is now stifled. The agitation among the students will
   cease of itself, and the young men will quietly turn to their
   studies as soon as their youthful minds are no longer excited
   by the disagreeable conditions which surround them, when they
   see the prospect on finishing their education of being allowed
   to take a free and useful part in the affairs of their native
   land."

{427}

   An attempt on the life of a Minister far more important and
   more obnoxious than Mr. Bogoliepoff was made on the 22d of
   March. This was M. Pobiedonostzeff, Procurator of the Holy
   Synod, who has long been credited with being the master-spirit
   of evil influence in Russian councils,—a Torquemada of the
   nineteenth century, responsible for all the mediævalism in
   Russian policy for the past twenty years. Three shots were
   fired at the Procurator from the street, through the windows
   of his study, and he was missed by them all. The would-be
   assassin, named Lagofsky, was promptly seized, and it is
   claimed to have been found that he was chosen by lot to
   execute an avenging decree. On the other hand, it is reported
   that he was moved to the deed by the excommunication of Count
   Tolstoi, which the Russian Church had lately pronounced.

   If reports are to be credited, the Tzar, at length, took the
   direction of measures relating to the disturbances into his own
   hands, and began by putting a stop to the forcing of condemned
   students into the army. He then appointed to the Ministry of
   Public Education General Vannovsky, who had investigated the
   student disorders of 1899 for him, and who seems to have
   recognized that the disaffection of the students was not without
   grounds. It is rumored that unlimited powers for two years have
   been given to the new Minister, so that he cannot be interfered
   with by the powerful reactionaries who evidently stand between
   the best intentions of the Tzar and their execution. The obvious
   difficulty of the autocrat is to learn the truth of things and
   to know what is being done by those who ostensibly obey his
   commands. Apparently he is striving to be served faithfully and
   intelligently in this case, and it is to be hoped that he may
   have success. He addressed a rescript to General Vannovsky, in
   which he said:

   "The regular organization of popular education has always
   formed one of the chief cares of the Russian rulers, who have
   striven, surely but gradually, to perfect it in accordance
   with the fundamental principles of Russian life and the
   requirements of the times. The experiences of recent years,
   however, have shown the existence of defects so material in
   our scholastic system that I think that the time has come to
   undertake an immediate and thorough revision and improvement.
   Highly valuing your experience as a statesman and your
   enlightenment, I have chosen you to co-operate with me in the
   work of renovating and reorganizing Russian schools; and, in
   appointing you to the now specially important office of
   Minister of Public Instruction, I am firmly convinced that you
   will unswervingly endeavour to attain the goal indicated by me,
   and that you will bring into the work of educating the Russian
   youth your cordial sympathy and sagacity ripened by
   experience. May God bless our work, and may parents and
   families, who above all are bound to care for their children,
   help us in our work, and then the time will soon come when I
   with all my people shall see in the young generation, with
   pride and encouragement, the firm and sure hope of the
   Fatherland and its strong protection for the future."

   The Russian "Official Messenger," St. Petersburg, announced on
   the 14th of April that "in consequence of the recent student
   disturbances many of the high schools were closed before the
   Easter holidays, and the young men were compelled either to
   lose a year of their studies or even to leave the college
   altogether. In view of the serious consequences which this
   measure involved for the career of the students, a special
   conference of the principals of the higher colleges was called
   to deliberate, under the presidency of the Minister of Public
   Instruction, upon the situation thus created. The conference
   decided that the following measures were indispensably
   necessary for the re-establishment of the regular course of
   study at the institutions concerned:

   1. Lectures to be renewed in the higher colleges in the course
   of April and intermediate examinations under the direction of
   the scholastic authorities to be held under the usual
   regulations at the customary intervals.

   2. The lectures and examinations to be continued during the
   summer vacation, should they not have been completed during
   the preceding term.

   3. All those who without sufficient reason did not attend the
   examinations or failed to pass them to be liable to all the
   legal consequences thereof.

   4. In particularly important cases autumn and supplementary
   examinations to be permitted in the higher schools
   exceptionally this year."

   According to a later despatch from St. Petersburg to the
   Associated Press, April 23d, the students of the university at
   the capital were informed that day by the rector that "General
   Vannoffsky, the Russian Minister of Public Instruction, had
   refused to defer the examinations until autumn or make further
   concessions to the students. Although the popular professor,
   M. Petrozicky, pleaded against an action which would make it
   difficult for a liberal minister to carry through his
   benevolent intentions, the students decided by a vote of 684
   to 649 against participating in the examinations. They
   resolved, however, not to create obstruction and the minority
   agreed to submit to the will of the majority. The
   electro-technical, the civil engineering, the women's medical
   and the women's academic institutions also will decide against
   taking the examinations. The sincere friends of the students
   regret the step in this respect, believing the students should
   allow the recall of the absentees to come as an act of grace
   from the Government and should not attempt to force
   concessions."

RUSSIA: A. D. 1900-1901.
   Operations in Manchuria.
   Practical possession of the country.
   Refusal of Chinese government to sign a demanded treaty.

      See (in this volume)
      MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900-1901.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1900-1901.
   Strategic importance of Korea.
   Ground of Japanese jealousy.

      See (in this volume)
      KOREA: A. D. 1900.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1901 (April).
   Expulsion of Count Tolstoi.
   His reply to the decree of excommunication.

   A reply by Count Tolstoi to the decree of excommunication
   pronounced against him by the Russian Church, some weeks
   before, written at Moscow on the 13th of April, was published
   in Paris on the 30th. As reported to the Associated Press, he
   states in his reply that, in consequence of the decree, he has
   received letters from ignorant people menacing him with death.
{428}
   "He characterizes the decree as illegal or intentionally
   equivocal, arbitrary, unjustified and full of falsehoods.
   Moreover, he says, it constitutes an instigation to evil
   sentiments and deeds. Count Tolstoi denounces the practices of
   the church, and says he is convinced that the teaching of the
   church, theoretically astute, is injurious, is a lie in
   practice and is a compound of vulgar superstitions and
   sorcery, under which entirely disappears the sense of
   Christian doctrine."

   By Press despatch from Vienna, April 23, it was reported that
   a decree expelling Count Tolstoi from Russia had been signed
   by the Tzar, and carried into execution.

RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1891-1900.
   The Trans-Siberian Railway.
   Resources of Siberia and the Amur country.

   The following account was reported to the British Foreign
   Office in June, 1900:

   "For over 30 years the question of constructing this line had
   been a theme of interminable discussions and reports. Finally,
   the following unmistakeably emphatic note of its Imperial
   founder, the Emperor Alexander III., appended to a report on
   the general condition of Siberia, moved the whole project
   definitely forward as a thing that was to be and at once: 'How
   many of these reports of the Governors-General of Siberia have
   I perused, and with sorrow and shame must own that the
   Government has hitherto hardly done anything to satisfy the
   demands of this rich but neglected region! It is time, indeed
   time!' A further equally emphatic and still briefer note,
   added to a report of the Minister of Ways with regard to the
   projected Ussuri route, is to form the appropriate inscription
   to the monument to be erected at Vladivostock, the terminus of
   his great work, to his late Imperial Majesty: 'The
   construction of this railway must be begun forthwith.' The
   first stone was laid at Vladivostock on May 19, 1891, by the
   then Grand Duke Nicholas, now the reigning Emperor. … A
   Siberian railway committee was formed under the presidency of
   the then Grand Duke Nicholas Alexandrovich, whose duties were

   (1) to construct the main and necessary feeding lines;

   (2) to take measures for the general commercial and industrial
   development of Siberia; and

   (3) to direct and control the colonisation movement.

   "Taking the direction of the route, not as it was to have
   been, but as it is or will be, we see that with Moscow as the
   European centre point, and the Moscow-Samara-Cheliabinsk line
   as its principal feeder, the main road runs from Cheliabinsk,
   whence it really starts eastward, direct through mid-Siberia
   to Lake Baikal, and thence, viâ Chita, to Stretensk on the
   Shilka, a navigable tributary of the Amur. At present, the
   projected course of the railway viâ the Amur has been
   arrested, owing on the one hand to various technical
   difficulties, and on the other to the facilities, political
   and otherwise, conceded by China, and another direction, in
   the nature of a short cut through Manchuria, has been entered
   upon. The well-known agreement with China [see, in this
   volume, CHINA: A. D. 1895] and the formation of the Chinese
   Eastern Railway Company, rendering the original continuation
   of the line from Stretensk less urgent, it has been resolved,
   instead, to construct two direct lines to the Chinese
   frontiers, from Kaidalovo on the main Siberian route on the
   one side, and from the Ussuri or Habarovsk-Vladivostock line
   on the other. These two lines, traversing Manchuria from
   opposite directions, are to meet at Khulan-Chan (Khaorbin),
   thence running southwards to Dalni and Port Arthur. Thus, we
   see the three lines, the main Siberian road, which, except for
   the brief stoppage at Lake Baikal, will run in a practically
   straight and uninterrupted course from Cheliabinsk to
   Vladivostock; the Ussuri line running northward through
   Russian territory from Vladivostock to Habarovsk; and the
   branch section from Khulan-Chan (Khaorbin), on the main line,
   striking out southward through Eastern China to Dalni and Port
   Arthur.

   "As far as Russia is concerned, it may be said that her
   portion of the work is practically ready, though much
   re-laying and reconstruction may at any time be necessary. The
   main line is open for regular traffic from Cheliabinsk to Lake
   Baikal, and for provisional traffic to Stretensk. According to
   the latest telegrams, regular traffic from Lake Baikal to
   Stretensk is to be commenced on July 1/14, 1900. Thus, there
   is now a direct run (excepting only the lake crossing of 60
   versts (about 40 miles), from Moscow, viâ Samara, Cheliabinsk,
   Omsk, and Irkutch, to Kaidalovo (252 versts—168 miles—this
   side of Stretensk), whence the rail will turn off to Nagodan
   on the Chinese frontier. This latter stretch, a distance of
   325 versts (216 miles), will complete the work as regards
   Russia. The Ussuri line, from Habarovsk to Vladivostock, has
   been open for traffic since 1897. The Circum-Baikal connecting
   line, round the southern bend of the lake, a distance of 292
   versts (195 miles), remains to be laid, the lake being crossed
   at present by steam ferries or ice-breakers. A new
   ice-breaker, built in England, is now on its way in pieces to
   Lake Baikal. It is the Manchurian sections, therefore, that at
   present retard the consummation of the complete overland track
   to Vladivostock. Nor, from recent accounts, does it seem
   likely that the Chinese engaged in the work will bring it to a
   conclusion much before 1902, if then. Even now, however, goods
   can make their way through Siberia to Stretensk by rail, and
   thence down the Shilka and the Amur to Habarovsk, or further
   on, by the Ussuri line, to Vladivostock. As regards the
   railroad from Port Arthur northward, the latest news brings it
   to Telin, north of Mukden, trains with workmen running this
   distance, some 500 versts. The Chinese Eastern Railway Company
   promise to join Port Arthur to Vladivostock by October next,
   it is said, but, even on the route already temporarily in
   rough working order, dwellings, stations and permanent bridges
   have yet to be built. Thus, there is now direct communication
   between Moscow and Stretensk by rail, a distance of 6,471
   versts (4,214 miles), and from Stretensk to Habarovsk and
   Nikolaieff by the Shilka and Amur rivers, a further distance
   to Habarovsk of about 2,000 versts (1,332 miles), and to
   Nikolaieff, the mouth of the Amur, of over 3,000 versts (2,000
   miles). The Amur is navigable from May to September, but for
   shallow-draft vessels only.

   "Various important European feeding lines have been
   constructed, and others, partaking more of the character of
   huge main thoroughfares are projected. Cheliabinsk, the
   starting-point eastwards, is connected with Moscow by the
   Zlatoust-Samara-Moscow Railway, which, touching the Volga at
   Samara, crosses it at Sisran.
{429}
   Two northern branches, the Tiumen-Perm, and
   Kotlass-Viatka-Perm, meeting at Ekaterinburg, the capital of
   the rich Ural mineral district, run into the main Siberian
   line at Cheliabinsk. From this latter point, too, a new route
   has long been projected direct to St. Petersburg, via Viatka
   and Vologda. So that, while the future will connect
   Cheliabinsk, and with it the main Siberian railway, in a
   direct line with the Baltic, not as now via Moscow, the
   present joins it on the one side with that city, the business
   centre of Russia, and on the other to the new northern through
   route, which, via Kotlass and Archangel, is this year to bring
   the cereals of Siberia to London."

      _Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command: Miscellaneous Series No. 533,
      1900, pages 5-7)._

   "It may be a wild idea, but Russian engineers are actually
   talking of a railroad from Stryetensk to Bering Strait, over a
   comparatively easy route that does not enter the Arctic
   Circle. This imaginary line, they hope, would connect with the
   American line which is now being built to Dawson City, the
   distance from which to Stryetensk is about three thousand
   miles. If this road ever is completed they figure that New
   York will be placed in railroad connection with London,
   Calcutta and Cape Town."

      _A. H. Ford,
      The Warfare of Railways in Asia
      (Century, March, 1900)._

   "Siberia and the Amur lands are rich beyond belief. … This
   vast territory, long looked upon as a barren waste, is
   destined to be one of the world's richest and most productive
   sections. In northern France, wheat ripens in 137 days; in
   Siberia, in 107. Even heavy night frosts do not injure the
   young seed. Under such conditions, the possibilities of
   agriculture are practically unlimited. I may add that oats
   require, in Siberia and in the Amur country, only 96 days, and
   in the regions of the Yenisei only 107. The frost period lasts
   only 97 days in the Irkutsk country. Transbaikalia lies
   entirely within the agricultural regions; so, too, almost the
   entire territory traversed by the Amur as far north as it
   runs. Efforts are being made to obtain along the Amur at least
   300,000 square kilometers (115,835 square miles) for the
   higher forms of northern agriculture. Climatically, the best
   of northern Asia's territory, for planting purposes, is the
   Usuri country, which, in spite of its vast tracts of wood and
   grazing lands, has 195,000 square kilometers (75,292 square
   miles) of arable ground. The building of the Trans-Siberian
   Railroad has already added to the Empire's wheat product.

   "The mineral resources of western Siberia are vast. Between
   Tomsk and Kooznesk lie 60,000 square kilometers (23,167 square
   miles) of coal lands which have never been touched. The coal
   is said to be excellent. In eastern Siberia, with its 280,000
   square kilometers (108,112 square miles) of fruitful soil,
   there are 400 places yielding gold. Rich mineral
   deposits—graphite, lapis lazuli; iron mines, particularly rich
   in quality (as high as 60 per cent); hard and soft coals, i.
   e., black and brown coals—await hands willing to work for
   them. To-day, thousands of colonists are hurrying to these
   promising lands. Russia's output in gold and silver is already
   very large, and is constantly increasing.

   "The industries of Siberia are in their infancy; still, they
   are growing and are bound to grow, so rich are the rewards
   promised. Chemical, sugar, and paper mills have been put up in
   several places and are paying well. Even Manchuria, a province so
   vast that it might make an empire, is looking to Russia for
   its future development. The wealth of this province, like that
   of Siberia and all eastern Russia, is ripe for harvesting. The
   traffic in Siberia and eastern Russia is increasing faster
   than even the advocates of the great Trans-Siberian road
   anticipated. The Ob, one of the world's big rivers, emptying
   through the Gulf of Ob into the Arctic Ocean, has 102 steamers
   and 200 tugs running already. On the Yenisei, 10 steamers
   carry the mails regularly. The mouths of both these rivers
   were visited last summer by English and Russian ships. This
   proves the practicability of connecting eastern and western
   Siberia with Europe by water."

      _United States Consular Reports,
      November, 1899, page 411._

   An official publication of the year 1900 from St. Petersburg,
   furnished to American journals by the Russian embassy at
   Washington, is the source of the following statements relative
   to the rapid development of the vast Siberian country along
   the line of the great railway:

   "When viewed with reference to colonization Siberia divides
   itself naturally into two zones, extending east and west, and
   differing essentially from one another. The first of these
   embraces the region traversed by the new Siberian railway, the
   more populous southern portion of Siberia, in which the
   conditions of climate and soil are favorable to the
   development of agriculture and colonization. The other zone
   occupies the extensive, deserted northern region, the land of
   tundras, or polar marshes, with a constantly frozen subsoil
   and a severe climate, a dreary tract of land totally unfit for
   agriculture. Between these two zones stretches a broad belt of
   forests of tall trees, partly primeval pine and fir, partly
   leafy trees. The wealth of these broad agricultural and timber
   areas is, moreover, augmented by mineral deposits of every
   conceivable nature, as abundant and diversified as those of
   America, and into this whole region immigration is pouring in
   volume unequalled except in the history of American
   colonization. Ever since the serfs were emancipated in 1861
   they have formed the bulk of the emigrants from the thickly
   populated agricultural districts of European Russia, but the
   great tide of settlers in the new territory is only now
   assuming tremendous proportions. During the twenty years'
   period of 1860 to 1880 about 110,000 persons emigrated to
   Siberia, while for the thirteen years from 1880 to 1892 there
   were over 440,000, and for the succeeding years since the
   great railway has been building the number of immigrants of
   both sexes has been as follows:

   1893,   65,000;
   1894,   76,000;
   1895,  109,000;
   1896,  203,000;
   1897,   87,000;
   1898,  206,000;
   1899,  225,000.
   Total, 971,000.

   According to the census of 1897, the population of Siberia had
   risen to 8,188,368 inhabitants, of which the Russian peasantry
   formed over 25 per cent."

RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1899 (May).
   Steps toward the abolition of transportation.

      See (in this volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1899 (MAY).

{430}

RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1900.
   Russian railway building and railway projects in
   Persia and Afghanistan.

   By several writers who seem to have knowledge of what is doing
   in those parts of the eastern world, it was reported in the
   spring of 1900 that an active projection, planning, and
   building (to some extent) of railroads in Persia and
   Afghanistan was on foot among the Russians. From Tiflis, it
   was said, their plans contemplated a line of rail to Teheran;
   thence to be extended by one branch, southward, via Ispahan,
   to the Persian Gulf, and by another branch westward to Herat,
   in Afghanistan. From their Central Asian acquisitions they had
   advanced their railway to within 70 miles of Herat, and were
   said to be confidently expecting to push it on, through
   Kandahar and through Baluchistan, to the Arabian Sea. If these
   extensive plans could be carried out, and if Russian influence
   in Persia, said to be growing fast, should become actually
   controlling, the Muscovite Power would have made an enormous
   gain, by planting itself on the shores of the Indian Ocean.
   How far Russia can continue to press forward in this line of
   policy without collision with Great Britain and with
   Germany—which seems to have aims in the same direction,
   through Asiatic Turkey—is an interesting question for the
   future.

   The following is from a despatch to the "London Times" from
   its correspondent at Vienna, February 24, 1901:

   "According to trustworthy information from Teheran, Russia is
   particularly active just now in Persia and the Persian Gulf. …
   The road from Resht to Teheran, which has been built by a
   Russian company, is of no value for European trade in the
   absence of an agreement with Russia respecting the transit
   traffic through that country. European commerce is dependent
   upon the long and expensive caravan routes via Trebizond,
   Bushire, Baghdad, Mochamera,&c. These occupy from four to six
   months."

RUSSO-CHINESE BANK, Concessions to the.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

S.

SAGASTA, Señor Praxedes Mateo:
   Resignation from Spanish Ministry.

      See (in this volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1895-1896.

SAGASTA, Señor Praxedes Mateo:
   Return to power.

      See (in this volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1897 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

SAGASTA, Señor Praxedes Mateo:
   Resignation.

      See (in this volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1899.

SAGHALIEN.

      See (in this volume)
      SAKHALIN.

SAHARA, The: French possessions.

      See (in this volume)
      NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

ST. KITTS: Industrial condition.

      See (in this volume)
      WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.

ST. LOUIS: A. D. 1896.
   Republican National Convention.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

ST. VINCENT, The British colony of.

      See (in this volume)
      WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.

SAKHALIN.

   "Of late years … its increasing importance as a place of exile
   for Russian political and criminal offenders has invested
   Sakhalin with a certain interest, derived, perhaps, more from
   penal associations than physical resources, which latter may,
   when fully developed, materially affect trade and commerce in
   the far East. The island of Sakhalin is 584 miles in length,
   its breadth varying from 18 to 94 miles. The southern
   extremity is separated from the island of Yezo, twenty miles
   distant, by the Straits of La Perouse, and its western coast
   by the shallow Gulf of Tartary (at one point barely five miles
   across) from the mainland of Siberia. Although Dutch explorers
   are said to have landed here in 1643, the first reliable
   survey of the island was probably obtained in the year 1787 by
   La Perouse. Russian fur traders followed in the early part of
   the present century, but it was only in 1853 that,
   disturbances having occurred with the natives, a score or so
   of Cossacks were stationed at Dui on the west coast. In 1867
   negotiations were entered into by the Russian and Japanese
   Governments for joint occupation of Sakhalin, but the
   subsequent discovery of coal, and consequent influx of Russian
   convicts, rendered this arrangement highly unsatisfactory.
   Further negotiations, therefore, ensued, with the result that,
   in 1875, the island was formally ceded to Russia, Japan
   receiving, in exchange, the entire Kurile Archipelago.

   "Sakhalin is by no means easy of access. Even during the open
   season (from May to September) but very few vessels visit the
   island, and, with the exception of the monthly arrival of
   convict-ships from Europe, and a couple of small Russian trading
   steamers, there is no fixed service with Vladivostok, which, with
   the exception of Nikolaefsk, is the only Siberian port whence
   Sakhalin may, in three days, be reached. During the winter months
   the island is completely ice-bound and unapproachable by water.
   Communication with the mainland is then maintained by means of
   dog-sledges, and the mails for Europe are dispatched across
   the frozen Gulf of Tartary—a journey, under favourable
   circumstances, of about three months. …

   "Sakhalin is, for administrative purposes, divided into three
   districts, viz.: Korsakovsky-Post in the south, Tymovsk in the
   north, and Alexandrovsky-Post on the western coast. The
   latter, which is situated in the centre of the coal district,
   is a picturesque, straggling town of about 7,000 inhabitants,
   consisting almost entirely of officials and convicts. This is
   the most important penal settlement on the island, contains
   the largest prison, and is, moreover, the residence of the
   Governor of Sakhalin, a subordinate of the Governor-General of
   Eastern Siberia. Alexandrovsky is garrisoned by about 1,500
   men, and contains large foundries and workshops for convict
   labour, but most of the prisoners are employed in the adjacent
   coal mines of Dui. … Korsakovsky-Post, on the south coast, is
   the next largest settlement, containing about 5,000 convicts
   who are chiefly employed in agricultural pursuits. Although it
   may seem a paradox, the remaining prisons in the interior of
   the island, Derbynskaya, Rykovskaya, and Onor are not prisons
   at all, but huge wooden barracks, innocent of bolts and bars.
   Here, also, the work done is solely agricultural."

      _Harry de Windt,
      The Island of Sakhalin
      (Fortnightly Review, May, 1897)._

SALISBURY, Lord Robert Cecil, Marquis of:
   Third Ministry.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

{431}

SALISBURY, Lord Robert Cecil, Marquis of:
   Correspondence with the Government of the United States
   on the Venezuela boundary question.

      See (in this volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (JULY) and (NOVEMBER).

SALISBURY, Lord Robert Cecil, Marquis of:
   Fourth Ministry.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER-DECEMBER).

SALISBURY, Lord Robert Cecil, Marquis of:
   Tribute to Queen Victoria.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

SALISBURY PLAIN: Purchase by Government.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY).

SALVADOR.

      See (in this volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA.

SALVATION ARMY, The:
   Secession of the American Volunteers.
   Late account of the Army's work.

   Much feeling in the American branch of the Salvation Army, and
   among those who valued its work, was caused in January, 1896,
   by an order from the London headquarters of the Army recalling
   Mr. Ballington Booth, who had been its American Commander for
   nine years. Commander Booth and Mrs. Booth had been remarkably
   successful in their organization and direction of the
   Salvation Army work, and had won a high place in the esteem,
   not only of their own followers, but of the American public at
   large. A wide and strong movement of protest against their
   removal from the field failed to change the London order,
   which was said to be made in obedience to a necessary rule of
   the Army against long service in any one post. Miss Eva Booth,
   representing her father, General Booth, with Colonel Nicol, from
   London, and Commandant Herbert Booth, from Canada, came to New
   York as mediators, endeavoring to heal a threatened breach in
   the ranks; but their mission failed. Commander Ballington
   Booth resigned his office, and withdrew from the Salvation
   Army service, declining to return to London. After a time, he
   and Mrs. Booth became the heads of a new organization called
   the "Volunteers of America," for religious work, not in
   rivalry with that of the Salvation Army, but directed more
   towards the awakening of the interest of the working people,
   Mr. Ballington Booth was succeeded as Commander in America by
   a son-in-law of General Booth, Commissioner Frederick St.
   Clair Tucker. —For an account of the origin and growth of the
   Salvation Army see, under that heading, in the Supplement
   (volume 5) of the original edition of this work, or in volume
   4 of the revised edition.

   Of results accomplished in that part of the work of the
   Salvation Army known as the "Darkest England Scheme," General
   Booth wrote, early in 1900, an extended account in the "Sunday
   Strand." He stated that the public had subscribed altogether
   for his scheme about $1,300,000. "It is a debated point," he
   wrote, "with the intelligent admirers of the scheme and the
   careful observers of its progress whether the benefits
   bestowed on the wretched classes for whom it was originated
   have been greater within than without our borders. The
   copyists of our plan have been legion, both at home and
   abroad, in church and state. The representatives of the
   different governments specially charged with the
   responsibility for the outcast classes have been gradually
   coming to appreciate the principles and methods involved in
   the scheme, and to show willingness to cooperate in giving it
   a chance. They have done this in two ways:

   (1) In attempting similar tasks themselves;
   (2) in using and subsidizing the army for doing the work for
   them.

   Many governments make grants to our various institutions in
   varying amounts toward the cost of dealing with different
   classes of the submerged."

   The following is a summary of the agencies which have been set
   at work by the general: "We have now 158 shelters and food
   depots for homeless men and women, 121 slum posts, each with
   its own slum sisters, 37 labor bureaus, (10 labor factories
   for the unemployed, 11 land colonies, 91 rescue homes for
   women, 11 labor homes for ex-criminals, several nursing
   institutions, 2 maternity hospitals for deserted women, an
   institution with branches in forty-five countries and colonies
   for finding lost and missing persons, together with a host of
   allied and minor agencies which I am not able here to
   enumerate. The total number of institutions named above is now
   545, under the care of more than 2,000 trained officers and
   others wholly employed, all working in harmony with the
   principles I have laid down for helping the poorest and most
   unfortunate of their fellows, and all more or less experts at
   their work.

   "Nearly 20,000 destitute men and women are in some way or
   other touched by the operations of the scheme every day. No
   less than 15,000 wretched and otherwise homeless people are
   housed under our roofs every night, having their needs met, at
   least in part, with sympathy and prayer and the opportunity
   for friendly counsel. More than 300 ex-criminals are to-day in
   our houses of reformation, having before them another chance
   for this life, and in many cases the first they have ever had
   for preparing for the life to come. More than 5,000 women
   taken from lives of darkness and shame are safely sheltered in
   our homes each year, on the way—as we have abundantly proved
   in the case of others, in respect of a large proportion of
   them—to a future of virtue, goodness, and religion. Over 1,000
   men are employed on the land colonies. Many of them are working
   out their own deliverance, and at the same time helping to
   solve one of the most difficult problems of modern times, and
   proving that many of the helpless loafers of the great cities
   can be made useful producers on the soil. Over the gates of
   every one of these homes, elevators, labor factories, and
   colonies there might be written: 'No man or woman need starve,
   or beg, or pauperize, or steal, or commit suicide. If willing
   to work, apply within. Here there is hope for all.'" General
   Booth adds that he has always 2,000 women in the rescue homes
   of the army.

SAMOAN ISLANDS, The:
   Ending of the joint control of the Islands by Germany,
   England and the United States.
   Partition between Germany and the United States.
   Retirement of England.

   Said President Cleveland, in his annual Message to the
   Congress of the United States, December 4, 1893: "Led by a
   desire to compose differences and contribute to the
   restoration of order in Samoa, which for some years previous
   had been the scene of conflicting foreign pretensions and
   native strife, the United States, departing from its policy
   consecrated by a century of observance, entered [in 1889] …
   into the, treaty of Berlin [see, in volume 4, SAMOA], thereby
   becoming jointly bound with England and Germany to establish
   and maintain Malietoa Laupepa as King of Samoa.
{432}
   The treaty provided for a foreign court of justice; a
   municipal council for the district of Apia, with a foreign
   president thereof, authorized to advise the King; a tribunal
   for the settlement of native and foreign land titles, and a
   revenue system for the Kingdom. It entailed upon the three
   powers that part of the cost of the new Government not met by
   the revenue of the islands. Early in the life of this triple
   protectorate the native dissensions it was designed to quell
   revived. Rivals defied the authority of the new King, refusing
   to pay taxes and demanding the election of a ruler by native
   suffrage. Mataafa, an aspirant to the throne, and a large
   number of his native adherents were in open rebellion on one
   of the islands. Quite lately, at the request of the other
   powers and in fulfillment of its treaty obligation, this
   Government agreed to unite in a joint military movement of
   such dimensions as would probably secure the surrender of the
   insurgents without bloodshed. The war ship Philadelphia was
   accordingly put under orders for Samoa, but before she arrived
   the threatened conflict was precipitated by King Malietoa's
   attack upon the insurgent camp. Mataafa was defeated and a
   number of his men killed. The British and German naval vessels
   present subsequently secured the surrender of Mataafa and his
   adherents. The defeated chief and ten of his principal
   supporters were deported to a German island of the Marshall
   group, where they are held as prisoners under the joint
   responsibility and cost of the three powers. This incident and
   the events leading up to it signally illustrate the impolicy
   of entangling alliances with foreign powers."

      _United States, Message and Documents
      (Abridgment), 1893-1894._

   In his next annual Message, December 3, 1894, the President
   thus summarized the later situation in the islands: "The
   suppression of the Mataafa insurrection by the powers and the
   subsequent banishment of the leader and eleven other chiefs,
   as recited in my last message, did not bring lasting peace to
   the islands. Formidable uprisings continued, and finally a
   rebellion broke out in the capital island, Upolu, headed in
   Aana, the western district, by the younger Tamasese, and in
   Atua, the eastern district, by other leaders. The insurgents
   ravaged the country and fought the Government's troops up to
   the very doors of Apia. The King again appealed to the powers
   for help, and the combined British and German naval forces
   reduced the Atuans to apparent subjection, not, however,
   without considerable loss to the natives. A few days later
   Tamasese and his adherents, fearing the ships and the marines,
   professed submission. Reports received from our agents at Apia
   do not justify the belief that the peace thus brought about
   will be of long duration. It is their conviction that the
   natives are at heart hostile to the present Government, that
   such of them as profess loyalty to it do so from fear of the
   powers, and that it would speedily go to pieces if the war
   ships were withdrawn. … The present Government has utterly
   failed to correct, if indeed it has not aggravated, the very
   evils it was intended to prevent. It has not stimulated our
   commerce with the islands. Our participation in its
   establishment against the wishes of the natives was in plain
   defiance of the conservative teachings and warnings of the
   wise and patriotic men who laid the foundations of our free
   institutions, and I invite an expression of the judgment of
   Congress on the propriety of steps being taken by this
   Government looking to the withdrawal from its engagements with
   the other powers on some reasonable terms not prejudicial to
   any of our existing rights."

      _United States, Message and Documents
      (Abridgment, 1894-1895)._

   In the Message of 1895 the subject was again pressed on the
   attention of Congress without result.

   In August, 1898, Malietoa Laupepa died. By the Berlin Treaty
   of 1889 "it was provided that in case any question should
   arise in Samoa, respecting the rightful election of King, or
   of any other Chief claiming authority over the islands, or
   respecting the validity of the powers which the King or any
   Chief might claim in the exercise of his office, such question
   should not lead to war, but should be presented for decision
   to the Chief Justice of Samoa, who should decide it in
   writing, conformably to the provisions of the Act, and to the
   laws and customs of Samoa not in conflict therewith, and that
   the Signatory Governments would accept and abide by such
   decision. After the death of Malietoa an exchange of views
   took place between the Powers, and it was agreed that there
   should be no interference with the right of the Samoans to
   elect a King, and that the election should proceed strictly in
   accordance with the provisions of the Final Act. Some time
   elapsed before any action was taken, pending the completion of
   certain ceremonial usages customary in Samoa on the death of a
   High Chief. … As soon as the funeral ceremonies were at an end,
   deliberation and discussion among the Chiefs ensued. There
   were in the first instance several candidates for the
   succession. Their number was eventually reduced to two:

   1. Malietoa Tanu, the son of the late King.
   2. The High Chief Mataafa.

   This Chief had been in rebellion against Malietoa Laupepa, but
   had suffered defeat, and with other Chiefs had been deported,
   by agreement between the three Powers, to the Marshall
   Islands. On the recommendation of the Consular officers at
   Apia, the Powers, in July 1898, consented to his return. … On
   the 19th September, Mataafa and the other exiled Chiefs landed
   in Samoa. It does not appear that he took any overt steps to
   claim the vacant throne, but a section of the natives
   pronounced in his favour and announced on the 12th November to
   the Consuls and to the Chief Justice that he had been duly
   elected King. On the 13th November the opposing faction
   declared that the real election of a King had not taken place,
   and on the following day announced that their choice had
   fallen upon Malietoa Tanu. Both parties appealed to Mr.
   Chambers, the Chief Justice, who considered himself then in a
   position to take cognisance of the matter, according to the
   provisions of the Final Act, a question having arisen 'in
   Samoa respecting the rightful election or appointment of
   King.'"

      _Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command: Samoa, Number 1, 1899)._

   The decision of the Chief Justice was in favor of Malietoa
   Tanu, and the adherents of Mataafa took up arms, defeating
   those of the favored candidate and driving many of them to
   take refuge on British and German ships of war. Subsequent
   events were related by the President of the United States in
   his Message to Congress, December 5, 1899, as follows: "In
   this emergency a joint commission of representatives of the
   United States, Germany, and Great Britain was sent to Samoa to
   investigate the situation and provide a temporary remedy.
{433}
   By its active efforts a peaceful solution was reached for the
   time being, the kingship being abolished and a provisional
   government established. Recommendations unanimously made by
   the commission for a permanent adjustment of the Samoan
   question were taken under consideration by the three powers
   parties to the General Act. But the more they were examined
   the more evident it became that a radical change was necessary
   in the relations of the powers to Samoa. The inconveniences
   and possible perils of the tripartite scheme of supervision
   and control in the Samoan group by powers having little
   interest in common in that quarter beyond commercial rivalry
   had been once more emphasized by the recent events. The
   suggested remedy of the Joint Commission, like the scheme it
   aimed to replace, amounted to what has been styled a
   'tridominium,' being the exercise of the functions of
   sovereignty by an unanimous agreement of three powers. The
   situation had become far more intricate and embarrassing from
   every point of view than it was when my predecessor, in 1894,
   summed up its perplexities and condemned the participation in
   it of the United States. The arrangement under which Samoa was
   administered had proved impracticable and unacceptable to all
   the powers concerned. To withdraw from the agreement and
   abandon the islands to Germany and Great Britain would not be
   compatible with our interests in the archipelago. To
   relinquish our rights in the harbor of Pago Pago, the best
   anchorage in the Pacific, the occupancy of which had been
   leased to the United States in 1878 by the first foreign
   treaty ever concluded by Samoa, was not to be thought of
   either as regards the needs of our Navy or the interests of
   our growing commerce with the East. We could not have
   considered any proposition for the abrogation of the
   tripartite control which did not confirm us in all our rights
   and safeguard all our national interests in the islands. Our
   views commended themselves to the other powers. A satisfactory
   arrangement was concluded between the Governments of Germany
   and of England, by virtue of which England retired from Samoa
   in view of compensations in other directions, and both powers
   renounced in favor of the United States all their rights and
   claims over and in respect to that portion of the group lying
   to the east of the one hundred and seventy-first degree of
   west longitude, embracing the islands of Tutuila, Ofoo,
   Olosenga, and Manua."

      _United States, Message and Documents (Abridgment),
      1899-1900, volume 1._

   The compensations to England "in other directions" were given
   by Germany, in the following provisions of a treaty signed at
   London, November 14, 1899:

   "ARTICLE II.
   Germany renounces in favour of Great Britain all her rights
   over the Tonga Islands, including Vavau, and over Savage
   Island, including the right of establishing a naval station
   and coaling station, and the right of extra-territoriality in
   the said islands. … She recognizes as falling to Great Britain
   those of the Solomon Islands, at present belonging to Germany,
   which are situated to the east and southeast of the Island of
   Bougainville, which latter shall continue to belong to
   Germany, together with the Island of Buka, which forms part of
   it. The western portion of the neutral zone in West Africa, as
   defined in Article V of the present Convention, shall also
   fall to the share of Great Britain. …

   "ARTICLE IV.
   The arrangement at present existing between Germany and Great
   Britain and concerning the right of Germany to freely engage
   labourers in the Solomon Islands belonging to Great Britain
   shall be equally extended to those of the Solomon Islands
   mentioned in Article II, which fall to the share of Great
   Britain.

   "ARTICLE V.
   In the neutral zone the frontier between the German and
   English territories shall be formed by the River Daka as far
   as the point of its intersection with the 9th degree of north
   latitude, thence the frontier shall continue to the north,
   leaving Morozugu to Great Britain, and shall be fixed on the
   spot by a Mixed Commission of the two Powers, in such manner
   that Gambaga and all the territories of Mamprusi shall fall to
   Great Britain, and that Yendi and all the territories of Chakosi
   shall fall to Germany.

   "ARTICLE VI.
   Germany is prepared to take into consideration, as much and as
   far as possible, the wishes which the Government of Great
   Britain may express with regard to the development of the
   reciprocal Tariffs in the territories of Togo and of the Gold
   Coast.

   "ARTICLE VII.
   Germany renounces her rights of extra-territoriality in
   Zanzibar, but it is at the same time understood that this
   renunciation shall not effectively come into force till such
   time as the rights of extra-territoriality enjoyed there by
   other nations shall be abolished."

   To the treaty was appended the following "Declaration":

   "It is clearly understood that by Article II of the Convention
   signed to-day, Germany consents that the whole group of the
   Howe Islands, which forms part of the Solomon Islands, shall
   fall to Great Britain. It is also understood that the
   stipulations of the Declaration between the two Governments
   signed at Berlin on the 10th April, 1886, respecting freedom
   of commerce in the Western Pacific, apply to the islands
   mentioned in the aforesaid Convention. It is similarly
   understood that the arrangement at present in force as to the
   engagement of labourers by Germans in the Solomon Islands
   permits Germans to engage those labourers on the same
   conditions as those which are or which shall be imposed on
   British subjects nonresident in those islands."

      _Great Britain, Parliamentary Publication,
      (Papers by Command: Treaty Series, Number 7, 1900)._

   Article III of the general treaty between the United States,
   Germany and Great Britain stipulated: "It is understood and
   agreed that each of the three signatory Powers shall continue
   to enjoy, in respect to their commerce and commercial vessels,
   in all the islands of the Samoan group, privileges and
   conditions equal to those enjoyed by the sovereign Power, in
   all ports which may be open to the commerce of either of
   them."

      _United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,
      Senate Document Number 157._

{434}

   On the 17th of April, 1900, an "instrument of cession" was
   signed by the marks of twenty-two chiefs, conveying to the
   United States the islands of the Samoan group lying east of
   the 171st degree of west longitude, and the American flag was
   raised over the naval station at Pago-Pago. From Pago-Pago,
   March 27, 1901, a Press despatch announced: "The natives under
   the United States Government number 5,800, according to a
   census just taken, while the natives in the other islands
   under German rule number 32,000. The population has increased
   very slightly in the last thirty years, and the main cause of
   this failure to increase is the infant mortality, due to the
   violation of the simplest health principles in the care and
   diet of children. … Reports from the six islands under United
   States control show that the natives are improving in general
   conditions, and that they show a desire to keep their houses
   neat and to educate their children. Not a single native has
   been arrested for drunkenness since the Americans assumed
   control of Tutuila island."

SAMPSON, Rear-Admiral William T.:
   Commanding North Atlantic Station.
   Blockade of Cuban ports.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY: CUBA).

SAMPSON, Rear-Admiral William T.:
   Operations at Santiago de Cuba.
   See (in this volume)
   UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE).

SAMPSON, Rear-Admiral William T.:
   Destruction of Spanish squadron.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY 3).

SAN DOMINGO.

      See (in this volume)
      DOMINICAN REPUBLIC.

SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1898.
   New city charter.

   A city charter of a quite new and experimental character was
   adopted by popular vote in May, to go into effect at the
   beginning of the year 1900. Its main features were described
   at the time by the "New York Tribune," as follows:

   "The formation of this charter is an advanced example of the
   exercise of municipal home rule. The constitution of
   California gives the cities of the state the uncommon
   privilege of framing their own charters subject simply to the
   veto power of the legislature. Exercising that right, the
   people, acting through fifteen free-holders, elected for that
   purpose, have drawn up the new charter. … If the legislature
   approves, it will become the local constitution. The charter
   provides for its own amendment by the people without appeal to
   the legislature. So the present provisions of that instrument
   may be only a form to be entirely remodeled by the city at its
   own pleasure until it has no resemblance to the laws to which the
   state authorities gave approval. That is an extreme delegation
   of powers, such as we think has never before been made in an
   American state. The mayor has large powers of appointment and
   removal. He can suspend all elected officers except the
   supervisors—the city legislators—who may remove those whom he
   suspends, and he may remove at any time for cause all
   appointive officers. The elective list is large, for, though
   there are only eighteen supervisors, the number of places
   filled by election each year is thirty. This is a great
   departure from the charter-making practice recently prevalent,
   which has tended to the election of only a few administrative
   officers who are responsible for the selection of agents in
   different departments. Attempt is made to centre
   responsibility in the mayor, but the supervisors and the
   people both can pass ordinances likely to interfere with that
   responsibility. So the charter is as far as possible from
   inaugurating the one-man power, which has been much advocated
   as the cure for the ills which spring from a municipal
   administration animated by no uniform purpose or
   intelligence."

SAN JUAN HILL, Battle of.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

SAND RIVER CONVENTION, The.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1884-1894.

SANTIAGO DE CUBA: A. D. 1898(May-June).
   Blockade of Spanish squadron in the Bay.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE).

SANTIAGO DE CUBA: A. D. 1898 (June-July).
   Attack and investment by American army.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

SANTIAGO DE CUBA: A. D. 1898 (July 3).
   Destruction of Spanish fleet.

      See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY 3).

SANTIAGO DE CUBA: A. D. 1898 (July 4-17).
   Surrender of the city and Spanish forces.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY 4-17).

SANTIAGO DE CUBA: A. D. 1898 (August).
   Sickness in the American army.
   Withdrawal of troops.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: CUBA).

SARGON OF AKKAD.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

SAYINGS OF OUR LORD, Discovery of a fragment of the.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: DISCOVERY OF A FRAGMENT.

SCHLEY, Admiral W. S.:
   In operations at Santiago de Cuba.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE).

SCHLEY, Admiral W. S.:
   Destruction of Spanish squadron.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JULY 3).

SCHOOLS.

      See EDUCATION.

SCHREINER, W. P.:
   Resignation of the Premiership of Cape Colony.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1900 (APRIL-JUNE).

SCHWAN, General:
   Military operations in the Philippine Islands.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

{435}

   ----------SCIENCE, RECENT: Start--------

NOTABLE ACHIEVEMENTS.

ARCHÆOLOGICAL DISCOVERY.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH.

CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS:
   Acetylene Gas.

   Acetylene gas has been known since 1832, when it was
   discovered by Edmund Davy; but it remained a mere laboratory
   product until 1892, when two experimenters, in America and
   France, stumbled accidentally on the production, in an
   electric furnace, of calcium carbide, which water decomposes,
   readily yielding the gas in question. The American discoverer
   was Mr. Thomas Willson, a Canadian electrician, residing at
   Spray, North Carolina; his French rival was Professor Henry
   Moisson, of Paris. The priority of Mr. Willson in the
   discovery, or in the announcement of it, is most generally
   recognized, and he secured patents in the United States and
   elsewhere. Electrical developments since 1892 have economized
   the manufacture of calcium carbide, by electric heat acting on
   a mixture of lime and coke, and it has become an important
   commercial product, at Niagara Falls and other seats of
   electric power, bringing acetylene gas into extensive use as
   an illuminant. There have been dangers and difficulties in the
   use, however, not easily overcome.

CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS:
   Discovery of Argon and Helium.

   "After Lord Rayleigh, in 1892, had proved that nitrogen
   obtained from chemical combinations was about one-half per
   cent lighter than that obtained from the atmosphere, a
   determination that was again verified in 1894, Lord Rayleigh
   and Professor Ramsay separated from atmospheric nitrogen an
   elementary gas of great density which, by reason of its
   chemical indifference, they called argon. They proved that
   this gas formed about 0.8 or 0.9 per cent of the volume of
   nitrogen, from which it could be separated either by
   incandescent magnesium or by the continued action of the
   electric spark. It was established beyond doubt that Cavendish
   produced this gas a hundred years ago by the use of the
   electric spark. Argon, either alone or accompanied by helium,
   has also been found in natural waters as well as in minerals.
   Its discovery in a meteorite of Augusta County, Virginia,
   United States of America, may perhaps lead us to ascribe to it
   an extra-terrestrial origin.

   "The physical properties of argon are very distinct, and its
   characteristic spectrum enables us to at once distinguish it
   with certainty from any other substance, but from a chemical
   point of view this gas is most extraordinarily inactive, and
   we have not yet succeeded in making it form combinations as
   the other elements do. This peculiarity, and also the
   impossibility of finding a place in the periodic system for a
   simple body having the molecular weight of argon (39.88), have
   given rise to all sorts of hypotheses relative to the nature
   of this gas. …

   "Another most interesting discovery was that of helium, made
   by Professor Ramsay. In 1891 Hillebrand showed that uranium
   ore and ores of the same family when dissolved in acids or
   fused with alkaline carbonates, or even merely heated in a
   vacuum, may give off as much as 3 per cent of nitrogen.
   Professor Ramsay obtained this gas from cleveite and by means
   of spectroscopic examination demonstrated the presence of
   argon; and in the course of his experiments—in March, 1895—he
   observed beside the spectrum of argon another bright, yellow
   line that did not belong to that spectrum, and which Crookes
   recognized as identical with the line D that Lockyer had
   already observed in 1868 in the spectrum of the solar
   chromosphere, and which he had attributed to an element as yet
   unknown upon the earth—helium. The same line had also been
   distinguished in the spectra of other fixed stars,
   particularly in the spectrum of Orion, so that it may be
   admitted that helium exists in large quantities
   extra-terrestrially. … On our planet it appears, on the
   contrary, to be very rare, and may be ranked among the rarest
   of elements. … "Helium is the lightest of all the gases except
   hydrogen; Stoney deduces from this fact an explanation of the
   existence of these two elements in but very small quantities
   in a free state upon the face of the earth, while they are
   distributed in enormous masses throughout the universe. The
   comparatively small force of the earth's gravitation does not
   form a sufficient counterpoise to the velocity of their
   molecules, which therefore escape from the terrestrial
   atmosphere unless restrained by chemical combination. They
   then proceed to reunite around great centres of attraction,
   such as the fixed stars, in whose atmospheres these elements
   exist in large quantities."

      _C. Winkler,
      The Discovery of new Elements within the last
      twenty-five years
      (Annual Report of Smithsonian Institution, 1897,
      page 237, translated from Revue Scientifique,
      4th series, volume 8)._

CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS:
   Liquefaction of Oxygen, Hydrogen and Air.

   "The most remarkable recent work in refrigeration is that of
   Professor James Dewar, of the Royal Institution in London. The
   feat of liquefying oxygen by a succession of approaches to its
   critical temperature has been thus described by him, in an
   interview which appeared in 'McClure's Magazine,' November,
   1893: 'The process of liquefying oxygen, briefly speaking, is
   this: Into the outer chamber of that double compressor I
   introduce, through a pipe, liquid nitrous oxide gas, under a
   pressure of about 1,400 pounds to the square inch. I then
   allow it to evaporate rapidly, and thus obtain a temperature
   around the inner chamber of -90° C. Into this cooled inner
   chamber I introduce liquid ethylene, which is a gas at
   ordinary temperatures, under a pressure of 1,800 pounds to
   the square inch. When the inner chamber is full of ethylene,
   its rapid evaporation under exhaustion reduces the temperature
   to -135° C. Running through this inner chamber is a tube
   containing oxygen gas under a pressure of 750 pounds to the
   square inch. The critical point of oxygen gas—that is, the
   point above which no amount of pressure will reduce it to a
   liquid—is—115° C., but this pressure, at the temperature of
   -145° C., is amply sufficient to cause it to liquefy rapidly.'

{436}

   "In May, 1898, Professor Dewar, by the use of liquid oxygen,
   succeeded in liquefying hydrogen, producing a liquid having
   but one-fourteenth the specific gravity of water; this exploit
   brought him within 21° of the absolute zero of centigrade. He
   afterward reduced the liquid to solid form, attaining a
   temperature estimated at four to five degrees lower. Faraday
   and other investigators of an earlier day surmised that
   hydrogen, when solidified, would prove to be a metal; now that
   the feat of solidification has been accomplished, hydrogen
   astonishes the physicist by displaying itself as non-metallic.
   …

   "For some years the plan was to employ a series of chemical
   compounds, each with a lower boiling-point than its
   predecessor in the process, and all troublesome and hazardous
   in manipulation. A better method has been developed by keeping
   to simple air from first to last, as in the apparatus of Dr.
   Linde, of Dr. Hampson, and of Mr. Charles E. Tripler.

   "As the Tripler machine does its work on a bolder scale than
   either of the others, let its operation be briefly outlined:
   Air is first compressed to 65 pounds pressure to the square
   inch; through a second pump this pressure is exalted to 400
   pounds, and with a third pump the pressure is carried to 2,500
   pounds. After each compression the air flows through jacketed
   pipes, where it is cooled by a stream of water. At the third
   condensation a valve, the secret of whose construction Mr.
   Tripler keeps to himself, permits part of the compressed air
   to flow into a pipe surrounding the tube through which the
   remainder is flowing. This act of expansion severely chills
   the imprisoned air, which at last discharges itself in liquid
   form—much as water does from an ordinary city faucet."

      _G. Iles,
      Flame, Electricity and the Camera,
      chapter 6 (New York: Doubleday, Page & Co.)._

CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS:
   Smokeless Powders.

   "In recent years smokeless powders have largely superseded all
   others. These contain usually nitro-cellulose (gun cotton), or
   nitro-glycerine, or both, made up into a plastic, coherent,
   and homogeneous compound of a gluey nature, and fashioned into
   horn-like sticks or rods by being forced under pressure,
   through a die plate having small holes, through which the
   plastic material is strained into strings like macaroni, or
   else is molded into tablets, pellets, or grains of cubical
   shape. Prominent among those who have contributed to this art
   are the names of Turpin, Abel and Dewar, Nobel, Maxim, Munroe,
   Du Pont, Bernadou and others. In the recent years of the
   Nineteenth Century great activity has been manifest in this
   field of invention. In the United States more than 600
   different patents have been granted for explosives, the larger
   portion of them being for nitro-compounds which partake in a
   greater or less degree of the qualities of gun cotton or
   nitro-glycerine."

      _E. W. Byrn,
      Progress of Invention in the 19th Century,
      page 419._

CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS:
   X Rays.
   The Discovery of Professor Rontgen.

   "Fresh proofs await us of the supreme rank of both electricity
   and photography as resources of art and science as we observe
   the transcendent powers evoked by their union. From this union
   no issue is more extraordinary, more weighty with meaning and
   promise, than the X-ray pictures due to Professor Wilhelm
   Konrad Rontgen. In these pictures he has but crowned labours
   which began when Sir John Herschel noticed that a peculiar
   blue light was diffused from a perfectly colourless solution
   of quinine sulphate. Professor (now Sir) George Stokes
   explained the phenomenon by showing that this blue light
   consists of vibrations originally too rapid to be visible,
   which are slowed down within the limits of perceptibility as
   they pass through the liquid. …

   "One path of approach to the achievement of Professor Röntgen
   was opened by Sir John Herschel; another, as important, was
   blazed and broadened by Professor (now Sir) William Crookes.
   In 1874 and 1875 he was engaged upon the researches which gave
   the world the radiometer, the tiny mill whose vanes rotate
   with rays of light or heat. The action of this mill depends
   upon its being placed in a glass bulb almost vacuous. When
   such a bulb incloses rubies, bits of phenakite, or other
   suitable objects, and electrical discharges are directed upon
   them, they glow with the most brilliant luminescence known to
   art. Excited by a cathode ray, that is, a ray from the
   negative pole of an electrical machine, a Crookes bulb itself
   shines with a vivid golden green ray which reminds the
   onlooker of the fluorescence of earlier experiments. … "Year
   by year the list of substances excitable to luminosity in a
   Crookes bulb has been lengthened, and in 1894 it was the good
   fortune of Professor Philipp Lenard to discover a wonderful
   power of such a bulb. Emerging from it was a cathode ray which
   passed nearly as freely through a thin plate of aluminium as
   common sunshine does through a pane of glass. Hertz had, a few
   years previously, discovered that metals in very thin sheets
   were virtually transparent (or, to use Mr. Hyndman's term,
   transradiable) to his electric waves. This property was found
   by Professor Lenard to extend to the cathode ray and in a much
   higher degree. … The ultra-violet ray of ordinary light has
   the singular power of causing the gases which it may traverse
   to become conductors of electricity, with the effect of
   discharging an electrified metallic plate; this property is
   shared by cathode rays. Associated with them are the rays of
   still more extraordinary powers, discovered by Professor
   Röntgen. In his own words let his achievement be recounted, as
   published in 'McClure's Magazine,' April, 1896.

   "'I have been for a long time interested in the problem of the
   cathode rays from a vacuum tube as studied by Hertz and
   Lenard. I had followed their and other researches with great
   interest, and determined, us soon as I had the time, to make
   some researches of my own. This time I found at the close of
   last October. I had been at work for some days when I
   discovered something new.' 'What was the date?' 'The 8th of
   November.' 'And what was the discovery?' 'I was working with a
   Crookes tube covered by a shield of black cardboard. A piece
   of barium platino-cyanide paper lay on the bench there. I had
   been passing a current through the tube, and I noticed a
   peculiar black line across the paper.' 'What of that?' 'The
   effect was one which could only be produced, in ordinary
   parlance, by the passage of light. No light could come from
   the tube, because the shield which covered it was impervious
   to any light known, even that of the electric arc.' 'And what
   did you think?' 'I did not think; I investigated. I assumed
   that the effect must have come from the tube, since its
   character indicated that it could come from nowhere else. I
   tested it. In a few minutes there was no doubt about it. Rays
   were coming from the tube which had a luminescent effect upon
   the paper.
{437}
   I tried it successfully at greater and greater distances, even
   at two metres. It seemed at first a new kind of invisible
   light. It was clearly something new, something unrecorded.'
   'Is it light?' 'No.' 'Is it electricity?' 'Not in any known
   form.' 'What is it?' 'I don't know.' And the discoverer of the
   X rays thus stated as calmly his ignorance of their essence as
   has everybody else who has written on the phenomena thus far.

   "'Having discovered the existence of a new kind of rays, I of
   course began to investigate what they would do.' He took up a
   series of cabinet-sized photographs. 'It soon appeared from
   tests that the rays had penetrative power to a degree hitherto
   unknown. They penetrated paper, wood, and cloth with ease; and
   the thickness of the substance made no perceptible difference,
   within reasonable limits.' He showed photographs of a box of
   laboratory weights of platinum, aluminium, and brass, they and
   the brass hinges all having been photographed from a closed
   box, without any indication of the box. Also a photograph of a
   coil of fine wire, wound on a wooden spool, the wire having
   been photographed and the wood omitted.

   "'The rays,' he continued, 'passed through all the metals
   tested, with a facility varying, roughly speaking, with the
   density of the metal. These phenomena I have discussed
   carefully in my report to the Würzburg Society, and you will
   find all the technical results therein stated.' He showed a
   photograph of a small sheet of zinc. This was composed of
   smaller plates soldered laterally with solders of different
   metallic proportions. The differing lines of shadow caused by
   the difference in the solders were visible evidence that a new
   means of detecting flaws and chemical variations in metals had
   been found. A photograph of a compass showed the needle and
   dial taken through the closed brass cover. The markings of the
   dial were in red metallic paint, and thus interfered with the
   rays, and were reproduced. 'Since the rays had this great
   penetrative power, it seemed natural that they should
   penetrate flesh, and so it proved in photographing the hand,
   as I showed you.'" …

   "Provided with a Röntgen bulb, the photographer passes from
   the exterior to the interior of an object, almost as if he
   were a sorcerer with power to transmute all things to glass.
   Equipped with a simple X-ray apparatus, dislocations and
   fractures are detected by the surgeon, diseases of bones are
   studied, and shot, needles, and bits of glass or corroding
   wire within the muscles of a patient are located with
   exactitude. Thanks to the work of Mr. Mackenzie Davidson, the
   like detection of renal calculi can be looked forward to with
   a fair degree of certainty. The same means of exploration
   offers equal aid to medicine: it demonstrates the
   calcification of arteries, and aneurysms of the heart or of
   the first part of the aorta; with improved methods it may be
   possible to study fatty degenerations of the arteries and
   larger blood-vessels. Dr. C. M. Mouillin, addressing the
   Röntgen Society of London as its president, states that the
   fluorescent screen has now reached such a degree of perfection
   that the minutest movement of the heart and lungs, and the
   least change in the action of the diaphragm, can be watched
   and studied at leisure in the living subject. He considers it
   probable that the examination of a patient's chest with this
   screen may become as much a matter of common routine as with
   the stethoscope to-day. …

   "Manifestly, the unseen universe which enfolds us is steadily
   being brought to the light of day. The investigations of Hertz
   established that the light-waves which affect the eye are but
   one octave in a gamut which sweeps indefinitely far both above
   and below them. In his hands, as in those of Joseph Henry long
   before, electric waves found their way through the walls and
   floors of a house; in the Marconi telegraph these waves pass
   through the earth or a fog, a mist or a rain-storm, with
   little or no hindrance. What does all this mean? Nothing less
   than that, given its accordant ray, any substance whatever is
   permeable, and that, therefore, to communicate between any two
   places in the universe is simply a question of providing the
   right means."

      _G. Iles,
      Flame, Electricity and the Camera,
      chapter 24 (New York: Doubleday, Page & Co.)._

   In an article made public in the "New York Tribune" of January
   6, 1901, Professor John Trowbridge, of Harvard University,
   expressed his anticipations from the further improvement of
   the use of the X rays, as follows: "At present all of the
   great hospitals of the world examine injuries of the
   extremities of the human body by means of these rays. In some
   cases the thicker portions of the body can be studied by their
   means. There is, however, much to be desired in the method,
   for in general the rays exhibit only the shadows of the bones
   of the extremities, or reveal at most the regions of greatest
   density in the body. If the muscles and tendons or the veins
   and arteries could be studied by means of these rays, an
   immense aid to surgery would result. Some experiments I have
   conducted with currents of great strength, lead me to believe
   that much can be done in this direction, for I have in certain
   cases obtained unmistakable traces of muscles and tendons, and
   the direction in which to advance is becoming clearer. The use
   of the X rays is not confined to the examination of the body.
   Together with the ultra violet rays, the X rays are used to
   cure cutaneous disorders. We are realizing that electricity is
   an important factor in health and disease. The investigations
   which have resulted from the discovery of these rays have
   opened wide vistas in the molecular world."

ELECTRICAL SCIENCE:
   Power.
   Lighting.
   Electro-chemical and Electro-metallurgical works.
   The development at Niagara Falls.

   "There were perhaps not more than twenty trolley cars in
   actual service in 1887, and these were of doubtful success.
   There were no regularly constituted electric railways worthy
   of the name. The telephone and electric-lighting wires were
   largely overhead, and frequently the construction was of the
   most imperfect and temporary character. … Within the past
   eight or ten years much has been done in the perfection of
   thoroughly practical forms of meters and other instruments for
   the measurement of electric forces and quantities. While such
   work resembles in its delicacy that demanded by watch
   mechanism, on the other hand the large station dynamos are
   examples of the heaviest machine construction. … A few years
   ago a dynamo was large if it demanded 100 or 200 horsepower to
   drive it, while now such machines are diminutive when compared
   with those of 2,000 horsepower commonly constructed.
{438}
   Dynamos are in use at Niagara of 5,000 horsepower capacity. A
   single one of these would supply more than 50,000 incandescent
   lights such as are ordinarily used, or would give motion to
   500 trolley cars. The period since 1887 has been marked by
   great extension in electric lighting by both arc and
   incandescent lamps. … One of the chief factors in this great
   extension has been the application of alternating electric
   currents, or currents of wave-like nature, reversing their
   direction many times in each second. The direct or continuous
   current had previously occupied the field alone. But the
   alternating current possessed the advantage of readily
   permitting the sending out over a long distance of a high
   pressure current with but little loss and by means of
   comparatively small and inexpensive lines. This current,
   relatively dangerous, could then be exchanged for a safe
   low-pressure current on the house mains for working the
   lights. The device which makes the exchange is called a
   transformer. It is in reality a modified induction coil—a
   simple structure of copper wire, sheet-iron, and insulating
   materials, with no moving parts to need attention or to get
   out of order. The properties and use of the transformer in an
   alternating-current system were comparatively unknown before
   1887, but since that time it has played a part in electric
   development the importance of which cannot easily [not?] be
   overestimated. It has been, furthermore, brought to a high
   degree of perfection by the persistent and painstaking effort
   of numerous workers. In transforming a current of high
   pressure to one of lower pressure, or the reverse, only a very
   slight loss of power or energy is suffered. On a large scale,
   this loss is barely 3 per cent of the energy of the
   transformed current. The larger sizes of transformers now in
   use have capacities equivalent to considerably over 1,000
   horsepower. Some of these structures are employed at Niagara
   and others at Buffalo. As in the case of the apparatus just
   mentioned, the effort spent in the perfection of the huge
   dynamo-electric generators used in lighting and power stations
   has resulted in machines so perfect as to leave but little
   chance of further increase of effectiveness. They waste only a
   small percentage in converting mechanical power into
   electrical energy, and run for years with but little attention
   or need of repairs. Along with all this improvement has gone a
   like betterment in the thousand and one details and minor
   devices which go to make up an electric system. …

   "Perhaps … no better example of the varied application of
   electric energy exists than at Niagara. Certainly no grander
   exemplification of the way in which electric forces may be
   called into play, to replace other and unlike agencies, can be
   cited. Here at Niagara we may forcibly realize the importance
   of cheap and unfailing power developed from water in its fall.
   We find the power of huge water wheels delivered to the
   massive dynamos for giving out electric energy. This energy is
   variously employed. The electric lighting of the city of
   Niagara and surroundings and the electric railways naturally
   depend upon the water power. Besides these, which may be
   termed the ordinary applications of electricity, there are
   clustered at Niagara a number of unique industrial
   establishments, the importance of which will undoubtedly
   increase rapidly. In the carborundum factory we find huge
   furnaces heated by the passage of electric current, and
   attaining temperatures far beyond those of the ordinary
   combustion of fuel. These electric furnaces produce
   carborundum, a new abrasive nearly as hard as the diamond,
   which is a combination of carbon and silicon, unknown before
   the electric furnace gave it birth. Sand and coke are the raw
   substances for its production, and these are acted upon by the
   excessively high heat necessary to form the new product,
   already in extensive use for grinding hard materials. The
   metal aluminum, which not many years ago cost $2 an ounce, is
   now produced on a large scale at Niagara, and sold at a price
   which makes it, bulk for bulk, cheaper than brass. Here,
   again, electricity is the agent; but in this case its power of
   electrolyzing or breaking up strong chemical unions is
   employed. … Works for the production of metallic sodium and
   other metals similarly depend upon the decompositions effected
   by the electric current. Solutions of ordinary salt or brine
   are electrolyzed on a large scale in extensive works
   established for the purpose. … The very high temperature which
   exists in an electric arc, or between the carbons of an arc lamp,
   has in recent years found application in the manufacture of
   another important compound, which was formerly but slightly
   known as a chemical difficult to prepare. Carbide of calcium
   is the compound referred to, and large works for its
   production exist at Niagara. Here again, as in the carborundum
   works, raw materials of the simplest and cheapest kind are
   acted upon in what may be termed an electric-arc furnace.
   Coke, or carbon, and lime are mixed and charged into a furnace
   in which an enormous electric arc is kept going. … The
   importance of carbide of calcium rests in the fact that, by
   contact with water, it produces acetylene gas. The
   illuminating power of this gas, when burned, is its remarkable
   property.

   "It will be seen that the metallurgical and chemical
   developments at Niagara are the direct outgrowth of electrical
   utilization of water power. With many water powers, however,
   the outlet for the application of the electrical energy exists
   many miles away from the place at which the water power is
   found. Even at Niagara there is an example of the beginning of
   long-distance transmission, by a high-pressure line extending to
   Buffalo and delivering electric energy to an electric station
   there. In this case 'step-up' transformers, as they are
   called, are employed at the Niagara power plant to step up or
   raise the electrical pressure or potential from that given by
   the dynamos to that required for the transmission to Buffalo.
   This transformation is from about 2,500 up to 10,000 volts. At
   the Buffalo end the reverse process is carried on by 'step-down'
   transformers, and the energy is delivered to the trolley lines
   at about 500 volts. …  The whole Niagara plant has grown into
   existence within the past five years, and as a consequence of
   the technical advances within the period of the past ten
   years. There are, however, in active operation, besides the
   Niagara power plant, several other water-power transmissions,
   some of them far exceeding in distance that between Niagara
   and Buffalo, and some in which the amount of power conveyed,
   as well as the pressure of the current used upon the line, is
   much greater than is yet to be found at Niagara. … No limit
   can as yet be definitely set as to the distance which can be
   covered in an electrical transmission. … It may be said that
   at present the range of distances is between 30 and 100 miles.
   …

{439}

   "Electricity seems destined at no distant day to play an
   important part in revolutionizing passenger traffic between
   large centers of population. The facility with which electric
   service may be superposed on ordinary steam roads will greatly
   further this development. The work with the third-rail system,
   undertaken by one of our prominent railway organizations, has
   abundantly demonstrated the practicability of such
   superposition. The future will witness the growing
   substitution of either single motor cars or two or three
   coupled cars for long, heavy trains drawn by locomotives, and
   a more frequent service will result. There is an eventual
   possibility of higher average speeds, since stops will not
   consume much time, and the time required to recover the speed
   after a stop will be much less than at present. … The heating
   power of the electric current is now utilized in a variety of
   ways. Electric welding machinery has been put into service
   either for accomplishing results which were not possible to be
   obtained before its development, or to improve the work and
   lessen the cost."

      _Elihu Thomson,
      Electrical Advance in Ten Years
      (Forum, January, 1898)._

ELECTRICAL SCIENCE:
   Development of Power at Niagara Falls.

   The following description of the engineering work by which
   Niagara was harnessed to turbines and dynamos, for an enormous
   development of electrical power, is taken from a paper read by
   Mr. Thomas Commerford Martin, of New York, at a meeting of the
   Royal Institution of Great Britain, June 19, 1896, and printed
   in the Proceedings of the Institution, Volume 15; reprinted in
   the Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution, 1896, page
   223:

   "Niagara is the point at which are discharged, through two
   narrowing precipitous channels only 3,800 feet wide and 160
   feet high, the contents of 6,000 cubic miles of water, with a
   reservoir area of 90,000 square miles, draining 300,000 square
   miles of territory. The ordinary overspill of this Atlantic
   set on edge has been determined to be equal to about 75,000
   cubic feet per second, and the quantity passing is estimated
   as high as 100,000,000 tons of water per hour. The drifting of
   a ship over the Horse Shoe Fall has proved it to have a
   thickness at the center of the crescent of over 16 feet.
   Between Lake Erie and Lake Ontario there is a total difference
   of level of 300 feet, and the amount of power represented by
   the water at the falls has been estimated on different bases
   from 6,750,000 horsepower up to not less than 16,800,000
   horsepower, the latter being a rough calculation of Sir
   William Siemens, who, in 1877, was the first to suggest the
   use of electricity as the modern and feasible agent of
   converting into useful power some of this majestic but
   squandered energy. …

   "It was Mr. Thomas Evershed, an American civil engineer, who
   unfolded the plan of diverting part of the stream at a
   considerable distance above the falls, so that no natural
   beauty would be interfered with, while an enormous amount of
   power would be obtained with a very slight reduction in the
   volume of the stream at the crest of the falls. Essentially
   scientific and correct as the plan now shows itself to be, it
   found prompt criticism and condemnation, but not less quickly
   did it rally the able and influential support of Messrs. W. B.
   Rankine, Francis Lynde Stetson, Edward A. Wickes, and Edward
   D. Adams, who organized the corporate interests that, with an
   expenditure of £1,000,000 in five years, have carried out the
   present work. So many engineering problems arose early in the
   enterprise that after the survey of the property in 1890 an
   International Niagara Commission was established in London,
   with power to investigate the best existing methods of power
   development and transmission, and to select from among them,
   as well as to award prizes of an aggregate of £4,400. This
   body included men like Lord Kelvin, Mascart, Coleman Sellers,
   Turrettini, and Dr. Unwin, and its work was of the utmost
   value. Besides this the Niagara Company and the allied
   Cataract Construction Company enjoyed the direct aid of other
   experts, such as Prof. George Forbes, in a consultative
   capacity; while it was a necessary consequence that the
   manufacturers of the apparatus to be used threw upon their
   work the highest inventive and constructive talent at their
   command.

   "The time-honored plan in water-power utilization has been to
   string factories along a canal of considerable length, with
   but a short tail race. At Niagara the plan now brought under
   notice is that of a short canal with a very long tail race.
   The use of electricity for distributing the power allows the
   factories to be placed away from the canal, and in any
   location that may appear specially desirable or advantageous.
   The perfected and concentrated Evershed scheme comprises a
   short surface canal 250 feet wide at its mouth, 1¼ miles above
   the fans, far beyond the outlying Three Sisters Islands, with
   an intake inclined obliquely to the Niagara River. This canal
   extends inwardly 1,700 feet, and has an average depth of some
   12 feet, thus holding water adequate to the development of
   about 100,000 horsepower. The mouth of the canal is 600 feet
   from the shore line proper, and considerable work was
   necessary in its protection and excavation. The bed is now of
   clay, and the side walls are of solid masonry 17 feet high, 8
   feet at the base, and 3 feet at the top. The northeastern side
   of the canal is occupied by a power house, and is pierced by
   ten inlets guarded by sentinel gates, each being the separate
   entrance to a wheel pit in the power house, where the water is
   used and the power is secured. The water as quickly as used is
   carried off by a tunnel to the Niagara River again. …

   "The wheel pit, over which the power house is situated, is a
   long, deep, cavernous slot at one side, under the floor, cut
   in the rock, parallel with the canal outside. Here the water
   gets a fall of about 140 feet before it smites the turbines.
   The arrangement of the dynamos generating the current up in
   the power house is such that each of them may be regarded as
   the screw at the end of a long shaft, just as we might see it
   if we stood an ocean steamer on its nose with its heel in the
   air. At the lower end of the dynamo shaft is the turbine in
   the wheel pit bottom, just as in the case of the steamer shaft
   we find attached to it the big triple or quadruple expansion
   marine steam engine. …
{440}
   The wheel pit which contains the turbines is 178 feet in
   depth, and connects by a lateral tunnel with the main tunnel
   running at right angles. This main tunnel is no less than
   7,000 feet in length, with an average hydraulic slope of 6
   feet in 1,000. It has a maximum height of 21 feet, and a width
   of 18 feet 10 inches, its net section being 386 square feet.
   The water rushes through it and out of its mouth of stone and
   iron at a velocity of 26½ feet per second, or nearly 20 miles
   an hour. More than 1,000 men were employed continuously for
   more than three years in the construction of this tunnel. …

   "The American Company has also pre-empted the great
   utilization of the Canadian share of Niagara's energy. The
   plan for this work proposes the erection of two power houses
   of a total ultimate capacity of 125,000 horsepower. … With
   both the Canadian and American plants fully developed, no less
   than 350,000 horsepower will be available."

   "Within the last five years," said the "Electrical Review," in
   a "historical number" issued at the beginning of 1901, "there
   have been built in many parts of the world electrical
   installations of great magnitude, transmitting the power of
   cataracts for considerable distances. The longest of these, in
   California, operates over a distance of 115 miles. Perhaps the
   largest of them is that at Niagara, where 105,000 horse power
   is developed, and much of it transmitted … to the city of
   Buffalo"—20 miles.

   The first transmission of power from Niagara Falls to Buffalo
   was made at midnight, November 15-16, 1896, when 1,000
   horsepower was sent over the wires to the power-house of the
   Buffalo Railway Company. The important event was signalled to
   the citizens by the firing of cannon, the ringing of bells and
   sounding of steam whistles.

ELECTRICAL SCIENCE:
   The rotary magnetic field.
   Polyphased currents.
   Nikola Tesla's inventions.

   "At about the same time [1888], Galileo Ferraris, in Italy,
   and Nikola Tesla, in the United States, brought out motors
   operating by systems of alternating currents displaced from
   one another in phase by definite amounts and producing what is
   known as the rotating magnetic field. This invention seems
   destined to be one of the most important that has been made in
   the history of electricity. The result of the introduction of
   polyphase systems has been the ability to transmit power
   economically for considerable distances, and, as this directly
   operated to make possible the utilization of water-power in
   remote places and the distribution of power over large areas,
   the immediate outcome of the polyphase system was power
   transmission; and the outcome of power transmission almost
   surely will be the gradual supersession of coal and the
   harnessing of the waste forces of Nature to do useful work."

      _Electrical Review,
      January 12, 1901._

   The following description of Tesla's invention was given by N.
   W. Perry in the "Engineering Magazine": "If the north and
   south poles of a small horseshoe magnet be suspended over a
   bar of soft iron free to revolve in a horizontal plane, or be
   placed over an ordinary compass-needle, the latter will be
   attracted at either end by the poles of the magnet and take up
   a position parallel to a straight line drawn between the two
   poles of the magnet. Now if the latter be revolved through any
   angle the soft iron or needle will follow, being dragged
   around by the magnet, and if the magnet be caused to revolve
   regularly the iron will also revolve, being pulled around by
   the full force of the magnet. It was not feasible, however, to
   cause the magnet to revolve in this way, and Tesla's invention
   consisted in obviating this trouble and, in fact, greatly
   simplifying the problem. He conceived the idea that if he took
   an iron ring and used two alternating currents, one of which had
   its maximum value at the instant that the other had a zero
   value—or, in other words, two currents whose periods were such
   that one waned as the other increased—he could produce in that
   iron ring by winding these circuits in alternate coils
   surfaces that without any mechanical movement of the parts
   would travel around that ring with a rapidity equal to the
   number of changes of direction of the currents employed. He
   thus had a ring, the north and south poles of which were
   rapidly revolving just as would the poles of the horseshoe
   magnet were it tied at its middle to a twisted string and
   allowed to revolve. A piece of iron pivoted at its middle
   placed concentric with this ring would therefore be dragged
   around by the changing poles of the ring. He had thus
   discovered what is somewhat awkwardly expressed by the
   expression, 'the rotary magnetic field,' and also the use of
   what have been termed 'polyphased currents'—the one referring
   to the magnetism and the other to the combination of currents
   by which this changing magnetism was produced. This discovery
   is undoubtedly one of the most important that has ever been
   made within the domain of alternating currents."

      _Engineering Magazine,
      volume 7, page 780._

   Another of Tesla's inventions or discoveries which excited
   greater popular interest was that which produced what were
   called "high frequency effects," first publicly shown in
   connection with a lecture at Columbia College, in the spring
   of 1890. "Mr. Tesla started with the idea of setting matter
   into vibration at a rate approximating that of light (some two
   and a half millions a second), with the expectation that
   under such violent molecular agitation it would emit light. He
   has not as yet succeeded in obtaining so high a rate, but a
   much lower one produced some very surprising luminous effects.
   … The dynamo method for getting very high frequencies was soon
   abandoned as inadequate, and the oscillatory discharge of a
   Leyden jar or plate condensers was substituted. … Perhaps the
   most surprising of the new facts elicited from his
   investigations is that the shock due to these very high
   voltage and high frequency currents can be supported by a
   person without any serious inconvenience. He passes a current
   of two hundred thousand volts through his body with perfect
   impunity."

      _F. J. Patten,
      New Science Review,
      volume 1, page 84._

ELECTRICAL SCIENCE:
   Development of the Telephone System.

   The annual report of the American Telephone and Telegraph
   Company (by which the property and business of the American
   Bell Telephone Company were taken over at the close of the
   year 1899) for the year ending December 31, 1900, contains the
   following brief review of the development and growth of the
   telephone system, especially in the United States: "The year
   just passed rounds out the quarter century, within which is
   compassed the discovery and application of the art of
   transmitting speech by telephone.
{441}
   A brief review of the development and growth of this new
   industry, which has become so important a factor in commercial
   and social life, seems appropriate at this time. Twenty-five
   years ago the wonderful invention of Professor Bell was made
   known to the world. Twenty-three years ago the first telephone
   exchange in the world was established in the United States, and
   from that beginning has been built up the great system of
   exchanges, and the network of connecting lines over which
   conversation can be held between points over a thousand miles
   apart. Twenty years ago there were 47,880 telephone
   subscribers in the United States, and 29,714 miles of wire in
   use for telephonic purposes. At the end of last year, there
   were 800,880 exchange stations equipped with our instruments,
   and 1,961,801 miles of wire were employed for exchange and
   toll line service. The United States has, from the beginning,
   held the leading place among nations in respect not only of
   the extensive development of the business, but in the
   employment of modern and improved appliances, tending to
   greater efficiency of service.

   "In connection with the record of development of telephone
   service in this country, some comparison of the systems of
   foreign countries is of interest. The latest reports that can
   be obtained, part of which are for the year 1899, others to
   the close of 1900, show the countries next in order to the
   United States, as respects the development of telephone
   service, to be the German Empire, having 229,391 stations;
   Great Britain, 171,660; Sweden, 73,500; France, 59,927;
   Switzerland, 38,864: Austria, 32,255; Russia, 31,376;
   Norway, 29,446.

   "As before stated, there were, at the close of last year, more
   than 800,000 stations connected with the exchanges of our
   licensee companies, which exceeds the aggregate number of
   subscribers in all the countries of Continental Europe. In
   addition to this, there were over 40,000 private line stations
   equipped with our telephones. The number of exchange and toll
   line connections in the United States now reaches almost two
   thousand millions yearly."

   More detailed and precise statistics of the telephone service
   in the United States are given in the report as follows:

                                January 1,   January 1,
                                  1892.       1901.

   Exchanges.                       788        1,348
   Branch offices.                  509        1,427
   Miles of wire on poles.      180,139      627,897
   Miles of wire on buildings.   14,954       16,833
   Miles of wire underground.    70,334      705,269
   Miles of wire submarine.       1,029        4,203
   Total miles of wire.         266,456    1,354,202
   Total circuits.              186,462      508,262
   Total employees.               8,376       32,837
   Total stations.              216,017      800,880

   The estimated number of exchange connections daily in the
   United States, made up from actual count in most of the
   exchanges, is 5,668,986. Or a total per year of about
   1,825,000,000. The number of daily calls per station varies in
   different exchanges from 1 to 15.9, the average throughout the
   United States being 7.1. The average cost to the subscriber
   varies according to the size of the exchange and character of
   the service, from less than 1 to 9 cents per connection.

ELECTRICAL SCIENCE:
   Dr. Pupin's revolutionary improvement
   in long-distance Telephony.

   The most important advance in telephonic science that has been
   made since the invention of the Bell instrument was announced
   at about the beginning of the new century, as the result of
   studies pursued by Dr. Michael I. Pupin, of Columbia
   University, New York. Mathematical and experimental
   investigations which Dr. Pupin had been carrying on, for
   several years, led him to a determination of the precise
   intervals at which, if inductance coils are inserted in a long
   conductor, an electric current in traversing it may be made to
   travel far without much loss of force. He is said to have
   taken a hint from seeing how waves of vibration in a cord are
   strengthened by lightly "loading" it at certain exact points,
   determined by the wave lengths. It is probably correct to
   describe his invention as being a scientific ascertainment of
   the points in a long telephonic circuit at which to load the
   electric current in it, and the precise loading to be applied.

   In a paper published in the "Western Electrician," describing
   his investigations mathematically, Dr. Pupin wrote: "If an
   increase in efficiency of wave transmission over a cord thus
   loaded is to be obtained, it is evident that the load must be
   properly subdivided and the fractional parts of the total load
   must be placed at proper distances apart along the cord,
   otherwise the detrimental effects due to reflections resulting
   from the discontinuities thus introduced will more than
   neutralize the beneficial effects derived from the increased
   mass. … The insertion of inductance coils at periodically
   recurring points along the wave conductor produces the same
   effect upon electrical wave transmission as the distribution
   of the small loads along the stretched cord … produces upon
   mechanical wave transmission along the cord."

   The result is said to be that conversation by telephone over a
   distance of 3,000 miles is made not only practicable but easy,
   and that it is believed to be as practicable through submarine
   cables as through overland wires. If it does not make the
   telephone a common instrument of communication from continent
   to continent, it will, at least, improve oceanic telegraphy
   beyond measure. According to newspaper report, Dr. Pupin's
   invention has been sold to the Bell Telephone Company for a
   very large sum.

ELECTRICAL SCIENCE:
   Wireless Telegraphy.

   "In 1864 Maxwell observed that electricity and light have the
   same velocity, 186,400 miles a second, and he formulated the
   theory that electricity propagates itself in waves which
   differ from those of light only in being longer. This was
   proved to be true by Hertz, in 1888, who showed that where
   alternating currents of very high frequency were set up in an
   open circuit, the energy might be conveyed entirely away from
   the circuit into the surrounding space as electric waves. … He
   demonstrated that electric waves move with the speed of light,
   and that they can be reflected and refracted precisely as if
   they formed a visible beam. At a certain intensity of strain
   the air insulation broke down, and the air became a conductor.
   This phenomenon of passing quite suddenly from a
   non-conductive to a conductive state is … also to be noted
   when air or other gases are exposed to the X ray.

{442}

   "Now for the effect of electric waves such as Hertz produced,
   when they impinge upon substances reduced to powder or
   filings. Conductors, such as the metals, are of inestimable
   service to the electrician; of equal value are non-conductors,
   such as glass and gutta-percha, as they strictly
   fence in an electric stream. A third and remarkable vista
   opens to experiment when it deals with substances which, in
   their normal state, are non-conductive, but which, agitated by
   an electric wave, instantly become conductive in a high
   degree. As long ago as 1866 Mr. S. A. Varley noticed that
   black lead, reduced to a loose dust, effectually intercepted a
   current from fifty Daniell cells, although the battery poles
   were very near each other. When he increased the electric
   tension fourfold to sixfold, the black-lead particles at once
   compacted themselves so as to form a bridge of excellent
   conductivity. On this principle he invented a
   lightning-protector for electrical instruments, the incoming
   flash causing a tiny heap of carbon dust to provide it with a
   path through which it could safely pass to the earth.
   Professor Temistocle Calzecchi Onesti of Fermo, in 1885, in an
   independent series of researches, discovered that a mass of
   powdered copper is a non-conductor until an electric wave
   beats upon it; then, in an instant, the mass resolves itself
   into a conductor almost as efficient as if it were a stout,
   unbroken wire. Professor Edouard Branly of Paris, in 1891, on
   this principle devised a coherer, which passed from resistance
   to invitation when subjected to an electric impulse from afar.
   He enhanced the value of his device by the vital discovery
   that the conductivity bestowed upon filings by electric
   discharges could be destroyed by simply shaking or tapping
   them apart. …

   "The coherer, as improved by Marconi, is a glass tube about 1½
   inches long and about 1/12 of an inch in internal diameter.
   The electrodes are inserted in this tube so as almost to
   touch; between them is about 1/30 of an inch filled with a
   pinch of the responsive mixture which forms the pivot of the
   whole contrivance. This mixture is 90 per cent. nickel
   filings, 10 per cent. hard silver filings, and a mere trace of
   mercury; the tube is exhausted of air to within 1/10000 part.
   … The coherer, when unexcited, forms a link which obstructs
   the flow of a current eager to leap across. The instant that
   an electric wave from the sending-station impinges upon the
   coherer it becomes conductive; the current instantly glides
   through it, and at the same time a current, by means of a
   relay, is sent through [a] powerful voltaic battery, so as to
   announce the signal through an ordinary telegraphic receiver.

   "An electric impulse, almost too attenuated for computation,
   is here able to effect such a change in a pinch of dust that
   it becomes a free avenue instead of a barricade. Through that
   avenue a powerful blow from a local store of energy makes
   itself heard and felt. No device of the trigger class is
   comparable with this in delicacy. An instant after a signal
   has taken its way through the coherer a small hammer strikes
   the tiny tube, jarring Hs particles asunder, so that they
   resume their normal state of high resistance. We may well be
   astonished at the sensitiveness of the metallic filings to an
   electric wave originating many miles away, but let us remember
   how clearly the eye can see a bright lamp at the same distance
   as it sheds a sister beam. Thus far no substance has been
   discovered with a mechanical responsiveness to so feeble a ray
   of light; in the world of nature and art the coherer stands
   alone. …

   "An essential feature of this method of etheric telegraphy,
   due to Marconi himself, is the suspension of a perpendicular
   wire at each terminus, its length twenty feet for stations a
   mile apart, forty feet for four miles, and so on, the
   telegraphic distance increasing as the square of the length of
   suspended wire. In the Kingstown regatta, July, 1898, Marconi
   sent from a yacht under full steam a report to the shore
   without the loss of a moment from start to finish. This feat
   was repeated during the protracted contest between the
   'Columbia' and the 'Shamrock' yachts in New York Bay, October,
   1899. On March 28, 1899, Marconi signals put Wimereux, two
   miles north of Boulogne, in communication with the South
   Foreland Lighthouse, thirty-two miles off. In August, 1899,
   during the manœuvres of the British navy, similar messages
   were sent as far as eighty miles. …

   "A weak point in the first Marconi apparatus was that anybody
   within the working radius of the sending instrument could read
   its message. To modify this objection secret codes were at
   times employed, as in commerce and diplomacy. A complete
   deliverance from this difficulty is promised in attuning a
   transmitter and a receiver to the same note, so that one
   receiver, and no other, shall respond to a particular
   frequency of impulses. The experiments which indicate success
   in this vital particular have been conducted by Professor
   Lodge."

      _G. Iles,
      Flame, Electricity and the Camera,
      chapter 16 (New York: Doubleday, Page & Co.)._

   "Shall we not," said Professor John Trowbridge, in an article
   published in the "New York Tribune," January 6, 1901, "in the
   next hundred years dispense with the limitations of wires and
   speak boldly through space, reaching some expectant human ear
   hundreds of miles away with the same ease that we now converse
   in a room? It is already possible to send messages by dots and
   dashes sixty to seventy miles without the use of wires. In the
   early days of the telephone this was the practical limit of
   that instrument, and we are all familiar with the immense
   extension which has taken place. Shall we not see a similar
   extension in the field of wireless telegraphy? Some late
   experiments which I have made lead me to be optimistic in
   regard to a possible great extension of the methods of
   wireless telegraphy.

   "In the first place, I believe that these experiments prove
   that wireless telegraphy is not necessarily or merely
   accomplished through the air, but, on the contrary, that the
   earth plays the controlling part, and that the message flows,
   so to speak, through the earth or over its surface rather than
   through the air. The most striking experiment was as follows:
   The poles of a storage battery of twenty thousand cells were
   connected with the ground at the Jefferson Laboratory, and I
   was enabled to receive the message in a room three quarters of
   a mile from the laboratory without the use of masts or wires
   of any sort. The earth was the medium of communication, and it
   seems possible, by arranging the sending and receiving apparatus
   suitably in connection with the electrical capacity of the
   earth, that we may dispense with lofty masts and overcome in
   this way the curvature of the earth."

{443}

   Extensive experiments in wireless telegraphy are being
   conducted by the United States Weather Bureau, of which the
   following is a recent report: "Recognizing the advantage that
   would result to commerce and navigation by the establishment
   of wireless electrical communication between vessels at sea
   and exposed points on our lake and sea coasts, and also
   between islands along said coasts and the mainland, the
   Weather Bureau was directed to systematically investigate the
   various methods of electrical communication without wires. The
   progress made is eminently satisfactory. New appliances have
   been devised for the transmission of signals, and receivers
   have been constructed that probably are more delicate than any
   heretofore made. Messages already have been successfully
   transmitted and received over 50 miles of land, which
   presented a rough and irregular surface, conditions most
   unfavorable for the transmission of electro-magnetic waves. It
   is believed that the efficiency indicated by such transmission
   overland is sufficient to operate successfully over several
   hundred miles of water. The apparatus used is capable of
   further improvement. I hope the time is near at hand when the
   great number of craft employed in the coastwise commerce of
   the United States and over its great inland seas will be
   placed in instantaneous communication with the numerous
   stations of our Weather Bureau, which are located at all
   important ports. The matter is one of such great importance to
   our commerce that I have authorized extensive experimentation,
   which, from the success so far attending our efforts, will be
   vigorously prosecuted."

      _United States, Annual Report of the
      Secretary of Agriculture,
      November 24, 1900, page 12._

   On the 12th of March, 1901, the chief of the Weather Bureau,
   Professor Moore, gave to the Press the following statement as
   to experiments in progress along the Virginia and North
   Carolina coast: "The most efficient method of long distance
   transmission has been found to be from wire cylinders. The new
   coast stations are being equipped with cylinders of sixteen
   wires each and 140 feet in length. From these cylinders it is
   expected to cover a magnetic field of not less than five
   hundred miles. The stations now in operation are at Hatteras
   and at Roanoke Island, in Pamlico Sound, North Carolina.
   Workmen are beginning the construction of a station at Cape
   Henry, which will be the third station. When this is finished
   the two remote stations will be 127 miles apart."

MECHANICS:
   Steam turbines.

   "The latest form of steam-engine recalls the first. The
   steam-turbines of De Laval and of Parsons turn on the same
   principle as the æolipile of Hero. That simple contrivance was
   a metallic globe mounted on axes, and furnished through one of
   its trunnions with steam from a boiler near by. As steam rushed
   out from two nozzles diametrically opposite to each other, and
   at tangents to the globe, there resulted from the relieved
   pressure a swift rotation which might have done useful work. …
   Before the steam-turbine could be invented, metallurgists and
   mechanics had to become skilful enough to provide machinery
   which may with safety rotate 10,000 times in a minute; Watt
   had to invent the separate condenser; means had to be devised
   for the thorough expansion of high-pressure steam; and the
   crude device of Hero had to be supplanted by wheels suggested
   by the water-turbine.

   "The feature which gives the Parsons steam-turbine its
   distinction is the ingenious method by which its steam is used
   expansively. In a piston-engine the cylinder is filled to
   one-twelfth or one-fifteenth of its capacity with
   high-pressure steam, when communication with the boiler is cut
   off; during the remainder of its stroke the piston is urged
   solely by the steam's elasticity. In the Parsons turbine, by
   arranging what is practically a series of wheels on the same
   shaft, the steam passes from one wheel to the next, and at
   each wheel parts with only a fraction of its pressure and
   velocity. …

   "The 'Turbinia,' a torpedo-boat of 44½ tons displacement, 100
   feet in length, and 9 feet in beam, driven by this turbine,
   has consumed but 14½ pounds of steam an hour per indicated
   horse-power. The 'Viper,' a torpedo-boat destroyer of 325
   tons, and provided with a turbine capable of developing as
   much as 12,000 horse-power, ran at the rate of 37 knots in a
   rough sea during her trial trip in November, 1899."

      _G. Iles,
      Flame, Electricity and the Camera,
      chapter 5
      (New York: Doubleday, Page & Co.)._

MEDICAL AND SURGICAL:
   The determination of germ diseases.

   "Since 1880 it has been proved that anthrax, Asiatic cholera,
   cerebro-spinal meningitis, diphtheria, one form of dysentery,
   erysipelas, glanders, gonorrhœa, influenza, certain epidemics
   of meat poisoning, pyæmia and suppuration in general,
   pneumonia, tetanus, relapsing fever, tuberculosis, bubonic
   plague, and typhoid fever are due to minute vegetable
   organisms known as bacteria; that malarial fevers, Texas
   cattle fever, and certain forms of dysentery are due to forms
   of microscopic animal organisms known as microzoa; and for
   most of these diseases the mode of development and means of
   introduction of the micro-organism into the body are fairly
   well understood. To the information thus obtained we owe the
   triumphs of antiseptic and aseptic surgery, a great increase
   of precision in diagnosis, the use of specific anti-toxins as
   remedies and as preventives, and some of the best practical
   work in public hygiene."

      _Dr. John S. Billings,
      Progress of Medicine in the Nineteenth Century
      (New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901)._

MEDICAL AND SURGICAL:
   Antitoxine.
   Treatment of diphtheria.

   "In the early study of germs and their relation to disease it
   was supposed that the symptoms of the disease depended
   directly upon the germs themselves. This, however, has been
   proven to be false with reference to most of the infectious
   diseases studied. Thus, in diphtheria, the bacilli were found,
   as a rule, only in the throat or upper air passages, while the
   effects of the disease were far-reaching, involving the heart,
   the nerves, and other distant parts of the body. This, and
   other like observations, led to the careful study of the
   products produced by the growth of bacteria. As the result of
   the work of Roux in Paris, and Brieger in Berlin, the exact
   nature of the toxic products of the diphtheria bacillus was
   discovered. It was found that this bacillus produces in its
   growth a poison which is known as the diphtheria 'toxine.'
   This was isolated and injected into animals with the
   reproduction of all the symptoms of diphtheria excepting the
   membrane in the throat. …

{444}

   "In his early work upon splenic fever and chicken-cholera
   Pasteur, having established the causes of these diseases, set
   himself the task of discovering means of preventing them.
   After very many experiments he found that animals inoculated
   with the germs of splenic fever, when these germs had been
   cultivated at a relatively high temperature, were protected
   against the disease itself, while these inoculations
   themselves were harmless. … These methods of producing
   immunity have been extensively used in Europe for the past
   twenty years and have been of immense practical value.

   "With the discovery that it was not the bacteria themselves
   which produced most of the symptoms, but their poisonous
   products or toxines, new experiments in immunity were made by
   injecting these toxines into animals. It was found that if the
   quantity of the diphtheria toxine introduced was at first so
   small as not to kill the animal, the dose could gradually be
   increased until finally such a tolerance was established that
   the animal could resist enormous doses of it. Many theories
   were advanced as to the manner in which this tolerance was
   established. The conclusion was finally reached that it was
   due to the gradual production in the blood of larger and
   larger quantities of some substance which neutralized the
   toxine, i. e., an 'antitoxine.' … Later experiments showed
   that if some of the blood of an animal, which in this way had
   been made insusceptible to diphtheria, was injected into
   another animal, the latter likewise became to a certain degree
   and for a certain time insusceptible; that is to say, became
   'immunized. …

   "The present plan of producing antitoxine is somewhat as
   follows. Large animals, such as the horse or cow, are usually
   employed for purposes of injection. In the beginning as large
   a quantity of the toxine of diphtheria is injected as the
   animal will bear without danger to life. … It is found that
   the dose of the toxine can gradually be increased with each
   injection until enormous quantities can be tolerated. When
   this point is reached at which the injection of large amounts
   of the toxine produces no reaction, the animal is said to
   possess a high degree of immunity. At this time the
   blood-serum contains a very large amount of the antitoxine. A
   long time is required for the production of this condition,
   the period being from three to twelve months, according to the
   size of the animal, its susceptibility, and many other
   conditions. … The antitoxine is obtained from the blood of the
   animal, generally by bleeding from the jugular vein. … After
   standing for a few hours this blood separates into a clot and
   a clear portion above which is known as the serum. The
   anti-toxine is contained in the blood-serum."

      _L. E. Holt,
      The Antitoxine Treatment of Diphtheria
      (Forum, March, 1895)._

      See, also (in this volume),
      PLAGUE.

MEDICAL AND SURGICAL:
   Discovery of the secret of malaria.
   Detection of the mosquito as a carrier of disease.

   "Twenty-five years ago the best-informed physicians
   entertained erroneous ideas with reference to the nature of
   malaria and the etiology of the malarial fevers. Observation
   had taught them that there was something in the air in the
   vicinity of marshes in tropical regions, and during the summer
   and autumn in semi-tropical and temperate regions, which gave
   rise to periodic fevers in those exposed in such localities,
   and the usual inference was that this something was of gaseous
   form—that it was a special kind of bad air generated in
   swampy localities under favorable meteorological conditions.
   It was recognized at the same time that there are other kinds
   of bad air, such as the offensive emanations from sewers and
   the products of respiration of man and animals, but the term
   malaria was reserved especially for the kind of bad air which
   was supposed to give rise to the so-called malarial fevers. In
   the light of our present knowledge it is evident that this
   term is a misnomer. There is no good reason for believing that
   the air of swamps is any more deleterious to those who breathe
   it than the air of the sea coast or that in the vicinity of
   inland lakes and ponds. Moreover, the stagnant pools, which
   are covered with a 'green scum' and from which bubbles of gas
   are given off, have lost all terrors for the well-informed
   man, except in so far as they serve as breeding places for
   mosquitoes of the genus Anopheles. The green scum is made up
   of harmless algæ such as Spirogyra, Zygnema Protococcus,
   Euglena, etc.; and the gas which is given off from the mud at
   the bottom of such stagnant pools is for the most part a
   well-known and comparatively harmless compound of hydrogen and
   carbon-methane or 'marsh-gas.'

   "In short, we now know that the air in the vicinity of marshes
   is not deleterious because of any special kind of bad air
   present in such localities, but because it contains mosquitoes
   infected with a parasite known to be the specific cause of the
   so-called malarial fevers. This parasite was discovered in the
   blood of patients suffering from intermittent fevers by
   Laveran, a surgeon in the French army, whose investigations
   were conducted in Algiers. This famous discovery was made
   toward the end of the year 1880; but it was several years
   later before the profession generally began to attach much
   importance to the alleged discovery."

      _G. M. Sternberg,
      Malaria
      (Popular Science Monthly, February, 1901)._

   "It was the French doctor Laveran who, after a stay in a
   deadly malarial region of Algeria, discovered the malaria
   parasite in 1880. True, that pigment-cells, which we should
   now describe as malaria-parasites, were observed in human
   blood as early as 1835, among others by Virchow; but their
   relation to the disease was not known. In 1881, Laveran
   embodied his researches in a book, but its importance was
   overlooked. Bacteria attracted then general attention, and
   Laveran's parasite, not being a bacterium, was little thought
   of. He stuck, nevertheless, to his discovery, and was soon
   joined in his researches by Golgi (the Italian professor to
   whom we owe the method that led to the discovery of the
   neurons), as also by Marchiafava, Celli, Councilman,
   Sternberg, and the Viennese doctor Mannaberg who published in
   1893 a full compendium of these researches. Dr. Mannaberg
   proved in this book that the real cause of malaria is
   Laveran's parasite, and he told its most interesting
   life-history so far as it was then known.

   "The parasite of malaria is not a bacterium. It is one of the
   protozoa—namely, as it appeared later on, a coccidium, which,
   like all other members of that family, undergoes in its
   development a series of transformations. … Laveran saw that
   some parasites ('corps à flagelles') would send out thin and
   long flagella which soon parted company with the mother body,
   and, owing to a proper helicoidal movement, disappeared in the
   plasm of the blood. This never happened, however, in the body of
   man, but only when a drop of his infected blood was drawn and
   placed on the glass plate under the microscope.
{445}
   Laveran noticed, moreover, minute 'crescent-shaped bodies'
   which adhered to the red corpuscles and looked very much like
   cysts, protected by a harder envelope. From fifteen to twenty
   minutes after these bodies had been placed under the
   microscope, they also gave origin to a great number of
   'flagella'; and this evolution, too, he remarked, seemed to be
   accomplished only when the cysts were taken out of the human
   body.

   "It was only natural to conclude from these observations that
   the further development of the flagella may take place in the
   body of some other animal than man, and this consideration
   brought Laveran, in a book which he published in 1884, to the
   idea that, taking into consideration the quantities of
   mosquitoes in malarial countries, they may be the agents of
   transition of malaria. This remark passed, however,
   unperceived. Many had the suspicion that gnats may play some
   part in the inoculation of malaria: the Italian peasants
   always thought so, and in the medical literature an American
   doctor, Mr. King, had advocated the same idea. But the
   complete life-history of the malaria parasite being not yet
   known fifteen years ago, the necessity of the mosquito or of
   some other living being serving as a host for the completion
   of the reproduction-cycle was not understood."

      _P. Kropotkin,
      Recent Science
      (Nineteenth Century Review, December, 1900)._

   Dr. Patrick Manson, of London, is credited with the final
   formulation of the mosquito-malarial theory; but the proofs by
   which it has been established have come from a number of
   investigators, who have patiently traced the singular
   life-history of the parasite, throughout its passage from man
   to the mosquito and from the mosquito back to man, as a
   vehicle of disease. Among the latter, prominence is given to
   Major Ronald Ross, who lectured on the subject in London in
   September, 1900, and was reported in "The Times" as follows:

   "They first carried on their life in man—the intermediary
   host—and later in the mosquito, the definitive host. These
   Hæmamœbidæ began as spores which entered a blood corpuscle,
   grew and became amœbæ. The nuclear matter divided, the
   corpuscle containing it burst, the spores scattered, and each
   spore then attached itself to a fresh corpuscle. The access of
   the typical fever began with this scattering of the spores,
   and thus the periodicity of the fever was accounted for.
   Besides this neutral proliferation there was proliferation by
   gametes. The blood of a fever patient exhibited the first
   forms of the gametocytes. The spore grew inside the blood
   corpuscle, and in that species which caused malignant fever it
   grew until it had almost eaten the whole of the host. It was
   then technically called a crescent. If this crescent were
   examined under the microscope a wonderful development might be
   observed to take place in a few moments. The crescent swelled
   and became first oval, then spherical, and in about 15 minutes
   after the drawing of the blood the microgametes made their escape
   and were to be seen wriggling about in the 'liquor sanguinis.'
   Ultimately they entered the macrogametocytes and produced
   zygotes, which was nothing but a perfect example of the sperm
   and the ovum process. "The whole process could be watched
   under the microscope. The mosquito, having bitten a person in
   whose blood these gametocytes were present, would take perhaps
   100 of them into its own system, where the zygotes acquired a
   power of movement, edging towards the wall of the mosquito's
   stomach. About 12 hours afterwards they would be found
   adhering to the walls of the stomach, through which they
   passed and to which they finally attached themselves on the
   outside. This process was accomplished in about 36 hours. The
   zygotes then grew until they had increased to about eight
   times their original diameter and were almost visible to the
   naked eye. As the zygote increased it divided into meres
   containing nuclear matter, which went to the surface. The
   process here seemed to be closely similar to spermato-genesis,
   and Professor Ray Lankester declared that the process was the
   first known example of audrocratic parthenogenesis. When the
   final development was reached the cells burst and the blasts
   escaped and were immediately carried into all parts of the
   insect. They made their way to the salivary gland, with the
   evident purpose of seeking the blood of a fresh human host;
   and the injection of the secretion of the mosquito's salivary
   gland caused the bump which marked the mosquito's bite. A very
   large series of experiments had shown conclusively that
   malarial infection was caused by the bite of the mosquito.

   "The parasites which infested human blood were carried only by
   one genus of mosquito—'Anopheles'; the genus 'Culex' was
   harmless. The two genera could be readily distinguished. For
   example, 'Anopheles' rested on walls with their tails stuck
   out perpendicular to the wall; 'Culex' attached themselves
   with tails hanging downwards. 'Culex' bred in the water in
   pots and tubs; 'Anopheles' in pools. The larvæ of 'Culex,' if
   disturbed, sank to the bottom; the larvæ of 'Anopheles'
   skimmed along the surface. It was doubtful whether the eggs of
   'Anopheles' would live for more than a few days after
   desiccation. The eggs were laid in an equilateral triangular
   pattern; they were soon hatched, and the larvæ then began to
   feed on the green scum in the water. A still evening, just
   before or after rain, was the time most favourable for the
   hatching out from the pupæ. As to the adults, he believed that
   they could live for a year; at any rate, they had been kept
   alive in tubes for more than a month; and it was certain that
   in England and Italy they hibernated. The female of
   'Anopheles' alone was the biter, and though the favourite
   feeding time was at night, in West Africa the insects had been
   found to bite all day. While 'Culex' could be detected by its
   humming, 'Anopheles' was silent, and it was possible to be
   bitten without knowing of it at the moment. He had found that
   a blood diet was always necessary to the maturing of the eggs.
   He had kept many thousands of mosquitoes under observation and
   had never known one to lay eggs except after a meal of blood.
   Malarial infection was derived chiefly from the native
   children, who swarmed everywhere, and whose blood was full of
   the infecting parasites."

   An expedition sent out to West Africa by the Liverpool School
   of Tropical Medicine, to pursue investigations there, reported
   in December, 1900, that its observations confirm the
   conclusion "that the blood parasite which gives rise to
   malarial fever in man is carried by the mosquito from the
   native to the European—and more especially from the native
   children.
{446}
   The examination of the blood of hundreds of native children
   revealed the interesting fact that between 50 and 80 per cent.
   of those under five years, between 20 and 30 per cent. of ages
   between five and ten years, and a small percentage over ten
   years contained malarial parasites, often in very large
   numbers. The breeding places of the 'Anopheles' were found to
   be chiefly the dug-out native canoes in the regions of the
   mangrove swamps, claypits and puddles in the forested
   district, and at Lokoja puddles and ditches on and alongside
   the roads and footpaths. It was particularly noticed
   everywhere how carelessness in the construction of roads and
   footpaths, and more especially in the laying out of the areas
   surrounding the factories of the European traders, was
   accountable for the production of a large number of breeding
   places for mosquitoes, which could easily have been avoided.
   In fact, it is certain that in West Africa such conditions are
   far more dangerous and more common than the proximity of a
   marsh or swamp, which is often noted as a cause of fever. …
   The two methods upon which alone any reliance can be placed as
   measures for prevention are—(l) segregation of Europeans from
   natives of all sorts, at a distance of about half a mile; and
   (2) complete and efficient surface drainage of the whole
   district in the immediate neighbourhood of European quarters."

   The detection of the mosquito as a carrier of one disease drew
   suspicion on the pestilent insect of other kindred crimes, and
   strong evidence of its agency in propagating yellow fever has
   been gathered already. A board of medical officers, which went
   from the United States to Cuba in the summer of 1900 to study
   the matter, reported in October that their investigations
   tended quite positively to that conclusion. The board was
   composed of Dr. Walter Reed, surgeon, United States Army, and
   Dr. James Carroll, Dr. A. Agramonte, and Dr. Jesse W. Lazear,
   all acting assistant surgeons of the United States Army. Two
   months later, so much confirmation had been obtained that
   Major-General Wood, Military-Governor of Cuba (himself a
   medical man) was reported, on the 29th of December, to have
   issued a general order directed to his post commanders,
   "reciting that the chief surgeon of the Department of Cuba has
   reported that it is now well-established that malaria, yellow
   fever and filarial infection are transmitted by the bites of
   mosquitoes. Therefore the troops are enjoined to observe
   carefully two precautions: First—they are to use mosquito bars
   in all barracks, hospitals and field service whenever
   practicable. Second—They are to destroy the 'wigglers,' or
   young mosquitoes, by the use of petroleum on the water where
   they breed. Permanent pools or puddles are to be filled up. To
   the others is to be applied one ounce of kerosene to each
   fifteen square feet of water twice a month, which will destroy
   not only the young but the old mosquitoes. This does not
   injure drinking water if drawn from below and not dipped out.
   Protection is thus secured, according to the order, because
   the mosquito does not fly far, but seeks shelter when the wind
   blows, and thus each community breeds its own mosquitoes."

   This was followed in April, 1901, by an order from the chief
   surgeon at Havana, approved by Surgeon-General Sternberg, U.
   S. A., which says: "The recent experiments made in Havana by
   the Medical Department of the Army having proved that yellow
   fever, like malarial fever, is conveyed chiefly, and probably
   exclusively, by the bite of infected mosquitoes, important
   changes in the measures used for the prevention and treatment
   of this disease have become necessary. So far as yellow fever
   is concerned, infection of a room or building simply means
   that it contains infected mosquitoes, that is mosquitoes which
   have fed on yellow fever patients. Disinfection, therefore,
   means the employment of measures aimed at the destruction of
   these mosquitoes. The most effective of these measures is
   fumigation, either with sulphur, formaldehydes or insect
   powder. The fumes of sulphur are the quickest and the most
   effective insecticide, but are otherwise objectionable.
   Formaldehyde gas is quite effective if the infected rooms are
   kept closed and sealed for two or three hours. The smoke of
   insect powder has also been proved useful; it readily
   stupefies mosquitoes, which drop to the floor and can then be
   easily destroyed. The washing of walls, floors, ceilings and
   furniture with disinfectants is unnecessary."

MEDICAL AND SURGICAL:
   Recent advances in surgery.

   "In no department of surgery has greater progress been made
   than in the treatment of diseases of the abdominal organs. …
   At the present time no abdominal organ is sacred from the
   surgeon's knife. Bowels riddled with bullet-holes are
   stitched up successfully; large pieces of gangrenous or
   cancerous intestine are cut out, the ends of the severed tube
   being brought into continuity by means of ingenious
   appliances; the stomach is opened for the removal of a foreign
   body, for the excision of a cancer, or for the administration
   of nourishment to a patient unable to swallow; stones are
   extracted from the substance of the kidneys, and these organs
   when hopelessly diseased are extirpated; the spleen, when
   enlarged or otherwise diseased, is removed bodily; gall-stones
   are cutout, and even tumours of the liver are excised. The
   kidney, the spleen, and the liver, when they cause trouble by
   unnatural mobility, are anchored by stitches to the abdominal
   wall; and the stomach has been dealt with successfully in the
   same way for the cure of indigestion. Besides all this, many
   cases of obstruction of the bowels, which in days not very
   long gone by would have been doomed to inevitable death, are
   now cured by a touch of the surgeon's knife. The perforation
   of the intestine, which is one of the most formidable
   complications of typhoid fever, has in a few cases been
   successfully closed by operation; and inflammation of the
   peritoneum, caused by the growth of tuberculous masses upon
   it, has been apparently cured by opening the abdominal cavity.
   Among the most useful advances of this department of surgery
   must be accounted the treatment of the condition known as
   'appendicitis,' which has been to a large extent rescued from
   the physician, with his policy of 'laissez faire,' and placed
   under the more resolute and more efficient government of the
   surgeon. A New York surgeon not long ago reported a series of
   100 cases of operation for appendicitis, with only two deaths.
   …

{447}

   "That surgery could ever deal with the abdominal organs in the
   manner just described would have seemed to our predecessors in
   the earlier part of the Queen's reign the baseless fabric of a
   vision. But the modern surgeon, clad in antisepsis, as the Lady
   in 'Comus' was 'clothed round with chastity,' defies the
   'rabble rout' of microbes and dares things which only a short
   time ago were looked upon as beyond the wildest dreams of
   scientific enthusiasm. It is scarcely twenty years since the
   late Sir John Erichsen declared in a public address that
   operative surgery had nearly reached its furthest possible
   limits of development. He pointed out that there were certain
   regions of the body into which the surgeon's knife could never
   penetrate, naming the brain, the heart, and the lung as the
   most obvious examples of such inviolable sanctuaries of life.
   Within the last fifteen years the surgeon has brought each of
   these organs, which constitute what Bichat called the 'tripod
   of life,' within his sphere of conquest. … It must, however,
   be admitted that the results of brain surgery, though
   brilliant from the operative point of view, have so far been
   somewhat disappointing as regards the ultimate cure of the
   disease. In certain forms of epilepsy, in particular, which at
   first seemed to be curable by removal of the 'cortical
   discharging centre' in the brain which is the source of the
   mischief, the tendency to fits has been found to return after
   a time, and the last state of the patient has been worse than
   the first. Still, the mere fact that the brain has been proved
   to be capable of being dealt with surgically with perfect safety
   is in itself a very distinct progress. …

   "Other parts of the nervous system have been brought within
   the range of surgical art. The vertebral column has been
   successfully trephined, and fragments of bone pressing on the
   cord have been taken away in cases of fractured spine; tumours
   have also been removed from the spinal cord by Mr. Horsley and
   others. There is a steadily increasing record of cures of
   intractable neuralgia, especially of the face, by division or
   removal of the affected nerve trunks. … The ends of cut nerves
   have also been re-united, and solutions of their continuity
   have been filled up with portions of nerve taken from animals.
   … The heart naturally cannot be made so free with, even by the
   most enterprising surgeon, as the brain or the lung. Yet
   within the past twelve months a Norwegian practitioner has
   reported a case which encourages a hope that even wounds of
   the heart may not be beyond surgical treatment. … Tuberculous
   and inflammatory diseases of bones and joints, formerly
   intractable except by the 'ultima ratio' of the amputating
   knife, are now cured without mutilation. Deformities are
   corrected by division of tendons, the excision of portions of
   bone, and the physiological exercise of muscles, without
   complicated apparatus. The healing of large wounds is assisted
   by the grafting of healthy skin on the raw surface; wide gaps in
   bones and tendons are filled up with portions of similar
   structures obtained from animals." …

      _Malcolm Morris,
      The Progress of Medicine during the Queen's Reign
      (Nineteenth Century, May, 1897)._

      See, also, X RAYS, below.

SCIENTIFIC LITERATURE:
   International cataloguing.

   On the 22d of March, 1894, the Secretaries of the Royal
   Society of London addressed the following communication to
   various institutions and societies: "The Royal Society of
   London, as you are probably aware, has published nine quarto
   volumes of 'The catalogue of scientific papers,' the first
   volume of the decade 1874-1883 having been issued last year.
   This catalogue is limited to periodical scientific literature,
   i. e., to papers published in the transactions, etc., of
   societies, and in journals; it takes no account whatever of
   monographs and independent books, however important. The
   titles, moreover, are arranged solely according to authors'
   names; and though the Society has long had under consideration
   the preparation of, and it is hoped may eventually issue, as a
   key to the volumes already published, a list in which the
   titles are arranged according to subject-matter, the catalogue
   is still being prepared according to authors' names. Further,
   though the Society has endeavored to include the titles of all
   the scientific papers published in periodicals of acknowledged
   standing, the catalogue is, even as regards periodical
   literature, confessedly incomplete, owing to the omission of
   the titles of papers published in periodicals of little
   importance, or not easy of access.

   "Owing to the great development of scientific literature, the
   task of the Society in continuing the catalogue, even in its
   present form, is rapidly increasing in difficulty. At the same
   time it is clear that the progress of science would be greatly
   helped by, indeed, almost demands, the compilation of a
   catalogue which should aim at completeness, and should contain
   the titles of scientific publications, whether appearing in
   periodicals or independently. In such a catalogue the titles
   should be arranged not only according to authors' names, but
   also according to subject-matter, the text of each paper and
   not the title only being consulted for the latter purpose. And
   the value of the catalogue would be greatly enhanced by a
   rapid periodical issue, and by publication in such a form that
   the portion which pertains to any particular branch of science
   might be obtained separately. It is needless to say that the
   preparation and publication of such a complete catalogue is
   far beyond the power and means of any single society.

   "Led by the above considerations, the president and council of
   the Royal Society have appointed a committee to inquire into
   and report upon the feasibility of such a catalogue being
   compiled through international co-operation."

      _Library Journal,
      March, 1895._

   The movement thus initiated received cordial support and led
   to the convening of an International Conference in London, in
   1896. The Conference was opened on Tuesday, July 14, at
   Burlington House. "The 42 delegates, representing nearly all
   the governments of civilized countries and most of the leading
   scientific societies of the world, were welcomed by Sir John
   Gorst, as provisional president. … It was decided that
   English, German and French should be the official languages of
   the conference. … The conference closed on Friday, July 17,
   the need of an international catalogue having been fully
   recognized, and a plan for its preparation mapped out. It was
   decided 'That it is desirable to compile and publish by means
   of some international organization a complete catalogue of
   scientific literature, arranged according both to
   subject-matter and to authors' names. That in preparing such a
   catalogue regard shall, in the first instance, be had to the
   requirements of scientific investigators, to the end that
   these may, by means of the catalogue, find out most easily
   what has been published concerning any particular subject of
   inquiry.'

{448}

   "The preparation of the catalogue is to be in charge of an
   international council, to be appointed, and the final editing
   and publication shall be conducted by a central international
   bureau, under the direction of the international council. Any
   country that is willing to do so shall be entrusted with the
   task of collecting, provisionally classifying, and
   transmitting to the central bureau, in accordance with rules
   laid down by the international council, all the entries
   belonging to the scientific literature of that country. 'In
   indexing according to subject-matter regard shall be had, not
   only to the title (of a paper or book), but also to the nature
   of the contents.' The catalogue shall comprise all published
   original contributions—periodical articles, pamphlets,
   memoirs, etc.—to the mathematical, physical, or natural
   sciences, … 'to the exclusion of what are sometimes called the
   applied sciences—the limits of the several sciences to be
   determined hereafter.' …

   "The central bureau shall issue the catalogue in the form of
   'slips' or 'cards,' the details of the cards to be hereafter
   determined, and the issue to take place as promptly as
   possible. … It was also decided that the central bureau shall
   be located in London, and that the Royal Society appoint a
   committee to study all undecided questions relating to the
   catalogue and to report later. … No system of classification
   was adopted and the subject was turned over for consideration
   to the committee of organization, which should also suggest
   'such details as will render the catalogue of the greatest
   possible use to those unfamiliar with English.' January 1,
   1900, is fixed as the date for the beginning of the
   catalogue."

      _Library Journal,
      August, 1896._

   A second international conference, to consider further the
   plans previously outlined, was held October 11-13, 1898, at
   Burlington House, London. "The attendance was a representative
   one, including delegates from Austria, Belgium, France,
   Germany, Hungary, Japan, Mexico, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden,
   Switzerland, the United Kingdom, the United States
   (represented by Dr. Cyrus Adler), Cape Colony, India, Natal,
   New Zealand, and Queensland. Russia, Spain and Italy were the
   only large continental countries unrepresented. …

   "Professor Forster having formally presented the report of the
   Committee of the Royal Society, copies of which were forwarded
   in April last to the several governments represented at the
   conference, the discussion of the recommendations was opened,
   and it was resolved: 'That the conference confirms the
   principle that the catalog be published in the double form of
   cards and books. That schedules of classification shall be
   authorized for the several branches of science which it is
   decided to include in the catalog. That geography be defined
   as limited to mathematical and physical geography, and that
   political and general geography be excluded. That anatomy be
   entered on the list as a separate subject. That a separate
   schedule be provided for each of the following branches of
   science: Mathematics, Astronomy, Meteorology, Physics,
   Crystallography, Chemistry, Mineralogy, Geology (including
   Petrology), Geography, mathematical and physical,
   Paleontology, Anatomy, Zoology, Botany, Physiology (including
   Pharmacology and Experimental Pathology), Bacteriology,
   Psychology, Anthropology. That each of the sciences for which
   a separate schedule is provided shall be indicated by a
   symbol.'" Resolutions were then adopted providing for the
   regulations to be observed in the preparation of cards or
   slips, and for the organization of the work through Regional
   Bureaus.

   "The following recommendations of the Royal Society providing
   for international conventions in connection with the catalog
   were adopted: 'Each region in which a Regional Bureau is
   established, charged with the duty of preparing and
   transmitting slips to the Central Bureau for the compilation
   of the catalog, shall be called a constituent region. In 1905,
   in 1910, and every tenth year afterwards, an international
   convention shall be held in London (in July) to reconsider,
   and, if necessary, revise the regulations for carrying out the
   work of the catalog authorized by the international convention
   of 1898. Such an international convention shall consist of
   delegates appointed by the respective governments to represent
   the constituent regions, but no region shall be represented by
   more than three delegates. The rules of procedure of each
   international convention shall be the same as those of the
   international convention of 1898. The decisions of an
   international convention shall remain in force until the next
   convention meets.'

   "The following recommendations of the Royal Society relating
   to the constitution of an International Council, which shall
   be the governing body of the catalog, were adopted: 'Each
   Regional Bureau shall appoint one person to serve as a member
   of a body to be called The International Council. The
   International Council shall, within the regulations laid down
   by the international convention, be the governing body of the
   catalog. The International Council shall appoint its own
   chairman and secretary. It shall meet in London once in three
   years at least, and at such other times as the chairman, with
   the concurrence of five other members, may specially appoint.
   It shall, subject to the regulations laid down by the
   convention, be the supreme authority for the consideration of
   and decision concerning all matters belonging to the Central
   Bureau. It shall make a report of its doings, and submit a
   balance sheet, copies of which shall be distributed to the
   several Regional Bureaus, and published in some recognized
   periodical or periodicals in each of the constituent
   regions.'"

      _Library Journal,
      December, 1898._

   The third international conference on a catalog of scientific
   literature was held in London, June 12, 1900, under the
   auspices of the Royal Society. "Unfortunately the United
   States finds no place in the list [of delegates]. This was
   owing to the failure to secure from Congress the necessary
   appropriation enabling the United States to join in the
   enterprise; and as the call to the conference required that
   delegates be charged with full powers, it was impossible for
   any representative of the United States to be in attendance. …

   "The general results of the conference are reviewed by
   Professor Henry E. Armstrong, in 'Nature,' as follows: 'There
   can be little doubt that the ultimate execution of this
   important enterprise is now assured. … Everyone was of opinion
   that if a fair beginning can once be made, the importance of the
   work is so great; it will be of such use to scientific workers
   at large; that it will rapidly grow in favor and soon secure
   that wide support which is not yet given to it simply because
   its character and value are but imperfectly understood.
   Therefore, all were anxious that a beginning should be made.

{449}

   "'It has been estimated that if 300 sets or the equivalent are
   sold the expenses of publication will be fully met. As the
   purchase of more than half this number was guaranteed by
   France, Germany, Italy, Norway, Switzerland, and the United
   Kingdom, the conference came to the conclusion that the number
   likely to be taken by other countries would be such that the
   subscriptions necessary to cover the cost of the catalog would
   be obtained. The resolution arrived at after this opinion had
   been formed, That the catalog include both an author's and a
   subject index, according to the schemes of the Provisional
   International Committee, must, in fact, be read as a
   resolution to establish the catalog.

   "'Of the countries represented at the various conferences,
   excepting Belgium, not one has expressed any unwillingness
   eventually to co-operate in the work. Unfortunately, neither
   the United States nor Russia was officially represented on the
   present occasion. The attempts that have been made to induce
   the government in the United States to directly subsidise the
   catalog have not been successful: but that the United States
   will contribute its fair share, both of material and pecuniary
   support, cannot be doubted. There as here private or corporate
   enterprise must undertake much that is done under government
   auspices in Europe. As to Russia, the organization of
   scientific workers there has been so little developed that it
   is very difficult to secure their attention, and probably our
   Russian colleagues are as yet but very imperfectly aware of
   what is proposed. … A Provisional International Committee has
   been appointed, which will take the steps now necessary to
   secure the adhesion and co-operation of countries not yet
   pledged to support the scheme.

   "'Originally it was proposed to issue a card as well as a book
   catalog, but on account of the great additional expense this
   would involve, and as the Americans in particular have not
   expressed themselves in favor of a card issue, it is resolved
   to publish the catalog, for the present, only in the form of
   annual volumes.

   "'From the outset great stress has been laid on the
   preparation of subject indexes which go behind the titles of
   papers and give fairly full information as to the nature of
   their contents. Both at the first and the second International
   Conference this view met with the fullest approval. Meanwhile,
   the action of the German government has made it necessary to
   somewhat modify the original plan. In Germany, a regional
   bureau will be established, supported by a government
   subvention, and it is intended that the whole German
   scientific literature shall be cataloged in this office; no
   assistance will be asked from authors or editors or corporate
   bodies. In such an office it will for the present be
   impossible to go behind titles; consequently, only the titles
   of German papers will be quoted in the catalog. In the first
   instance, some other countries may prefer to adopt this course
   on the ground of economy. But in this country, at least, the
   attempt will be made to deal fully with the literature, and
   the co-operation of authors and editors will be specially
   invited. …

   "'The catalog is to be published annually in seventeen
   distinct volumes. The collection of material is to commence
   from January 1, 1901. As it will be impossible to print and
   issue so many volumes at once, it is proposed to publish them
   in sets of four or five at quarterly intervals.'"

      _Library Journal,
      September, 1900._

   The fourth Conference was held at London, December 12-13,
   1900, when "all arrangements were completed for the definitive
   commencement of the work on January 1. … The responsibility
   for publication and for the initial expenditure is undertaken
   by the Royal Society. … A comprehensive and elaborate system
   of classification has been devised with the assent of all the
   countries interested. This uniformity in a region where
   diversity of a perplexing kind has hitherto ruled is in itself
   a great boon to scientific workers everywhere. It may be
   anticipated that the scheme will by degrees be adopted in all
   collections of scientific works. As to the nothing aspects of
   this important undertaking, larger more need be said at
   present than that the scientific cataloguing of all scientific
   work most appropriately celebrates the opening of the
   twentieth century."

   [Transcriber's note: In the previous sentence the words
   "nothing" and "larger" appear interchanged.]

      _London Times,
      December 14, 1900._

SCIENTIFIC LITERATURE:
   In the Nineteenth Century.

      See (in this volume)
      NINETEENTH CENTURY: DOMINANT LINES.

   ----------Scientific Literature: End--------

   ----------SCOTLAND: Start--------

SCOTLAND: A. D. 1900.
   Union of the Free and United Presbyterian Churches.

   "In the ecclesiastical world only one event of the first
   importance has happened [in Scotland, in 1900], the
   consummation of the union between the Free and United
   Presbyterian Churches, which has been the subject of
   negotiation for six years past. The May meetings of the
   leading representative courts of the two denominations were
   occupied almost exclusively with the final arrangements for
   the formal act of union, which was fixed to take place on
   October 31. An attempt by a number of lay office-bearers of
   the Free Church to postpone the final step, on the ground that
   the congregations had not been directly and fairly consulted,
   failed of its object. On October 30 the General Assembly of
   the Free Church and the Synod of the United Presbyterian
   Church held their last meetings in Edinburgh as independent
   bodies. On the following day they formally constituted
   themselves the United Free Church of Scotland in the Waverley
   Market, the largest public hall in Scotland, in presence of an
   audience computed to number 6,000 persons. The union has, as
   is the rule in Scotland, been accompanied by a 'disruption.'
   The minority of the Free Church, which on October 30 resolved
   to remain outside the United Free Church, is very small in
   number and is financially weak, but it claims to be the true
   Free Church of Scotland, it is asserting itself vigorously in
   the Highlands and islands, where Free Church
   'constitutionalism' has always been strongest, and it has
   taken the first step in a process of litigation for the
   purpose of discovering whether it or the United Free Church is
   legally entitled to the property of the original Free Church
   founded in 1843. But for this secession, the strength of which
   is not accurately estimable, the new denomination would,
   according to the latest official returns, have opposed about
   1,680 congregations and about 530,000 members to the 1,450
   congregations and 650,000 members of the Church of Scotland."

      _London Times,
      December 27, 1900._

{450}

SEA POWER.

      See (in this volume)
      NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

SEAL-KILLING DISPUTES.

      See (in this volume)
      BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

SEGAN FU,
SI-NGAN-FU,
   The Chinese Imperial Court at.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-SEPTEMBER).

SEMINOLES,
   United States Agreement with the.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

SENEGAL; A. D. 1895.
   Under a French Governor-General.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (FRENCH WEST AFRICA).

SENOUSSI, The Sect of the.

      See (in this volume)
      NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

SERAPEION, Discovery of the.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT:
      DISCOVERY OF THE SERAPEION.

SERVIA: A. D. 1894-1901.
   Abolition of the constitution by royal proclamation.
   Final exile and death of ex-King Milan.

      See (in this volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES (SERVIA).

SERVIA: A. D. 1901 (April).
   Promulgation of a new constitution.

   A new constitution for Servia was promulgated by King
   Alexander, at Belgrade, on the 19th of April, 1901. Of the
   character of the instrument, the King had previously given
   intimations in an interview conceded to the editor of the
   "Revue d'Orient," the account of which, translated for the
   "London Times," is partly as follows: "Our three Constitutions
   of 1869, 1888, and 1901 differ from each other in important
   matters of principle. That of 1869 practically amounted to
   absolutism, if I may thus qualify any Constitution. It is true
   that the executive power retained but few prerogatives, but
   that was deceptive, as the rights of the Legislature were
   surrounded by exceptions and restrictions which made it easy
   to paralyse and annihilate them at any moment. The
   Constitution of 1888 had the contrary defects. It subordinated
   the executive power to that of the Legislature, only leaving to
   the former an altogether insufficient sphere of action. It had
   another great fault. It was excessively doctrinaire and
   theoretical, affecting to foresee everything and to regulate
   everything, so that the legislative power was bound hand and
   foot and could not legislate freely. The Constitution which
   will be promulgated on April 19, the anniversary of the day
   when the fortress of Belgrade was finally evacuated by the
   Turks in 1867, is a charter similar to those which organize
   the public powers in several countries of Europe, as, for
   instance, in England and in France. It settles the form of
   government, the powers of the King and of the State, the
   rights of subjects, the working of the national
   representation, &c. But it leaves to the Legislature the
   settlement of all details. What more particularly
   distinguishes the Constitution of 1901 from that of 1869 is
   that it prevents the use and abuse of ordinances by the
   Executive, which will be obliged to frame special laws in
   every case—that is to say, laws accepted and approved of by
   the King, the Senate, and the Chamber of Deputies. Thus
   legality will henceforth be the regulating wheel in the
   machinery of government. The Chamber of Deputies will be much
   better organized, as the enlightened classes will be much more
   numerously represented. The Constitution of 1901 will also
   present great advantages over that of 1888. The Legislature
   will control the acts of the Government as far as can possibly
   be desired. At the same time the constitutional regime as
   established in the new Constitution will give the King all the
   power that he ought to retain in a country that is still new,
   like Servia, without diminishing any of the inviolable
   liberties of the nation.

   "I attach very great importance to the new political
   institution with which I am going to endow Servia—namely, an
   Upper Chamber. Considering that it already exists, not only in
   monarchical countries, but also in most Republics, as, for
   instance, in France and the United States, I cannot admit that
   it should be regarded as involving the slightest aristocratic
   tendency or idea. I know my country well enough to be sure
   that I shall find a sufficient number of high-class
   politicians to recruit the Senate, and that enough will remain
   for the Chamber of Deputies. I am likewise fully persuaded
   that the legislative task of the Parliament will be much
   better performed when the Chamber of Deputies is conscious
   that above it there exists a Senate whose business it is to
   revise and improve the laws which it has elaborated, of course
   for the greater benefit of the nation. Then, again, the Senate
   will form a moderating element which was much wanting in our
   Legislature. What Servia is suffering from is not any lack of
   legislation, but from the circumstances that the existing laws
   were hastily framed or were the outcome of party rancour. If
   we had formerly had a Senate composed of men of experience and
   good patriots, they would never have consented to the conclusion
   of so many onerous loans, to the application of so many
   iniquitous measures, nor to the convocation of the special
   tribunal, 'le tribunal extraordinaire,' of 1899.

   "At first the Radical party was not favourable to the
   institution of an Upper Chamber, but it now recognizes the
   great advantages it will offer, and has rallied to my project.
   The Progressist party has always been favourable to it. The
   majority of the Liberal party has also adhered to it. I
   therefore believe that this new institution will be of the
   greatest service to the country. All that is required, and
   with a little good will it can be easily done, is that the
   members of the two Chambers should endeavour honestly,
   sincerely, and loyally to work for the good of the State and
   of the nation. If I have not thought right to raise the
   qualification for the suffrage, as desired by some people, it
   is because I did not wish to disfranchise any of those who
   have enjoyed the right of voting during the last 35 years. I
   do not wish to restrict any of the rights of the nation.

{451}

   "The application of the new Constitution will be the great
   task of my Government, in which I have every confidence. The
   Prime Minister, Dr. Vuitch, has the sympathy and support not
   only of his own party but of all who would like to see the
   country governed in a liberal spirit. His presence at the head
   of the Ministry is a pledge for the active and sincere
   co-operation of all elements of order and progress. … As soon
   as the new Constitution has been promulgated, the Government
   will invite the co-operation of all those which admit its
   necessity and fitness. A large Conservative party will thus be
   formed which will have the requisite power and authority for
   all purposes of government, for the application of the
   Constitution, and for the elaboration of financial and
   economic laws necessary for the progress of the country.

   "As regards the question of the succession to the Throne, I
   wanted to settle it finally, as the members of the reigning
   dynasty are not numerous unless the remote collateral lines be
   included, which is not possible. Moreover, everybody wished me
   to take in this matter such decisions as I might think proper
   in view of securing the continuation of the Servian Monarchy.
   The first thing to be done was to safeguard the rights of the
   direct line without seeking to bind ourselves by the Salic
   Law, which there is really no reason to apply in our country.
   I should add here that there are no anti-dynastic elements in
   Servia, with the exception, perhaps, of a few hare-brained
   individuals who really do not enter into account. My people
   are profoundly attached to the reigning dynasty, and never
   lose an opportunity of showing me their loyalty. It is the
   same with all the political parties.

   "Before promulgating the Constitution I decided to consult the
   most influential members of the parties in office. They agreed
   with me, and promised me to assist harmoniously in the work. I
   have also consulted the leading members of the Liberal party,
   and with two or three exceptions they have given me the same
   assurances. Such being the case, I may say that the
   Constitution of 1901 is not a production of my will or of my
   good pleasure, but that it is the result of an understanding
   between the Sovereign and the leaders of the three political
   parties. I consequently reckon upon their sincere and active
   co-operation, and I trust they will not fail me. I am firmly
   convinced that the new Constitution will act as a fresh and
   vigorous stimulus to my country, and that it will bring it
   that calm and stability which it sorely needs. I sincerely
   regard it as a source of prosperity and welfare for Servia."

SEVERALTY ACT, The Indian.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1899-1900.

SEYMOUR, Vice-Admiral Sir Edward:
   Expedition to relieve Peking.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE 10-26).

SEYYIDIEH, The province of.

      See (in this volume)
      BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE: A. D. 1895-1897.

SHAFTER, General:
   Commanding the expedition against Santiago de Cuba.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

SHAFTER, General:
   Surrender of Spanish forces at Santiago and all eastern Cuba.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY 4-17).

SHAFTER, General:
   Report of sickness in army.
   Removal of troops to Montauk Point.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: CUBA).

SHANGHAI.

   "Shanghai is the New York of China. It occupies a position on
   the coast quite similar to that of New York on our own eastern
   coast, and its percentage of importations into China is about
   the same as that which New York enjoys in the United States.
   The large share of the foreign trade of China which Shanghai
   controls is due largely to its position at the mouth of the
   great artery through which trade flows to and from China—the
   Yangtze-Kiang. Transportation in bulk in China up to the
   present time having been almost exclusively by water, and the
   Yangtze being navigable by steamers and junks for more than
   2,000 miles, thus reaching the most populous, productive, and
   wealthy sections of the country, naturally a very large share
   of the foreign commerce entering or leaving that country
   passes through Shanghai, where foreign merchants, bankers,
   trade representatives, trade facilities, and excellent docking
   and steamship conveniences exist. The lines of no less than
   eight great steamship companies center at Shanghai, where they
   land freight and passengers from their fleets of vessels which
   are counted by hundreds, while the smaller vessels, for river
   and coastwise service, and the native junks are counted
   literally by thousands. The Yangtze from Shanghai westward to
   Hankow, a distance of 582 miles, is navigable for very large
   steamships that are capable of coasting as well as river
   service. Hankow, which with its suburbs has nearly a million
   people, is the most important of the interior cities, being a
   great distributing center for trade to all parts of central
   and western China and thus the river trade between Shanghai
   and Hankow is of itself enormous, while the coastwise trade
   from Shanghai, both to the north and south, and that by the
   Grand Canal to Tientsin, the most important city of northern
   China, is also very large."

      _United States, Bureau of Statistics,
      Monthly Summary, March, 1899, page 2191._

   "When the English chose this position, in 1842, for their
   mercantile settlement, it seemed difficult to believe that
   they would ever succeed in making the place a rival of Canton
   or of Amoy. It is true that Shanghai possessed important
   commercial relations already, and the great geographical
   advantage of commanding the entrance to the navigable river
   which traverses the whole empire from west to east; but the
   builders of the city there had to struggle with enormous
   difficulties of soil and climate. They had to solidify and
   drain the land, dig canals, dry up marshes, cleanse the air of
   its miasms, besides incessantly dredging and clearing the
   channel, to keep it open for their ships. The first European
   merchants established at Shanghai were favored in fortune by
   the national disasters of China. The Taiping war drove
   fugitives in multitudes to the territory conceded to
   foreigners, and when the town of Soutcheou was destroyed, in
   1860, Shanghai succeeded it as the great city of the country."

      _É. Reclus,
      Nouvelle géographie universelle,
      volume 7, page 455._

SHANGHAI: A. D. 1898.
   Rioting consequent on French desecration of a cemetery.
   Extension of foreign settlements.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898-1899.

SHANTUNG, The "Boxer" outbreak in.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

SHIMONOSEKI, Text of the Treaty of.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.

{452}

SHIPPING OF THE WORLD: In 1900.

   Statement of number and net and gross tonnage of steam and
   sailing vessels of over 100 tons of the several countries of
   the world, as recorded in Lloyd's Register for 1900-1901
   [dated July 1, 1900].

      _United States, Commissioner of Navigation,
      Annual Report, 1900, page 125._

FLAG                            STEAM.                SAIL.             TOTAL.
                     -------------------------  ------------------  -------------
                 Number. Net tons. Gross tons.  Number.  Net tons.  Number.  Tonnage.

British:
United Kingdom.  7,020   7,072,401  11,513,759   1,894   1,727,687   8,914  13,241,446
Colonies.          910     378,925     635,331   1,014     384,477   1,924   1,019,808
Total.           7,930   7,451,326  12,149,090   2,908   2,112,164  10,838  14,261,254

American
(United States):
Sea.              690      594,237     878,564   2,130   1,156,498   2,820   2,035,062
Lake.             242      436,979     576,402      73     138,807     315     715,209
Total.            932    1,031,216   1,454,966   2,203   1,295,305   3,135   2,750,271

Argentine.         95       36,938      57,239     106      30,407     201      87,646
Austro-Hungarian  214      240,808     387,471      56      28,613     270     416,084
Belgian.          115      111,624     162,493       2         420     117     162,913
Brazilian.        215       85,799     133,507     117      29,580     332     163,087
Chilean.           52       38,960      62,872      75      48,106     127     110,978
Chinese.           48       41,847      65,721       1         573      49      66,294
Colombian.          1          555         877       5       1,110       6       1,987
Danish.           369      240,599     412,273     433     106,738     802     519,011
Dutch.            289      307,574     467,209     117      63,068     406     530,277
French.           662      542,305   1,052,193     552     298,309   1,214   1,350,562
German.         1,209    1,344,605   2,159,919     501     490,114   1,710   2,650,033
Greek.            139      111,797     178,137     230      65,957     369     245,094
Haitian.            5          912       1,750       2         414       7       2,164
Italian.          312      343,020     540,349     864     443,306   1,176     983,655
Japanese.         484      303,303     488,187     582      86,370   1,006     574,557
Mexican.           25        6,562      11,460      13       3,081      38      14,541
Montenegrin.        1        1,064       1,857      14       3,513      15       5,370
Norwegian.        806      467,123     764,683   1,574     876,129   2,380   1,640,812
Peruvian.           3        3,204       4,869      33       9,607      36      14,476
Portuguese.        48       37,153      57,664     156      53,391     204     111,055
Roumanian.         17        9,686      17,361       3         659      20      18,020
Russian.          496      292,277     469,496     750     251,405   1,246     720,901
Sarawakian.         2          244         418                           2         418
Siamese.            4          821       1,435       1         294       5       1,729
Spanish.          422      416,882     642,231     175      52,549     597     694,780
Swedish.          678      260,023     418,550     755     218,722   1,433     637,272
Turkish.          135       58,974      94,781     170      48,709     305     143,490
Uruguayan.         17        6,438      10,468      19       4,032      36      14,500
Venezuelan.        12        2,450       4,246       8       1,185      20       5,431
Zanzibarian.        3        1,871       2,808                           3       2,808
Other countries:
Hawaii.            23       11,185      16,922      24      29,707      47      46,629
Cuba.              35       17,651      27,040      11       2,410      46      29,450
Philippine Islands 69       19,587      31,099      42       8,236     111      39,335
Various:
   Arabia,
   Salvador,
   Ecuador,
   Liberia,
   Samos,
   Nicaragua,
   Bulgaria,
   Costa Rica,
   Egypt,
   Persia,
   Porto Rico,
   etc.            31       10,130      17,717      22       9,127      53      26,844

Total.         15,898   13,800,513  22,309,358  12,524   6,674,370   28,422 29,043,728

SHIRE HIGHLANDS, The.

      See (in this volume)
      BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE.

SHOA.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

SHUN-CH'ING, Anti-missionary insurrection at.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898-1899 (JUNE-JANUARY).

SIAH CHAI, or Vegetarians, The.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1895 (AUGUST).

SIAM: A. D. 1896-1899.
   Declaration between Great Britain and France
   with regard to Siam.

   A declaration of agreement, in part as follows, between Great
   Britain and France, was signed at London, January 15, 1896:

   "I.
   The Governments of Great Britain and France engage to one
   another that neither of them will, without the consent of the
   other, in any case, or under any pretext, advance their armed
   forces into the region which is comprised in the basins of the
   Petcha Bouri, Meiklong, Menam, and Bang Pa Kong (Petriou)
   Rivers and their respective tributaries, together with the
   extent of coast from Muong Bang Tapan to Muong Pase, the
   basins of the rivers on which those two places are situated,
   and the basins of the other rivers, the estuaries of which are
   included in that coast; and including also the territory lying
   to the north of the basin of the Menam, and situated between
   the Anglo-Siamese frontier, the Mekong River, and the eastern
   watershed of the Me Ing. They further engage not to acquire
   within this region any special privilege or advantage which
   shall not be enjoyed in common by, or equally open to, Great
   Britain and France, and their nationals and dependents. These
   stipulations, however, shall not be interpreted as derogating
   from the special clauses which, in virtue of the Treaty
   concluded on the 3rd October, 1893, between France and Siam,
   apply to a zone of 25 kilometers on the right bank of the
   Mekong and to the navigation of that river.

{453}

   II.
   Nothing in the foregoing clause shall hinder any action on
   which the two Powers may agree, and which they shall think
   necessary in order to uphold the independence of the Kingdom
   of Siam. But they engage not to enter into any separate
   Agreement permitting a third Power to take any action from
   which they are bound by the present Declaration themselves to
   abstain.

   III.
   From the mouth of the Nam Huok northwards as far as the
   Chinese frontier the thalweg of the Mekong shall form the
   limit of the possessions or spheres of influence of Great
   Britain and France. It is agreed that the nationals and
   dependents of each of the two countries shall not exercise any
   jurisdiction or authority within the possessions or sphere of
   influence of the other."

   In a despatch to the British Ambassador at Paris, written on
   the same day, Lord Salisbury explained the intent and purpose
   of the agreement as follows: "It might be thought that because
   we have engaged ourselves, and have received the engagement of
   France, not under any circumstances to invade this territory,
   that therefore we are throwing doubt upon the complete title
   and rights of the Siamese to the remainder of their kingdom,
   or, at all events, treating those rights with disregard. Any
   such interpretation would entirely misrepresent the intention
   with which this arrangement has been signed. We have selected
   a particular area for the application of the stipulations of
   this Treaty, not because the title of the King of Siam to
   other portions of his dominions is less valid, but because it
   is the area which affects our interests as a commercial
   nation. The valley of the Menam is eminently fitted to receive
   a high industrial development. Possibly in course of time it
   may be the site of lines of communication which will be of
   considerable importance to neighbouring portions of the
   British Empire. There seems every prospect that capital will
   flow into this region if reasonable security is offered for
   its investment, and great advantage would result to the
   commerce and industry of the world, and especially of Great
   Britain, if capitalists could be induced to make such an
   application of the force which they command. But the history
   of the region in which Siam is situated has not in recent
   years been favourable to the extension of industrial
   enterprise, or to the growth of that confidence which is the
   first condition of material improvement. A large territory to
   the north has passed from the hands of the Burmese Government
   to those of Great Britain. A large territory to the east has
   passed from the hands of its former possessors to those of
   France. The events of this recent history certainly have a
   tendency to encourage doubts of the stability of the Siamese
   dominion; and without in any degree sharing in those doubts,
   or admitting the possibility, within any future with which we
   have to deal, of the Siamese independence being compromised,
   Her Majesty's Government could not but feel that there would
   be an advantage in giving some security to the commercial
   world that, in regard to the region where the most active
   development is likely to take place, no further disturbances
   of territorial ownership are to be apprehended."

      _Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command: France, Number 2, 1896, pages 1-3)._

   Perhaps the above explanation can be better understood after
   reading the following:

   "In the early eighties France commenced the subjugation of
   Tonquin. … It was not until 1893 that France openly attacked
   Siam. The demand was subtly formulated—on behalf, not of the
   Government of the French Republic, but of 'the Empire of
   Annam.' But even so the French had been in Annam for perhaps a
   quarter of a century, whereas Siam could show an undisturbed,
   undisputed tenure of the Mekong River's 'rive gauche' for at
   least ninety years. … The cession to France of territory
   amounting to rather more than one-third of the entire kingdom
   was insisted upon; and in March 1893 that Power sent the
   ship-of-war Lutin to Bangkok, where she remained for months a
   standing menace. A rigorous blockade of the Siamese seaboard
   followed, resulting in a few short days in complete surrender
   of the disputed territory to France and the payment of a heavy
   war indemnity. … By the Anglo-French Convention of last year
   [as given above] the King of Siam's position became, to say
   the least, slightly anomalous. That agreement practically
   amounted to the fair division, between France and England, of
   the whole of Siam save that portion situate in the fertile
   valley of the Meinam, whose autonomy they still guarantee to
   preserve. … France holds, in addition to the long-coveted port
   of Chantabûn, that part of the province of Luang Phrabang
   which is situate upon the right bank of the Mekong. … The
   Siamese king is 'nulli secundus' among Oriental monarchs as a
   progressive ruler. And fate has been unkind to him indeed! He
   has encouraged English customs and the English language by all
   the means in his power—has taken the kindliest possible
   interest in the introduction of electric light, electric
   tramways, &c., into his capital—has endeavoured to model his
   army and navy, his prison and other systems, upon the English
   method—and has in person opened the first railway (that
   connecting Bangkok with Pâknam) in Siam. It is, indeed, one of
   the strangest and most interesting sights, as you stroll
   through the streets of the capital, to witness the 'riksha and
   gharry of comparative barbarism travelling in juxtaposition to
   the electric tramcar and the bicycle! And for his broad and
   enlightened views the King of Siam has been requited by the
   wholesale and utterly unjustifiable plunder of his most
   fertile lands."

      _Percy Cross Standing,
      The Significance of the Siamese Visit
      (Nineteenth Century, June, 1897)._

   Frequent collisions between French and Siamese in the
   so-called "neutral zone" on the right bank of the Mekong
   continued, until a new convention was agreed upon in May,
   1890. This gave to France the province of Luang-Phrabang, in
   return for which she agreed to withdraw entirely from the
   neutral territory and from the port of Chantabûn.

SIAM: A. D. 1898.
   Gift of relics of Buddha.

      See (in this volume)
      BUDDHA.

SIAM: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
   Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

SIAN FU,
SI-NGAN-FU,
   The Chinese Imperial Court at.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-SEPTEMBER).

SIBERIA.

      See (in this volume)
      RUSSIA IN ASIA.

SIBERIAN ARCTIC EXPLORATION.

      See (in this volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION, 1805, 1896, 1897, 1898, 1899, 1900.

{454}

SIERRA LEONE PROTECTORATE.
   Extension of British authority over the Hinterland of the
   Colony of Sierra Leone.
   The hut tax.
   Insurrection of natives.

   "Immediately adjoining the Colony of Sierra Leone, lying to
   the northward and eastward, is the Hinterland, the boundaries
   of which were defined by the Agreement between Great Britain
   and France which was concluded 21st January 1895. The extreme
   depth from south to north is about 210 miles, lying between 7°
   and 10° north latitude, and 180 miles from east to west, lying
   between 10° 40' and 13° 20' of west longitude. The estimated area
   is rather more than 30,000 square miles—about the size of
   Ireland. … Unlike many regions on the west coast of Africa,
   the country is, for the most part, well watered by rivers and
   running streams. The population of the Hinterland has not been
   ascertained. It has been variously estimated, before the
   present troubles, at from about 750,000 up to about 2,000,000.
   The trade and revenue of the Colony depend almost entirely on
   the Hinterland. A very large proportion of the goods imported
   into the Colony are carried into and consumed in the
   Hinterland. These goods are paid for by means of the products
   of the Hinterland, which are exported, and the profits derived
   from the exchange enable the merchants to pay the Customs
   duties, which constitute the bulk of the Colonial revenue. The
   territories forming the Hinterland are, according to the
   native organisation, ruled over by a large number of Chiefs
   (or Kings, as they used to be, and still in native parlance
   are, called). The portions of country under each Chief are
   well ascertained, and recognised by the various Chiefs and
   their subjects. …

   "The relations between the English Government and the Chiefs
   at the time of the conclusion of the Agreement between France
   and England in 1895 was … that some of the Chiefs whose
   territories lay most adjacent to the Colony of Sierra Leone
   had contracted with the English Crown certain treaties of
   cession, and treaties directed to definite objects of amity
   and good offices. In addition there had sprung up by usage a
   limited consensual and advisory jurisdiction, under which
   Chiefs as well as persons not Chiefs would bring their
   differences (mainly as to territorial boundaries) before the
   Governor of Sierra Leone as a sort of arbitrator, and
   implicitly follow his awards. This jurisdiction was exercised
   over an area of no defined limits, so far as any rules were
   concerned. As a fact, it was limited by conditions of distance
   and facility of travel, so that whilst the usage was most
   established in the countries nearest to Freetown, there was
   none in the more distant regions, or if there was any it was
   at most so rudimentary as to be jurally of no account. … I
   have not been able to trace any instance in which, either
   under treaty or any other form of consent, or without consent,
   the English Government has imposed, or endeavoured to impose
   any direct taxation upon the Chiefs or people of the
   Hinterland prior to 1896.

   "The agreement between France and Great Britain delimited the
   respective spheres of interest of the two countries south and
   west of the Middle or Upper Niger, and thus defined for
   England in the Hinterland of Sierra Leone a territory within
   which, so far as concerned any question between France and
   England, England was at liberty to exercise whatever species
   or extent of jurisdiction she might consider proper. It made,
   of course, no alteration on the existing native organisation,
   nor upon the existing relations between England and the native
   Chiefs, who were not parties to the agreement in any sense. …
   On 31st August 1896 a Proclamation was published setting forth
   that Her Majesty had assumed a Protectorate over the
   territories adjacent to the Colony of Sierra Leone in which
   Her Majesty had acquired power and jurisdiction. For purposes
   of administration the Hinterland was divided into five
   districts, intended to be of about equal size, avoiding
   severance as far as possible by the district boundary of the
   territories of Paramount Chiefs. These districts have been
   named as the Karene, Ronietta, Bandajuma, Pangmua, and
   Koinadugu districts. In anticipation of the arrangements that
   might become necessary for the government of the Protectorate,
   an Order of the Queen in Council had been made on 24th August
   1895, … whereby, … Her Majesty was pleased, by and with the
   advice of her Privy Council, to order that it shall be lawful
   for the Legislative Council, for the time being, of the Colony
   of Sierra Leone, by Ordinance or Ordinances, to exercise and
   provide for giving effect to all such jurisdiction as Her
   Majesty may at any time, before or after the passing of the
   Order in Council, have acquired in the said territories
   adjacent to the Colony of Sierra Leone. … Following upon the
   Order of the Queen in Council, an Ordinance, entitled 'An
   Ordinance to Determine the mode of exercising Her Majesty's
   Jurisdiction in the Territories adjacent to the Colony of
   Sierra Leone,' was passed by the Legislative Council and
   Governor of Sierra Leone for the Government of the
   Protectorate, on 16th September 1896."

      _Great Britain,
      Report and Correspondence on Insurrection in
      the Sierra Leone Protectorate
      (Parliamentary Publications:
      Papers by Command, 1899, C. 9388, pages 10-17)._

   The Ordinance above mentioned, which was reenacted, with some
   changes, in September, 1897, provided, among other things, for
   the imposition of a house tax, or hut tax, upon the natives,
   and this proved to be the main cause of a serious native
   revolt in the Protectorate. "By way of asserting the Crown's
   ownership of all lands, whether in use and occupation or
   not—and also of attempting to make the people defray the cost
   of governing them by methods they resent—the Protectorate
   Ordinance imposes a 'house tax' of five shillings a year, and,
   in the case of 'houses with four rooms or more,' of ten
   shillings a year, on every 'householder'; the same to be paid
   in 'sterling coin' on or after the 1st January in each year,
   or, in default of payment on demand, to be distrained for with
   so much addition as will defray the cost of removing the
   property and disposing of it for 'the price current at the
   nearest market.' The absurdity of thus importing the mechanism
   of civilisation into 'house tax' levying among these ignorant
   savages matches the injustice of the tax itself. The mud
   hovels to be taxed are rarely worth more than the equivalent
   of two or three shillings apiece, and shillings or other
   'sterling coin' are rarely seen or handled by the natives,
   such wages as they earn being generally paid in kind, and such
   trade as they carry on being nearly always in the way of barter.
{455}
   Few who are not chiefs or headmen own property worth as much
   as five shillings, and property for which five shillings could
   be obtained 'at the nearest market' might be worth the
   equivalent of five pounds to them. There was no attempt to
   raise the proposed house or hut tax before last January
   [1898], and perhaps none of the natives have even yet any
   understanding of the clauses of the Protectorate Ordinance
   providing them with new-fangled 'courts of Justice,' and
   taking from them all proprietary rights in their land. But as
   soon as a proclamation was issued on 21st August, 1896,
   notifying the contemplated changes, all who heard of them were
   reasonably alarmed, and wherever the news spread seeds of fresh
   discontent were sown. …

   "There were burning of huts, buffeting of chiefs, and so
   forth, in the south and east, as well as in the north, where,
   owing to the alleged recalcitrancy of Bai Bureh and the zeal
   of Captain Sharpe, the District Commissioner, the havoc was
   greatest. Early in February several chiefs and headmen were
   brought to Freetown from Port Lokko in manacles, to be tried,
   or punished without trial, on a charge of 'refusing to comply
   with the provisions of the Protectorate Ordinance, and
   inciting their subjects to resist the law.' 'The most
   affecting part of the matter,' says the newspaper report, 'is
   that the natives all loudly affirm their unswerving loyalty to
   the Government, and say that they do not refuse to pay the hut
   tax because they do not wish to, but because they really
   cannot pay.' Their apologies were not listened to. Instead, a
   detachment of the West India Regiment was sent up to assist
   Captain Sharpe in the little war on which he had already
   embarked. A futile attempt to arrest Bai Bureh on 18th
   February led to a general uprising, and the first battle was
   fought on 3rd March, when the town of Karina was recovered
   from the 'insurgents' who had occupied it, and over sixty of
   them were killed. Another fight occurred at Port Lokko, on 5th
   March, when the 'insurgents' lost about forty more. These
   victories being insufficient, fresh troops were sent up in
   batches, until the entire force of conquerors numbered 800 or
   upwards. They found it easier to cow than to conquer the
   people, and the unequal struggle went on for three months. At
   the end of May operations had to be suspended during the rainy
   season, and before they can be renewed it may be hoped that
   peace will be patched up. Already, indeed, the 'rebellion'
   appears to be practically crushed, and with it all the
   civilisation and all the commerce that had been planted in the
   Karina district. Hundreds of natives have been shot down, many
   more hundreds have died of starvation. Nearly all the huts
   that it was proposed to tax have been destroyed, either by the
   owners themselves, or by the policemen and soldiers."

      _H. R. Fox Bourne,
      Sierra Leone Troubles
      (Fortnightly Review, August, 1898)._

SILVER QUESTION, The: A. D. 1895 (January-February).
   Attitude of Free Silver majority in the U. S. Senate
   towards the Treasury gold reserve.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1895 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY);
      and 1895-1896 (DECEMBER-FEBRUARY).

SILVER QUESTION, The: A. D. 1896.
   In the American Presidential election.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

SILVER QUESTION, The: A. D. 1896-1898.
   The Indianapolis Monetary Commission report and
   Secretary Gage's plan in Congress.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896-1898.

SILVER QUESTION, The: A. D. 1897.
   Negotiations by envoys from the United States for an
   international bi-metallic agreement.

      See (in this volume)
      MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

SILVER QUESTION, The: A. D. 1900.
   Practical settlement of the issue in the United States.
   Attempted revival in the Presidential canvass.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1900 (MARCH-DECEMBER), and (MAY-NOVEMBER).

SILVER REPUBLICANS.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER); and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

SI-NGAN-FU,
SINGAN FU, The Chinese Imperial Court at.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-SEPTEMBER).

SIRDAR, Egyptian.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896; and 1897-1898.

SLAVERY: A. D. 1885.
   Emancipation in Cuba.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1868-1885.

SLAVERY: A. D. 1895.
   New anti-slavery law in Egypt.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1895.

SLAVERY: A. D. 1896.
   Abolition in Madagascar.

      See (in this volume)
      MADAGASCAR: A. D. 1894-1896.

SLAVERY: SLAVERY: A. D. 1897.
   Abolished in Zanzibar.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (ZANZIBAR).

SLAVERY: A. D. 1897.
   Compulsory labor in Rhodesia.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
      A. D. 1897 (JANUARY).

SLAVERY: A. D. 1897.
   Subjugation of Fulah slave raiders in Nupé and Ilorin.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (NIGERIA).

SLAVERY: A. D. 1899.
   Forced labor in Congo State.

      See (in this volume)
      CONGO FREE STATE: A. D. 1899.

SLESWICK:
   Complaints of German treatment.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1899.

SMOKELESS POWDERS, Invention of.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

SOCIAL DEMOCRACY, Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIII. on.

      See (in this volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1901.

SOCIALIST PARTIES.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897, and after;

      BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895;

      FRANCE: A. D. 1896 (APRIL-MAY), and 1900 (JANUARY);

      GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1895, and 1897 (JULY);

      ITALY: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY);

      SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1894-1898;

      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER),
      and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

SOKOTO.

      See (in this volume)
      NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

SOLOMON ISLANDS, The:
   Definite division between Great Britain and Germany.

      See (in this volume)
      SAMOAN ISLANDS.

SOMALIS, Rising of, in Jubaland.

      See (in this volume)
      BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE: A. D. 1900.

SOUDAN.

      See (in this volume)
      SUDAN.

"SOUND MONEY" DEMOCRATS.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

{456}

   ----------SOUTH AFRICA: Start--------

SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1881-1888.
   Organization of the "Afrikander Bund."

   The "Afrikander Bund" or National Party was formed in Cape
   Colony in 1881, but held its first Congress, or convention, in
   1888, at which meeting the following platform, or formal
   statement of objects, was adopted:

   "1. The Afrikander National party acknowledge the guidance of
   Providence in the affairs both of lands and peoples.

   2. They include, under the guidance of Providence, the
   formation of a pure nationality and the preparation of our
   people for the establishment of a 'United South Africa.'

   3. To this they consider belong:

      (a) The establishment of a firm union between all the
      different European nationalities in South Africa, and

      (b) The promotion of South Africa's independence.

   4. They consider that the union mentioned in Article 3 (a)
   depends upon the clear and plain understanding of each other's
   general interest in politics, agriculture, stock-breeding,
   trade, and industry, and the acknowledgment of everyone's
   special rights in the matter of religion, education, and
   language; so that all national jealousy between the different
   elements of the people may be removed, and room be made for an
   unmistakable South African national sentiment.

   5. To the advancement of the independence mentioned in
   Article 3 (b) belong:

      (a) That the sentiment of national self-respect and of
      patriotism toward South Africa should above all be
      developed and exhibited in schools, and in families, and in
      the public press.

      (b) That a system of voting should be applied which not
      only acknowledges the right of numbers, but also that of
      ownership and the development of intelligence, and that is
      opposed, as far as possible, to bribery and compulsion at
      the poll.

      (c) That our agriculture, stock-breeding, commerce, and
      industries should be supported in every lawful manner, such
      as by a conclusive law as regards masters and servants, and
      also by the appointment of a prudent and advantageous
      system of Protection.

      (d) That the South African Colonies and States, either each
      for itself or in conjunction with one another, shall
      regulate their own native affairs, employing thereto the
      forces of the land by means of a satisfactory burgher law;
      and

      (e) That outside interference with the domestic concerns of
      South Africa shall be opposed.

   6. While they acknowledge the existing Governments holding
   rule in South Africa, and intend faithfully to fulfil their
   obligations in regard to the same, they consider that the duty
   rests upon those Governments to advance the interests of South
   Africa in the spirit of the foregoing articles; and whilst, on
   the one side, they watch against any unnecessary or frivolous
   interference with the domestic or other private matters of the
   burgher, against any direct meddling with the spiritual
   development of the nation, and against laws which might hinder
   the free influence of the Gospel upon the national life, on
   the other hand they should accomplish all the positive duties
   of a good Government, among which must be reckoned:

      (a) In all their actions to take account of the Christian
      character of the people.

      (b) The maintenance of freedom of religion for everyone, so
      long as the public order and honor are not injured thereby.


      (c) The acknowledgment and expression of religious, social,
      and bodily needs of the people, in the observance of the
      present weekly day of rest.

      (d) The application of an equal and judicious system of
      taxation.

      (e) The bringing into practice of an impartial and, as far
      as possible, economical administration of justice.

      (f) The watching over the public honor, and against the
      adulteration of the necessaries of life, and the defiling
      of ground, water, or air, as well as against the spreading
      of infectious diseases.

   7. In order to secure the influence of these principles, they
   stand forward as an independent party, and accept the
   cooperation of other parties only if the same can be obtained
   with the uninjured maintenance of these principles.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1884-1894.
   The restored independence of the Boers and their
   dissatisfaction with its terms.
   Frustration of their desire for extended territory.
   The London Convention of 1884.

   After the British-Boer War of 1880-81
   (see, in volume 4, SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1806-1881),
   which had been caused by an arbitrary annexation of the
   Transvaal State to the dominions of the British crown, the
   sense of justice in Mr. Gladstone led him to restore to the
   Transvaal Boers (by the Convention or Treaty of Pretoria,
   1881) their right of internal self-government, with a
   reservation of "the suzerainty of Her Majesty," supposably
   relative to nothing but foreign affairs. The Boers were not
   satisfied with that concession, and began at once to strive
   for the complete independence they had previously possessed,
   under a Convention agreed upon and signed at Sand River, 1852,
   which guaranteed (quoting its precise terms) "in the fullest
   manner, on the part of the British Government, to the emigrant
   farmers (boers) beyond the Vaal River, the right to manage
   their own affairs and to govern themselves, without any
   interference on the part of Her Majesty the Queen's
   Government." To regain that status of complete independence
   became the first object of the Boers. They went far towards
   success in this endeavor, as early as 1884, when the British
   Colonial Secretary, Lord Derby, was induced to agree to a new
   Convention with the South African Republic (as it was then
   styled) which superseded the Convention of 1881. The terms of
   the later instrument are given below. The second aim of the
   Boers appears to have been the widening of their territory, by
   advances, in the first instance, southward into Zululand and
   westward into Bechuanaland. In the former movement they had
   success; in the latter they were thwarted. English
   missionaries complained of their treatment of the natives, and
   stirred up the British government to take the Bechuana tribes
   under its protection. Their eastern frontier they succeeded,
   after long controversies with Great Britain, in stretching
   beyond Swaziland, but they were not allowed to push it to the
   sea. Northward, they would provably have gone far, had it not
   been for the appearance, at this time, of Mr. Cecil Rhodes,
   who came upon the scene of South African politics with
   imperial ambitions, with great energies and capabilities, with
   few apparent hesitations, and with a vast fortune acquired in the
   Kimberley diamond mines. He organized the British South Africa
   Company, under a royal charter, got some settlers into the
   country north of the Limpopo and set up a government there, in
   1890, just in time, it appears, to forestall the Boers

      See, in volume 4,
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1885-1893.

{457}

   Of the effect of the two conventions, of 1881 and 1884, on the
   relations of the British government to the South African
   Republic, the following is an English view, by a well-known
   publicist: "In the Treaty of Pretoria, bearing date the 5th of
   April, 1881, it is stated that Great Britain guarantees
   'complete self-government, subject to the Suzerainty of Her
   Majesty, to the inhabitants of the Transvaal.' … Article 15
   declares that 'the Resident will report to the High
   Commissioner, as representative of the Suzerain, as to the
   working and observance of the provisions of this Convention.'
   … On the 31st of March, 1881, Lord Kimberley, who was then
   Secretary of State for the Colonies, used these words in the
   House of Lords with reference to the terms of the Convention,
   upon which the Treaty of Pretoria was afterwards based: 'I
   believe the word Suzerainty expresses very correctly the
   relation which we intend to exist between this country and the
   Transvaal. Our intention is that the Transvaal shall have
   independent power as regards its internal government; and we
   shall only reserve certain powers to be exercised by the
   Queen. … With respect to our control over the relations of the
   Transvaal with foreign Powers, … it is quite clear there ought
   to be, as regards foreign relations, only one Government in
   South Africa; that there ought to be no communication with
   foreign Powers upon any subject except through the
   representatives of the Queen.'

   "On the 25th of June, 1881, Mr. Gladstone, while defending in
   the House of Commons an assertion he had made during the
   Midlothian Campaign about the blood-guiltiness of the war with
   the Transvaal, referred to our Suzerainty in the following
   words; 'I apprehend that the term which has been adopted, the
   Suzerainty of the Queen, is intended to signify that certain
   portions of Sovereignty are reserved. … What are these
   portions of Sovereignty? The portions of Sovereignty we desire
   to reserve are, first, the relations between the Transvaal
   community and foreign governments, the whole care of the
   foreign relations of the Boers. The whole of these relations
   will remain in the hands of the Queen.'

   "From these quotations it is obvious that when we agreed to
   restore the independence of the Transvaal, the British public
   were led to believe, both by the then Premier and the then
   Colonial Minister, that this restoration left the control of
   all relations between the Transvaal and foreign Powers
   absolutely and entirely in the hands of Her Majesty's
   Government. … It is possible, or even probable, that at the
   time the Treaty of Pretoria was concluded, Mr. Gladstone, or
   at any rate several of his colleagues, imagined that our
   Suzerainty would really be made effective. But, when once the
   treaty had been signed and sealed, and the South African
   Republic had been granted absolute internal independence, it
   became evident that our Suzerainty could only be rendered
   efficacious, as against the sullen resistance of the Boers, by
   the exercise of force—that is, by the threat of war in the
   event of Boer non-compliance with the demands of the Suzerain
   Power. …

   "For the first two years which succeeded our surrender the
   Boers were too much occupied in the reorganisation of the
   Republic to trouble themselves greatly about their relations
   to the Suzerain Power. … Disputes were mainly connected with
   the treatment of the native chiefs, residing either within, or
   on the borders of, the territory of the Republic, who
   asserted, with or without reason, that they were the objects
   of Boer hostility on account of the support they had given to
   the British authorities during the period of British rule.

   "In May 1883 Mr. Gladstone stated in Parliament, in answer to
   certain protests about the proceedings of the Boers, that the
   British Government had decided to send a Commissioner to the
   Transvaal to investigate the working of the Convention
   concluded at Pretoria in 1881. This intention, however, was
   not carried out owing to the opposition of the South African
   Republic. In lieu of the despatch of a British Commissioner to
   the Transvaal, it was suggested at Pretoria that a Boer
   deputation should be sent to London. The suggestion, as usual,
   was accepted; and thereupon the Africander Bond in the Cape
   Colony forwarded a petition to the Queen, praying Her Majesty
   to entertain favourably the proposals of the Boer delegates
   for the modification of the Treaty of Pretoria. The
   deputation, consisting of President Kruger and Messieurs Du
   Toit and Smit, arrived in London in October, and submitted to
   the late Lord Derby, who had succeeded Lord Kimberley as
   Minister for the Colonies, a statement of the modifications
   they were instructed to demand. The memorandum in question
   distinctly declared that the alleged impracticability of the
   Treaty of Pretoria related, amongst other matters, 'to the
   extent of the Suzerain rights reserved to Her Majesty by
   Articles 2 and 18 of the Treaty of Pretoria, and to the vague
   and indefinite terms in which the powers reserved to Her
   Majesty's Government by the Convention are indicated.'

   "To this memorandum Lord Derby replied, on the 20th of
   November, 1883, admitting that 'expediency of substituting a
   new agreement for that of 1881 might be matter for discussion,
   but asking for information, in what sense it is wished that in
   such new agreement some connection with England should be
   maintained, and, if it is the desire of the Transvaal people
   that their State should hereafter stand in any special
   relation to this country, what is the form of connection which
   is proposed?' In reply to this request the Boer delegates
   answered as follows in the somewhat evasive fashion: 'In the
   new agreement any connection by which we are now bound to
   England should not be broken; but that the relation of a
   dependency "publici juris" in which our country now stands to
   the British Crown be replaced by that of two contractive
   Powers.'

   "The above documents were submitted to the Governor of Cape
   Colony, the then Sir Hercules Robinson. Characteristically
   enough, Sir Hercules recommended the surrender of our
   Suzerainty on the ground that 'The Transvaal burghers
   obviously do not intend to observe any condition in it (the
   Convention of 1881) distasteful to themselves, which Her
   Majesty's Government are not prepared to insist on, if
   necessary, by the employment of force. Her Majesty's
   Government, I understand, do not feel justified in proceeding
   to this extremity; and no provision, therefore, of the
   Convention which is not agreeable to the Transvaal will be
   carried out.'

{458}

   "A few days later the delegates submitted a draft treaty, in
   which the following clause stands first: 'It is agreed that
   Her Britannic Majesty recognises and guarantees by this treaty
   the full independence of the South African Republic, with the
   right to manage its own affairs according to its own laws,
   without any interference on the part of the British
   Government; it being understood that this system of
   non-interference is binding on both parties.' To the letter
   enclosing this draft treaty Lord Derby replied that the
   proposed treaty was 'neither in form nor in substance such as
   Her Majesty's Government could adopt.' Meanwhile the
   discussion between the British Government and the Boer
   delegates seems to have turned mainly upon the extension of
   the territories of the Transvaal and the relations between the
   Republic and the native chiefs, subjects which had only an
   indirect bearing on the question of Suzerainty. It was only on
   the 25th of January, 1884, that the Colonial Office wrote to
   the delegates stating that if a certain compromise with regard
   to the frontier line were accepted, the British Government
   would be prepared 'to proceed at once with the consideration
   of the other proposals for the modification of the Treaty of
   Pretoria.' The delegates replied on the next day virtually
   accepting the proposed frontier compromise, and requested the
   British Government to proceed at once with the substitution of
   a new Convention. … The draft treaty was signed on the 27th of
   February, 1884. …

   "The Convention of London did not repeat the preamble of the
   original Convention in which the words 'subject to the
   Suzerainty of Her Majesty' are to be found. Nor is the word
   Suzerainty mentioned in the Convention of 1884, which declares
   that the articles contained therein, if endorsed by the
   Volksraad, 'shall be substituted for those of the Convention
   of 1881.' No formal withdrawal, however, of the Queen's
   Suzerainty is to be found in the Convention of 1884. On the
   contrary, it is distinctly affirmed in Article 4 of the
   modified Convention that 'the South African Republic will
   conclude no treaty or engagement with any State or nation,
   other than the Orange Free State, until the same has been
   approved by Her Majesty the Queen.'"

      _Edward Dicey,
      British Suzerainty in the Transvaal
      (Nineteenth Century, October, 1897)._

   In its preamble, the Convention of 1884 recites that—"Whereas
   the Government of the Transvaal State, through its Delegates,
   consisting of [Kruger, Du Toit and Smit], have represented
   that the Convention signed at Pretoria on the 3rd day of
   August, 1881, and ratified by the Volksraad of the said State
   on the 25th of October, 1881, contains certain provisions
   which are inconvenient, and imposes burdens and obligations
   from which the said State is desirous to be relieved, and that
   the south-western boundaries fixed by the said Convention
   should be amended with a view to promote the peace and good
   order of the said State, … now, therefore, Her Majesty has
   been pleased to direct," &c.—substituting the articles of a
   new Convention for those signed and ratified in 1881.

   Article I. of the new Convention describes the lines of
   boundary as amended. Article II. binds the two governments,
   respectively, to guard said boundaries against all
   trespassing. Article III. provides for the reception and
   protection, at Pretoria, of a resident British officer, "to
   discharge functions analogous to those of a consular officer."

   Article IV. reads as follows: "The South African Republic will
   conclude no Treaty or engagement with any State or nation
   other than the Orange Free State, nor with any native tribe to
   the eastward or westward of the Republic, until the same has been
   approved by Her Majesty the Queen. Such approval shall be
   considered to have been granted if Her Majesty's Government
   shall not, within six months after receiving a copy of such
   Treaty (which shall be delivered to them immediately upon its
   completion), have notified that the conclusion of such Treaty
   is in conflict with the interests of Great Britain, or of any
   of Her Majesty's possessions in South Africa."

   Articles V. and VI. relate to public debts. Article VII.
   guarantees the non-molestation of persons in the South African
   Republic who "remained loyal to Her Majesty during the late
   hostilities." Article VIII. is a declaration against slavery
   in the Republic. Article IX. is in language as follows: "There
   will continue to be complete freedom of religion and
   protection from molestation for all denominations, provided
   the same be not inconsistent with morality and good order; and
   no disability shall attach to any person in regard to rights
   of property by reason of the religious opinions which he
   holds." Article X. relates to graves of British soldiers; XI.
   to former grants of land which the present arrangement of
   boundary places outside of the Republic; XII. to the
   independence of the Swazis; XIII. to non-discrimination in
   import duties on both sides.

   Articles XIV. and XV. read thus: Article XIV. "All persons,
   other than natives, conforming themselves to the laws of the
   South African Republic, (a) will have full liberty, with their
   families, to enter, travel or reside in any part of the South
   African Republic; (b) they will be entitled to hire or possess
   houses, manufactories, warehouses, shops and premises; (c)
   they may carry on their commerce either in person or by any
   agents whom they may think fit to employ; (d) they will not be
   subject, in respect of their persons or property, or in
   respect of their commerce or industry, to any taxes, whether
   general or local, other than those which are or may be imposed
   upon citizens of the said Republic." Article XV. "All persons,
   other than natives, who establish their domicile in the
   Transvaal between the 12th day of April, 1877, and the 8th day
   of August, 1881, and who within twelve months after such last
   mentioned date have had their names registered by the British
   resident, shall be exempt from all compulsory military service
   whatever." Article XVI. provides for a future extradition
   treaty; XVII. for the payment of debts in the same currency in
   which they were contracted; XVIII. establishes the validity of
   certain land grants; XIX. secures certain rights to the
   natives; XX. nullifies the Convention if not ratified by the
   Volksraad within six months from the date of its
   signature—February 27, 1884.

{459}

   With considerable reluctance, the Convention was ratified by
   the Volksraad of the South African Republic in the following
   terms: "The Volksraad having considered the new Convention
   concluded between its deputation and the British Government at
   London on 27th February 1884, as likewise the negotiations
   between the contracting parties, which resulted in the said
   Convention, approves of the standpoint taken by its deputation
   that a settlement based upon the principle of the Sand River
   Convention can alone fully satisfy the burghers of the
   Republic. It also shares the objections set forth by the
   deputation against the Convention of Pretoria, as likewise
   their objections against the Convention of London on the
   following points:

   1st.
   The settlement of the boundary, especially on the western
   border of the Republic, in which the deputation eventually
   acquiesced only under the express conditions with which the
   Raad agree.

   2nd.
   The right of veto reserved to the British Crown upon treaties
   to be concluded by the Republic with foreign powers; and

   3rd.
   The settlement of the debt.

   Seeing, however, that in the said Convention of London
   considerable advantages are secured to the Republic,
   especially in the restoration of the country's independence,
   Resolves, With acknowledgment of the generosity of Her
   Britannic Majesty, to ratify, as it hereby does, the said
   Convention of London."

      _Selected Official Documents of the South African
      Republic and Great Britain
      (Supplement to the Annals of the American Academy
      of Political and Social Science, July, 1900)._

      Also in:
      _State Papers, British and Foreign, volume 75._

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1885-1890.
   The gold discoveries on the Rand and the influx
   of Uitlanders (Outlanders or Foreigners).

   "It was not until 1884 that England heard of the presence of
   gold in South Africa. A man named Fred Stuben, who had spent
   several years in the country, spread such marvellous reports
   of the underground wealth of the Transvaal that only a short
   time elapsed before hundreds of prospectors and miners left
   England for South Africa. When the first prospectors
   discovered auriferous veins of wonderful quality on a farm
   called Sterkfontein, the gold boom had its birth. It required
   the lapse of only a short time for the news to reach Europe,
   America, and Australia, and immediately thereafter that vast
   and widely scattered army of men and women which constantly
   awaits the announcement of new discoveries of gold was set in
   motion toward the Randt [the Witwatersrand or
   Whitewatersridge]. … In December, 1885, the first stamp mill
   was erected for the purpose of crushing the gneiss rock in
   which the gold lay hidden. This enterprise marks the real
   beginning of the gold fields of the Randt, which now yield one
   third of the world's total product of the precious metal. The
   advent of thousands of foreigners was a boon to the Boers, who
   owned the large farms on which the auriferous veins were
   located. Options on farms that were of little value a short
   time before were sold at incredible figures, and the prices
   paid for small claims would have purchased farms of thousands
   of acres two years before. In July, 1886, the Government
   opened nine farms to the miners, and all have since become the
   best properties on the Randt. … On the Randt the California
   scenes of '49 were being re-enacted. Tents and houses of sheet
   iron were erected with picturesque lack of beauty and
   uniformity, and during the latter part of 1886 the community
   had reached such proportions that the Government marked off a
   township and called it Johannesburg. The Government, which
   owned the greater part of the land, held three sales of
   building lots, or 'stands,' as they are called in the
   Transvaal, and realized more than $300,000 from the sales. …
   Millions were secured in England and Europe for the
   development of the mines, and the individual miner sold his
   claims to companies with unlimited capital. The incredibly
   large dividends that were realized by some of the investors
   led to too heavy investments in the Stock Exchange in 1889,
   and a panic resulted. Investors lost thousands of pounds, and
   for several months the future of the gold fields appeared to
   be most gloomy. The opening of the railway to Johannesburg and
   the re-establishment of stock values caused a renewal of
   confidence, and the growth and development of the Randt was
   imbued with renewed vigour. Owing to the Boers' lack of
   training and consequent inability to share in the development
   of the gold fields, the new industry remained almost entirely
   in the hands of the newcomers, the Uitlanders [so called in
   the language of the Boers], and two totally different
   communities were created in the republic. The Uitlanders, who,
   in 1890, numbered about 100,000, lived almost exclusively in
   Johannesburg and the suburbs along the Randt. The Boers,
   having disposed of their farms and lands on the Randt, were
   obliged to occupy the other parts of the republic, where they
   could follow their pastoral and agricultural pursuits. The
   natural contempt which the Englishmen, who composed the
   majority of the Uitlander population, always have for persons
   and races not their intellectual or social equals, soon
   created a gulf between the Boers and the newcomers."

      _H. C. Hillegas,
      Oom Paul's People,
      chapter 3
      (with permission of D. Appleton & Co., copyright, 1899)._

   As the influx of newcomers increased and advanced, "the Boers
   realized that the world and civilisation were once more upon
   them. In spite of all the opposition that patriarchal
   prejudice could muster, railways usurped the place of the slow
   moving ox-waggon, and in the heart of their solitude a city
   had arisen; while to the north and to the east between them
   and the sea were drawn the thin red lines of British boundary.
   … A primitive pastoral people, they found themselves isolated,
   surrounded—'shut in a kraal for ever,' as Kruger is reported
   to have said,—while the stranger was growing in wealth and
   numbers within their gates. Expansion of territory, once the
   dream of the Transvaal Boers, as their incursions into
   Bechuanaland, into Zululand, and the attempted trek into
   Rhodesia, all testify, was becoming daily less practicable.
   One thing remained,—to accept their isolation and strengthen
   it. Wealth, population, a position among the new States of the
   world had been brought to them, almost in spite of themselves,
   by the newcomer, the stranger, the Uitlander. What was to be
   the attitude towards him politically? Materially he had made
   the State—he developed its resources, paid nine-tenths of its
   revenue. Would he be a strength or a weakness as a citizen—as
   a member of the body politic? Let us consider this new element
   in a new State—how was it constituted, what were its component
   parts? Was it the right material for a new State to
   assimilate?
{460}
   Cosmopolitan to a degree—recruited from all the corners of the
   earth—there was in it a strong South African element,
   consisting of young colonists from the Cape Colony and
   Natal—members of families well known in South Africa—and many
   of them old schoolfellows or in some other way known to each
   other. Then the British contingent, self-reliant, full of
   enterprise and energy—Americans, for the most part skilled
   engineers, miners and mechanics—French, Germans, and
   Hollanders. A band of emigrants, of adventurers, and
   constituted, as I think all emigrants are, of two great
   classes—the one who, lacking neither ability nor courage, are
   filled with an ambition, characteristic particularly of the
   British race, to raise their status in the world, who find the
   conditions of their native environment too arduous, the
   competition too keen, to offer them much prospect, and who
   seek a new and more rapidly developing country elsewhere; and
   another, a smaller class who sometimes through misfortune,
   sometimes through their own fault, or perhaps through both,
   have failed elsewhere.

   "Adventurers all, one must admit; but it is the adventurers of
   the world who have founded States and Kingdoms. Such a class
   as this has been assimilated by the United States and absorbed
   into their huge fabric, of which to-day they form a huge and
   substantial portion. What should the Transvaal Boers have done
   with this new element so full of enterprise and vigour? This
   had been for the last ten years the great question for them to
   solve. … Enfranchisement, participation in the political life
   of the State by the Uitlander,—this means, they said, a
   transference of all political power from our hands to those of
   men whom we do not trust. 'I have taken a man into my coach,'
   said President Kruger, 'and as a passenger he is welcome; but
   now he says, Give me the reins; and that I cannot do, for I
   know not where he will drive me.' To the Boer it is all or
   nothing; he knows no mean, no compromise. Yet in that very
   mean lies the vital spirit of republicanism. What is the
   position of the Boers in the Cape Colony? Are they without
   their share, their influence, their Africander bond in the
   political affairs of the country? And so it is throughout the
   world today,—in the United States, in England, in France, in
   the British Colonies, wherever the individual thrives and the
   State is prosperous—the compromise of divided political power
   among all classes, all factions, is the great guarantee of
   their well being. … That the enfranchisement of the Uitlander
   would mean a complete transference of political power into his
   hands involves two assumptions: the first is that the
   Uitlanders would form a united body in politics; the second is
   that their representatives would dominate the Volksraad. The
   most superficial acquaintance with the action of the
   inhabitants of the Witwatersrand district on any public matter
   will serve to refute the first of these. … The second of these
   assumptions—though it is continually put forward—almost
   answers itself. The number of representatives from the
   Uitlander districts under any scheme of redistribution of
   seats which the Boer could reasonably be expected to make
   would fall considerably short of those returned from the Boer
   constituencies. Such was the attitude of the Boers on this
   vital question which led to the Reform Movement of 1895; and I
   have stated what I believe to be the injustice of it as
   regards the Uitlanders and the unwisdom of it in the true
   interests of the Boers."

      _A. P. Hillier,
      Raid and Reform,
      pages 24-29 (London: Macmillan & Co.)._

SOUTH AFRICA:
   Portuguese Possessions: A. D. 1891.
   Delagoa Bay Railway question.

      See (in this volume)
      DELAGOA BAY ARBITRATION.

SOUTH AFRICA:
   The Transvaal: A. D. 1894.
   Estimated population.

   In October, 1894, the British agent at Pretoria, J. A. de Wet,
   estimated the population of the Transvaal (on the basis of a
   census taken in 1890) as follows:
    "Transvaalers and Orange Free Staters, 70,861:
    British subjects, 62,509:
    other foreigners, 15,558;"
    total, 148,928.

SOUTH AFRICA:
   The Transvaal: A. D. 1894.
   The "Commandeering" question.
   Visit of the British High Commissioner to Pretoria.
   Demonstration of British residents.

   The first question which came to a sharp issue between the
   government of the South African Republic and the British
   subjects resident in the gold fields related to the claim
   which the former made on the latter for military service in
   the wars of the Republic with neighboring native tribes. The
   demand for such service was made, in each case, by what was
   called a "commando," the commando being defined in the
   military law of the Boers as follows: "By commando is
   understood a number of armed burghers and subjects of the
   state called together to suppress rebellion amongst the
   natives, or disturbances amongst the white population."
   British residents protested against the requirement of this
   service from them; and the British Government, in 1894, opened
   negotiations with that of the Boer Republic to obtain their
   exemption from it. It was acknowledged that there is "nothing
   contrary to international comity in the application of such a
   law as the commando law to a foreigner"; but, said the British
   Colonial Secretary, in a despatch (June 8, 1894) giving
   instructions to the British High Commissioner in South Africa,
   "Her Majesty's Government consider that a special reason for
   now claiming exemption for our people is afforded by the fact
   that treaties have been concluded by the South African
   Republic under which, as they understand, the subjects of no
   less than seven Powers—Portugal, Holland, Belgium, Germany,
   France, Italy, and Switzerland—are now exempt from this
   liability; and they consider that they can hardly be expected
   to acquiesce in a state of things under which Her Majesty's
   subjects, whose interests in the South African Republic are
   greater and more intimate than those of any other Power,
   should remain in a position of such marked disadvantage. I
   have therefore to instruct you to address, in moderate and
   courteous terms, a friendly representation to the Government
   of the South African Republic on the subject."

   Negotiations on the subject were then opened, which led to a
   visit to the Boer capital by the British High Commissioner,
   Sir H. B. Loch, on invitation from President Kruger. His
   arrival at Pretoria (June 25) gave occasion for a
   demonstration on the part of British residents which showed
   the state of feeling existing more plainly, no doubt, than it
   had appeared before. The circumstances were reported a few
   days later by the High Commissioner, as follows: "When I
   entered the carriage with President Kruger, two men got on to
   the box with a Union Jack, and the crowd, notwithstanding the
   President's remonstrances, took the horses out and dragged the
   carriage to the hotel, a distance of nearly a mile, singing all
   the way 'God save the Queen,' and 'Rule Britannia.'
{461}
   On arrival at the hotel, the address was presented, to which I
   briefly replied, and then called for three cheers for the
   President, which were heartily given. He was then dragged in
   his carriage to the Government Office. I am satisfied that no
   personal insult was intended, by this demonstration, to the
   President, and any annoyance with which he viewed the
   occurrence seemed to be caused from the fact of the
   arrangements for keeping order having been so defective. The
   political atmosphere, however, was charged with such an amount
   of electricity that every moment an explosion was imminent.
   The Legislative and Executive enactments which press heavily
   on the great industry which contributes upwards of £1,000,000
   annually out of a total revenue of little more than a million
   and a quarter, without the population that produces this
   wealth possessing any franchise rights, or voice in the
   government of the country, has created a deep-seated feeling
   of dissatisfaction, shared alike by the English, American,
   German, and other foreign residents in the country. The
   compulsory commandeering was the last straw that broke down
   the patience they had hitherto exhibited. … The Transvaal
   Government were, before my arrival, seriously alarmed at the
   state of feeling at Johannesburg, but when they came to
   consider the real meaning of the demonstration on my arrival
   at Pretoria, which showed to them how general the
   dissatisfaction was amongst all classes of British subjects,
   who formed the majority of the whole population of the
   Republic, they, for the first time, realised the imminent
   danger of the situation, and told me of their dread of a
   collision that at any moment might occur between the Boer
   burghers, who were in considerable numbers in the town, and
   the English and foreign residents."

   To avoid any further excitement of feeling, the Commissioner
   declined to visit Johannesburg, which he had intended to do.
   During his stay at Pretoria, he submitted to President Kruger
   the draft of a Convention stipulating that "the subjects of
   Her Majesty the Queen whilst residing within the limits of the
   South African Republic, and the citizens of the South African
   Republic whilst residing within the dominions of Her Majesty
   the Queen, shall enjoy the same rights and privileges as the
   subjects of the most favoured nation with regard to military
   service and all obligations of a like nature"; and he received
   from President Kruger a counter proposition, for the
   negotiation of a new agreement, to take the place of the
   London Convention of 1884, embodying the desired provision
   concerning military service, along with other amendments of
   the old Convention. To this proposal, President Kruger added:
   "In order, however, to meet the request of Her Majesty's
   Government, the Government will, in the meantime,
   provisionally, no more commandeer British subjects for
   personal military service." Practically, this assurance
   disposed of the commandeering grievance; but no Convention on
   the subject was attained.

      _Great Britain, Parliamentary Publication.
      (Papers by Command, C. 8159)._

   "A great mass meeting was held at Johannesburg (July 14) for
   the purpose of demanding that the franchise should be extended
   to all aliens, and insisting that the Constitution should be
   amended and made more genuinely democratic. In consequence of
   this meeting the Volksraad passed at one sitting two readings
   of a bill restricting severely the right of public meeting. No
   outdoor meetings or addresses were to be allowed, and an
   assemblage of six persons would be considered a public
   meeting. The police were given power by this bill to order
   those present to disperse, and everyone attending was made
   liable to imprisonment for two years, while the callers of any
   meeting that the police might consider to be against the
   public peace might be fined £500 or sentenced to two years
   hard labour. … On the return of the 'commandeered' men from
   the war [with the rebellious chief Malaboch] President Kruger
   welcomed them, and said that no doubt the Volksraad would
   bestow on them the rights of full citizenship. The effect of
   the Franchise Act passed in June, however, was in general to
   prevent any citizen from obtaining the franchise unless his
   father was born in the State or had been naturalized. The
   formation of committees by aliens for the support of political
   candidates was rendered penal. … The Volksraad postponed for
   one year the consideration of the Government proposal to grant
   the franchise to the foreign residents who had recently served
   in the various 'commandos' against the Kaffir rebels."

      _Annual Register, 1894, page 369._

SOUTH AFRICA:
   British South Africa Company: A. D. 1894-1895.
   Extended charter and enlarged powers of the Company.
   Its master spirit, Mr. Cecil J. Rhodes.
   Attitude towards the South African Republic.

   The British South Africa Company, royally chartered in 1889
   for the promotion of "trade, commerce, civilization and good
   government" in "the region of South Africa lying immediately
   to the north of British Bechuanaland, and to the north and
   west of the South African Republic, and to the west of the
   Portuguese dominions," was now in full possession, both
   politically and commercially, not only of the great domain of
   the Matabeles and the Mashonas, stretching to the Zambesi
   River, but likewise of a vast territory beyond that stream.
   Its charter had been extended in 1891, to cover the whole
   sphere of British influence north of the Zambesi, except the
   strip of country called Nyassaland, which borders the western
   shore of Nyassa Lake. It had subjugated the Matabeles,
   extinguished their kingdom, driven its native sovereign, Lo
   Bengula, to exile and death.

      See in volume 4,
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1885-1893.

   By a new agreement with the British Government, signed on the
   23d of May, 1894, it had received political authority over
   this imperial domain, in addition to the powers and privileges
   which its broad charter gave.

   The administration of the government of the region was to be
   conducted by the Company, under an Administrator and a Council
   of four members composed of a Judge and three other members.
   The Administrator to be appointed by the Company, with the
   approval of the Colonial Secretary, and to be removed either
   by the Secretary or by the Company, with the approval of the
   Secretary. The Judge, appointed by the Company, with the
   approval of the Colonial Secretary, and removable only by the
   Secretary, was to be a member of the Council ex officio.
{462}
   The members of the Council, other than the Judge, to be
   appointed by the Company, with the approval of the Secretary,
   and to be removable by the Company. … The Administrator
   should, as representative of the Company, administer the
   government, but must take the advice of his Council on all
   questions of importance. In cases of emergency, when he found
   it impracticable to assemble a quorum, the Administrator might
   take action alone, but must report such action to the Council
   at its next meeting. Moreover, he might overrule the Council,
   but must, in that case, report the matter forthwith to the
   Company, with the reasons for his action; and the Company
   might rescind the decision of the Administrator, whether made
   with, or without, or against, the advice of the Council. With
   the concurrence of at least two members of the Council, and
   with the approval of the British High Commissioner for South
   Africa, the Administrator was empowered to frame and issue
   regulations, which should have the force of law; but the
   Colonial Secretary or the Company could veto any such
   regulation at any time within twelve months of the date of
   approval by the High Commissioner. This power of making
   ordinances included the power to impose such taxes as might be
   necessary, and the right to impose and to collect customs
   duties. The armed forces of the Company were expressly
   forbidden to act outside the defined limits of its territory
   without the permission of Her Majesty's Government.

   The master spirit of the Company which exercised these
   imperial powers of government over so great a dominion in
   Africa was Mr. Cecil J. Rhodes, Premier of Cape Colony,
   organizer and chief of the De Beers Consolidated Mining Co. in
   the diamond fields,—millionaire projector and manager of
   everything stupendous in the enterprises of the African world.
   He seemed, in fact, to be more than a master spirit in the
   Company. Apparently he had created it as an instrument of his
   ambitions, and it moved in his shadow throughout. Its
   Administrator, Dr. Leander S. Jameson, was his closely
   confidential friend. Presently it stamped his name on the
   broad empire which bore already the stamp of his personality
   and will, by proclaiming (May 1, 1895): "The territories now
   or hereafter placed under the control of the British South
   Africa Company shall be named collectively Rhodesia. The
   provinces at the present time included in the territory of
   Rhodesia are Mashonaland, Matabeleland, and Northern
   Zambesia." Great ambitions—imperial ambitions—had thus come
   to be powerfully embodied in a corporation which practically
   served the will of one remarkably able man. They were
   ambitions which had been in conflict from the beginning with
   the interests as well as the ambitions of the Boers of the
   South African Republic, and the conflict was not to be ended
   by the triumph which the Rhodesians had won. Naturally the
   Boer was jealous and distrustful of the energetic men who had
   seized lands which he desired and hemmed his republic in.
   Naturally, too, the bold adventurers of Rhodesia, arrogant in
   their success and as little scrupulous as "empire-builders"
   are apt to be, looked with contempt and impatience at the
   plodding Boer, as an obstacle to their booming development in
   Africa of a civilization "up to date." Between the two
   incongruous neighbors rose the cry of the angry Uitlanders at
   Johannesburg, threatening the one and appealing to the
   sympathy of the other. The consequences soon appeared.

SOUTH AFRICA:
   The Transvaal: A. D. 1895 (July).
   Opening of Delagoa Bay Railway.-

   The opening of the railway to Delagoa Bay was celebrated with
   much ceremony at Pretoria on the 8th of July.

SOUTH AFRICA:
   The Transvaal: A. D. 1895 (September-December).
   Closing of Vaal River "drifts" (fords) as ports of entry.
   Anger in Cape Colony.
   A threatening situation.

   In September, the government of the South African Republic
   adopted a measure, for the benefit of its new railway,
   connecting Delagoa Bay with Pretoria, and for the development
   of foreign trade via Delagoa Bay rather than through Cape
   Colony, which raised a storm of indignation at the Cape,
   giving birth to a grievance there which became for a time more
   threatening than the grievances of the Uitlanders of the Rand.
   The measure in question was one that closed the "drifts" or
   fords of the Vaal River, between Cape Colony and the
   Transvaal, as ports of entry for the importation of over-sea
   goods. As stated by the British High Commissioner, in a
   despatch (October 7) to Mr. Chamberlain, the British Colonial
   Secretary, the history of the case is as follows:

   "In the year 1891 the Cape Government came to an agreement
   with the Transvaal Government and the Netherlands Railway
   Company to advance the latter £600,000 towards the
   construction of the railway from the Vaal river to
   Johannesburg, receiving in exchange for such advance
   Netherlands Railway Company 4 per cent. bonds at £93,
   guaranteed by the Transvaal Government. It was stipulated in
   the agreement that the Cape Government might fix the traffic
   rates on the Transvaal extension until the close of 1894, or
   until the completion of the railway from Delagoa Bay to
   Pretoria, if such completion should take place before that
   date. The railway extension from the Vaal river so provided
   for was opened in September, 1892, and the Cape Government
   secured thereby, during the continuance of the agreement,
   practically the monopoly of the Johannesburg traffic. The
   agreement terminated on the 31st December, 1894, the Delagoa
   Bay to Pretoria Railway having shortly before been completed
   and commenced working. Up to the close of the agreement the
   through-traffic rates from the coast to Johannesburg had been
   fixed by the Cape at the average rate of about 2.4d. per ton
   per mile. After the close of the agreement the Netherlands
   Railway Company raised the rates on its 52 miles of railway,
   from the Vaal river to Johannesburg, to an average of nearly
   8d. per ton per mile. Upon this importers began to remove a
   portion of their goods from the railway at the Vaal river, and
   to send them on by road and bullock-waggon to their
   destination in the Transvaal, instead of by the Netherlands
   Railway to Johannesburg and elsewhere as before. This move has
   recently been met by the Transvaal Government issuing a
   Proclamation closing the drifts on the Vaal river alongside
   the railway as ports of entry for over-sea goods, leaving them
   open for other goods, the produce of South Africa. Importers of
   over-sea goods have thus only the choice between making use of
   the Netherlands line from the Vaal to Johannesburg at the
   enhanced traffic rates imposed on that line, or of importing
   via Delagoa Bay or Durban."
{463}
   Vigorous remonstrances against this measure were made
   instantly by the government of Cape Colony, not only on the
   ground of its unfriendliness to the Colony, but also as being
   an infraction of the 13th article of the London Convention of
   1884 (see above: A. D. 1884-1894), and the British government
   was appealed to for its interference. To this appeal the
   British Colonial Secretary replied with much caution, on the
   1st of November, in a communication cabled to the High
   Commissioner, as follows: "Subject to the conditions stated
   further on, I am prepared to authorize you to send to the
   Government of the South African Republic a message to the
   following effect.:—'I am advised by the Law Officers of the
   Crown (who, it is hardly necessary to state, have examined the
   question from a purely legal standpoint) that the recent
   action of the South African Republic is a breach of Article
   XIII. of the London Convention. I am further advised that the
   Government of the South African Republic cannot now set itself
   right by making general the prohibition of entry by the
   drifts, so as to include Colonial goods, if and when they
   reissue their Proclamation, which, I am surprised to observe,
   they appear to have some intention of doing. Her Majesty's
   Government accept the legal advice which they have received;
   but independently of their Conventional rights they are of
   opinion that the closing of the drifts, and especially the
   extension of that measure to Colonial goods, is so unfriendly
   an action as to call for the gravest remonstrance on their
   part. While anxious for an amicable settlement of the
   question, they must therefore protest against what they regard
   as an attempt to force the hand of the Cape Government in
   Conference by a proceeding which almost partakes of the nature
   of an act of hostility.' You will communicate this message
   confidentially to your Ministers in writing, pointing out that
   when once it is sent Her Majesty's Government cannot allow the
   matter to drop until they have obtained a compliance with
   their demands, even if it should be necessary to undertake an
   expedition for that purpose. Her Majesty's Government do not
   intend that such au expedition should, like most previous
   Colonial wars, be conducted at the entire cost of this
   country; and you should explain to your Ministers that you are
   therefore instructed to require from them a most explicit
   undertaking in writing that, if it becomes necessary to send
   an expedition, the Cape Parliament will bear half the gross
   expense, and that the Local Government will furnish a fair
   contingent of the fighting force, so far as its resources in
   men may suffice, besides giving the full and free use of its
   railways and rolling stock for military purposes. If your
   Ministers cannot give you such assurances you will report
   fully by telegraph, and defer action pending further
   instructions from me; but if you obtain these assurances in
   writing, explicitly and without qualification, you may send
   the above message to the Government of the South African
   Republic."

   This was followed by a further cautionary message, November 3,
   in these words: "Referring to my telegrams of the 1st
   November, although willing to support your Ministers on the
   conditions already stated, I should think it would be well, in
   their own interests, and those of South African commerce
   generally, if they will be as moderate as they can find it
   consistent with their duty to be in their demands as to their
   share of railway business. I have no doubt that you have
   availed yourself of any chances you may have had of impressing
   such a view on them and if you think it expedient you may tell
   them, confidentially, that such is my view." On the 4th, Sir
   Hercules Robinson replied: "My Ministers, including Schreiner
   and Faure, the two Dutch Members, were unanimous in their
   decision to accept your conditions. I am assured by Mr. Rhodes
   that he can count on the support of the majority in the Cape
   Parliament, and there are no facts before me which would lead
   me to a different view; but I do not think that the question
   will arise, as the Government of the South African Republic
   will not hold out against the united action of the Cape and
   Her Majesty's Government." On the same day he transmitted to
   President Kruger the message contained (as above) in Secretary
   Chamberlain's despatch of November 1. On the 21st of November
   the reply of the Transvaal Government was given, as follows:

   "This Government most deeply regrets that the Cape Colony has
   by its own acts created a condition of things, in consequence
   of which it afterwards found itself compelled to invoke the
   intervention of the British Government, and it still more
   deeply regrets that Her Majesty's Government, on the 'ex
   parte' representations of the Cape Colony, felt itself
   constrained to telegraph to this Government in the terms of
   the communication of the 3rd instant. From the reply of this
   Government, it will be evident to your Excellency that it
   wishes to contribute in every possible way to preserve the
   good understanding in South Africa, and it therefore considers
   a passage such as occurs in your Excellency's telegram of the 3rd
   instant, 'An attempt to force the hand of the Cape Government
   at the Conference by a measure which almost resembles the
   nature of a hostile act,' not justified as regards this
   Republic. This Government adheres to its opinion and view that
   it has an undoubted right to regulate the ports of entrance on
   the borders of the Republic, and if Her Majesty's Government
   calls this an unfriendly act, this Government can only say
   that it was the consequence of an unfriendly act of the Cape
   Colony. In order not to be the cause of disturbance in South
   Africa, this Government is prepared to submit the regulating
   of the ports of entrance on the borders to arbitration, it
   being convinced of the justice of its assertion that the
   regulating of the ports of entrance on its borders by it is no
   infringement of Article 13 of the Convention of London."

      _Great Britain,
      Papers by Command: 1897, C. 8474, pages 11-21. _

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1895 (November).
   The state of discontent among the Uitlanders, and its causes.
   The franchise question.
   Growth of British Imperialistic designs.

   The suspension of commandeering went a very little way towards
   removing the grievances of the British residents in the
   Transvaal. Underlying that and all other causes of discontent
   was the evident determination of the Boer inhabitants of the
   Republic to keep in their own hands the whole power of
   government, both state and municipal, and to deal with the
   increasing multitude of incomers from the outside world (whom
   they called Uitlanders, or Outlanders) permanently as aliens,
   excluded from citizenship by as many bars as a jealous
   legislature could raise.
{464}
   Until 1882, a foreigner, settling in the Transvaal, could
   become a citizen and a voter after a residence of two years.
   The required residence was then raised to five years, and in
   1887 it was carried up to fifteen. By this time the immigrant
   population was growing numerous, and its complaints of
   disfranchisement and non representation in the Volksraad, or
   Legislature, soon took on angry tones. In 1890 a nominal
   concession was made to the discontented Uitlanders, by the
   creation of a Second Volksraad (see, in this volume,
   CONSTITUTION OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC—the bracketed
   amendments or added articles following Article 29), to which
   they could elect representatives. The suffrage in elections to
   this new chamber was given after two years residence, on the
   taking of an oath of allegiance to the Republic, and
   qualification for sitting in it was acquired after a residence
   of four years. But the Second Volksraad had no independent
   power. It could act only on certain specified subjects,
   taxation not included, and all that it did was subject to
   overruling by the First Volksraad, while the enactments of the
   latter were entirely valid without its consent. The Second
   Volksraad, in fact, was no actual branch of the national
   legislature, but a powerless appendage to it, where an
   appearance of representation in the government could be given
   to the Uitlander population without the reality.

   Naturally, this aggravated rather than pacified the discontent
   of the new comers. They were a rapidly increasing multitude,
   congregated, for the most part, in one district, where it was
   easy for them to feel and act in combination. By 1895 there
   was said to be 100,000 of them in the 'Witwatersrand, and some
   60,000 natives were working in their mines. They were being
   heavily taxed, and they complained that they could get nothing
   adequate in return for the taxation,—neither an efficient
   police, nor decent sanitary regulations, nor a proper water
   supply, nor a safe restraint upon the sale of liquors to their
   native work people. At the same time it was charged that
   corruption prevailed in the omnipotent First Volksraad, and
   among public officials, and that, on the whole, the Republic
   was in bad as well as in ignorant hands. This was not alone
   the view of the complaining foreign residents, but was shared
   more or less by unprejudiced visitors to the country,
   including Mr. James Bryce, who travelled in the Transvaal in
   1895, and who wrote of the grievances of the Uitlanders in
   quite a sympathetic vein.

   Until the gold-seekers came into it, the Republic had been
   poor and its revenues small. Their coming gave it a full
   treasury. They were the principal consumers of the imported
   goods on which its tariff was laid. Their large use of
   dynamite and other explosives in mining gave the government an
   opportunity to make a highly profitable monopoly of the
   manufacture, afterwards exchanged for an equally profitable
   concession to a monopolistic company. Their mines were the
   proper subject of a tax which yielded large returns. In fact,
   the Republic was taking much to itself from the Uitlanders,—no
   more, perhaps, than it had a fair right to take,—but,
   according to what seems to be trustworthy testimony, it was
   giving them far less in return for it than they had a just
   right to demand, and it was offering them no prospect of
   anything better in time to come.

   It seems to be certain that responsibility for whatever was
   hostile and unjust in the treatment of the foreign population
   rested largely upon the President of the Republic, Mr. Paul
   Kruger, who had been at the head of the government for many
   years. He exercised an influence and authority that had
   scarcely any limit. The Volksraad was obedient to his will,
   and most of its legislation was understood to emanate from him
   and from those whose council he took. There can be little
   doubt that he practically shaped the whole policy of the Boer
   Republic in its dealing with the Uitlanders, and that it
   expressed the attitude of his mind toward foreigners in
   general and Englishmen in particular. He distrusted even the
   Dutch of Cape Colony, and sought Hollanders for the public
   service when he needed qualifications which his own people did
   not possess.

   "While within the Transvaal there was growing discontent,
   matters were so shaping themselves without as to still further
   complicate the situation. The idea of a Confederation of
   British South Africa and the extension of the British sphere
   to the Zambesi, had long been the dream of imperialists, and
   the ruling classes at the Cape had persistently urged this
   upon the home government. … After the consolidation of the
   diamond companies. Mr. Cecil Rhodes became the imperialist
   leader in South Africa and marshaled behind him all the
   corporate interests and combined influence of his many
   associates. The Boer Republics stood in the way of the success
   of imperialistic enterprise. Then too the 'scramble for
   Africa,' which began with the efforts of the King of Belgium
   to consolidate the native tribes of central Africa under
   Belgian rule and which resulted in the carving out of the
   Congo Free State, the assertion of German protection over
   Damaraland and Namaqueland, and the joint effort of European
   powers to check the British sphere, all lent zest to ambition
   and brought the English popular mind into temper for concerted
   action. Under such circumstances the 'little England' party
   lost its standing and an imperial policy gained fullest
   support. With such an atmosphere surrounding the Transvaal the
   grievances of the 'aliens' within could not long be
   disregarded without serious trouble."

      _F. A. Cleveland,
      The South African Conflict
      (The American Academy of Political and Social Science,
      Number 265), pages 19-22._

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1895-1896.
   Revolutionary conspiracy of disaffected Uitlanders
   at Johannesburg with Rhodesians.
   The Jameson Raid and its results.

   In the fall of 1895, certain of the disaffected Uitlanders at
   Johannesburg, leaders of an organization called the Transvaal
   National Union, abandoned attempts to obtain what they sought
   from the President and the Volksraad by petition and
   agitation, and either invited or accepted proposals of
   assistance from the armed forces of the British South Africa
   Company, with a view to some kind of a revolutionary
   undertaking. The story of the plot has been told with great
   frankness by one of the actors in it, Mr. Alfred P. Hillier,
   who writes:

{465}

   "Mr. Cecil Rhodes, … accustomed as he was to success, quick
   movement and rapid developments, in his great career, had …
   watched with impatient eyes the setting back of the clock
   within the South African Republic. His chief lieutenant, Dr.
   Jameson, who had shared with him the labour of reclaiming from
   barbarism and developing Rhodesia, and whose ambition was no
   less than his superior's, discussed with him the desirability
   of some active outside pressure; and between them was evolved
   what is known as the Jameson plan. Mr. Beit, the capitalist
   most largely interested in the mines of the Rand, an old
   financial colleague of Mr. Rhodes, both in the De Beers
   amalgamation and in the establishment of the Chartered
   Company, promised both his influence and his purse in support
   of the plan. Overtures were then made to Mr. Lionel Phillips,
   who was at the head of the Chamber of Mines, and Mr. Charles
   Leonard, the Chairman of the National Union. … The plan at
   this early stage was presented in a very attractive form. A
   force under Dr. Jameson was to be quietly gathered on the
   border. The Johannesburg agitation, reinforced with capitalist
   support, was to be steadily pushed forward. Rifles and
   ammunition were to be smuggled into Johannesburg. Both the
   High Commissioner and the Colonial Office might be counted on,
   it was said, to support a vigorous forward movement for
   reform. Mr. Phillips and Mr. Leonard, sick and weary of the
   hopelessness of unsupported constitutional action, and of the
   continual set back in Boer politics, already casting round in
   their minds for some new departure, accepted and from that
   time forth co-operated with Mr. Rhodes and Dr. Jameson in the
   development of the Jameson plan.

   "In October, 1895, a meeting took place at Groote Schuur, Mr.
   Rhodes' residence near Cape Town, at which were present, in
   addition to Mr. Cecil Rhodes, Mr. Lionel Phillips, Mr.
   Hammond, Mr. Charles Leonard, and Colonel Frank Rhodes. At
   this meeting the plan was more fully discussed and matured;
   and in November, 1895, when Dr. Jameson visited Johannesburg,
   the details were finally settled. The letter of invitation was
   written, signed and handed to Dr.Jameson, and the date of
   combined action provisionally fixed for the end of December.
   Dr. Jameson's force was to be about 1,000 strong, and the
   start to be made when finally summoned by the signatories of
   the letter. In the meantime the Johannesburg leaders were to
   have sent in to them 4,500 rifles and 1,000,000 rounds of
   ammunition, and were, if possible, to arrange for an attack on
   the Pretoria Arsenal simultaneously with the move from
   outside. With regard to the letter of invitation which was
   subsequently used by Dr. Jameson as a justification for his
   start, … Mr. Leonard, Colonel Rhodes, and Mr. Phillips have
   all distinctly stated that this letter was never intended as
   an authority to Dr. Jameson to enter the Transvaal, unless and
   until he received a further summons from them. Such was in
   brief the history of the Jameson plan as far as concerned
   Johannesburg. And it is necessary here to refer to the
   position with regard to it of the bulk of the men who
   subsequently constituted the Reform Committee. They at this
   time, with the exception of a few of their number, of which I
   personally was one, were entirely ignorant of what was going
   on. … The Johannesburg leaders, relying on the general
   sentiment of the community, assumed the responsibility of
   arranging a basis of operations. So that the plan when it was
   gradually revealed to various men had either to be accepted by
   them in its entirety or rejected. … Men demanded and received
   assurance that the movement was to be a republican one, and in
   no way to be an attempt on the independence of the country. A
   sufficient number of rifles were also to be forthcoming, and
   the High Commissioner was to be on the spot to expedite the
   adjustment of matters immediately disturbances arose."

      _A. P. Hillier,
      Raid and Reform,
      pages 47-53._

   The practical working of the conspiracy proved less easy than
   the planning of it. Arms and ammunition were smuggled into
   Johannesburg, but not in sufficient quantities. The time of
   action had been fixed for the 28th of December. When it came
   near there were found to be only 2,500 rifles at hand, instead
   of the 10,000 that were wanted. A scheme for the surprising of
   the Boer arsenal at Pretoria was pronounced at the last moment
   impracticable. Still more disconcerting to many was a report
   which came from Cape Town, that Jameson would require the
   rising to be made under and in favor of the British flag. "The
   movement within the Transvaal," says Mr. Hillier, "had from
   its outset been one in favour, not of a British Colony, but of
   a sound Republic. … Many Americans and South Africans had
   accorded their support only on this understanding." Until a
   clearer arrangement with the Rhodesians on this point could be
   reached, the leaders in Johannesburg determined not to act.
   Accordingly, on the 26th of December, two days before the
   appointed date of insurrection, they telegraphed to Jameson,
   in covert language which he understood, that it was
   "absolutely necessary to postpone the flotation." On the
   following day they issued a lengthy manifesto, setting forth
   all their grievances, and deferring until the 6th of January a
   general meeting of the National Union which had been called
   for the 27th of December—the eve of the intended rising. The
   manifesto concluded as follows:

   "We have now only two questions to consider:
   (a) What do we want?
   (b) how shall we get it?

   I have stated plainly what our grievances are, and I shall
   answer with equal directness the question, 'What do we want?'
   We want:

   (1) the establishment of this Republic as a true republic:

   (2) a Grondwet or Constitution which shall be framed by
   competent persons selected by representatives of the whole
   people and framed on lines laid down by them—a constitution
   which shall be safeguarded against hasty alteration;

   (3) an equitable franchise law, and fair representation;

   (4) equality of the Dutch and English languages;

   (5) responsibility of the Legislature to the heads of the
   great departments;

   (6) removal of religious disabilities;

   (7) independence of the courts of justice, with adequate and
   secured remuneration of the judges;

   (8) liberal and comprehensive education;

   (9) efficient civil service, with adequate provision for pay
   and pension;

   (10) free trade in South African products.

   That is what we want. There now remains the question which is
   to be put before you at the meeting of the 6th January. viz.,
   How shall we get it?"

      _Great Britain: Papers by Command, 1896, C.—7933._

{466}

   Acting, as appears, on his own responsibility, Dr. Jameson
   refused to be stopped by the postponement at Johannesburg,
   and, on the evening of December 29, he entered the Transvaal
   territory, from Pitsani-Pitlogo, in Bechuanaland, with a force
   of about 500 men. His movement created consternation in all the
   circles of the conspiracy, and received no effectual support.
   It was promptly disavowed and condemned by the British
   authorities, and by the home officials of the British South
   Africa Company. Cecil Rhodes could do nothing but tacitly
   acknowledge his responsibility for what his lieutenant had
   done (though the precipitation of the raid was evidently a
   surprise and a trouble to him) by resigning the premiership of
   Cape Colony. Meantime, the invaders had learned that the Boers
   were not to be ridden over in the easy fashion they supposed.
   Hasty levies had intercepted their march, had repulsed them at
   Krugersdorp, with a heavy loss in killed and wounded,
   surrounded them at Doornkop, and forced them to surrender on
   New Year's day. A few days later, the Uitlanders at
   Johannesburg, some of whom had made a confused and ineffectual
   attempt to take arms, proclaiming a provisional government,
   and around whose town the excited Boers had gathered in large
   force, were persuaded by the British High Commissioner to
   submit to the Transvaal authorities, and more than fifty of
   the leaders were placed under arrest.

   "With great difficulty, President Kruger overcame the desire
   of his people that Jameson and his officers should be brought
   to trial and punished in the country they had outraged by
   their invasion, and they were handed over to the British
   government for removal to England and trial by an English
   court. The trial took place in July (20-28), before the Lord
   Chief Justice (Lord Russell of Killowen), Baron Pollock, and
   Justice Hawkins, with a special jury. The charge on which the
   prisoners were tried was that of having fitted out a warlike
   expedition against a friendly state, in violation of the
   Foreign Enlistment Act. The charge of the Lord Chief Justice
   gave the following questions to the jury: Were preparations
   for a raid made by the defendants? Did they aid, abet,
   counsel, or procure such preparation? Were they employed in
   the actual expedition? Did the Queen exercise dominion and
   sovereignty in Pitsani-Pitlogo? The jury returned affirmative
   answers, which were held to constitute a verdict of "guilty,"
   and sentence was pronounced,—fifteen months of imprisonment
   for Dr. Jameson, and terms varying from five to ten months for
   his four subordinate officers. During the trial and after
   there were many demonstrations of popular sympathy with the
   prisoners. Meantime, in April, the Transvaal authorities had
   brought the imprisoned leaders of the Johannesburg "reform
   committee" to trial at Pretoria on charges of treason and had
   convicted them all. Four, namely, Colonel Rhodes (brother of
   Cecil), Lionel Phillips, George Farrar, and John Hays Hammond
   (an American), were sentenced to death; the remainder to a
   payment of heavy fines. The death sentences were soon
   commuted, first to imprisonment for fifteen years, and
   subsequently to fines of $125,000 on each of four prisoners.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1896 (January).
   Message of the German Emperor to President Kruger,
   relative to the Jameson Raid.

   The critical situation of affairs produced by the Jameson raid
   was dangerously complicated at the beginning by the
   publication of the following telegram, sent to President
   Kruger, on the 3d of January, by the German Emperor: "I
   express my sincere congratulations that, supported by your
   people and without appealing for help to friendly powers, you
   have succeeded by your own energetic action against the armed
   bands which invaded your country as disturbers of the peace,
   and have thus been enabled to restore peace, and safeguard the
   independence of your country against attacks from without."
   President Kruger replied: "I testify to Your Majesty my very
   deep and heartfelt thanks for Your Majesty's sincere
   congratulations. With God's help we hope to do everything
   further that is possible for the holding of our dearly bought
   independence and the stability of our beloved republic." This
   kindled a white heat of indignation in England. It was
   supposed to signify a disposition on the part of the German
   Emperor to recognize the absolute independence which the South
   African Republic claimed, and to threaten interference as
   between Great Britain and the Boers. A powerful "flying
   squadron" was instantly put in commission, and several ships
   were ordered to Delagoa Bay. For some time the relations
   between Great Britain and Germany were seriously strained; but
   various influences gradually cooled the excited feeling in
   England, though not a little distrust of German intentions has
   remained.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1896 (January-April).
   Urgency of the British Colonial Secretary for redress of
   Uitlander grievances.
   Invitation to President Kruger to visit England.
   His requirement that Article IV. of the London Convention
   shall be discussed.
   Deadlock of the parties.

   The complaints of the Uitlanders, effectually silenced for the
   time being at Johannesburg by the vigorous action of the
   Boers, were now taken up by the British Secretary of State for
   the Colonies, Mr. Chamberlain, and pressed in strenuous
   despatches to the High Commissioner in South Africa, Sir
   Hercules Robinson. On the 4th of January, 1896, four days
   after the surrender of Jameson and four days before the
   insurgent Uitlanders at Johannesburg had laid down their arms,
   a long despatch was cabled by Mr. Chamberlain to the High
   Commissioner, instructing him to make "friendly
   representations" to President Kruger on the subject of those
   complaints. "I am aware," wrote the Colonial Secretary, "that
   victory of Transvaal Government over Administrator of
   Mashonaland may possibly find them not willing to make any
   concessions. If this is the attitude they adopt, they will, in
   my opinion, make a great mistake; for danger from which they
   have just escaped was real, and one which, if the causes which
   led up to it are not removed, may recur, although in a
   different form. I have done everything in my power to undo and
   to minimise the evil caused by late unwarrantable raid by
   British subjects into the territory of the South African
   Republic, and it is not likely that such action will be ever
   repeated; but the state of things of which complaint has been
   made cannot continue forever. If those who are now a majority
   of inhabitants of the Transvaal, but are excluded from all
   participation in its government, were, of their own
   initiative, and without any interference from without, to
   attempt to reverse that state of things, they would, without
   doubt, attract much sympathy from all civilised communities
   who themselves live under a free Government, and I cannot
   regard the present state of things in the South African
   Republic as free from danger to the stability of its
   institutions.
{467}
   The Government of the South African Republic cannot be
   indifferent to these considerations, and President of South
   African Republic himself has on more than one occasion,
   expressed his willingness to inquire into and to deal with
   just reasons for discontent; and the Volksraad have now the
   opportunity to show magnanimity in the hour of their success
   and to settle all differences by moderate concessions. They
   must fully admit the entire loyalty of yourself and of Her
   Majesty's Government to the terms of London Convention, as
   shown by their recent intervention, and they must recognise
   that their authority in crisis through which they have passed
   could not have been so promptly and effectively asserted
   without that intervention. If they will recognise this by
   making concessions in accordance with our friendly advice, no
   one will be able to suggest that they are acting under
   pressure, and their voluntary moderation will produce best
   effect among all who are interested in well-being of the
   Transvaal and in future of South Africa."

   On the 13th of January the Colonial Secretary pursued the
   subject in another despatch to Sir Hercules Robinson, as
   follows: "Now that Her Majesty's Government have fulfilled
   their obligations to the South African Republic, and have
   engaged to bring the leaders in the recent invasion to trial,
   they are anxious that the negotiations which are being
   conducted by you should result in a permanent settlement by
   which the possibility of further internal troubles will be
   prevented. The majority of the population is composed of
   Uitlanders, and their complete exclusion from any share in the
   government of the country is an admitted grievance which is
   publicly recognised as such by the friends of the Republic as
   well as by the opinion of civilised Europe. There will always
   be a danger of internal disturbance so long as this grievance
   exists, and I desire that you will earnestly impress on
   President Kruger the wisdom of making concessions in the
   interests alike of the South African Republic and of South
   Africa as a whole. There is a possibility that the President
   might be induced to rely on the support of some foreign Power
   in resisting the grant of reforms or in making demands upon
   Her Majesty's Government; and in view of this I think it well
   to inform you that Great Britain will resist at all costs the
   interference of any foreign Power in the affairs of the South
   African Republic. The suggestion that such interference was
   contemplated by Germany was met in this country by an
   unprecedented and unanimous outburst of public feeling. In
   order to be prepared for all eventualities, it has been
   thought desirable by Her Majesty's Government to commission a
   Flying Squadron of powerful men-of-war, with twelve
   torpedo-ships; and many other vessels are held in reserve. Her
   Majesty's Government have no reason, at the present moment, to
   anticipate any conflict of interest with foreign Powers; but I
   think it right for you to know that Great Britain will not
   tolerate any change in her relations with the Republic, and
   that, while loyally respecting its internal independence,
   subject to the Conventions, she will maintain her position as
   the Paramount Power in South Africa, and especially the
   provisions of Article IV. of the Convention of 1884. It is my
   sincere hope that President Kruger, who has hitherto shown so
   much wisdom in dealing with the situation, will now take the
   opportunity afforded to him of making of his own free will
   such reasonable concessions to the Uitlanders as will remove
   the last excuse for disloyalty, and will establish the free
   institutions of the Republic on a firm and lasting basis."

   To this Sir Hercules replied with a remonstrance, saying:
   "Your telegram 13 January No.1 only reached me last night
   after I had left Pretoria. I could, if you consider it
   desirable, communicate purport to President of South African
   Republic by letter, but I myself think such action would be
   inopportune. … Nearly all leading Johannesburg men are now in
   gaol, charged with treason against the State, and it is
   rumoured that Government has written evidence of a
   long-standing and wide-spread conspiracy to seize Government
   of country on the plea of denial of political privileges, and
   to incorporate the country with that of British South Africa
   Company. The truth of these reports will be tested in the
   trials to take place shortly in the High Court, and meanwhile
   to urge claim for extended political privileges for the very
   men so charged would be ineffectual and impolitic. President
   of South African Republic has already promised municipal
   government to Johannesburg, and has stated in a Proclamation
   that all grievances advanced in a constitutional manner will
   be carefully considered and brought before the Volksraad
   without loss of time; but until result of trials is known
   nothing, of course, will now be done." Mr. Chamberlain saw
   force in the High Commissioner's objections, and assented to a
   momentary suspension of pressure on the Transvaal President,
   but not for long. "I recognise," he telegraphed on the 15th,
   "that the actual moment is not opportune for a settlement of
   the Uitlanders' grievances, and that the position of the
   President of the South African Republic may be an embarrassing
   one, but I do not consider that the arrest of a few score
   individuals out of a population of 70,000 or more, or the
   supposed existence of a plot among that small minority, is a
   reason for denying to the overwhelming majority of innocent
   persons reforms which are just in themselves and expedient in
   the interests of the Republic. Whatever may be said about the
   conduct of a few individuals, nothing can be plainer than that
   the sober and industrious majority refused to countenance any
   resort to violence, and proved their readiness to obey the law
   and your authority. I hope, therefore, to hear at an early
   date that you propose to resume the discussion with President
   of South African Republic on lines laid down in my previous
   telegrams. I do not see that the matter need wait until the
   conclusion of the trial of the supposed plotters."

   On the 28th of January the High Commissioner, under
   instructions from London, addressed to President Kruger the
   following invitation: "I am directed by Her Majesty's
   Government to tender to your Honour a cordial invitation to
   visit England, with a view to discussing with them all those
   questions which relate to the security of the South African
   Republic and the general welfare of South Africa. I am to add
   that, although Her Majesty's Government cannot consent to
   modify Article 4 of the London Convention [see above; A. D.
   1884-1894], other matters are open to friendly discussion.
{468}
   Her Majesty's Government hope that your Honour will come as
   the guest of the British Government." While this invitation
   was being considered, and before a reply to it had been made,
   the British Colonial Secretary reopened his own discussion of
   the questions at issue, February 4, in a despatch of great
   length, reviewing the whole history of the relations of the
   Uitlanders to the government of the South African Republic,
   and of the recent occurrences which had been consequent upon
   their discontent. It praised "the spirit of wisdom and
   moderation" shown by President Kruger, who "kept within bounds
   the natural exasperation of his burghers," and it gave
   especial attention to a proclamation which President Kruger
   had addressed to the inhabitants of Johannesburg, on the 10th
   of January, in which he had said: "It is my intention to
   submit a draft Law at the first ordinary session of the
   Volksraad, whereby a Municipality with a Mayor at its head
   will be appointed for Johannesburg, to whom the whole
   municipal government of this town will be entrusted."

   On this the Secretary made the following suggestions: "Basing
   myself upon the expressed desire of President Kruger to grant
   municipal government to Johannesburg, I suggest, for his
   consideration, as one way of meeting the difficulty, that the
   whole of the Rand district, from end to end, should be erected
   into something more than a municipality as that word is
   ordinarily understood; that, in fact, it should have a
   modified local autonomy, with powers of legislation on purely
   local questions, and subject to the veto of the President and
   Executive Council; and that this power of legislation should
   include the power of assessing and levying its own taxation,
   subject to the payment to the Republican Government of an
   annual tribute of an amount to be fixed at once and revised at
   intervals, so as to meet the case of a diminution or increase
   in the mining industry. As regards judicial matters in such a
   scheme, the Rand, like the Eastern Provinces and the Kimberley
   District of the Cape Colony, might have a superior court of
   its own. It would, of course, be a feature of this scheme that
   the autonomous body should have the control of its civil
   police, its public education, its mine management, and all
   other matters affecting its internal economy and well-being.
   The central Government would be entitled to maintain all
   reasonable safeguards against the fomenting of a revolutionary
   movement, or the storage of arms for treasonable purposes
   within the district. Those living in, and there enjoying a
   share in the government of, the autonomous district, would
   not, in my view, be entitled to a voice in the general
   Legislature or the Central Executive, or the presidential
   election. The burghers would thus be relieved of what is
   evidently a haunting fear to many of them—although I believe
   an unfounded one—that the first use which the enfranchised
   newcomers would make of their privileges would be to upset the
   republican form of government. Relieved of this apprehension,
   I should suppose that there would not be many of them who
   would refuse to deal with the grievances of the comparatively
   few Uitlanders outside the Rand on those liberal principles
   which characterized the earlier legislation of the Republic.
   The President may rest assured that in making the above
   suggestions I am only actuated by friendly feeling towards
   himself and the South African Republic. They are not offered
   in derogation of his authority, but as the sincere and
   friendly contribution of Her Majesty's Government towards the
   settlement of a question which continues to threaten the
   tranquillity of the Republic and the welfare and progress of
   the whole of South Africa. A proper settlement of the
   questions at issue involves so many matters of detail which
   could be more easily and satisfactorily settled by personal
   conference, that I should be glad to have the opportunity of
   discussing the subject with the President, if it suited his
   convenience, and were agreeable to him, to come to this
   country for the purpose. Should this be impracticable, I rely
   upon you to make my views known to him and to carry on the
   negotiations."

   This despatch, as soon as it had been forwarded from the
   Colonial Office, was published in the "London Gazette," so
   that a telegraphed summary of its contents reached President
   Kruger before it came to him officially,—which naturally added
   something to the irritations existing at Pretoria. However,
   the President, on the 8th of February, by telegram to the High
   Commissioner, and more fully on the 25th by letter, responded
   to the invitation to visit England. In his telegram he said:
   "In order to give me the liberty to let the Honourable
   Volksraad judge whether permission and power to act will be
   given me to go out of the country, an understanding must, of
   course, first be come to as to what points will he discussed
   or not, so that I may lay those points before the Volksraad
   for deliberation and resolution." In his letter he wrote:

   "At the commencement, I wish to observe that the object of
   this letter is to pave the way for a friendly discussion of
   the matters herein mentioned, in order to arrive at a
   satisfactory solution, and further that, although as yet I
   desire no positive and direct assent to the desires expressed
   herein, I would, nevertheless, to prevent a misunderstanding,
   desire to have an assurance that they will be taken into the
   most mature consideration with the earnest endeavour and the
   sincere desire to comply with my wishes. The desire to receive
   this assurance will be respected by your Excellency and Her
   Majesty's Government as reasonable, when I say that,
   considering especially my advanced age and the unavoidable
   delay, owing to my absence, in the transaction of matters
   affecting the highest State interests, I would, with
   difficulty, be able to make the sacrifice in going only to
   discuss matters without arriving at the desired result, and it
   is evident that if the assurance referred to by me cannot be
   given by Her Majesty's Government, in all probability the
   Honourable Volksraad would not grant its consent and
   commission. … Although, as already said, the Government could
   tolerate no interference in its internal relations and the
   official discussion of affairs with the object of requiring
   changes therein will have to be avoided, on the other hand I
   wish it to be understood that private hints given by statesmen
   of experience in the true interest of the country and its
   independence will always be warmly appreciated by me, from
   whatever side they may come.

{469}

   "Going over to a summing up of the points which, in my
   opinion, should be brought under discussion, I wish to mention
   in the first place:—

   1. The superseding of the Convention of London with the eye,
   amongst others, on the violation of the territory of the South
   African Republic: because in several respects it has already
   virtually ceased to exist; because in other respects it has no
   more cause for existence; because it is injurious to the
   dignity of an independent Republic; because the very name and
   the continual arguments on the question of suzerainty, which
   since the conclusion of this Convention no longer exists, are
   used as a pretext, especially by a libellous press, for
   wilfully inciting both white and coloured people against the
   lawful authority of the Republic; for intentionally bringing
   about misunderstanding and false relations between England and
   the Republic, whereby in this manner the interests of both
   countries and of their citizens and subjects are prejudiced
   and the peaceful development of the Republic is opposed. In
   the discussion of the withdrawal of the Convention as a whole,
   Article IV. should naturally not be kept back. I have reason
   to believe that the British Government has come to the
   decision to make no alteration in this on account of false
   representations made to it and lying reports spread by the
   press and otherwise with a certain object, to the effect that
   the Government of the Republic has called in, or sought, the
   protection of other Powers. While I thankfully acknowledge and
   will ever acknowledge the sympathy of other Powers or their
   subjects, and the conduct of the last named has, in the light
   of the trials recently passed through, on the whole offered a
   favourable contrast to that of British subjects, there is
   nevertheless nothing further from my thoughts than to strive
   for the protection of a foreign power, which I will never even
   seek. Neither I nor the people of the Republic will tolerate an
   interference with the internal relations from any power
   whatever, and I am prepared, if the course proposed by me be
   adopted, to give the necessary assurances for this, in order
   that Her British Majesty's Government need have no fear that
   Her interests in South Africa should be injured.

   2. Further should be discussed the superseding of the
   Convention by a treaty of peace, commerce and friendship, by
   which the existing privileges of England in the dominion of
   commerce and intercourse and the interests of British subjects
   in the Republic will be satisfactorily guaranteed on the
   footing of the most-favoured nation, and herein I would be
   prepared to go to the utmost of what can reasonably be asked.

   3. Then the necessary guarantees will have to be given against
   a repetition of the violation of territory out of the
   territory of the Chartered Company or the Cape Colony, and of
   disturbing military operations and unlawful military or police
   or even private movements on the borders of the Republic.

   4. Further should be discussed the compensation for direct and
   indirect injury to be given or caused to be given by England
   for and by reason of the incursion that recently took place.
   The reasons for this are evident and need no argument. The
   amount to be demanded it is impossible as yet to determine,
   but, if required, it can still be given before my departure to
   England.

   5. I would, although in the following respects I would not
   insist beforehand on an assurance such as that intended with
   regard to the above-mentioned points, nevertheless wish to
   request the earnest consideration of a final settlement of the
   Swaziland question, in this sense, that that country shall
   henceforth become a part of the Republic. …

   6. Further, I would very much like to have discussed the
   revocation of the charter of the Chartered Company, which, if
   this does not take place, will continue to be a threatening
   danger to the quiet and peace of the Republic and thereby also
   to the whole South Africa. I am of opinion that all the above
   desires are fair and just. … I will be pleased to receive the
   views of Her Majesty's Government on the points herein brought
   forward, in order that I may be enabled to bring the matter
   for decision before the Honourable Volksraad."

   Mr. Chamberlain's reply to this communication was, in part, as
   follows: "Her Majesty's Government regret that President has
   given no definite reply to invitation to visit England which
   was sent to him on 28th January. This invitation was the
   result of private information conveyed to Her Majesty's
   Government that the President was desirous of arranging with
   them a settlement of all differences, and of placing on a
   permanent and friendly basis the relations between the United
   Kingdom and the South African Republic. Before forwarding the
   invitation, Her Majesty's Government knew that his Honour was
   in full possession of their opinion, that no arrangement can
   be satisfactory or complete which does not include a fair
   settlement of those grievances of the Uitlander population
   which have been recognized by the general public opinion of
   South Africa, and which have been the cause of discontent and
   agitation in the past, and are likely—unless remedied—to lead
   to further disturbances in future, Her Majesty's Government
   also took care to satisfy themselves that the President had
   been made aware that they were not prepared to modify in any
   way the provisions of Article IV. of the Convention of 1884,
   and this was again made clear in the formal invitation to
   visit England. Under these circumstances, it was with great
   surprise that Her Majesty's Government learnt from the
   Despatch of the President of 25th February that his Honour
   objected to discuss the question of the reforms asked for by
   the Uitlanders, and that he desired to propose withdrawal of
   Article IV. of the Convention, and Her Majesty's Government
   regret that they were not informed of his Honour's views on
   the subject at an earlier date, as they would not have felt
   justified in inviting the President to encounter the fatigue
   of a journey to this country if they had not been led to
   believe that he was in agreement with them as to the general
   object of such a visit.

   "In their view, Her Majesty's Government were able to offer a
   complete guarantee in the future to the South African Republic
   against any attack upon its independence, either from within
   any part of Her Majesty's dominions or from the territory of a
   foreign Power. In return, they assumed that the President
   would make known to them the measures which he proposed to
   take to remedy the acknowledged grievances of the Uitlanders,
   and to consider any suggestions which Her Majesty's Government
   might wish to offer as to the adequacy of these measures for
   the removal of all cause of internal disturbances. … Such a
   discussion as they contemplate would not involve any
   acknowledgment on the part of the President of a right of
   interference in the internal concerns of the Republic, but
   would only at the most amount to a recognition of the friendly
   interest of Her Majesty's Government in its security, and in
   the general welfare of South Africa.
{470}
   The President would be, of course, at liberty to accept or to
   reject any advice that might be tendered to him by Her
   Majesty's Government, but in the latter case the
   responsibility for the result would naturally rest wholly with
   him. Her Majesty's Government have already expressed a
   willingness to give full consideration to any representations
   which his Honour may wish to make on the other points named in
   his letter, although some of them are matters wholly in
   jurisdiction of Her Majesty's Government. But unless the
   President is satisfied with the explanations I have now given,
   Her Majesty's Government are reluctantly obliged to come to
   the conclusion that no good purpose can be served by the
   proposed visit."

   In return to this despatch, President Kruger, on 17th of
   March, expressed his "deep disappointment" at its contents, by
   reason of which, he said, "it is not possible for me to
   proceed to convene a special session of the Volksraad at once"
   for the purpose of action upon the invitation of the British
   Government. Thereupon (April 27), the Colonial Secretary
   cabled to the High Commissioner in South Africa: "Her
   Majesty's Government have no alternative but to withdraw the
   invitation, which it appears from the President's message was
   given under a misapprehension of the facts." Thus the two
   parties were at a deadlock.

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command: 1896,
      C. 7933, pages 19-91; and C. 8063, pages 11-17._

SOUTH AFRICA: Rhodesia: A. D. 1896 (March-September).
   Matabele revolt.

   Taking advantage of the confusion in affairs which followed
   the Jameson raid, and its removal of part of the police force
   from the country, the Matabele rose in revolt. The main
   provocation of the rising appears to have been from severe
   measures that were adopted for stamping out rinderpest in the
   country. Many whites were killed in the regions of scattered
   settlement, and Buluwayo and Gwelo, where considerable numbers
   had taken refuge, were in much danger for a time. But prompt
   and vigorous measures were taken by the colonial and imperial
   authorities, as well as by the officers of the South Africa
   Company. Troops were sent from Cape Colony, Natal, and
   England, and Major-General Sir Frederick Carrington was
   ordered from Gibraltar to take command. Cecil Rhodes hastened
   to Salisbury on the first news of the outbreak and organized a
   force of volunteers for the relief of the beleaguered towns. The
   Transvaal government offered help. By June, when General
   Carrington arrived, and Lord Grey had succeeded Dr. Jameson as
   Administrator, the insurgent natives had been put on the
   defensive and had nearly ceased their attacks. They were
   driven into the Matoppo hills, where their position was
   formidably strong. At length, in August, Mr. Rhodes opened
   negotiations with some of the chiefs, and went, with three
   companions, unarmed, into their stronghold. He there made an
   agreement with them, which the British military authorities
   and many of the Matabele warriors refused to be bound by. But
   the revolt had been practically broken and soon came to an
   end.

SOUTH AFRICA: British South Africa Company: A. D. 1896 (June).
   Resignation of Mr. Rhodes.

   On the 26th of June the resignations of Cecil J. Rhodes and
   Mr. Beit from the Board of Directors of the British South
   Africa Company, and of Mr. Rutherford Harris as its Secretary,
   were accepted by the Board.

SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1896 (July).
   Investigation of the Jameson Raid.
   Responsibility of Cecil J. Rhodes.

   On the 17th of July a Select Committee of the Cape Colony
   House of Assembly, appointed in the previous May "to inquire
   into the circumstances, as affecting this colony, in connexion
   with the preparations for and carrying out of the recent armed
   inroad into the territory of the South African Republic," made
   its report, rehearsing at length the facts ascertained, with
   evidence in full, and submitting a number of "conclusions,"
   among them the following: "Your Committee are of opinion that
   no member of the then Colonial Government with the exception
   of the then Prime Minister [Mr. Cecil J. Rhodes], had any
   knowledge whatever or suspicion of the intention to send an
   armed force across the border of the South African Republic. …
   Your Committee is convinced that the stores and workshops of
   the De Beers Consolidated Mines were for some time previous to
   the inroad used for the storage and for the unlawful
   exportation of arms destined for the South African Republic,
   in connexion with this inroad, and also that 11 men were sent
   from De Beers to Johannesburg, who were afterwards allowed to
   resume their positions. The evidence is clear, and leaves no
   room for doubt on this point. The local directors give an
   emphatic denial to any guilty knowledge on their part, and
   your Committee must acquit them of anything beyond negligence,
   which, looking to the magnitude of the transactions and the
   length of time over which they extended, must have been very
   marked. It is not conceivable that such proceedings could have
   been permitted without the knowledge and approval of the
   Chairman and Life Governor, Mr. C. J. Rhodes. With regard to
   the Chartered Company, your Committee find that the principal
   officials in Cape Town either knew, or were in a position to
   have known, the existence of this plot. Two at least of the
   directors, Mr. Beit and the Right Honorable C. J. Rhodes,
   were, together with the Administrator, Dr. Jameson, and Dr.
   Harris, the South African Secretary of the Company, active as
   promoters and moving spirits throughout, and they were from
   time to time kept informed of the preparations. … The whole
   movement was largely financed and engineered from outside, and
   in both cases certain directors and officials of the Chartered
   Company of British South Africa were active throughout. As
   regards the Right Honorable C. J. Rhodes, your Committee can
   come to no other conclusion than that he was thoroughly
   acquainted with the preparations that led to the inroad. That
   in his capacity as controller of the three great joint-stock
   companies, the British South Africa Company, the De Beers
   Consolidated Mines, and the Gold Fields of South Africa, he
   directed and controlled the combination which rendered such a
   proceeding as the Jameson raid possible. … It would appear
   that Mr. Rhodes did not direct or approve of Dr. Jameson's
   entering the territory of the South African Republic at the
   precise time when he did do so, but your Committee cannot find
   that that fact relieves Mr. Rhodes from responsibility for the
   unfortunate occurrences which took place. Even if Dr. Jameson
   be primarily responsible for the last fatal step, Mr. Rhodes
   cannot escape the responsibility of a movement which had been
   arranged, with his concurrence, to take place at the precise
   time it did, if circumstances had been favourable at
   Johannesburg."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command: 1897,
      C. 8380, pages 7-9._

{471}

SOUTH AFRICA: British South Africa Company: A. D. 1896 (July).
   Parliamentary movement to investigate its administration.

   In the British House of Commons, on the 30th of July, Mr.
   Chamberlain, Secretary of State for the Colonies, made a
   motion for the appointment of a select committee of fifteen to
   conduct an inquiry into the administration of the British
   South Africa Company, and the motion was adopted.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1896-1897 (May-April).
   Continued controversies between the British Colonial
   Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, and the Government of the
   South African Republic.
   Complaints and counter complaints.
   Aliens Immigration Law, etc.

   For a time after the abandonment of the proposed visit of
   President Kruger to England, the older questions at issue
   between Great Britain and the Transvaal fell into the
   background; but new ones were constantly rising. Each party
   watched the other with suspicious and critical eyes, sharply
   questioning things that would hardly have been noticed in
   ordinary times. The Boer authorities, on their side, were
   naturally disturbed and made inquisitive by every movement of
   troops or arms in the surrounding British territory, both of
   which movements were being somewhat increased by the revolt of
   the Matabeles. They were impatient, too, for some action on
   the part of the British government against the chief authors
   of the recent invasion,—the officials of the British South
   Africa Company,—and against the Company itself. On the 11th of
   May, 1896, the State Secretary of the Transvaal government
   telegraphed to the British High Commissioner as follows: "The
   newspapers of the last few days state that Her Majesty's
   Government still continue to take the part of the Directors of
   British South Africa Company, especially Mr. Rhodes. This
   Government will not believe the accuracy of these reports, but
   it is of opinion that the Chartered Company as administering
   the Government up to now is a source of danger to whole of
   South Africa. The inroad into this Republic was made by
   officers, troops, and arms of that Chartered Company, and even
   the explicit prohibition of Her Majesty's Government was
   unable to restrain them, notwithstanding the Chartered Company
   had taken upon itself the international obligations of Great
   Britain. The behaviour of the persons who knew of the scheme
   of the inroad beforehand and supported it is, as we see,
   defended by saying that they acted thus in the interests of
   and for the extension of Imperialism in South Africa. This
   Government does not believe that the end justifies the means,
   and is convinced that Her Majesty's Government does not wish
   to be served by misdeed."

   When this had been communicated to the British Colonial
   Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, he replied (May 13) that the
   President of the South African Republic "has been misinformed
   if he supposes that Her Majesty's Government have taken the
   part of any of British South Africa Company Directors,
   including Mr. Rhodes, with regard to any connexion which they
   may be hereafter proved to have had with the recent raid. … On
   the contrary, while appreciating Mr. Rhodes's services in the
   past, Her Majesty's Government have condemned the raid, and
   the conduct of all the parties implicated by the telegrams
   recently published. Her Majesty's Government have promised a
   full Parliamentary inquiry, as soon as legal proceedings
   against Dr. Jameson and his officers have been concluded, to
   examine the Charter granted to British South Africa Company
   and the operation of its provisions, and to consider whether
   any improvements in it are desirable. Such an inquiry will go
   into the whole subject, not only of recent events, but of the
   whole administration. Her Majesty's Government cannot be
   expected to announce any decision as to the future of the
   Company until the Parliamentary Committee has made its
   recommendations."

   On the 15th President Kruger replied: "This Government is very
   pleased at receiving the assurance that a searching inquiry is
   being instituted against British South Africa Company and its
   Directors, and will follow its course with interest." But the
   following month found the authorities at Pretoria still
   unsatisfied as to the intention of the British government to
   bring Mr. Rhodes and the South Africa Company to account for
   what they had done. On the 19th of June, the then Acting High
   Commissioner (Sir Hercules Robinson having gone to England on
   leave) transmitted to Mr. Chamberlain two telegrams just
   received by him from the government of the South African
   Republic. The first was as follows: "Acting under
   instructions, I have the honour to acquaint your Excellency,
   for the information of Her Majesty's Government, that, with a
   view to the welfare and peace of South Africa, this Government
   is convinced that the proofs in the possession and at the
   disposal of Her Majesty's Government now completely justify
   and compel the bringing to trial of Messrs. Cecil Rhodes,
   Alfred Beit, and Doctor Rutherford Harris, as has already been
   done with Doctor Jameson and his accomplices. In the interests
   of all South Africa, this Government feels itself obliged to
   press the taking of this step upon Her Majesty's Government. I
   have also the honour to request your Excellency to communicate
   this despatch by cable to Her Majesty's Government in London."

   The second was in this language: "This Government regards with
   great regret the delay in the matter of the inquiry with
   respect to the complicity and responsibility of British South
   Africa Company in connexion with the raid of Doctor Jameson
   and his band within the territory of this Republic. This
   Government considers it its right and duty to press for the
   speedy holding of the inquiry, not merely because it is the
   injured party but also because of its interest and share in
   the well-being of South Africa, whose interests, as repeatedly
   intimated, are also dear to Her Majesty the Queen. This
   Government is also convinced that it is urgently necessary
   that the entire control and administration, as well civil as
   military, be taken out of hands of British South Africa
   Company and transferred to Her Majesty's Government, and I am
   instructed to press this point on behalf of this Government. I
   have further the honour to request your Excellency to cable
   this despatch to Her Majesty's Government in London."

{472}

   To these communications Mr. Chamberlain made a somewhat
   haughty response. "Inform the Government of the South African
   Republic," he cabled on the 25th of June, "that Her Majesty's
   Government have received their telegrams of the 19th June,
   which were published in London almost simultaneously with
   their receipt by me. Her Majesty's Government do not require
   to be reminded of their duty in regard to the recent invasion
   of the South African Republic, and they cannot admit the claim
   of the Government of the Republic to dictate the time and
   manner in which they shall fulfil their obligations. I am
   unable to understand the reasons which have suddenly
   influenced the Government of the South African Republic to
   make representations which are inconsistent with their
   previous statements. On 18th April and on 15th May the
   Government of the Republic appeared to be satisfied with the
   assurances given them by Her Majesty's Government, from which
   there has never been any intention of departing. It would not
   be in accordance with English ideas of justice to condemn the
   British South Africa Company and deal with its powers as
   proposed in the telegrams before an enquiry had been made, and
   before the Company had been heard in its own defence. With
   regard to the demand of the Government of the South African
   Republic that the three gentlemen specifically named shall now
   be placed on their trial, you will remind them that Her
   Majesty's Government can only act in this matter upon the
   advice of the Law Officers of the Crown, and in accordance
   with the principles of English law."

   But Mr. Secretary Chamberlain, on his side, was
   equally—perhaps more than equally—watchful and critical of the
   doings and omissions of the government of the South African
   Republic. He kept an eye upon them that was especially alert
   for the detection of infractions of the London Convention of
   1884 (see above: A. D. 1884-1894), with its provisions very
   strictly construed. He found treaties negotiated with foreign
   powers in contravention of Article IV. of that Convention, and
   laws passed which he deemed an infringement of its Article
   XIV. He arraigned the government of the Republic upon each as
   it came to his knowledge, and then, on the 6th of March, 1897,
   went back over the record of his complaints and summed them
   up, as follows: "It will be convenient if I recapitulate
   briefly the occasions for such complaint, beginning with the
   cases relating to Article IV. of the Convention. …

   "1.—Netherlands Treaty.
   On the 9th November 1895, an Extradition Treaty between the
   South African Republic and the Netherlands was signed at the
   Hague, and the ratifications were exchanged on the 19th June
   last, without the Treaty being submitted for the approval of
   Her Majesty. The case was therefore one of a clear infraction
   of the Convention, inasmuch as the Treaty had not been
   submitted to Her Majesty's Government on its completion, and
   had been concluded by the exchange of ratifications without
   obtaining the previous approval of the Queen. The Government
   of the South African Republic, on their attention being called
   to the infraction, did not deny that there had been a
   departure from the general practice, but urged that they had
   made no publication of the Treaty in anticipation of the
   approval of Her Majesty. The Treaty had, however, been
   published in the 'Netherlands Gazette' of the 3rd July, and I
   observed that when the Treaty was published in the 'Staats
   Courant' of the South African Republic after Her Majesty's
   approval had been given, the official notice merely stated
   that the Treaty was signed and ratified on certain dates, no
   reference being made to that approval.

   "2.-The Accession of the South African Republic to the
   Geneva Convention.
   After Dr. Jameson's raid, owing to a report made by the St.
   John's Ambulance Association, Her Majesty's Government
   determined to invite the South African Republic to accede to
   the Geneva Convention, and the necessary instructions were
   sent to Sir J. de Wet, who, however, omitted to carry them
   out. The South African Republic, on the 30th September,
   formally communicated to the Swiss Government, through their
   Representative at the Hague, their act of accession to the
   Geneva Convention. Her Majesty's Government, in the
   circumstances, did not hesitate to convey the Queen's
   approval, but the action of the Government of the Republic
   none the less constituted a breach of the London Convention.

   "3.—Portuguese Treaty.
   An Extradition Treaty between the South African Republic and
   Portugal was signed on the 3rd November 1893, but, contrary to
   the usual practice, has not yet been submitted for the Queen's
   approval, although two years have elapsed since Lord Ripon, in
   his Despatch of the 25th February 1895, requested your
   predecessor to call the attention of the President to the
   omission to communicate this Convention to Her Majesty's
   Government under the provisions of Article IV. of the London
   Convention. … I now pass to the consideration of some of the
   recent legislation of the Volksraad in its relation to Article
   XIV. It will be found that it involves in more than one case
   actual or possible breaches of the Convention. Article XIV.
   runs as follows:—'All persons, other than natives, conforming
   themselves to the laws of the South African Republic
      (a) will have full liberty, with their families, to enter,
      travel, or reside in any part of the South African
      Republic;
      (b) they will be entitled to hire or possess houses,
      manufactories, warehouses, shops, and premises;
      (c) they may carry on their commerce either in person or by
      any agents whom they may think fit to employ;
      (d) they will not be subject, in respect of their persons
      or property, or in respect of their commerce or industry,
      to any taxes, whether general or local, other than those
      which are or may be imposed upon citizens of the said
      Republic.'

   "4.—The Aliens Immigration Law.
   This law imposes upon aliens conditions of a new and
   burthensome character in excess of the simple requirement that
   they must conform themselves to the laws of the Republic. … 2.
   The Aliens Expulsion Law. This law empowers the President,
   with the advice and consent of the Executive Council, after
   consulting the State Attorney, to expel, without an appeal to
   the Court, any foreigner who, by word or writing, excites to
   disobedience or transgression of the law, or takes any steps
   dangerous to public peace and order. … Her Majesty's
   Government … do not admit that the Government of the Republic
   have a right to expel foreigners who are not shown to have
   failed to conform to the laws of the Republic, and they
   reserve the right to object to proceedings under the Act which
   may amount to a breach of the Convention.
{473}
   3. The Press Law. This law empowers the State President, on
   the advice and with the consent of the Executive, to prohibit
   entirely or for a time the circulation of printed or published
   matter the contents of which are, in his judgment, contrary to
   good morals or a danger to the peace and order in the
   Republic. The suppression of the 'Critic' newspaper, the
   property of a British subject, under this law, is a matter
   which may raise a serious question as to whether the action of
   the Government of the Republic has been consistent with the
   Convention, but as Her Majesty's Government have not yet
   received the explanation of the Government of the Republic in
   that case, it is only necessary for me to make a passing
   allusion to it in this Despatch.

   "In several of the cases above cited, the strict letter of the
   Convention could apparently have been observed without any
   difficulty, while in others the objects which the Government
   of the South African Republic had in view could have been
   attained without any infringement of the Convention by a
   previous understanding with Her Majesty's Government. Her
   Majesty's Government therefore cannot conceal from themselves
   that the Government of the South African Republic have in
   these cases failed to give effect in practice to the
   intention, so frequently expressed in public and official
   utterances, of upholding the Convention on the part of the
   Republic, and of maintaining that good understanding with Her
   Majesty's Government which is so necessary in the interests of
   South Africa."

   Of the laws complained of by Mr. Chamberlain, that relating to
   immigrant aliens had raised the most protest, because of its
   requirement that all such aliens who were permitted to enter
   and remain in the country must carry "travelling and
   residential passes," to be shown on demand. The Transvaal
   Government had met Mr. Chamberlain's first remonstrance on
   this subject, in January, by saying: "It is an evident fact
   that, especially during the last time, the immigration of
   aliens of the lowest class and without any means of
   subsistence has been increasing in a disquieting manner. These
   persons are dangerous to the peace of the inhabitants and of
   the State itself, and, in the opinion of this Government, no
   country whatever can be obliged to admit such undesirable
   persons. The regulation of unrestricted entry, as it at
   present takes place, is thus, from the point of view of police
   requirement, not only necessary but also entirely justified
   and constitutes no infringement of Article 14 of the
   Convention. This Government does not desire as yet to express
   any opinion on the suggestion that under the circumstances
   mentioned it should have approached Her Britannic Majesty's
   Government with a view to arriving at an understanding. In
   case, however, the Government of Her Britannic Majesty has
   another practical measure to propose whereby its
   above-mentioned subjects, whose presence here is not desired
   for the reasons stated, can be prevented from seeking an
   outlet on the soil of the South African Republic, and that
   measure can be found to be applicable to the subjects of other
   Powers as well (since the law makes no distinction in that
   respect) it will be ready, with gratitude, to give its full
   consideration to such measure."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command: 1897, C. 8423._

SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony and Natal: A. D. 1897.
   Conference of colonial premiers with
   the British Colonial] Secretary.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

SOUTH AFRICA: British South Africa Company: A. D. 1897 (January).
   Compulsory labor in Rhodesia.

   In January, 1897, the Deputy Commissioner of the British
   government in Rhodesia made a report to the High Commissioner
   on several subjects pertaining to the native administration of
   the British South Africa Company which he had been instructed to
   investigate. One question to be answered was "whether there
   exists a law or practice whereby compulsory labor is exacted
   from natives, either by the government of the British South
   Africa Company, or by private persons with consent of the
   government, or by both?" From his lengthy report on this
   subject the High Commissioner deduced the following summary of
   conclusions, which he communicated to the colonial secretary:

   "(1.) That compulsory labour did undoubtedly exist in
   Matabeleland, if not in Mashonaland.

   (2.) That labour was procured by the various Native
   Commissioners for the various requirements of the Government,
   mining companies, and private persons.

   (3.) That the Native Commissioners, in the first instance,
   endeavoured to obtain labour through the indunas, but, failing
   in this, they procured it by force."

      _Great Britain,
      Papers by Command: 1897, C.—8547._

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1897 (January-March).
   Conflict of the Judiciary with the Executive and the Volksraad.
   The case of R. E. Brown.

   In January, 1897, a decision was rendered by the High Court of
   the Republic which brought it into conflict with President
   Kruger and the Volksraad. This decision was given in
   connection with a suit brought against the government of the
   South African Republic by an American engineer, Mr. R. E.
   Brown, and the claim of Mr. Brown had arisen out of
   circumstances which were subsequently related by a speaker in
   the United States Senate, as follows: Mr. R. E. Brown, a young
   American mining engineer, living and operating in the Cœur
   d'Alene district, in the State of Idaho, about eight years
   ago, at the invitation of English capitalists, left this
   country to go to the South African Republic for the purpose of
   assisting in the development of the gold mines of that
   country. It was about that time that Hammond, Clements, and
   other American engineers went there, and it is not too much to
   say that the genius and the energy of those young Americans
   more than anything else made that country a great gold
   producer and its mines the most valuable of any in the world.
   At that time most of the mines were held by English companies
   or Germans. The laws were very simple, but in some respects
   appear to have been drawn in the interest of the wealthy
   syndicates. Upon the discovery of new mines the President of
   the Republic by proclamation opened them to mining locations,
   fixing a day and hour at which they would be opened to such
   location. Thereafter persons desiring to stake out mines had
   to go to the office of the responsible clerk of the district
   in which the mines were located to make application for
   licenses to locate the mines, and thereafter they were
   authorized, either in person or by deputy, to go on the ground
   and make mining locations.
{474}
   Under this system most of the valuable mines of the country
   had been absorbed, as I said, by English and German
   syndicates. The mode in which they operated to absorb the
   mines was to place their men upon the newly opened ground and
   at the earliest possible moment apply for licenses to locate
   the mines, and then by means of couriers with swift horses, or
   by signals from mountain to mountain where that was possible, to
   convey information to their men and cause the mines to be
   located before their rivals could get on the ground. Mr. Brown
   had not been in the country very long before he learned of this
   antiquated system, and he determined on the next opening of
   mines to apply to their location some of the snap and go of
   American methods.

   "In June, 1895, President Kruger by proclamation opened the
   mines on the Witfontein farm, district of Potchefstroom, the
   responsible clerk for which resided at Doornkop, in that
   district. Mr. Brown determined that he would acquire some of
   these mines, at least, and as large a number of them as
   possible. Witfontein was only 30 miles from Doornkop. The
   mines were known to be very valuable, because they had been
   prospected on each side and it was found that valuable
   gold-bearing reefs ran through them from end to end.
   Accordingly he purchased heliographic instruments and employed
   expert heliographic operators, and without the knowledge of his
   rivals established heliographic communication between Doornkop
   and Witfontein. Then he placed his men upon the ground, and on
   the 19th day of July, 1895, the earliest period at which he
   was permitted to do so, he appeared at the office of the
   responsible clerk and sought licenses to locate 1,200 mines
   upon this ground. However, on the day before the opening of
   the mines his rivals had found out about the heliographic
   communication, but they were beaten in the race. In that
   extremity they communicated with President Kruger by wire and
   induced him on the night of the 18th to issue a second
   proclamation, withdrawing the mines of Witfontein from the
   privilege of mining locations, and when Mr. Brown appeared at
   the office of the responsible clerk and tendered his money he
   was met with the information of this action on the part of the
   President of the South African Republic, and his application
   was refused. But nothing daunted he caused his agents on the
   ground to locate the mines the same as if the licenses had
   been granted to him, and then he brought suit before the high
   court of justice of the South African Republic against the
   Republic, alleging the facts substantially as I have stated
   them and praying that the authorities be compelled to issue to
   him licenses for the mines located, or in lieu thereof that
   compensation be made to him in the sum of £372,400, amounting
   to about $1,850,000. While this suit was pending it was sought
   to re-enforce the action of the President in withdrawing these
   lands, and the Volksraad [passed a resolution approving the
   withdrawal and declaring that no person should be entitled to
   compensation on account of it]."

      _United States Congressional Record,
      January 21, 1901, page 1370._

   On Mr. Brown's suit, the High Court of the Republic decided
   that the claimant's right to the land was good, and could not
   be set aside by ex post facto measures of the Executive or the
   Legislature. The President and the Volksraad refused to submit to
   this decision, and passed a law to overrule it, on the ground
   that, under the Grondwet (constitution), the Volksraad is the
   highest power in the state. In a subsequent public statement
   of the matter, Justice Kotze, the Chief Justice, explained the
   issue that was thus raised between his court and the
   President, and also related the circumstances of a compromise
   by which it was settled temporarily, as follows:

   "This so-called Law Number 1 of 1897 seeks to deprive the
   judges of the testing right, authorizes the President to put a
   certain question to the members of the bench that they would
   not arrogate to themselves the so-called testing power, and
   empowers him to instantly dismiss the judge or judges from
   whom he receives no answer, or, in his opinion, an
   unsatisfactory answer. The judges for the future are also
   subjected to a humiliating form of oath. This measure, it
   seems almost superfluous to observe, is no law. It alters the
   constitution of the country without any previous reference to
   the people, and for the reasons given in the Brown case it is
   devoid of all legal validity. The five judges, on March 1,
   1897, unanimously issued a declaration, stating that by this
   so-called Law Number 1 of 1897 a vital violation of the
   independence of the bench had taken place, and that the judges
   were exposed in future to the suspicion of bribery. In fact,
   the nature and tendency of this measure are so immoral that
   one of the judges openly said that no honorable man can occupy
   a seat on the bench while Law Number 1 of 1897 remains on the
   statute book.

   "The question above referred to was duly put by the President
   to the judges, who had unanimously signed a letter to the
   effect that they did not feel themselves at liberty to give
   any answer, when the chief justice of the Cape Colony arrived
   in Pretoria, and through his mediation a written understanding
   was proposed by the judges on March 19, and accepted without
   any qualification by the President on March 22, 1897. By the
   terms of this compact the judges undertook not to test laws
   and resolutions of the Volksraad on the distinct understanding
   that the President would as soon as possible submit a draft
   Grondwet to the Volksraad providing how alone the Grondwet can
   be altered by special legislation in a manner analogous to the
   provisions contained in the constitution of the Orange Free
   State on the subject, and incorporating the guaranties for the
   independence of the judiciary. By these means the judges
   intended to protect both the constitution and the bench
   against sudden surprises and attacks, such as, for instance,
   the oft-quoted measure known as Law Number 1, of 1897. They
   did this to avert a crisis, and, in order to help the
   Government and Volksraad out of a difficulty of their own
   creation, placed themselves under a temporary obligation upon
   the faith of the President as speedily as possible complying
   with his portion of the understanding."

      _United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,
      House Document Number 618._

   The promised amendment of the Grondwet was not made, and the
   issue concerning it was brought to a crisis in the next year.

      See below: A. D. 1898 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (February):
   Appointment of Sir Alfred Milner.

   In February, Sir Alfred Milner was appointed High Commissioner
   for South Africa and Governor of Cape Colony, to succeed Sir
   Hercules Robinson, retired, and raised to the peerage as Lord
   Rosmead.

{475}

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1897 (February).
   The franchise.

   The government of the Transvaal extended the full franchise to
   862 Uitlanders who supported it at the time of the Jameson
   raid.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1897 (February.)
   Indemnity claimed by the South African Republic for
   the Jameson Raid.

   On the 16th of February, 1877, the State Secretary of the
   South African Republic, Dr. W. J. Leyds, presented to the
   British High Commissioner the following "specification of the
   compensation to which the Government of the South African
   Republic lays claim for and in connexion with the incursion
   into the Territory of the South African Republic by Dr.
   Jameson and the Troops of the Chartered Company at the end of
   December 1895 and the beginning of January 1896.

   1. Expenditure for military and commando
   services In connexion with the incursion,
   the sum of.                                  £136,733 s.4 d.3

   2. Compensation to the Netherlands South
   African Railway Company for making use,
   in accordance with the concession granted
   to that Company, of the railway worked by
   it during the commando on account of the
   incursion of Dr. Jameson.                      £9,500 s.0 d.0

   3. Disbursements to surviving relatives
   of slain and wounded.                            £234 s.19 d.6

   4. For annuities, pensions, and disbursements
   to widows and children of slain burghers and
   to relatives of unmarried slain burghers, as
   also to wounded burghers, a total sum of.     £28,243 s.0 d.0

   5. Expenses of the telegraph department,
   for more overtime, more telegrams on service
   in South African communication, more
   cablegrams, &c.                                £4,692 s.11 d.9

   6. Hospital expenses for the care of the
   wounded and sick men, &c. of Dr. Jameson.        £225 s.0 d.0

   7. For support of members of the families of
   commandeered burghers during the commando.       £177 s.8 d.8

   8. Compensation to be paid to the and the
   commandeered burghers for their services
   troubles and cares brought upon them.         £62,120 s.0 d.0

   9. Account of expenses of the Orange
      Free State.                                £36,011 s.19 d.1

   Total                                        £677,936 s.3 d.3

   "Moral or intellectual compensation to which the Government of
   the South African Republic lays claim for and in connexion
   with the incursion into the Territory of the South African
   Republic by Dr. Jameson and the Troops of the Chartered
   Company at the end of December 1895 and the beginning of
   January 1896. One million pounds sterling (£1,000,000)."

   To this claim the British colonial secretary, Mr. Chamberlain,
   replied on the 10th of April, saying, with reference to the
   specification under the second head, "for moral or
   intellectual damage," that "Her Majesty's Government … regret
   that they do not feel justified in presenting it to the
   British South Africa Company"; and adding: "Her Majesty's
   Government fear that they may be compelled to take similar
   exception to certain of the items composing the first head,
   especially in view of the very short period which elapsed
   between the crossing of the frontier by Dr. Jameson's force
   and its surrender; but as it is apparent from the nature of
   the figures that the Government of the South African Republic
   have proceeded on very precise data in arriving at the various
   sums to which they lay claim, Her Majesty's Government, before
   offering any observations on this part of the claim, would ask
   his Honour to be so good as to furnish them with full
   particulars of the way in which the different items comprised
   in the first head have been arrived at."

      _Great Britain,
      Papers by Command: C.—8404, 1897; and C.—8721, 1898._

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1897 (February-July).
   British parliamentary investigation of the Jameson Raid.

   A Committee of the British House of Commons, appointed "to
   inquire into the origin and circumstances of the incursion
   into the South African Republic by an armed force, and into
   the administration of the British South Africa Company," began
   its sittings on the 16th of February, 1897. Among the members
   of the Committee were the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the
   Attorney-General, Mr. Chamberlain, the Secretary of State for
   the Colonies, Sir William Harcourt, Sir John Lubbock, Sir H.
   Campbell-Bannerman, Mr. Labouchere, Mr. John Ellis, Mr.
   Buxton, Mr. Blake, and others. Mr. Rhodes, who was first
   examined by the Committee, read a statement of the
   circumstances leading up to the raid, in which he said that,
   as one largely interested in the Transvaal, he felt that the
   unfriendly attitude of the Boer Government was the great
   obstacle to common action among the various states in South
   Africa, and that, therefore, he had assisted the movement in
   Johannesburg with his purse and influence. "Further," he said,
   "acting within my rights, in the autumn of 1895 I placed a
   body of troops under Dr. Jameson, prepared to act in the
   Transvaal in certain eventualities." Subsequently Mr. Rhodes
   declared: "With reference to the Jameson raid, I may state
   that Dr. Jameson went in without my authority." He concluded
   his statement by declaring that in what he did he was greatly
   influenced by his belief that the policy of the Boer
   Government was to "introduce the influence of another foreign
   Power into the already complicated system of South Africa."
   Mr. Rhodes was kept under examination before the Committee for
   four days, and then "almost the next thing heard of him was
   that he had started for South Africa on his way back to
   Rhodesia." Another witness examined was Sir Graham Bower,
   Secretary to the High Commissioner at the Cape. "His evidence
   was certainly most startling, and at the same time of great
   importance. He stated that late in October, 1895, Mr. Rhodes
   came into his office and said: 'I want you to give me your
   word of honour that you will not say a word to anyone about
   what I am going to tell you.' Sir Graham Bower—who, as he
   said, had a great many Cape secrets in his possession—pledged
   his word, and soon found he was in possession of a secret
   which it was his official duty to disclose to the High
   Commissioner and his private duty not to disclose. Mr. Rhodes
   then said that he was negotiating about the Protectorate, that
   there was going to be a rising in Johannesburg, and that he
   wished to have a police force on the border. He added in
   substance: 'If trouble comes I am not going to sit still. You
   fellows are infernally slow.' It further transpired that on
   the fateful Sunday (December 28) Mr. Rhodes had told him that
   Jameson had gone in, but that he hoped that the message he had
   sent would stop him."
{476}
   When Dr. Jameson was examined he fully acknowledged his
   conspiracy with the Johannesburg revolutionists, and stated
   that he had given information of it to Mr. Rhodes, adding; "He
   agreed, and we arranged that when the rising took place he
   should go to Johannesburg or Pretoria with the High
   Commissioner and Mr. Hofmeyr to mediate between the Transvaal
   Government and the Uitlanders. With these matters settled, I
   left Cape Town and joined my camp at Pitsani. I required no
   orders or authority from Mr. Rhodes, and desired neither to
   receive nor to send any messages from or to Cape Town."

   In the course of the inquiry, Mr. Chamberlain, the Colonial
   Secretary, desired to give testimony, and related that Dr.
   Harris, the Secretary in South Africa to the British South
   Africa Company, said to him, "I could tell you something in
   confidence," or "I could give you some confidential
   information"; but that he (Chamberlain) stopped him at once,
   saying, "I do not want to hear any confidential information. I
   am here in an official capacity, and I can only hear
   information of which I can make official use"; and adding: "I
   have Sir Hercules Robinson in South Africa. I have entire
   confidence in him, and I am quite convinced he will keep me
   informed of everything I ought to know." In concluding his
   testimony, Mr. Chamberlain said: "I desire to say, in the most
   explicit manner, that I did not then have, and that I never
   had, any knowledge or—until, I think it was, the day before
   the raid took place—the slightest suspicion of anything in the
   nature of a hostile or armed invasion of the Transvaal." The
   Committee having called upon Mr. Rhodes' solicitor, a Mr.
   Hawksley, to produce telegrams which had passed between Mr.
   Rhodes and himself, refused to do so.

   "The proceedings which ensued were not to the credit of the
   Committee, for instead of reporting the matter to the House at
   once in a special report, they decided to refer to it in the
   interim report on the raid. Mr. Labouchere and Mr. Blake alone
   opposed this course, which was either a confession of
   unwillingness to reach the bottom of the business, or the
   suggestion that somebody was to be shielded. … Having devoted
   two days to hearing counsel on behalf of Mr. Rhodes, Mr. Beit
   and Dr. Harris, the Committee adjourned to consider its
   report. The general feeling was that the proceedings had been
   conducted with singular laxity or want of skill. Those
   interested in keeping secret the true history of the raid were
   entirely successful, and it was generally by the merest chance
   that any fact of importance was elicited from the witnesses.
   The representatives of the Opposition, Sir William Harcourt,
   Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman and Mr. Buxton, were, after Mr.
   Rhodes had been unaccountably permitted to quit England,
   willing to allow the breakdown of the proceedings; and what
   was even more surprising in so strict a parliamentarian as Sir
   William Harcourt, a witness was allowed to treat the Committee
   with defiance, and to pass unchecked. To a very great extent the
   inquiry had been obviously factitious, but in whose interest
   concealment was considered necessary remained undivulged. It
   was surmised that reasons of State had been found which
   outweighed party considerations, and that the leaders of the
   Opposition had been privately convinced that the alleged
   grounds were sufficient for the course adopted."

   The report of the majority of the Committee, signed by all of
   its members except Mr. Labouchere and Mr. Blake (the former of
   whom submitted a minority report), was made public on the 13th
   of July. The results of its inquiry were summed up under the
   following heads:

   I. "Great discontent had, for some time previous to the
   incursion, existed in Johannesburg, arising from the
   grievances of the Uitlanders.

   II. Mr. Rhodes occupied a great position in South Africa; he
   was Prime Minister of the Cape Colony, and, beyond all other
   persons, should have been careful to abstain from such a
   course of action as that which he adopted. As managing
   director of the British South Africa Company, as director of
   the De Beers Consolidated Mines and the Gold Fields of South
   Africa, Mr. Rhodes controlled a great combination of
   interests; he used his position and those interests to promote
   and assist his policy. Whatever justification there might have
   been for action on the part of the people of Johannesburg, there
   was none for the conduct of a person in Mr. Rhodes' position
   in subsidising, organising, and stimulating an armed
   insurrection against the Government of the South African
   Republic, and employing the forces and resources of the
   Chartered Company to support such a revolution. He seriously
   embarrassed both the Imperial and Colonial Governments, and
   his proceedings resulted in the invasion of the territory of a
   State which was in friendly relations with her Majesty, in
   breach of the obligation to respect the right to
   self-government of the South African Republic under the
   conventions between her Majesty and that State. Although Dr.
   Jameson 'went in' without Mr. Rhodes' authority, it was always
   part of the plan that these forces should be used in the
   Transvaal in support of an insurrection. Nothing could justify
   such a use of such a force, and Mr. Rhodes' heavy
   responsibility remains, although Dr. Jameson at the last
   moment invaded the Transvaal without his direct sanction.

   III. Such a policy once embarked upon inevitably involved Mr.
   Rhodes in grave breaches of duty to those to whom he owed
   allegiance. He deceived the High Commissioner representing the
   Imperial Government, he concealed his views from his
   colleagues in the Colonial Ministry and from the board of the
   British South Africa Company, and led his subordinates to
   believe that his plans were approved by his superiors.

   IV. Your committee have heard the evidence of all the
   directors of the British South Africa Company, with the
   exception of Lord Grey. Of those who were examined, Mr. Beit
   and Mr. Maguire alone had cognisance of Mr. Rhodes' plans. Mr.
   Beit played a prominent part in the negotiations with the
   Reform Union; he contributed large sums of money to the
   revolutionary movement, and must share full responsibility for
   the consequences.

   V. There is not the slightest evidence that the late High
   Commissioner in South Africa, Lord Rosmead, was made
   acquainted with Mr. Rhodes' plans. The evidence, on the
   contrary, shows that there was a conspiracy to keep all
   information on the subject from him. The committee must,
   however, express a strong opinion upon the conduct of Sir
   Graham Bower, who was guilty of a grave dereliction of duty in
   not communicating to the High Commissioner the information
   which had come to his knowledge. Mr. Newton failed in his duty
   in a like manner.

   VI. Neither the Secretary of State for the Colonies nor any of
   the officials of the Colonial Office received any information
   which made them, or should have made them or any of them,
   aware of the plot during its development.

{477}

   VII. Finally, your committee desire to put on record an
   absolute and unqualified condemnation of the raid and of the
   plans which made it possible."

   "The result caused for the time being grave injury to British
   influence in South Africa. Public confidence was shaken, race
   feeling embittered, and serious difficulties were created with
   neighbouring States. The course of action subsequently taken by
   the Government increased the suspicions which were aroused by
   such an emasculated report. Two days after its publication
   (July 15), Mr. Balfour was asked to set apart a day for the
   formal discussion of so important a matter. To this request
   Mr. Balfour, with the tacit concurrence of the front
   Opposition bench, replied that he saw no useful purpose to be
   served by such a debate."

   Those who were known as the "Forward Radicals," or "Forwards,"
   in the House, were not to be silenced in this manner, and
   debate was forced upon a motion expressing regret at "the
   inconclusive action and report of the select committee on
   British South Africa," and summoning Mr. Hawksley to the bar
   of the House, to produce "then and there," the telegrams which
   he had refused to the committee. In the course of the
   discussion which followed, Mr.Chamberlain expressed his
   conviction that, "while the fault of Mr. Rhodes was about as
   great a fault as a politician or statesman could commit, there
   existed nothing which affected his personal character as a man
   of honour." When Sir Elliott Lees, a supporter of the
   government, rose to protest against such a doctrine, he was
   met by cries which silenced his speech. The House then
   divided, and the resolution was defeated by 304 to 77. "It was
   an open secret that throughout the debate one member,
   unconnected with either front bench, sat with the famous
   telegrams in his pocket, and with them certain correspondence
   relating thereto which he had been instructed to read in the
   event of Mr. Rhodes' character being aspersed."

      _Annual Register, 1897._

   "The position … stands thus. The Colonial Office conceals its
   own documents. From none of its officials have we had any
   detailed or frank statement as to their relations to South
   African affairs during the critical period. The High
   Commissioner himself has not been examined. Mr. Rhodes has
   been allowed to go without any serious inquiry into this
   branch of the case. The most important cables are refused by
   Mr. Rhodes's order, and the Committee decline to exercise
   their power to compel the production of them. The story, in
   fact, so far as it concerns this question of the truth or
   falsity of the allegation that Mr. Chamberlain was 'in it,' is
   being smothered up, with an audacious disregard of the
   principles which guide all ordinary tribunals. The last steps
   in this proceeding have been taken with the direct assent of
   the leader of the Opposition. Everybody, therefore, is
   inquiring what reason can have induced Sir William Harcourt to
   execute this startling change of front. There is only one
   reason that can, with any probability, be assigned-that is,
   that some member of the Government has made a 'Front Bench
   communication' to the leader of the Opposition, indicating to
   him explicitly that there are 'reasons of State' for stopping
   the disclosures. There can be little doubt that this is what
   has happened, and conjecture, not only in this country but
   elsewhere, will naturally be keen to know what the nature of
   this momentous disclosure was.

   "If Mr. Chamberlain was as absolutely free from knowledge of
   the Jameson plan as he has professed to be, it is hard to see
   how full disclosure could do any damage to the Empire, or
   could do anything but good to the Colonial Secretary himself.
   Mr. Chamberlain, of course, professes in words his private
   desire that everything should come out. He has not, however,
   assisted in the attainment of that result. The consequence is
   that a national and international question of very grave
   importance has arisen. It is said in circles usually well
   informed, that when the Raid occurred, it became necessary to
   give assurances to foreign Governments, and in particular to
   Germany, that the Queen's Government was in no way
   compromised. These assurances, it is said, were given. It is
   even said that they were given expressly in the name of the
   Queen. Something of this kind may well have happened; but it
   is hard to see how, if it did happen, and if the Colonial
   Office was as innocent as it claims to be, the disclosure of
   the facts can do anything but confirm the Queen's word. That
   documents exist which are supposed to be compromising, and
   which the very authors of them allege to be compromising, is a
   fact past hiding. It casts, unless it is cleared up, a damning
   doubt. Therefore it would appear to be the duty of all honest
   men, and, above all, of the Parliament of Great Britain, to
   see that an immediate end is put to a policy which may be
   aptly described as 'thimble-rigging,' and that the truth,
   whether it suits Mr. Rhodes or Mr. Chamberlain, or neither of
   them, must be told at fist."

      _Contemporary Review,
      July, 1897._

SOUTH AFRICA: Orange Free State and Transvaal: A. D. 1897 (April).
   Treaty of alliance.

   In April, the two republics entered into a treaty for mutual
   support and defense against attacks on the independence of
   either, each opening its political franchises to the citizens
   of the other on the taking of an oath of allegiance.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1897 (April).
   Military expenditure by British and Boer Governments.

   The budget of the British Chancellor of the Exchequer,
   submitted to the House of Commons in April, contained an item
   of '£200,000 for increased military expenditure in South
   Africa. This was promptly attacked by the opposition, who
   accused the government of pursuing a war policy in its
   dealings with the Transvaal. Sir William Harcourt declared
   that Mr. Chamberlain had, "in every utterance of his during
   the last few months, been endeavouring to exasperate sentiment
   in South Africa, and to produce what, thank God! he had failed
   in producing—a racial war." Mr. Chamberlain retorted that Sir
   William Harcourt's attitude was unpatriotic and injurious to
   the cause of peace. He denied aggressiveness in the policy of
   the government, asserting that the South African Republic had
   been spending millions on armaments imported from abroad, in
   view of which the strengthening of the British garrison at the
   Cape by an additional regiment and three batteries was no
   unreasonable measure. Mr. Balfour, also, begged the House and
   the country to believe that the troops were sent only as a
   measure of precaution, to maintain admitted rights.

{478}

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1897 (May-October).
   The British assertion of suzerainty and declination of
   proposal to arbitrate disagreements.

   On the 7th of May, 1897, the Acting State Secretary of the
   South African Republic addressed to the British Agent at
   Pretoria a communication of great length, reviewing the
   positions taken by Mr. Chamberlain in his several arraignments
   of the government of the Republic for alleged violation of the
   London Convention of 1884, and proposing an arbitration of the
   questions involved. "The complaint," he wrote, "which Her
   British Majesty's Government has advanced in an unmistakably
   pronounced manner over an actual or possible breach of the
   Convention has deeply grieved this Government, as it thinks
   that it has fulfilled its obligations. It sees in the
   fulfilment of the mutual obligations under the Convention one
   of the best guarantees for the maintenance of a mutual good
   understanding and for the promotion of reciprocal confidence.
   To this good understanding and that confidence, however,
   severe shocks have been given by events which cannot be
   lightly forgotten. And if it were not that this Government
   wishes to guard itself against adopting a recriminating tone,
   it might put the question whether, for example, the incursion
   of Dr. Jameson, whether considered as a breach of the
   Convention or a grievance, is not of immeasurably greater
   importance than the various matters adduced by Her British
   Majesty's Government would be, even if the contention that
   they constitute breaches of the Convention could be accepted.
   There should, in the view of this Government, be a strong
   mutual endeavour to restore the shocked confidence and to calm
   the excited spirit which this Government with sincere regret
   sees reigning throughout almost the whole of South Africa.
   This Government is anxious to co-operate for this end, for the
   desire of the Republic, with the maintenance of its
   independence and rights, is for peace, and where for the
   reasons given it has been unable to entertain the proposal of
   Her British Majesty's Government in the matter of the Aliens
   Law,—and it appears very difficult to arrive at a solution of
   the question by means of correspondence,—it wishes to come to
   a permanent good understanding along a peaceful course, not
   only with respect to its undisturbed right to make an alien
   law, but also with regard to all points touching the
   Convention which are referred to in the two Despatches under
   reply by Her British Majesty's Government. While it respects
   the opinion of Her British Majesty's Government, it takes the
   liberty, with full confidence in the correctness of its own
   views, to propose to Her British Majesty's Government the
   principle of arbitration with which the honourable the First
   Volksraad agrees, in the hope that it will be taken in the
   conciliatory spirit in which it is made. …

   "Although this Government is firmly convinced that a just and
   impartial decision might be obtained even better in South
   Africa than anywhere else, it wishes, in view of the
   conflicting elements, interests, and aspirations, which are
   now apparent in South Africa, and in order to avoid even the
   appearance that it would be able or desire to exercise
   influence in order to obtain a decision favourable to it, to
   propose that the President of the Swiss Bondstate, who may be
   reckoned upon as standing altogether outside the question, and
   to feel sympathy or antipathy neither for the one party nor
   for the other, be requested to point out a competent jurist,
   as has already oftener been done in respect of international
   disputes. The Government would have no objection that the
   arbitrator be subject to a limitation of time, and gives the
   assurance now already that it will willingly subject itself to
   any decision if such should, contrary to its expectation, be
   given against it. The Government repeats the well-meant wish
   that this proposal may find favour with Her British Majesty's
   Government, and inasmuch as the allegations of breaches of the
   Convention find entrance now even in South Africa, and bring
   and keep the feelings more and more in a state of suspense,
   this Government will be pleased if it can learn the decision
   of Her Majesty's Government as soon as possible."

   Mr. Chamberlain's reply to this proposal was not written until
   the 16th of the following October, when he, in turn, reviewed,
   point by point, the matters dealt with, in the despatch of Mr.
   Van Boeschoten. With reference to the Jameson raid he said: "Her
   Majesty's Government note with satisfaction that the
   Government of the South African Republic see in the fulfilment
   of the mutual obligations under the London Convention one of
   the best guarantees for the maintenance of a mutual
   understanding and for the promotion of reciprocal confidence.
   Her Majesty's Government have uniformly fulfilled these
   obligations on their part, and they must strongly protest
   against what appears to be an implication in the Note under
   consideration that the incursion of Dr. Jameson can be
   considered as either a breach of the Convention by Her
   Majesty's Government or a grievance against them. That
   incursion was the act of private individuals unauthorised by
   Her Majesty's Government, and was repudiated by them
   immediately it became known. The immense importance to the
   Government of the South African Republic of that repudiation,
   and of the proclamation issued by the High Commissioner under
   instructions from Her Majesty's Government, is recognised
   throughout South Africa. Her Majesty's Government maintain
   strongly that since the Convention of 1881 there has never
   been any breach or even any allegation of a breach on their
   part of that or the subsequent Convention, and, as the subject
   has been raised by the implied accusation contained in the
   Note under consideration, Her Majesty's Government feel
   constrained to contrast their loyal action in the case of the
   Jameson raid with the cases in which they have had cause to
   complain that the Government of the South African Republic
   failed to interfere with, if they did not countenance,
   invasions of the adjacent territories by its burghers in
   violation of the Convention, and they feel bound to remind the
   Government of the Republic that in one of these cases Her
   Majesty's Government were compelled to maintain their rights
   by an armed expedition at the cost of about one million
   sterling, for which no compensation has ever been received by
   them."

   Concerning the proposal of arbitration, the reply of the
   British colonial secretary was as follows: "In making this
   proposal the Government of the South African Republic appears
   to have overlooked the distinction between the Conventions of
   1881 and 1884 and an ordinary treaty between two independent
   Powers, questions arising upon which may properly be the
   subject of arbitration.
{479}
   By the Pretoria Convention of 1881 Her Majesty, as Sovereign
   of the Transvaal Territory, accorded to the inhabitants of
   that territory complete self-government subject to the
   suzerainty of Her Majesty, her heirs and successors, upon
   certain terms and conditions and subject to certain
   reservations and limitations set forth in 33 articles, and by
   the London Convention of 1884 Her Majesty, while maintaining
   the preamble of the earlier instrument, directed and declared
   that certain other articles embodied therein should be
   substituted for the articles embodied in the Convention of
   1881. The articles of the Convention of 1881 were accepted by
   the Volksraad of the Transvaal State, and those of the
   Convention of 1884 by the Volksraad of the South African
   Republic. Under these Conventions, therefore, Her Majesty
   holds towards the South African Republic the relation of a
   suzerain who has accorded to the people of that Republic
   self-government upon certain conditions, and it would be
   incompatible with that position to submit to arbitration the
   construction of the conditions on which she accorded
   self-government to the Republic. One of the main objects which
   Her Majesty's Government had in view was the prevention of the
   interference of any foreign Power between Her Majesty and the
   South African Republic, a matter which they then held, and
   which Her Majesty's present Government hold, to be essential
   to British interests, and this object would be defeated by the
   course now proposed. The clear intention of Her Majesty's
   Government at the time of the London Convention, that
   questions in relation to it should not be submitted to
   arbitration, is shown by the fact that when the delegates of
   the South African Republic, in the negotiations which preceded
   that Convention, submitted to Her Majesty's Government in the
   first instance (in a letter of the 26th of November, 1883,
   which will be found on page 9 of the Parliamentary Paper C.
   3947 of 1884) the draft of a treaty or convention containing
   an arbitration clause, they were informed by the Earl of Derby
   that it was neither in form nor in substance such as Her
   Majesty's Government could adopt."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command.
      C.—8721, 1898._

SOUTH AFRICA: Natal: A. D. 1897 (December).
   Annexation of Zululand.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (ZULULAND).

SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1898.
   The position of political parties.
   The Progressives and the Afrikander Bund.

   "The present position of parties at the Cape is as unfortunate
   and as unwarranted as any that the severest critic of
   Parliamentary institutions could have conjured up. … The Cape
   has always had the curse of race prejudice to contend with.
   Time might have done much to soften, if not to expunge it, if
   home-made stupidities had not always been forthcoming to goad
   to fresh rancour. The facts are too well known to need
   repetition. It is true not only of the Transvaalers that 'the
   trek has eaten into their souls,' and up to the time of
   emancipation and since, every conceivable mistake has been
   committed by those in authority. Thus, when the breach was, to
   all appearances, partly healed, the fatal winter of 1895 put
   back the hands of the clock to the old point of departure. As
   Englishmen, our sympathies are naturally with the party that
   is prevalently English, and against the party that is
   prevalently Dutch; but to find a real line of political
   difference between them other than national sentiment requires
   fine drawing. … According to our lines of cleavage both
   Bondsmen [Afrikander Bund] and Progressives are Conservatives
   of a decided type. Practically they are agreed in advocating
   protective duties on sea-borne trade, although in degree they
   differ, for whilst the Bond would have imposts as they are,
   the Progressives wish to reduce the duties on food stuffs to
   meet the grievance of the urban constituencies, and might be
   induced to accord preferential treatment to British goods. On
   the native question neither party adopts what would in England
   be considered an 'advanced' programme, for education is not
   made a cardinal point, and they would equally like, if
   possible, to extend the application of the Glen Grey Act,
   which, by levying a tax on the young Kaffirs who have not a
   labour certificate, forces them to do some service to the
   community before exercising their right of 'putting the
   spoon,' as the phrase is, 'into the family pot.' Neither party
   wishes to interfere with the rights of property or the
   absolute tenure of land under the Roman-Dutch law. A tax on
   the output of diamonds at Kimberley has been advocated by some
   members of the Bond as a financial expedient, but it is
   understood to have been put forward rather as a threat against
   Mr. Rhodes personally than as a measure of practical politics.
   Questions of franchise are tacitly left as they are, for no
   responsible politicians wish to go back upon the enactment
   which restricted the Kaffir vote to safe and inconsiderable
   limits. The redistribution of seats was the subject of a Bill
   upon which the last House was dissolved, after the rebuff that
   the Ministry received upon a crucial division, but it has been
   dealt with rather for practical than theoretical reasons. Two
   schemes of redistribution have been formulated, and each has
   been proposed and opposed with arguments directed to show the
   party advantage to be derived. For political reform, in the
   abstract, with or without an extension of the suffrage, there
   is no sort of enthusiasm in any quarter. Railway
   administration furnishes, no doubt, an occasional battle-field
   for the two sides of the House. Roughly, the Progressives
   favour the northern extension, and are willing to make
   concessions in rates and charges to help on the new trade with
   Rhodesia; whilst the Bond declare themselves against special
   treatment of the new interests, and would spend all the money
   that could be devoted to railway construction in the farming
   districts of the colony itself. Mr. Rhodes, however, has
   warned the Cape that any hostile action will be counteracted
   by a diversion of traffic to the East, and it is unlikely that
   any line of policy will be pursued that is likely to injure
   the carrying trade of the southern ports. Between the
   followers of Mr. Rhodes and the followers of Mr. Hofmeyr there
   is no wide divergence of principle on public affairs of the
   near future, so far as they have been or are to be the subject
   of legislation; where the difference comes in is in the
   attitude they severally assume towards the two republics and
   the territories of the north, but when talk has to yield to
   action it is improbable that there will be much in their
   disagreement."

      _N. L. W. Lawson,
      Cape Politics and Colonial Policy
      (Fortnightly Review, November 1898)._

{480}

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1898 (January-February).

   Re-election of President Kruger.
   Renewed conflict of the Executive with the Judiciary.
   Dismissal of Chief-Justice Kotze.

   The Presidential election in the South African Republic was
   held in January and February, the polls being open from the 3d
   of the former month until the 4th of the latter. President
   Kruger was re-elected for a fourth term of five years, by
   nearly 13,000 votes against less than 6,000 divided between
   Mr. Schalk Burger and General Joubert, who were opposing
   candidates. Soon afterwards, the conflict of 1897 between the
   Judiciary and the Executive (see above: A. D. 1897,
   JANUARY-MARCH), was reopened by a communication in which
   Chief-Justice Kotze, of the High Court, called the attention
   of the President to the fact that nothing had been done in
   fulfilment of the agreement that the independence of the Court
   and the stability of the Grondwet should both be protected by
   law against arbitrary interference, and giving notice that he
   considered the compromise then arranged to be ended. Thereupon
   (February 16) President Kruger removed the judge from his
   office and placed the State Attorney in his seat. Justice
   Kotze denied the legality of the removal, and adjourned his
   court sine die. In a speech at Johannesburg, some weeks
   afterwards, he denounced the action of President Kruger with
   great severity, saying: "I charge the President, as head of
   the State, with having violated both the constitution and the
   ordinary laws of the land; with having interfered with the
   independence of the High Court; and invaded and imperilled the
   rights and liberties of everyone in the country. The
   guarantees provided by the constitution for the protection of
   real and personal rights have disappeared, and these are now
   dependent on the 'arbitrium' of President Kruger."

SOUTH AFRICA: Rhodesia and the British South Africa Company:
   A. D. 1898 (February).
   Reorganization.

   In February, the British government announced the adoption of
   plans for a reorganization of the British South Africa Company
   and of the administration of its territories. The Company,
   already deprived of military powers, was to give up, in great
   part, but not wholly, its political functions. It was still to
   appoint an Administrator for Rhodesia south of the Zambesi,
   and to name the majority of members in a council assisting
   him, so long as it remained responsible for the expenses of
   administration; but, by the side of the Administrator was to
   be placed a Resident Commissioner, appointed by the Crown, and
   over both was the authority of the High Commissioner for South
   Africa, to whom the Resident Commissioner made reports. At
   home the status of the Board of Directors was to be
   considerably altered. The life directorships were to be
   abolished, and the whole Board of Directors in future to be
   elected by the shareholders,—any official or director removed
   by the Secretary of State not being eligible without his
   consent. The Board of Directors was to communicate all
   minutes, etc., to the Secretary of State, and he to have the
   power of veto or suspension. Finally, the Secretary of State
   was to have full powers to inspect and examine all documents;
   Colonial Office officials named by him were, in effect, to
   exercise powers like those of the old Indian Board of Control.

SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1898 (March-October).

   Election in favor of the Afrikander Bund.
   Change in the government.

   Elections to the Upper House of the Cape Parliament, in March,
   gave the party called the Progressives, headed by Mr. Rhodes, a
   small majority over the Afrikander Bund—more commonly called
   the Bond. The Parliament opened in May, and the Progressive
   Ministry, under Sir Gordon Sprigg, was defeated in the Lower
   House in the following month, on a bill to create new
   electoral divisions. The Ministry dissolved Parliament and
   appealed to the constituencies, with the result of a defeat on
   that appeal. The Bond party won in the elections by a majority
   of two, which barely enabled it to carry a resolution of want
   of confidence in the government when Parliament was
   reassembled, in October. The Ministry of Sir Gordon Sprigg
   resigned, and a new one was formed with Mr. Schreiner at its
   head.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1898-1899.
   Continued dispute with the British Government
   concerning Suzerainty.

   During 1898 and half of 1899, a new dispute, raised by Mr.
   Chamberlain's emphatic assertion of the suzerainty of Great
   Britain over the South African Republic, went on between the
   British Colonial Office and the government at Pretoria.
   Essentially, the question at issue seemed to lie between a
   word and a fact and the difference between the disputants was
   the difference between the meanings they had severally drawn
   from the omission of the word "suzerainty" from the London
   Convention of 1884. On one side could be quoted the report
   which the Transvaal deputation to London, in 1884, had made to
   their Volksraad, when they brought the treaty back, and
   recommended that it be approved. The treaty, they reported,
   "is entirely bilateral [meaning that there were two sides in
   the making of it] whereby your representatives were not placed
   in the humiliating position of merely having to accept from a
   Suzerain Government a one-sided document as rule and
   regulation, but whereby they were recognized as a free
   contracting party. It makes, then, also an end of the British
   suzerainty, and, with the official recognition of her name,
   also restores her full self-government to the South African
   Republic, excepting one single limitation regarding the
   conclusion of treaties with foreign powers (Article 4). With
   the suzerainty the various provisions and limitations of the
   Pretoria Convention which Her Majesty's Government as suzerain
   had retained have also, of course, lapsed."

   On the other side, Mr. Chamberlain could quote with effect
   from a speech which Lord Derby, then the British Colonial
   Secretary, who negotiated the Convention of 1884 with the Boer
   envoys, made on the 17th of March, that year, in the House of
   Lords. As reported in Hansard, Lord Derby had then dealt with
   the very question of suzerainty, as involved in the new
   convention, and had set forth his own understanding of the
   effect of the latter in the following words: "Then the noble
   Earl (Earl Cadogan) said that the object of the Convention had
   been to abolish the suzerainty of the British Crown. The word
   'suzerainty' is a very vague word, and I do not think it is
   capable of any precise legal definition.
{481}
   Whatever we may understand by it, I think it is not very easy
   to define. But I apprehend, whether you call it a
   protectorate, or a suzerainty, or the recognition of England
   as a paramount Power, the fact is that a certain controlling
   power is retained when the State which exercises this
   suzerainty has a right to veto any negotiations into which the
   dependent State may enter with foreign Powers. Whatever
   suzerainty meant in the Convention of Pretoria, the condition
   of things which it implied still remains; although the word is
   not actually employed, we have kept the substance. We have
   abstained from using the word because it was not capable of
   legal definition, and because it seemed to be a word which was
   likely to lead to misconception and misunderstanding."

      _Great Britain,
      Papers by Command: C. 9507, 1899, pages 24 and 34._

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1899 (March).
   Petition of British subjects to the Queen.

   A fresh excitement of discontent in the Rand, due especially
   to the shooting of an Englishman by a Boer policeman, whom the
   Boer authorities seemed disposed to punish lightly or not at
   all, led to the preparation of a petition to the British
   Queen, from her subjects in the South African Republic,
   purporting to be signed in the first instance by 21,684, and
   finally by 23,000. The genuineness of many of the signatures
   was disputed by the Boers, but strenuously affirmed by those
   who conducted the circulation of the petition. It set forth
   the grievances of the memorialists at length, and prayed Her
   Majesty to cause them to be investigated, and to direct her
   representative in South Africa to take measures for securing
   from the South African Republic a recognition of their rights.
   The petition was forwarded to the Colonial Office on the 28th
   of March.

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command: 1899, C. 9345._

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1899 (May-June).
   The Bloemfontein Conference between President Kruger and
   the British High Commissioner, Sir Alfred Milner.

   There seems to be no mode in which the questions at issue
   between the British and the Boers, and the attitude of the two
   parties, respectively, in their contention with each other,
   can be represented more accurately than by quoting essential
   parts of the official report of a formal conference between
   President Kruger and the British High Commissioner in South
   Africa, Sir Alfred Milner, which was held at Bloemfontein, the
   capital of the Orange Free State, during five days, May
   31-June 5, 1899. The meeting was arranged by President Steyn,
   of the Orange Free State, with a view to bringing about an
   adjustment of differences by a free and full discussion of
   them, face to face. In the official report of the
   conversations that occurred, from which we shall quote, the
   remarks of President Kruger are given as being made by the
   "President," and those of the High Commissioner as by "His
   Excellency." The latter, invited by the President to speak
   first, said:

   "There are a considerable number of open questions between Her
   Majesty's Government and the Government of the South African
   Republic on which there is at present no sign of agreement. On
   the contrary, disagreements seem to increase as time goes on.
   … In my personal opinion the cause of many of the points of
   difference, and the most serious ones, arises out of the
   policy pursued by the Government of the South African Republic
   towards the Uitlander population of that Republic among whom
   many thousands are British subjects. This policy, the bitter
   feeling it engenders between the Government and a section of
   Uitlanders, and the effect of the resulting tension in South
   Africa, and the feeling of sympathy in Great Britain, and even
   throughout the British Empire generally, with the Uitlander
   population, creates an irritated state of public opinion on
   both sides, which renders it much more difficult for the two
   Governments to settle their differences amicably. It is my
   strong conviction that if the Government of the South African
   Republic could now, before things get worse, of its own motion
   change its policy towards the Uitlanders, and take measures
   calculated to content the reasonable people among them, who,
   after all, are a great majority, such a course would not only
   strengthen the independence of the Republic but it would make
   such a better state of feeling all round that it would become
   far easier to settle outstanding questions between the two
   Governments. … The President, in coming here, has made a
   reservation as to the independence of the Republic. I cannot
   see that it is in any way impairing the independence of the
   Republic for Her Majesty's Government to support the cause of
   the Uitlanders as far as it is reasonable. A vast number of
   them are British subjects. If we had an equal number of
   British subjects and equally large interests in any part of
   the world, even in a country which was not under any
   conventional obligations to Her Majesty's Government we should
   be bound to make representations to the Government in the
   interests of Her Majesty's subjects, and to point out that the
   intense discontent of those subjects stood in the way of the
   cordial relations which we desire to exist between us. I know
   that the citizens of the South African Republic are intensely
   jealous of British interference in their internal affairs.
   What I want to impress upon the President is that if the
   Government of the South African Republic of its own accord,
   from its own sense of policy and justice, would afford a more
   liberal treatment to the Uitlander population, this would not
   increase British interference, but enormously diminish it. If
   the Uitlanders were in a position to help themselves they
   would not always be appealing to us under the Convention. …

   "President.—I shall be brief. I have come with my commission,
   in the trust that Your Excellency is a man capable of
   conviction, to go into all points of difference. … I should
   like His Excellency to go point by point in this discussion,
   so that we can discuss each point that he thinks requires
   attention, not with a view to at once coming to a decision,
   but to hear each side, and we can go back on any point if
   necessary, and see if we can arrive at an understanding. I
   would like to give concessions as far as is possible and
   practicable, but I want to speak openly, so that His
   Excellency may be able to understand. I should like to say
   that the memorials placed before Her Majesty's Government came
   from those who do not speak the truth. I mean to convey that
   we do give concessions wherever we think it practicable to do
   so, and after we have discussed it in a friendly way Your
   Excellency will be able to judge whether I or the memorialists
   are right. I have said that if there are any mistakes on our
   side, we are willing to discuss them. Even in any matter
   concerning internal affairs I would be willing to listen to
   his advice if he said it could be removed in this way or that
   way. But when I show him that by the point we may be
   discussing our independence may be touched, I trust he will be
   open to conviction on that subject. …

{482}

   "His Excellency.—I think the point which it would be best to
   take first, if the President agrees, … would be the Franchise.
   … There are a number of questions more or less resting upon
   that. … I should like to know a little more about the
   President's views. I want to know more because if I were to
   begin and say I want this, that, and the other, I know I
   should be told this was dictation. I do not want to formulate
   a scheme of my own, but I can, if necessary.

   "President.—As long as I understand that it is meant in a
   friendly manner, and you mean to give hints, I won't take it
   that they are commands. It has already been arranged that you
   give me friendly hints and advice, and I will not take it as
   dictation, even though it should be on points on which I
   should consider you have no right to interfere. … I would like
   you to bear one point in view, namely, that all kinds of
   nations and languages, of nearly all powers, have rushed in at
   the point where the gold is to be found. In other countries …
   there are millions of old burghers, and the few that come in
   cannot out-vote the old burghers, but with us, those who
   rushed in to the gold fields are in large numbers and of all
   kinds, and the number of old burghers is still insignificant;
   therefore we are compelled to make the franchise so that they
   cannot all rush into it at once, and as soon as we can assure
   ourselves by a gradual increase of our burghers that we can
   safely do it, our plan was to reduce the time for anyone there
   to take up the franchise, and that is also my plan. … As His
   Excellency doubtless knows, I have proposed to the Volksraad
   that the time should be reduced by five years, and gradually
   as more trusted burghers join our numbers, we can, perhaps, go
   further. There are a number who really do not want the
   franchise, but they use it as pretext to egg on people with
   Her Majesty. … You must remember, also, on this subject, that
   the burghers in our Republic are our soldiers, who must
   protect the land, and that we have told these men to come and
   fight when we have had difficulties with the Kaffirs. They
   wanted the vote, but they would not come and fight. Those who
   were willing to help obtained the franchise, but it appears
   that many do not want to have it.

   "His Excellency.—They did not want to take the obligations
   without the rights of citizenship, and in that I sympathize
   with them. If they should obtain that right, then naturally
   they would have to take those burdens upon them.

   "President.—Those who want the franchise should bear the
   burdens.

   "His Excellency.—Yes. Immediately they get the franchise they
   take upon themselves the obligations connected therewith."

   [From this the talk wandered to the subject of commandeering,
   until the High Commissioner brought it back to the franchise
   question.]

   "His Excellency.—If I made a proposal to admit strangers under
   such conditions as to swamp the old burghers it would be
   unreasonable. But the newcomers have, at present, no influence
   on the legislation of the Republic, which makes an enormous
   difference. They haven't got a single representative. The
   First Volksraad consists of 28 members, and not one member
   represents the feelings of the large Uitlander population.

   "President.—Men from any country could after two years vote
   for the Second Volksraad, and after two years more sit in the
   Second Raad. There are Englishmen who have obtained the full
   franchise in that way, and are eligible for the Volksraad. And
   now I have proposed to shorten the last ten years of the
   period required for the full franchise and make it five years.

   "His Excellency.—There are a great many objections of the
   gravest kind to the process by which men may now obtain
   burgher rights. First of all, before he can begin the process
   of gradually securing burgher rights—which will be completed
   in 14 years at present, and in 9 years according to the
   President—he has to forswear his own allegiance. Take the case
   of a British subject, which interests me most. He takes the
   oath, and ceases to be a British subject by the mere fact of
   taking that oath; he loses all the rights of a British
   subject, and he would still have to wait for 12 years, and
   under the new plan 7 years, before he can become a full
   citizen of the Republic. British subjects are discouraged by
   such a law from attempting to get the franchise. Even if they
   wanted to become citizens, they would not give up their
   British citizenship on the chance of becoming in 12 years
   citizens of the Republic.

   "President.—The people are the cause of that themselves. In
   1870 anyone being in the land for one year had the full
   franchise.

   "His Excellency.—That was very liberal.

   "President.—In 1881, after the war of independence, some of
   our officials and even members of our Raad then said that they
   were still British subjects, although they had taken the oath
   of allegiance, and I had to pay back, out of the £250,000,
   what I had commandeered from them. That was the reason the
   oath had to be altered. …

   "His Excellency.—In 1882, after all this had happened, there
   was a franchise law in the Transvaal, which demanded five
   years' residence, but it did not require the oath that is now
   taken. It required a simple declaration of allegiance to the
   State, though all this that the President refers to happened
   before. Why was not it necessary to introduce this alteration
   then?

   "President.—The people who, before the annexation, had taken
   that oath, but had not forsworn their nationality, 1887, sent
   a lying memorial, as they are sending lying memorials now, to
   say that everybody was satisfied, as they now say that
   everybody is dissatisfied.

   "His Excellency.—I think I must just explain a little more
   clearly my views on the point we are now discussing. … I think
   it is unreasonable to ask a man to forswear one citizenship
   unless in the very act of giving up one he gets another, and I
   think it is also unnecessary to ask him to do more than take
   an oath of fealty to the new State, of willingness to obey its
   laws and to defend its independence, when it is known and
   certain that the taking of that oath deprives him of his
   existing citizenship. I think the oath should be a simple oath
   of allegiance, and that it should not be required of a man
   until the moment he can get full rights in a new State. Now
   that was the position under the law of 1882, and all these
   reasons which the President has been giving are based on what
   happened before that.
{483}
   Why were they not considered and acted upon when the law of
   1882 was made? … As for the period required to qualify for the
   full franchise, I do not see why the length of time should be
   longer in the South African Republic than in any other South
   African State. They are all new countries. In the new country
   which is springing up in the north, and which is getting a new
   Constitution this year, the period is one year. The people who
   have conquered that country for the white race may find that
   the newcomers are more numerous than they are. But I do not
   expect that anything like that will be done in the South
   African Republic; something far short of that would be
   reasonable. What I do think and desire, and that is the object
   of my suggestion, is this: that the numerous foreign population
   engaged in commerce and industry—to which the country, after
   all, owes its present great position in wealth and influence—
   should have a real share in the government of the Republic,
   not to over-rule the old burghers—not at all—but to share the
   work of Government with them, to give them the benefit of
   their knowledge and experience, which is in many cases greater
   than that of the old burghers, so that through their gradual
   co-operation a time may come when, instead of being divided
   into two separate communities they will all be burghers of the
   same State. It is not enough that a few people should be let
   in. It is obvious, however, that you could not let in the
   whole crowd, without character or anything—I do not ask
   it—but you want such a substantial measure that in elections
   of members of the Volksraad the desires of the new industrial
   population should have reasonable consideration. They have not
   got it now, and when the questions that interest them come
   before the Volksraad it is too evident that they are discussed
   from an outside point of view. The industrial population are
   regarded as strangers. … I do not want to swamp the old
   population, but it is perfectly possible to give the new
   population an immediate voice in the legislation, and yet to
   leave the old burghers in such a position that they cannot
   possibly be swamped.

   "President.—I hope you will be open to conviction on that
   point. I would like to convince you on the subject, and to
   show you that it would be virtually to give up the
   independence of my burghers. In the Republic the majority of
   the enfranchised burghers consider they are the masters. Our
   enfranchised burghers are probably about 30,000, and the
   newcomers may be from 60,000 to 70,000, and if we give them
   the franchise to-morrow we may as well give up the Republic. I
   hope you will clearly see that I shall not get it through with
   my people. We can still consult about the form of oath, but we
   cannot make the time too short, because we would never get it
   through with the people—they have had bitter experience. I
   hope His Excellency will think about what I have said, and
   weigh it well.

   "His Excellency.—I see your point, and want to meet it.

   "President.—I will think over what has been said, and will try
   and meet every difficulty.

   At the opening of the Conference on the second day the
   President spoke of reports of an increase of British forces in
   South Africa, which the High Commissioner assured him were
   untrue. The latter in turn referred to accounts that had
   appeared of an extensive purchase of arms in the Transvaal;
   and was assured by the President that the armament of the
   burghers was only for their proper preparation to deal with
   the surrounding natives. The President then produced a
   memorial purporting to be signed by 21,000 Uitlanders,
   contradictory of the representations contained in the memorial
   sent to the Queen in March (see above). After discussion upon
   this, the conversation returned to the question of the
   franchise.

   "His Excellency.—What makes this whole discussion so difficult
   is the intense prejudice on the side of the present burghers,
   and their intense suspicion of us. They think Her Majesty's
   Government wants to get their country back in one way or
   another. Her Majesty's Government does not; but what it does
   desire is that it should have such a state of rest in the
   country as will remove causes of friction and difficulty
   between the Republic and Her Majesty's possessions in South
   Africa, and the whole of the British Empire, and my
   suggestions here are directed to that end. I do not want to
   say it over and over again, I say it once for all. …

   "President.—I should like to make a slight explanation to His
   Excellency. His Excellency yesterday mentioned that in some
   States those going in from outside speedily got burgher
   rights, but he must not forget, as I said before, they are
   glad of the people who come in. But, here we have all nations
   and all kinds, and if they were to get burgher rights quickly
   then that would be the end of our independence, and then they
   could send us away where they liked. I would like His
   Excellency to bear that in mind.

   "His Excellency.—I do not see how the old burghers can have it
   both ways. They cannot have a very large population streaming
   in to develop the resources of the country, and giving it a
   much higher position in the world than it would otherwise
   have, and at the same time exclude these people from
   participation in the Government of the country.

   "President.—Your Excellency must bear this in mind. There is
   no Gold Law in the world that is so liberal as that of the
   Republic."

   The President then recurred to the right which the Uitlanders
   might obtain, of voting for the Second Volksraad after two
   years, and becoming eligible to seats in it after four years,
   and said that it was in the Second Volksraad that their own
   interests were dealt with—not in the First. The High
   Commissioner asked if the Second Raad could act without
   consent of the First. The President acknowledged that the
   latter could alter any law which "appears to be against the
   general welfare," but contended that it had no wish to go into
   gold field matters, though it has the power, and that it had
   interfered with action of the Second Rand in but three or four
   instances. The High Commissioner remarked that Uitlanders who
   abandoned their own nationality to wait years for full
   citizenship in the Republic might have the latter prospect
   taken away from them at any moment by a single resolution of
   the First Raad. The President replied: "They haven't done it
   yet. The legislatures of all the world have the same power."
   To which the High Commissioner made answer: "This power
   existing, the new comers cannot be expected—I should not
   recommend one of them—to give up his present citizenship for
   the mere chance of becoming a citizen of the new country."

{484}

   "His Excellency.—If the President thinks we are asking too
   much … I must report to Her Majesty's Government that the
   President rejects our friendly suggestions.

   "The President.—I would be misleading you if I should tell you
   that I can give all the strangers the franchise in a very
   short time. I would consider that our independence was
   sacrificed thereby: but I say this, let His Excellency keep
   impartially in view my points of difficulty, and let him make
   his proposals and submit them to us, so that we can consider
   them and judge about them. … I have already said that perhaps
   means may be found to alter the form of oath. … I would now
   like His Excellency to propose a scheme.

   "His Excellency.— … What I suggest is this: That every
   foreigner who can prove satisfactorily that he has been
   resident in the country for five years, and that he desires to
   make it his permanent place of residence, that he is prepared
   to take the oath to obey the laws, to undertake all the
   obligations of citizenship, and to defend the independence of
   the country, should be allowed to become a citizen on taking
   that oath. This should be confined to persons possessing a
   certain amount of property, or a certain amount of yearly
   wages, and who have good characters. In order to make that
   proposal of any real use for the new citizens who mostly live
   in one district in the Republic, and a district which only
   returns one member in 28 to the First Raad, and one in 28 to
   the Second Raad, I propose that there should be a certain
   number of new constituencies created, the number of which is a
   detail upon the discussion of which I will not now enter. But
   what is vital from my point of view is that the number of
   these districts should not be so small as to leave the
   representatives of the new population in a contemptible
   minority.

   "President.—With us the majority of the enfranchised burghers
   constitutes the ruling voice, and must be listened to in the
   Volksraad. If the 60,000 came in immediately, they would swamp
   the 30,000. … I mean this: that if they are all enfranchised then
   they would at once form the majority of the whole population,
   and the majority of enfranchised burghers, according to our
   law, must be listened to by the Volksraad; since in a Republic
   we cannot leave the sovereign voice out of account.

   "His Excellency.—This is pure theory, that the Volksraad have
   to do what the majority of the people desire. The Volksraad
   does what it considers right in its own eyes; it is elected by
   the people, and does what it thinks right, and the President has
   made it quite clear during the last year or two that anything
   the Volksraad does is law."

   At an afternoon meeting on the same day, there was a long
   discussion of the dynamite grievance of the Uitlanders, and
   the President wished to bring up other points; but the High
   Commissioner objected:

   "His Excellency.—I think the discussion will be of
   interminable length if we are to proceed in this way, and if
   we cannot approach one another on the point on which I have
   made my suggestions, and which lies outside all the pending
   questions between the two Governments, these other
   controversies may as well be allowed to go on in the usual
   course. If the President to-morrow will give me an answer on
   the first subject I raised, and then wishes to bring forward
   his grievances, I will consider them to-morrow. I do not want
   to go on with a long list of my own until I understand what is
   the basis on which I stand in regard to what I consider the
   most important question of all.

   "President.—I think it would be as well if we returned in a
   little while to discuss our points, but I would like to give
   His Excellency some things to think over. The first point I
   would like to mention is my wish that Swaziland should now be
   handed over to me as a portion of my land. … Secondly, the
   demand made with regard to the damages for the Jameson Raid,
   Mr. Chamberlain said he was against paying the million, but he
   is not against paying the expenses incurred. Thirdly, that
   differences such as those now existing between us, should be
   settled by arbitration, and then no war or quarrel could arise
   between us. … These are some of the questions I wish His
   Excellency to think about."

   At the opening of the Conference on the third day, the
   President sought to commit the High Commissioner to an
   "understanding," that "if we came," he said, "to some
   agreement on the franchise Her Majesty's Government then would
   engage not in any way to concern itself with internal affairs in
   the Republic any longer, and that in future questions that
   then may arise, whether out of the Convention or otherwise,
   Her Majesty would agree to have such questions referred to
   arbitration." The High Commissioner declined to deal with the
   subject of the franchise as a matter of "bargain." It was a
   subject of grievances and discontent, dangerous to the
   Republic and dangerous to the relations between the Republic
   and Great Britain, which ought to be dealt with on its merits
   alone. Nevertheless, after some controversy, he said:

   "His Excellency.— … As far as the Jameson Indemnity is
   concerned I know that a despatch is on the way to me at this
   present moment, which forwards a statement from the British
   South Africa Company examining the details of the claim which
   has been sent in, and asking that the question of the amount
   payable in respect of the Raid may be submitted to
   arbitration. I have received a telegram that that despatch is
   coming. The position is this—the British Government have
   admitted in principle that the Company must pay what is fairly
   due on account of that raid; but the question of the amount is
   still under discussion, and I hope that this proposal will lead
   to a settlement. As to the question of arbitration, which I
   think is the matter that interests the President most, I am in
   so far entirely with him that I want if possible to have in
   future as few questions to discuss with the Government of the
   South African Republic, as I now have with the Government of
   the Orange Free State. I feel that the President will need, if
   he accepts my scheme of franchise, or any other similar
   proposal, to have some assurance that there shall not be
   perpetual controversies between him and England, and that if
   there are controversies, some regular way of dealing with them
   should be devised.
{485}
   The President once proposed that some question, or a number of
   questions, should be submitted to the President of the Swiss
   Republic. The British Government refused that on the general
   principle—from which I am sure they will not depart—that they
   will not have any foreign Government, or any foreign
   interference at all, between them and the South African
   Republic. But if some other method can be devised of
   submitting to an impartial tribunal questions that may in
   future arise between us, and perhaps even some questions which
   exist at present—but in any case to provide for the future—if
   such a plan can be devised and suggested to me, I will lay it
   before Her Majesty's Government and do what I can personally
   to assist in a satisfactory solution of the matter. The
   President must understand that I cannot pledge Her Majesty's
   Government in any way on this subject. The question has taken
   me by surprise; I didn't come here contemplating a discussion
   on it, but I must say if it could be satisfactorily arranged
   while excluding the interference of the foreigner, it would
   seem to me to open a way out of many difficulties. But all the
   same, I adhere firmly to my proposal that we should first try
   and settle on the scheme which the President would accept as
   regards the matter which I put forward."

   At the close of the morning interview, both parties expressed
   hopelessness of agreement. On meeting again in the afternoon,
   the President submitted in writing the following proposals
   concerning the franchise: "As the purpose I had in view at
   this Conference principally consists in the removal of
   existing grounds of disagreement and further to provide for
   the friendly regulation of the way of settling future disputes
   by means of arbitration, the following proposals with regard to
   the franchise must be considered as conditional and dependent
   on the satisfactory settlement of the first mentioned points,
   and on the request that my request to incorporate Swaziland in
   the South African Republic shall be submitted by the High
   Commissioner to Her Majesty's Government. Subject to the
   foregoing I undertake to submit without delay to the approval
   of the Volksraad and the people the following proposals about
   the franchise:

   "I. Every person who fixes his residence in the South African
   Republic has to get himself registered on the Field-cornets'
   books within fourteen days after his arrival according to the
   existing law; will be able after complying with the conditions
   mentioned under 'A.,' and after the lapse of two years to get
   himself naturalised; and will five years after naturalisation,
   on complying with the conditions mentioned under 'B.,' obtain
   the full franchise.

   "A.—
   1. Six months' notice of intention to apply for naturalisation;
   2. Two years' continued registration;
   3. Residence in the South African Republic during that period;
   4. No dishonouring sentence;
   5. Proof of obedience to the laws; no act against Government
   or independence;
   6. Proof of full State citizenship and franchise or title
   thereto in former country;
   7. Possession of unmortgaged fixed property to the value of
   £150 approximately, or occupation of house to the rental of
   £50 per annum, or yearly income of at least £200. Nothing,
   however, shall prevent the Government from granting
   naturalisation to persons who have not satisfied this
   condition;
   8. Taking of an oath similar to that of the Orange
   Free State.

   "B.—
   1. Continuous registration five years after naturalisation;
   2. Continuous residence during that period;
   3. No dishonouring sentence;
   4. Proof of obedience to the laws, &c.;
   5. Proof that applicant still complies with the condition A(7).

   "II. Furthermore, the full franchise shall be obtained in the
   following manner:—
   (a.)
   Those who have fixed their residence in the South African
   Republic before the taking effect of Act 4, 1890, and who get
   themselves naturalised within six months after the taking
   effect of this Act on complying with the conditions under 1A,
   shall obtain the full franchise two years after such
   naturalisation on proof of compliance with the conditions
   mentioned under 1B (altering the five into two years). Those
   who do not get themselves naturalised within six months under
   Article 1,
   (b.)
   Those who have been resident in the South African Republic for
   two years or more can get themselves immediately naturalised
   on compliance with the conditions under 1A., and shall five
   years after naturalisation obtain the full franchise on
   compliance with the conditions under 1B.
   (c.)
   Those who have been already naturalised shall five years after
   naturalisation obtain the full franchise on compliance with
   the conditions under 1B."

   At the meeting next day, the High Commissioner presented to
   the President a written memorandum in reply to the proposals
   of the latter. He admitted that "the scheme proposed is a
   considerable advance upon the existing provisions as to
   franchise," but said that he could not recommend its
   acceptance as adequate to the needs of the case. "Under this
   plan," he continued, "no man who is not already naturalised,
   even if he has been in the country 13 or 14 years, will get a
   vote for the First Volksraad in less than 2½ years from the
   passing of the new law. There will be no considerable number
   of people obtaining that vote in less than five years, that is
   if they come in and naturalise. But I fear the majority of
   them will not come in, because the scheme retains that
   unfortunate provision, first introduced in 1890, by which,
   owing to the two stages—first, naturalisation with a partial
   franchise, and then, after five years, full franchise—a man
   has to abandon his old citizenship before he becomes a
   full-fledged citizen of his new country. My plan avoided this.
   My doctrine is that, however long a period of residence you
   fix before a man becomes a citizen of your State, you should
   admit him, once for all, to full rights on taking the oath of
   allegiance. And this is especially important in the South
   African Republic, because, owing to the facility and frequency
   with which laws—even fundamental laws—are altered, the man who
   takes the oath and thereby loses his old country will never
   feel quite sure that something may not happen in the interval,
   when he is only half a citizen, to prevent his becoming a whole
   one. The vote for the First Volksraad is the essential point.
   According to the present constitution of the Transvaal, the
   First Volksraad and the President really are the State. But
   under this scheme it will be a considerable time before any
   number of Uitlanders worth mentioning can vote for the First
   Volksraad, and even then they will only command one or two
   seats. My point was to give them at once a few
   representatives. They might be a minority, even a small
   minority.
{486}
   I have said over and over again I do not want to swamp the old
   burghers. But as long as the representatives of the new comers
   are entirely excluded from the supreme legislative council,
   they will, as a body, remain an inferior caste. The
   co-operation and gradual blending of the two sections of the
   population will not take place. The old separation and
   hostility will continue. I see no prospect here of that
   concord to which I had looked both to bring about a more
   progressive system of government, and to remove causes of
   friction between the Government of the South African Republic
   and Great Britain. For these reasons I regret to say the
   scheme seems to me so inadequate that I think it would be
   wasting the time of the Conference to discuss its details."

   The President rejoined in another memorandum, which added one
   more to his former proposals, namely this: "I am ready to
   propose and to recommend to the First Volksraad to increase
   the number of members of the First Volksraad, whereby the Gold
   Fields will be represented by five, instead of as now by two,
   members."

   The response to this by the High Commissioner was a review, at
   length, of all that had been proposed, leading to the
   conclusion which he expressed as follows:

   "If I am asked whether I think they will satisfy the Uitlander
   community, and are calculated to relieve the British
   Government from further solicitude on the score of its
   Uitlander subjects, I cannot answer in the affirmative. Still
   less can I encourage the idea that the British Government can
   be asked to give something in exchange for such legislation
   as the President proposes. My own proposal was put forward in
   no bargaining spirit. I asked myself, in advancing it, what is
   the smallest measure of reform that will really be of any use,
   that is to say, which will allay the present unrest and enable
   the Uitlanders to exercise within a reasonable time an
   appreciable influence on the Government of the country. It was
   in that spirit that I suggested the outline of a scheme,
   intentionally not working it out in detail (for I was ready to
   listen as to details), but indicating a certain minimum from
   which I am not prepared to depart. … When I came here I came
   in the hope that I might be able to report to Her Majesty's
   Government that measures were about to be adopted which would
   lead to such an improvement in the situation as to relieve Her
   Majesty's Government from pressing for the redress of
   particular grievances on the ground that the most serious
   causes of complaint would now gradually be removed from
   within. I do not feel that what His Honour has seen his way to
   propose in the matter of franchise or what he indicates as the
   extreme length to which he might, at some future time, be
   willing to go in the extension of local government is
   sufficient to justify me in reporting in that sense."

   The Conference was ended by a last memorandum from the
   President, in which he said: "As it is my earnest wish that
   this Conference should not be fruitless, I wish to make the
   following proposal to His Excellency, viz.:—As according to
   his own admission my proposal about franchise is an important
   step in the right direction, I shall be prepared to lay my
   proposal before the Volksraad and to recommend it, even though
   His Excellency does not fully agree with it. From his side I
   shall then expect that His Excellency will lay before and
   recommend to Her Majesty's Government my request about
   arbitration on future matters of difference under the
   Convention. His Excellency will, however, readily understand
   that if Her Majesty's Government should not meet me so far, so
   as to grant my acknowledged fair request for arbitration, it
   could be with difficulty expected that the people of the South
   African Republic would approve of my comprehensive proposal
   with regard to franchise."

      _Great Britain,
      Papers by Command: 1899, C. 9404._

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1899 (May-August).
   Advice to President Kruger from Cape Afrikanders, and
   from Holland and Germany.

   Several private letters written at the time of these
   occurrences by Sir J. E. De Villiers, a leading Afrikander,
   Chief Justice of Cape Colony, and one of the Commissioners who
   negotiated the Convention of 1881, addressed to persons who
   might have influence with President Kruger, were made public a
   year later. In the first of these letters, written to
   President Steyn of the Orange Free State, on the 21st of May,
   1899, Justice De Villiers used strong expressions, as follows:
   "On my recent visit to Pretoria I did not visit the President
   as I considered it hopeless to think of making any impression
   on him, but I saw Reitz, Smuts, and Schalk Burger, who, I
   thought, would be amenable to argument, but I fear that either
   my advice had no effect on them, or else their opinion had no
   weight with the President. I urged upon them to advise the
   President to open the Volksraad with promises of a liberal
   franchise and drastic reforms. It would have been so much
   better if these had come voluntarily from the Government
   instead of being gradually forced from them. In the former
   case they would rally the greater number of the malcontents
   around them, in the latter case no gratitude will be felt to
   the Republic for any concessions made by it. Besides, there
   can be no doubt that as the alien population increases, as it
   undoubtedly will, their demands will increase with their
   discontent, and ultimately a great deal more will have to be
   conceded than will now satisfy them. The franchise proposal
   made by the President seems to be simply ridiculous. I am
   quite certain that if in 1881 it had been known to my fellow
   Commissioners that the President would adopt his retrogressive
   policy, neither President Brand nor I would ever have induced
   them to consent to sign the Convention. They would have
   advised the Secretary of State to let matters revert to the
   condition in which they were before peace was concluded; in
   other words, to recommence the war. … If I had any influence
   with the President I would advise him no longer to sit on the
   boiler to prevent it from bursting. Some safety-valves are
   required for the activities of the new population. In their
   irritation they abuse the Government, often unjustly, in the
   press, and send petitions to the Queen; but that was only to
   be expected. Let the Transvaal Legislature give them a liberal
   franchise and allow them local self-government for their
   towns, and some portion of the discontent will be allayed. The
   enemies of the Transvaal will not be satisfied; on the
   contrary, the worst service that can be done to them is the
   redress of the grievance, but it is the friends of the country
   who should be considered."

{487}

   On the 31st of July, the Justice wrote still more urgently and
   impatiently to a Mr. Fischer, who was in close relations with
   the Transvaal President: "I do not think that President Kruger
   and his friends realize the gravity of the situation. Even now
   the State Secretary is doing things which would be almost
   farcical if the times were not so serious. Some time ago I
   begged of him to drop the censorship of telegrams because it
   serves no useful purpose and only delays the publication of
   lies by a few days. His answer was that the Government should
   not disseminate lies by its own wires. He might as well have
   said Government should not disseminate lies by its own
   post-office. To crown all, I see that he has now gone so far
   as to stop a private telegram (which had been paid for)
   because it contained a lie. I really do not know where he is
   going to stop or whether he intends to guarantee that all
   telegrams allowed to pass contain the truth and nothing but
   the truth. Could you not induce him to stop such childish
   nonsense? The Transvaal will soon not have a single friend
   left among the cultivated classes. Then there is the Franchise
   Bill, which is so obscure that the State Attorney had to issue an
   explanatory memorandum to remove the obscurities. But surely a
   law should be clear enough to speak for itself, and no
   Government or Court of Law will be bound by the State
   Attorney's explanations. I do not know what those explanations
   are, but the very fact that they are required condemns the
   Bill. That Bill certainly does not seem quite to carry out the
   promises made to you, Mr. Hofmeyr, and Mr. Herholdt. The time
   really has come when the friends of the Transvaal must induce
   President Kruger to become perfectly frank and take the
   newcomers into his confidence. It may be a bitter pill to have
   to swallow in yielding to further demands, but it is quite
   clear to the world that he would not have done as much as he
   has done if pressure had not been applied. What one fears is
   that he will do things in such a way as to take away all grace
   from his concessions. Try to induce him to meet Mr.
   Chamberlain in a friendly manner and at once remove all the
   causes of unrest which have disturbed this unhappy country for
   so many years. As one who signed the Convention in 1881, I can
   assure you that my fellow Commissioners would not have signed
   it if they had not been led to believe that President Kruger's
   policy towards the Uitlanders would have been very different
   from what it has been."

   Three confidential despatches sent to President Kruger, in the
   same period, by the Minister for Foreign Affairs in the
   Netherlands government were laid before the States General at
   The Hague, October 25, 1900, and made public through Reuter's
   press agency, as follows:

   "In the first despatch, which is dated May 13, 1899, the
   Minister states that news received from different capitals
   leads him to believe in the imminence of the danger of a
   violent solution of the problem in South Africa. As a faithful
   friend he counsels Mr. Kruger in the true interests of the
   Republic to show himself as conciliatory and moderate as
   possible, and adds that he learns from a trustworthy source
   that the German Government fully shares that opinion. Mr.
   Kruger replied that he had always been conciliatory and did
   not desire war, but that he could not sacrifice the
   independence of the Republic. He was willing enough to grant
   the suffrage, but he could not tolerate Englishmen remaining
   subjects of the Queen while receiving at the same time the
   right to vote in the Republic. In the second despatch, dated
   August 4, 1899, the Netherlands Minister for Foreign Affairs
   advised President Kruger, in the interests of the country, not
   to refuse peremptorily the British proposal for an
   international commission. Mr. Kruger replied that the
   commission would not be international, but an Anglo-Transvaal
   commission. He intended to ask for further information from
   Great Britain as to the scope and composition of the
   commission, and did not mean to give a decided refusal.
   Finally, the Netherlands Minister, in a telegram dated August
   15, 1899, stated that the German Government entirely shared
   his opinion as to the inadvisability of declining the English
   proposal, adding that the German Government, like himself, was
   convinced that any request to one of the Great Powers at such
   a critical moment would be barren of result and highly
   dangerous to the Republic. To this Mr. Kruger replied that the
   British proposal would result in very direct interference by
   the English in the internal affairs of the Republic. He added
   that he had no intention of appealing to a Great Power."

   Speaking in the German Reichsrath, on the 10th of December,
   1900, the Imperial Chancellor, Count von Bülow, referred to
   the above publications by the Dutch government, and confirmed
   them, saying that it was in accordance with the views of the
   German Government that the Dutch Foreign Minister "strongly
   advised Mr. Kruger to maintain a moderate attitude. In June,
   1899, Mr. Kruger was advised by Germany through the Dutch
   Government to invite mediation, but Dr. Leyds informed the
   Dutch Minister in Paris that Mr. Kruger did not consider 'that
   the moment had yet come for applying for the mediation of
   America.' Some time afterwards Mr. Kruger made the attempt to
   obtain arbitration, but 'feeling had become too heated,' and
   in August Mr. Kruger complained to the Dutch Government that
   arbitration could not be arranged. The answer to this
   complaint is given in the Dutch Yellow-book under the date of
   August 15, 1899, and points out that the German Government
   would at that date have regarded any appeal to a Great Power
   as hopeless and as very dangerous for the Republics. The
   German Government also shared the Dutch view that Mr. Kruger
   ought not to reject the English proposal then before him."

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1899 (July-September)
   Amendment of the Franchise Law.

   After much discussion and many changes, an amended Franchise
   Law was adopted by the First Volksraad of the Republic and
   published on the 26th of July. It conceded to foreigners who
   had already been resident in the Republic for seven years a
   possibility of obtaining full burgher rights simultaneously
   with the taking of the oath of allegiance, but subjected the
   proceeding to conditions which would make it, in Uitlander
   opinion, of service to very few. The judgment of Sir Alfred
   Milner, the High Commissioner, as expressed to Secretary
   Chamberlain, was to the effect that "the bill, as it stands,
   leaves it practically in the hands of the Government of the
   South African Republic to enfranchise or not enfranchise the
   Uitlanders as it chooses. If worked in a liberal spirit, its
   clumsy and unreasonable provisions may be got over.
{488}
   But if it is to be enforced rigidly, there will be practically
   unlimited opportunities of excluding persons whom the
   Government may consider undesirable, nor does the tone of the
   debate in the Raad leave much doubt as to the spirit in which
   some at least of the authors of the Bill would like to see it
   worked." His criticism applied especially to the certificate
   required from every applicant. "The certificate," he said,
   "which every applicant must obtain from three different
   officials, as to (a) continuous registration and domicile, (b)
   obedience to the laws, (c) committing no crime against the
   independence of the country, is one which these officials,
   even if well disposed, would be able in hardly any case to
   give. None of them can have any such knowledge of the
   Uitlander population as would enable them to give this
   comprehensive certificate; it is acknowledged that some of the
   Johannesburg lists have been lost; and the Field-cornet has, I
   believe, held his present office for less than four years."
   Moreover, a requirement of "continuous" registration "may
   mean," said the High Commissioner, "(and I cannot understand
   what else it could mean) registration for seven years in one
   ward and district; so that a person having resided and been
   registered in one district and subsequently removed to another
   would forfeit the benefit of his first period of residence. Even
   if this were not so, he would doubtless have to get a double
   set of certificates."

   Simultaneously with the publication of the new Franchise Law
   it was announced that the Executive Council had decided to
   give the Witwatersrand Gold Fields a representation of five
   members (out of 31) in the First Volksraad, as well as
   representation by the same number in the Second Volksraad. To
   the British Agent at Pretoria, Mr. Conyngham Greene, this
   seemed to be "so wholly inadequate as not to be worthy of
   serious consideration."

   In view of the complexities and uncertainties involved in the
   new Franchise Law, the High Commissioner addressed the
   following communication to the government of the South African
   Republic, August 1:

   "Her Majesty's Government authorize me to invite President
   South African Republic to appoint delegates to discuss with
   delegates to be appointed by me on behalf of Her Majesty's
   Government, whether Uitlander population will be given
   immediate and substantial representation by franchise law
   recently passed by Volksraad, together with other measures
   connected with it, such as increase of seats, and, if not,
   what additions or alterations may be necessary to secure that
   result. In this discussion it should be understood that the
   delegates of Her Majesty's Government would be free to make
   any suggestions calculated to improve measures in question and
   secure their attaining the end desired."

   The reply to this proposal was given by the Boer government to
   the British Agent at Pretoria in two notes, the first, dated
   August 19, as follows: "With reference to your proposal for a
   joint enquiry contained in your despatches of the 2nd and 3rd
   August, Government of South African Republic have the honour
   to suggest the following alternative proposal for
   consideration of Her Majesty's Government, which this
   Government trusts may lead to a final settlement.

   (1.) The Government are willing to recommend to the Volksraad
   and the people a 5 years' retrospective franchise, as proposed
   by His Excellency the High Commissioner on the 1st June, 1899.

   (2.) The Government are further willing to recommend to the
   Volksraad that 8 new seats in the First Volksraad, and, if
   necessary, also in the Second Volksraad, be given to the
   population of the Witwatersrand, thus with the 2 sitting
   members for the Goldfields giving to the population thereof 10
   representatives in a Raad of 36, and in future the
   representation of the Goldfields of this Republic shall not
   fall below the proportion of one-fourth of the total.

   (3.) The new Burghers shall equally with the old Burghers be
   entitled to vote at the election for State President and
   Commandant-General.

   (4.) This Government will always be prepared to take into
   consideration such friendly suggestions regarding the details
   of the Franchise Law as Her Majesty's Government, through the
   British Agent, may wish to convey to it.

   (5.) In putting forward the above proposals Government of
   South African Republic assumes:

      (a) That Her Majesty's Government will agree that the
      present intervention shall not form a precedent for future
      similar action and that in the future no interference in
      the internal affairs of the Republic will take place.

      (b) That Her Majesty's Government will not further insist
      on the assertion of the suzerainty, the controversy on the
      subject being allowed tacitly to drop.

      (c) That arbitration (from which foreign element other than
      Orange Free State is to be excluded) will be conceded as
      soon as the franchise scheme has become law.

   (6.) Immediately on Her Majesty's Government accepting this
   proposal for a settlement, the Government will ask the
   Volksraad to adjourn for the purpose of consulting the people
   about it, and the whole scheme might become law say within a
   few weeks.

   (7.) In the meantime the form and scope of the proposed
   Tribunal are also to be discussed and provisionally agreed
   upon, while the franchise scheme is being referred to the
   people, so that no time may be lost in putting an end to the
   present state of affairs. The Government trust that Her
   Majesty's Government will clearly understand that in the
   opinion of this Government the existing Franchise Law of this
   Republic is both fair and liberal to the new population, and
   that the consideration that induces them to go further, as
   they do in the above proposals, is their strong desire to get
   the controversies between the two Governments settled, and
   further to put an end to present strained relations between
   the two Governments and the incalculable harm and loss it has
   already occasioned in South Africa, and to prevent a racial
   war from the effects of which South Africa may not recover for
   many generations, perhaps never at all, and therefore this
   Government, having regard to all these circumstances would
   highly appreciate it if Her Majesty's Government, seeing the
   necessity of preventing the present crisis from developing
   still further and the urgency of an early termination of the
   present state of affairs, would expedite the acceptance or
   refusal of the settlement here offered.
      (Signed) F. W. REITZ."

   The second note, which followed on the 21st of August, was
   in these terms:

{489}

   "In continuation of my despatch of the 19th instant and with
   reference to the communication to you of the State Attorney
   this morning, I wish to forward to you the following in
   explanation thereof, with the request that the same may be
   telegraphed to His Excellency the High Commissioner for South
   Africa, as forming part of the proposals of this Government
   embodied in the above-named despatch.

   (1.) The proposals of this Government regarding question of
   franchise and representation contained in that despatch must
   be regarded as expressly conditional on Her Majesty's
   Government consenting to the points set forth in paragraph 5
   of the despatch, viz.:
      (a) In future not to interfere in internal affairs of the
      South African Republic.
      (b) Not to insist further on its assertion of existence of
      suzerainty.
      (c) To agree to arbitration.

   (2.) Referring to paragraph 6 of the despatch, this Government
   trusts that it is clear to Her Majesty's Government that this
   Government has not consulted the Volksraad as to this question
   and will only do so when an affirmative reply to its proposals
   has been received from Her Majesty's Government.
   (Signed) F. W. REITZ."

   The above notes were repeated by cable, in full, to the
   Colonial Secretary, at London, and, on the 28th of August, he
   returned by the same medium his reply, as follows:

   "Her Majesty's Government have considered the proposals which
   the South African Republic Government in their notes to the
   British Agent of 19th and 21st August have put forward as an
   alternative to those contained in my telegram of 31st July.
   Her Majesty's Government assume that the adoption in principle
   of the franchise proposals made by you at Bloemfontein will
   not be hampered by any conditions which would impair their
   effect, and that by proposed increase of seats for the
   Goldfields and by other provisions the South African Republic
   Government intend to grant immediate and substantial
   representation of the Uitlanders. That being so, Her Majesty's
   Government are unable to appreciate the objections entertained
   by the Government of the South African Republic to a Joint
   Commission of Inquiry into the complicated details and
   technical questions upon which the practical effect of the
   proposals depends. Her Majesty's Government, however, will be
   ready to agree that the British Agent, assisted by such other
   persons as you may appoint, shall make the investigation
   necessary to satisfy them that the result desired will be
   achieved and, failing this, to enable them to make those
   suggestions which the Government of the South African Republic
   state that they will be prepared to take into consideration.
   Her Majesty's Government assume that every facility will be
   given to the British Agent by the Government of the South
   African Republic, and they would point out that the inquiry
   will be both easier and shorter if the Government of the South
   African Republic will omit in any future Law the complicated
   conditions of registration, qualification and behaviour which
   accompanied previous proposals, and would have entirely
   nullified their beneficial effect. Her Majesty's Government
   hope that the Government of the South African Republic will
   wait to receive their suggestions founded on the report of the
   British Agent's investigation before submitting a new
   Franchise Law to the Volksraad and the Burghers. With regard
   to the conditions of the Government of the South African
   Republic: First, as regards intervention; Her Majesty's
   Government hope that the fulfilment of the promises made and
   the just treatment of the Uitlanders in future will render
   unnecessary any further intervention on their behalf, but Her
   Majesty's Government cannot of course debar themselves from
   their rights under the Conventions nor divest themselves of
   the ordinary obligations of a civilized Power to protect its
   subjects in a foreign country from injustice. Secondly, with
   regard to suzerainty Her Majesty's Government would refer the
   Government of the South African Republic to the second
   paragraph of my despatch of 13th July. Thirdly, Her Majesty's
   Government agree to a discussion of the form and scope of a
   Tribunal of Arbitration from which foreigners and foreign
   influence are excluded. Such a discussion, which will be of
   the highest importance to the future relations of the two
   countries, should be carried on between the President and
   yourself, and for this purpose it appears to be necessary that
   a further Conference, which Her Majesty's Government suggest
   should be held at Cape Town, should be at once arranged. Her
   Majesty's Government also desire to remind the Government of
   the South African Republic that there are other matters of
   difference between the two Governments which will not be
   settled by the grant of political representation to the
   Uitlanders, and which are not proper subjects for reference to
   arbitration. It is necessary that these should be settled
   concurrently with the questions now under discussion, and they
   will form, with the question of arbitration, proper subjects
   for consideration at the proposed Conference."

   On the 2d of September the Boer government replied to this at
   length, stating that it considered the proposal made in its
   note of August 19 to have lapsed; again objecting to a joint
   inquiry relative to the practical working of the Franchise
   Law, but adding: "If they [the Government] can be of
   assistance to Her Majesty's Government with any information or
   explanation they are always ready to furnish this; though it
   appears to it that the findings of a unilateral Commission,
   especially when arrived at before the working of the law has
   been duly tested, would be premature and thus probably of
   little value."

   Meantime, on the 31st of August, Sir Alfred Milner had
   telegraphed to Mr. Chamberlain: "I am receiving
   representations from many quarters to urge Her Majesty's
   Government to terminate the state of suspense. Hitherto I have
   hesitated to address you on the subject, lest Her Majesty's
   Government should think me impatient. But I feel bound to let
   you know that I am satisfied, from inquiries made in various
   reliable quarters that the distress is now really serious. The
   most severe suffering is at Johannesburg. Business there is at
   a standstill; many traders have become insolvent; and others
   are only kept on their legs by the leniency of their
   creditors. Even the mines, which have been less affected
   hitherto, are now suffering owing to the withdrawal of
   workmen, both European and native. The crisis also affects the
   trading centres in the Colony. In spite of this, the purport
   of all the representations made to me is to urge prompt and
   decided action; not to deprecate further interference on the
   part of Her Majesty's Government. British South Africa is
   prepared for extreme measures, and is ready to suffer much in
   order to see the vindication of British authority. It is
   prolongation of the negotiations, endless and indecisive of
   result, that is dreaded."

{490}

   On the 8th of September, the High Commissioner was instructed
   by Mr. Chamberlain to communicate the following to the
   government of the Transvaal:

   "Her Majesty's Government are still prepared to accept the
   offer made in paragraphs 1, 2, and 3 of the note of the 19th
   August taken by themselves, provided that the inquiry which
   Her Majesty's Government have proposed, whether joint—as Her
   Majesty's Government originally suggested—or unilateral, shows
   that the new scheme of representation will not be encumbered
   by conditions which will nullify the intention to give
   substantial and immediate representation to the Uitlanders. In
   this connection Her Majesty's Government assume that, as
   stated to the British Agent, the new members of the Raad will
   be permitted to use their own language. The acceptance of
   these terms by the Government of the South African Republic
   would at once remove the tension between the two Governments,
   and would in all probability render unnecessary any further
   intervention on the part of Her Majesty's Government to secure
   the redress of grievances which the Uitlanders would
   themselves be able to bring to the notice of the Executive and
   the Raad."

   In a lengthy response to this by State Secretary Reitz,
   September 16, the following are the essential paragraphs:
   "However earnestly this Government also desires to find an
   immediate and satisfactory course by which existing tension
   should be brought to an end, it feels itself quite unable, as
   desired, to recommend or propose to South African Republic
   Volksraad and people the part of its proposal contained in
   paragraphs 1, 2, and 3 of its note 19th August, omitting the
   conditions on the acceptance of which alone the offer was
   based, but declares itself always still prepared to abide by
   its acceptance of the invitation [of] Her Majesty's Government
   to get a Joint Commission composed as intimated in its note of
   2nd September. It considers that if conditions are contained
   in the existing franchise law which has been passed, and in
   the scheme of representation, which might tend to frustrate
   object contemplated, that it will attract the attention of the
   Commission, and thus be brought to the knowledge of this
   Government. This Government has noticed with surprise the
   assertion that it had intimated to British Agent that the new
   members to be chosen for South African Republic Volksraad
   should be allowed to use their own language. If it is thereby
   intended that this Government would have agreed that any other
   than the language of the country would have been used in the
   deliberations of the Volksraad, it wishes to deny same in the
   strongest manner."

   Practically the discussion was ended by a despatch from the
   British Colonial Secretary, September 22d, in which he said;
   "Her Majesty's Government have on more than one occasion
   repeated their assurances that they have no desire to
   interfere in any way with independence of South African
   Republic, provided that the conditions on which it was granted
   are honourably observed in the spirit and in the letter, and
   they have offered as part of a general settlement to give a
   complete guarantee against any attack upon that independence,
   either from within any part of the British dominions or from
   the territory of a foreign State. They have not asserted any
   rights of interference in the internal affairs of the Republic
   other than those which are derived from the Conventions
   between the two countries or which belong to every
   neighbouring Government (and especially to one which has a
   largely predominant interest in the adjacent territories) for
   the protection of its subjects and of its adjoining
   possessions." Referring to his despatch of September 8, the
   Secretary concluded: "The refusal of the Government of the
   South African Republic to entertain the offer thus made,
   coming as it does at the end of nearly four months of
   protracted negotiations, themselves the climax of an agitation
   extending over a period of more than five years, makes it
   useless to further pursue a discussion on the lines hitherto
   followed, and Her Majesty's Government are now compelled to
   consider the situation afresh, and to formulate their own
   proposals for a final settlement of the issues which have been
   created in South Africa by the policy constantly followed for
   many years by the Government of the South African Republic.
   They will communicate to you the result of their deliberations
   in a later despatch."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      1899, C. 9518, 9521, 9530._

SOUTH AFRICA: Orange Free State: A. D. 1899 (September-October).
   The Free State makes common cause with
   the South African Republic.

   On the 27th of September, President Steyn communicated to the
   British High Commissioner a resolution adopted that day by the
   Orange Free State Volksraad, instructing the government to
   continue efforts for peaceful settlement of differences
   between the South African Republic and Great Britain, but
   concluding with the declaration that "if a war is now begun or
   occasioned by Her Majesty's Government against South African
   Republic, this would morally be a war against the whole of
   white population of South Africa and would in its results be
   calamitous and criminal, and further, that Orange Free State
   will honestly and faithfully observe its obligations towards
   South African Republic arising out of the political alliance
   between the two Republics whatever may happen."

   On the 11th of October, the High Commissioner communicated to
   President Steyn the ultimatum that he received from the South
   African Republic, and asked: "In view of Resolution of
   Volksraad of Orange Free State communicated to me in Your
   Honour's telegram of 27th September I have the honour to
   request that I may be informed at Your Honour's earliest
   possible convenience whether this action on the part of the
   South African Republic has Your Honour's concurrence and
   support." The reply of the Orange Free State President was as
   follows:

   "The high handed and unjustifiable policy and conduct of Her
   Majesty's Government in interfering in and dictating in the
   purely internal affairs of South African Republic,
   constituting a flagrant breach of the Convention of London,
   1884, accompanied at first by preparations, and latterly
   followed by active commencement of hostilities against that
   Republic, which no friendly and well-intentioned efforts on
   our part could induce Her Majesty's Government to abandon,
   constitute such an undoubted and unjust attack on the
   independence of the South African Republic that no other
   course is left to this State than honourably to abide by its
   Conventional Agreements entered into with that Republic. On
   behalf of this Government, therefore, I beg to notify that,
   compelled thereto by the action of Her Majesty's Government,
   they intend to carry out the instructions of the Volksraad as
   set forth in the last part of the Resolution referred to by
   Your Excellency."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      1899, C.—9530, pages 38 and 67._

{491}

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal and Orange Free State:
   A. D. 1899 (September-October).
   Preparations for war.
   Troops massed on both sides of the frontiers.
   Remonstrances of Orange Free State.
   The Boer Ultimatum.

   Before the controversy between Boer and Briton had reached the
   stage represented above, both sides were facing the prospect
   of war, both were bringing forces to the frontier, and each
   was declaring that the other had been first to take that
   threatening step. Which of them did first begin movements that
   bore a look of menace seems difficult to learn from official
   reports. On the 19th of September, the British High
   Commissioner gave notice to the President of the Orange Free
   State that "it has been deemed advisable by the Imperial
   military authorities to send detachments of the troops
   ordinarily stationed at Cape Town to assist in securing the
   line of communication between the Colony and the British
   territories lying to the north of it"; and "as this force, or
   a portion of it, may be stationed near the borders of the
   Orange Free State," he wished the burghers of that State to
   understand that the movement was in no way directed against
   them. Eight days later, President Steyn, of the Orange Free
   State, addressed a long despatch to the High Commissioner,
   remonstrating against the whole procedure of the British
   government in its dealing with the South African Republic, and
   alluding to the "enormous and ever increasing military
   preparations of the British government." On the 2d of October
   he announced to the Commissioner that he had "deemed it
   advisable, in order to allay the intense excitement and unrest
   amongst our burghers, arising from the totally undefended state
   of our border, in the presence of a continued increase and
   movement of troops on two sides of this State, to call up our
   burghers, to satisfy them that due precaution had been taken."
   The High Commissioner replied on the 3d: "Your Honour must be
   perfectly well aware that all the movements of British troops
   which have taken place in this country since the beginning of
   present troubles, which have been necessitated by the natural
   alarm of the inhabitants in exposed districts, are not
   comparable in magnitude with the massing of armed forces by
   government of South African Republic on the borders of Natal."
   Some days previous to this, on the 29th of September,
   Secretary Chamberlain had cabled from London to Sir Alfred
   Milner: "Inform President of Orange Free State that what he
   describes as the enormous and ever-increasing military
   preparations of Great Britain have been forced upon Her
   Majesty's Government by the policy of the South African
   Republic, which has transformed the Transvaal into a permanent
   armed camp, threatening the peace of the whole of South Africa
   and the position of Great Britain as the paramount State."

   On the 9th of October the High Commissioner received another
   telegram from the President of the Orange Free State, of which
   he cabled the substance to London as follows: "He demurs to
   statement that military preparations of Her Majesty's
   Government have been necessitated by conversion of South
   African Republic into an armed camp. Her Majesty's Government
   must be entirely misinformed and it would be regrettable if,
   through such misunderstanding, present state of extreme
   tension were allowed to continue. Though Her Majesty's
   Government may regard precautions taken by South African
   Republic after Jameson Raid as excessive, Government of South
   African Republic cannot be blamed for adopting them, in view
   of large Uitlander population constantly being stirred up,
   through hostile press, to treason and rebellion by persons and
   organizations financially or politically interested in
   overthrowing the Government. Arming of Burghers not intended
   for any purpose of aggression against Her Majesty's dominions.
   People of South African Republic have, since shortly after
   Jameson Raid, been practically as fully armed as now, yet have
   never committed any act of aggression. It was not till Her
   Majesty's Government, with evident intention of enforcing
   their views on South African Republic in purely internal
   matters, had greatly augmented their forces and moved them
   nearer to borders that a single Burgher was called up for the
   purpose, as be firmly believed, of defending country and
   independence. If this natural assumption erroneous, not too
   late to rectify misunderstanding by mutual agreement to
   withdraw forces on both sides and undertaking by Her Majesty's
   Government to stop further increase of troops."

   But, in reality, it was already too late; for, on the same day
   on which the above message was telegraphed from Bloemfontein,
   the government of the South African Republic had presented to
   the British Agent at Pretoria a note which ended the
   possibility of peace. After reviewing the issue between the
   two governments, the note concluded with a peremptory
   ultimatum, as follows: "Her Majesty's unlawful intervention in
   the internal affairs of this Republic in conflict with the
   Convention of London, 1884, caused by the extraordinary
   strengthening of troops in the neighbourhood of the borders of
   this Republic, has thus caused an intolerable condition of
   things to arise whereto this Government feels itself obliged,
   in the interest not only of this Republic but also [?] of all
   South Africa, to make an end as soon as possible, and feels
   itself called upon and obliged to press earnestly and with
   emphasis for an immediate termination of this state of things
   and to request Her Majesty's Government to give it the
   assurance
   (a) That all points of mutual difference shall be regulated by
   the friendly course of arbitration or by whatever amicable way
   may be agreed upon by this Government with Her Majesty's
   Government.
   (b) That the troops on the borders of this Republic shall be
   instantly withdrawn.
   (c) That all reinforcements of troops which have arrived in
   South Africa since the 1st June, 1899, shall be removed from
   South Africa within a reasonable time, to be agreed upon with
   this Government, and with a mutual assurance and guarantee on
   the part of this Government that no attack upon or hostilities
   against any portion of the possessions of the British Government
   shall be made by the Republic during further negotiations
   within a period of time to be subsequently agreed upon between
   the Governments, and this Government will, on compliance
   therewith, be prepared to withdraw the armed Burghers of this
   Republic from the borders.
{492}
   (d) That Her Majesty's troops which are now on the high seas
   shall not be landed in any port of South Africa. This
   Government must press for an immediate and affirmative answer
   to these four questions, and earnestly requests Her Majesty's
   Government to return such an answer before or upon Wednesday
   the 11th October, 1899, not later than 5 o'clock p. m., and it
   desires further to add that in the event of unexpectedly no
   satisfactory answer being received by it within that interval
   [it] will with great regret be compelled to regard the action
   of Her Majesty's Government as a formal declaration of war,
   and will not hold itself responsible for the consequences
   thereof, and that in the event of any further movements of
   troops taking place within the above-mentioned time in the
   nearer directions of our borders this Government will be
   compelled to regard that also as a formal declaration of war."

   To this ultimatum the British government gave its reply, in a
   despatch from Mr. Chamberlain to Sir Alfred Milner, October
   10, as follows: "Her Majesty's Government have received with
   great regret the peremptory demands of the Government of the
   South African Republic conveyed in your telegram of 9th
   October, Number 3. You will inform the Government of the South
   African Republic, in reply, that the conditions demanded by
   the Government of the South African Republic are such as Her
   Majesty's Government deem it impossible to discuss."

      _Great Britain,
      Papers by Command: 1899, C.—9530._

   Efforts which were being made at the time in Holland to assist
   the Boer Republic in pacific negotiations with Great Britain
   were suddenly frustrated by this action. A year later (in
   November, 1900) it was stated in the States General at The
   Hague that "in the autumn of 1899 the Netherlands Government
   offered in London its good offices for the resumption of
   negotiations with the Transvaal, but these efforts had no
   result in consequence of the sudden ultimatum of the Transvaal
   and the commencement of hostilities by the armies of the
   Republics, actions which surprised the Netherlands Government.
   When once the war had broken out any effort in the direction of
   intervention would have been useless, as was shown by the
   peremptory refusal given by Great Britain to the offer of the
   United States."

   An Englishman who was in the country at the time gives the
   following account of the Boer preparation for war: "In the
   towns the feeling was strongly against war; in the country
   districts war was popular, as the farmers had not the
   slightest doubt they would be able to carry out their threat
   of 'driving the English into the sea.' … Skilled artillerymen
   were finding their way into the country towards the end of
   August last [1899]. The Boers themselves did not put much
   faith in their artillery, but they were reassured by the
   officers who told them that they would yet learn to respect
   its usefulness and efficiency—a prophecy which to our cost has
   been more than fulfilled. … General Joubert was always ready
   and willing, at any time, to inspect and test new guns or
   military necessaries, and no expense was spared to make the
   Transvaal burgher army a first-class fighting-machine. …
   Surprise has been expressed at the inaccurate statements made
   by colonials as to the fighting strength of the Boers. They
   had not allowed for the enormous increase of population. From
   an absolutely reliable source the writer ascertained in
   September last that they could put in the field between 50 and
   60 thousand men, made up as follows: Transvaal burghers,
   22,000; resident foreigners, etc., 10,000; Free Staters,
   16,000; colonists who would cross the border and join, 6,000;
   total, 54,000. … As soon as war seemed likely, no time was
   lost in perfecting the military arrangements. Before Great
   Britain had thought of mobilizing a soldier, the Boer
   emissaries were again scouring the colonies of Natal and the
   Cape, sounding the farmers as to what part they were prepared
   to take in the coming conflict. … While people at home were
   wondering what the next move would be, the Boers were ready to
   answer the question. Towards the middle of September all
   preparations were completed, the Government had laid in large
   quantities of supplies (mainly of flour, Boer meal, and tinned
   foods), which they anticipated would tide them over twelve to
   eighteen months, and by that time, if they had not beaten the
   British, they relied on foreign intervention. They had also
   received large sums of money from Europe, and some additional
   supplies of arms and ammunition. Ammunition was distributed in
   large quantities throughout the country, each burgher
   receiving a sealed packet in addition to his ordinary supply.
   The last batch of the Mauser rides was distributed, and the
   mobilization scheme finally arranged, by which, on a given
   word being telegraphed to the different centres, the first
   Republican army corps would be mobilized within twenty-four
   hours. This actually took place. … The British Government
   could hardly fail to be aware of the fact that the Transvaal
   was in earnest this time. A visit to the country districts
   towards the end of August, about the time when the Boer
   Executive themselves sounded the country through their private
   agencies, would have revealed the fact that the people were
   not only perfectly willing to go to war, but that they
   absolutely wished for it. As one Boer put it to the writer:
   'We look on fighting the English as a picnic. In some of the
   Kaffir wars we had a little trouble, but in the Vryheids
   Oorlog (the Boer War of 1881) we simply potted the Rooineks as
   they streamed across the veld in their red jackets, without
   the slightest danger to ourselves.' They had the utmost
   contempt for Tommy Atkins and his leaders, many of them
   bragging that the only thing that deterred them from
   advocating war instanter was the thought that they would have
   to kill so many of the soldiers, with whom individually they
   said there was no quarrel. With such a state of things, which
   should have been perfectly clear to the Intelligence
   Department (and through it to the War Office) in
   London—because no resident with eyes to see could be deceived
   in the matter—we allowed the present war to find us
   unprepared!"

      _J. Scoble and H. H. Abercrombie,
      The Rise and Fall of Krugerism,
      chapter 16 (New York: F. A. Stokes Co.)._

[Image: The Boer Republics and the Surroundings.]

{493}

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1899 (October-November).
   The Boer advance.
   Invasion of Cape Colony and Natal.
   The invaders joined by Dutch farmers of the colony.
   The British unprepared.
   Investment of Kimberley and Mafeking.

   In a despatch dated January 16, 1900, Sir Alfred Milner gave
   particulars of the first advance of the Boer forces from the
   Orange Free State into Cape Colony, and of the extent to which
   they were joined by Dutch farmers in districts south of Orange
   River. He wrote: "The portion of the Colony with which I
   propose to deal is that which lies south of the Orange River.
   The districts north of that river have been so completely cut
   off, and our accounts of what has been, and is, going on there
   are so scanty and imperfect, that the history of their
   defection cannot yet be written. I shall content myself with
   quoting an extract from a report upon the state of affairs in
   that region by a gentleman lately resident in Vryburg, which
   undoubtedly fairly expresses the truth so far as he has been
   in a position to observe it:—'All the farmers in the Vryburg,
   Kuruman, and Taungs districts,' he says, 'have joined the
   Boers, and I do not believe that you will find ten loyal
   British subjects among the Dutch community in the whole of
   Bechuanaland.' … The districts invaded by the enemy south of
   the Orange River are:—Colesberg, Albert, Aliwal North,
   Wodehouse, and Barkly East. It was on the 12th October that
   the enemy committed the first act of war and of invasion near
   Vryburg, on the western border, but it was not till more than
   a month later, namely, the 14th November, that they occupied
   Colesberg. Apparently they were waiting for reinforcements,
   for when they actually did cross the frontier they were 1,100
   strong. Whatever the cause of their delay, it was not due to
   any discouragement from the people of Colesberg. The small
   British garrison then in the country being engaged elsewhere,
   and the district being entirely unguarded save by a few
   policemen, people from there continually visited the river to
   communicate with the enemy. The Chief Constable reports that
   when he left the town 300 Colesberg farmers had already joined
   the enemy, and that 400 more were expected from the adjoining
   district of Philipstown. … On the 16th November General
   Grobler, the Boer Commandant, addressed the following telegram
   to Bloemfontein:—'Colesberg was occupied by me without
   opposition. … I was very well pleased with the conduct of the
   Afrikanders. We were everywhere welcomed.' … Eastwards along
   the border the tide of insurrection ran strong. In the closing
   days of October a Boer force assembled at Bethulie Bridge, which
   was guarded only by a handful of police. As the days passed
   and the alarm grew, the Cape police force was withdrawn from
   Burghersdorp, which lies south of Bethulie, down the line to
   Stormberg, while, in their turn, the Imperial forces abandoned
   the important position of Stormberg, and retired on
   Queenstown, thus leaving the district clear for the invaders.
   That they did not immediately advance was certainly not owing
   to any fear of resistance at Burghersdorp, the inhabitants of
   which fraternised with the commando stationed on the river,
   continually passing to and fro. Finally, on the 14th November,
   the date of the occupation of Colesberg, the advance was made,
   and on the following morning a body of 500 Boers occupied the
   town. … According to the despatch of the Boer Commandant,
   dated 16th November, Burghersdorp was occupied 'amidst cheers
   from the Afrikanders,' and 'the Colonial burghers are very
   glad to meet us.' Commandeering at once began throughout the
   district of Albert, and a Burghersdorp resident estimated that
   about 1,000 farmers were prepared to join at the date of his
   leaving the place. …

   "Within a space of less than three weeks from the occupation
   of Colesberg, no less than five great districts—those of
   Colesberg, Albert, Aliwal North, Barkly East, and
   Wodehouse—had gone over without hesitation, and, so to speak,
   bodily, to the enemy. Throughout that region the Landdrosts of
   the Orange Free State had established their authority, and
   everywhere, in the expressive words of a Magistrate, British
   loyalists were 'being hunted out of town after town like
   sheep.' In the invaded districts, as will be seen from the
   above, the method of occupation has always been more or less
   the same. The procedure is as follows:-A commando enters, the
   Orange Free State flag is hoisted, a meeting is held in the
   Court-house or market-place, and a Proclamation is read,
   annexing the district. The Commandant then makes a speech, in
   which he explains that the people must now obey the Free State
   laws generally, though they are at present under martial law.
   A local Landdrost is appointed, and loyal subjects are given a
   few days or hours in which to quit, or be compelled to serve
   against their country. … The number of rebels who have
   actually taken up arms and joined the enemy during their
   progress throughout the five annexed districts can for the
   present only be matter of conjecture. I shall, however, be on
   the safe side in reckoning that during November it was a
   number not less than the total of the invading commandos, that
   is, 2,000, while it is probable that of the invading commandos
   themselves a certain proportion were colonists who had crossed
   the border before the invasion took place. And the number,
   whatever it was, which joined the enemy before and during
   November has been increased since. A well-informed refugee
   from the Albert district has estimated the total number of
   Colonial Boers who have joined the enemy in the invaded
   districts south of the Orange River at 3,000 to 4,000. In the
   districts north of that river, to which I referred at the
   beginning of this despatch, the number can hardly be less.
   Adding to these the men who became burghers of the Transvaal
   immediately before, or just after, the outbreak of war, with
   the view of taking up arms in the struggle, I am forced to the
   conclusion that, in round figures, not less than 10,000 of
   those now fighting against us in South Africa, and probably
   somewhat more, either are, or till quite recently were,
   subjects of the Queen."-

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      Cd. 264, 1900, pages 1-5._

   The above relates to movements from the Orange Free State into
   Cape Colony, where the most of reinforcement from Afrikander
   inhabitants of British soil was to be got. From the Transvaal,
   the movement of Boer forces across the frontiers, both
   eastward and westward, was equally prompt. Early on the
   morning of the 12th they were in Natal, advancing in three
   strong columns, under General Joubert, upon Newcastle,
   threatening the advance posts of the British at Dundee and
   Glencoe (some 40 miles northeast of Ladysmith), where valuable
   coal mines claimed defence. At the same time, another Boer
   army, under General Cronje, had passed the western border and
   was moving upon Mafeking, where Colonel (afterwards General)
   Baden-Powell, with an irregular force of about 1,200 men, was
   preparing for a siege.
{494}
   The inhabitants of the town, including refugees, numbered
   about 2,000 whites and 7,000 blacks. A few days later Boer
   forces were skirmishing with the defenders of the diamond
   mines at Kimberley, where Colonel Kekewich commanded about
   1,000 men, and where Cecil Rhodes was among the beleaguered
   citizens. The population of Kimberley was 33,000, more than
   half blacks. It is plain that the British were wholly
   unprepared for so vigorous an opening of hostilities on the
   part of the Boers. A military writer in the "London Times,"
   discussing the "Lessons of the War," at the end of a year
   after its beginning, made the following statements and
   comment:—"There was no difficulty in obtaining the fullest
   information as to the resources of the Transvaal and the Free
   State, and we have been officially informed that 'the armed
   strength of the Boers, the number of their guns, with their
   character and calibre,' as laid down in the report of the
   Director of Intelligence, 'corresponds exactly with our
   recently-ascertained knowledge of what the enemy has put into
   the field.' Whether or not these reports ever travel from
   Queen Anne's gate to Pall-mall seems uncertain, since the
   Commander-in-Chief publicly stated that 'We have found that
   the enemy … are much more powerful and numerous than we
   expected.' The report of the Intelligence Department seems,
   therefore, to have been as valueless for practical purposes as
   were those transmitted to Paris by Colonel Stoffel prior to
   the outbreak of the Franco-German war, and Lord Wolseley was
   apparently as little aware of the fighting resources of the
   Boers as was Marshal Lebœuf of those of the Germans. When,
   early in September, 1899, it became a pressing necessity to
   reinforce the troops in South Africa, it was painfully
   realized that not a single unit at home was ready to take the
   field. One weak battalion and three field batteries, hastily
   compounded by wholesale drafting from others, represented the
   available contribution from a standing army at home whose
   nominal effectives considerably exceeded 100,000. The
   reinforcements, totally inadequate to meet the crisis, were
   made up by drawing upon India and the colonial garrisons."

      _London Times, November 22, 1900._

   Another writer in "The Times," reviewing, at nearly the same
   time, the previous year of the war, gave this account of its
   opening circumstances:—"If the organization of the British
   Army had permitted the despatch at short notice of 30,000
   troops from Great Britain, the whole course of the war would
   have been different. It was a prevailing illusion that Mr.
   Kruger would yield to diplomatic pressure not backed by
   available force, and political expediency, over-riding
   military considerations, led to a compromise. It was tardily
   decided to bring the forces in South Africa up to a total of
   about 22,000 by drawing on India and the colonial garrisons;
   mobilization was deferred till October 7. Thus the first
   reinforcements arrived barely in time to prevent Natal from
   being over-run by the Boers, and the expeditionary force did
   not begin to reach Durban [the port of Natal] till after
   Ladysmith had been closely invested. … There were advisers of
   the Cabinet who held that the military strength of the Boers
   was a bubble easily pricked. Thus it was widely believed that
   a severe repulse in Northern Natal would suffice to break up
   the Boer forces, and, knowing only that a body of 4,000
   British troops was assembled at Dundee and another somewhat
   larger at Ladysmith, we hastily assumed that these places were
   naturally well suited and had been specially prepared for
   defence. When, on the 26th, the concentration at Ladysmith was
   accomplished, after a painful and a hazardous march, it was
   imagined that our forces occupied an intrenched camp, which,
   if necessary, could be held with ease. Later it became clear
   that Ladysmith was exceedingly ill-adapted for defence, that
   it was practically unfortified when invested, and finally
   that, if the attacking force had been composed of trained
   troops, it must have fallen, in spite of every effort on the
   part of the garrison. The occupation of Dundee, it was
   discovered, was maintained against the military judgment of
   Sir G. White. …

   "When at length the army corps and the cavalry division began,
   early in November, to arrive in South Africa, we believed that
   the bulk of this large force, which was apparently ready to
   take the field, would invade the Orange Free State and strike
   for Bloemfontein, clearing Cape Colony and inevitably drawing
   Boer forces away from the investments of Kimberley and of
   Ladysmith. This was another illusion. At least one-half of the
   expeditionary force was despatched to Durban and the rest was
   frittered away between three separate lines of advance. There
   were thus four separate groupings of British troops, spread
   over an immense front, and incapable of affording each other
   mutual support. Moreover, the Commander-in-Chief being
   involved in a difficult campaign in Natal, there was no
   responsible head in Cape Colony, where partial chaos soon
   supervened. … Faulty as was the strategy which substituted
   scattered efforts with insufficient force for a primary
   object, that of the Boers was happily even more ill-conceived.
   In place of attempting to occupy our troops in Natal and throwing
   their main strength into Cape Colony, where a Dutch rising on
   a large scale would inevitably have occurred, they also
   preferred to fritter away their strength, devoting their main
   efforts against Ladysmith, Kimberley, and Mafeking, and
   contenting themselves with the occupation of Colesberg and
   Stormberg in small force, which, however, was quickly swelled
   by local rebels."

      _London Times,
      November 5, 1900. _

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1899 (October-December).
   The early battles.
   British reverses.
   Siege of Ladysmith.

   The serious fighting of the war began in Natal, as early as
   the 20th of October, when three columns of the Boer forces
   closed in on the British advance post at Glencoe. The first of
   the Boer columns to arrive opened a precipitate attack, and in
   the hard battle which ensued (at Talana Hill) the British
   could claim the final advantage, though at very heavy cost.
   Their commander, General Sir W. Penn Symons, received a mortal
   wound and died three days afterwards, kindly cared for and
   buried by the enemy, his successor in the command, General
   Yule, having found it necessary to retreat from Glencoe and
   Dundee to Ladysmith. The Boers were already striking at the
   railroad between Glencoe and Ladysmith, and sharp fighting had
   taken place on the 21st at Elandslaagte, a station on the line
   only seventeen miles from the latter town.
{495}
   The Boers, in that encounter, had been driven from the
   neighboring hills, but the British had again suffered greatly,
   and began to realize the quality of the foe with which they had
   to deal. A graphic account of the battle at Elandslaagte was
   written by the famous newspaper correspondent, G. W. Steevens,
   who died shortly afterwards at Ladysmith. Two days after
   Elandslaagte there was another engagement at Reitfontein,
   still nearer to Ladysmith, fought for the purpose of keeping
   the Boers from intercepting the retreat of General Yule. The
   British forces defending Natal were now concentrated at
   Ladysmith, which they had chosen for their main position, and
   in which they had been collecting large quantities of military
   stores. General Sir George White was there in general command.
   The Boers, with General Joubert in chief command, were rapidly
   closing in upon the town, and, on the 29th, they had a Creusot
   (French) six-inch gun on a neighboring hill, within range,
   ready to drop shells into its streets. That night General
   White made an attempt to break their lines which ended in sore
   disaster. One column, which marched far out, to a hill called
   Nicholson's Nek, for a flanking attack on the enemy, lost most
   of its ammunition and its battery, by a stampede of mules, and
   then was caught in so helpless a position that it had to lay down
   its arms. "The cursed white flag," wrote Mr. Steevens. "was up
   again over a British force in South Africa. The best part of a
   thousand British soldiers, with all their arms and equipment
   and four mountain guns, were captured by the enemy. The Boers
   had their revenge for Dundee and Elandslaagte in war; now they
   took it full measure in kindness. As Atkins had tended their
   wounded and succoured their prisoners there, so they tended
   and succoured him here. One commandant wished to send the
   wounded to Pretoria; the others, more prudent as well as more
   humane, decided to send them back into Ladysmith. They gave
   the whole men the water out of their own bottles; they gave
   the wounded the blankets off their own saddles and slept
   themselves on the naked veldt. They were short of transport,
   and they were mostly armed with Martinis; yet they gave
   captured mules for the hospital panniers and captured
   Lee-Metfords for splints." It is consoling to come on a bit of
   incident like this in the generally horrid story of war.

   A few days later the communications of Ladysmith southward
   were cut off, and the forces commanded by General White, about
   10,000 in number, were hemmed in by superior numbers of the
   Boers. British reinforcements were now beginning to arrive in
   South Africa, and great numbers were at sea, not only imperial
   troops, coming from England, India, Ceylon and elsewhere, but
   colonial troops, offered by Canada, New Zealand and the
   Australian colonies, and accepted by the imperial government.
   The first operations of the British campaign were planned with
   three objects, more or less distinct, namely, to rescue
   General White's army, at Ladysmith, to relieve Kimberley, and
   to expel the Boers from northern Cape Colony. They were
   conducted on three lines, from the Natal port of Durban,
   towards Ladysmith, under General Clery at the beginning; from
   Cape Town towards Kimberley, under General Lord Methuen; from
   Port Elizabeth and East London to Queenstown and the Cape
   districts occupied by the Boers, under General Gatacre.

   In the early battles of General Methuen's campaign, fought at
   Belmont, November 23d, at Enslin, or Graspan, on the 25th, and
   at Modder River, only 25 miles from Kimberley, on the 28th, he
   carried his point, and kept up his advance, but at a heavy
   sacrifice of men. The battle with Cronje's forces at Modder
   River was a desperate struggle of ten hours duration, in which
   the British lost nearly 500 men and gained little. The Boers
   withdrew to an equally strong position, behind fortified lines
   which extended, some six miles in length, on hills between two
   points which bore the names of Spytfontein and Majesfontein.
   There General Methuen attacked them again, December 11, and
   met with a terrible repulse. His Highland Brigade, advancing
   in the darkness, before daybreak, was in the midst of the
   enemy's intrenchments before it knew them to be near, and was
   horribly cut to pieces, losing 53 officers, including its
   commander, General Wauchope, and 650 men. The British fell
   back to Modder River, leaving not less than 1,000 men behind.
   Just one day before this catastrophe, on the 10th, another of
   like nature, but little less serious, was sustained by General
   Gatacre's column, moving from Queenstown. He, too, attempted a
   night march and an early morning attack on the Boers in a
   fortified position at Stormberg, was misled by guides,
   miscalculated the distance, neglected to send scouts ahead,
   and so took his men to the very muzzles of waiting guns. From
   the storm which then opened on them there were more than 500
   who did not escape. Besides the dead and wounded, many went as
   prisoners to Pretoria. Before the week of these defeats
   reached its end, another, far worse, had been added in the
   Natal campaign. General Sir Redvers Buller, appointed to the
   chief command in South Africa, had arrived at Cape Town on the
   last day of October, and, after some general study of the
   field at large, had taken personal direction of the operations
   in Natal, for the relief of Ladysmith. His movements were
   undoubtedly hurried by urgent appeals from General White. On
   the 15th of December he felt prepared to attempt the passage
   of the Tugela River, near Colenso, and did so with his full
   force, at two drifts, or fords, some two miles apart. Like
   Methuen and Gatacre, he seems to have been strangely
   misinformed as to the location and strength of the
   intrenchments of the Boers. The latter had succeeded again and
   again in concealing lines of deadly rifle-pits and batteries
   until their assailants fairly stumbled against them, within
   fatally close range. This happened at Colenso, as at Stormberg
   and Majesfontein and the ill-managed attempt to begin an
   advance upon Ladysmith cost 165 men and officers killed, 670
   wounded, 337 prisoners and missing, besides 11 guns.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900.
   Fighting qualities of the Boers.

   "Take a community of Dutchmen of the type of those who
   defended themselves for fifty years against all the power of
   Spain at a time when Spain was the greatest power in the
   world. Intermix with them a strain of those inflexible French
   Huguenots who gave up home and fortune and left their country
   forever at the time of the revocation of the Edict of Nantes.
   The product must obviously be one of the most rugged, virile,
   unconquerable races ever seen upon earth.
{496}
   Take this formidable people and train them for seven
   generations in constant warfare against savage men and
   ferocious beasts, in circumstances under which no weakling
   could survive, place them so that they acquire exceptional
   skill with weapons and in horsemanship, give them a country
   which is eminently suited to the tactics of the huntsman, the
   marksman, and the rider. Then, finally, put a finer temper
   upon their military qualities by a dour fatalistic Old
   Testament religion and an ardent and consuming patriotism.
   Combine all these qualities and all these impulses in one
   individual, and you have the modern Boer—the most formidable
   antagonist who ever crossed the path of Imperial Britain."

      _A. C. Doyle,
      The Great Boer War,
      chapter 1._

   Count Adalbert von Sternberg, a German officer who served with
   the Boers, and who has since related his experiences in a
   book, writes to the same effect. "The Boers," he remarks,
   "were mounted, whilst the English were on foot, a matter of
   considerable importance in these hot countries. Given the same
   or even slightly superior forces, no Continental army would
   have played its part better than the English, and I even doubt
   whether, in regard to practical equipment and technical smartness
   and efficiency the Continent would have done as well. The fact
   is the Boer is an enemy of quite exceptional a character, such
   as never has been met before, or is likely to be met again.
   Mounted sharpshooters, armed with the very best of weapons,
   acclimatized, fanatical, and accustomed to habits of war, are
   terrible opponents, and cannot be dealt with off hand as if
   they were hordes of savages. One must not forget that the
   Boers have the keenest eyes imaginable, and that they
   understand better than anyone else how to get the fullest
   advantage of cover. All these are advantages which go far
   towards compensating defective leading and the weakening of
   moral due to being always on the defensive. … The Boers would
   have had much greater successes if they had not abandoned all
   idea of taking the offensive. They could not be brought to
   that, for that they lacked courage, and to that lack of
   courage they owe their destruction."

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (January-February).
   Continued British disasters on the Tugela.
   Lord Roberts and Lord Kitchener in the field.
   Invasion of Orange Free State.
   Capture of General Cronje and army.
   Relief of Kimberley and Ladysmith.

   The dark and heavy clouds of disaster which overhung the
   British in South Africa at the close of the year shadowed
   England with anxiety and gloom. For the first time, the
   seriousness of the task of war in which the country had become
   engaged was understood, and energies corresponding to it were
   roused. Field-Marshal Lord Roberts, of Indian and Afghan
   renown, was sent out to take supreme command, with the equally
   famous Lord Kitchener, subjugator of the Egyptian Sudan, for
   his chief of staff. Immense reinforcements of troops were
   provided for with haste. On the 1st of January it was
   estimated that 30,000 fresh troops were afloat or on the point
   of embarkation, and that Lord Roberts would have 200,000 men
   at command when all then assigned to South Africa should have
   reached Natal and the Cape. Lord Roberts landed at the Cape on
   the 10th of January, and was occupied for a month in
   organizing and preparing for new movements in the field.
   Meantime, General Buller had made a second attempt to turn the
   strongly fortified position of his opponent on the Tugela,
   between his own army and the beleaguered force at Ladysmith,
   and had failed more discouragingly than before. Crossing the
   Tugela, some miles west of Colenso, on the 17th, he pressed a
   hard-fought, uphill advance, from one to another of the rocky
   hills (called kopjes) of the region, for several days. On the
   23d his troops stormed the fortifications of the Boers on
   Spion Kop, a spur of the Drakenberg mountains, and carried
   them with heavy loss, only to find that they were commanded
   from other heights and could not be held. Again he drew back
   to the southern bank of the Tugela, on the 29th; but only for
   a few days. On the 5th of February his army was once more
   pushed beyond the river, and entrenched in a position among
   the hills, which it held until the 9th, and was then, for the
   third time, withdrawn. This third movement is supposed to
   have been a feint, intended to detain the Boer forces in his
   front, either from some assault feared at Ladysmith or from
   interference with the campaign which Lord Roberts was about to
   open. The besieged at Ladysmith were holding out with grim
   resolution, but they were known to be in sore straits.
   Occasional messages by the heliograph told of much sickness
   and fast approaching starvation in the town. Fever was killing
   more than the shells from the bombarding guns; and the chances
   of relief seemed to have almost disappeared.

   But a sudden change in the whole military situation was about
   to be made. Lord Roberts and Lord Kitchener had organized
   arrangements of transportation and supplies for handling the
   immense force now at their command, and were ready to execute
   their plans. The former arrived at Modder River on the 9th of
   February; two days later his columns were set in motion, and
   the Boer forces, under General Cronje, were too greatly
   outnumbered to withstand the avalanche which fell upon them.
   General French led a cavalry expedition to Kimberley, reaching
   the town on the 15th and raising the siege. The next day
   General Cronje was in retreat towards Bloemfontein, the Free
   State capital, harassed by British cavalry, and with the main
   army of Lord Roberts straining every nerve to strike him
   before he reached it. On the 18th he was brought to bay, at a
   point on the Madder River, near Paardeberg, where he defended
   himself for nine days, in a situation that was impregnable to
   assault, but terribly exposed to artillery fire from
   surrounding heights. He was expecting help from the forces in
   Natal and elsewhere, and several attempts were made by his
   associates to reach him; but the British were too strong to be
   driven from their prey. After suffering to such a degree that
   his men would endure no more, the brave and stubborn Boer
   surrendered on the 27th, his army, reduced to about 4,000,
   laying down their arms. Some 500 had been taken in the
   previous fighting, and considerable numbers in the last days
   of the siege, are said to have deserted and found means to
   slip through the enemy's lines. The prisoners were sent, for
   convenience of custody, to the island of St. Helena, the
   general being accompanied by his whole family, and treated
   with much respect.

{497}

   While these operations were being carried to success by Lord
   Roberts, General Buller was again attacking the formidable
   fortifications of the enemy in his front. From the 14th of
   February until the 23d he sacrificed great numbers of men in
   assaults which failed to break a passage through the kopjes
   defended by Boer guns. But Lord Roberts's invasion of the Free
   State had, by this time, caused large withdrawals of Boers
   from the line of the Tugela, and they were preparing to raise
   the siege of Ladysmith. Consequently, when the British attack
   was renewed, on the 27th, it achieved success, at last. The
   Boers were driven from their main position and abandoned their
   whole line. Ladysmith was reached by a swift advance of
   cavalry the next day, and the half-starved garrison and
   citizens were soon receiving supplies.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (March).
   Overtures of peace from Presidents Kruger and Steyn.
   The reply of Lord Salisbury.
   Death of General Joubert.

   On the 5th of March, the Presidents of the South African
   Republic and the Orange Free State addressed the following
   telegram, jointly, to Lord Salisbury: "The blood and tears of
   the thousands who have suffered by this war, and the prospect
   of all the moral and economic ruin with which South Africa is
   now threatened, make it necessary for both belligerents to ask
   themselves dispassionately, and as in the sight of the Triune
   God, for what they are fighting, and whether the aim of each
   justifies all this devouring misery and devastation. With this
   object, and in view of the assertions of various members of
   the British Parliament to the effect that this war was begun
   and is being carried on with the set purpose of undermining
   Her Majesty's authority in South Africa, and of setting up an
   Administration over all South Africa independent of Her
   Majesty's Government, we consider it our duty solemnly to
   declare that this war was undertaken solely as a defensive
   measure for securing the threatened independence of the South
   African Republic, and is only continued in order to secure the
   incontestable independence of both Republics as sovereign
   international States, and to ensure that those of Her
   Majesty's subjects who have taken part with us in this war
   shall suffer no harm whatever in person or property. On these
   conditions, but on these conditions alone, are we now, as in
   the past, desirous of seeing peace reëstablished in South
   Africa, and of putting an end to the evil now reigning over
   South Africa; while, if Her Majesty's Government is determined
   to destroy the independence of the Republics, there is nothing
   left to us and our people but to persevere to the end in the
   course already begun, in spite of the overwhelming
   pre-eminence of the British Empire, confident that the God who
   lighted the unextinguishable fire of the love of freedom in
   the hearts of our fathers will not forsake us, but will
   accomplish His work in us and in our descendants. We hesitated
   to make this declaration earlier to Your Excellency, as we
   feared that as long as the advantage was always on our side,
   and as long as our forces held defensive positions far in Her
   Majesty's Colonies, such a declaration might hurt the feelings
   of honour of the British people; but now that the prestige of the
   British Empire may be considered to be assured by the capture
   of one of our forces by Her Majesty's troops, and that we are
   thereby forced to evacuate other positions which our forces
   had occupied, that difficulty is over, and we no longer
   hesitate clearly to inform your Government and people in the
   sight of the whole civilised world why we are fighting, and on
   what conditions we are ready to restore peace."

   On the 11th Lord Salisbury replied as follows: "I have the
   honour to acknowledge Your Honours' telegram, dated the 5th of
   March, from Bloemfontein, of which the purport is principally
   to demand that Her Majesty's Government shall recognise the
   'incontestable independence' of the South African Republic and
   Orange Free State 'as sovereign international States,' and to
   offer, on those terms, to bring the war to a conclusion. In
   the beginning of October last peace existed between Her
   Majesty and the two Republics under the Conventions which then
   were in existence. A discussion had been proceeding for some
   months between Her Majesty's Government and the South African
   Republic, of which the object was to obtain redress for
   certain very serious grievances under which British residents
   in the South African Republic were suffering. In the course of
   those negotiations, the South African Republic had, to the
   knowledge of Her Majesty's Government, made considerable
   armaments, and the latter had, consequently, taken steps to
   provide corresponding reinforcements to the British garrisons
   of Cape Town and Natal. No infringement of the rights
   guaranteed by the Conventions had, up to that point, taken
   place on the British side. Suddenly, at two days' notice, the
   South African Republic, after issuing an insulting ultimatum,
   declared war upon Her Majesty; and the Orange Free State, with
   whom there had not even been any discussion, took a similar
   step. Her Majesty's dominions were immediately invaded by the
   two Republics, siege was laid to three towns within the
   British frontier, a large portion of the two Colonies was
   overrun, with great destruction to property and life, and the
   Republics claimed to treat the inhabitants of extensive
   portions of Her Majesty's dominions as if those dominions had
   been annexed to one or other of them. In anticipation of these
   operations the South African Republic had been accumulating
   for many years past military stores on an enormous scale,
   which by their character could only have been intended for use
   against Great Britain. Your Honours make some observations of a
   negative character upon the object with which these
   preparations were made. I do not think it necessary to discuss
   the questions you have raised. But the result of these
   preparations, carried on with great secrecy, has been that the
   British Empire has been compelled to confront an invasion
   which has entailed upon the Empire a costly war and the loss
   of thousands of precious lives. This great calamity has been
   the penalty which Great Britain has suffered for having in
   recent years acquiesced in the existence of the two Republics.
   In view of the use to which the two Republics have put the
   position which was given to them, and the calamities which
   their unprovoked attack has inflicted upon Her Majesty's
   dominions, Her Majesty's Government can only answer Your
   Honours' telegram by saying that they are not prepared to
   assent to the independence either of the South African
   Republic or of the Orange Free State."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      Africa, Number 2, 1900._

{498}

   On the 27th of March, the Boer cause experienced a great loss,
   in the sudden death, from peritonitis, of General Joubert, the
   Commandant-General and Vice President of the South African
   Republic.

SOUTH AFRICA: Orange Free State: A. D. 1900 (March).
   Proclamation to the burghers by the British commander.

   Soon after entering the Orange Free State, Lord Roberts issued
   a proclamation addressed to the burghers, assuring them that
   the British government did not believe them to be responsible
   for the aggressive act of war committed by the government of
   the Orange Free State, and bore them no ill-will. "I,
   therefore," his proclamation continued, "warn all Burghers to
   desist from any further hostility towards Her Majesty's
   Government and the troops under my command, and I undertake
   that any of them, who may so desist and who are found staying
   in their homes and quietly pursuing their ordinary
   occupations, will not be made to suffer in their persons or
   property on account of their having taken up arms in obedience
   to the order of their Government. Those, however, who oppose
   the forces under my command, or furnish the enemy with
   supplies or information, will be dealt with according to the
   customs of war. Requisitions for food, forage, fuel, or
   shelter, made on the authority of the officers in command of
   Her Majesty's troops, must be at once complied with; but
   everything will be paid for on the spot, prices being
   regulated by the local market rates. If the inhabitants of any
   district refuse to comply with the demands made on them, the
   supplies will be taken by force, a full receipt being given.
   Should any inhabitant of the country consider that he or any
   member of his household has been unjustly treated by any
   officer, soldier or civilian attached to the British Army, he
   should submit his complaint, either personally or in writing,
   to my Headquarters or to the Headquarters of the nearest
   General Officer. Should the complaint on enquiry be
   substantiated, redress will be given. Orders have been issued
   by me, prohibiting soldiers from entering private houses, or
   molesting the civil population on any pretext whatever, and
   every precaution has been taken against injury to property on
   the part of any person belonging to, or connected with, the
   Army."

   After the occupation of Bloemfontein, Lord Roberts issued a
   second proclamation, announcing that he had received authority
   from his government to offer the following terms to those "who
   have been engaged in the present war": "All Burghers who have
   not taken a prominent part in the policy which has led to the
   war between Her Majesty and the Orange Free State, or
   commanded any forces of the Republic, or commandeered or used
   violence to any British subjects, and who are willing to lay
   down their arms at once, and to bind themselves by an oath to
   abstain from further participation in the war, will be given
   passes to allow them to return to their homes and will not be
   made prisoners of war, nor will their property be taken from
   them."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      Cd. 261, 1900, pages 62-63._

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal and the Free State:
A. D. 1900 (March).
   Boer Peace Commissioners to Europe and America.

   In March, three commissioners, Messrs. Fischer, Wolmeraans and
   Wessels were sent to Europe and America by the two Boer
   governments to solicit intervention in their behalf. They
   visited several European countries and proceeded thence to the
   United States, in May. There were many demonstrations of
   popular sympathy in their reception, on both sides of the
   ocean, but they failed to obtain official recognition.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (March-May).
   The British in Bloemfontein and Kroonstad.
   The relief of Mafeking.

   From the scene of the surrender of General Cronje Lord Roberts
   moved quickly on the Free State capital. His advance was
   resisted by considerable forces of the Boers, but he was able
   to turn most of their positions, and fought only one severe
   battle, at Driefontein, on the 10th of March. On the 12th his
   cavalry was in possession of Bloemfontein, and the
   Field-Marshal entered the city on the following day, receiving
   from the municipal officers a formal surrender of the keys of the
   public buildings, and being welcomed by some part of the
   population with demonstrations of joy. President Steyn and
   most of the members of the government of the Republic had
   retired to Kroonstad and established the seat of authority
   there. The lighting and the forced marches of a single month,
   since he began his advance, had now exhausted the mobility of
   Lord Roberts's army, worn out the means of transportation
   which Lord Kitchener had hastily organized for it,—while his
   troops were being stricken with fever,—and he was compelled to
   suspend his campaign for some weeks. The situation at that
   time was probably described with accuracy by a military
   contributor to "Blackwood's Magazine" for June, 1900, who
   wrote: "Lord Roberts found himself at Bloemfontein with the
   wreck of an army and a single narrow-gauge line of railway
   between himself and his base, upwards of 700 miles distant. It
   was very soon known in Boer headquarters at Kroonstad that he
   could not move beyond Bloemfontein for some weeks. The
   triumphal march of Generals Gatacre and Clements through the
   recently captured territory, accepting submissions, hoisting
   union-jacks and picking up rifles of antique date, afforded
   much amusement to the Boers, who saw their opportunity and
   streamed down in large numbers on the small British posts
   which were scattered east and south of the railway."

   There was a good deal of raiding and fighting on a minor
   scale, with a number of mortifying mishaps to the British
   arms; but little of importance occurred in the military field
   until near the end of April, when Lord Roberts had reinforced
   and mobilized his army sufficiently to move forward again,
   towards Pretoria. On the 12th of May he entered Kroonstad, and
   the Free State government was again in flight. He paused at
   Kroonstad for some days, and while he paused there came news
   of the relief of Mafeking, which caused a wilder joy in
   England than any other event of the war. There had been
   painful anxiety on account of the besieged in that remote
   town, in the far corner of Bechuanaland, on the border of the
   Transvaal,—so far from help, and so stoutly defended for seven
   weary months by a very small force. From a point near
   Kimberley, a flying column of mounted men, mostly colonial
   troops, commanded by Colonel Mahon, had been started northward
   on the 4th of May, taking a route east of the railway, to avoid,
   as much as possible, the Boers.
{499}
   On the 15th they were 20 miles west of Mafeking, and there
   they were joined by another detachment, under Colonel Plumer,
   which had been operating in the northern region for some weeks
   without being able to break up the siege. The two advanced on
   the works of the besiegers, drove them out by hard fighting,
   and entered the town on the 18th of May. Meantime, another
   column, under General Hunter, had been securing and opening
   the railway, to bring up the sorely needed supplies for the
   famished and worn-out garrison and people of the town. The
   defense of Mafeking was one of the finest performances of the
   war, and gave distinction to Colonel Baden-Powell.

SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1900 (April-June).
   The question of the treatment of Cape Colonists who had taken
   part with the Boers in the war.
   Resignation of Premier Schreiner.

   On the 28th of April, the Ministers of Cape Colony addressed
   to the Governor, Sir Alfred Milner, a Minute upon the subject
   of the treatment of those inhabitants of the Colony who had
   joined or given aid to the Boers in the war, and who had thus
   made themselves liable to the pains and penalties of high
   treason. "Ministers submit," they said, "that the ends of
   justice would be served by the selection of a certain limited
   number of the principal offenders, whose trials would mark the
   magnitude of their offence, and whose punishment, if found
   guilty, would act as a deterrent. For the remainder, Ministers
   believe that the interests both of sound policy and of public
   morality would be served if Her Gracious Majesty were moved to
   issue, as an act of grace, a Proclamation of amnesty under
   which, upon giving proper security for their good behaviour,
   all persons chargeable with high treason, except those held
   for trial, might be enlarged and allowed to return to their
   avocations. Ministers urge such a course not only on the
   ground of that natural desire for clemency towards her erring
   subjects which they feel sure would spring from Her Gracious
   Majesty, but from a deep sense of the importance of such a
   step upon the future well-being of this country."

   The substance of the Minute was transmitted by cable to Mr.
   Chamberlain, and he replied to it on the 5th of May, objecting
   to the proposed proclamation of a broad amnesty, saying:
   "Clemency to rebels is a policy which has the hearty sympathy
   of Her Majesty's Government, but justice to loyalists is an
   obligation of duty and honour. The question is how can these
   two policies be harmonized. It is clear that in the interest
   of future peace it is necessary to show that rebellion cannot
   be indulged in with impunity, and above all that if
   unsuccessful it is not a profitable business for the rebel.
   Otherwise the State would be offering a premium to rebellion.
   The present moment, therefore, while the war is still
   proceeding, and while efforts may still be made to tempt
   British subjects into rebellious courses, is in any case not
   appropriate for announcing that such action may be indulged in
   with absolute impunity. And if, as has been suggested, a great
   many of the Queen's rebellious subjects are the mere tools of
   those who have deceived them, it is important that these
   should be made aware individually that whatever their leaders
   may tell them rebellion is a punishable offence." This
   attitude of the Imperial Government on the subject of amnesty
   occasioned differences in the Ministry of Cape Colony which
   led to the resignation of the Premier, Mr. W. P. Schreiner, on
   the 13th of June, and the appointment of a new Ministry, under
   Sir Gordon Sprigg.

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      July, 1900, Cape Colony, Cd. 264._

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (May).
   The British army stricken with fever.

   The losses of the British army in battle during this campaign
   of Lord Roberts had not been severe; but it had encountered a
   worse enemy than the Boers, and was being terribly thinned and
   shattered by the ravages of enteric or typhoid fever. The
   sanitary condition of the army in May, and the lack of due
   provision for dealing with the dreadful epidemic, have been
   graphically described by the writer already quoted, in
   "Blackwood's Magazine." Referring to the outset of the
   campaign, in February, he wrote:

   "The movement of men and cattle depends on flesh and muscle—it
   cannot go on for ever; the strain of incessant marching on
   insufficient food and forage will find out the weak spot even
   in the most willing. General French started on his memorable
   ride with 4,800 horses, of which 990 dropped by the way,
   though the loss in the ranks, exclusive of Paardeberg, was
   only fifty men,—the brunt of the battle for life lay with the
   horses. But not for long. The men with worn-out boots,
   tattered clothes, hurrying through scorching days and frosty
   nights, with half a biscuit and water tainted with dead Boers,
   to satisfy an appetite and thirst compelled by hard work at an
   altitude of 4,000 feet, who marched in as soldiers, proud of the
   victory they had won, staggered and fell out, victims to the
   curse that creeps in, unnoticed, wherever camps are
   crowded—enteric. … Of all things on which we prided ourselves
   was the care and the money we had lavished to provide comforts
   for our sick soldiers. The foremost surgeons of the day had
   volunteered; military hospitals had been arranged on the
   latest plan; private benevolence had provided as many more;
   ladies of every rank in life had gone out to nurse: the
   soldiers, at all events, would be looked after. Letters from
   the front had come from patients to say how well they had been
   treated. Mr. Treves at the Reform Club made a speech eulogizing
   the perfection of the hospitals in Natal, and Sir W. MacCormac
   spoke of the medical arrangements as admirable—our minds
   rested content. All this was so long ago as the 10th March,
   but what happened in March, for all we knew, was happening in
   May. Then Mr. Burdett-Coutts told us that hundreds of men were
   lying in the worst stages of typhoid, with only a blanket to
   cover them, a thin water-proof sheet (not even that for many)
   between them and the ground; no milk and hardly any medicines;
   without beds, stretchers, or mattresses; without pillows, without
   linen of any kind, without a single nurse amongst them, with a
   few private soldiers as orderlies, and only three doctors to
   attend on 350 patients; their faces covered with flies in
   black clusters, the men too weak to brush them off, trying in
   vain to dislodge them by painful twitching of the
   features—there was no one to do it for them. And this a mile
   from Bloemfontein, where the army had been for six weeks. It
   is true that a terrible epidemic had followed it from
   Paardeberg, to break out when it halted. Lord Roberts tells us
   that before he left on May 3rd the sick gradually increased to
   2,000, reaching on June 4th the appalling number, in
   Bloemfontein, of over 5,000 suffering from typhoid alone.
{500}
   Such were the bare facts as stated on either side—a sudden and
   devastating epidemic with totally inadequate hospital
   arrangements to meet it. … Yet typhoid has always been the
   scourge of armies in the field,—in South Africa the
   water-supply, invariably surface drainage fouled by dead
   animals, is proverbial—that at least was known. The medical
   authorities on the spot were repeatedly warned by local
   medical men that from February onwards ten men would be down
   with typhoid for one with wounds. Ladysmith is in evidence of
   the persistent presence of typhoid—every one who has visited
   South Africa bears witness to the same—it can hardly be urged
   that an outbreak was unreasonable to expect; yet when it did
   occur it seems to have been taken by the medical
   administration at the base as an unwarrantable intrusion."

      _The War Operations in South Africa
      (Blackwood's Magazine, August, 1900)._

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1900 (May).
   Speech of President Kruger to the Volksraads.

   The following translation of a speech addressed to both
   Volksraads by President Kruger, in May, 1900, was published in
   England some months later: "It is known to you," said the
   President, "how, before the war started, pressure was brought
   to bear to obtain the franchise. It is known to you that the
   Government conceded, after the Rand had consented, although
   this body saw the difficulty in the matter, till even the
   burghers made petitions to the effect that we had parted with
   all our rights. The Government had in view the prevention of
   shedding blood. The Raad then consented to a seven years'
   franchise, and also to grant immediately the franchise to
   people resident here longer than seven years. There were then
   nearly 30,000 who would obtain the franchise immediately, and
   so much was conceded that when these had obtained the
   franchise they would have been able to out-vote the old
   burghers. We consented to this solely to prevent the shedding
   of blood. Yet they were not satisfied and they wanted the
   franchise after five years' residence. Our burghers were
   against this, and there were also members of the Raad who
   would not agree to this, yet, nevertheless, the Government
   made a proposition about it, because they had discovered that
   it was not about the franchise, but that it was a pretence
   full of Pharisaic hypocrisy, because documents had been found
   that in 1896 it was decided that the two independent Republics
   should not be allowed to exist any more. I cannot express
   myself otherwise than to call it a devilish fraud. Peace was
   spoken of while a resolution had already been passed to
   annihilate us. Even if we had conceded more, yea, even if we
   had said that the franchise could be obtained after one year,
   then that would not have been accepted. It was proved by
   documents that, as this nation could not be allowed to be a
   free nation, as was pointed out in the address, the
   Government, to prevent the further shedding of blood, made a
   proposition to Chamberlain and Salisbury about this matter,
   and what was the reply? You have, doubtless, read the paper,
   and, although I cannot verbally repeat the contents of the
   said document, it amounts to this. That they were annoyed ever
   to have acknowledged us as an independent nation, and that,
   notwithstanding all conventions made, they would never
   acknowledge this nation as self-supporting. Honourable
   gentlemen, I had to express that which was in my mind. Psalm
   83 speaks of the assault of the evil one on the Kingdom of
   Christ. That must not exist. The self-same words of Salisbury
   also appear, because he says 'this nation must not exist,' and
   God says, 'this nation shall exist.' Who will be victorious?
   Certainly the Lord. You see therein the deceit which they then
   already practised, even they, for though our nation did not
   wish to part with any rights, the Executive Council conceded
   so far that we nearly lost the country. The intention was not
   to obtain these rights. They wanted our country not to be
   independent any longer. Every other proposition was
   unsatisfactory to them.

   "Let us look this matter in the face and see the cunning
   deceit enveloped therein. They wrote to the Orange Free State
   that they had nothing against them, but that they had some
   grievance against this Republic. Their intention was to tear
   the two Republics asunder, and it has been proved by
   documentary evidence that neither of them would be allowed to
   remain. You see the deception which lies therein. The
   documents prove that this was already decided in 1896, from
   the time of Jameson's invasion, and yet they maintain that if
   the Orange Free State had laid down their weapons that that
   country would remain in existence. The Orange Free State
   decided not to lay down their arms, and we started together.
   We were 40,000 men, but everywhere we had to watch the
   Kaffirs, and even the commander of Mafeking informed us that
   certain Kaffir chiefs would assist him. We know that these
   numbered 30,000 able-bodied men. The number of Kaffirs nearly
   equalled the number of our forces. Besides them, more than
   200,000 English troops arrived, and against these we have to
   fight. Now, gentlemen, look on God's government. Is it not
   wonderful that 40,000 men having to fight these thousands,
   besides the coloured people, still live? Acknowledge therein
   the hand of God. The matter I wish to impress is this. It is
   remarkable that when we meet the enemy we stand in the
   proportion of 10 to 100. Yet the Lord hath spared us thus far.
   I do not wish to prophesy, but I wish to point out that our
   guidance is in the word of God. It is extraordinary, but this
   war is a sign of the times. What it amounts to is this. That
   the power of the Beast is an obstinate power to persecute the
   Church and will continue this until the Lord says, 'Thus far
   and no further: and why? Because the Church must be tried and
   purified as there is so much iniquity among us. That is why
   the war is extraordinary and is a sign of the times. Every one
   will be convinced that the word of God can be plainly traced
   in this matter. They say that the people 'shall not exist,'
   but God says, 'it shall exist and be purified.' In my mind it
   lies clear and discernable that the day of grace is not far
   off. The Lord will prove to be ruler, and nothing shall take
   place without His will. When He allows chastisement to come
   upon us we must bend ourselves and humble ourselves, confess
   our sins and turn again to the Lord. When the whole nation has
   been humbled, and it is seen that we can do nothing ourselves,
   the Lord will help us and we shall have peace immediately.
{501}
   This humility has not grasped our hearts sufficiently at
   present, and we must perform our earnest duty as Peter says in
   1 Peter, chapter v., v. 7 and 8:—'Casting all your care upon
   Him; for He careth for you'; but in the eighth verse it
   states:—'Be sober, be vigilant; because your adversary the
   Devil, as a roaring lion, walketh about, seeking whom he may
   devour.' That is the point on which we must be careful. If we
   fall into disbelief then we lower ourselves.

   "I ask you, brothers, what is their behaviour? In an open
   letter Kaffirs are called up by them as at Derdepoort, and
   women and children are murdered. The English assert that no
   Kaffirs were utilized against us but only coloured people, but
   it is a fact that Montsioa with his Kaffirs are in Mafeking,
   and are employed to fight against us. Now, gentlemen, you must
   not come to the conclusion that everyone who fights against us
   belongs to the Beast (vide Revelations, chapter 13). There are
   certainly hundreds of God's children with them who, however,
   through fear are the Beast's, and are forced to act with them,
   but God knows all hearts. We did not seek to spill the blood
   which lies strewn upon the earth, as we conceded nearly all
   our rights; but when they wanted to murder us, we could not
   give way any more. How did it fare with Ahab? The mighty foe
   came on to the walls of the city, and they lost heart. Then
   the prophet of God came and said, Fear nothing. Then God
   arose, and in that God we must put our trust, because He is
   the same God. Let us not, therefore, live as if no God
   existed; He reigns. In the beginning was the Word, and the
   Word was God, and the Word became flesh and lived amongst us.
   Look at history, it must be an example to us. He is still the
   same God who led out Israel and hardened the heart of Pharaoh
   to the end, until finally all the first-born of the Egyptians
   died, whereupon Pharaoh allowed the Israelites to go. He is
   still the same God who calmed the winds and storms on the sea,
   and His arm is not shortened. Some ask, 'Does not this only
   have reference to the Church in the two Republics?' No. See
   the three youths in the burning oven. Did these rejoice alone?
   No; but God's people of the whole earth. Was it solitary for
   Daniel in the lions' den? No, but all Christians on the whole
   earth rejoiced. So the Lord often chooses a small body to whom
   He shows His miracles as an example for the whole Christian
   world. Look upon the blood which has been spilt upon this
   earth. Who is the cause of it? We have wanted peace and our
   freedom since 1836, and the Lord has given it us, and will the
   Lord ever give anything and then withdraw? No. But let us
   humble ourselves before the Lord. There is no doubt about it
   that eventually the Lord will lead us to victory. The day of
   grace is not far from His people. Do not let us doubt but
   remain true to God's word and fight in His name. When the cup
   of humiliation is brought to our lips and we earnestly humble
   ourselves before the Lord, then the day of grace has arrived.
   Let each one then acknowledge that it is the hand of God which
   makes us free and nothing else, then we shall not boast. Yet He
   uses man as His instrument.

   "I have laid my address before you, and I hope that the Raad
   will not sit over it longer than to-morrow morning. There are
   several members of the Raad who are burghers or military
   officers in the field, so there will be no time to treat
   ordinary subjects. I trust that you will only treat such
   subjects as I lay before you. I have appointed an acting
   Commandant General since I have lost my right-hand man,
   although I do not infer that I have not more such men. The
   late most noble Commandant General, Messrs. Kock and
   Wolmarans, members of the executive council, are lost to me.
   The State Secretary is a newly appointed one, and I am the
   only one remaining of the old members of the executive
   council, yet I have experienced much assistance and support
   from the present members, and God will also support us. The
   Lord is still our Commander-in-Chief; He gives orders and He
   knows when to say, 'Thus far and no further.' It is surprising
   how other Powers are unanimously with us and how the whole of
   Europe prays for us, and will the Lord lend a deaf ear to
   these prayers? Oh, no! Trust in the Lord and let us stand by
   Him, and He will perform miracles. Even if I have to go to St.
   Helena, the Lord will bring His people back and make them free,
   and the same judgment will fall on the present Babylon, the
   cause of all the spilt blood. We fight for the freedom which
   God granted to us. I say again, should any brothers from this
   Raad and private persons fall by the sword, they fought in the
   name of the Lord and believed, and they, so says the word of
   the Lord, are sacrificed on the altar for the glorification of
   His name and of the glorious Church, which, at this time, is to
   be revealed. The Church must be tried and purified, and that
   is why I cannot see that this extraordinary war will be
   allowed to destroy us. This war will be continued until the
   Lord says, 'Thus far and no further,' remain at that, abide by
   that, and fight with me. I give myself in the hands of the
   Lord, whatever He has destined for me, I shall kiss His rod
   with which He chastizes me because I am also guilty. Let
   everyone humble himself before the Lord, I have said."

SOUTH AFRICA: Orange Free State: A. D. 1900 (May).
   Annexation by proclamation of Lord Roberts to the
   Dominions of the Queen.

   "In view of Lord Robert's opinion that early annexation would
   tend towards the pacification of the country, by removing a
   feeling of uncertainty as to the return of President Steyn's
   government," the following commission by the Queen to Lord
   Roberts was issued on the 21st of May:

   "Victoria R. I., by the Grace of God of the United Kingdom of
   Great Britain and Ireland Queen, Defender of the Faith,
   Empress of India: To Our Right Trusty and Well-beloved
   Councillor Frederick Sleigh, Baron Roberts of Kandahar, Field
   Marshal of Our Forces, Knight of Our Most Illustrious Order of
   Saint Patrick, Knight Grand Cross of Our Most Honourable Order
   of the Bath, Knight Grand Commander of Our Most Exalted Order
   of the Star of India, Knight Grand Commander of Our Most
   Eminent Order of the Indian Empire, upon whom We have
   conferred the Decoration of the Victoria Cross. Greeting:
   Whereas the territories in South Africa heretofore known as
   the Orange Free State have been conquered by Our forces, And
   whereas it is expedient that such territories should be
   annexed to and should henceforth form part of Our Dominions:
   Now know you that We, reposing especial trust and confidence
   in you the said Frederick Sleigh, Baron Roberts of Kandahar,
   do hereby authorize and empower you in Our name to annex the
   said territories and to declare that the said territories
   shall henceforth form part of Our Dominions.
{502}
   And We do hereby constitute and appoint you to be thereupon
   Administrator of the said territories provisionally and until
   Our pleasure is more fully known. And We do authorize and
   empower you as such Administrator to take all such measures,
   and to make and enforce such laws as you may deem necessary
   for the peace, order, and good government of the said
   territories. And we do strictly charge and command all Our
   officers, civil and military, and all other Our faithful
   subjects, that in their several places, and according to their
   respective opportunities, they do aid and assist you in the
   execution of this Our Commission, and for so doing this shall
   be your Warrant. Given at Our Court at St. James's, this 21st
   day of May, One thousand nine hundred, in the Sixty-third Year
   of Our Reign." The commission was executed by a public reading
   of the proclamation of Lord Roberts at Bloemfontein on the
   24th of May.

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command: 1900,
      Cd. 261, pages 136, 144._

   A counter-proclamation, referring to that of the British
   commander, was issued by President Steyn, from Reitz, on the
   11th of June, declaring: "Whereas an unjust war was forced on
   the people of the Orange Free State and of the South African
   Republic by Great Britain in the month of October 1899, and
   whereas these two small Republics have maintained the unequal
   struggle with the powerful British Empire for more than eight
   months and still maintain it; … Whereas the forces of the
   Orange Free State are still in the field and the Orange Free
   State has not been conquered and whereas the aforesaid
   proclamation is thus in contradiction with International Law;
   Whereas the independence of the Orange Free State has been
   acknowledged by nearly all the civilised Powers; Whereas it is
   notorious that the British authorities have lately recognised
   that the Orange Free State is governed in an exemplary manner,
   and that it is both a violation of the laws of civilization
   and a denial of the fundamental rights of such people to rob
   it on what a pretence soever, of its freedom, and whereas I
   consider it desirable to make known to all whom it may concern
   that the aforesaid Proclamation is not recognised by the
   Government and the people of the Orange Free State; So,
   therefore, I, M. T. Steyn, State President of the Orange Free
   State, in consultation with the Executive Council, and in the
   name of the independent people of the Orange Free State, do
   hereby proclaim that the aforesaid annexation is not
   recognised and is hereby declared to be null and of no avail.
   The people of the Orange Free State is and remains a free and
   independent people, and refuses to submit to British rule."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      Cd. 261, 1900, page 155._

SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1900 (May).
   Opposition of Cape Colony Afrikanders to the annexation
   of the Republics.

   A "People's Congress" of the Afrikanders, or Bondmen, of Cape
   Colony, was held at Graaff-Reinet, on the 30th of May, to
   protest against the annexation of the Boer Republics. The
   following resolution was adopted by acclamation: "Whereas,
   were the Republics to be annexed the majority of Cape
   Colonists would feel themselves bound morally to work
   unceasingly by every right and lawful means for the
   restoration of independence to the Republics, and to make that
   end their first political object; And whereas from our
   knowledge of the history and character of the Republics we are
   convinced they would never become the willing subjects of the
   Empire, but would seize any and every opportunity which might
   offer itself to recover their independence, possibly by force
   of arms, once they were to be deprived of it; And whereas
   instead of the annexation of the Republics tending to promote
   the welfare of their people, as has been claimed, it would, if
   successfully maintained for any long period, tend to degrade
   those people and their offsprings, seeing that the servitude
   of a self-governing State is as demoralising to its people as
   the more direct form of personal slavery; And whereas, as the
   annexation of the Republics by Great Britain would be as great
   a wrong morally as the theft by a rich man of a poor man's
   hard-earned savings; On that general ground alone it is not
   believable that permanent good could result from such a
   policy. Therefore be it resolved now that we, on behalf of the
   majority of Cape Colonists, do hereby declare our solemn and
   profound conviction that the annexation of the two South
   African Republics would be disastrous to the peace and welfare
   of South Africa and of the Empire as a whole." Also the
   following: "Be it resolved that it is the opinion of the
   people in Congress here assembled that a settlement of the
   South African question on the following basis would prove a
   blessing to South Africa and the Empire, namely, that the two
   Republics should have their unqualified independence; that the
   Colonies should have the right to enter into treaties of
   obligatory arbitration with the Republics for the settlement
   of all disputes affecting the internal affairs of the South
   African Continent, and that this colony, and any other colony
   so deserving it, should have a voice in the selection of its
   Governors. Be it further resolved that a settlement on the
   above basis would make the majority of the people who have
   made South Africa their home the warm friends and staunch
   allies of the British Empire, and that in no other way known
   to us can that end now be attained."

   In transmitting a report of this meeting to Secretary
   Chamberlain, the High Commissioner, Sir Alfred Milner, wrote:
   "I do not myself take a very gloomy view of the prospect of
   racial relations in the Colony, much less in South Africa
   generally. If it is true, as the conciliators are never tired
   of threatening us, that race hatred will be eternal, why
   should they make such furious efforts to keep it up at the
   present moment? The very vehemence of their declarations that
   the Africanders will never forgive, nor forget, nor acquiesce,
   seems to me to indicate a considerable and well-justified
   anxiety on their part lest these terrible things should after
   all happen."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      July, 1900, South Africa, Cd. 261, pages 182-188._

{503}

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (May-June).
   The British invasion of the Transvaal.
   Occupation of Johannesburg and Pretoria.
   Expulsion of the Boers from Natal.
   Discussion of terms of surrender.

   On the 22d of May, Lord Roberts resumed his forward movement
   from Kroonstad, with a strong column of cavalry, under General
   French, in advance on the west, and another, of mounted
   infantry, under General Ian Hamilton, on the east. The Boers,
   under General Botha, had prepared defensive works on the
   Rhenoster River, but were too much endangered by the flanking
   column of General Hamilton to make a stand there, and fell
   back. Again at the Vaal River, their fortifications were
   untenable, as against an invasion of such numbers, with so
   large a mounted force. With little resistance the British army
   crossed the Vaal on the 26th and 27th and entered the
   territory of the South African Republic. On the 30th it was
   before Johannesburg, and the town was surrendered on the
   following day. Thence the invading force moved upon Pretoria,
   meeting some opposition, but evidently none that was hopefully
   made, and the capital was surrendered unconditionally to Lord
   Roberts on the 5th of June. President Kruger and the officials
   of his government had left the town, with their archives and
   their treasure, and movable offices had been prepared for them
   in railway cars, which were transferred for the time being to
   Machadodorp, at some distance eastward. Most of the armed
   burghers had escaped from the town, and they had been able to
   remove about 900 of their British prisoners; but a large
   number of the latter were set free. General Botha gathered up
   his broken and discouraged forces and intrenched them in a
   strong position on the Lorenzo Marquez railway, only 15 miles
   eastward from Pretoria. Lord Roberts moved against him on the
   11th and compelled him to retreat, after hard fighting for
   five hours. This ended important operations in that part of
   the field.

   In Natal, General Buller, since early in May, had been pushing
   his army northward, in a movement co-operative with that of
   Lord Roberts. He had turned the flank of the Boer forces in
   the positions they had fortified against his advance, regained
   Glencoe and Dundee, and moved on to Newcastle. Then, with more
   serious fighting, he forced Botha's Pass through the
   mountains, compelled the Boers to evacuate their strongholds
   on Laing's Nek and Majuba Hill, and was substantially in
   possession of Natal.

   On the 30th of May, General Buller sent word to General Chris
   Botha that Lord Roberts had crossed the Vaal, and suggested
   surrender, further resistance appearing useless. This led to a
   meeting of the opposed commanders, at which Botha asked what
   terms Lord Roberts would offer. Buller immediately referred
   the question to Lord Roberts, saying: "Can you let me know
   your terms of peace for individual and separate commandos? … I
   think they are inclined to give in, and that I have in front
   of me about half the Transvaal forces now in the field. If you
   think it worth while please let me know if I may mention any
   terms of peace to them. I think, even if assisted from the
   Orange Free State, it will cost me about 500 men killed and
   wounded to get out of Natal." The reply of Lord Roberts, dated
   June 3, 1900, was as follows: "Your telegram of yesterday. My
   terms with the Transvaal Government are unconditional
   surrender. With regard to troops, those who deliver up their
   arms and riding animals are allowed to go to their homes on
   signing pledge that they will not fight again during present
   war. The exceptions to this rule are those who have commanded
   portions of the Republican forces, or who have taken an active
   part in the policy which brought about the war, or who have
   been guilty of or been parties to wanton destruction of
   property, or guilty of acts contrary to the usages of
   civilized warfare. Principal officers should remain with you
   on parole until you receive instructions regarding their
   disposal." General Botha declined the terms.

   Nine days later (June 12) Lord Roberts opened correspondence
   on the same subject with General Louis Botha, Acting
   Commandant-General of the Boer forces, endeavoring to persuade
   him, "in the cause of humanity, to refrain from further
   resistance." The Commandant-General wrote in return: "For the
   purpose of arriving at a decision, it is not only absolutely
   necessary for me to call a General Council of War of my
   Officers and to consult them, but above all it is necessary
   for me to consider the subject with my Government. I trust
   that for the sake of humanity your Excellency will give me the
   opportunity for such consideration and consultation. As some
   of my Officers are near the Natal Border, and I am also a long
   way separate from my Government, this will require some time.
   I ask your Excellency kindly, therefore, for an armistice for
   six days, beginning from to-morrow morning at sunrise, during
   which time no forward movement will be made on either side
   within the territory of the South African Republic."

   Lord Roberts replied: "I am anxious to meet your wishes and to
   enable your Honour to communicate with the Government of the
   South African Republic, but as the movement of my troops in
   that Republic are intimately connected with operations in
   progress in other parts of South Africa, it is impossible for
   me to accede to your Honour's request that there should be an
   armistice for 6 days, during which time no forward movement
   will be made on either side within the territory of the South
   African Republic. I am willing, however, to refrain from
   making further movements in the district to the east of the
   Elands River Railway Station, our present most advanced post
   in that direction, and also in the district north of the
   Volksrust and Johannesburg Railway, for a period of five (5)
   days, commencing at dawn on the 15th June, on the condition
   that no movement westward or southward is made by the Army of
   the South African Republic during that same period. This will,
   I trust, give your Honour the opportunity you desire of
   consulting your Officers and conferring with your Government,
   and I sincerely hope that the result will be of such a
   satisfactory nature as to prevent further unnecessary loss of
   life."

   The proposal was declined by General Botha, in the following
   note (June 15): "In answer to your letter, dated 14th June,
   just received by me, wherein your Excellency consents to an
   armistice for five days, but with the reservation of the right
   to your Excellency to move your Army in all directions within
   the South African Republic, except cast of Elands River
   Station and north of the Volksrust-Johannesburg Railway line,
   I must, to my great regret, inform your Excellency that this
   reservation makes it impossible for me to accept this
   armistice, which I have so much desired."

{504}

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (June-December).
   Continued resistance of the Boers in guerilla warfare.
   An outline of the events of seven months.
   A British view of the later situation.

   "After the occupation of Pretoria, exhaustion of the mounted
   forces and of the transport again supervened and Lord Roberts
   was preoccupied with the double task of bringing up large
   numbers of horses and masses of stores by a railway exposed to
   attack along a distance of 290 miles, and at the same time of
   dealing, as best he could, with scattered bodies of the enemy,
   nowhere formidable in a military sense, but capable of much
   mischief. The period beginning with the occupation of
   Bloemfontein, during which the Boers developed and maintained
   warfare of guerilla type, imposed highly responsible duties
   upon British officers in charge of scattered posts and
   convoys. In some cases those duties were not adequately
   discharged, and for a time the defences of the important line
   of communications appeared to be somewhat imperfectly
   organized and supervised. There were signs of the tendency to
   relax precautions after a conspicuous success, which has been
   shown by British armies on other occasions. It was clear that
   the main centre of Boer activity was in the Bethlehem
   district, and at the end of June Lord Roberts despatched a
   strong column south under Lieutenant-General Hunter to
   co-operate with Major-Generals MacDonald, Clements, and Paget
   from the west. Bethlehem was captured on July 7, and by the
   end of the month Commandant Prinsloo, caught in the Brandwater
   Basin between the forces of Lieutenant-Generals Hunter and
   Rundle, surrendered with more than 4,000 men and a large
   number of horses and wagons. … Meanwhile, Lord Roberts, who
   had driven back the Boers along the Lorenzo Marques line, in
   two actions near Eerste Fabrieken, on June 11 and 12, began an
   advance eastward on July 23, and on August 7 Sir R. Buller
   moved northwards from Paarde Kop. On August 25 the
   Commander-in-Chief met Sir R. Buller and Generals French and
   Pole-Carew at Belfast, and after the fighting of the 27th the
   resistance of the Boers in this district practically
   collapsed. Starting from Machadodorp on September 1, Sir R.
   Buller moved slowly towards Spitzkop, driving the enemy before
   him through a difficult mountainous region, and General French
   pressed on to Barberton, which was occupied on the 13th
   without opposition. On the 24th the Guards reached Komati
   Poort. The rugged hill country east of Belfast offered great
   opportunities for the tactics in which the Boers appeared to
   excel; but the 'natural fortress surrounded by a glacis of
   about 1,500 yards absolutely without cover' near Bergendal
   Farm was not defended with the tenacity shown on previous
   occasions, and the subsequent British advance led to a
   wholesale destruction of artillery material and to the
   surrender of some 3,000 men to the Portuguese. This, the third
   great disaster which has befallen the Boers, left them without
   any centre of resistance or any considerable gathering of
   fighting men.

   "Before the outbreak of war we estimated their available
   strength at about 45,000, to which must be added some 10,000
   colonial rebels and perhaps 5,000 mercenaries. It is doubtful
   whether the force actually in the field at any one time
   reached 45,000, and the total loss in killed, wounded and
   prisoners, cannot be much less than 30,000. … Exhaustion of
   supplies and of ammunition must soon begin to tell heavily
   upon the Boers; but it cannot be said that they have at
   present given evidence of personal demoralization.
   Comparatively small bodies, lightly equipped, still hold the
   field and show much activity over a wide area. It is
   impossible to provide British garrisons for every town and
   village, and wherever the roving bands of the enemy appear
   there is a recrudescence of local hostility, even in districts
   which have been apparently tranquil for months. Large mobile
   columns are employed in pursuit, but the Boers carefully avoid
   general engagements and attack only when there appears to be a
   chance of surprising and overpowering small detachments. …
   Mounted forces, marching as light as possible and capably
   commanded, are the principal requirements of the situation. It
   is necessary to give the roving commandos no rest and to make
   every effort to capture their leaders. The work is not easy,
   and it requires great energy and sound military judgment; but
   it will be successfully accomplished, and the scale of the
   operations will steadily dwindle into measures of police.
   Meanwhile a gradual withdrawal of troops from South Africa is
   taking place, and progress is doubtless being made with the
   new organization under Lieutenant-General Baden-Powell, which
   will be specially fitted for the work that now lies before us.
   …

   "The total casualties of the war up to the 31st ult. are
   estimated at about 46,000, and 'the reduction of the military
   forces' due to a campaign of more than a year is returned at
   12,769, of which total 11,739 are accounted for by death,
   including 6,482 victims to disease. It is impossible to rank
   the Boer war among the great campaigns of the British Army;
   but the peculiar difficulties must never be forgotten. The
   closest parallel is probably that of the American Civil war,
   in which an armed people long resisted far superior forces and
   carried invasion into the territory of the stronger Power. The
   military potentiality of the Southern States was at first as
   little realized in Washington as was that of the Boers in
   London, and disasters therefore resulted. In both cases the
   issue was certain as soon as adequate force in strong hands
   was available. The Southern leaders, like the Boers, hoped and
   strove for foreign intervention in vain; but the former were
   far less prepared for war than the latter. On the other hand
   the Boers, though ably led in a limited sense, have produced
   no commanders with a genius for war comparable to that of Lee
   and of Jackson, nor have they shown the discipline and the
   cohesion which characterized the Southern armies when at their
   best. Desultory and irregular warfare may still be prolonged
   for a time; great activity and ample vigilance will still be
   required."

      _London Times,
      November 5, 1900._

   At the end of the year the "Times" summed up the later
   features of the situation as follows: "The spirit of the Boers
   remained unbroken, and small mobile commandos, scattered over
   the vast area of the countries which we had undertaken to
   occupy, perfectly familiar with the ground, and in close touch
   with the civil population, have succeeded up to the present
   time in making the task of the British Generals one of extreme
   difficulty. The Boer resistance has centered chiefly in three
   men, Commandants Louis Botha in the northeast, Delarey to the
   west of Pretoria, and De Wet in the Orange Free State. The
   first, who since the death of General Joubert, was in chief
   command in Natal, and afterwards in the Eastern Transvaal, has
   not been conspicuously active since September, but the other two
   have achieved a great deal with their very limited resources,
   and have earned enduring fame as guerrilla
   chieftains.
{505}
   De Wet, especially, after having been 'routed' and
   'surrounded' times without number, has succeeded in giving
   occupation to several British Generals and their forces up to
   the present time, has kept the eastern part of the Orange
   Colony in a continual ferment, and till now has defied the
   energetic efforts of General Charles Knox to capture him.
   Delarey, after remaining fairly quiescent for several weeks,
   suddenly advanced through the Magaliesburg in the middle of
   the present month with a force variously estimated at 1,500 or
   3,000 men, surrounded and captured a position held by four
   companies of the Northumberlands, and compelled the retreat of
   General Clements and the evacuation of his camp. It is true
   that these things are but the episodes of the later stages of
   a war in which there will be no more great battles, but they
   are exhausting, costly, and sometimes humiliating."

      _London Times,
      December 31, 1900._

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (August-December).
   Farm-burning by the British troops.

   Under proclamations issued by Lord Roberts in August and
   September, aimed at the suppression of irregular warfare, a
   punitive policy was adopted, which included the burning of
   farmhouses where guerrilla bands were sheltered, or whose
   inmates acted with such bands, and which soon came to be
   denounced as one of shameful barbarity. Such different
   representations have been made, as to the manner in which the
   orders of Lord Roberts were carried out, and as to the measure
   of devastation and suffering produced, that it seems to be
   impossible to judge whether the British farm-burning in the
   Transvaal and Orange Free State has or has not gone beyond the
   usual brutalities that belong to the very nature of war. Mr.
   Kruger, in speeches made after he went to Europe, represented
   it as monstrous beyond example. "The war waged against us," he
   said, on landing at Marseilles, "is a war of barbarians. I
   have witnessed wars of barbarians and never have I seen
   committed barbarities so monstrous as those committed daily
   among us. Our farms, which we had had so much difficulty to
   construct, are burned. The women whose husbands are at the war
   are hunted down and brutally separated from their children,
   who are deprived of bread and necessaries." The Afrikanders of
   Cape Colony held similar language. Men of conscience and heart
   in England were troubled by such accusations. Mr. Trevelyan, M.
   P., wrote to "The Times," on the 24th of November: "What so
   many of us feel, in the first place, is that we are not in a
   position to form a fair judgment from sheer lack of the most
   elementary reliable information of what has been done and is
   still doing. An officer returned from the war about two months
   told me the other day that he supposed only about 40 farms had
   been burnt. I read in the 'Westminster Gazette' from an
   equally honourable gentleman that it would not be an
   exaggeration to say that one-third of the farms in the Orange
   River Colony were in ashes. Clearly it is impossible for the
   nation to make out the truth when such contradictory
   statements are universally current. … One thing we do know for
   certain—that on September 2 Lord Roberts, regarding the war as
   having degenerated into guerrilla fighting, proclaimed that
   all farms would be burnt within a radius of ten miles of any
   point upon the railway raided by the Boers. It is now November
   24. We know that many people innocent of any dealing with De
   Wet have lost all they possess owing to his misguided energy.
   Has it diminished sensibly the Boer forces in the field? If
   not, what is its utility? … If the resistance of the Boers is
   being lessened by these destructions, let us at least have the
   poor consolation of knowing it. Again, we want to know what
   really happens to the women and children whom our soldiers
   conduct, I believe, generally to the nearest town after their
   homes have been burned. People whose property has been totally
   destroyed in a country where war has stopped all industry
   obviously cannot keep themselves."

   When Parliament met in December the subject was brought up
   there, by Mr. Trevelyan and others, and debated at length,
   without much clearer light on it being found. The government
   could give no definite information as to what was being done,
   but stoutly upheld the course which the military leaders had
   taken. Mr. Balfour said: "The ordinary laws of war as
   practised by civilized countries depend essentially upon
   drawing a sharp distinction between combatant and
   non-combatant. The combatant has his particular privileges,
   the non-combatant has his particular privileges. What has been
   universally found intolerable is that a man should oscillate,
   according to his convenience, from one category to the
   other—be a peaceful agriculturist when it suits him and an
   effective combatant when circumstances seem to be favourable.
   That practice is so intolerable that I believe all nations
   have laid down the severest rules for repressing it. I have in
   my hands the instructions to the army of the United States in
   the field, dated 1898. I should like to read to the House two
   extracts from this document. Rule 52 says:— 'If a people of a
   country, or any portion of same already occupied by the army,
   rises against it, they are violators of the laws of war, and
   are not entitled to their protection.' The 82nd rule is to the
   effect that men, or squads of men, who take part in raids of
   any kind without permission, and without being part or portion
   of an organized hostile army, are not public enemies, and
   therefore if captured are not entitled to be treated as
   prisoners of war, but shall be treated as highway robbers or
   pirates."

   Mr. Chamberlain said: "Lord Roberts's proclamation was to the
   effect that, in the first instance, general officers were
   authorized to burn down farmhouses as a punishment in cases in
   which they were used as fortified places or places for the
   concealment of arms, or in which the white flag had been
   improperly used, or where they had been the scenes of gross
   treachery and of acts contrary to the laws of war. As a matter
   of right and morality, the Government are prepared to sustain
   Lord Roberts absolutely. … Lord Roberts was placed in the most
   difficult position in which a general could possibly be
   placed. He had his base 1,500 miles away at least from his
   front, through a most difficult country, and he was served
   only by a single line of railway, and any catastrophe to the
   railway might have meant a catastrophe to the whole army. It
   is all very well to talk of humanity, but you must take first
   account of our own people.
{506}
    Now, Sir, it was of the first importance, it was the clear
    duty of Lord Roberts, to take any steps in his power to
    prevent the cutting of the line and the danger which would
    thereby accrue to his force, and he accordingly issued a
    proclamation that in the case of the destruction of the line
    persons in the vicinity would be held responsible, and that
    farmhouses in the vicinity might be destroyed. We understood
    his proclamation to mean that he would require evidence of
    some complicity on the part of the persons whose farmhouses
    were destroyed. … We inquired the other day, when the matter
    assumed greater importance, whether the construction we
    placed upon the proclamation was true, and we have a reply
    from Lord Kitchener, who has now taken the place of Lord
    Roberts, that we are perfectly right in that assumption. …
    According to the proclamation of Lord Roberts, whose humanity
    is proverbial, and who therefore could not under any
    circumstances be accused of unnecessary cruelty, cattle are
    always to be paid for by the troops, or a receipt given,
    which is as good as payment, except in those cases in which
    the owner of the cattle has been guilty of acts of war or of
    outrages which are punishable by all civilized nations who
    are at war. Therefore the taking of cattle does not mean
    necessarily that the owner of the cattle is placed in the
    impossibility of continuing his occupation. If he has not got
    the cattle he has got the money for them except in the cases
    in which destruction has taken place as a punitive measure.
    In all other cases the instructions are precise, and I
    believe from all the information we have obtained from the
    reports of the generals in the field they have been strictly
    carried out. Never in the history of war has war been carried
    out with so much humanity on the part of the officers and of
    the soldiers concerned as in the present war. The honourable
    member also spoke of the deportation of women. That sounds
    like something serious, but I believe it will be found that
    it is only for their own protection. If we are unable in this
    vast country to occupy and garrison every bit of it, when our
    troops are removed, if women and children are left alone they
    remain there in some danger—in danger from those marauding
    bands of which I have spoken and also from the vast native
    population. And, Sir, this native population is answerable, I
    believe, for every case of proved outrage either upon women
    or children. I believe, and the last reports we have received
    confirm that belief, that in no case has a British soldier
    been justly accused of such an outrage."

   The following proclamation, issued by Lord Roberts, November
   18, seems to indicate that there had been practices in
   farm-burning, before that time, which he could not approve:
   "As there appears to be some misunderstanding with reference
   to burning of farms and breaking of dams, Commander-in-Chief
   wishes following to be lines on which General Officers
   Commanding are to act:—No farm is to be burnt except for act
   of treachery, or when troops have been fired on from premises,
   or as punishment for breaking of telegraph or railway line, or
   when they have been used as bases of operations for raids, and
   then only with direct consent of General Officer Commanding,
   which is to be given in writing, the mere fact of a burgher
   being absent on commando is on no account to be used as reason
   for burning the house. All cattle, wagons, and foodstuffs are
   to be removed from all farms; if that is found to be
   impossible, they are to be destroyed, whether owner be present
   or not."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      Cd. 426, 1900, page 23._

SOUTH AFRICA: Rhodesia: A. D. 1900 (September).
   Protectorate over Barotsiland.

   The "Cape Times" of September 19, 1900, stated that a
   "Government Gazette Extraordinary" had been issued containing
   an Order in Council proclaiming a protectorate over
   Barotsiland—North-Western Rhodesia. "The limits of the country
   included in the protectorate are the parts of Africa bounded
   by the River Zambesi, the German South-West African
   Protectorate, the Portuguese possessions, the Congo Free
   State, and the Kafukwe or Loengi River. The Order provides
   that the British South Africa Company may nominate officials
   to govern the territory, and that these are to be confirmed by
   the High Commissioner. The High Commissioner may, amongst
   other things, from time to time by proclamation provide for
   the administration of justice, the raising of revenue by the
   imposition of taxes (which may include a tax in respect of the
   occupation of native huts), and Customs duties or otherwise,
   and generally for the peace, order, and good government of all
   persons within the limits of the order, including the
   prohibition and punishment of acts tending to disturb the
   public peace. The expenses of the administration of this
   country, if not entirely borne by the revenues of the country,
   will be borne by the British South Africa Company, and if the
   revenue more than meet the expenses, the excess will be paid
   to the Chartered Company."

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1900 (September).
   Leave of absence to President Kruger.
   His departure for Europe.
   Proclamation of Lord Roberts.

   The following proclamation by the Executive Council of the
   Boer government was issued from Nelspruit on the 10th of
   September, 1900: "Whereas the advanced age of His Honour the
   State President makes it impossible for His Honour further to
   accompany the Commandos; and whereas the Executive Council is
   convinced that the highly-valued services of His Honour can
   still be usefully applied in the interest of Land and People,
   the Executive Council hereby determines to grant His Honour
   leave of absence to Europe for the period of six months, in
   order still to advance our cause there, and Mr. S. W. Burger,
   Vice-President, takes his place according to law.
   [Signed] S. W. BURGER, Vice President.
   F. W. REITZ, State Secretary."

   Lord Roberts seems to have regarded the acceptance of this
   "leave of absence" by President Kruger as equivalent to a
   resignation of his office; for he published, on the 14th of
   September, a proclamation in the following words:

   "The late President, Mr. Kruger, and Mr. Reitz, with the
   archives of the South African Republic, have crossed the
   Portuguese frontier, and arrived at Lourenço Marques with a
   view to sailing for Europe at an early date. Mr. Kruger has
   formally resigned the position he held as President of the
   South African Republic, thus severing his official connection
   with the Transvaal. Mr. Kruger's action shows how hopeless in
   his opinion is the war which has now been carried on for
   nearly a year, and his desertion of the Boer cause should make
   it clear to his fellow burghers that it is useless for them to
   continue the struggle any longer.

{507}

   "It is probably unknown to the inhabitants of the Transvaal
   and Orange River Colony that nearly 15,000 of their
   fellow-subjects are now prisoners of war, not one of whom will
   be released until those now in arms against us surrender
   unconditionally. The burghers must by this time be cognisant
   of the fact that no intervention on their behalf can come from
   any of the Great Powers, and, further, that the British Empire
   is determined to complete the work which has already cost her
   so many valuable lives, and to carry to its conclusion the war
   declared against her by the late Governments of the South
   African Republic and Orange Free State, a war to which there
   can be but one ending. If any further doubts remain in the
   minds of the burghers as to Her Britannic Majesty's
   intentions, they should be dispelled by the permanent manner
   in which the country is gradually being occupied by Her
   Majesty's Forces, and by the issue of the Proclamations signed
   by me on the 24th May and 1st September 1900, annexing the
   Orange Free State and the South African Republic respectively,
   in the name of Her Majesty.

   "I take this opportunity of pointing out that, except in the
   small area occupied by the Boer army under the personal
   command of Commandant-General Botha, the war is degenerating,
   and has degenerated, into operations carried on in an
   irregular and irresponsible manner by small, and in very many
   cases, insignificant bodies of men. I should be failing in my
   duty to Her Majesty's Government and to Her Majesty's Army in
   South Africa if I neglected to use every means in my power to
   bring such irregular warfare to an early conclusion. The means
   which I am compelled to adopt are those which the customs of
   war prescribe as being applicable to such cases. They are
   ruinous to the country, and entail endless suffering on the
   burghers and their families, and the longer this guerrilla
   warfare continues the more vigorously must they be enforced."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      1900, Cd. 420, page 78, and Cd. 426, page 17._

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1900 (October).
   Proclamation of annexation to the British Dominions.

   In terms similar to those used in proclaiming the annexation
   of the Orange Free State (see above: MAY) the annexation of
   the Transvaal to the Dominions of Her British Majesty was
   proclaimed with great ceremony at Pretoria on the 25th of
   October.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (November).
   Return of Lord Roberts to England, leaving Lord Kitchener
   in command.

   Having been appointed Commander-in-Chief of the British Army,
   in the place of Lord Wolseley, Field-Marshal Lord Roberts, on
   the 29th of November, delivered the command in South Africa to
   Lord Kitchener, and returned to England. At the same time,
   Lord Kitchener was raised to the rank of Lieutenant-General.

SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony and the Transvaal:
A. D. 1900 (December).
   Afrikander Congress.
   Lord Kitchener to the burghers of Pretoria.

   From 6,000 to 8,000 persons were reported to be in attendance
   at an "Afrikander Congress," held at Worcester, in Cape
   Colony, December 6, which adopted the following resolutions:

   "1. We men and women of South Africa assembled and represented
   here, having heard the report of the people's deputation to
   England, and having taken into earnest consideration the
   deplorable condition into which the people of South Africa
   have been plunged, and the grave danger threatening our
   civilization, record our solemn conviction that the highest
   interests of South Africa demand, first, the termination of
   the war now raging with untold misery and horror, such as the
   burning of houses, the devastation of the country, the
   extermination of the white nationality, and the treatment to
   which women and children are subjected, which will leave a
   lasting heritage of bitterness and hatred, while seriously
   endangering further relations between civilization and
   barbarism in South Africa; secondly, the retention by the
   Republics of their independence, whereby alone the peace of
   South Africa can be maintained.

   2. The congress desires full recognition of the right of the
   people of this colony under its Constitution to settle and
   manage their own affairs and to express grave disapproval of
   the policy pursued and the attitude adopted in this matter by
   the Governor and High Commissioner, his Excellency Sir Alfred
   Milner.

   3. The congress solemnly pledges itself to labour in a
   constitutional way unceasingly for the above resolutions, and
   resolves to send a deputation to his Excellency Sir Alfred
   Milner, asking him to bring the resolutions officially to the
   notice of her Majesty's Government."

   On the 21st of December Lord Kitchener addressed a meeting, at
   Pretoria, of burghers who had surrendered to the British and
   who desired to bring about peace. In his remarks he was
   reported to have said: "The Boers had fought a good fight, but
   they were overpowered. There would be no dishonour in the
   leaders recognizing this fact. The proclamations that had been
   issued were of little use, as means were adopted to prevent
   them from reaching the burghers. He trusted that the committee
   would endeavour to acquaint the Boers in the field with the
   true position. He desired to give them every chance to
   surrender voluntarily, and to finish the war by the most
   humane means possible. If the conciliatory methods now being
   adopted failed he had other means which he would be obliged to
   exercise. He would give the committee notice if the time
   arrived to consider conciliation as a failure. The principal
   difficulties were that burghers desirous of surrendering were
   afraid they would not be allowed to remain in their own
   districts or that they would be punished for violating their
   oath of neutrality. General Kitchener declared that he had
   issued instructions that burghers who surrendered would, with
   their families and stock, be protected in their own districts.
   Those who had broken the oath of neutrality under compulsion
   would be accorded the same treatment. Deserted women and
   children would be kept in laagers, where their friends could
   freely join them. It was essential to clear the country. While
   food remained the commandos were enabled to continue in the
   field. General Kitchener added that it must be understood that
   the British would not be responsible for stock unless it was
   brought in and kept within protected limits. In conclusion
   General Kitchener said that he had come to speak to the
   burghers personally in order that they might be able to tell
   their friends what they had heard from his own lips."

{508}

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (December).
   Numbers of British troops employed in the war from the
   beginning, and their losses.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

SOUTH AFRICA: British Colonies: A. D. 1901 (January).
   New heads of the Colonial Governments.

   The following appointments were announced by the British
   Colonial Office on the 4th of January, 1901: Sir Alfred Milner
   to be Governor of the Transvaal and British High Commissioner.
   The Honourable Sir Walter Francis Hely-Hutchinson (Governor of
   Natal and Zululand since 1893) to be Governor of Cape Colony.
   Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Henry C. McCallum (Governor of
   Newfoundland since 1898, and aide-de-camp to the Queen since
   1900) to be Governor of Natal. Major Hamilton John Goold-Adams
   (Resident Commissioner of the Bechuanaland Protectorate) to be
   Lieutenant-Governor of the Orange River Colony.

SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1901 (January).
   Boer invasion.
   Declaration of martial law.

   On New Year's Day, 1901, the Cape Town correspondent of the
   "London Times" was compelled to write: "The immediate aspect
   of affairs in Cape Colony at the opening of the new year is
   scarcely less gloomy than at the beginning of 1900. The number
   of Boers invading the country to-day may be less than it was a
   year ago, but they have penetrated further south, and their
   presence near such centres of hostile Dutch feeling as Graaf
   Reinet constitutes an element of danger which was not present
   last January. The proclamation issued this morning by the High
   Commissioner calling for volunteers to defend the lines of
   communication proves that the military authorities are at last
   alive to the critical nature of the situation, but the measure
   comes very late in the day."

   On the 17th of January a cable message from Cape Town
   announced: "An extraordinary gazette issued this afternoon
   contains a proclamation placing the whole of the Cape Colony
   under martial law, with the exception of the Cape Town,
   Wynberg, Simonstown, Port Elizabeth and East London districts
   and the territories of the Transkei, Tembuland, Griqualand and
   East Pondoland. The gazette also states that the
   peace-preservation act will be enforced in the Cape Colony,
   Wynberg and Simonstown districts. Under this act all the civil
   population will be called upon to deliver up their arms."

SOUTH AFRICA: Orange Free State: A. D. 1901 (January).
   Peace movement.
   Condition of country described.
   Defiant proclamation of Steyn and De Wet.

   Early in January, a "Central Peace Committee," formed at
   Kroonstad, addressed an open letter to their fellow citizens,
   appealing for submission and peace, saying: "The country is
   literally one vast wilderness. The farmers are obliged to go
   to the towns for protection, and huge refugee camps have been
   formed by the British for them and their families. These
   people have lost everything, and ruin and starvation stare
   them in the face. All this misery is caused by a small and
   obstinate minority, who will not bow to the inevitable and who
   make the majority suffer. Any encouragement to the men still
   on commando to continue the hopeless struggle can only injure
   us and cause us further misery. We have done our best and
   fought to get Africa under one flag, and we have lost. Let
   there be no mistake about this. England has spent millions and
   sacrificed thousands of lives, and no reasonable being can
   believe for one moment that she will now give up the fruits of
   victory. It is, therefore, a duty for us, her beaten foe, to
   accept the terms offered by our conqueror. … We appeal to you
   and ask you to appoint another congress, and nominate men of
   influence out of your midst to visit Mr. Steyn and General De
   Wet, and try to persuade them to accept the terms offered by
   England. These two men are the only obstacles to peace. We ask
   you to believe us when we say that Mr. Kruger and the late
   Transvaal Government have been willing twice already to accept
   British terms, but Mr. Steyn refused to have anything to do
   with surrender. He continued the war and encouraged the
   burghers in the hope that we should get European assistance.
   To-day he is cut off from all communication with the outside
   world. You know and we know how unfounded that hope is and it
   is your duty to assist us to make him understand this. We
   appeal to you to help us to make an end to this unhappy state
   of affairs, which is plunging everybody into poverty and
   despair."

   As if in response to this cry for peace, Steyn and De Wet
   issued the following proclamation a few days later: "Be it
   known to all that the war which was forced on the Republics by
   the British Government still rages in the Orange Free State
   and in the South African Republic; and that the customs of
   civilized warfare and also the Conventions of Geneva and The
   Hague have not been observed by the enemy, who has not
   scrupled, contrary to the Geneva Convention, to capture
   doctors and ambulances and to deport them, in order to prevent
   our wounded from getting medical assistance. He has seized
   ambulances and material appertaining thereto, and has not
   hesitated, contrary to the recognized primitive rules of
   warfare, and contrary to his solemn agreement at The Hague, to
   arrest neutrals and deport them, and to send out marauding
   bands to plunder, burn, and damage the burghers' private
   property. He has armed Kaffirs and natives and made use of
   them against us in war. He has been continually busy capturing
   women and children, old and sickly men. Many women's deaths
   have been occasioned because the so-called Christian enemy had
   no consideration for women on a sick bed or for those whose
   state of health should have protected them against rough
   treatment. Honourable women and tender children have not only
   been treated roughly, but also in an insulting manner by the
   soldiers, by order of their officers. Moreover, old mothers
   and women have been raped, even wives and children. The
   property of prisoners of war, and even of killed burghers, has
   not been respected. In many instances the mother and father
   have been taken from the house, which was thus left
   unprotected, and all have been left to their fate, an easy
   prey to the savage. The world has been untruthfully informed
   by the enemy that he was obliged to carry out this destruction
   because the burghers blew up the line and cut the wires, or
   misused the white flag. Nearly all the houses in the two
   Republics have been destroyed, whether in the neighbourhood of
   the railway line or not; while with regard to the misuse of
   the white flag, that is simply a continuance of the
   everlasting calumny against which the Afrikander has had to
   strive since God brought him into contact with Englishmen.
   Robbing his opponent of his goods has not satisfied him; he
   will not be satisfied till he has robbed him of his good name
   also.

{509}

   "Then he wishes to inform the world that the Republics are
   conquered and the war ended, and that only here and there
   small plundering bands are to be found who continue the strife
   in an irresponsible manner. It is an untruth. The Republics
   are not yet conquered. The war is not finished. The burgher
   forces of the two Republics are still led by responsible
   leaders, as from the commencement of the war, under the
   supervision of the Governments of both Republics. The fact
   that Lord Roberts and Lord Kitchener choose to term the
   burgher forces marauding bands does not make them such.
   Similarly, saying that the war is over does not put an end to
   it while fighting still continues. When was this war over?
   After the battle of Spion Kop or after Paardeberg? After the
   occupation of Bloemfontein or Pretoria? Or perhaps after the
   battles of Dewetsdorp or Commando Nek, in both of which
   irregulars were captured and the enemy totally vanquished. The
   burghers would be less than men if they allowed the enemy to
   go unpunished after ill-treating their wives and destroying
   their homes from sheer lust of destruction. Therefore a
   portion of our burghers have again been sent into Cape Colony,
   not only to wage war, but to be in a position to make
   reprisals as they have already done in the case of the
   ambulances. Therefore we again warn the officers of her
   Majesty's troops that unless they cease the destruction of
   property in the Republics, we shall wreak vengeance by
   destroying the property of her Majesty's subjects who are
   unkindly disposed to us; but at the same time, to avoid being
   misunderstood, we hereby openly declare that the women and
   children will always remain unmolested, despite anything done
   to ours by her Majesty's troops. We ask for nothing from our
   brothers in Cape Colony, but we call upon them, as well as
   upon the civilized world, to assist on behalf of civilization
   and Christianity in putting an end to the barbarous manner of
   the enemy's warfare. Our prayer will always be that the God of
   our fathers will not desert us in this unrighteous strife.

   "On the field, January 14. STEYN. DE WET."

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (February).
   Report of British military forces in South Africa from the
   beginning of the war, with the number of killed and wounded
   and the deaths from wounds and disease.

   A Parliamentary paper issued on the 26th of February, 1901,
   contained the following table, showing the strength of the
   garrison in South Africa on the 1st of August, 1899, before
   the beginning of the war, with the subsequent reinforcements
   and casualties, and the total strength of forces on the 1st of
   February, 1901:

                           |NON-COMMISSIONED OFFICERS AND MEN.
                   OFFICERS|CAVALRY|ARTILLERY|INFANTRY|OTHERS|TOTAL|TOTAL
                                              AND                   OFFICERS
                                              MOUNTED               AND MEN
                                              INFANTRY
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
I.  Garrison on
    Aug. 1, 1899      318    1,127    1,035      6,428  1,032 9,622  9,940
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
II.
Reinforcements,
Aug. 1, 1899,
to Oct. 11, 1899
(outbreak of war)

(1.) From Home.       280      …        743      5,620    …   6,363  6,643
(2.) From India
(some of these did
not reach South
Africa until after
the outbreak of
hostilities)          259    1,564      653      3,427    …   5,644   5,903

------------------------------------------------------------------------------
                      539    1,564    1,396      9,047    …  12,007  12,546
------------------------------------------------------------------------------

III. Further
reinforcements
from Oct. 11,
1899, to end
of July, 1900

Regulars
(1.) From Home
and Colonies.       5,748   11,003   14,145    110,292 14,347 149,787   155,535
(2.) From India.      132      713      376        670    …     1,759     1,891

------------------------------------------------------------------------------
                    5,880   11,716   14,521    110,962 14,347 151,546   157,426
------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Colonials
(1.) From Colonies
other than
South African.        550      287      692      9,788   267   11,034    11,584
(2.) Raised in
South Africa.       1,387       …         …        …      …    28,932    30,319

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
                    1,937       …         …        …      …    39,966    41,903
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Imperial yeomanry.    536       …         …        …      …    10,195    10,731
Volunteers from
United Kingdom.       342       …        358     9,995   434   10,787    11,129
Militia.              831       …        617    19,753   256   20,626    21,457

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Total all arms
sent to, and
raised in,
South Africa
up to Aug. 1, 1900,
including garrison
on Aug. 1, 1899.   10,383      …         …        …        …  254,749   265,132

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

IV. Further
reinforcements
from Aug. 1, 1900,
to Jan. 31, 1901
(1.) Regulars         820    3,213      652     10,439    975  15,279    16,099
(2.) Militia            7      …         …       1,141      …   1,141     1,148

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

                   11,210      …         …         …        … 271,169   282,379
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

{510}

NON-COMMISSIONED OFFICERS AND MEN.

                          Officers Cavalry. Artillery. Infantry  Others.  Total.   Total
                                                       and                        Officers
                                                       Mounted                    and Men
                                                       Infantry

V. Numbers
(1.) Killed to
     Jan. 31, 1901           334.                                         3,346     3,680
(2.) Wounded to
     Jan 31, 1901.         1,242.                                        14,914    16,156
(3.) Died of disease
or wounds or accidentally
killed in South Africa
to Jan. 31, 1001.            301.                                         9,008     9,309
(4.) Disbanded and
discharged in South Africa.  299.                                         5,231     5,530
(5.) In hospital in South
Africa on Dec. 28, 1900
(latest returns).            415.                                        13,716    14,131

VI. Numbers left
South Africa
(1.) For England
     not invalids.         1,214                                        11,109      12,323
(2.) For England
sick, wounded, and
died on passage            1,703                                        39,095      40,198
(3.) Returned to India
direct from South Africa.     20                                            70          90
(4.) Returned to Colonies
direct from South Africa
(a) Regulars, including two
battalions to Ceylon.         98                                         2,041       2,139
(b) Colonials.               177                                         3,384       3,561

VII. Present strength of
Forces in South Africa,
Feb. 1, 1901
(1.) Regulars.             4,305   12,600    12,000     99,700    12,885  137,185   141,490
(2.) Colonials.            1,339                                           27,000    28,339*
(3.) Imperial yeomanry       495                                            7,500     7,995
4.) Volunteers.              200                                            7,500     7,700
5.) Militia.                 725                                           18,700    19,425

TOTAL                      7,064                                          197,885   204,949*

   * Exclusive of recently raised Colonials whose numbers have not yet been reported.


   On the 9th of February the following announcement was issued
   officially from the British War Office:

   "In view of recent Boer activity in various directions his
   Majesty's Government have decided, in addition to the large
   forces recently equipped locally in South Africa, to reinforce
   Lord Kitchener by 30,000 mounted troops beyond those already
   landed in Cape Colony. The recruiting for Imperial Yeomanry
   has proceeded so rapidly that it is anticipated not less than
   10,000 will be shortly available. The South African Mounted
   Constabulary, including those enlisted in the colonies, may be
   relied upon to the extent of 8,000. The new colonial
   contingents to replace those withdrawn will probably reach
   5,000. The remainder of the force will be made up by cavalry
   and mounted infantry from the home establishment. The
   enlistment of Volunteer companies to replace those who have
   served a year in South Africa is also being proceeded with.
   Arrangements have been made for the prompt equipment and
   transportation of the force."

   In reply to a question in Parliament the 18th of February,
   1901, Mr. Brodrick, the Secretary of State for War, stated
   that the total number of cases of typhoid or enteric fever in
   the British army, from the beginning of the war to the end of
   December, 1900, had been 19,101; deaths 4,233; invalided and
   sent home, 10,075.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (February).
   The declared policy of the British Government.

   Speaking in the House of Commons on the 18th of February,
   1901, the Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, declared the
   government policy of dealing with the Boers, with strong
   emphasis, in the following words:

   "From the moment when the invasion took place, and the first
   shot was fired by the Boers, from that moment we declared our
   policy, that not one shred of the independence which the Boers
   had abused should ever again be conceded to them. That was the
   policy stated by the Prime Minister in his answer to the
   representations which were made to him by the Presidents of
   the two Republics. That was the policy, is the policy, and
   will be the policy of His Majesty's Government to the end. Let
   there be no mistake about that. It is no use arguing with us
   on the subject of independence. That, as far as we are
   concerned, is a closed question. Raise it, if you like to
   raise it, not in speeches, but by amendments. We are quite
   ready. We challenged you at the last election. You have never
   ceased to complain of the challenge. We challenge you in the
   House of Commons. If you believe the annexation we have
   announced ought to be repudiated; if you think, with the
   honorable and learned gentleman who has just spoken, that we
   ought to restore the independence of these two Republics, in
   any form, it is for you to say so in a definite amendment. It
   is for you to put the issue before the House of Commons and
   the country and we are perfectly prepared to meet you.
   Assuming that we are all agreed that annexation cannot be
   undone, then the policy of the Government is to establish
   equality and protection and justice for the native population
   and to grant the fuller liberties involved in our definition
   of self-government as soon as that can safely be conceded. …
   The Boers know perfectly well, they have been told again and
   again, directly and indirectly, and it has been repeatedly
   stated in this House that at the earliest possible moment they
   will be granted self-government."

{511}

   The Liberal leader interrupted the speaker to intimate that he
   understood a Crown colony government to be in contemplation,
   and that his objection was to that. On which Mr. Chamberlain
   proceeded to say: "Either the right honourable gentleman does
   not know what Crown colony government is or else he is
   quibbling about words. Will he be satisfied if I call it a
   civil government, with Ministers and a Governor appointed by
   his Majesty and a council to advise him? That is civil
   government, and it has this about it—that the Imperial
   Government has control in the last resort. That is what we
   mean. … We are quite ready to establish the civil government
   of which I have spoken, we are ready to maintain equality, we
   are ready to secure justice to all the inhabitants of the
   Transvaal and the Orange River Colony, but we are not prepared
   to put into their hands the whole control of the
   administration and civil government until we know it will be
   safe to do so. It is said that our views have not been
   communicated to the Boers and that a proclamation which I
   promised I would endeavour to have circulated has not yet been
   so distributed. I wish to say that, so far as the leaders are
   concerned, I am convinced they know perfectly well what terms
   we are willing to offer. There is no excuse on their part. It
   is possible that many of their followers, being ignorant
   people—when they come to us we find they have been deceived as
   to what is going on—do not know the terms we are willing to
   offer. We have by various means endeavoured to get to the rank
   and file a knowledge of the terms which are being offered, and
   we know what the result has been. The emissaries have been
   sent—emissaries not sent by us, permitted by us to go, who
   volunteered themselves in what they believed to be the
   interests of their countrymen, to make these representations—
   these emissaries have been apparently, as far as our
   information goes, brutally ill-used, tortured before
   execution, shot as spies after having been flogged. "

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (February).
   Attitude of the English Liberal party towards the war.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (February-March).
   Unsuccessful peace parley between Lord Kitchener and
   Commandant Botha.

   By the intermediation of the wife of the Boer Commandant Louis
   Botha, an interview between that officer and Lord Kitchener
   was brought about, on the last day of February, for discussion
"as to means of bringing the war to an end." The questions raised
   in the conversation were reported by Lord Kitchener to Mr.
   Brodrick, the British Secretary for War, in a telegram from
   Pretoria, March 1, as follows: "I have had a long interview
   with Botha, who showed very good feeling and seemed anxious to
   bring about peace. He asked for information on a number of
   subjects which he said that he should submit to his Government
   and people, and if they agreed he should visit Orange River
   Colony and get them to agree. They should all then hand in
   their arms and finish the war. He told me that they could go
   on for some time, and that he was not sure of being able to
   bring about peace without independence. He tried very hard for
   some kind of independence, but I declined to discuss such a
   point, and said that a modified form of independence would be
   most dangerous and likely to lead to war in the future.
   Subject was then dropped, and—

   "Firstly.—The nature of future government of Colonies asked
   about. He wanted more details than were given by Colonial
   Secretary, and I said that, subject to correction from home, I
   understood that when hostilities ceased military guard would be
   replaced by Crown Colony administration, consisting of
   nominated Executive, with elected assembly to advise
   administration, to be followed after a period by
   representative government. He would have liked representative
   government at once, but seemed satisfied with above.

   "Secondly.—Whether a Boer would be able to have a rifle to
   protect him from native? I said I thought he would be by a
   licence and on registration.

   "Thirdly.—He asked whether Dutch language would be allowed? I
   said that English and Dutch would, I thought, have equal
   rights. He expressed hope that officials dealing with farmers
   would know Dutch.

   "Fourthly.—The Kaffir question. This turned at once on
   franchise of Kaffirs, and a solution seemed to be that
   franchise should not be given to Kaffirs until after
   representative government was granted to Colonies. Orange Free
   State laws for Kaffirs were considered good.

   "Fifthly.—That Dutch Church property should remain untouched.

   "Sixthly.—Public trusts and orphan funds to be left intact. He
   asked whether British Government, in taking over the assets of
   Republics, would also take over legal debts. This he made
   rather a strong point of, and he intended it to include debts
   legally contracted since the war began. He referred to notes
   issued amounting to less than a million.

   "Seventhly.—He asked if any war tax would be imposed on
   farmers? I said I thought not.

   "Eighthly.—When would prisoners of war return?

   "Ninthly.—He referred to pecuniary assistance to repair burnt
   farms, and enable fanners to start afresh. I said I thought
   some assistance would be given.

   "Tenthly.—Amnesty to all at end of war. We spoke of Colonials
   who joined Republics, and he seemed not adverse to their being
   disfranchised.

   "I arranged with him that I should write and let him know the
   view of the Government on these points. All I said during the
   interview was qualified by being subject to confirmation from
   home. He was anxious to get an answer soon."

   Two days later, General Kitchener drafted and submitted to
   High Commissioner Sir A. Milner the reply which he wished to
   be authorized to make to the questions of Commandant Botha.
   This was transmitted, in turn, by the High Commissioner to
   Colonial Secretary Chamberlain, with approval of all the
   suggestions of Lord Kitchener, except on the subject of
   amnesty to the rebel "Afrikanders" of Cape Colony and Natal,
   who had joined the ranks of the Boers. Lord Kitchener wished
   to say that "on the cessation of hostilities and the complete
   surrender of arms, ammunition, cannon, and other munitions of
   war now in the hands of the burghers in the field or in
   Government depots or elsewhere, His Majesty's Government is
   prepared at once to grant an amnesty in the Transvaal and
   Orange River Colony for all bona fide acts of war committed
   during the recent hostilities; as well as to move the
   Governments of Cape Colony and Natal to take similar action
   but qualified by the disfranchisement of any British subjects
   implicated in the recent war."
{512}
   Sir Alfred Milner proposed to amend the latter clause as
   follows: "British subjects of Cape Colony or Natal, though
   they will not be compelled to return to those Colonies, will,
   if they do so, be liable to be dealt with under the laws of
   those Colonies specifically passed to meet the circumstances
   arising out of the present war and which greatly mitigate the
   ordinary penalties of rebellion." "While willing," he said,
   "to concede much in order to strengthen Botha in inducing his
   people to submit, the amnesty of rebels is not, in my opinion,
   a point which His Majesty's Government can afford to concede.
   I think it would have a deplorable effect in Cape Colony and
   Natal to obtain peace by such a concession." Mr. Chamberlain
   agreed with the High Commissioner, writing in reply: "His
   Majesty's Government feel that they cannot promise to ask for
   complete amnesty to Cape and Natal rebels who are in totally
   different position to burghers without injustice to those who
   have remained loyal under great provocation, and they are
   prepared substantially to adopt your words, but you must
   consider whether your last line is strictly applicable to
   Natal." Mr. Chamberlain made numerous other criticisms of Lord
   Kitchener's suggested letter, and amended it in many
   particulars, the most important of which related to the form
   of government under which the late republics would be placed.
   Lord Kitchener would have said: "Military law will cease and
   be at once replaced by civil administration, which will at
   first consist of a Governor and a nominated Executive with or
   without an advisory elected Assembly, but it is the desire of
   His Majesty's Government, as soon as circumstances permit, to
   establish representative Government in the Transvaal and
   Orange River Colony." His political superior instructed him to
   change the statement as follows: "For 'military law will
   cease' say 'military administration will cease.' It is
   possible that there may be disturbed districts for some time
   after terms have been accepted, and Governor of Colonies
   cannot abandon right of proclaiming martial law where
   necessary. In the same sentence omit the words 'at the same
   time' and 'at once' and substitute at the beginning the words
   'at the earliest practicable date.' For 'consist of a
   Governor' down to 'Assembly' read 'consist of a Governor and
   an Executive Council composed of the principal officials with
   a Legislative Council consisting of a certain number of
   official members to whom a nominated unofficial element will
   from the first be added.' In place of the words 'to establish
   representative government' substitute 'to introduce a
   representative element, and ultimately to concede to the new
   Colonies the privilege of self-government.' It is desirable at
   this stage to be quite precise in order to avoid any charge of
   breach of faith afterwards."

   Out of the instructions he received, Lord Kitchener finally
   framed the following letter to Commandant Botha, sent to him
   on the 7th of March: "With reference to our conversation at
   Middelburg on 28th February, I have the honour to inform you
   that in the event of a general and complete cessation of
   hostilities and the surrender of all rifles, ammunition,
   cannon, and other munitions of war in the hands of the
   burghers or in Government depots or elsewhere, His Majesty's
   Government is prepared to adopt the following measures:

   "His Majesty's Government will at once grant an amnesty in the
   Transvaal and Orange River Colonies for all bona fide acts of
   war committed during the recent hostilities. British subjects
   belonging to Natal and Cape Colony, while they will not be
   compelled to return to those Colonies, will, if they do so, be
   liable to be dealt with by the law of those Colonies specially
   passed to meet the circumstances arising out of the present
   war. As you are doubtless aware, the special law in the Cape
   Colony has greatly mitigated the ordinary penalties for high
   treason in the present cases.

   "All prisoners of war now in St. Helena, Ceylon, or elsewhere
   will, on the completion of the surrender, be brought back to
   their country as quickly as arrangements can be made for their
   transport.

   "At the earliest practicable date military administration will
   cease and will be replaced by civil administration in the form
   of Crown Colony Government. There will therefore be, in the
   first instance, in each of the new Colonies a Governor and an
   Executive Council, consisting of a certain number of official
   members, to whom a nominated unofficial element will be added.
   But it is the desire of His Majesty's Government, as soon as
   circumstances permit, to introduce a representative element
   and ultimately to concede to the new Colonies the privilege of
   self-government. Moreover, on the cessation of hostilities a High
   Court will be established in each of the new Colonies to
   administer the law of the land, and this Court will be
   independent of the Executive.

   "Church property, public trusts, and orphans funds will be
   respected.

   "Both the English and Dutch languages will be used and taught
   in public schools where parents of the children desire it, and
   allowed in Courts of Law.

   "As regards the debts of the late Republican Governments, His
   Majesty's Government cannot undertake any liability. It is,
   however, prepared, as an act of grace, to set aside a sum not
   exceeding £1,000,000 to repay inhabitants of the Transvaal and
   Orange River Colonies for goods requisitioned from them by the
   late Republican Governments, or, subsequent to annexation, by
   Commandants in the field being in a position to enforce such
   requisitions. But such claims will have to be established to
   the satisfaction of a Judge or Judicial Commission appointed
   by the Government to investigate and assess them, and if
   exceeding in the aggregate £1,000,000, they will be liable to
   reduction pro rata.

   "I also beg to inform your Honour that the new Government will
   take into immediate consideration the possibility of assisting
   by loan the occupants of farms who will take the oath of
   allegiance to repair any injury sustained by destruction of
   buildings or loss of stock during the war, and that no special
   war tax will be imposed on farmers to defray the expense of
   the war.

   "When burghers require the protection of fire-arms such will
   be allowed to them by licence and on due registration,
   provided they take the oath of allegiance. Licences also will
   be issued for sporting rifles, guns, &c., but military
   firearms will only be allowed for means of protection.

{513}

   "As regards the extension of the franchise to Kaffirs in the
   Transvaal and Orange River Colony, it is not the intention of
   His Majesty's Government to give such franchise before
   representative government is granted to these Colonies, and if
   then given it will be so limited as to secure the just
   predominance of the white races. The legal position of
   coloured persons will, however, be similar to that which they
   hold in Cape Colony.

   "In conclusion, I must inform your Honour that if the terms
   now offered are not accepted after a reasonable delay for
   consideration they must be regarded as cancelled."

   On the 16th of March the following reply came from the Boer
   Commandant: "I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of your
   Excellency's letter stating what steps your Excellency's
   Government is prepared to take in the event of a general and
   total cessation of hostilities. I have advised my Government
   of your Excellency's said letter; but, after the mutual
   exchange of views at our interview at Middelburg on 28th
   February last, it will certainly not surprise your Excellency
   to know that I do not feel disposed to recommend that the
   terms of the said letter shall have the earnest consideration
   of my Government. I may add also that my Government and my
   chief officers here entirely agree to my views." This ended
   the negotiations.

   A discussion of the negotiations in Parliament occurred on the
   28th of March, when Mr. Bryce (Liberal) said "they were agreed
   that the Government took an onward step when they allowed the
   peace negotiations to be entered into, and it was important to
   observe that, not only Lord Kitchener, but Sir Alfred Milner
   was persuaded that General Botha meant business. It was
   possible there were causes at work with which the House were
   not acquainted which caused the negotiations to be broken off.
   General Botha wrote to Lord Kitchener:—'You will not be
   surprised to hear that my answer is in the negative.' One of
   two things must have happened—either Lord Kitchener heard from
   General Botha something that the House had not heard of, or
   else General Botha was so much struck by the difference
   between the terms which Lord Kitchener had discussed and the
   terms contained in the letter that he conceived a distrust of
   us altogether and believed that the Government would not
   accept what Lord Kitchener had offered. He thought the
   Government were right in asking that the oath of allegiance
   should be taken, that they were entitled to insist upon the
   provision that all hostilities must cease, and that they could
   not pledge themselves as to the precise time when they would
   bring back the prisoners. But there were three points on which
   there were substantial differences between the terms Lord
   Kitchener appeared to have offered and the terms in the final
   letter. The first is the question of amnesty for the Cape
   rebels. Lord Kitchener and General Botha appeared to have come
   to an agreement on that subject. General Botha did not object
   to the disfranchisement of the Cape rebels, and Lord Kitchener
   did not appear to have conveyed any suggestion whatever of
   anything except disfranchisement. He could conceive nothing
   more likely to turn back the pacific desires of the Boers than
   the fact that they found that, instead of the Cape rebels
   having nothing but disfranchisement to fear, they were to be
   held subject to the Cape laws as to treason. He was not
   arguing whether that was right or wrong. The question was what
   the Boers would think, and he put it to the House that it was
   the most natural thing that they should be struck by the
   contrast between the terms which Lord Kitchener appeared to
   offer and the terms which were offered when the final letter
   came, and that that was just the point upon which brave men,
   feeling for their comrades, would be inclined to stand out.
   They would be told that they would displease the loyalists at
   the Cape if they did not exact all the penalties for treason.
   He hoped they would never in that House consider it any part
   of their business to satisfy the vindictive feeling of the
   colonists at the Cape."

   As to the difference between the terms of future government
   for the inhabitants of the late republics proposed by Lord
   Kitchener and those laid down by the Colonial Secretary, Mr.
   Bryce said: "He should like to have known what the proposals
   were that General Botha made with regard to a modified
   independence, for he thought it was quite possible that it
   might turn out in the long run that some kind of what was
   called modified independence, protection, would be a great
   deal easier for this country to work than a system of Crown
   colony government. He thought the contrast between the
   elective assembly which Lord Kitchener offered and the purely
   arbitrary and despotic system which the final letter conveyed
   must at once have struck the Boers as indicating the
   difference between the views which the military man on the
   spot entertained and the proposal which they might expect from
   the Government. Of course there were objections to the
   immediate grant of self-government. So also there were
   objections to any course, and that course should be chosen
   which was open to the fewest objections. But the proposal of
   Crown colony government was, of all courses, the worst that
   could be suggested. It had been suggested that members of the
   Liberal party had asked for full-grown representative and
   responsible government, but they never had suggested that.
   What they had objected to was Crown colony government. They
   admitted that when the war ended there must be an intermediate
   period of administration, military or civil, but there was all
   the difference in the world between an admittedly provisional
   administration understood to be provisional and the creation
   of the whole apparatus of Crown colony government. The Boer
   population had an aversion to Crown colony administration,
   associated in their minds with the days of Sir Owen Lanyon,
   and an arbitrary form of government it was known to be. Of
   course it was arbitrary; honourable members who questioned
   that could not know what Crown colony administration was. The
   existence of a nominated council did not prevent it being
   arbitrary inasmuch as the members were obliged to vote as they
   were directed by the Governor. He could not help thinking that
   Lord Kitchener might, if he were asked to do so, throw some
   light on a remarkable expression in the letter from General
   Botha in which he said, after the mutual interchange of views
   at their meeting, Lord Kitchener would not be surprised to
   learn that he was not disposed to recommend the terms
   proposed."

{514}

   The radical Mr. Labouchere was sharper in his criticism: "He
   held that it was nonsense to call the terms offered to the
   Boers liberal and lenient; they were neither. We had burnt
   their farms and desolated their country, and then we offered
   them a small gift of money to put them back on their farms
   while we took away their independence and their flag. He
   honoured the men who resisted, no matter at what cost, when
   the question was the independence of their native land. How
   right General Botha was in distrusting the alterations made by
   the Secretary for the Colonies in the matter of the gift was
   shown by the right honourable gentleman himself, when he said
   that, whereas the gift was to be limited to a certain sum, the
   loyalists were to be paid first. In that case what would
   remain to the burghers of the two colonies? The position of
   the Boers in the Empire under the terms of the Colonial
   Secretary would be little better than that of Kaffirs. As far
   as ultimate self-government was concerned, they were to put
   their faith in the Colonial Secretary. If he might offer them
   a word of advice it would be—Put no faith in the Colonial
   Secretary; get it in black and white. We had lost a great
   opportunity of ending the war and settling South Africa. Peace
   won by the sword would create a dependency in which racial
   feuds would go on and the minority would be maintained over
   the majority by a huge British garrison. The Dutch majority
   was certain to increase every decade. The Transvaal farmers
   lived in a poor, rude manner which English people would not
   accept. …

   "He did not particularly admire the Boers. To his mind they
   had too much of the conservative element in them; but, judging
   between the Afrikanders and the English who went to South
   Africa, whilst fully recognizing that among the latter there
   were many respectable men, he thought, taking them
   collectively, the Boers were the better men. If we wanted to
   maintain our rule in South Africa the Boers were the safest
   men with whom to be on good terms. What were the Boers ready
   to do? As he read the correspondence, they were ready to enter
   the area of the British Empire, but only upon terms. Surely
   our problem was to find terms honourable to us and to them,
   which would lead to South Africa becoming one of those great
   commonwealths connected with the Empire such as existed in
   Australia and Canada. He suggested that, in the first place,
   we should offer a full and absolute amnesty. He urged that the
   Orange State and the Transvaal should as soon as possible be
   made self-governing colonies. The Orange State was regarded by
   every Englishman who had written about it as a model State. As
   to the Transvaal, he admitted there was a difficulty, but he
   would suggest that the main area of the country should be
   separated from the Rand. The Rand might be administered by a
   governor, a military governor if they liked, while in the rest
   of the country the Dutch would have a majority. If this course
   were adopted, instead of our giving some sort of pecuniary aid
   to the Transvaalers, they might be paid a reasonable rent for
   the Rand district, of which they would be deprived. … They on
   that side of the House would be perfectly ready to agree to
   the establishment of a provisional government, military or
   civil—he should himself prefer Lord Kitchener to Sir Alfred
   Milner—to carry on the country while they were arranging for
   the colony to be self-governing. They were accustomed to be
   told that Sir Alfred Milner was a sort of divine pro-consul.
   He believed Sir Alfred Milner to be a most honourable man, and
   very intelligent in many walks of life; but the truth was that
   he began life as an Oxford don and then became an official in
   the Treasury, facts which militated against his success in
   practical politics. He believed that a man like Lord Dufferin
   would do more for the cause of peace in South Africa than all
   our soldiers."

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (February-April).
   The High Commissioner, Sir Alfred Milner, on the situation
   and prospects.
   Leave of absence obtained by Sir Alfred.

   A British Blue Book, made public in London on the 18th of
   April, contains an interesting despatch from Sir Alfred
   Milner, frankly reviewing the general situation in South
   Africa, as it appeared to him on the 6th of February, when he
   wrote, from Cape Town, and giving his forecast of future
   prospects. The following are the more important passages of
   the communication:

   "A long time has elapsed since I have attempted to send to you
   any general review of South African affairs. The reason is
   twofold. In the first place, I am occupied every day that
   passes from morning till night by business, all of which is
   urgent, and the amount and variety of which you are doubtless
   able to judge from the communications on a great variety of
   subjects, which are constantly passing between us. In the next
   place, I have always hoped that some definite point would be
   reached at which it might be possible to sum up that chapter
   of our history which contained the war, and to forecast the
   work of administrative reconstruction which must succeed it.
   But I am reluctantly forced to the conclusion that there will
   be no such dividing line. I have not the slightest doubt of
   the ultimate result, but I foresee that the work will be
   slower, more difficult, more harassing, and more expensive
   than was at one time anticipated. At any rate, it is idle to
   wait much longer in the hope of being able to describe a clear
   and clean-cut situation. Despite the many other calls upon my
   time, and despite the confused character of the present
   position, I think it better to attempt to describe, however
   roughly and inadequately, the state of things as it exists
   to-day.

   "It is no use denying that the last half-year has been one of
   retrogression. Seven months ago this Colony was perfectly
   quiet, at least as far as the Orange River. The southern half
   of the Orange River Colony was rapidly settling down, and even
   a considerable portion of the Transvaal, notably the
   south-western districts, seemed to have definitely accepted
   British authority, and to rejoice at the opportunity of a
   return to orderly government, and the pursuits of peace.
   To-day the scene is completely altered. It would be
   superfluous to dwell on the increased losses to the country
   caused by the prolongation of the struggle, and by the form
   which it has recently assumed. The fact that the enemy are now
   broken up into a great number of small forces, raiding in
   every direction, and that our troops are similarly broken up
   in pursuit of them, makes the area of actual fighting, and
   consequently of destruction, much wider than it would be in
   the case of a conflict between equal numbers operating in
   large masses.
{515}
   Moreover, the fight is now mainly over supplies. The Boers
   live entirely on the country through which they pass, not only
   taking all the food they can lay hands upon on the farms,
   grain, forage, horses, cattle, &c., but looting the small
   village stores for clothes, boots, coffee, sugar, &c., of all
   which they are in great need. Our forces, on their side, are
   compelled to denude the country of everything moveable, in
   order to frustrate these tactics of the enemy. No doubt a
   considerable amount of the stock taken by us is not wholly
   lost, but simply removed to the refugee camps, which are now
   being established at many points along the railway lines. But
   even under these circumstances, the loss is great, through
   animals dying on the route, or failing to find sufficient
   grass to live upon when collected in large numbers at the
   camps. Indeed, the loss of crops and stock is a far more
   serious matter than the destruction of farm buildings, of
   which so much has been heard. I say this not at all as an
   advocate of such destruction. I am glad to think that the
   measure is now seldom if ever resorted to. At the same time,
   the destruction of even a considerable number of farms, having
   regard to the very rough and inexpensive character of the
   majority of these structures in the Orange River Colony and
   Transvaal, is a comparatively small item in the total damage
   caused by the war to the agricultural community.

   "To the losses incidental to the actual course of the
   campaign, there has recently been added destruction of a
   wholly wanton and malicious character. I refer to the injury
   done to the head-gear, stamps, and other apparatus of some of
   the outlying mines by Boer raiders, whose sole object was
   injury. For this destruction there is, of course, no possible
   excuse. … Fortunately the damage done to the mines has not
   been large, relatively to the vast total amount of the fixed
   capital sunk in them. The mining area is excessively difficult
   to guard against purely predatory attacks having no military
   purpose, because it is, so to speak, 'all length and no
   breadth'—one long thin line, stretching across the country
   from east to west for many miles. Still, garrisoned as
   Johannesburg now is, it is only possible successfully to
   attack a few points in it. Of the raids hitherto made, and
   they have been fairly numerous, only one has resulted in any
   serious damage. In that instance the injury done to the single
   mine attacked amounted to £200,000, and it is estimated that
   the mine is put out of working for two years. This mine is
   only one out of a hundred, and is not by any means one of the
   most important. These facts may afford some indication of the
   ruin which might have been inflicted, not only on the
   Transvaal and all South Africa, but on many European
   interests, if that general destruction of mine works which was
   contemplated just before our occupation of Johannesburg had
   been carried out. However serious in some respects may have
   been the military consequences of our rapid advance to
   Johannesburg, South Africa owes more than is commonly
   recognized to that brilliant dash forward, by which the vast
   mining apparatus, the foundation of all her wealth, was saved
   from the ruin threatening it.

   "The events of the last six or seven months will involve a
   greater amount of repair and a longer period of recuperation,
   especially for agriculture, than anybody could have
   anticipated when the war commenced. Yet, for all that, having
   regard to the fact that both the Rand and Kimberley are
   virtually undamaged, and that the main engines of prosperity,
   when once set going again, will not take very long to get into
   working order, the economic consequences of the war, though
   grave, do not appear by any means appalling. The country
   population will need a good deal of help, first to preserve it
   from starvation, and then, probably, to supply it with a
   certain amount of capital to make a fresh start. And the great
   industry of the country will need some little time before it
   is able to render any assistance. But, in a young country with
   great recuperative powers, it will not take many years before
   the economic ravages of the war are effaced.

   "What is more serious to my mind than the mere material
   destruction of the last six months is the moral effect of the
   recrudescence of the war. I am thinking especially of the
   Orange River Colony, and of that portion of the Transvaal
   which fell so easily into  our hands after the relief of
   Mafeking, that is to say, the country lying between
   Johannesburg and Pretoria, and the border of Bechuanaland.
   Throughout this large area the feeling in the middle of last
   year was undoubtedly pacific. The inhabitants were sick of the
   war. They were greatly astonished, after all that had been
   dinned into them, by the fair and generous treatment they
   received on our first occupation, and it would have taken very
   little to make them acquiesce readily in the new regime. At that
   time too, the feeling in the Colony was better than I have
   ever known it. The rebellious element had blown off steam in
   an abortive insurrection, and was glad to settle down again.
   If it had been possible for us to screen those portions of the
   conquered territory, which were fast returning to peaceful
   pursuits, from the incursions of the enemy still in the field,
   a great deal of what is now most deplorable in the condition of
   South Africa would never have been experienced. The vast
   extent of the country, the necessity of concentrating our
   forces for the long advance, first to Pretoria and then to
   Komati Poort, resulted in the country already occupied being
   left open to raids, constantly growing in audacity, and fed by
   small successes, on the part of a few bold and skilful
   guerrilla leaders who had nailed their colours to the mast.
   The reappearance of these disturbers of the peace, first in
   the south-east of the Orange River Colony, then in the
   south-west of the Transvaal, and finally in every portion of
   the conquered territory, placed those of the inhabitants who
   wanted to settle down in a position of great difficulty.
   Instead of being made prisoners of war, they had been allowed
   to remain on their farms on taking the oath of neutrality, and
   many of them were really anxious to keep it. But they had not the
   strength of mind, nor, from want of education, a sufficient
   appreciation of the sacredness of the obligation which they
   had undertaken, to resist the pressure of their old companions
   in arms when these reappeared among them appearing to their
   patriotism and to their fears. …

{516}

   "As the guerrilla warfare swept back over the whole of the
   western Transvaal, and practically the whole of the Orange
   River Colony, its effect upon the Cape Colony also became very
   marked. There was a time, about the middle of last year, when
   the bulk of the Dutch population in the Cape Colony, even
   those who had been most bitter against us at the outset,
   seemed disposed to accept the 'fait accompli,' and were
   prepared to acquiesce in the union of all South Africa under
   the British flag. Some of them even began to see certain
   advantages in such a consummation. The irreconcilable line
   taken in the Cape Parliament, during its recent Session from
   July to October, was a desperate effort to counteract this
   tendency. But I doubt whether it would have succeeded to the
   moderate extent to which it has, had it not been for the
   recrudescence of the war on the borders of the Colony, and the
   embittered character which it assumed. Every act of harshness,
   however necessary, on the part of our troops, was exaggerated
   and made the most of, though what principally inflamed the
   minds of the people were alleged instances of needless cruelty
   which never occurred. Never in my life have I read of, much
   less experienced, such a carnival of mendacity as that which
   accompanied the pro-Boer agitation in this Colony at the end
   of last year. And these libels still continue to make
   themselves felt. …

   "The present position of affairs, alike in the new territories
   and in a large portion of the Cape Colony, if by no means the
   most critical, is possibly the most puzzling that we have had
   to confront since the beginning of the war. Naturally enough
   the public are impatient, and those who are responsible for
   the government of the country are bombarded with most
   conflicting advice. On the one hand, there is the outcry for
   greater severity and for a stricter administration of Martial
   Law. On the other hand, there is the expression of the fear
   that strict measures would only exasperate the people.
   Personally, I am of the opinion, which I have always held,
   that reasonable strictness is the proper attitude in the
   presence of a grave national danger, and that exceptional
   regulations for a time of invasion, the necessity of which
   every man of sense can understand, if clearly explained and
   firmly adhered to, are not only not incompatible with, but
   actually conducive to, the avoidance of injustice and cruelty.
   I am satisfied by experience that the majority of those Dutch
   inhabitants of the Colony who sympathize with the Republics,
   however little they may be able to resist giving active
   expression to that sympathy, when the enemy actually appear
   amongst them, do not desire to see their own districts
   invaded, or to find themselves personally placed in the
   awkward dilemma of choosing between high treason and an
   unfriendly attitude to the men of their own race from beyond
   the border. There are extremists who would like to see the
   whole of the Cape Colony overrun. But the bulk of the farmers,
   especially the substantial ones, are not of this mind. …

   "The inherent vice, if I may say so, of almost all public
   discussion of our South African difficulties is the tendency
   to concentrate attention too exclusively upon the Boers. Say
   what we will, the controversy always seems to relapse into the
   old ruts—it is the British Government on the one hand, and the
   Boers on the other. The question how a particular policy will
   affect, not merely our enemies, but our now equally numerous
   friends, seems seldom to be adequately considered. And yet it
   would seem that justice and policy alike should lead us to be
   as eager to consider the feelings and interests, and to retain
   the loyalty, of those who are fighting on our side, as to
   disarm the present enmity and win the future confidence of
   those who are fighting against us. And this principle would
   seem an the easier to adhere to because there is really
   nothing which the great body of the South African loyalists
   desire which it is not for the honour and advantage of the
   Mother Country to insist upon. Of vindictiveness, or desire to
   oppress the Afrikanders, there is, except in hasty utterances,
   inevitable in the heat of the conflict, which have no
   permanent significance, or in tirades which are wholly devoid
   of influence, no sign whatever. The attitude of almost all
   leading and representative men, and the general trend of
   public feeling among the loyalists, even in the intensity of
   the struggle, is dead against anything like racial
   exclusiveness or domination. If this were not so, it would be
   impossible for a section of pure bred Afrikanders, small no
   doubt in numbers but weighty in character and position, to
   take the strong line which they do in opposition to the views
   of the majority of their own people, based as these are, and
   as they know them to be, upon a misconception of our policy
   and intentions. These men are among the most devoted adherents
   to the Imperial cause, and would regard with more disfavour
   and alarm than anyone the failure of the British nation to
   carry out its avowed policy in the most complete manner. They
   are absolutely convinced that the unquestioned establishment
   of the British supremacy, and the creation of one political
   system from Cape Town to the Zambesi, is, after all that has
   happened, the only salvation for men of their own race, as
   well as for others. Of the terms already offered, a great
   majority, I believe, of the South Africans at present in arms
   on our side entirely approve. There is, no doubt, an extreme
   section who would advocate a sterner attitude on our part, but
   they are not numerous, and their feelings are not lasting. The
   terms offered by Lord Kitchener, which are, in substance,
   identical with repeated declarations of policy on the part of
   His Majesty's Government, are generally regarded as a generous
   and statesmanlike offer, as one which, if firmly adhered to,
   will ultimately be accepted, but as an offer which we cannot
   afford to enlarge. On the other hand, there is a very general
   desire that no effort should be spared to make the generous
   character of our intentions widely known, and to encourage any
   disposition on the part of the enemy to parley, with the object
   of making them better acquainted with the terms on which we
   are prepared to accept their submission.

   "If I might sum up the predominant, indeed, the almost
   unanimous feeling of those South Africans who sympathise with
   the Imperial Government, I should describe it as follows:—They
   are sick to death of the war, which has brought ruin to many of
   them, and imposed considerable sacrifices on almost all. But
   they would rather see the war continue for an indefinite time
   than run the risk of any compromise which would leave even the
   remotest chance of the recurrence of so terrible a scourge in
   the future. They are prepared to fight and suffer on, in order
   to make South Africa, indisputably and for ever, one country
   under one flag, with one system of government, and that system
   the British, which they believe to ensure the highest possible
   degree of justice and freedom to men of all races.
{517}
   But, with that object accomplished, they are willing, and,
   indeed, ready, to bury racial animosities. They have fought
   against the principle of race oligarchy in one form, and they
   do not wish to re-establish it in another. For the attainment
   of that object, they would rely for the present on the
   vigorous prosecution of the war in which they are prepared
   themselves to take the most active part, coupled with every
   inducement to the enemy to come in on the terms already
   offered, and for the future, as soon as public security is
   assured and the circumstances permit, on the extension to the
   newly acquired territories of a system of Colonial
   self-government. For my own part, I have no doubt that this
   attitude is a wise one, and that it only requires persistence
   in it, in spite of the discouraging circumstances of the
   moment, to lead us to ultimate success."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command, Cd. 547._

   The same Blue Book made known the fact that, on the 3d of
   April, Sir Alfred Milner applied for and obtained leave of
   absence for three months from his duties in South Africa.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (April).
   The situation.

   Early in April it was announced that the seat of government of
   the South African Republic had been transferred from
   Pietersburg to Leydsdorp in the Zoutpansberg by the
   Vice-President, General Schalk-Burger, which seems to indicate
   the beginning of another stage of the South African war. The
   Boers are said to have been for some time past collecting
   great quantities of cattle and sheep in the fastnesses of the
   Zoutpansberg, where also they have ample supplies of
   ammunition, and intend making it a point of ultimate
   resistance as well as a base of present operations.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (April).
   The cost of the war to Great Britain as stated
   by the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

   In his speech (April 18), on introducing the budget for 1901,
   in the House of Commons, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir
   Michael Hicks-Beach, made the following statements of the cost
   of the war to Great Britain: "I would remind the Committee
   that so far we have borrowed towards the cost of the war
   £67,000,000—£13,000,000 Treasury bills, £10,000,000 Exchequer
   Bonds maturing rather less than three years hence, £14,000,000
   Exchequer Bonds maturing about five years hence, and
   £30,000,000 War Loan maturing in 1910. Now, Sir, in what mode
   may we fairly borrow such a large sum as we now require? This
   can no longer be considered a small war. In cost it is a great
   war. Let me just make a statement to the Committee as to what,
   so far, the estimated cost of this war has been. In 1899-1900 the
   Estimates were £23,217,000. Last year they were £68,620,000,
   and this year's Estimates amount to £60,230,000, including in
   each case the interest on the sums borrowed. That amounts to
   over £152,000,000. I must ask the Committee to remember that
   in those figures I include the cost of both the South African
   and Chinese wars. Then I have to add a million and a quarter
   for this year's borrowing, making in all over £153,000,000.
   That is double the cost of the Crimean War, and when I look
   back at the Peninsular War I find the two most expensive years
   were 1813 and 1814. The forces engaged, of course, were very
   much smaller than those engaged now; but in those two years
   the total cost of our Army and Navy amounted to £144,581,000.
   This amount is less than the charges of the South African and
   Chinese wars. Therefore, I think I am justified in saying that
   in cost this has been a great war. I think, then, it is clear
   we can no longer, in borrowing towards the cost of it, rely
   upon temporary borrowing. We have already £67,000,000 of
   unfunded debt borrowed for this purpose and maturing within
   the next ten years. We have also some £36,000,000 of 2¾ and 2½
   per cent., redeemable in 1905. Therefore, whatever may be the
   prosperity of the country, whatever may be the condition of
   our finances, it is perfectly obvious to my mind that the
   stanchest advocate of the redemption of the debt will have
   ample scope for his energies in the years that are now before
   us. For this reason I propose to ask the Committee to extend
   the powers of borrowing which they gave me in previous Acts,
   to Consols."

   ----------SOUTH AFRICA: End--------

SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC, The.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL);

      also,
      CONSTITUTION (GRONDWET) OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC.

SOUTH AUSTRALIA.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRALIA; and CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899.
   The Dispensary Law.

   In 1892 the Legislature of South Carolina passed an Act,
   commonly called the Dispensary Law, which caused turbulent
   agitations in the State, and excited much interest in the
   country at large. It was based upon the principle of what is
   known as the Gothenburg system of regulation for the sale of
   intoxicating liquors, making the traffic a State monopoly,
   carried on by officials, under rigorous restrictions, with
   profit to the public treasury, and none else. It provided for
   the creation of a State Board of Control, under the direction
   of which a Commissioner, appointed by the Governor, should
   purchase all intoxicating liquors allowed to be sold in the
   State, and should furnish the same to such agents (called
   "dispensers") in the several counties as might be appointed by
   county boards to sell them, in accordance with the regulations
   prescribed. It required all liquors purchased by the
   Commissioner to be tested by an official chemist and declared
   to be pure and unadulterated. It allowed nobody but the
   official "dispensers" to deal in any manner with any kinds of
   intoxicating liquors after the 1st of July, 1893. It forbade
   the selling of such drinks by the authorized salesmen to
   minors and drunkards, and it required all who bought to sign
   and date a printed or written request, stating their residence
   and age.

   The law was fiercely resisted in many parts of the State by
   mobs, and powerfully assailed in the courts; but Governor
   (afterwards Senator) Tillman, who then occupied the executive
   chair, gave it resolute enforcement and support. The attack in
   the courts had momentary success in 1894, the Supreme Court of
   the State rendering a decision adverse to the
   constitutionality of the law; but, meantime, the Legislature,
   in 1893, had made changes in the Act, and its new enactment
   was held to be untouched by the judgment of the court.
{518}
   Before a new case could be brought to issue, the retirement of
   one of the justices of the Supreme Court brought about a
   change of opinion in that tribunal, and the law in its new
   form was sustained. Disorderly resistance to the enforcement
   of the law was long kept up; but in the end such resistance
   seems to have been mostly overcome.

   In January, 1897, however, one provision of the Act, which
   forbade all importation of liquors into the State by private
   persons, even for their own use, was declared by the Supreme
   Court of the United States to be an interference with
   inter-state commerce, and therefore unconstitutional. This
   breaks down the Dispensary Law, so far as concerns citizens
   who are able to import liquors for themselves. Otherwise the
   law seems to be now stoutly entrenched, and other States are
   being sufficiently satisfied with its success in South
   Carolina to adopt it. The following testimony as to its
   success is from the pen of a North Carolinian, who became
   instrumental in carrying the system into his own State.

   "The familiar features of the dispensary were its closing
   promptly at sundown; no drinking on the premises; the sale of
   liquor to those only who were of age, who were not in the
   habit of drinking to excess, who were sober at the time of the
   sale, and who signed an application for what they bought on a
   public book; and the fact that the dispenser was a salaried
   officer, and thus free from pecuniary interest in stimulating
   sales. To this was added in South Carolina a force of
   constables whose special business it was to arrest those who
   sold liquor contrary to law.

   "The fact that the dispensary law was a substitute for
   Prohibition made the law odious at first to those who had
   fought most ardently for the Prohibition cause. And the
   political faction over which Mr. Tillman had triumphed,
   containing a good proportion of the best blood and brains of
   the State, opposed the dispensary on personal grounds. The spy
   system, as it was called, and the resistance to the
   constables, sometimes resulting in bloodshed, set many of the
   more peaceable and conservative citizens against the law.
   Added to this, the constitutionality of the law as a whole and
   of important provisions separately was strenuously contested
   in the United States Courts, with varying success until the
   Supreme Court settled the matter forever in favor of the law.
   These difficulties are mentioned to show what the system has
   had to face in South Carolina, and for the purpose of
   remarking that the system has triumphed over all opposition.
   The amended Constitution of the State decrees against the
   re-establishment of the saloon. The Dispensary candidate for
   Governor in the last election defeated the Prohibition
   candidate. And the testimony of sober, conservative citizens
   of every rank and profession is now practically unanimous to
   the effect that drunkenness and the crimes resulting therefrom
   have decreased beyond expectation."

      _A. J. McKelway,
      The Dispensary in North Carolina
      (Outlook, April 8, 1899)._

SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1896.
   New constitution.
   Introduction of a qualified suffrage.
   Practical disfranchisement pf the greater part of the negroes.

   On the 1st of January, 1896, a new constitution, promulgated
   by a constitutional convention the previous month, without
   submission to popular vote, came into effect. It was framed
   especially to accomplish a practical disfranchisement of the
   larger part of the negro population, which it did by the
   operation of an educational qualification with peculiar
   conditions attached. Until the first of January, 1898, it
   permitted the enrollment of voters who could read, or who
   could explain to the satisfaction of the registering officer a
   section of the constitution read to them; and all citizens
   registered before that date were to be qualified voters
   thereafter. But subsequent to the date specified, none could
   be registered except those able to read and write any required
   part of the constitution, or else to prove themselves owners
   of property and taxpayers on not less than $300. Registration
   to be conducted by county boards appointed by the governor.

      See, also (in this volume)
      MISSISSIPPI.

   Speaking in the United States Senate in justification of this
   measure, Senator Tillman, of South Carolina, said: "We took
   the government away. We stuffed ballot boxes. We shot them. We
   are not ashamed of it. The Senator from Wisconsin would have
   done the same thing. I see it in his eye right now. He would
   have done it. With that system—force, tissue ballots, etc.—we
   got tired ourselves. So we called a constitutional convention,
   and we eliminated, as I said, all of the colored people whom
   we could under the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments. … I
   want to call your attention to the remarkable change that has
   come over the spirit of the dream of the Republicans; to
   remind you gentlemen from the North that your slogans of the
   past—brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of God—have gone
   glimmering down the ages. The brotherhood of man exists no
   longer, because you shoot negroes in Illinois, when they come
   in competition with your labor, as we shoot them in South
   Carolina when they come in competition with us in the matter
   of elections. You do not love them any better than we do. You
   used to pretend that you did, but you no longer pretend it
   except to get their votes. … You deal with the Filipinos just
   as we deal with the negroes, only you treat them a heap
   worse."

      _Congressional Record,
      56th Congress, 1st Session, pages 2347, 2349._

SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1898.
   Constitutional amendment introducing the
   Initiative and the Referendum.

   A constitutional amendment, adopted by popular vote at the
   November election, introduces the principle of the Swiss
   Initiative and Referendum, providing that the Legislature must
   render obedience to petitions signed by 5 per cent. of the
   voters of the State, which call for the enactment and
   submission to popular vote of any stipulated law, or which
   require the submission to a popular vote of any Act which the
   Legislature may have passed.

SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1899.
   Adoption of the Dispensary System.

   A constitutional amendment, providing for a dispensary system
   of regulation for the liquor traffic was adopted in 1899 by a
   majority of 1,613 votes.

      See, (in this volume),
      SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899.

   The newly adopted clause reads as follows: "The manufacture
   and sale of intoxicating liquors shall be under exclusive
   State control, and shall be conducted by duly authorized
   agents of the State, who shall be paid by salary and not by
   commission."

{519}

SOUTHWEST AFRICA, German:
   Trade, etc.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

SPAIN: A. D. 1868-1885.
   Affairs in Cuba.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1868-1885.

SPAIN: A. D. 1895-1896.
   Conflict between army and Press.
   Change of Ministry.
   Renewed insurrection in Cuba.

   A violent conflict between the military authorities and the
   newspaper Press arose in consequence of an attack made by
   officers of the army on a Republican editor who had sharply
   criticised certain details of army administration. They not
   only assaulted him in person, but broke up his presses and
   type. This military mob outrage was resented and denounced by
   the whole Press, of every party; whereupon the military
   authorities began prosecutions in the military courts, and
   making arrests of publishers and editors, with a contempt for
   law which seemed to be ominous of some revolutionary intent.
   The Liberal Ministry, under Señor Sagasta, not able,
   apparently, to control these proceedings, resigned office, and
   a Conservative Cabinet was formed by Señor Canovas del
   Castillo. The new Ministry had many difficulties to face, the
   fresh outbreak of revolt in Cuba being the most serious.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1895.

   But student rioting at Barcelona, caused by the dismissal of
   11 professor whose writings were condemned at Rome, became
   grave enough to require the sending of the redoubtable General
   Weyler to the scene; and popular excitements in Madrid,
   growing out of exposures of corruption in the municipal
   council, drove two of the colleagues of Canovas from their
   posts. In January, 1896, Weyler was sent to Cuba, to pursue in
   that unhappy island a policy which produced conditions that
   horrified the world.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897, and 1897-1898 (DECEMBER-MARCH).

   Elections held in April, 1896, gave the government of Canovas
   an overwhelming majority in the Cortes.

SPAIN: A. D. 1896-1897,
   Administration of General Weyler in Cuba.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

SPAIN: A. D. 1896-1898.
   Insurrection in the Philippines.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1896-1898.

SPAIN: A. D. 1897 (August-October).
   Assassination of the Prime Minister, Canovas del Castillo.
   Return of Sagasta to power.
   Condition of the country.

   On the 8th of August, the Spanish Prime Minister, Señor
   Canovas del Castillo, was shot by an Italian anarchist, a
   Neapolitan, named Angiolillo, while sojourning for a few days,
   with his wife, at the baths of Santa Aguada. He lived but two
   hours after receiving his wounds. General Azcarraga, Minister
   of War, was called by the Queen to take temporary charge of
   the government; but before the end of September he and his
   cabinet were forced to resign, and the Liberals, under the
   lead of Señor Sagasta, returned to power. "Canovas was the
   strong man of Spain. He was not the educator of the people, or
   the worker of the popular inclination. His vigorous
   understanding was their muscular master. The police were on
   his side; a useful portion of the press, hired judiciously for
   the purpose; the army; and the brains to set them all in
   motion; and, so equipped, Antonio Canovas del Castillo
   confronted the Spanish people and said, 'Come on.' It was a
   resolute and daring attitude, and kept the crowd triumphantly
   at bay for thirty years. But of late a change had taken place.
A good deal of the old fire had burned out. Fifteen years of
   colonial revolt, again, impress even the thickest-headed
   Spanish peasant into conceiving that the trouble has no
   business to last so long, and that his rulers, if hard and
   exigent towards himself, are weak, extravagant, and
   undexterous elsewhere. And this suspicion ripens into
   certainty when he sees his sons torn from his side and packed
   over sea, and when his taxes swell and swell, and the price of
   bread goes up and up, and still no alteration for the better.
   This cumulative truth is what the Spanish plebs have learned
   at last, within a year ago, and if Canovas had had the
   foresight of the true statesman, instead of the blind egoism
   of the autocrat, he would have thrown up his losing cards
   while there was time and said, 'The Cuban War is a mistake.
   Forgive me.' But his unflagging obstinacy held him to his
   desperate and aimless course. Although his complicity with his
   emissary, Weyler, in sending and publishing one lying telegram
   after another, was manifest as day, he smiled and rubbed his
   hands, and vowed the war was all but over; and behind that
   smile he half despised and half defied the victims he invited
   to believe him. He made no claim to be a patriot. He knew he
   was unpopular. He knew that for every cottage whence a son had
   been torn away to that disastrous strife in Cuba the Conservative
   Government of the nation may count upon one bitter foe—the
   Republicans or the Duke of Madrid upon one sure ally. What
   would have happened in Spain, had he lived longer, is quite
   beyond the average power to say. The prospect was too horrible
   for words. However, he died, and his ministry, after feebly
   mimicking the stubborn temper of their chief, succumbed also,
   leaving to the Liberal Party a legacy which may be likened to
   a bomb with time-fuse well alight and sputtering into the
   explosive. In plainer words what faces Señor Sagasta is the
   following: Spain is a beggar. Her credit is gone. Her army,
   always of late years behindhand in discipline, instruction,
   commissariat, and the thousand and one minutiæ other nations
   are solicitous to attend to, is decimated by disease,
   dispirited, and utterly incompetent to engage in war with any
   civilised power. Her navy is rotten. Her people are
   discontented and divided into various creeds. Some are for the
   existing regime, some for Don Carlos, and some for the
   Republic."

      _L. Williams,
      Can Sagasta save Spain?
      (Fortnightly Review, December, 1897)._

SPAIN: A. D. 1897 (November).
   Autonomous Constitution granted to Cuba and Porto Rico.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER);
      and 1897-1898 (NOVEMBER-FEBRUARY).

SPAIN: A. D. 1898.
   War with the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-MARCH), to 1899 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

SPAIN: A. D. 1898 (February-March).
   Destruction of the United States
   battle-ship Maine in Havana harbor.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

SPAIN: A. D. 1898 (March-April).
   Discussion of Cuban affairs with the Government of the
   United States.
   Message of the President to Congress,
   asking for authority to intervene in Cuba.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-APRIL).

{520}

SPAIN: A. D. 1898 (April).
   Demand of the United States Government that the authority and
   Government of Spain be withdrawn from Cuba, and its result
   in a state of war.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL).

SPAIN: A. D. 1898 (July-December).
   Suspension of hostilities and negotiations of Treaty of
   Peace with the United States.
   Relinquishment of sovereignty over Cuba, and cession of Porto
   Rico, Guam and the Philippine Islands to the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

SPAIN: A. D. 1898 (August 21).
   Letter from Spanish soldiers, on their departure from
   Santiago de Cuba, to the soldiers of the American army.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (AUGUST 21).

SPAIN: A. D. 1899.
   Abolition of the Ministry of the Colonies.
   Resignation of the Sagasta Cabinet.
   Ratification of the Treaty of Peace.

   The new conditions in Spanish government resulting from the
   loss of Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines were promptly
   acknowledged, in January, by the abolition of the Ministry of
   Colonies, for which no sufficient duties remained. On the 20th
   of February the Cortes was summoned, and on the same day the
   "state of siege," declared during the war, which had
   practically suspended constitutional rights, was removed by
   proclamation. The Treaty of Peace with the United States was
   laid before the Cortes; but the military party, led by General
   Weyler, opposed the approval of the Treaty, evidently for the
   purpose of embarrassing and weakening the government. They
   were so far successful that Señor Sagasta and his cabinet were
   forced to resign, on the 28th of February, and a Conservative
   Ministry, under Señor Silvela, was formed. But the Cortes,
   which declined to support the government in accepting the
   Treaty of Peace, was dismissed a few days later by the
   Queen-Regent, who signed the Treaty on her own responsibility,
   March 11. The Silvela Ministry proved inharmonious, made so
   especially by the Minister of War, General Polavieja, and in
   September it was reconstructed, with Polavieja dropped out.

SPAIN: A. D. 1899 (January).
   Relinquishment of sovereignty in Cuba.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER).

SPAIN: A. D. 1899 (February).
   Sale of the Caroline, Pelew and Marianne Islands to Germany.

      See (in this volume)
      CAROLINE AND MARIANNE ISLANDS.

SPAIN: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
   Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (October-November).
   Weyler appointed Captain-General of Madrid.
   Resignation of the Silvela Ministry.
   The army in control.

   The army won control of the government in October, when
   General Linares, Minister of War, without consulting his
   colleagues of the cabinet—if report be true—appointed General
   Weyler to be Captain-General of Madrid. Several members of the
   cabinet resigned in protest, and the Premier, Señor Silvela,
   found it necessary to place the resignation of the Ministry as
   a whole in the hands of the Queen-Regent (October 21). A new
   cabinet was formed, with General Azcarraga for its chief,
   General Linares retaining the portfolio of the War Office, and
   Weyler holding the military command in Madrid. The military
   party appears to be fully in power, and a token of the spirit
   it has carried into the government was given within ten days
   after the formation of the new Ministry, by the promulgation
   of a decree suspending the guarantees of the constitution and
   establishing martial law throughout the kingdom. Some
   movements of Carlist agitation and insurrection furnished a
   pretext for this measure, but they appear to have had no
   serious character.

   It is probable that the military reaction at Madrid will
   stimulate a revival of the old independent aspirations of the
   Catalonians, which have been showing of late many signs of new
   life. The desire for separation from Spain has never died out in
   Catalonia, and a resolute new effort to accomplish it may
   easily appear among the incidents of the near future.

SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (November).
   Spanish-American Congress.

   At the instance of the "Sociedad Union Ibero-Americana," an
   unofficial organization which has been in existence for more
   than 15 years, a congress was held in Madrid in November,
   1900, with the object of strengthening the relations between
   Spain and those American peoples who are of Spanish origin.
   The proposal of the "Union Ibero-Americana" met with the
   approval of the Spanish Government, and on April 16 a Royal
   decree was issued appointing Señor Silvela, the Prime
   Minister, to be president of a congress to be held in Madrid.
   The Government of Spain then issued invitations to the
   Spanish-American Republics, asking them to send
   representatives, which invitations were accepted by the
   governments of Mexico, the Argentine Republic, Chile, Uruguay,
   Peru, and other States. The list of subjects for discussion
   included proposals of treaties of commerce, international
   arbitration, the harmonizing of the civil, penal, and
   administrative legal codes of the various countries
   represented, emigration, the international validity of
   professional diplomas, the establishment of Ibero-American
   banks, and others. The most important result of the Congress
   was the voting of a plan of compulsory arbitration by the
   South American republics. The motion was introduced by Peru,
   which has the most to gain by arbitration. Chile's was the
   sole dissenting voice. "This," remarks "The Nation," of New
   York, "recalls the fact that Chile consented to take part in
   the Pan-American Congress at the City of Mexico, only on
   condition that any arbitration there provided for should not
   concern her own disputed boundaries."

SPAIN: A. D. 1901.
   Anti-clerical agitation, directed
   especially against the Jesuits.
   Marriage of the Princess of the Asturias.

   A case arising in Madrid in February produced excitements of
   feeling against the Jesuits which spread to all parts of the
   country, and were the cause of serious political
   demonstrations and rioting in many cities. A wealthy young
   lady, Señorita Ubao, had been persuaded by her confessor, a
   priest of the Jesuit order, to enter a convent, against the
   wish of her family. The family applied to the High Court for a
   mandate to secure her release. The prominence of the parties
   drew universal attention to the case, and it was discussed
   with passion throughout Spain, stirring up, as appears to be
   evident, a latent anti-clerical feeling which only waited to
   be moved.
{521}
   It seems, moreover, to have served as an occasion for
   demonstrations of the republicanism that continues to be
   strong in Spain. Students of the universities were active
   promoters of the excitement, and set examples of disorder
   which were followed by rougher mobs. In Madrid, Zaragoza,
   Valencia, Valladolid, Santandar, Granada, Malaga, Barcelona,
   and other towns the excitement ran high, and was not quieted
   by a decision of the High Court on the 19th of February,
   restoring Señorita Ubao to her friends. At Barcelona, on the
   last day of March, a meeting of 9,000 citizens, held in the
   bull-ring, is reported to have passed resolutions in favor of
   the separation of Church and State, advocating the prohibition
   of religious orders, and expressing a desire that their
   property should be taken possession of by the State. The
   meeting voted messages congratulating France and Portugal on
   their Anti-Clerical attitude. The meeting was followed by a
   riotous attack on the Jesuit convent, and by a conflict of the
   mob with the civil guard, in which blood was shed. From
   various parts of the country, demands for the expulsion of the
   religious orders were reported, in April, to be reaching the
   government.

   A royal wedding which occurred in the early days of this
   anti-clerical agitation added something to the disturbance of
   the public mind. Dona Maria de las Mercedes, eldest of the
   children of the late King Alphonso XII. and his second wife,
   was married on the 14th of February to Prince Charles, of the
   Neapolitan Bourbon family, son of the Count of Caserta. The
   Princess was Queen of Spain, in her infancy, for a few months
   after her father's death, until the posthumous birth of her
   brother, in 1886, and presumptively she may again inherit the
   crown. In itself, the marriage does not seem to have been
   unpopular; but, for some reason, the Count of Caserta was
   odious to the public of Madrid, and became the object of
   unpleasant attentions from the mob, while the bride and
   bridegroom, and other members of the family of the latter,
   were treated with respect.

SPANISH-AMERICAN CONGRESS, The.

      See (in this volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER).

SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-MARCH), to 1899 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

SPANISH SOLDIERS: Letter to American soldiers.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (AUGUST 21).

SPION KOP, The storming of.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

SPITZBERGEN: Claimed by Russia.

      See (in this volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION, 1898.

SPITZBERGEN: Recent Exploration of.

      See (in this volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION, 1896, 1897, 1898, 1899, 1900, 1900-.

SPOILS SYSTEM, The:
   As maintained in the service of the
   United States House of Representatives.

      See (in this volume)
      CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1901.

SPOONER AMENDMENT, The.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

STAMBOULOFF, M. Stephen, assassination of.

      See (in this volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: BULGARIA.

STANDARD OIL COMPANY.

      See (in this volume)
      TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

STATEN ISLAND: Incorporation in Greater New York.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.

STATISTICS: Of the British-Boer war.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER);
      and SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR:
      A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY), and (APRIL).

STATISTICS: Of Christian Missions.

      See (in this volume)
      MISSIONS, CHRISTIAN.

STATISTICS: Of finances and exports of the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1900 (JUNE), and (DECEMBER).

STATISTICS: Of the navies of the Sea Powers.

      See (in this volume)
      NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

STATISTICS: Of the shipping of the world.

      See (in this volume)
      SHIPPING OF THE WORLD.

STATISTICS: Of the Spanish-American war.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898-1899, STATISTICS;
      and 1900 (JUNE);
      also, PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (MAY), and (OCTOBER).

STATISTICS: Of war-making expenditure by the leading Powers.

      See (in this volume)
      WAR BUDGETS.

STEAM TURBINES, The invention of.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: MECHANICS.

STEEL: The Age of.

      See (in this volume)
      NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE AGE OF STEEL.

STEEL PRODUCTION, Combinations in.

      See (in this volume)
      TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

STEVENSON, Adlai E.:
   Bi-metallic mission to Europe.

      See (in this volume)
      MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

STOCKHOLM, Exposition at.

   A Scandinavian industrial exposition, which proved exceedingly
   attractive, was held with much success at Stockholm, the
   Swedish capital, in the summer and autumn of 1897.

STONEHENGE:
   Fall of two stones.

   "The last night of the nineteenth century was marked, as a
   correspondent pointed out in our issue of yesterday, by a
   serious injury to what remains of the majestic monument of
   Stonehenge. One of the great uprights of the outer circle of
   stones, as well as the cross-piece mortised to it on the top,
   fell to the ground, thus destroying still further the most
   striking effect of this gigantic temple or sepulchre. The fall
   was probably caused by the torrents of rain and the violent winds
   that closed the troubled record of the year 1900. One of the
   uprights was brought to the ground, where it lies like so many
   other of the stones that formed this vast megalithic structure,
   and the capstone has been broken in pieces. The continuous
   exterior circle of which these formed a part was originally
   about one hundred feet in diameter, and though the masses were
   less imposing individually than those of the great tritithons
   around the centre, the effect of the mighty round of uprights,
   sixteen feet high, with huge capstones resting on them, must
   have been wonderful in its noble simplicity …

{522}

   "The solicitude of the present age has placed Stonehenge, like
   other great national monuments, under the permissive
   protection of the law, but the law itself cannot prevent the
   ravages of weather and the gradual subsidence of the
   foundations on which these masses stand. Little, we fear, can
   be done to keep the remaining uprights standing. They will
   fall when their time comes and will lie where they fall like
   those that have already succumbed to their fate. It is better,
   perhaps, for the dignity of this venerable monument that it is in
   no serious danger of that restoration which is at work on so
   many later structures, more splendid as triumphs of art, but
   less stubborn in their strength."

      _London Times,
      January 4, 1901._

STORMBERG, Battle of.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

STRATHCONA'S HORSE.

      See (in this volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1899-1900.

STRIKES.

      See (in this volume)
      INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES.

SUDAN, The Egyptian: A. D. 1885-1898.
   Abandonment to the Dervishes.
   Death of the Mahdi.
   Reign of the Khalifa.
   Anglo-Egyptian re-conquest.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896; 1897-1898; and 1899-1900.

SUDAN, The Egyptian: A. D. 1899.
   Anglo-Egyptian condominium established.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

SUDAN, The French: A. D. 1895.
   Under a Governor-General of French West Africa.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (FRENCH WEST AFRICA).

SUDAN, The French: A. D. 1897.
   Definition of Tongoland boundary.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (DAHOMEY AND TONGOLAND).

SUDAN, The French: A. D. 1898-1899.
   Agreement with Great Britain as to the limits.

      See (in this volume)
      NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

SUDANESE TROOPS: Mutiny in Uganda.

      See (in this volume)
      UGANDA: A. D. 1897-1898.

SUFFRAGE:
   Qualifications in the several States of the American Union.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY);
      also, DELAWARE; LOUISIANA;
      MARYLAND; MISSISSIPPI; NORTH CAROLINA; and SOUTH CAROLINA.

SUFFRAGE, Woman.

      See (in this volume)
      WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

SUGAR BOUNTIES.

   An extremely complicated and irrational state of things,
   connected with the production and consumption of sugar
   throughout the world, has been experienced for many years, as
   a consequence of the system of bounties on exportation, by
   which a number of European countries have stimulated the
   production of beet-sugar, in competition with the sugar
   produced from cane. The system was carried to its extreme
   development in 1896-1897, in consequence of action taken in
   Germany.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1896 (MAY).

   The legislation in other countries which followed the German
   measure of 1896 was set forth briefly in a memorial from the
   Belgian beet-root sugar makers, in February, 1897, to the
   Belgian Chamber of Representatives, a translation of which was
   transmitted at the time to the State Department at Washington
   by the United States Consul at Ghent. Said that memorial:

   "The fiscal system applied to sugar factories in force
   [previously] in the various countries mentioned [was] chiefly
   established by the following laws: Germany, law of May 31,
   1891; Austria, law of May 20, 1888; France, law of July 29,
   1884; Russia, law of July 13, 1891; Belgium, law of April 16,
   1887; Holland, law of April 15, 1891, and preceding
   legislation. Since the dates above mentioned, the basis
   established in these various countries had undergone only
   secondary modifications, rather local than international, and,
   generally, of a nature to diminish the fiscal favors instead
   of increasing them. From the point of view of competition
   among the countries of Europe, a sort of peaceful stability
   was thus acquired, resulting in a corresponding equilibrium in
   the interior relations of each country between the rural and
   industrial systems, as well as between the cultivator and
   owner. This situation, slowly established, has, during the
   last year, suffered the most serious disturbances. Important
   modifications have been adopted by all our competitors, Russia
   excepted; the latter, enjoying a special system, suffices
   almost entirely for itself without having much to export, it
   is, therefore, not necessary to give it special consideration.


   "The modifications to which we allude are the following: In
   Germany, the law of May 27, 1896, increased the export
   bounties in the following proportions: (1) For raw sugar, from
   30 cents to 60 cents per 220 pounds; (2) for white sugar, from
   41 cents to 72 cents; (3) for refined sugar, from 48 cents to
   89 cents. This is not meant to interfere with other measures,
   notably the imposition of supplementary taxes, and the
   provision by which a factory, under the penalty of having its
   proportion of export bounties reduced, is, so to speak,
   obliged to increase its output or at least to maintain it at
   the same level, even under the most unfavorable circumstances.
   Immediately afterwards, Austria, by the law of July 7, 1896,
   took corresponding protective and defensive measures,
   especially increasing from about $2,000,000 to $3,600,000 the
   amount of public funds destined for export bounties. In
   France, the Chamber of Deputies has just voted export bounties
   even more important than those of other countries, amounting
   to—(1) raw sugar, 68 cents per 220 pounds; (2) white sugar,
   77 cents; (3) refined sugar, 87 cents. All these export
   bounties are independent of the interior advantages accorded
   in Germany and Austria, in various forms less tangible,
   although not less real, and in France in the form of bonuses
   upon the manufacture, which, in the official French
   statistics, appear for sums varying from $1.16 to $l.54½ per
   220 pounds, and which may be normally fixed at $1.35 per 220
   pounds. Holland, in turn, has just revised its system, giving
   from the beginning to its producers a bounty of $1.06½ per 220
   pounds on raw sugars. It is an economic war to the finish
   between rival nations, each desiring the ruin of the others,
   which these measures unchain on the sugar interests of Europe."

      _United States Consular Reports,
      June, 1897, page 304._

{523}

   The effect of bounty-payments is to enable the sugars-makers
   of the country which pays them to sell sugar to foreign buyers
   at a lower price than to buyers at home. Consumers in such a
   country as England, where no sugar is produced, and where no
   duties on imported sugar are levied, reap an enormous gain
   from them, at the expense of the sugar consumers of the
   bounty-paying countries. At the same time, the cane-sugar
   growing colonies of England, especially those in the West
   Indies, suffer from the competition which is made unnatural by
   this method of governmental support. England, therefore, has
   conflicting interests in the matter. The mass of her home
   population, who are great consumers of "sweets," delight in
   the continental bounties, which give them cheap sugar; while
   her West India colonists, and the English sugar refiners, are
   groaning under the hard competition they maintain.

   In the bounty-paying countries the same conflict of interest
   exists between beet-growers and sugar consumers, and
   governmental attitudes on the question of adhering to the
   bounties seem to depend on the relative strength, or political
   weight, of the two bodies. Repeated attempts have been made to
   come to an international agreement for their abolition or
   modification. A general conference on the subject was held
   without result in London, 1887; and another was undertaken in
   June, 1898, at Brussels, on the invitation of the Belgian
   government. The latter made manifest a strong desire to be rid
   of the bounty-paying system, on the part of Germany,
   Austria-Hungary, Belgium and the Netherlands. France was
   willing to withdraw her direct bounties on the exportation of
   sugar, but insisted on maintaining an internal system of taxes
   which was said to have the real effect of a bounty. Russia,
   likewise, would adhere to a domestic system of regulations
   which had that effect. Great Britain declined to engage
   herself to impose a duty on what was called "bounty-fed"
   sugar, for the purpose of neutralizing the bounty, and so
   placing that commodity on a footing of equality with its
   rivals in her markets. Hence no agreement of common action
   could be reached, and the Conference adjourned without result.
   Continental consumers of sugar continue to pay a high price
   for the prosperity of their beet-growers and sugar-makers; but
   Englishmen, who have reveled in cheap "jams" at foreign
   expense, are probably to lose that privilege, since the
   exigencies of their Boer war expenditure have forced the
   Chancellor of the Exchequer, at last, to introduce a duty of
   4s. 2d. per cwt. on refined sugar in his budget for 1901. But
   in his speech on introducing the budget, in the House of
   Commons (April 18, 1901), the Chancellor expressed hopefulness
   that the foreign sugar bounty might save England from a rise
   in price for sugar, notwithstanding the tax. His remarks were
   as follows:

   "What is likely to be the effect on the price of sugar of the
   imposition of a duty? In my opinion that is a very doubtful
   question, because the price of sugar is not governed solely by
   the ordinary conditions, but it is governed largely by the
   bounty system. The great bulk of our imports of sugar come
   from bounty-giving countries; and what is that system? Why,
   Sir, it amounts to this, that the country giving the bounty
   encourages the production of sugar within its borders, and at
   the same time does its best to restrict the consumption of
   sugar by its own people by every possible means, so that the
   result is that there is an enormous surplus of sugar produced
   which must find a foreign market, and which under present
   circumstances can only find a market here. Therefore, it is
   quite conceivable, unless, of course, a bounty-giving country
   either reduced the area of their sugar production or lowered
   their own excise duties on sugar for the benefit of their own
   population—both of which would mean the abolition of the
   bounty system—it is quite conceivable that the result of the
   imposition of a tax on sugar here might be that, though at
   first the price might go up and the consumption of sugar might
   be consequently decreased, there would be such an influx into
   this country of bounty-paid sugar that could not go anywhere
   else that the price might be brought down. I merely put the
   hypothesis to the Committee, because I think it is one that
   ought to be considered by anyone who looks into this
   question."

      _London Times, April 19, 1901._

   "The geographical poles of the sugar trade are now Great
   Britain and the United States, and the two great areas of
   production are the beet-sugar countries of the continent of
   Europe and the cane-growing countries of the American and the
   Asiatic tropics. These two areas of production have been in
   active rivalry for the past thirty years, and out of this
   rivalry have come some striking results. The first is, that
   beet sugar controls the world's sugar market; for of the
   8,000,000 tons that constitute the commercial supply of sugar,
   about 5,000,000 are produced from the beet, and the price of
   this portion of the supply practically determines the price of
   the 3,000,000 tons of cane sugar also. Still more significant
   results are the removal of Great Britain from her once
   dominant position in tropical sugar production and the
   elimination of France and Spain from the struggle for
   leadership in the same line of enterprise, as economic
   conditions have centered the cane-sugar trade and industry in
   America. To-day the continental beet-sugar countries supply
   the United Kingdom with seventy-five per cent. of its annual
   sugar imports (2,500,000 tons), leaving only one-quarter to
   come from the tropics. The United States, on the other hand,
   has become the chief market for tropical sugar. …

   "India and the United States exclude bounty fed beet sugar;
   and the reciprocity treaties with the United States, by
   favoring tropical sugar with a minimum duty, put a narrower
   limit to beet-sugar development, now prospering under a
   protective tariff and state bounties. The general effect of
   these positive aids to trade, as well as of the negative
   restraints, has been to encourage tropical enterprise in which
   sugar plays a leading role. …

   "As things stand now, Germany continues to control the world's
   sugar situation—not because of any superiority over the
   tropics in machinery, nor because of the advantages of fiscal
   bounties over tropical resources of the soil, but because all
   the natural advantages under the prevailing slipshod methods
   of tropical cane cultivation are more than counterbalanced by
   the scientific methods of European agriculture applied to beet
   farming. When the tropics apply to the cultivation of canes
   (which covers half of the cost of producing sugar) the same
   degree of scientific attention that has been given to the
   methods of manufacturing the canes into sugar, then—and not
   until then—need the beet-sugar interests of Europe look to
   their laurels, under the present conditions of the trade."

      _J. F. Crowell, The Sugar Situation in the Tropics
      (Political Science Quarterly. December, 1899)._

{524}

   In the United States, the Dingley Tariff law of 1897 required
   the Secretary of the Treasury to levy a special countervailing
   duty on all bounty-fed sugar equal to the benefit derived by
   the manufacturers of it from the bounty systems under which it
   was produced. German and French sugars have had to bear such
   countervailing duty, and it was exacted on Russian sugar for a
   time after the passage of the Dingley Act; but the Russian
   government succeeded in bringing about a suspension of it,
   pending negotiations for a commercial treaty, which came to
   nothing. It was the Russian contention, that the system
   operating in that country for the benefit of the sugar
   producers, by means of internal taxes which are not collected
   on exported sugar, and by paternal regulations which control
   prices in the domestic market, is not a bounty system, within
   the meaning of the American law. (The full text of the Russian
   law on the subject may be found translated in the
   "Congressional Record," February 26, 1901, page 3335.) By
   these arguments and by protracted negotiations the Russians
   succeeded in keeping the door of the American market open to
   their sugar, with no extra levy of duties, until February,
   1901, when the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States
   arrived at the decision that he is required by the law to levy
   and collect a countervailing duty or tax of 32 cents on each
   pood (about 36 pounds) of Russian sugar imported into the
   United States. The order to that effect, issued on the 12th of
   February, gave great satisfaction to the American sugar-trust,
   and more than equal dissatisfaction to other important
   interests in the country, which are threatened by the danger
   of retaliatory tariffs on the Russian side. The situation
   produced is thus described in a Washington letter to the
   "Tribune" of New York: "The iron and steel manufacturers have
   been clamoring for the continued suspension of the
   countervailing duty on Russian sugars. They have begun, they
   say, to build up a market in Russia for American steel
   products, and that market will be lost to them if Russia in
   retaliation imposes maximum instead of minimum duties on steel
   and iron manufactures. The steel industry all over the world
   is threatened with a glut in production, and the American
   manufacturers especially are keenly looking about for every
   possible opportunity to dispose of an increasing surplus. They
   deplore, therefore, the reimposition of the sugar duty, and
   will help to fight for a reversal of Secretary Gage's action
   by the Board of General Appraisers or by the courts. The
   Secretary contends that the Russian scheme of encouraging the
   sugar interest should be submitted for judgment to some legal
   tribunal, and that in such an evident case of doubt it is his
   duty to favor the Government to the extent of reimposing the
   disputed duty. The case will go to the Board of General
   Appraisers in New York, and then to the Federal courts, and a
   final decision is, perhaps, two years off. Meanwhile the
   German, French and other Continental governments have been
   somewhat appeased, and the Sugar Trust has won a substantial
   victory at the expense of the iron and steel consolidation.
   Russia is disposed to resort to retaliatory decrees, and the
   whole horizon is more or less clouded with threats of
   commercial warfare."

   The immediate consequence of the order of the United States
   Treasury Department was a retaliatory order by M. De Witte,
   the Russian Minister of Finance, issued four days later
   (February 16), directing the collection of an additional
   tariff of 30 per cent net upon American hardware, iron, steel,
   boilers, pipes, forgings, castings, tools, gas and water
   meters, dynamos, sewing machines, when such articles are of
   American manufacture. This includes motors and machinery of
   all kinds.

SUGAR TRUST, The.

      See (in this volume)
      TRUSTS: UNITED STATES;
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (MARCH-JULY);
      and SUGAR BOUNTIES.

SULU ARCHIPELAGO:
   Acknowledgment of the sovereignty of the United States.
   The Sultan's Government.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (MAY-AUGUST).

SUMER.

      See (in volume 1)
      BABYLONIA, PRIMITIVE;
      (in volume 4)
      SEMITES;
      and (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1895.
   Decision against the constitutionality of the Income Tax.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (APRIL-MAY).

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1900-1901.
   Hearing of cases involving questions concerning the status of
   the new possessions of the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1900-1901.

SURGERY, Recent advances in.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL,
      and CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS (X RAYS).

SUSA, Recent exploration of the ruins of.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: PERSIA.

SUWAROFF ISLAND:
   Proposed annexation to New Zealand.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER).

SUZERAINTY:
   The question between Great Britain and
   the South African Republic.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1884-189-1;
      1897 (MAY-OCTOBER); and 1898-1899.

SWAT VALLEY:
   British India and the tribes of the.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1895 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER);
      1897-1898; and 1901 (FEBRUARY).

SWAZILAND:
   Administration assumed by the Transvaal Government.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (THE TRANSVAAL).

{525}

SWEDEN AND NORWAY:
   Norwegian discontent with the union.

   "The question of representation in foreign countries has now
   convulsed Scandinavia for some years. A race of democratic
   tendencies usually thinks more of its Consular than of its
   Diplomatic Service, and Norway, in demanding immediate
   permission to appoint her own Consuls, announces that she is
   willing to leave for future consideration the subject of
   separate Ambassadors for the two countries. Professor Harald
   Hjärne crystallizes the reply of Sweden in the words: 'By
   granting such a request we run the risk of our foreign policy,
   and with it also our satisfactory relations with foreign
   Powers, in fact, the whole external safety of our country,
   becoming a mere ball for the Norwegian parties during their
   contests for power.' However, the King, who is ever ready to
   grant privileges to his Norwegian subjects, even when acting
   against his better judgment, declared himself willing to
   accede to the petition as to the Consuls, and to allow the
   sister country to have the direct voice in the regulation of
   foreign affairs which she has so long demanded, but only on
   condition that she would contribute to the defence of the two
   Kingdoms in proportion to her population. … Many leading
   Norwegians declare that those who shout so loudly for a
   revision of the Constitution are, after all, in the minority.
   They argue that claims on Sweden are, for the most part,
   merely advanced as a party cry, and that if a general appeal
   were made to the country, the majority would pronounce,
   without hesitation, in favor of a continuation of the Union to
   the State which has given Norway, for the first time in her
   history, a period of nearly a century of peace and
   uninterrupted prosperity. …

   "The Left support their plea for separate Consuls by pointing
   out that the mercantile navy of Norway is far larger than that
   of Sweden; they claim for it, in fact, that it is the third
   largest in the world. A reply to this is that a large
   proportion of this navy consists of old wooden sailing-boats,
   unfit for any purpose but that of carrying timber, that Norway
   has increased her mercantile navy at the expense of her
   warships, and that in time of war she would have to depend
   exclusively on the splendid modern battleships of Sweden for
   the defence both of her harbours and her shipping, since she
   is not now herself the owner of one single modern ironclad. It
   may be mentioned, in connection with this matter, that the
   exports and imports of Sweden are nearly treble those of
   Norway, the timber trade of the former country alone being the
   largest in Europe, and that it is in consequence of Sweden
   leaving so much of her carrying trade in the hands of the
   sister country, thereby contributing no little to her
   prosperity, that she has been encouraged and enabled to
   increase her merchant navy to such an extent. Sweden has
   throughout the century made enormous sacrifices for her navy,
   and especially has this been the case since King Oscar came to
   the throne. She is, therefore, so far as can be foreseen, in a
   position to defend both her own ports and her merchant
   vessels. She does not, however, profess to be equal to the
   task of protecting the long coast-line of Norway and that vast
   fleet of merchant vessels, of which the land last named is
   justly proud, without any aid whatever from the sister
   country, and statistics prove that, however willing in an
   emergency Norway might be, she would be unable to offer for
   this purpose help that would be of any practical use. …

   "In March, 1895, during the Consular crisis, King Oscar went
   over to Christiania and did his utmost to effect a compromise.
   Demands were made on him by the Extreme Left, to which he
   could not consent, and he referred the Storthing to the Act of
   Union proving that should he agree to the claim, he would
   himself be guilty of a violation of the Constitution. Some
   painful scenes ensued, and the King left Norway almost at
   once. On his arrival in Stockholm he received an ovation such
   as few Swedish monarchs can ever have had before. Every
   distinguished man in the country seemed to have assembled at
   the railway-station to greet him; each public body was
   represented by its leading member, the whole of the Swedish
   Parliament was present, and the fervour and enthusiasm with
   which he was saluted is beyond description. The Press, without
   a single exception, took the King's side, praising His
   Majesty's action in most lavish terms; this produced more
   effect than anything in Norway, where the Left had counted on
   the support of the Radical Press in Sweden, not realising
   that, when once there was a question of attacks on the Union
   and the Constitution, all parties were equally prepared to
   rally round the King. …

   "In view of the strained relations between Sweden and Norway,
   it may be said that Russia's encroachment on the liberties of
   Finland is extremely ill-timed if, as is probable, she
   contemplates offering her protection to Norway as she did to
   the neighbouring country at the beginning of the century.
   Even if no such extreme step on the part of Russia be in view,
   should those among Norway's two million inhabitants who demand
   separation, have their way, the country would be able to offer
   the Imperial Government a splendid bribe as the price of its
   non-intervention, for to the north of the territory of
   Norrland lies the Varanger Fjord, an inlet including several
   fine harbours, which is practically free from ice throughout
   the year. This bay, so much coveted by the greater power, is
   only separated from the Czar's dominions by a narrow strip of
   Norwegian soil, which has already been crossed by a railway
   constructed by Russia with the permission of Norway. The value
   of this fjord to the Empire in time of war would be
   incalculable, and to have this magnificent gift at its
   disposal is a perpetual temptation to Norway to win the
   suffrages of the only European Power she has reason to fear
   should she ever hoist the flag of revolt she has so long held
   half-unfurled in her hand."

      _Constance Sutcliffe,
      Scandinavia and her King
      (Fortnightly Review, October, 1897)._

   In 1899, an Act directing the removal of the emblem of union
   from the flag of Norway was passed by the Norwegian Storthing
   for the third time over the veto of the King, and became law,
   under the provisions of the Constitution.

SWEDEN AND NORWAY: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
   Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1894-1898.
   The Initiative and the Referendum in practice.

   Three times during the year 1894, with a conservative result
   in each instance, important questions of legislation were
   submitted to the vote of the Swiss people. In one instance
   they were asked to demand that a portion of the federal
   customs dues should be assigned to the cantons for cantonal
   use, the avowed aim of the proposition being to weaken the
   Confederation. They rejected the scheme by a vote of 347,491
   against 145,270.
{526}
   A still heavier majority was given against Socialist proposals
   for a constitutional article guaranteeing the right of every
   Swiss citizen to remunerated work. This was supported by only
   75,880 votes, against 308,289. For another Socialist proposal,
   of gratuitous medical attendance, the necessary petition (with
   50,000 signatures) in order to bring it to a popular vote, could
   not be obtained. A third, for extending factory regulations to
   all shops in which manual work is done, and for establishing
   obligatory trade syndicates, to fix salaries, prices, number
   of apprentices, was lost by a vote of 135,713 against 158,492.

   Again, in 1895, the result of appeals made to the Referendum
   seemed to show that the disposition of the people was more
   conservative than that of the government. An Army Reform Bill,
   which enlarged the federal control of military administration,
   was rejected by 270,000 votes, against 195,000. Two or three
   other proposals of less moment were voted down by considerable
   majorities, and it appeared unmistakably that changes dependent
   on the popular will were not to be easily made.

   In 1896 a proposal from the Federal Council to make the head
   of the War Office commander-in-chief of the army in time of
   peace was voted down, on a referendum, by 310,992 against
   77,169. During that year there was much agitation of a project
   for the establishment of a State Bank, which the Chambers had
   sanctioned; but, on being submitted to the people, early in
   1897, it was defeated by a majority of about 60,000.

   Another measure, supported by the Federal Council and adopted
   in the Chambers, for the purchase of the five principal
   railways of the republic, was submitted to the decision of the
   Referendum in February, 1898, and carried by 384,272 votes
   against 176,002. Accordingly, the five railways known as the
   Swiss Central, the Union, the Northeastern, the St. Gothard,
   and the Jura Simplon, about 1,650 miles in total length,
   became the property of the state. The general plan of the
   government was to purchase the railways at twenty-five times
   the average net annual earnings for the past ten years,
   providing this was not less than the actual cost. The
   companies to have the privilege of deducting surplus capital,
   but to turn over the roads in first-class condition.

SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1897.
   Constitutional amendments.

   Consul Germain wrote from Zurich, July, 1897:

   "Constitutional amendments were voted on and adopted by the
   Swiss people on Sunday last, July 11. The first amendment
   relates to forestry and gives the Federal Government control
   over and power to enact uniform laws to regulate Swiss
   forests. The second amendment puts the manufacture, sale, and
   importation of food products under federal control. These two
   amendments will relieve the cantons from vexatious
   legislation, heretofore differing in each of the twenty
   cantons and four half cantons, and give the whole of
   Switzerland uniform laws on forestry and the manufacture,
   sale, and importation of food products."

      _United States Consular Reports,
      October, 1897, page 296._

SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
   Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1900.
   Rejection of new electoral proposals.

   On the 4th of November the Swiss nation gave its decision
   regarding two important proposals which under the name of the
   "double initiative" had been causing great excitement among
   the population of the Confederation. One of these proposals
   had for its object the election of members of the National
   Council on the system of proportional representation, the
   other the election of the Federal Council by the people. Both
   proposals were rejected, the first by 242,004 popular votes to
   163,548, and by 11½ cantonal votes to 10½, and the second by
   264,087 popular votes to 134,167 and by 14 cantonal votes to
   8.

SYRIA:
   Exploration of ruined cities of the Roman province.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: SYRIA.

SZECHUAN.

      See (in this volume)
      CHUNG-KING.

T.

TA TAO HUI, The.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

TACNA, The question concerning.

      See (in this volume)
      CHILE: A. D. 1894-1900.

TAGALOS,
TAGALOGS, The.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

TAGALOS:
   Revolt against the sovereignty of the United States
   in the Philippines.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (AUGUST-DECEMBER), and after.

TAKU FORTS, Allied capture of the.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE 10-26).

TALANA HILL, Battle of.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

TALIENWAN: A. D. 1895.
   Russo-Chinese Treaty.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1895.

TALIENWAN: A. D. 1898.
   Lease to Russia.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-JULY).

TALIENWAN: A. D. 1899.
   Declared a free port.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1899 (AUGUST).

TAMMANY HALL.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1894-1895;
      and 1897 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

TARIFF, Chinese.

      See (in this volume)
      LIKIN.

TARIFF LEGISLATION:
   Australia: A. D. 1894-1895.
   Defeat of Protection in New South Wales.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRALIA (NEW SOUTH WALES): A. D. 1894-1895.

TARIFF LEGISLATION:
   Australia: A. D. 1901.
   Promised protective policy for the new Commonwealth.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1901 (MAY).

TARIFF LEGISLATION:
   Canada: A. D. 1897.
   Revision of tariff, with discriminating duties in favor of
   Great Britain, and provisions for reciprocity.

      See (in this volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1896-1897.

TARIFF LEGISLATION:
   Europe and America: A. D. 1896-1901.
   The question of sugar bounties and countervailing duties.

      See (in this volume)
      SUGAR BOUNTIES; and GERMANY: A. D. 1896 (MAY).

{527}

TARIFF LEGISLATION:
   Germany: A. D. 1891-1899.
   Recent commercial treaties.
   Preparations for forthcoming treaties.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1891-1899.

TARIFF LEGISLATION: Germany: A. D. 1895-1898.
   Demands of the German Agrarian Protectionists.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1895-1898.

TARIFF LEGISLATION: Germany: A. D. 1901.
   Promised increase of protective duties.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

TARIFF LEGISLATION: Japan: A. D. 1897.
   New tariff law.

      See (in this volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1897.

TARIFF LEGISLATION: Philippines: A. D. 1901.
   New tariff for the Islands.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 (MARCH).

TARIFF LEGISLATION: Porto Rico. A. D. 1900
   Tariff between Porto Rico and the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      PORTO RICO: A. D. 1899-1900.

TARIFF LEGISLATION: United States: A. D. 1897.
   The Dingley Tariff.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (MARCH-JULY);
      and 1899-1901.

TARIFF LEGISLATION: United States: A. D. 1899-1901.
   Reciprocity treaties.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1899-1901.

TARIFF LEGISLATION: United States: A. D. 1900.
   Relations of the tariff to steel and tin plate industries.

      See (in this volume)
      TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

TASMANIA.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRALIA; and CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

TEHUANTEPEC RAILWAY, The.

      See (in this volume)
      MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.

TELEGRAPH, Cape to Cairo.

   For the projected line of telegraph from the southern to the
   northern extremity of Africa, Mr. Cecil Rhodes has undertaken
   to find most of the needed money. He began construction from
   the northern terminus of the Cape telegraphic service. In 1899
   it was reported: "He has pushed the line northward through
   Rhodesia to Umtali, in Mashonaland, which is 1,800 miles from
   the Cape, and is pushing it on through Nyassaland to the
   southern end of Lake Tanganyika, another 700 miles farther
   north. The total distance to be covered is 6,600 miles. At the
   same time the Egyptian government, under British auspices, was
   pushing its telegraph system southward from Wady Halfa. Its
   advance was intermittent, the erection of the telegraph poles
   being necessarily dependent upon the pushing back of the
   outposts of the Dervishes. Last autumn, however, the
   destruction of the power of the Khalifa at Omdurman enabled
   the Anglo-Egyptian authorities to reopen the long-closed
   telegraph office at Khartoum. Khartoum being 1,300 miles from
   Cairo, this reduces the distance to be spanned by the
   telegraph wire to 3,500 miles; or, if we reckon Abercorn, on
   Lake Tanganyika, as its northern terminus, only 2,800 miles.
   It is being rapidly eaten into at both ends, more rapidly in
   the south than in the north. Still nearly one-half of the
   continent, and that the most difficult part, remains to be
   crossed."

      _W. T. Stead
      (in McClure's Magazine, August, 1899)._

   Soon after this was written, the South African War stopped the
   progress of the work.

TELEGRAPHS, Submarine.

   "The submarine telegraphs of the world number 1,500. Their
   aggregate length is 170,000 miles; their total cost is
   estimated at $250,000,000, and the number of messages annually
   transmitted over them 6,000,000: All the grand divisions of
   the earth are now connected by their wires, and from country
   to country and island to island the thoughts and words of
   mankind are instantaneously transmitted. … Adding to the
   submarine lines the land-telegraph systems by which they are
   connected and through which they bring interior points of the
   various continents into instantaneous communication, the total
   length of telegraph lines of the world is 835,000 miles, the
   length of their single wires or conductors 3,500,000 miles,
   and the total number of messages annually sent over them
   365,000,000, or an average of 1,000,000 messages each day. In
   the short half century since the practicability of submarine
   telegraphy was demonstrated, the electric wires have invaded
   every ocean except the Pacific. Nearly a score of wires have
   been laid across the Atlantic, of which no less than thirteen
   now successfully operate between the United States and Europe,
   while three others span the comparatively short distance
   between South America and the African and south European coast
   lines. Throughout the Indian Ocean, lines connect the far East
   with Europe and America by way of the Red Sea, the
   Mediterranean, the western coast of Europe, and the great
   trans-Atlantic lines. The Mediterranean is crossed and
   recrossed in its entire length and breadth by numerous cable
   lines, and the Mediterranean of America,' the Gulf of Mexico
   and the Caribbean Sea, is traversed in all directions by lines
   which bring its islands and colonies into speaking relations
   with each other and with South America, Central America, the
   United States, and thence with Europe, Africa, Asia—the whole
   world. Along the eastern coast of Asia, cable lines loop from
   port to port and island to island, receiving messages overland
   from eastern Europe by way of the Russia-Siberian land lines
   and forwarding them to Japan, China, Australia, New Zealand,
   the Straits Settlements, Hongkong, and the Philippines, and
   receiving others in return. South America is skirted with
   cable lines along its entire border save the extreme south,
   where they are brought into inter-communication by land lines.
   Along the entire coast of Africa, cables loop from place to place
   and from colony to colony, stretching along the entire
   circumference and penetrating the interior by land lines at
   various points. Every body of water lying between the
   inhabited portions of the earth, with the single exception of
   the Pacific Ocean, has been crossed and recrossed by submarine
   telegraph lines. Even that vast expanse of water has been
   invaded along its margin, submarine wires stretching along its
   western border from Siberia to Australia, while its eastern
   borders are skirted with lines which stretch along the western
   coasts of the two Americas. Several adventurous pioneers in
   Pacific telegraphy have ventured to considerable distances and
   depths in that great ocean, one cable line running from
   Australia to New Zealand, a distance of over 1,000 miles, and
   another extending from Australia to the French colony of New
   Caledonia, 800 miles seaward."

      _United States Bureau of Statistics,
      Monthly Summary, January, 1899._

TELEGRAPHY, Wireless.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

TELEPHONE SYSTEM, Recent development of.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

{528}

TELEPHONY, Dr. Pupin's improvement in long-distance.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

TEMPERANCE.

      See (in this volume)
      references under LIQUOR SELLING.

TEMPLE LIBRARY, of ancient Nippur, The.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

TENNESSEE: A. D. 1897.
   Centennial Exposition.

   The centennial anniversary of the admission of Tennessee to
   the American Union was celebrated by the holding of a very
   successful exposition at Nashville, opening May 1, 1897.

TERESA URREA.

      See (in this volume)
      MEXICO: A. D. 1896-1899.

TESLA, Nikola: Electrical inventions and discoveries.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

THREE AMERICAS RAILWAY, The.

      See (in this volume)
      RAILWAY, INTERCONTINENTAL.

THUTMOSIS I., The tomb of.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: NEW DISCOVERIES.

TIENTSIN.

   "Tientsin is the most important city of northern China, being
   located at the head of the Gulf of Pechili and but 80 miles
   from the capital, Pekin, with which it is connected by water
   and by a railway line. Another completed railway line runs
   northeastwardly to Shanhai-kwan, and an elaborate railway
   system is projected southward from this point through the
   populous provinces of Shantung and Kiangsu to connect Tientsin
   with Shanghai. In addition to these, the Grand Canal, the most
   important of the great artificial waterways of China, has for
   centuries connected Tientsin with the Yangtze-Kiang and
   Shanghai. Its population is in round numbers 1,000,000."

      _United States, Bureau of Statistics, Monthly Summary,
      March, 1899, page 2194._

   "Tientsin is situated at the junction of the Huei River
   (sometimes called the Grand Canal) with the Peiho River, in
   latitude 39° 3' 55" north and longitude 117° 3' 55" east. It
   is distant from Pekin by road about 80 miles. Formerly, it was
   a military station only, but towards the end of the
   seventeenth century became a city of great importance. To-day,
   it is the home of 1,000,000 people, with an annual import and
   export trade aggregating 65,000,000 taels * ($42,250,000).

      [* Consul Ragsdale values the haikwan tael at 65 cents;
      the estimate of the United States Director of the Mint,
      July 1, 1898, is 68.8 cents.]

   … The growth of Tientsin within the past few years is most
   astonishing. The mud holes and swamps of a few years ago have
   been filled in; one, two, three, and even four story brick
   buildings erected; streets macadamized, trees planted, gas
   works constructed, and now pipes (from New York) for a very
   elaborate and perfect water system are being laid—all due to
   foreign enterprise. On the other hand, the Chinese authorities
   have been seized with the spirit of progress, and to them is
   due the building and furnishing of the Imperial Military
   College, the Imperial University, arsenals for the manufacture
   of guns and ammunition, a mint for the coinage of silver, and,
   last but not least, 320 miles of a splendid railway. …

   "The Imperial University was established in 1895 by its
   president, Mr. C. D. Tenney (former United States vice-consul
   at Tientsin), at the request of His Excellency Sheng Hsuan,
   with the advice and approval of the Emperor. His Excellency Wu
   Ting-fang, present Chinese minister at Washington, and Mr.
   Ts-ai Shao-chin, member of Viceroy Wang's staff, were the
   first directors. The university is divided into three
   departments, viz, collegiate, preparatory, and railway. The
   preparatory course covers four years, after which the students
   enter the collegiate department, where they remain another
   four years. At the end of the first year in the collegiate
   department, the students are drafted into special
   classes—civil, mining, and mechanical engineering, and law.
   Each special branch is in charge of foreign professors,
   assisted by Chinese professors. The railway department was
   organized for the purpose of providing men for subordinate
   positions in the railway service—draftsmen, engineers, station
   masters, etc. The students are admitted to the various
   departments by competitive examinations. The government of the
   university is solely in the hands of the president and
   directors, the former being responsible for the educational
   work of the institution. Thirty students in each class are
   supported by the Government and are bound to Government
   service after their graduation. The present number of students
   is 250, and the annual expenses are 60,000 taels ($39,000),
   entirely borne by the Government. The president and four of
   the five professors are citizens of the United States.

   "The Imperial Military College was established by His
   Excellency Li Hung-Chang, the viceroy of Chihli, in the year
   1884. At the beginning, it was simply intended to give
   employment to the German officers under contract with the
   Government, but the necessity of training men in the arts of
   war led the viceroy to memorialize the Throne in behalf of a
   permanent military college. A suitable building was erected,
   at a cost of 50,000 taels ($32,500), and the annual expense of
   maintenance is about the same amount. The students are drafted
   from the different military camps, and they are supported by
   the generals under whom they were serving. After a two years'
   course, they return to their respective commands as
   instructors. The school is under the directorship of Taotai
   Yint Chang, a Manchu, who received his military education in
   Germany, and held a commission of lieutenancy in the Austrian
   army. All the principal instructors are Germans, most of them
   being noncommissioned officers."

      _United States Consular Reports,
      December, 1898, pages 550-552._

TIENTSIN: A. D. 1897.
   Extension of British settlement.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1897 (MAY-JUNE).

TIENTSIN: A. D. 1900.
   Capture by allied forces.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JULY).

TIGRIS, Valley of the:
   Recent archæological exploration.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA.

TIN PLATE INDUSTRY, in the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

{529}

TOCHI VALLEY, British-Indian war with the tribes.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

   Inclusion in a new British Indian province.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

TOGOLAND: A. D. 1899.
   State of German colony.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

TOGOLAND: A. D. 1900.
   Demarcation of the Hinterland.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1900.

TOLEDO, OHIO: A. D. 1899-1901.
   The election of Mayor Jones.

   Importance was given to the municipal election of April, 1899,
   in Toledo, Ohio, by the character of the chosen Mayor, Samuel
   M. Jones. He had first made himself known as a manufacturer in
   the city, by his dealings with his employees. The Golden Rule
   was posted in his shops, as the law by which he expected his
   own conduct and that of the men who served him to be governed,
   and it was found that he consistently obeyed the rule. In
   1897, the Republican party, needing a candidate for Mayor, put
   him forward and elected him. In office, he served the people
   so well and the politicians and the monopoly interests so
   little to their satisfaction, that his party, obedient to the
   latter, cast him aside and nominated to the Mayor's office a
   more "practical" man. Mr. Jones, thereupon, was induced to
   present himself as an independent candidate, on a platform
   denounced as "socialistic," and was elected by more than
   double the total vote cast against him, for the regular
   candidates of the Republican and Democratic parties. In the
   following November, Mr. Jones was put forward as an
   independent candidate for Governor of Ohio, and was not
   elected, but received something over 106,000 votes.

   On the 1st of April, 1901, Mr. Jones was reelected Mayor of
   Toledo for a third term, again as an Independent, and as a
   champion of municipal ownership for all public utilities.

TONGA ISLANDS, The:
   Renunciation of German rights to Great Britain.

      See (in this volume)
      SAMOAN ISLANDS.

TORAL, General:
   The Spanish defense of Santiago de Cuba.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

   Surrender of Spanish forces in eastern Cuba.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY 4-17).

TOSKI, Battle of.

      See (in this volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

TOWER BRIDGE.

      See (in this volume)
      LONDON: A. D. 1894.

TRANS-MISSISSIPPI EXPOSITION.

      See (in this volume)
      OMAHA: A. D. 1898.

TRANS-SIBERIAN RAILWAY.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1895;
      and RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1891-1900.

TRANSUBSTANTIATION, English royal declaration against.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

TRANSVAAL, The.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL).

TRANSVAAL NATIONAL UNION, The.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1895-1896.

TRIADS, Rebellion of the.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

TRIBUNAL OF ARBITRATION, The Permanent.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

TRIPLE ALLIANCE, The.

   The treaty of the Triple Alliance, or Dreibund, of Germany,
   Austria-Hungary and Italy, formed in 1882 and renewed in 1887,
   for common defense against France and Russia, expires in 1903.

      See, in volume 5,
      TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

   Rumors of an intention on the part of Italy to withdraw from
   the Alliance arose in the spring of 1901, and received some
   color from a marked exchange of friendly courtesies between
   Italy and France in April, when an Italian squadron was
   entertained at Toulon, on the occasion of a visit from the
   President of the French Republic to that city. But there seems
   to be little reason to believe that any such action has been
   determined by the Italian government.

TROCHAS.

   A Spanish term applied to military entrenchments or fortified
   lines.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897; and 1897-1898 (DECEMBER-MARCH).

TROY: Later researches on the site.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: TROY.

TRUST, The Sugar, and the Dingley Tariff.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1897 (MARCH-JULY); and SUGAR BOUNTIES.

   ----------TRUSTS: Start--------

TRUSTS:
   Industrial combinations in the United States.

   An "Industrial Commission," was created by Act of Congress in
   June, 1898.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

   It submitted a preliminary report on the 1st of March, 1900,
   on the subject of "Trusts and Industrial Combinations," from
   which the following historical information is taken:

   "The form of organization that has given them [industrial
   combinations] their name 'trusts' was the one started by the
   Standard Oil Trust in 1882, afterwords followed by the Whisky
   combination—the Distillers and Cattle Feeders' Trust—and by
   the Sugar Trust—the American Sugar Refineries Company. The
   plan of that organization was as follows: The stockholders of
   the different corporations entering the combination assigned
   their stock in trust to a board of trustees without the power
   of revocation. That board of trustees then held the voting
   power of the stocks of the different companies, and was thus
   enabled, through the election of directors, to control them
   absolutely. In place of the stock thus received the trustees
   issued trust certificates upon which the former holders of the
   stock drew their dividends, these being paid upon the
   certificates regardless of what disposition was made of the
   plants of the different corporations. Owing largely to hostile
   legislation and to the bitter feeling against the trusts above
   named, these trusts, after some adverse decisions of the
   courts, went out of existence, reorganizing as single
   corporations in most cases, and none at the present time
   remain.
{530}
   A somewhat similar form of organization, however—the voting
   trust—is found at times. In this form of trust the holders of
   at least a majority of stock of a single corporation put their
   stock into the hands of trustees for the purpose of voting it,
   retaining for themselves all the privileges of drawing
   dividends and making transfers. Such a voting trust has been
   formed, it is claimed, in the case of the Pure Oil Company—an
   organization of the independent oil interests—for the sake of
   protecting a majority of the stock against purchase by the
   Standard Oil Company. … As a form of corporate combination for
   the sake of securing monopolistic control, the voting trust
   does not seem to be now in vogue.

   "The form of organization that seems most common at the
   present time is that of the single large corporation, which
   owns outright the different plants. A combination of this kind
   is formed by the purchase of all of the plants of the
   different corporations or individuals who enter into it, the
   corporations then dissolving as separate corporations. Often
   payments for the plants are made largely in stock of the new
   corporation, so that many of the former owners maintain their
   interest in the business. The affairs are then managed
   entirely by the stockholders of the one corporation through
   their board of directors, elected in the ordinary way. It is
   usual for these larger corporations to choose a very liberal
   form of charter.

   "A third form of organization, which is in many particulars
   quite like the original trust form, is that which has been
   taken by the Federal Steel Company, by the Distilling Company
   of America, and others. In this form the central company,
   instead of purchasing the plants of the different corporations
   which it is proposed to unite, simply buys a majority of the
   stock, or possibly the entire stock of each one of the
   corporations. The separate corporations keep in separate
   corporate existence, but a majority of the stock being held by
   the one larger corporation, its officers, of course, elect the
   boards of directors of all of the separate corporations, and
   in this way hold ultimately complete control. It is usually
   true that the separate corporations manage their own affairs
   practically independently, although they are furnished
   information regarding the workings of the other establishments
   in the combination through the central officers, and are
   doubtless largely directed in their policy in this way.

   "In the case of the Standard Oil Company, when the original
   trust was dissolved, there were issued to the holders of trust
   certificates proportional amounts of stocks of each of the
   constituent companies, and since the trustees themselves had
   held a majority of the certificates, they retained as
   individuals a majority of the stock in each one of the
   companies that had formerly been in the trust. The separate
   corporations were named as separate corporations, but the
   majority of the stock of all being held in the same hands, the
   directors of the different companies were largely the same men,
   and their affairs were managed in unison in substantially the
   same way as had been the case before. The new Standard Oil
   Company of New Jersey has recently been formed with the
   intention of transferring the stocks of the different
   corporations into the stock of the new company, so that when
   the transfer has been finally made, one single corporation,
   the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey, will own outright the
   property now owned by the separate companies which are
   commonly known and mentioned together under the name of the
   Standard Oil Company. This combination at present has no
   formal unity. It has a practical unity as great as it will
   have probably after the complete change into the New Jersey
   company is effected.

   "As most of the larger corporations have, within the last few
   years, been organized in New Jersey, it will be worth while to
   note the special advantages given by the corporation laws of
   that State. The advantages that seem to be brought out most
   clearly are:

   First, taxation. The organization tax is considerably lower
   than that of most of the States, while the annual tax is fixed
   upon the amount of capital paid in, so that it is an
   absolutely certain quantity and can be determined by anyone,
   thus leaving no opportunity for corruption on the part of
   either the corporation itself or of State officials. The rate
   of the tax is moderate, and decreases as the amount of capital
   increases.

   Second. Perhaps a greater advantage is to be found in the
   liberal form of the New Jersey charter. The amount of capital
   is unlimited, the period of organization is unlimited, the
   amount of indebtedness is not limited, the powers that are
   granted to corporations are also practically unlimited, with
   the exception that an ordinary business corporation is
   forbidden to engage in banking. The Federal Steel Company
   would have found it impossible to organize for the purpose of
   engaging in the various enterprises which it has undertaken
   had it incorporated in the State of Illinois or of
   Pennsylvania. The same thing holds also with reference to the
   American Steel and Wire Company.

   Third. There is less liability on the part of the stockholders
   than in several other States.

   Fourth. The directors have also less liability. In case of
   issuance of stock for property the judgment of the directors
   is conclusive as to the value of the property taken, unless
   there is evidence of fraud. Stock issued thus for property is
   considered fully paid up, and the stockholders can not be held
   further liable in case the property proves to have been taken at
   less than its cash value. The directors are not personally
   liable for the debts of the corporation if they fail to file
   reports or to conform with certain other requirements. …
   "During the past few years the total capitalization of the new
   industrial combinations has reached an enormous sum, well into
   the billions, and in many cases at least the nominal
   capitalization of the corporations far exceeds the cash value
   of their property. … Regarding most of the combinations
   concerning which testimony has been taken the facts appear
   quite clear. None of the witnesses believe that the Standard
   Oil Company is on the whole over-capitalized, as compared with
   the present value of the plants. Its opponents believe that
   its profits are enormous on the capitalization. The witnesses
   representing the Standard Oil Company itself, while admitting
   very large profits and presenting no very definite facts
   regarding the capitalization, still give the same impression
   from their testimony. The American Sugar Refining Company
   seems to be, beyond question, capitalized at a sum twice as
   large at least as the cost of reconstruction of the plants
   themselves. The capitalization was shown to be several times
   the original capitalization of its constituent members. …

{531}

   "Perhaps the clearest testimony on this subject of
   capitalization came from the witnesses connected with some of
   the iron and steel companies. The witnesses regarding the
   tin-plate combination were in substantial agreement in stating
   that the owners of most of the plants gave an option on their
   plants at what they considered was the fair cash value,
   although, owing to the good times and to the fact that, in
   many cases, the industries were quite prosperous, the prices
   were high. They were then given, by the promoter, the option
   of taking this valuation of their property in cash, or of
   taking instead the same amount in preferred stock with a like
   amount of common stock added as bonus. … One of the witnesses,
   at least, conceded that the total amount of stock thus paid
   for the plants, since the cash option was taken in prosperous
   times and included not merely the value of the plant but also
   the good will of the running business, probably amounted in
   some instances to three or four or even five times the cash
   cost of the plants at that time. … Exactly the same system
   seems to have been followed in the capitalization of the
   National Biscuit Company, the National Steel Company, and the
   American Steel Hoop Company. In all these cases there was a
   clear understanding that the common stock represented simply
   bonus or anticipated profits. …

   "In the case of the American Tin Plate Company there was also
   added ten millions of common stock, which was issued to the
   promoter for his services and for the cost of organization. It
   is presumed, of course, that not a little of this ten millions
   had to be paid out in commissions etc. to those who aided in
   securing the required amount of capital, including cash
   furnished for working capital. The amount of extra common
   stock issued for purposes of promotion in the American Steel
   Hoop Company and in the National Steel Company was $5,000,000
   in each case."

      _United States Industrial Commission,
      Preliminary Report (56th Congress, 1st Session,
      House Document Number 476, part 1). pages 10-15._

TRUSTS: Standard Oil Company.

   As the rise of the Standard Oil Company seems to have marked
   the beginning of the movement towards combination in
   productive industries, on the great scale of recent times, the
   following passages from testimony concerning the history of
   the Company and of the oil business is especially interesting.
   The first is from the examination of Mr. John D. Rockefeller:

   "Q. 'What was the first combination in which you were
   interested of different establishments in the oil industry?

   A. The first combination of different establishments in the
   oil industry in which I was interested was the union of
   William Rockefeller & Co., Rockefeller & Andrews, Rockefeller
   & Co., S. V. Harkness, and H. M. Flagler, about the year 1867.

   "Q. What were the causes leading to its formation?

   A. The cause leading to its formation was the desire to unite
   our skill and capital in order to carry on a business of some
   magnitude and importance in place of the small business that
   each separately had theretofore carried on. As time elapsed
   and the possibilities of the business became apparent, we
   found further capital to be necessary, obtained the required
   persons and capital, and organized the Standard Oil Company
   with a capital of $1,000,000. Later we found more capital
   could be utilized and found persons with capital to interest
   themselves with us, and increased our capital to $3,500,000.
   As the business grew, and markets were obtained at home and
   abroad, more persons and capital were added to the business,
   and new corporate agencies were obtained or organized, the
   object being always the same, to extend our business by
   furnishing the best and cheapest products.

   "Q. Did the Standard Oil Company or other affiliated interests
   at any time before 1887 receive from the railroads rebates on
   freight shipped, or other special advantages?

   A. The Standard Oil Company of Ohio; of which I was president,
   did receive rebates from the railroads prior to 1880, but
   received no special advantages for which it did not give full
   compensation. The reason for rebates was that such was the
   railroads' method of business. A public rate was made and
   collected by the railway companies, but, so far as my
   knowledge extends, was never really retained in full, a
   portion of it was repaid to the shippers as a rebate. … The
   Standard Oil Company of Ohio, being situated at Cleveland, had
   the advantage of different carrying lines, as well as of water
   transportation in the summer, and taking advantage of those
   facilities made the best bargains possible for its freights.
   All other companies did the same, their success depending
   largely upon whether they had the choice of more than one
   route. The Standard sought also to offer advantages to the
   railways for the purpose of lessening rates of freight. It
   offered freights in large quantity, car-loads and train loads.
   It furnished loading facilities and discharging facilities. It
   exempted railways from liability for fire. For these services
   it obtained contracts for special allowances on freights.
   These never exceeded, to the best of my present recollections,
   10 per cent. But in almost every instance it was discovered
   subsequently that our competitors had been obtaining as good,
   and, in some instances, better rates of freight than
   ourselves. …

   "Q. About what percentage of the profits of the Standard Oil
   Company came from special advantages given by the railroads
   when these were greatest?

   A. No percentage of the profits of the Standard Oil Company
   came from advantages given by railroads at any time. Whatever
   advantage it received in its constant efforts to reduce rates
   of freight was deducted from the price of oil. The advantages
   to the Standard from low freight rates consisted solely in the
   increased volume of its business arising from the low price of
   its products. …

   "Q. To what advantages, or favors, or methods of management do
   you ascribe chiefly the success of the Standard Oil Company?

   A. I ascribe the success of the Standard to its consistent
   policy to make the volume of its business large through the
   merits and cheapness of its products. It has spared no expense
   in finding, securing, and utilizing the best and cheapest
   methods of manufacture. It has sought for the best
   superintendents and workmen and paid the best wages. It has
   not hesitated to sacrifice old machinery and old plants for
   new and better ones.
{532}
   It has placed its manufactories at the points where they could
   supply markets at the least expense. It has not only sought
   markets for its principal products, but for all possible
   by-products, sparing no expense in introducing them to the
   public. It has not hesitated to invest millions of dollars in
   methods for cheapening the gathering and distribution of oils
   by pipe lines, special cars, tank steamers, and tank wagons.
   It has erected tank stations at every important railroad
   station to cheapen the storage and delivery of its products.
   It has spared no expense in forcing its products into the
   markets of the world among people civilized and uncivilized.
   It has had faith in American oil, and has brought together
   millions of money for the purpose of making it what it is, and
   holding its markets against the competition of Russia and all
   the many countries which are producers of oil and competitors
   against American oil."

      _United States Industrial Commission,
      Preliminary Report (56th Congress, 1st Session,
      House Document Number 476, part 2). page 794._

   Against the testimony of Mr. Rockefeller that the Standard Oil
   Company obtained no exclusive advantages from railway
   companies, other witnesses contended that such advantages were
   given to it. On this point, the Commission say in their report:
   "It was charged by most of the leading opponents of the
   Standard Oil Company that the chief reason for the rapid
   growth of the Standard, and its apparent great success in
   underselling rivals and winning markets, was the special
   advantages that it had received from the railroads. It was
   claimed that the company not merely received discriminating
   rates on its own shipments, but that it was frequently paid
   rebates on the shipments of its competitors. It was conceded
   by representatives of the Standard Oil Company that before the
   passage of the interstate-commerce act special freight rates
   and rebates were frequently received. It was asserted,
   however, that this was the usual custom on the part of all
   railroads with all large shippers, and that competitors of the
   Standard had received similar favors. …

   "Much greater differences of opinion exist with reference to
   the condition of affairs since the passage of the
   interstate-commerce act. It has been charged as a matter of
   general belief on the part of almost all of the opponents of
   the Standard Oil Company that these discriminations in various
   forms have been continually received even up to date. On the
   other hand, these charges have been denied in toto and most
   emphatically by every representative of the Standard Oil
   Company with reference to all cases excepting one, which they
   claim was a mistake, the amount of freight due being promptly
   paid on discovery of the error. … Certain opponents of the
   company claimed that the Standard Oil Company received
   commissions for shipping freight over railroads, which
   commissions amounted to rebates. This charge is emphatically
   denied by the Standard Oil Company and no positive proof on
   the subject has been offered."

      _United States Industrial Commission,
      Preliminary Report (56th Congress, 1st Session,
      House Document Number 476, part 1). pages 25._

   Of testimony on the subject of pipe-line consolidations in the
   oil business, the report says:

   "Mr. Boyle [publisher of the 'Oil City Derrick'] gives a
   somewhat detailed history of the development of pipe-line
   transportation in the oil business. The first successful pipe
   lines were established in 1864 from Pithole to the Miller
   farm. Others were soon constructed in the same district. These
   were usually short, scarcely over 5 miles in length, and at
   first did not even connect directly with the wells themselves,
   although this practice was soon established. Numerous lines
   soon grew up in different parts of the oil region, but the
   first more extended systems date from 1869, when the Mutual
   Pipe Line was laid more or less throughout Clarion County.
   Vandergrift and Forman later established a system through
   Butler County which became the nucleus of what is now known as
   the United Pipe Line System. The original pipe lines were only
   transporters of oil, but the nature of their work soon led them
   to purchase oil, although at first it was not in the name of
   the company itself. …

   "Mr. Emery [of Bradford] also makes a brief statement of the
   early history of pipe lines. He states that the first attempt
   to combine separate pipe lines into a more complex system was
   made by William H. Abbott and Henry Harley, beginning about
   1866. By 1869 they had a capital of nearly $2,000,000, and 500
   miles of pipe centering in the Miller farm. The concern was
   then known as the Pennsylvania Transportation Company.

   "Several witnesses describe the process by which the Standard
   Oil Company gradually secured control of the various pipe
   lines throughout the oil regions. The opponents of the trust
   attribute the success of the Standard Oil Company in this
   movement to the railway discriminations upon oil received from
   pipe lines controlled by that company. It appears that for a
   considerable period a rebate of 22 cents per barrel was
   allowed on oil from pipe lines maintaining the agreed rates of
   pipage. … Other opponents of the combination ascribe its
   success in driving out competing pipe lines largely to the
   practice of paying premiums upon oil in the territory of such
   competing lines.

   "Mr. Boyle gives the fullest statement of the growth of the
   pipe-line consolidation during the seventies and attributes it
   to the natural advantages arising from large capital and from
   skill in organizing. He testifies that during the early part
   of that decade very numerous pipe lines had been established.
   These were at first constructed on a small scale by separate
   oil producers, but, having entered the business, many
   producers were inclined to extend their lines and form a
   system. There thus arose an excessive number of competing
   lines, and the solvency and integrity of some of them became a
   matter of doubt. This excessive competition was the cause of
   driving the pipe lines into a more complete organization. As
   early as 1873 or 1874 a pooling arrangement was made by some
   of the pipe lines, and rebates were paid by railways on oil
   received from such lines. The United Pipe Line Company was
   established in 1877, with a capital at first of $3,000,000,
   and acquired by purchase a large number of lines. The new
   company included many producers and stockholders of the
   smaller companies, but it is estimated that the persons
   controlling the Standard Oil Company had somewhat more than a
   one-half interest in the United Pipe Lines. The National
   Transit Company is the present owner of the United Pipe Lines
   System, and the Standard Oil Company controls the National
   Transit Company. …

{533}

   "It was pointed out by several witnesses that the almost
   complete control of the pipe-line system by the Standard Oil
   Company gives it great power in fixing the prices of crude
   oil, since producers can dispose of their product only through
   the pipe lines, especially in view of the further fact, which
   is alleged, that railway rates on crude oil are by agreement
   kept at least as high as, if not higher than, the pipe-line
   charges. The pipe-line system also gives the combination great
   advantage over other refiners, who must pay the rates of
   pipage fixed by the Standard, which are claimed to be
   excessively high, or the high rates of freight."

      _United States Industrial Commission,
      Preliminary Report (56th Congress, 1st Session,
      House Document Number 476, part 1), pages 100._

TRUSTS:
   Sugar Trust.

   The following is from the testimony of Mr. Henry O. Havemeyer:

   "Q. The history and organization of the Sugar Refining Company
   has been gone over so many times in testimony before that it
   is not worth while to dwell on it at length, but in order that
   we may have the record somewhat complete, will you give a
   brief sketch of its development, going back to the conditions
   of the old sugar trust? [1887]

   A. There were about twenty-five different firms or
   corporations in the sugar business. I think the evidence
   before some one of the Congressional committees was that for a
   period of 5 or 6 years before the formation of the trust, 18
   of those failed or went out of business.

   "Q. Eighteen out of 25?

   A. Not out of 25; 18 out of about 40. It occurred to some one
   to consolidate the others, and 18 out of 21, I believe, went
   into the trust, leaving 3 or 4 outside, who represented, I
   think, 30 per cent. Then Spreckles built a refinery in
   Philadelphia, and, 2 or 3 years after the formation of the
   trust, the trust or its successor bought the Philadelphia
   refineries.

   "Q. Will you explain in a word or two the difference between
   the trust and its successor and the reason for its going into
   this other form?

   A. The trust was attacked, and the courts decided it was
   illegal, and a company was organized in New Jersey which
   bought outright and paid for the different companies, which
   were the constituent companies of the trust. They then
   represented, I think, over 90 per cent of the output; then
   other refineries began to be constructed, until now I think
   they would represent 50 per cent of the consumption. …

   "Q. The condition before the formation of the trust was about
   this: When these 18 different companies failed, business was
   in such a condition, as a whole, that it was considered
   unprofitable?

   A. Very unprofitable—ruinous.

   "Q. Now, can you tell what special advantages—if you can give
   this in some detail I shall be glad—come from this
   organization, and in what way you make your savings?

   A. The greatest advantage is in working the refinery full and
   uninterruptedly. Of course, if you have a capacity of
   140,000,000 and can only melt 100,000,000 somebody has got to
   cut down materially. The moment you cut down you increase the
   cost; by buying up all the refineries … and concentrating the
   meltings in four refineries and working them full, you work at
   a minimum cost. That enables us to pay a dividend on the
   common stock.

   "Q. SO the chief advantage in the combination was in
   concentrating the production and destroying the poor
   refineries?

   A. Precisely."

      _United States Industrial Commission,
      Preliminary Report (56th Congress, 1st Session,
      House Document Number 476, part 2). pages 109._

      See, also (in this volume),
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (MARCH-JULY).

TRUSTS:
   The earlier combinations in steel production.

   Mr. Reis, president of the National Steel Company, states that
   that company was organized in February, 1899, under the laws
   of New Jersey, with a capital of $59,000,000, $27,000,000 of 7
   per cent cumulative preferred stock and $32,000,000 of common
   stock. The company includes six steel plants, located at New
   Castle, Youngstown, Sharon, Mingo Junction, Bellaire, and
   Columbus. These plants are engaged in producing steel billets
   and slabs, which are the raw materials for making tin plates
   and various other products. The plants include 15 blast
   furnaces. The company also owns iron mines in northern
   Michigan at Iron Mountain and Ishpeming. These are expected to
   produce from 1,250,000 to 1,400,000 tons of ore annually, the
   total amount required for the use of the steel plants in the
   combination being about 3,000,000 tons. The National Steel
   Company also owns nine lake boats for transporting ore,
   capable of carrying about 1,000,000 tons annually. … Mr. Reis
   testifies that the National Steel Company is not a 'trust' in
   the ordinary sense, since it makes no attempt to secure
   control of a large proportion of the output of steel. Its
   economies are sought in the combination of steel plants with
   sources of raw materials. The National Steel Company produces
   only about 18 per cent of the Bessemer steel made in this
   country. The other chief concerns engaged in steel production
   are the Carnegie Steel Company; Federal Steel Company; the
   Maryland; Jones & Laughlin Steel Company; Wheeling Steel and
   Iron Company, and the Lorain Steel Company. …

   "Mr. Reis states that the tariff, so far as it is placed upon
   steel billets, bars, and sheets, is no longer necessary for
   the protection of the industry. No steel is imported, and
   during the past 8 or 10 years the tariff has cut no figure.
   But if the tariff should be removed from tin plate or from
   certain other branches of the iron and steel industry there
   would be an indirect effect upon the making of steel. …

   "Mr. Gary states that the Federal Steel Company owns all the
   capital of the Minnesota Iron Company, the Illinois Steel
   Company, the Lorain Steel Company, and the Elgin, Joliet and
   Eastern Railroad Company. The Minnesota Iron Company is the
   owner of 150,000 acres of iron ore property on the Vermilion
   and Mesaba ranges. It owns the Duluth and Iron Range Railroad
   Company, connecting its mines with Lake Superior at Two
   Harbors and Duluth. It owns large ore docks and also 22 steel
   lake vessels capable of carrying 2,000,000 tons per annum. The
   product of the Minnesota Iron Company will probably be
   3,500,000 tons in 1900. The Lorain Steel Company manufactures
   chiefly steel rails for street railways, and to some extent
   steel billets. It produces about 500,000 tons of pig iron per
   year. The Illinois Steel Company has plants at North Chicago,
   West Chicago, South Chicago, Milwaukee, and Joliet. It
   produces about 1,500,000 tons of pig iron per year, and also
   manufactures steel rails, billets, plates, etc. It owns the
   Chicago, Lake Shore and Eastern Railway, which connects its
   plants in the neighborhood of Chicago. It also owns large
   tracts of coal property in Pennsylvania and West Virginia, and
   makes there about 1,500,000 tons of coke per year. This
   company also owns iron mines in Wisconsin and Michigan. …

{534}

   "Mr. Stetson, a lawyer, who drafted the charter and conducted
   the legal arrangements in the organization of the Federal
   Steel Company, testified that it was organized in September,
   1898, with an authorized capital of $100,000,000 6 per cent
   noncumulative preferred stock and $100,000,000 common stock.
   Of this, $98,000,000 in all was originally issued. … Mr. Gary
   states that the Federal Steel Company is not a trust in any
   sense. It has not sought to restrict competition and has not
   brought together companies which were competing with one
   another, as is the case with most so-called trusts. The
   company has bought the stocks of companies doing different
   lines of business, just as an individual might do. …

   "The American Steel and Wire Company operates iron mines in
   the Lake Superior region. It controls, perhaps, one-sixth or
   one-seventh of the output of that region. It owns and operates
   coal mines and burns coke. It operates 8 or 9 blast furnaces, 17
   open-hearth furnaces, from 22 to 25 rod rolling mills, and
   from 20 to 30 wire mills. Its finished product is plain wire,
   barbed wire, wire fencing, rope, etc., wire nails, and all
   kindred articles. … Mr. Gates, chairman of the American Steel
   and Wire Company of New Jersey, testified concerning the
   formation of that company. It was organized on January 12,
   1899. A gradual process of consolidating wire plants had been
   going on previously. As early as 1890 companies in which Mr.
   Gates was interested practically controlled the manufacture of
   barbed wire in this country. In December, 1897, and January,
   1898, J. P. Morgan & Co. investigated the value of the various
   wire plants throughout the country with a view to further
   consolidation. The American Steel and Wire Company of
   Illinois, formed in March, 1898, seems to have resulted from
   this effort. … The combination into the American Steel and
   Wire Company was not rendered necessary by excessive
   competition and consequent losses among the wire companies.
   The Consolidated Steel and Wire Company, for example, made
   between 27 and 28 per cent during the last three years of its
   existence. It was believed, however, that more profit would be
   made through better management under consolidation.

      _United States Industrial Commission,
      Preliminary Report (56th Congress, 1st Session,
      House Document Number 476, part 1), pages 190._

TRUSTS:
   Tin Plate Industry.

   "The American Tin Plate Company was incorporated under the
   laws of New Jersey on January 6, 1899. Its authorized capital
   is $20,000,000 of 7 per cent cumulative preferred stock and
   $30,000,000 of common stock. Of this, $18,000,000 of preferred
   and $28,000,000 of common stock has been issued. … It is made
   clear by the evidence of all the witnesses that the tin-plate
   industry in the United States has been built up practically
   since the McKinley tariff of 1890, which raised the duty on
   tin plates from 1 to 2.2 cents per pound. Without the
   protection, all the witnesses agree, the industry could not
   have been profitably established. Having once been
   established, it was able to submit to the reduction of the
   duty to 1.2 cents by the Wilson tariff of 1894, and is now
   sufficiently protected by the duty of 1.5 cents under the
   Dingley tariff of 1897."

      _United States Industrial Commission,
      Preliminary Report (56th Congress, 1st Session,
      House Document Number 476, part 1), pages 174 and 187._

TRUSTS:
   The climax of consolidation in steel industries.
   Formation of the United States Steel Corporation.

   In February, 1901, the climax was reached in movements of
   industrial combination, so far as concerns the production and
   greater uses of iron and steel, by the formation of one
   gigantic corporation, to embrace not only the companies named
   above, but to purchase the enormous interests of the Carnegie
   Company outright, and to take in several organizations of more
   than considerable magnitude besides. The combination was
   effected by the firm of J. P. Morgan & Co., New York, as
   "syndicate managers," and an official statement of its
   essential terms was published in a circular from that firm, on
   the 2d of March, addressed to the stockholders of the Federal
   Steel Company, National Steel Company, National Tube Company,
   American Steel and Wire Company of New Jersey, American Tin
   Plate Company, American Steel Hoop Company, American Sheet
   Steel Company, to whom the following announcement was made:

   "The United States Steel Corporation has been organized under
   the laws of the State of New Jersey, with power, among other
   things, to acquire the outstanding preferred stocks and common
   stocks of the companies above named, and the outstanding bonds
   and stock of the Carnegie Company. A syndicate, comprising
   leading financial interests throughout the United States and
   Europe, of which the undersigned are managers, has been formed
   by subscribers to the amount of $200,000,000, (including among
   such subscribers the undersigned and many large stockholders
   of the several companies,) to carry out the arrangement
   hereinafter stated, and to provide the sum in cash and the
   financial support required for that purpose. Such syndicate,
   through the undersigned, has made a contract with the United
   States Steel Corporation, under which the latter is to issue
   and deliver its preferred stock and its common stock and its
   five per cent. gold bonds, in consideration for stocks of the
   above named companies and bonds and stock of the Carnegie
   Company and the sum of $25,000,000 in cash.

   "The syndicate has already arranged for the acquisition of
   substantially all the bonds and stock of the Carnegie Company,
   including Mr. Carnegie's holdings. The bonds of the United
   States Steel Corporation are to be used only to acquire bonds
   and 60 per cent. of the stock of the Carnegie Company. The
   undersigned, in behalf of the syndicate, and on the terms and
   conditions hereinafter stated, offer, in exchange for the
   preferred stocks and common stocks of the companies above
   named, respectively, certificates for preferred stock and
   common stock of the United States Steel Corporation, upon the
   basis stated."

   Details relating to the terms and the procedure of exchange
   are then given, and several statements of public interest are
   made, among them these: "The authorized issue of capital stock
   of the United States Steel Corporation presently provided for
   in said contract is $850,000,000, of which one-half is to be
   seven per cent. cumulative preferred stock and one-half is to
   be common stock. The company will also issue its five per
   cent. gold bonds to an aggregate amount not exceeding
   $304,000,000. In case less than all of the bonds and stock of
   the Carnegie Company or less than all of the stocks of the
   other companies above referred to shall be acquired, the
   amounts of bonds and stocks to be issued will be reduced as
   provided in said contract. The forms of the new bonds and of
   the indenture securing the same, and of the certificates for
   the new preferred and common shares, and the entire plan of
   organization and management of the United States Steel
   Corporation, shall be determined by J. P. Morgan & Co.
{535}
   Every depositor shall accept in full payment and exchange for
   his deposited stock the shares of the capital stock of the
   United States Steel Corporation, to be delivered at the rates
   above specified, in respect of the stock by him so deposited;
   and no depositor or holder of any receipt issued hereunder
   shall have any interest in the disposition of any other of the
   shares of stock, or of the bonds of the United States Steel
   Corporation, by it to be issued and delivered to or for
   account of the syndicate or of any proceeds thereof. All
   shares of the United States Steel Corporation deliverable to
   or for account of the syndicate, which shall not be required
   for the acquisition of the stock of the Carnegie Company or
   for delivery to depositors under the terms of this circular,
   are to be retained by and belong to the syndicate. … It is
   proper to state that J. P. Morgan & Co. are to receive no
   compensation for their services as syndicate managers beyond a
   share in any sum which ultimately may be realized by the
   syndicate."

   Subsequently the American Bridge Company and the Lake Superior
   Consolidated Iron Mines were taken into the consolidation,
   and, on the 1st of April, 1901, the United States Steel
   Corporation filed with the Secretary of State at Trenton, New
   Jersey, amended articles of incorporation increasing its
   authorized capital stock to $1,100,000,000. The stock is
   equally divided into 7 per cent. cumulative preferred stock
   and common stock. The total is greater by $250,000,000 than
   the amount stated in the circular issued by J. P. Morgan &
   Co., on March 2, as "presently provided for," and with the 5
   per cent. gold bonds, not exceeding $304,000,000, brings the
   security issues of the great steel combination up to
   $1,404,000,000.

TRUSTS:
   Industrial combinations in European countries.

   "Trusts of the magnitude and influence of those now so
   numerous in the United States are as yet rare in the Old
   World. … It is in Germany, … of all European countries, that
   trusts have spread most extensively and have been most
   successful. … The German technical journals for 1897 enumerate
   about 180 trusts, of which, it is true, only a few would
   correspond to American ideas, but all of which demonstrate a
   capacity for wider combination and fuller development. … As
   regards great industrial combinations, the most striking
   advance has been made in the German coal industry; the most
   prominent organization in this department being the
   Rheinisch-Westfälische Kohlensyndikat, which is distinguished
   by the characteristics of a genuine trust, exercising within
   its sphere of activity almost unlimited power. Like the
   American Standard Oil Company, it directly controls the sales,
   leaving the matter of production entirely to the separate
   companies. Under the innocent title of 'eines Vereins zum
   Ankauf und Verkauf von Kohlen' (a society for the buying and
   selling of coal), this trust has, for the past five years,
   completely controlled the West German coal industry, and
   dictated prices. …

   "In Austria and Hungary trusts have not yet extended so
   rapidly. Nevertheless, on various occasions several of them
   have given rise to such unfavorable comment that the sentiment
   in favor of a legislative restriction of the movement is
   to-day much more pronounced in the Austrian than in the German
   Parliament. …

   "As far as England is concerned, it must be admitted that,
   notwithstanding her great industrial activity and a
   competitive warfare not less pronounced than that of other
   states, the Trust system has as yet found but tardy acceptance
   in that country. This is doubtless due in some degree to the
   thorough application of the principle of Free Trade; for it is
   well known that the largest trusts are powerless unless their
   interests are secured by a protective tariff excluding from
   the home market the products of foreign countries.
   Furthermore, we should remember that in England the principle
   of individual freedom is regarded as inviolable. There, it
   still obtains more widely than in most other countries; and
   the majority of British merchants consider the principle
   involved in the formation of trusts as a serious menace to the
   freedom of the individual. …

   "France is a country in which the Trust system has long
   flourished and assumed extensive proportions. In the iron
   trade, great trust companies—local in their character, it is
   true—have existed for the last twenty years; and the most
   powerful of these, like those of Germany, limit their activity
   to the establishment of sales-depots. The chemical industry of
   France, like that of Germany, is now controlled almost
   exclusively by combinations. … Several international trusts,
   such as the Zinc Trust, also have their headquarters at Paris.
   Belgium, like France, is interested in most of the
   international trusts; and there, as in France, the Trust
   system has been successful largely in those enterprises which,
   in other industrial countries, have hitherto maintained a
   stubborn resistance to the inroads of the Trust. …

   "In respect to the economic value of trusts in Europe, it may
   be said that the influence exerted by them, both for good and
   for evil, is, in its essential features, similar to that
   exerted by the trusts of America."

      _W. Berdrow,
      Trusts in Europe
      (Forum, May. 1899)._

TRUSTS:
   Industrial combinations in England.

   "England no longer enjoys that immunity from monopoly which
   was the boast of its own economists and the object-lesson of
   American free-traders. While the position of trusts has not
   greatly changed in the United States during the past ten
   years, except to develop on the same lines, a commercial
   revolution is taking place in England. The country is becoming
   honey-combed with combinations and trusts; and, what is more
   and perhaps worse, there is no agitation against the system.
   No effort is made to check trusts or control them. … There are
   a large number of informal combines in England which give some
   advantages of monopoly without unity of control or financial
   association. Thus, the railroad corporations have long ceased
   to compete as regards rates. It is perfectly well understood,
   and has been admitted over and over again by railroad men
   before Parliamentary committees, that the railroad companies
   combine. They agree in their rates, but compete in facilities,
   speed, etc. If it were not that the railroad companies are
   strictly regulated by the Board of Trade, this system of
   concerted action would be a very serious factor. As it is, the
   railroads represent the most powerful interest in Parliament. …
   Similarly, the leading shipping companies have fixed rates for
   freight, to stop under-cutting, competing only in speed and
   facilities. … There are various understandings and agreements
   in the coal-trade. …

{536}

   "Until a few years ago, England was not ripe for trusts. The
   early efforts failed either through the overcapitalization of
   the concerns, opposition from outsiders, or defective
   management. … The monopoly that has been most prejudicial to
   public interests—the National Telephone Company—is now being
   undermined. … The agitation against this monopoly on the part
   of municipalities became so strong that in 1898 the House of
   Commons appointed a committee to investigate the question. The
   result was that last year an act was passed giving
   municipalities the right to establish telephones, and
   authorizing the post-office to spend $10,000,000 in creating a
   competitive system in London. …

   "During the last three years, there has been a prolific crop
   of amalgamations—half-way houses to trusts. … There is one
   kind of amalgamation taking place that deserves special note.
   Great mining, iron, engineering, and shipbuilding firms have
   come together. Instead of having between the raw material and
   the completed ship or engineering work the intermediary
   profits of the iron-ore miner, the coal-miner, the
   iron-master, the steel-maker, the iron-founder, the forger,
   the marine-engine builder, and so forth,—all these middlemen
   are got rid of, and the whole business placed, as it were,
   under one roof. …

   "Consumers in England have not so much to fear from combines
   regulated by the Companies' Act, and held in check by free
   trade, as consumers in the United States."

      _R. Donald,
      Trusts in England
      (Review of Reviews, November, 1900)._

TRUSTS:
   The question in American politics.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
      and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

   ----------TRUSTS: End--------

TSUNG-LI-AMEN, The Chinese.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1899 (MARCH).

TUBUAI ISLANDS.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRAL ISLANDS.

TUGELA RIVER, Military operations on the.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
      A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER); and 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

TUNIS: A. D. 1881-1898.
   During the French Protectorate.

   In 1881, under pretexts which were much condemned at the time,
   the government of France compelled the Bey of Tunis to sign a
   treaty by which he submitted himself and country to the
   Protectorate of France.

      See, in volume 2,
      FRANCE: A. D. 1875-1889.

   This action gave bitter offense to the Italians, who had been
   intending to lay their own hands on Tunis, and it is to be
   counted among the causes of the entrance of Italy into the
   Dreibund or Triple Alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary
   in 1882. But time had so far worn away the grievance that the
   Tunisian protectorate was practically recognized by the
   Italian government in a treaty with France, signed in
   September, 1896. In 1898, the general results produced in
   Tunis by seventeen years of French control were described in
   an elaborate report to the British government by its
   representative in the Protectorate, or Regency, Sir H.
   Johnston. The following is quoted from that report:

   "The protectorate of Tunis is nominally an Arab Kingdom, ruled
   by a prince of Turkish descent under the guidance and control
   of a French Minister Resident-General and a staff of French
   officials. The present Bey of Tunis, Sidi Ali Pasha-Bey, is, I
   believe, the most aged ruler living, having been born in the
   year 1817. He was Heir Apparent at the time of the French
   treaty of protection, concluded with his elder brother, Sidi
   Sadok Bey. Sidi Ali at his accession to the throne in 1882
   accepted the inevitable with a good grace, and has from the
   very first lent himself unreservedly to the French efforts for
   the regeneration of his country. Two of his ministers are
   Arabs (the Prime Minister and the Minister of the Pen), the
   remainder of the Council are French officials. M. René Millet,
   the Resident-General of France, is at the same time Minister
   for the Foreign Affairs of the Tunisian Government and
   President of the Council. … The personal staff of the
   Resident-General consists of about nine members. In addition,
   the French Government is more or less directly represented
   throughout the Regency by officials corresponding almost
   exactly to our vice-consuls, collectors and
   assistant-collectors in our African Protectorates, with this
   difference, that the collectors are called 'contrôleurs.' …

   "The whole of Tunisia is now under civil administration,
   except the Saham district to the south of Gabes, which still
   remains under military control. … In the districts which I
   visited, the natives, talking to me freely, said that they
   would sooner be under the rule of any Frenchman than under
   that of their own kaids. The French are face to face here with
   the same problem that we find so difficult in other oriental
   countries—that of creating amongst the natives a body of
   public officials who will keep their hands from picking and
   stealing, and their tongues from evil speaking, lying and
   slandering. No tyrant is so cruel to an Arab as an Arab; no
   one is harder on Muhammadans than their co-religionists.
   Justice is administered to Europeans, and to the protected
   subjects of European powers, by French tribunals, which
   equally deal with cases arising between Europeans and
   Tunisians. … Justice is administered to natives, in cases
   where natives alone are concerned, by Arab courts depending
   directly on the Tunisian Government, but with a Frenchman at
   the head of each principal department. At all the centres of
   population there are Arab courts of justice. The Court of
   Appeal for the French courts in Tunis is the Supreme Court of
   Algiers; the appeal from the Arab courts is to the Bey. …
   Public works are entirely under French control, though
   Tunisians are employed in minor posts. …

   "Public education is under French and Arab direction. The
   schools and colleges more or less directly supported by the
   Government in the city of Tunis are the following:—
   The Lycée Carnot,
   the College Sadiki,
   the secondary school for girls,
   the Alawi College,
   two lay schools for boys,
   a school for Jewish children of the Israelite Alliance,
   a Jewish agricultural school,
   two schools for Jewish girls,
   three schools for boys under the direction of friars, and a
   primary school for little girls.
{537}
   There is a Muhammadan university at the Great Mosque in Tunis,
   and there are 113 primary Muhammadan schools in the same town.
   In the interior there are about 98 primary schools for boys
   and girls, supported by the Government, and mainly under
   French direction. There are also about 500 Muhammadan schools
   in the interior, either private or assisted by Government
   funds. In addition to Government-supported schools, a large
   number of private establishments have sprung up at Tunis and
   at Sfax, wherein surprisingly good teaching is given, even in
   such subjects as music. … The progress of education is having
   very marked results on the indigenous population of the coming
   generation—good results in the dissipation of Muhammadan
   fanaticism and prejudice, results less pleasing, however, when
   the recipient of this education is turned out a creature with
   no particular religion, with no principles, and a contempt for
   manly labour. …

   "In 1880 life and property were thoroughly insecure. The
   property of Europeans, perhaps, was safe, provided they were
   the subjects of a Power able to coerce the Government of
   Tunis, and their lives were not in any great danger in the
   principal towns; but it would have been impossible for any
   European to have travelled about many parts of the Regency
   without a considerable escort; impossible, indeed, to
   penetrate some parts of the Regency at all unless at the head
   of an army. … It was as difficult, and dangerous, and
   expensive to travel about the Regency 18 years ago as it is
   now to visit the far interior of Morocco. I spent eight months
   in Tunisia at that time, but never succeeded in visiting
   Kairwan, the Holy City. … Now, I can go from Tunis to Kairwan
   in a few hours by railway, see all the sights unhindered,
   enter the mosques without offence, dine and sleep at an
   excellent hotel, and be back again at my work in Tunis the
   next day. I may further add that I have just traversed much of
   the Tunisian Sahara and a good deal of the Jerid country with
   no other escort than my servant, and a native cavalryman to
   act as guide. I should have been equally safe had I been
   alone. The whole Regency of Tunis is now as safe for tourists
   as France."

      Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command, 1898, C. 8649-18, pages 10-15, and 2-3).

TUNNELS, New York Rapid Transit and East River.

      See (in this volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

TURBINES, Steam, The invention of.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: MECHANICS.

   ----------TURKEY: Start--------

TURKEY: A. D. 1895.
   Revolt and massacres in Armenia.
   Atrocities on both sides.

   A horrible condition of things in Armenia was beginning to
   cause excitement throughout the world. On one hand, the
   Armenians were in revolt against the foul Turkish government,
   and avenging themselves savagely upon their oppressors
   whenever they found the opportunity; on the other hand the
   Turks were making the revolt an excuse for the atrocities that
   are habitual to them in every such case. A special
   correspondent sent in January by Reuter's news agency to
   investigate the situation reported his conviction "that both
   Turk and Armenian are in the wrong, and that, as very often
   happens, it is the innocent who have suffered for the
   wrong-doings of the guilty. When it is asserted on behalf of
   the Turks that they are engaged in suppressing a revolutionary
   movement in Armenia, the statement is fully justified by the
   facts of the case. There does exist in Armenia an extremely
   vigorous revolutionary movement, and it is equally beyond
   question that the methods of some of the leaders of this
   movement are no less shocking than the barbarity of the Turk
   in suppressing it. At every step," he added, "I became more
   and more convinced that the inhuman ferocity displayed in this
   terrible struggle for the mastery has not been in the least
   exaggerated in the reports of the massacres already published
   in England. At Bitlis I heard the story of a Turkish soldier
   who boasted, as one who had achieved a glorious feat, that he
   had taken part in the disembowelling of thirty pregnant
   women. 'Two lives in one,' was the rallying cry of the armed
   men who perpetrated this butchery. Another soldier, who had
   taken part in a massacre in a church, described, gloating upon
   every ghastly detail, how he had slipped and slid along the
   blood-washed floor while the inhuman work proceeded.
   Unfortunately, something very like a counterpart of these
   atrocities is presented by the methods of some of the leaders
   of the Armenian revolutionary movement. I believe there is no
   doubt of the fact that certain of these Armenian conspirators
   arranged to murder the Reverend Dr. Edward Riggs and two other
   American missionaries at Marsovan, and fasten the blame upon
   the Turks, in order that, as they imagined, the United States
   might inflict summary punishment upon the Turkish Government,
   thereby rendering Armenian independence possible. The
   missionaries only escaped through a timely warning which they
   received from an Armenian friend. Dr. Riggs has devoted his
   life to the education of the Armenian youth in the missionary
   schools, but the conspirators, in their blind fanaticism, gave
   this fact little heed."

   There could be no denial however, that the treatment of
   Armenia and the Armenians by their Turkish political masters
   was horribly bad. In May, the governments of Great Britain,
   France and Russia united in proposing certain reforms for
   Armenia, over which there were evasive and dilatory
   negotiations carried on by the Porte for several months.
   Meantime, the Armenians became more aggressive and
   threatening, and a secret society called the "Hintchak," which
   had been in existence among them since 1887, assumed great
   activity. Connected with the Hintchak there was said to be an
   organization of spies and "executioners," the latter of whom
   carried out decrees of assassination, arson, and
   bomb-explosion which the society had pronounced. Finally, on
   the 17th of October, an imperial irade (edict, or decree) was
   issued, approving and adopting the project of reform which the
   British, French and Russian ambassadors had submitted to the
   Porte.
{538}
   But the appearance of the sultan's ineffectual irade was
   speedily followed by fresh reports of frightful massacres of
   Armenians, at Trebizond, Erzeroum, Bitlis, Zeitoun, and
   elsewhere, with outraging of women and destruction of
   property, which increased rather than diminished as time went
   on. There was no sign that anything had been done towards
   carrying out the promised reforms; though the sultan wrote
   personally to Lord Salisbury to remonstrate against an
   expression of skepticism concerning them, which the latter had
   let fall in a speech, and to say to the British Premier: "I will
   execute the reforms. … This is my earnest determination, as to
   which I give my word of honour." But nothing came of it all,
   and the Powers which had received the Sultan's promises could
   agree on no steps further, except to demand and obtain
   permission to bring, each, an additional gunboat into the
   Bosphorus.

      _Annual Register, 1895,
      pages 284-294 and 190-193._

   In response to a resolution of the Senate of the United States
   asking for information relative to the treatment of the
   Armenian subjects of the Turkish government, the Secretary of
   State, Mr. Olney, on the 19th of December, 1895, communicated
   the following, among other statements of fact: Of the
   massacres at Sassoun, which occurred in August, 1894, "the
   Department of State has little trustworthy information. …
   Since that time appalling outbreaks against the Armenians have
   occurred in many other parts of Asia Minor, where these
   unfortunate people form but a small minority of the
   population. At first they were scarcely more than local riots,
   as at Tokat, in the vilayet of Sivas, in March last, where one
   Armenian was killed outright and more than 30 wounded by the
   Turkish soldiery. In June last an attempted rising of
   Armenians in the province of Aleppo in the mountains of
   Kozar-Dagh and Zeitoun was thwarted without bloodshed by the
   arrest of the alleged conspirators. … In July a band of armed
   Armenians crossing into the vilayet of Erzerum from Russia was
   dispersed, several being killed or captured. By August the
   Moslem feeling against Armenians had become so far aroused
   that rumors of intended massacres came from several
   independent quarters, Harpoot, Marsovan, and Bitlis among
   them, which led to urgent demands by the United States
   minister for adequate measures looking to the due protection
   of American citizens in those places.

   "On the 30th of September grave disturbances began at
   Constantinople itself. Several hundred Armenians, who had
   gathered for the purpose of going in a body to the Sultan's
   palace and demanding redress for the grievances of their
   countrymen, were dispersed by the police after a severe
   conflict in which a number of Turks and Armenians were killed
   and wounded. Mob violence followed, the Armenians resident in
   various quarters of the capital being assailed by an excited
   Turkish rabble, and over 50 were slain. The rioting continued
   the next day, October 1, in Constantinople and its suburbs.
   Some 800 or 1,000 Armenians were captured or arrested, many of
   them being armed with new revolvers of a uniform pattern. By
   the third day order was restored, and the Armenians who had
   sought refuge in their churches returned to their homes. The
   effect of this outbreak at the national capital was most
   disastrous in the provinces. The danger of a general massacre
   of Christians in the vilayets of Adana and Aleppo seemed so
   imminent, that renewed orders for the effective protection of
   American citizens in those quarters were demanded and
   obtained. Fears for their safety at Hadjin, Mersine, and
   Marash were especially felt, and the cruiser Marblehead was
   promptly ordered to Iskanderoun (Alexandretta), the nearest
   seaport.

   "On October 8 a Turkish uprising occurred at Trebizond, due,
   it is reported, to an attempt to assassinate the late Vali of
   Van as he was about to leave for Constantinople, the Turks
   claiming that the act was done by an Armenian and that they
   were in danger of a general Armenian attack. On the 9th the
   disturbance was renewed, many Armenians being killed and their
   homes and shops looted by the mob. The authorities attempted
   to quell the riot, but having only some 400 soldiers and
   policemen at command, were powerless, and murder and pillage
   ran their course as long as an Armenian was in sight. The
   official Turkish reports give the number of Armenians slain as
   182, of Turks 11, but the general estimate places the total
   number at some 500. Reinforcements of troops soon arrived, and
   quiet was restored. No injury to American citizens or property
   occurred.

   "From this time the reports of conflicts between Turks and
   Armenians, with great loss of life, become frequent and
   confused. At Akhissar, some 60 miles from Smyrna, 50 Armenians
   were killed October 9. Koordish raids terrorized many parts of
   the Armenian provinces. At Bitlis over 500 were reported
   killed, the Turkish accounts alleging that the Armenians
   attacked the Moslem mosques during the hour of prayer. At
   Diarbekir 5,000 are said to have lost their lives, of which
   2,300 were Mussulmans—but the Turkish authorities pronounce
   this estimate exaggerated. From Malatia comes the report of a
   'great massacre' early in November, when every adult male
   Christian is said to have perished. Another sanguinary
   outbreak, with great slaughter, is reported from Sivas on
   November 12; some 800 Armenians and 10 Koords are said to have
   been killed. At Hadjin and Ourfa loss of life is reported, the
   American missionaries at those places being protected by
   Turkish guards under orders from the Porte.

   "The Kaimakam of Hadjin is credibly said to have announced
   that he would destroy the town and sow barley on its site.
   There being an American school at that place, directed by
   American teachers, the United States minister thereupon
   notified the Porte that if one of those American ladies
   received injury from the riotous conduct of the populace, he
   would demand, in the name of the United States, 'the head of
   that Kaimakam.' That officer has since been removed. Later
   reports allege massacres at Marsovan and Amasia. The consular
   agent at Aleppo telegraphs that a severe conflict had occurred
   at Aintab, and that great fear prevailed at Aleppo. The
   burning of the American buildings at Harpoot took place during
   a bloody riot, and many persons are said to have perished in
   the province of that name. At Kurun 400 deaths are reported.
   Particulars of the recent outbreak at Marash, on November 19,
   in which American missionary property was destroyed, have not
   yet been received.

{539}

   "These scattered notices, for the most part received by
   telegraph, are given, not as official averment of the facts
   stated, but as showing the alarming degree to which racial
   prejudices and fanatical passions have been roused throughout
   Asia Minor. As above said, the Department of State has and can
   have official knowledge regarding but few of these reported
   massacres, and though up to the early part of December the
   United States minister estimated the number of the killed as
   exceeding 30,000, it is more than likely that the figures are
   greatly exaggerated. At latest advices mob violence and
   slaughter appear to have been checked, or at least to have
   partially subsided. The Turkish Government has been emphatic
   in assurances of its purpose and ability to restore order in
   the affected localities; new governors have been appointed in
   many of the provinces, troops have been sent to the scene of
   recent or apprehended disorders, and forces have been massed
   to subdue the Armenians who had gained the ascendant in
   Zeitoun."

   Of the American missionary establishments in Turkey, and of
   the extent to which they suffered harm during the outbreaks,
   the same report gave the following account:

   "The number of citizens of the United States resident in the
   Turkish Empire is not accurately known. According to latest
   advices there are 172 American missionaries, dependents of
   various mission boards in the United States, scattered over
   Asia Minor. There are also numbers of our citizens engaged in
   business or practicing professions in different parts of the
   Empire. Besides these, more or less persons, originally
   subjects of Turkey and since naturalized in the United States,
   have returned to the country of their birth and are
   temporarily residing there. The whole number of persons
   comprising these several classes can not be accurately
   estimated, but, the families of such citizens being
   considered, can hardly be less than five or six hundred, and
   may possibly exceed that total.

   "Outside of the capital and a few commercial seaport towns,
   the bulk of this large American element is found in the
   interior of Asia Minor and Syria, remote from the few consular
   establishments maintained by this Government in that quarter,
   inaccessible except by difficult journeys, and isolated from
   each other by the broken character of the mountain country and
   the absence of roads. Under these circumstances and in the
   midst of the alarming agitation which for more than a year
   past has existed in Asia Minor, it has been no slight task for
   the representative of the United States to follow the
   interests of those whose defense necessarily falls to his
   care, to demand and obtain the measures indispensable to their
   safety, and to act instantly upon every appeal for help in
   view of real or apprehended peril. It is, however, gratifying
   to bear testimony to the energy and promptness of the minister
   in dealing with every grievance brought to his notice, and his
   foresight in anticipating complaints and securing timely
   protection in advance of actual need. The efforts of the
   minister have had the moral support of the presence of naval
   vessels of the United States on the Syrian and Adanan coasts
   from time to time as occasion required. …

   "While the physical safety of all citizens of the United
   States appears up to the present date to have been secured,
   their property has, on at least two recent occasions, been
   destroyed in the course of local outbursts at Harpoot and
   Marash. The details of the Harpoot destruction have so far
   been only meagerly reported, although it took place about the
   middle of November. It is stated that the buildings at that
   place were set on fire separately by Kurds and citizens, in
   the presence of the Turkish soldiery, during an Armenian riot.
   Besides the chapel, girls' theological school and seminary
   building, the ladies' house, boarding house, and residences of
   three American missionaries were burned, the aggregate loss on
   the buildings, personal property, stock, fixtures, and
   apparatus being estimated in the neighborhood of $100,000. The
   United States minister has notified the Porte that the Turkish
   Government will be held responsible for the immediate and full
   satisfaction of all injuries on that score. The American
   Missionary School of Science at Marash was burned during a
   sanguinary outbreak on November 19. The value of the property
   destroyed has not been ascertained, but after prompt
   investigation the minister will make like demand for adequate
   indemnity."

      _United States, 54th Congress, 1st Session,
      Senate Document, Number 33._

   "On November 9 one of tho Foreign Consuls arrived at
   Constantinople from Erzeroum on leave, and he reported the
   scene on his journey as heartrending. 'The whole country
   between Trebizond and Erzeroum was devastated. He counted 100
   dead bodies lying by the road near one town. Nearly all the
   villages were burnt, and in many cases the male population
   entirely wiped out.' At last, on December 13, 1895, Lord
   Salisbury received the following telegraphic despatch from Sir
   Philip Currie: 'It may be roughly stated that the recent
   disturbances have devastated, as far as the Armenians are
   concerned, the whole of the provinces to which the scheme of
   reforms was intended to apply; that over an extent of
   territory considerably larger than Great Britain all the large
   towns, with the exception of Van, Sassun, and Moush, have been
   the scene of massacres of the Armenian population, while the
   Armenian villages have been almost entirely destroyed. A
   modest estimate puts the loss of life at 30,000. The survivors
   are in a state of absolute destitution, and in many places
   they are being forced to turn Mussulmans. The charge against
   the Armenians of having been the first to offer provocation
   cannot be sustained. Non-Armenian Christians were spared, and
   the comparatively few Turks who fell were killed in
   self-defence. The participation of the soldiers in the
   massacres is in many places established beyond doubt.'

   "Of the appalling horror of this account I wish it were
   needless to speak. … [It] would be none the less horrible if
   the whole of the people massacred and outraged, ruined, and
   starved, and driven to the snowy mountains in the middle of
   winter, had been all the rudest villagers of the most rustic
   village communities. But when we know that many thousands of
   the victims have been people educated at Christian schools and
   colleges, and who had acquired there, in addition to the
   ineradicable virtues of their native and ancient faith, much
   also of the refinements and activities of civilised life, we
   may reach some true conception of the agonies which have been
   inflicted on such a people in the face of Europe and of the
   world by the cruelty and brutality of the Turks.
{540}
   It is, indeed, right that our first indignation should be
   directed against the infamous Government of Turkey. … Let us
   remember that this is not a Government with which we have had
   nothing to do, or for which we have had no responsibility, but
   a Government which the European Powers, and we especially,
   have been protecting and nursing for half a century. … Then we
   may indeed begin to think, with remorse and shame, of our
   handiwork, and of its results. In this particular case,
   indeed, the immediate blame lies almost alone with Russia. By
   a complete departure from all her previous great traditions
   she deliberately refused to join the other Powers of Europe
   for the purpose of compelling the Sultan to act with decent
   humanity to those of whom she had been the declared defender.
   She had the physical power and the geographical opportunity
   which others had not; and there can be no doubt whatever that
   a joint occupation of the waters of Constantinople by the
   fleets of the European Powers would have secured the very
   moderate demands that Europe made upon the Porte."

      _The Duke of Argyle,
      Our Responsibilities for Turkey,
      pages 116-122._

TURKEY: A. D. 1896.
   Conflict in Crete between Christians and Mussulmans,
   and its preceding causes.

   In 1868, the Cretans, for the second time, were thrust under
   the Turkish yoke. "By way of solace the Powers exerted
   themselves feebly in inducing the Porte to concede the
   so-called 'Organic Statute'

      _See (in volume 3)
      GREECE: A. D. 1862-1881.
      Organic Regulation._

   … As the Charter remained a dead letter, the Cretans seized
   the next favourable opportunity to rise in 1877. Their case
   was brought before the Congress of Berlin; but the only relief
   the Powers could extend to them was a fresh promise on the
   part of the Porte, recorded in the XXIII Article of the
   Treaty, to observe scrupulously that Organic Statute, which
   had been proved to be unworkable. Meanwhile, the Cretans had
   remained under arms during the whole of 1878, the island being
   again almost completely devastated by the half-naked and
   famishing troops which had survived the Russo-Turkish War.
   Ultimately, through the mediation of England, the Porte was
   induced, in November of that year, to concede the Pact of
   Halepa, so named after the village near Canea where it was
   negotiated, and signed under the supervision of the British
   Consul, Mr. T. B. Sandwith—this fact being expressly recorded
   in the preamble of the document. The arrangement was accepted
   by the Cretans as a compromise, in spite of its many and
   manifest drawbacks. Nevertheless, it brought about, at the
   outset, certain beneficial results. Political parties were
   formed in which the Mohammedan Cretans blended, irrespective
   of religious differences, with their Christian countrymen; and
   the unprecedented phenomenon of a Christian Vali completing
   his four years' tenure of governorship was witnessed in the
   person of Photiades Pasha.

   "But this tendency to conciliation of the conflicting elements
   in the island was by no means to the liking of the Porte. The
   presence of a Mussulman military governor was therefore
   discovered to be necessary; and as his grade was usually
   superior to that of the Vali, and the Mussulman sub-governor
   was the official whose recommendations were of weight with the
   Porte, nothing was easier than to create insuperable
   difficulties for the Christian Vali. Thus successive Valis
   were compelled—often by private wire from Constantinople—to
   tender their resignation; while, at the same time, the Porte
   took care not to fulfil the financial engagements prescribed
   by the Pact. By these means an acute crisis was brought about
   under the Governorship of Sartinski Pasha, a Pole, in 1889,
   when a preconcerted plan of deception and treachery was
   carried out by the Porte with consummate skill.

   "The Cretans, as it is but natural, are guided in critical
   contingencies by the advice they seek at Athens. The Porte
   therefore promised to the Greek Government, as soon as things
   began to assume a threatening aspect in Crete, to satisfy the
   demands of the islanders, provided they were prevailed upon to
   abstain from occupying certain important positions. In spite
   of the transparent perfidy of the proposal, M. Tricoupis, the
   then Greek Premier, fell into the snare. While the Cretans
   were held back, troops were poured into the island, and the
   strategical points having been seized, the Greek Government
   and the Cretans were defied. An Imperial firman, issued in
   November of that year, abrogated the Pact of Halepa and the
   British Government, under whose auspices it was concluded, was
   now powerless to exact respect for what was virtually an
   international arrangement. There was no longer any question of
   a Christian Vali with a fixed tenure of office, or of an
   Assembly of Cretan representatives. Shakir Pasha, the
   commander of the Turkish troops, was invested with absolute
   civil and military authority; Mussulman Albanians occupied the
   Christian villages as gendarmes, and Crete continued to submit
   to this kind of martial law up to 1894. When, however, Mahmoud
   Djelaleddin Pasha, the then Mussulman Vali, surpassed even his
   predecessors in arbitrariness, and actually dictated to the
   tribunals decisions in favour of Mohammedan litigants, the
   Cretans began to lose patience and another outbreak appeared
   imminent. It was only then that the Great Powers moved in the
   matter and prevailed upon the Porte to revert partly to the
   pre-existing order of things, by appointing Alexander
   Karatheodory Pasha, a Christian and a Greek, as Governor.
   Beyond this, however, the Pact of Halepa was not observed.
   True to its traditional tactics, the Porte took with one hand
   what it had given with the other. The Mussulman Deputy
   Governor and the military commander frustrated every effort of
   the Vali, the very funds necessary for the maintenance of the
   gendarmerie being denied him. Karatheodory was consequently
   forced to resign. Complete anarchy now reigned in the island."

      _Ypsiloritis,
      The Situation in Crete
      (Contemporary Review, September, 1896)._

   "Occasional skirmishes between the Christian inhabitants and
   the soldiers kept the excitement simmering and ushered in the
   sanguinary scenes that finally followed. Turkhan Pasha, taking
   time by the forelock, armed the Cretan Moslems for the combat
   with the approval of the commander of the troops, and the
   city of Canea prepared for a blood bath. The Mohammedan Lent
   (Ramazan) was drawing to a close, and the three days of
   rejoicing which invariably follow (Bairam) were supposed to be
   fixed for the attack on the Christians. These anticipations
   were duly realised, and on the 24th May, 1896, at 1 o'clock P.
   M., the Turks fired the first shots, blowing out the brains of
   several Christians to make that Moslem holiday.
{541}
   Forearmed, however, is forewarned, and the Christians defended
   themselves to the best of their ability on that day and the
   25th and 26th, during which every house in Canea was
   barricaded, and neighbours living on opposite sides of the
   absurdly narrow streets fired at each other from behind stone
   heaps piled up in the windows of their bedrooms. The streets
   were deserted, all traffic suspended, and it was not until the
   27th that the thirty Christian corpses (including two women
   and four children) and the twenty lifeless Turks were removed
   for burial.

   "These events provoked a new administrative change of scene:
   Turkhan Pasha was recalled, and Abdullah Pasha, at the head of
   four battalions from Salonica, came to take his place. These
   troops laid waste the villages and fields of the provinces of
   Apokorona, Cydonia, and Kissamo, burning houses, huts, and
   churches on the way. The best soldiers in the world, however,
   run terrible risks in the interior of Crete, and Abdullah was
   repulsed with the loss of two hundred men at the town of
   Vamos. The foreign consuls at Canea, having verified these
   facts, strongly blamed his conduct in a joint verbal note, and
   the Porte shortly afterwards recalled him, and appointed
   Berovitch Pasha [Prince of Samos] in his place. This was the
   beginning of the end. The Christians of the island meanwhile
   met, and through their delegates formulated certain demands,
   which the foreign consuls referred to their ambassadors at
   Constantinople, and the famous 'Modifications of the
   Convention of Halepa' were framed in consequence. The sultan,
   too, yielding to tardy pressure, graciously conceded the
   nomination of a Christian governor-general in the person of
   Berovitch, the summoning of the National Assembly, and other
   demands. … The questions of the tribunals and the gendarmerie
   [for the enforcement of peace and order in the island] were to
   be arranged by international commissions; but weeks and months
   passed away before they were even appointed. … At last the
   commissions arrived and began their work in December [1896]."

      _E. J. Dillon,
      Crete and the Cretans
      (Fortnightly Review, May, 1897)._

TURKEY: A. D. 1896 (January-March
   Turkish opposition to English and American measures
   for relief to Armenian sufferers.
   Work of Miss Clara Barton and the Red Cross Society.

   For some time the distribution of supplies from England and
   America to the sufferers in Armenia was forbidden by the
   Turkish government, for reasons stated by the Turkish minister
   at Washington as follows: "The collections are made on the
   strength of speeches delivered in public meetings by
   irreconcilable enemies of the Turkish race and religion, and
   on the basis of false accusations that Turkey repudiates.
   Besides, the Sublime Porte is mindful of the true interests of
   its subjects, and, distinguishing between the real state of
   things and the calumnies and wild exaggerations of interested
   or fanatical parties, will under its own legitimate control
   alleviate the wants of all Turkish subjects, irrespective of
   creed or race." The Red Cross Society, of which the American
   branch had prepared to send its President, Miss Clara Barton,
   with a small corps of assistants, to the scene of the
   suffering, was especially excluded, by the order of the Porte.
   Miss Barton and her staff sailed, however, from New York, in
   January, and Mr. Terrell, the American minister at
   Constantinople, succeeded in obtaining permission for them to
   do their humane work as private individuals, not in the name
   of the obnoxious society, and without displaying its insignia:
   The single-mindedness, the prudence, the patient energy with
   which Miss Barton pursued the one object of giving relief to
   the suffering, overcame all opposition and all obstructions,
   so that, in April, she was able to report:

   "The way is all made clear for sending supplies. The suitable
   agents all along the route are now known, and have been
   arranged with for service, so that heavy supplies can be sent
   at any and all times as they are needed. I feel my breath come
   lighter as I think of these poor scourged and fever-stricken
   towns without even one doctor, when our sixteen strong,
   skilled men, with twenty-five camels' burden of supplies,
   shall carry some light of hope and help into their night of
   hopeless woe. I am happy to be able to say for the comfort of
   contributors, that I hold the written word of the Porte,
   officially given through the minister of foreign affairs from
   the grand vizier, that not the slightest interference with any
   distribution within the province will be had. This official
   document was addressed and delivered to Sir Philip Currie, the
   British ambassador, and by him passed to me. The decision is
   general and final, without question or reservation, and
   settles all doubt."

   In September Miss Barton returned home for rest, and to bear
   her testimony to America of the immensity of the need still
   existing in the Armenian provinces and calling for help. Her
   departure from Constantinople was reported by the newspapers
   to have been the occasion of a remarkable demonstration, by
   cheers, flags and salutes, from ship and shore, of the
   estimate put upon the work she had done.

TURKEY: A. D. 1896 (August).
   Attack of Armenian revolutionists on the
   Ottoman Bank at Constantinople.
   Turkish massacre of Armenians in the city.

   In the spring of 1896, the Armenian revolutionists, encouraged
   by the outbreak in Crete, made fresh appeals for attention to
   the sufferings of their country, with threats of some
   desperate action if no heed was given. In August, the
   desperate act was undertaken, at Constantinople, by 30 or 40
   madly devoted men. This reckless little band of misguided
   patriots made a sudden attack on the Ottoman Bank, a British
   institution which controls finance in the Turkish empire,
   gained possession of the building, made prisoners and hostages
   of two of its directors and some 80 of its clerks, and were
   fully prepared with dynamite to destroy everything within its
   walls, including themselves, if certain reforms which they set
   forth were not instantly decreed. Their theory was, that "the
   Ambassadors would force the Sultan to grant the reasonable
   reforms which they demanded for the Armenians, rather than
   permit the destruction of the Bank and its staff. It was a
   scheme borrowed from the theatre, absurd in itself, and made
   ridiculous by the way in which they failed to carry it out.
   They went in bravely, and nothing hindered their destroying
   the Bank, but they allowed themselves to be talked out of it
   by Mr. Maximoff, the Russian dragoman, and would have been the
   laughing stock of the world if its attention had not been
   absorbed by the massacre which followed.

{542}

   "The real heroism of that day was displayed in another quarter
   of the city, by another small party of Russian Armenians, men
   and women, who took possession of two stone houses and fought
   the Turkish troops to the death, the survivors killing
   themselves when they could fight no longer. There was no
   serious fighting anywhere else, although dynamite bombs were
   thrown from the windows of houses and khans upon the troops in
   a number of places, showing that some preparation had been
   made for a more extended outbreak. There is nothing to be said
   in justification of this attempt of the revolutionists. They had
   provocation enough to justify anything in reason, but there
   was nothing reasonable in this plan, nothing in it to attract
   the sympathy of the Powers or to conciliate public opinion;
   and if the statements are true which have been made by
   Armenians as to certain unexecuted parts of the plan, it was
   diabolical. This only can be said on behalf of these
   revolutionary committees. They are the natural outcome of the
   treatment of the Armenians by the Turkish Government during
   the last twenty years. When oppression passes a certain limit
   and men become desperate, such revolutionary organisation
   always appears. They are the fruit and not the cause of the
   existing state of things in Turkey, and if we can judge by the
   experience of other countries, the worse things become here,
   the more violent will be the action of these committees,
   whether Europe enjoys it or not.

   "Revolutionists are the same all the world over, but the
   Turkish Government is unique, and it is not the attack on the
   Bank which interests us but the action of the Government which
   followed it. As we have said, the authorities had full
   information of what was to be attempted and did nothing to
   prevent it, but they made every preparation for carrying out
   their own plan. Bands of ruffians were gathered in Stamboul,
   Galata, and Pera, made up of Kurds, Lazes, and the lower class
   of Turks, armed with clubs, knives or firearms; and care was
   taken that no one should kill or plunder in the quarter to
   which he belonged, lest he should be recognised and complaint
   made afterwards by the Embassies, with a demand for
   punishment. A large number of carts were in readiness to carry
   off the dead. The troops and police were in great force to
   prevent any resistance, and to assist the mob if necessary. It
   was a beautiful day, the streets were crowded, and few had any
   idea of what had happened at the Bank, when suddenly, without
   any warning, the work of slaughter and plunder began,
   everywhere at once. European ladies on the way to the
   Bosphorus steamers suddenly found themselves surrounded by
   assassins, and saw men beaten to death at their feet. Foreign
   merchants saw their own employés cut to pieces at their doors.
   The streets in some places literally ran with blood. Every man
   who was recognised as an Armenian was killed without mercy. In
   general, the soldiers took no part in the slaughter and
   behaved well, and this somewhat reassured those in the streets
   who were not Armenians; but in a few moments the shops were
   closed and a wild panic spread through the city. The one idea
   of everyone was to get home; and as the foreigners and better
   classes live out of the city in summer they had to go to the
   Galata bridge to take the steamers, which ran as usual all
   through the three days of massacre. This took them through the
   streets where the slaughter was going on, and consequently we
   have the testimony of hundreds of eye-witnesses as to what
   took place. The work of death and plunder continued unchecked
   for two days. On Friday there were isolated outbreaks, and
   occasional assassinations occurred up to Tuesday.

   "The number killed will never be known. The Ambassadors put it
   at 5,000 or 6,000; the official report to the palace at 8,750,
   besides those thrown into the sea. Thousands of houses, shops
   and offices were plundered, including a number belonging to
   Greeks and foreigners. Everything was done in the most
   systematic way, and there was not a moment of anarchy, not a
   moment when the army and police had not perfect control of the
   city during all these days. … The majority of those massacred
   belonged to the working class—especially the hamals
   (porters)—but a large number of gentlemen, merchants and other
   wealthy men, were killed, together with about fifty women and
   children. The savage brutality of the Moslem mob was something
   beyond all imagination, and in many cases the police joined in
   beating men to death and hacking others to death with knives,
   in the very face of Europeans. … In may cases European
   officials appealed to the officers in command of the troops,
   who were looking on at the slaughter of helpless, unarmed men,
   to interfere and put a stop to it. The reply was 'We have
   orders.' It was an officer who killed the clerk of the British
   Post-office on the steps. And some of the most cold-blooded
   and horrible murders took place in front of the guard house,
   at the Galata end of the bridge, in the presence of officers
   of the Sultan's household of the highest rank. They also had
   their orders.

   "Happily for the honour of the Turkish people, there is
   another side to the story. It was the Government and not the
   people that conducted this massacre. And although the vile
   instruments employed were told that they were acting in the
   name of the Prophet, and freely used his name, and are
   boasting to-day of what they did for Islam, the Sheik-ul-Islam
   forbad the Softas taking any part in the slaughter, and many a
   pious Turk did what he could to protect his neighbours. … It
   is not the people, not even the mob, who are responsible for
   this great crime. It was deliberately committed by the
   Government. The Ambassadors of the six Powers have declared
   this to be an unquestionable fact in the Joint Note addressed
   to the Porte.

   "Since the massacre this same Government has been carrying on
   a warfare against the Armenians which is hardly less inhuman
   than beating out their brains with clubs. There were from
   150,000 to 200,000 Armenians in Constantinople. They were
   merchants, shopkeepers, confidential clerks, employés in banks
   and offices of every kind—the chief business men of the city.
   They were the bakers of the city, they had charge of the khans
   and bazaars and the wealth of the city; they were the porters,
   house-servants, and navvies. … Now the Government has
   undertaken to ruin this whole population. They are hunted
   about the city and over the hills, like wild beasts. …
   Thousands have been sent off at once to the Black Sea ports,
   to find their way as best they can without money or food to
   their desolated villages in the interior. … Thousands have
   fled to foreign countries."

      _The Constantinople Massacre
      (Contemporary Review, October, 1896)._

{543}

TURKEY:A. D. 1897 (January-February).
   Fresh conflicts in Crete.
   Attitude of Christians and Mussulmans towards each other.
   Reports of the British Consul-General and others.

   Early in January, 1897, while proceedings for the organization
   of the new gendarmerie were under way, and while the
   discussion of candidates for the National Assembly, to be
   elected in March, was rife, fresh hostilities between
   Christians and Mussulmans broke out, and there seems to be
   good evidence in the following report, by Sir Alfred Biliotti,
   the British Consul-General at Canea, that responsibility for
   the state of things in Crete should be charged upon one party
   hardly more than upon the other. The despatch of the
   Consul-General to Lord Salisbury, written January 9, 1897, is
   partly as follows:

   "In the afternoon of the 3rd instant a great panic occurred in
   the town owing to a wounded Christian having been conveyed to
   the hospital, where he died of his wounds in the night, and to
   a rumour that two Mussulmans had been killed or wounded at the
   same time on the road between Canea and Suda Bay. All the
   shops were shut up as usual, but there was no general 'sauve
   qui peut,' Christians especially having congregated in the
   square near the hospital in the hope of finding out further
   information. Happening to be in the town, I took a carriage
   and drove towards Suda. When at about a mile distant from
   Canea I came upon a number of Mussulmans, who told me that
   four Christians going to Apokorona had, without any
   provocation whatever, discharged their revolvers on three
   Mussulmans, two of whom had been severely wounded. I saw one
   of them in his cottage hard by the road with a bullet wound in
   the abdomen; the other had been conveyed on horseback to the
   village of Tsikalaria (southeast of Suda Bay), 2 miles from
   where he had been wounded, of which he was a native. The four
   Christians fled across the fields, leaving on the road a horse
   and an overcoat, and took to the mountains.

   "Between half and a quarter of an-hour after this incident
   another Christian, a native, like the Turk, of Tsikalaria, was
   passing on the road when he was fired upon by Mussulmans in
   retaliation for the wounding of their two co-religionists. Not
   having been hit, the Christian jumped from his mule and ran
   for his life along the Suda road, being pursued by armed
   Turks. He was overtaken by three of them about half-a-mile
   farther down, and was shot at and mortally wounded at 20 paces
   in front of Commander Shortland, of Her Majesty's ship 'Nile,'
   who was coming on foot from Suda Bay to Canea. The wounded
   Christian was taken charge of by the Albanian corporal
   stationed in a Christian monastery close by, and was
   subsequently put in a carriage by the Russian Consul, who was
   returning from Suda Bay at that moment, and sent to the town
   hospital, where he died. While I was making inquiries on the
   road a brisk fusillade was heard towards Tsikalaria, and as I
   was about to return to Halepa a young Turk was seen at a
   distance running towards us with a letter in his hand. It was
   a message sent by the Albanian corporal stationed at
   Tsikalaria asking for assistance. This messenger had hardly
   arrived when a gendarme was seen coming down in great haste.
   He said that the fight between Christians and Mussulmans
   having become general, and there being only another gendarme
   with the corporal, armed assistance was immediately required.
   I took both these messengers and conveyed them to the gate of
   the town, from whence I drove to Halepa to acquaint the Vali
   with what was taking place. It was getting dark when I met on
   the road his Excellency accompanied by the Italian Consul
   going on foot to Canea, having found no available carriage,
   and I drove back with them. The position was rather
   perplexing. There was no available gendarmerie, and no
   soldiers could be sent out, as they would have been fired upon
   by the Christians. …

   "Early on the day following, that is, on the 4th instant, the
   Governor-General visited the village of Tsikalaria and the
   villages westward of it in order to ascertain the truth with
   regard to the numerous reports which were in circulation since
   the preceding evening. It would seem that on hearing of his
   son having been killed on the Canea-Suda road, the father of
   the wounded Mussulman opened fire on the Christians. Other
   Christians maintain that this wounded Mussulman, after having
   shot at the Christian on the road, hastened to Tsikalaria, and
   together with his father, began firing on the Christians. In a
   very short time all the Christians rushed towards the heights,
   and the Mussulmans towards the plain. During this evolution a
   Christian was killed, it is said, by the father of the wounded
   Mussulman, who had been arrested and is in prison. The same
   night the women and children took refuge in the villages on
   the mountains, while a contingent of 150 armed Christians came
   down from Campos and Keramia in order to assist the male
   population of Tsikalaria to defend their property. On the
   other hand, armed Mussulmans flocked from all parts of the
   plain to defend their co-religionists. The Mussulmans at
   Perivolia, where they are of nearly equal numerical force,
   tried to surround the Christians in order to keep them as
   hostages for the safety of their co-religionists in other
   villages where the Christians are more numerous. In so doing
   they shot down a Christian, on whom they also inflicted
   numerous knife stabs, finally cutting his throat. This was
   followed by an emigration to, and armed assistance from, the
   mountain villages as at Tsikalaria. "In the village of
   Varipetro the Mayor, assisted by the corporal of gendarmerie,
   a Mussulman Albanian, was doing his utmost to prevent a
   conflict between its Christian and Mussulman inhabitants, when
   a Christian from Lakkos, whose brother had been murdered two
   years ago by a native Mussulman, stealing behind the corporal,
   shot him dead. The Christians of Varipetro, with whom the
   corporal was popular, having tried to arrest his murderer, the
   Lakkiotes, who had come there in order to defend their
   co-religionists, turned their arms against them, and prevented
   them from carrying out their intention. In consequence of this
   murder all the Christians of Varipetro emigrated to the
   mountains, and all the Mussulmans to the town of Canea. Nearly
   1,000 Christians from the plains of Cydonia and Kissamo came
   to defend the inhabitants of Galata and Darazzo, and for a
   time blockaded the Turks in the village of Kirtomado, Aghia, &c.
{544}
   But the inhabitants of Galata, who are all Christians, have so
   much confidence in the Mussulman Albanian Lieutenant called
   Islam, who is stationed in their village, that they begged
   their co-religionists to withdraw, which they did. …

   "As is always the case, each party claims to have been
   attacked by the other party, and the truth is not likely to be
   ever discovered. Be this as it may, both Christians and
   Mussulmans remain under the unshaken conviction that they are
   wronged by the other party; this increases the animosity of
   one sect against the other, and each member of the two races
   will act on this conviction. This is the inevitable
   consequence of the absolute want of confidence between the two
   elements, and there is not the least hope that this feeling
   will disappear, nor even slightly decrease, so long as they
   are left to themselves. In the present instance it may be that
   the Mussulmans, or some of them, may have considered
   themselves bound to retaliate for recent murders committed on
   their co-religionists by Christians. … The Christians are
   convinced, and all their proceedings are marked by that
   conviction, that all the incidents which trouble the public
   peace are devices of the native Mussulmans to prevent the
   execution of the promised reforms. I do not deny that the
   attitude of the authorities at Constantinople may have such an
   effect on the low class of Cretan Mussulmans; but it is far
   from being so with the educated class who are as, if not more,
   anxious than the Christians that the intended reforms should
   be carried out without delay. In fact, they know that they
   have nothing to hope from Constantinople, and that the only
   protection of the minority to which they belong lies in the
   promised reforms. On the other hand, I have observed with the
   greatest pleasure that the Christians laid down their arms at
   the first recommendation of the Consuls to do so, which proves
   a sincere desire on their part to live in peace. When the
   Christians were taking up arms in former times they used to
   remain for weeks, even for months, on the mountains in spite
   of the entreaties of the Consuls. Therefore, the Christians
   and the Mussulmans are respectively well disposed, but there
   is such an insuperable distrust on both sides, that they can
   never come to a mutual understanding. Whether the incidents
   which cause disturbances or disorders on the island are the
   work of the Turks or of the Christians or of both is quite
   immaterial to me. The important fact to be taken into
   consideration is that an exchange of a few shots between one
   or two Christians and as many Mussulmans is sufficient to
   cause several districts, four in the present instance (Canea,
   Apokorona, Sphakia, and Kissamo), to take up arms, and also
   that there can be no doubt that such scenes will be repeated
   on every recurrence of such incidents."

   To the same effect, Captain Custance, of the British ship
   Barfleur, reported on the 15th to Admiral Hopkins: "The
   general situation, as I understand it, is, that the Cretan
   Christian leaders, urged on by certain interested people at
   Athens, have been preparing for some time to make an attempt
   to drive the Turkish authorities out of the island in the
   spring, if a favourable opportunity offers. The Mussulmans
   would not be sorry to see the last of the Turkish Government
   if they could only be sure that their lives and property would
   be safe under the new regime, which, owing to the bitter
   hatred existing between the Christians and Mussulmans, cannot
   be expected. The two parties are face to face, armed to the
   teeth, with long-standing feuds and wrongs, and with no force
   between them capable of maintaining order."

   On the 27th of January the Consul-General reported by telegram
   to Lord Salisbury: "An outburst of terror, such as has not yet
   occurred in Candia, has been caused by the commencement of a
   fresh immigration of Mussulmans into the town, and by the
   murder, within a week, of two men of that faith, and a few
   minor outrages." The next day he reported: "Telegraphic news
   from Candia, dated to-day, reports murder of a Mussulman, and
   wounding of two others, and murder of seven Christians; murder
   of further Mussulmans is rumoured. The Mussulman Military
   Commissioner, and the Austrian Military Attache, now in
   Candia, report that they met about 1,000 armed Mussulmans
   moving inland, and numbers of Mussulman families moving
   towards the town." Again, on the 2d of February: "Murder of
   four Mussulmans last night, following on wounding of Christian
   by Mussulman on the 31st January near Canea. Panic ensued in
   Canea and Suda Bay this morning. Shops all closed. Shots fired
   in town and Halepa, which resulted in death of two Mussulmans.
   Four mixed villages, one large Christian village, and several
   farms in environs are in flames." On the 4th, Colonel
   Chermside, of the gendarmerie commission, sent the following
   statement to Lord Salisbury: "The most that we have been able
   to attempt to-night is to get a cordon to separate Christian
   and Moslem quarters. Patrolling was tried, but the fire from
   the Christians was too heavy to maintain it. Several Turkish
   soldiers have been killed and wounded."

      _Great Britain,
      Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command:
      Turkey, Number 10, 1897, pages 15-45)._

TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (February-March).
   Greek interference in Crete.
   Greek forces in the island.
   Demands for annexation of Crete to Greece.
   Action of the Powers in the "Concert of Europe."
   Pacific blockade of Crete.

   Early in February, the difficulties of the attempt which the
   leading European powers, acting in what was known as "the
   Concert of Europe," were making to settle affairs in Crete by
   reforming its Turkish government, were complicated by
   interference from Greece. The Greeks, in ardent sympathy with
   their Cretan kinsmen, were eager to take up the cause of the
   Christian inhabitants of the island, and their government was
   driven into independent action to that end, hoping that
   Christian sentiment in Europe would constrain the Powers to
   give it a free hand. A Greek squadron was sent to Crete, to
   bring away fugitives—women and children especially—and to
   prevent the landing of Turkish reinforcements. This was
   quickly followed by an expedition of 2,000 men, Colonel Vassos
   in command. An instant stimulation of the insurrection
   occurred, and declarations demanding the annexation of Crete
   to the kingdom of Greece began to appear; while the Greek
   government represented in a note to the Powers that no
   possible solution of the Cretan problem could be found without
   concession to that demand. The Greek troops, considerably
   increased in number, were landed on the island, joining the
   insurgent Cretans, and beginning operations against the Turks.

{545}

   On the 13th of February the admirals commanding the foreign
   naval forces at Canea joined in sending a warning to the Greek
   commodore, requiring him to "desist from all hostile acts and
   to conform with international law." On the 15th a mixed force
   of British, French, Russian, Italian and Austrian marines was
   landed for the protection of the town. On the same day, from
   Colombari, Colonel Vassos, the Greek commander, issued a
   proclamation, saying: "In the name of His Majesty, George I.,
   King of the Greeks, I occupy the Island of Crete, and proclaim
   this to its inhabitants without distinction of sex or
   nationality. I promise in the name of His Majesty that I will
   protect the honour, life and property, and will respect the
   religious convictions, of its inhabitants, bringing them peace
   and equality rights." On the 17th, the Turkish forces at Canea
   were attacked by the Greeks and insurgents, and the attack was
   renewed on the 21st; whereupon, after warnings from the
   foreign admirals in the harbor, the Russian, German, Austrian
   and British ships opened fire on the attacking troops. In the
   meantime, considerable bodies of Mohammedans were being
   besieged by superior forces at other points in the island,
   with great danger of massacre if overcome.

   On the 2d of March, the representatives of Great Britain,
   Austria-Hungary, France, Germany, Italy and Russia, at
   Constantinople, arrived at an agreement of action, and jointly
   addressed notes to the governments of Turkey and Greece. To the
   Porte they wrote: "The Great Powers, animated by the desire to
   assure the maintenance of peace and to see the integrity of
   the Ottoman Empire respected, have sought for the means of
   ending the disorders that have led to their armed intervention
   in Crete, as well as of putting an end to the presence of the
   Greek forces in the island. They have recognized that in
   consequence of the delay in applying them, the reforms
   contemplated in the Arrangement of August 25, 1896, no longer
   correspond to the requirements of the present situation, and
   they have agreed upon the following points:

   1. Crete can in no case be annexed to Greece in the present
   circumstances.

   2. The island will be endowed by the Powers with an autonomous
   administration ('régime').

   In notifying these decisions to the Sublime Porte by order of
   their Governments, the Representatives of the Great Powers at
   Constantinople think it their duty to communicate the
   resolution which has been taken by their Governments to
   address to Greece a summons to withdraw her troops and naval
   forces from Crete."

   To the Greek government the same announcement was made, that
   "Crete can in no case, in the present circumstances, be
   annexed to Greece," and the communication was more explicit in
   the further statements, as follows:

   "In view of the delays caused by Turkey in the application of
   the reforms agreed upon in concert with the Powers, and which
   now make it impossible to adapt those reforms to a changed
   condition of affairs, the Powers are resolved, while
   maintaining the integrity of the Ottoman Empire, to endow
   Crete with an absolutely effective autonomous administration
   (régime), intended to secure to it a separate government,
   under the high suzerainty of the Sultan. The Cabinets are
   convinced that these views can only be realized by the
   withdrawal of the Greek ships and troops now in the waters and
   on the territory of the island which is occupied by the
   Powers. We accordingly confidently expect this decision from
   the wisdom of His Majesty's Government, which cannot wish to
   persist in a course opposed to the decision of the Powers, who
   are determined to carry out an early pacification, which is as
   necessary for Crete as it is for the maintenance of general
   peace. I will not, however, conceal from your Excellency that
   I am instructed to warn you that, in case of a refusal of the
   Royal Government, the Great Powers have arrived at the
   irrevocable decision not to shrink from any measure of
   compulsion if, on the expiration of six days, the recall of
   the Greek ships and troops from Crete has not been effected."

   The Turkish government replied on the 6th: "The Sublime Porte
   has had the honour to receive the note which the Ambassadors
   of the Great Powers were good enough to address to it on the
   2nd of March relative to Crete. The Imperial Government takes
   note with satisfaction of the assurances which the Great
   Powers are good enough to give it as to their desire to
   respect the integrity of the Empire and of the decision which
   they have taken to obtain the withdrawal of the Greek ships of
   war and troops from Crete. Relying upon their friendly
   sentiments, and upon their firm resolve not to impair the
   Sultan's rights of sovereignty, the Sublime Porte, which is
   itself desirous of assuring the maintenance of peace, accepts
   the principle of an autonomy to be accorded to Crete, while
   reserving to itself liberty to discuss with the Ambassadors
   the form and the details of the administration ('régime') with
   which the island is to be endowed."

   Two days later, the Greek government replied at greater
   length, imploring the Great Powers "not to insist upon the
   system of autonomy decided on, but to give back to Crete what
   it already possessed at the time of the liberation of the
   other provinces which form the Hellenic kingdom, and to
   restore it to Greece, to which it already belonged in the time
   of the Presidency of Capodistria," and appealing against the
   demand for the withdrawal of the Greek military forces from
   the island. "Since, in our opinion," wrote M. Skouses, the
   Greek minister, "the new autonomous administration ('régime')
   condition could not fulfil the noble object of the Powers, it
   is clear what would be the condition of the unfortunate island
   from now until the establishment of that administration, if
   the Great Powers decided to persist in their resolve.

   "In this connection, and in the name of humanity, as also in
   the interest of the pacification of the island—a pacification
   which is the sole object of the solicitude of the Great
   Powers—we do not hesitate to appeal to them in regard to the
   other measure, relative to the withdrawal of our military
   forces. … The presence in the island of the Greek army is …
   demanded by the dictates of humanity, and is necessary in the
   interest of the definitive restoration of order. It is, above
   all, our duty not to leave the Cretan people at the mercy of
   Mussulman fanaticism, and of the Turkish army, which has
   always intentionally, and by connivance, been a party to the
   acts of aggression of the populace against the Christians.

{546}

   "Above all, if our troops in the island, who are worthy of the
   full confidence of the Great Powers, were intrusted with the
   mandate of pacifying the country, their wishes and intentions
   would at once be completely satisfied. It would then be
   possible, after order had been restored, to obtain a free
   expression of the wishes of the Cretan people, with a view to
   decide their lot. Not only are the horrors which during
   several decades have occurred periodically in Crete, not
   committed without profoundly agitating the Hellenic people,
   but they also interrupt the social activity, and seriously
   disturb the economy and finances of the State. Even if it were
   possible for us to forget for a moment that we are
   co-religionists of the Cretan people, that we are of the same
   race, and allied by blood, we cannot conceal from the Great
   Powers that the Hellenic State is unable to resist such shocks
   any longer. We therefore appeal to the generous sentiments
   which animate the Great Powers, and beg them to allow the
   Cretan people to declare how it desires to be governed."

      _Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command: Turkey, Numbers 4 and 5, 1897)._

   The position taken by the Greek government in this reply was
   firmly maintained. Its troops were not withdrawn from Crete,
   and the Powers of "the Concert," thus practically defied, had
   difficulty in agreeing upon the next steps they would take.
   France, England, and Italy would not consent to strong
   measures of coercion proposed by Russia, Germany and Austria,
   and the decision reached finally was to establish what is
   known as a "pacific blockade" of the Cretan coast, to begin on
   the 21st of March. This was announced on the 18th by the
   admirals commanding on that coast, who gave notice: "The
   blockade will be general for all vessels flying the Greek
   flag. Vessels of the Six Powers or of neutral Powers will be
   allowed to enter the ports in the occupation of the Powers and
   land their merchandise there, but only if it is not intended
   for the Greek troops or for the interior of the island. The
   ships of the international fleets may visit these vessels."
   The Greek government was notified to recall its men-of-war
   still in Cretan waters, with the warning that "they will be
   retained there by force if they have not left by 8 A. M. on
   the 21st March."

   On the day previous to this announcement of blockade the same
   admirals had published a proclamation as follows:

   "The undersigned, Commanders-in-chief of the naval forces of
   Germany, Austria-Hungary, France, Great Britain, Italy, and
   Russia, in Cretan waters, acting under instructions from their
   respective Governments, solemnly proclaim and announce to the
   people of the island that the Great Powers have arrived at the
   irrevocable decision to secure the complete autonomy of Crete,
   under the suzerainty of the Sultan. It is well understood that
   the Cretans are to be free from all control on the part of the
   Sublime Porte as regards their internal affairs. The principal
   aim of the Powers being to provide a remedy for the evils
   which have afflicted the country, and to prevent their
   recurrence, they are drawing up in concert a scheme of
   measures intended to regulate the working of the autonomous
   régime, to restore peace, to assure to everyone, without
   distinction of race or religion, liberty and security of
   property, and to facilitate, by the resumption of agricultural
   work and trade, the progressive development of the resources
   of the country. Such is the aim of the Powers. They wish this
   to be understood by all. A new era is commencing for Crete;
   let all lay down their arms. The Powers desire peace and
   order. They will, if it be required, have the necessary
   authority to make their decisions respected. They count on the
   co-operation of all the inhabitants of the island, Christian
   and Mussulman, to assist them in accomplishing a work which
   promises to secure concord and prosperity to the Cretans."

   To the promise of an autonomous government for Crete the
   insurgent Christians appear to have given no heed; but a great
   number of the Mohammedan inhabitants of the island united in
   sending telegrams to the British minister at Constantinople,
   which were all of the tenor of the following: "Your Excellency
   knows that the Christians of Crete, forming the numerical
   majority of the population, but incapable of properly
   administering the former privileges they enjoyed, have now
   again been emboldened to massacre, destroy, and ruin, in the
   same way that in the past they have always made ill-use of
   their liberties in the country by the treacherous destruction
   and ruin of their Moslem fellow-countrymen. Therefore, if the
   people are left irresponsible for the government of the
   country, which is the very breath of human life, it will
   facilitate the completion of their bloodthirsty designs, and
   hasten the ruin of the Mussulmans. We are quite sure that this
   state of things will not recommend itself to the sympathy of
   the Great Powers, the propagators of civilization.

   "We therefore beg, in the name of the Mussulman population,
   that the internal affairs of the Christian inhabitants of
   Crete who have not yet reached even the first step on the path
   of civilization, and are led away by the seditious designs of
   Greece, may not be removed from the direction of the Sublime
   Porte; if this be impossible, we beg that the internal affairs
   of the island may be placed under the continual control of the
   Great Powers in conjunction with the Porte; and we finally beg
   that the necessary measures may be taken for the protection of
   the life, honour, and property, as well as the rights of the
   20,000 Mussulman inhabitants now living in Turkey, whose
   interest in property is greater in value than that of the
   Christians, and who are occupied with commerce and other
   pursuits, besides those who live In the island, who, if
   necessary, are prepared to undergo a census, and who exceed
   100,000."

   The situation of the Moslem population of the island was
   represented a little later by Colonel Chermside, in a despatch
   to Lord Salisbury, as follows:

   "Over 49,000 Moslems are assembled in Candia and within cordon
   area, comprising 25 square miles, viz., about two-thirds of
   Moslem population of Crete. Of these, 29,000 are refugees from
   central and eastern districts of island. Doles of flour are
   issued to 39,000 persons; issue up to date 18 lb. per head; no
   other food issued. The mass of the people have no buying power
   and no work, but since arrival of British troops, armed
   individuals are rare in streets; distress is supported with
   great fortitude, in spite of insufficient food and ravages of
   small-pox. Population hopes for future foreign protection
   against Christian compatriots. "

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      Turkey, Number 10, 1897, pages 153-178._

{547}

TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (March-September).
   War with Greece.
   Success of the Turkish arms.
   Peace sought by the Greek Government.

   Notwithstanding the opposition of the Great Powers, the Greeks
   were rashly bent upon war with the Turks, and, when balked in
   Crete, began hostile demonstrations along the Turkish frontier
   in their own peninsula. The events that followed have been
   thus described by an eye-witness, who wrote immediately
   afterwards: "When I arrived in Athens," says this writer,
   "early last March [1897], although the Cretan insurrection was
   being openly supported by Greek arms, war had not been
   declared against Turkey. It was what I think was once
   described in Parliament as 'a condition of war,' but not war.
   … King George and his advisers rashly decided to attempt to
   hasten matters in their own fashion. Agitation was begun
   without and within the Turkish frontier, and the Ethuike
   Hetairia manufactured alarms and disturbances in Macedonia and
   Epirus. Attempts were made in other directions, but though
   money and emissaries were sent, nothing came of it. Meanwhile
   the mobilisation of the Greek army was begun, and later on
   reserves were called out. Knowing a good deal about the
   relative condition of preparedness for war of both Turkey and
   Greece, I spoke without reserve on the subject to the King
   and, later on, to the Princes. I told them nearly every
   military intelligence department in Europe knew that Turkey
   had been getting her troops ready for a year past to deal with
   insurrection or invasion along the Macedonian frontier. Within
   the Salonica military district she had nearly 100,000 men under
   arms, all well trained and passably equipped. Besides infantry
   she had nearly 10,000 cavalry, and within a month could place
   a further force of 70,000 infantry in the field. Against these
   the Greeks could not bring more than 60,000 regulars. There no
   doubt might be mustered twice that number of men, but they
   would be untrained irregulars and volunteers who would take a
   month at least before they could be of much use, and Turkey
   would have her bands of irregulars out also to offset their
   value. It was notorious besides that the Greek army was
   indifferently organised, that it had no transport, no
   commissariat department, no medical department, and was
   without anything like a sufficiency of trained officers. …

   "Prepared or not, the Greeks clamoured for war, never doubting
   latterly but that they would win. They protested that the
   Hellenes were aroused and would fight and die, if need be, to
   the last man. Greece would not waive an iota of her demands.
   We were told that the Greeks scattered throughout the Turkish
   Empire would spring to arms and paralyze the enemy's hands.
   There were to be fearful outbreaks in Macedonia, Epirus, and
   Albania, and tumults and burnings in all the chief cities
   under Turkish rule where Greeks dwelt—Smyrna, Constantinople,
   Salonica, and so on. I was informed that insurrectionary bands
   were being got ready to invade Macedonia and Epirus, and I was
   introduced to several of the leaders of these new expeditions.
   … I saw many of these Greek filibusters at Kalabaka and other
   places. By order from Athens the local commandants supplied
   them with stores, transport, and trenching tools, and sent
   guides to direct them, so that they should slip across into
   Macedonia at the most suitable points for conducting their
   operations. …

   "The Greeks had a fairly long innings carrying on the war
   within Turkish territory, whilst disingenuously disclaiming
   responsibility for the acts of their own levies. Finally, in
   April, the Sultan declared war and set his forces in motion.
   Prior to that date the Greeks had moved up the whole of their
   available strength close to the Thessalian frontier. The army
   numbered nearer fifty than sixty thousand, of all ranks. …
   Before war was declared the Crown Prince Constantine arrived
   in Larissa, and took over the command of the Greek army in
   Thessaly. … He had no military experience; and, as events
   disclosed, was neither of a martial disposition nor of a firm
   temperament. He showed subsequently that he felt keenly his
   false position, and he tried to excuse the awful failures made
   in the conduct of the campaign of panic and flight. …

   "Independence Day having passed without a general invasion of
   Macedonia by the Greeks, it is likely that the Turks had
   thought the danger over, when suddenly firing began in a night
   along the frontier from Nezeros to Ravenni. For a day or two the
   Greeks carried all before them, capturing many block-houses
   and taking a number of prisoners. They succeeded in
   penetrating Turkish territory in some places for two or three
   miles. … The Turks were in immediate danger of being
   outflanked in one part of the field of operations, and
   separated from their main force at Elassona. It was midday,
   the 19th of April, when at a critical moment for the safety of
   a portion of Edhem's forces an order arrived from the Crown
   Prince to cease firing and retire the whole Greek army back
   upon their own side of the frontier. … After an interval of
   three hours, during which there was little or no firing, a
   message arrived from headquarters that a blunder had been made
   and the army was to readvance and engage the enemy. It was a
   lost opportunity, for the Turks followed up the Greeks and
   reoccupied the lines from which they had been driven. … The
   cost of the blunder was a serious one to the Greeks, for in a
   futile attempt, on the following day, to retake Gresovala,
   General Mavromichali lost 2,000 men. …

   "On the 21st of April, without any of the pictorial display or
   reputed hand-to-hand fighting, some 40,000 Turks, not less,
   accompanied by three cavalry regiments and half a score of
   batteries, quietly streamed down the zigzag paved way in the
   steep Melouna pass into Thessaly. They occupied the village of
   Legaria and positions among the lowest foot hills at the
   outlet of the pass. The Greeks were not able to embarrass them
   as they deployed, although an attempt was made to find the
   range with artillery. … For two days there was a fierce
   artillery duel, interspersed occasionally with sharp rifle
   fire as the infantry became engaged on the right and left of
   the line. … All had ended in favour of the Greeks when the sun
   set on the 22nd April, and the battle of Mati was over. … It
   was the same night that the Crown Prince ordered the army to
   retreat upon Larissa, twenty-five miles distant by road. About
   8 P. M. the men were roused from their first sleep and
   commanded to fall in. They did so very orderly and quietly,
   thinking it was intended to deliver a surprise attack upon the
   Turks.
{548}
   The whole army was on the march, and had got five or six miles
   from the battle-field, or close to Turnavos, when the
   unaccountable mad panic seized them. Some say it originated
   one way, some another. … The army broke into pieces and became
   a furious rabble, which fled by road and fields south as hard
   as most could run. Arms and ammunition and baggage were cast
   aside wholesale. The Greek officers, as a rule, behaved worse
   than the men, for they led the fleeing mob, and many of them
   never stopped until they reached Pharsala or Vola. … The
   whilom Greek army was a mob convinced that the Turkish cavalry
   was upon their heels, though it never was near them. It gave
   them the strength of despair, and so they covered afoot fifty
   to sixty miles within twenty-four hours. The inhabitants of
   Larissa and all the surrounding country, terrified at the
   sudden calamity, were left by the military and civic
   authorities, without hint or warning, to shift for themselves.
   … The women and children of Larissa had to carry what they
   wished to save upon their own backs. Thousands of these
   helpless creatures, together with sick and wounded soldiers,
   were left around the railway station, whilst officers rode off
   upon the early or later special trains, to fly, as some of
   them did, as far as Athens. The troops had gone hours before I
   left Larissa, and even then there were no signs of the enemy
   to be seen."

      _Bennet Burleigh,
      The Greek War, as I saw it
      (Fortnightly Review, July, 1897)._

   "Not until several hours after the departure of the last
   Greek, did a few Turkish cavalrymen cautiously enter the town
   [Larissa], some distance ahead of the Turkish army. … It was
   the design of the Greeks to save Volo, a wealthy town, and the
   haven of refuge of many of the peasants. Accordingly, a line
   was formed from two miles beyond Pharsala to the pass which
   was the doorway to Volo. About three miles from this pass was
   the village of Velestino; and on the hills back of it were the
   headquarters of Colonel Smollenske, commander of this, the
   right wing of the Greek army. The Greek fleet, with decks
   cleared for action, was in the Bay of Volo; having gone there
   after the defeat of Mati, hoping that, in case the army
   failed, its heavy guns would protect the town. After four
   days, the Turks, having digested their victory with cigarettes
   and coffee, were ready to renew fighting. Meanwhile, the Greeks
   had put themselves in a sort of order. Evidently, the first
   intention of the Turks was to force their way through
   Smollenske's line and on to Volo. Accordingly, they attempted
   to storm Smollenske's rifle-pits; but they were driven back
   for the first time, and with the greatest loss that any such
   movement had yet encountered in the campaign. … The Turks,
   after a slight resistance, withdrew from the villages in front
   of Velestino, which they had taken, and were soon moving over
   to the left. Their plan of cutting the Greek line in two was
   executed with energy. On the morning of May 7, Edhem Pasha
   sent his fearless infantry, under heavy fire, up the hollows
   between the mountain-ridges which ran at right angles to the
   Turkish line across the plain. They intrepidly scaled the
   ridges, and forced the Greeks from the position. Smollenske's
   force was flanked and separated from the Crown Prince's force:
   and he retreated in an orderly manner to Almyro. The Crown
   Prince's force had been flanked on its left; at the same time
   it was being flanked on its right by the force that had
   flanked Smollenske. The Crown Prince, therefore, withdrew to
   the heights of Domoko.

   "So apparent was now the hopelessness of the Greek cause that
   even the new ministry, which had been buoyed up into almost an
   aggressive spirit by the 'victory' of Velestino, begged for
   the intervention of the Powers. It was granted in the form of
   a demand on the Sultan for an armistice. As there are six
   Powers, each having a formal foreign office, this took some
   time. The Sultan, as usual, was more deliberate than the six
   tormentors, whom he in return tormented. Being truly Greek,
   the Greek Cabinet seemed to believe that articles of peace
   would be signed the moment the necessity of peace appealed to
   the ministerial mind. … Two days after Pharsala, the Turkish
   army appeared on the plain some ten miles from Domoko. There
   it rested quietly for more than a week, leisurely celebrating
   the important feast of Bairam. This confirmed the belief of
   the Greek generals that the war was at an end. The morning of
   May 17 found the Crown Prince's force more than ever convinced
   of an armistice, and quite unprepared for an attack. At nine
   o'clock the whole Turkish army began to advance upon the
   astounded Greeks—most astounded of them all were the Crown
   Prince and General Macris—in such a manner as to leave no
   doubt as to its intention.

   "The battle of Domoko which followed was the most sanguinary
   of the campaign. … For three hours, that is, until
   sundown,—the attack having begun at four o'clock,—the Greeks
   steadily returned the hot fire of the Turks, who soon ceased
   to advance, and doggedly hung on to the ground that they had
   gained. … During this attack in front the Turks were making a
   more important movement, strategically, on the right. … With
   amazing intrepidity, during the hot action on the centre, the
   Turks had fought their way over the mountains at the Greeks'
   far right. Some reserves were sent around at sunset—but too
   late. The Turkish left wing was already even with the town of
   Domoko. Military experts maintain that the Crown Prince, by
   readjusting his forces over night, could have given the
   phlegmatic enemy a surprise in the morning, and held him in
   check for several days. The retreat over the pass to Lamia
   began at ten o'clock in the evening; and the next morning the
   battalions covering the retreat were under heavy fire. The
   Greeks' next stand was to be at Thermopylæ. Should the Turks
   advance spiritedly, Smollenske's army would be cut off from
   that of the Crown Prince, and forced to surrender. But the
   Sultan, being somewhat appeased by more blood-letting, now
   bowed before a letter from him whom the Greeks called 'a vile
   enemy,'—the Czar,—who, for this act, saw his influence at
   Constantinople supplanted by that of Germany, though the fear
   of Russia was undiminished. At last the armistice came,—none
   too soon for the demoralized army of Greece. The war had
   lasted just thirty-one days."

      _F. Palmer,
      How the Greeks were defeated
      (Forum, November, 1897)._

{549}

   The preliminary treaty of peace, signed September 18, required
   Greece to pay to Turkey a war indemnity of nearly eighteen
   millions of dollars, arrangements for securing the payment of
   which were to be controlled by an international commission
   composed of one representative of each of the mediating
   Powers. The same Powers were likewise to settle with Turkey a
   rectification of the Greek frontier. Greece, in fact, was
   helplessly in their hands.

TURKEY: A. D. 1897-1899.
   Prolonged anarchy in Crete.
   The inharmonious "Concert of Europe."
   Final departure of Turkish troops and
   officials from the island.
   Organization of government under Prince George of Greece.

   "The autonomous regime promised to this unfortunate island—the
   Cuba of Europe—is still [at the end of 1897] apparently far
   from realization. In the meantime a most distressing
   condition; amounting to practical anarchy, prevails everywhere
   except at some ports where the international gendarmerie
   maintain a fair semblance of order. So completely have the
   houses and property of the Mahometan population been destroyed
   by the insurgents that the coming of winter has brought no
   prospect to the former but one of desolation and famine.
   Considerable pillaging of Christian houses by Mahometan
   refugees was also reported from Candia, Kydonia, and other
   points. In Candia the Turkish gendarmerie—recruited from the
   worst class of Bashi-Bazouks—have proved worse than useless
   for keeping order; they connive with the marauders and share
   in the pillage. The British occupation is said to be only
   nominal. …

   "A strange satire upon the concert of Europe and the pretenses
   of Western civilization was the circular letter addressed by
   the Sultan to the powers, about mid-October, urging upon them
   'in firm language' the necessity of promptness in restoring
   tranquillity to the disordered island, and warning them of the
   dangers of procrastination in this matter. … To accomplish the
   pacification of Crete, the Sultan, in the letter referred to,
   suggested that the entire population, Christian and Mahometan,
   should be disarmed; that the disarmament should be carried out
   by Ottoman troops; that the international troops should
   co-operate in the work if the powers so desired; that the
   entire force should be commanded by a European general in the
   Turkish service; that an Ottoman garrison should be
   permanently maintained; that the governor should be a
   Christian and an Ottoman subject; and that a corps of
   gendarmerie should be formed. … Toward the end of October it
   was announced that the powers had finally chosen for the post
   of governor-general of Crete Colonel Charles Schaeffer, a
   native of the grand duchy of Luxemburg, and a man of extended
   experience in the Turkish and Egyptian services, … related to
   several of the principal houses of the aristocracy at St.
   Petersburg, as well as to some of the most influential
   personages in the entourage of the Sultan. … The Porte,
   however, protested, with the support of Germany, against the
   appointment of Colonel Schaeffer, who appears to have been
   suspected of English sympathies. Russia, too, it was said,
   objected, insisting that the appointee must be of the Orthodox
   Greek faith. Thus, on the question of selecting a
   governor-general for Crete, the concert of the powers broke
   down as it did at other points during the long crisis. At the
   end of November the name of Prince Francis Joseph of
   Battenberg was prominently mentioned as a prospective
   candidate of favor. The Cretan assembly proposed, unless a
   suitable governor were speedily chosen by the powers, to offer
   the post to a candidate of its own selection."

      _Current History, 1897,
      pages 865-866._

   Months went on, while the Powers still discussed the Cretan
   situation and no agreement was reached. In January, 1898, the
   Turkish government appointed Edhem Pasha governor of Candia;
   but, in the face of the admirals of the blockading squadrons,
   who exercised an undefined authority, he seems to have had
   practically little power. Presently, a new attempt was made to
   select a Christian Governor-general. France and Russia
   proposed Prince George of Greece, but Austria and Turkey
   opposed. In April, Austria and Germany withdrew from the
   blockade and from the "Concert," leaving Great Britain,
   Russia, France and Italy to deal with Cretan affairs alone.
   The admirals of these Powers, acting under instructions, then
   divided the Cretan coast among themselves, each directing the
   administration of such government as could be conducted in his
   own part. The British admiral had Candia, the capital town,
   and there trouble arose which brought the whole Cretan
   business to a crisis. He attempted to take possession of the
   customs house (September 6), and landed for that purpose a
   small force of 60 men. They were attacked by a Turkish mob,
   with which they fought desperately for four hours, losing 12
   killed and some 40 wounded, before they could make their
   retreat to the shore and regain their ship. At the same time a
   general massacre of Christians in the town was begun and some
   800 perished before it was stopped. Edhem Pasha, with about
   4,000 Turkish troops at his command, was said to have waited
   long for the mob to do its work before he interfered.

   This outbreak brought the four Powers to a decisive agreement.
   They joined in imperatively demanding the withdrawal of
   Turkish troops and officials from the island, and enforced the
   demand. Guarantees for the safety of the Mohammedan population in
   life and property were given; it was conceded that the
   Sultan's suzerainty over Crete should be maintained, and he
   was allowed to hold one military post in the island for a sign
   of the fact. On those terms the Turkish evacuation of Crete
   was carried out in November, and Prince George of Greece was
   appointed, not Governor-general, but High Commissioner of the
   four Powers, to organize an autonomous government in the
   island and administer it for a period of three years. The
   appointment was accepted, and Prince George was received with
   rejoicing in Crete on the 21st of December. The blockade had
   been raised on the 5th, and on the 26th the admirals departed.


   During the following two years (1899-1900) there seems to have
   been a generally good condition of order restored and
   preserved. A constitution was framed by a national assembly,
   which conferred the executive authority on Prince George, as
   High Commissioner, with responsible councillors, and created a
   Chamber of Deputies, elected for the most part by the people,
   but containing ten members appointed by the High Commissioner.
   Equal rights for all religious beliefs was made a principle of
   the constitution.

TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
   Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

{550}

TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (October).
   Concessions to the Armenians.

   In October an irade was published by the Sultan which withdrew
   restrictions on the movements of Armenians in the provinces,
   except in the case of suspects; granted pardon or commutation
   of sentence to a number of Armenian prisoners; ordered payment
   of sums due to Armenian government officials who had been
   killed or expelled at the time of the massacres; directed
   assistance to be given in the repairing and rebuilding of
   churches, schools, and monasteries which had been injured or
   destroyed, and also gave direction for the building of an
   orphanage near Constantinople.

TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (November).
   Railway to the Persian Gulf.

   A German Bank Syndicate obtained from the Sultan, in November,
   1899, a concession for the extension of the Anatolian Railway
   from Konieh in Asia Minor, to Basra, or Bassorah, on the
   Persian Gulf. The line, which will pass through Bagdad, and
   along the valleys of the Tigris and Euphrates, is to be
   completed within eight years from the date of the grant. "The
   concession is regarded as a startling proof of German
   influence in Constantinople, and a defeat both for Russian and
   British diplomacy. It is certainly a defeat for the former,
   and will greatly increase suspicion at St. Petersburg as to
   the ultimate ends of Germany in Turkey; but we suspect that
   Indian statesmen will perceive considerable compensations in
   the arrangement. Not to mention that all railways which
   approach India develop Indian trade, the railway may secure us
   a strong ally in Asia. It is not of much use for Russia to be
   running a line from the Caspian to Bushire if when she gets
   there she finds Britain and Germany allied in the Persian
   Gulf, and able by a railway through Gedrosia to Sind to throw
   themselves right across her path."

      _Spectator (London),
      December 2, 1899._

   "The opposition of the French company owning the
   Smyrna-Kassaba road, which extends east as far as Afion
   Karahissar, was removed by granting this company 40 per cent
   of the shares in the extension, and the local objection was
   obviated by a provision in the concession giving the Turkish
   Government the right to purchase the line at any time. Few
   railroad lines can be of greater prospective importance than
   this 2,000 miles of railroad uniting the Persian Gulf with
   Europe, forming a rapid transit to and from the East, opening
   up large tracts of agricultural country, and paving the way
   for German commercial supremacy in Asia Minor and Mesopotamia.
   It is not difficult to see how Germany, with preferential
   rates for goods on German lines, will be able to control the
   chief markets of Asia Minor and invade the East. … Germans
   purchased the Constantinople-Ismid Railroad from an English
   company and extended it to Angora. They also checkmated the
   French and English by extending their line from Eski-Sher to
   Konieh, thus preventing extension of both the Smyrna-Afion
   Karahissar and the Smyrna-Aidin-Dinair roads. The two great
   distributing points—Constantinople and Smyrna—are thus
   controlled by Germans, and German goods may enter the interior
   of Asia Minor and the great valley of the Tigris and Euphrates
   on German-controlled roads at a decided advantage. Germans
   have obtained the right to build docks and warehouses at Haida
   Pasha, the terminus of the Anatolian railroads; and with
   through rates for German goods on German lines, German freight
   cars may be sent across the Bosphorus and travel to Mesopotamia
   and the confines of India and Persia without change."

      _United States Consular Reports,
      April, 1900, page 497._

   Professor Hilprecht has remarked, in the "Sunday School Times"
   that "a new era for Babylonian archeology will begin when the
   railroad from Koniah to Baghdad and Bassorah has been
   constructed. It will then take about a week from London to the
   ruins of Babylon, where, doubtless, a railway station (Hillah)
   will be established. At present the traveler needs at the best
   six weeks to cover this route. This railroad," says the
   Professor, "has now become a certainty."

TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901.
   Impending outbreak in Macedonia.

   The state of things in Macedonia, where the people have long
   been on the brink of revolt against Turkish rule, excited to
   it from Bulgaria and encouraged from Greece, but warned
   otherwise by Russia and Austria, is thus described by the
   "Economist," in an article quoted in "Littell's Living Age,"
   March, 1899: "It is improbable, for reasons stated below, that
   Macedonia will rise in insurrection this year [1899], but,
   nevertheless, there is great danger in that quarter, which is
   evidently disturbing both Vienna and St. Petersburg, and
   exciting apprehensions in Constantinople. The Austrian and
   Russian Foreign Offices are both issuing intimations that if a
   revolt occurs Turkey will be allowed to put it down by Turkish
   methods, and the Sultan is raising more troops, sending
   Asiatic levies to Macedonia, and despatching some of his
   ablest officers to control the hill districts. Severe warnings
   have also been sent both to Belgrade and Sofia, and the Greeks
   are warned that if their active party moves the Government of
   Athens will not again be saved by Europe from the worst
   consequences. All these symptoms imply that there is grave
   fear, among those who watch Macedonia, that the patience of
   her sorely oppressed people has given way, and that they have
   resolved to risk everything rather than remain longer under
   the rule of Pashas from whom no man's life and no woman's
   honor is safe for twelve hours together. It is known,
   moreover, that the course of events in Crete and the
   appearance of the Tsar's Rescript have greatly stirred the
   population. The former is held by them to show that if a
   Christian population in Turkey will risk massacre, Europe will
   not allow them to be exterminated, while the latter has made
   submission more difficult by putting an end to hope for the
   next five years. …

   "Turkish subjects must be driven to despair before they will
   rise against the Turks, and if they can even hope to be left
   alone, the Macedonians will wait, rather than encounter so
   dreadful a risk. They have, it is true, the example of the
   Cretans to encourage them, but their country is not an island,
   and they have the fate both of the Armenians and the
   Thessalians to warn them that on the mainland the Turks cannot
   be resisted by half-drilled forces.

   "It seems almost a truism to say that Europe is foolish to
   allow such a source of danger as Macedonia presents to
   continue without a cure; but there is something to be said on
   the other side. The Powers sincerely desire peace, and the
   Macedonian magazine cannot be flooded without a war, if it be
   only a war between Russia and the Sultan.
{551}
   Nobody knows to what such a war would lead, or in what
   condition Eastern Europe might emerge from it. Moreover,
   however much the Macedonians may excite the sympathies of
   philanthropists, they have done a good deal to alienate those
   of politicians. They decline to be either Austrian or Russian.
   They asked for years to be aided by Greece, and when Greece
   declared war on Turkey they refused to rise behind Edhem
   Pasha, whom they could have cut away from his supports. They
   now ask aid from Bulgaria, but they are most unwilling to
   submit to Sofia, and so make of Bulgaria a fairly strong
   State. They wish, they say, to make of Macedonia a
   Principality, but if it were so made the Slavo-Macedonians
   would begin fighting the Græco-Macedonians, until both had
   been nearly ruined. They must join one party or the other if
   they wish to be free, and stick to the one they join, and
   fight for it with a coherence which they have never yet
   displayed."

   On the 7th of January, 1901, a correspondent of the "London
   Times" wrote on the same subject from Vienna, as follows:

   "The situation in Macedonia, as described in trustworthy
   accounts coming from different directions, testifies to the
   increasing danger of trouble. Things have gone so far that an
   outbreak may occur this year. In diplomatic circles it is
   considered impossible that in any case it can be delayed for
   longer than a twelvemonth. In Constantinople, Athens, and all
   the capitals of the Balkan States the eventuality of a
   Macedonian rising has been expected for several years past,
   and in more than one instance preparations have been made
   accordingly. To what extent the Macedonia committees have
   received official patronage in Bulgaria is now of secondary
   interest. The mischief has been done, and the agitation in
   Macedonia is at present beyond the control of the Bulgarian
   authorities, even if they wished to keep it in check, which is
   not certain. All that can be said with confidence is that last
   summer Austria and Russia made a vigorous and successful effort
   to put an end to the almost open encouragement extended to the
   Macedonian committees at Sofia, which was within an ace of
   involving the Principality in a war with Rumania. The
   Austro-Russian 'entente' [an understanding or agreement
   between Russia and Austria, in 1897, to act together in
   keeping peace in the Balkan peninsula] has, in fact, done
   excellent service wherever diplomatic pressure can be brought
   to bear. But, unfortunately, that does not include Macedonia.
   If the revolutionary element in that province of the Ottoman
   Empire sets at defiance the imposing Turkish forces
   concentrated on the spot, it is not likely that it will be
   influenced by what is probably regarded as the remote
   contingency of the direct armed intervention of Austria and
   Russia. All the warnings and scoldings in the world will not
   suffice to preserve peace in Macedonia.

   "It is difficult to say what foundation there may be for the
   statement that the Sultan himself seeks to take advantage of
   the disturbed condition of Macedonia for purposes of his own.
   It is alleged that he wishes to prevent any change in the
   existing regime in Crete by exciting the apprehension in
   Athens and elsewhere that an attempt to modify the status quo
   in that island would cause a massacre of the Hellenic
   population in Macedonia. This view of the case finds
   expression in the following extracts from a letter addressed
   to the 'Roumanie,' one of the leading organs of
   Bukharest:—'The thoroughly bad policy pursued by the Sublime
   Porte in Macedonia, which consists in allowing that unhappy
   province to remain a prey to Bulgarian agitators so as in case
   of need to terrify diplomacy by the spectre of a revolution,
   has contributed to open the eyes of the Powers. On the other
   hand, the irresistible attraction exercised by the Kingdom of
   Greece, not only on the Cretans themselves, but also on all
   the rayahs of the Ottoman Empire, is an indisputable fact.'"

      See, also (in this volume),
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

TURKEY: A. D. 1900.
   The Zionist movement of the Jews to colonize Palestine.

      See (in this volume)
      JEWS: A. D. 1897-1901.

TURKEY: A. D. 1901.
   The Cretan question.

   The provisional arrangement of government for Crete,
   administered by Prince George, of Greece, as High Commissioner
   for the Powers, expires by limitation in December, 1901. What
   shall then be done with the island is a question that was
   referred, by the several Powers of the Concert, in the early
   part of the year, to their ambassadors at Rome, in conference
   with the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs. The
   administration of Prince George appears to have been quite
   remarkably satisfactory to all concerned, and its continuation
   was evidently desired, as much by the Cretans as by the
   protecting Powers; but the former sought to have it placed on
   a basis of permanency, in some form that would be practically
   tantamount to the long craved annexation to Greece. Prince
   George naturally looks in the same direction, and he is said
   to have made it known that he would decline to hold his post
   provisionally beyond the term of three years for which he
   accepted it in 1898. The ambassadorial conference at Rome
   decided, however, that the time has not come for a permanent
   settlement of the Cretan question, and that the provisional
   arrangement for its government must be renewed. A Press
   despatch from Athens, on the 22d of March, 1901, announced the
   decision and indicated the circumstances of the situation, as
   follows:

   "The Cretan Assembly meets at the end of next month, and its
   probable attitude towards the question of union with Greece is
   already the subject of speculation here. The decision of the
   conference of Ambassadors at Rome is embodied in a memorandum
   which has been handed to Prince George by the Consuls at
   Canea, while a copy of the document has been unofficially
   presented to King George 'à titre d'information.' The
   Ambassadors express their opinion that any manifestation on
   the part of the Cretans in favour of union with Greece would
   be inopportune at the present moment, and they propose a
   prolongation of the present provisional system of government
   without assigning any definite term to the High Commissioner's
   mandate.

   "Whether Prince George, who is an enthusiastic advocate of
   union with Greece, will accept the new arrangement
   unconditionally remains to be seen. Meanwhile the islanders
   are occupied with preparations for the elections.

{552}

   "It appears that at a recent sitting of the Prince's Council
   one of the most prominent of Cretan politicians advocated the
   institution of an autonomous Principality on the lines already
   laid down by the existing Constitution. The proposal provoked
   a violent outburst on the part of the Athenian Press, which
   denounces its author as a traitor to the cause of Hellenism.
   The opinion apparently prevails here that the establishment of
   a Principality would finally preclude the union of the island
   with Greece."

TURKEY: A. D. 1901.
   Order regulating the visit of Jews to Palestine.

      See (in this volume)
      JEWS: A. D. 1901.

   ----------TURKEY: End--------

TWAIN, Mark:
   Description of scenes in the Austrian Reichsrath.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

U.

UCHALI, Treaty of.

      See (in this volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1895-1896.

UGANDA: A. D. 1894.
   Creation of the Protectorate.

      See (in this volume)
      BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE: A. D. 1895-1897.

UGANDA: A. D. 1897-1898.
   Native insurrection and mutiny of Sudanese troops.

   A train of serious troubles in the Uganda Protectorate began
   in May, 1897, with an insurrection of some of the chiefs,
   instigated by the king, Mwanga, who was restive under British
   control. The revolt was suppressed after some sharp fighting,
   especially at Kiango, on the 24th of July, and King Mwanga
   escaped into German territory. In August he was formally
   deposed by a council of chiefs, and his infant son, Chua, was
   elected king in his place, under a regency of three of the
   chiefs. But a more serious trouble followed, from the mutiny
   of a part of the Sudanese troops which had been serving in
   Uganda. These troops were being sent to join an expedition,
   under Major Macdonald, for the exploration of the districts
   adjacent to the Italian sphere of influence, and were not
   permitted to take their women with them. This seems to have
   been their chief grievance. They also complained of being
   overworked, underpaid, insufficiently fed, and commanded by
   young officers who would not listen to their complaints. They
   seized Fort Lubas, on the frontier between Uganda and Usoga,
   made prisoners of several of their officers, whom they finally
   murdered, and held the fort against repeated attacks until early
   in January, 1898, when they made their escape. They were
   pursued and attacked (February 24) at Kabagambe, on Lake
   Kioja, where they had built a fort. Many were killed, the
   remainder much scattered. A considerable party got away to the
   eastern side of the Nile and continued to give trouble there
   throughout the year.

   Meantime, the deposed king, Mwanga, had escaped from the
   Germans and effected a new rising among his late subjects; and
   another deposed king, Kabarega, of Unyoro, had also
   reappeared, to make trouble in that region. After the
   suppression of the Sudanese mutiny these risings were
   overcome, with the help of some 1,100 troops brought from
   India for the emergency. In March, there was news of
   Kabarega's death, and the British Acting Commissioner and
   Consul General issued the following proclamation:

   "Whereas Kabarega, the deposed King of Unyoro, is reported to
   have deceased, and whereas the present disordered state of
   affairs in that country has proved that, for the maintenance
   of good government and good-will, it is expedient to provide
   for the succession to the kingdom of a member of the Royal
   House, it is hereby publicly proclaimed that Karukala, son of
   Kabarega, is now appointed King of Unyoro, under the
   protection of Her Britannic Majesty. The Kingdom of Unyoro
   comprises the provinces of—Busindi, Shifalu, Magungu, Kibero,
   Bugoma, Bugahiaobeire. This appointment is in accordance with
   the general conditions by which countries in British African
   Protectorates are guided and regulated, and it secures to the
   Kingdom of Unyoro all the advantages which accrue from its
   being an integral part of such a Protectorate. The local
   government of the country will be administered, under the
   guidance of Her Majesty's Representative, by a Council of
   Regency of either two or three Chiefs, to be appointed by Her
   Majesty's Commissioner. This Council of Regency will, subject
   to the approval of Her Majesty's Commissioner, select and
   appoint the Katikiro and the other Chiefs of the first rank
   required in accordance with local custom. These Chiefs, on
   their appointment being confirmed, will select and appoint in
   full Council the lesser grade Chiefs, until the system of
   local administration is complete."

      Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command: Africa, Number 7, 1898, page 42).

UGANDA RAILWAY, The.

   On the 30th of April, 1900, the British Parliament voted
   £1,930,000 for the completion of the railway under
   construction from Mombasa, on the Indian Ocean, to Lake
   Victoria-Nyanza, officially known as the Mombasa-Victoria
   Railway. Previous expenditure had been about £3,000,000. On
   the 30th of October it was reported that rails were laid down
   to the 452d mile from Mombasa, and that advance gangs were
   working about 40 miles beyond that point.

UITLANDERS.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1885-1890, and after.

UNGAVA, The district of.

      See (in this volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1895.

UNITED CHRISTIAN PARTY.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

UNITED IRISH LEAGUE, The.

      See (in this volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1900-1901.

UNITED STATES OF BRAZIL.

      See (in this volume)
      BRAZIL.

{553}

   ----------UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: Start--------

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1868-1885.
   Cuban questions in controversy with Spain.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1868-1885.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1894.
   Legislation to promote the reclamation of arid lands.

   The following measure of legislation to promote the
   reclamation of arid lands was carried through Congress as an
   amendment to the appropriation bill for Sundry Civil
   Expenditures, and became law August 18, 1894:

   "Section 4.
   That to aid the public land States in the reclamation of the
   desert lands therein, and the settlement, cultivation, and
   sale thereof in small tracts to actual settlers, the Secretary
   of the Interior with the approval of the President, be, and
   hereby is, authorized and empowered, upon proper application
   of the State to contract and agree, from time to time, with
   each of the States in which there may be situated desert lands
   as defined by the Act entitled 'An Act to provide for the sale
   of desert land in certain States and Territories,' approved
   March 3d, 1877, and the Act amendatory thereof, approved March
   3d, 1891, binding the United States to donate, grant and
   patent to the State free of cost for surveyor price such
   desert lands, not exceeding one million acres in each State,
   as the State may cause to be irrigated, reclaimed, occupied,
   and not less than twenty acres of each one hundred and
   sixty-acre tract cultivated by actual settlers, within ten
   years next after the passage of this Act, as thoroughly as is
   required of citizens who may enter under the said desert land
   law.

   "Before the application of any State is allowed or any
   contract or agreement is executed or any segregation of any of
   the land from the public domain is ordered by the Secretary of
   the Interior, the State shall file a map of the said land
   proposed to be irrigated which shall exhibit a plan showing
   the mode of the contemplated irrigation and which plan shall
   be sufficient to thoroughly irrigate and reclaim said land and
   prepare it to raise ordinary agricultural crops and shall also
   show the source of the water to be used for irrigation and
   reclamation, and the Secretary of the Interior may make
   necessary regulations for the reservation of the lands applied
   for by the States to date from the date of the filing of the map
   and plan of irrigation, but such reservation shall be of no
   force whatever if such map and plan of irrigation shall not be
   approved. That any State contracting under this section is
   hereby authorized to make all necessary contracts to cause the
   said lands to be reclaimed, and to induce their settlement and
   cultivation in accordance with and subject to the provisions
   of this section; but the State shall not be authorized to
   lease any of said lands or to use or dispose of the same in
   any way whatever, except to secure their reclamation,
   cultivation and settlement.

   "As fast as any State may furnish satisfactory proof according
   to such rules and regulations as may be prescribed by the
   Secretary of the Interior, that any of said lands are
   irrigated, reclaimed and occupied by actual settlers, patents
   shall be issued to the State or its assigns for said land so
   reclaimed and settled: Provided, That said States shall not
   sell or dispose of more than one hundred and sixty acres of
   said land to any one person, and any surplus of money derived
   by any State from the sale of said lands in excess of the cost
   of their reclamation, shall be held as a trust fund for and be
   applied to the reclamation of other desert lands in such
   State. That to enable the Secretary of the Interior to examine
   any of the lands that may be selected under the provisions of
   this section, there is hereby appropriated out of any moneys
   in the Treasury, not otherwise appropriated, one thousand
   dollars."

   _Acts, 53d Congress, 2d Session, chapter 301._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895.
   Re-survey of Mexican boundary.

      See (in this volume)
      MEXICO: A. D. 1892-1895.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (January-February).
   The monetary situation.
   Contract for replenishing the gold reserve in the Treasury.

   The alarming situation of the Treasury of the United States at
   the beginning of the year 1895 was clearly described by the
   President in his special Message to Congress, January 28.

      _See in volume 5, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895)._

   By the operation of what had been aptly called "the endless
   chain" of the greenback currency issues of the government
   (paid out with one hand, to be redeemed with the other in
   gold, which the declining value of silver brought more and
   more into demand) the gold reserve in the Treasury was fast
   being exhausted, and the hour was approaching when, without
   some effective relief, the obligations of the nation would
   have to be paid in depreciated silver coin, and its credit
   lost. The appeal of the President to Congress had no effect.
   The Senate was controlled by a majority of men who desired
   precisely the result which he wished to avert. The state of
   things in that body was described by Senator Sherman, of the
   Committee on Finance, in the following words:

   "The Committee on Finance is utterly helpless to deal with
   this vast question. We are quite divided upon it. We are not
   allowed to propose a measure to this Senate which all can
   approve of, unless there is attached to it a provision for
   free coinage of silver."

   The attitude of the House was different, but almost equally
   hostile to the President's views. Its Republican majority was
   not favorable to the aims of the free silver parties, but held
   that the relief needed for the Treasury was to be sought in a
   return to higher import duties, as a means of obtaining
   increased revenue. Hence, a bill to carry out the
   recommendations of the President was rejected in the House, on
   the 7th of February, by a vote of 162 against 135.

   On the following day, the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr.
   Carlisle, exercising authority which he possessed to sell
   certain four per cent. thirty year bonds, contracted with
   August Belmont &; Co., who represented the Rothschilds of
   London, and with the house of J. P. Morgan & Co., of New York,
   on behalf of J. S. Morgan & Co., London, and themselves, for
   supplying 3,500,000 ounces of standard gold coin of the United
   States, at the rate of 817.80441 per ounce, in exchange for
   such bonds. It was a condition of the contract that one half
   of the coin supplied should be brought from Europe: also that
   the contracting syndicate should use its influence to protect
   the Treasury against withdrawals of gold.
{554}
   At the same time, the Secretary of the Treasury reserved the
   right to substitute three per cent. gold bonds, if Congress
   would authorize such an issue, to be taken by the syndicate at
   par, in place of the four per cents to which his existing
   authority was restricted. It was shown that the consequent
   saving in interest would be $539,000 per annum, amounting to
   $16,174,770 in thirty years; but the proposal was rejected in
   the House of Representatives by 167 votes against 120. The
   contract was accordingly carried out in its original form,
   with success so far that the withdrawals of gold from the
   Treasury dropped for a considerable period to a low point. It
   appeared that when this emergency break was put upon the
   working of the "endless chain," the sub-treasury in New York
   was believed to be within twenty-four hours of a suspension of
   gold payments. But the contract was loudly condemned.
   nevertheless, by the opponents of the administration.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (February).
   Renewed insurrection in Cuba.

      _See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1895._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (April-May).
   Decision of the Supreme Court against the constitutionality
   of the Income Tax.

   Cases testing the constitutionality of the income tax which
   Congress had attached to the Tariff Act of 1894, were brought
   to a partial decision in the Supreme Court in April, and
   finally in May, 1895.

      See, in volume 4 of original edition,
      or in volume 5 of revised edition,
      TARIFF LEGISLATION, UNITED STATES: A. D. 1894.

      [Transcriber's note: For this set see, Volume 4,
      "TARIFF: (United States): A. D. 1894."]

    The cases in question were "Pollock v. Farmers' Loan and
    Trust Company," and "Hyde v. Continental Trust Company." On
    the first hearing, the illness and absence of one of the
    justices, Mr. Jackson, of Tennessee, left but eight members
    in attendance, and they divided equally on several points
    which were vital to the decision of the question of
    constitutionality in the tax. The appellants accordingly
    filed a petition for a re-hearing, submitting, among other
    reasons, the following: "The question involved in these cases
    was as to the constitutionality of the provisions of the
    tariff act of August 15, 1894 (sections 27 to 37), purporting
    to impose a tax on incomes. The Court has held that the same
    are unconstitutional, so far as they purport to impose a tax
    upon the rent or income of real estate and income derived
    from municipal bonds. It has, however, announced that it was
    equally divided in opinion as to the following questions, and
    has expressed no opinion in regard to them: (1) Whether the
    void provisions invalidate the whole act. (2) Whether, as to
    the income from personal property as such, the act is
    unconstitutional as laying direct taxes. (3) Whether any part
    of the tax, if not considered as a direct tax, is invalid for
    want of uniformity.

   "The court has reversed the decree of the Circuit Court and
   remanded the case, with directions to enter a decree in favor
   of complainant in respect only of the voluntary payment of the
   tax on the rents and income of defendant's real estate and
   that which it holds in trust, and on the income from the
   municipal bonds owned or so held by it. While, therefore, the
   two points above stated have been decided, there has been no
   decision of the remaining questions regarding the
   constitutionality of the act, and no judgment has been
   announced authoritatively establishing any principle for
   interpretation of the statute in those respects."

   The re-hearing asked for was granted by the Court on the 6th
   of May, when Justice Jackson was able to take his seat on the
   bench, after which, on the 20th of May, by the opinion of five
   members of the Court against four, the law was pronounced null,
   so far as concerned the imposition of a tax on incomes. The
   opinion of the majority was delivered by Chief Justice Fuller,
   who said, in part:

   "The Constitution divided Federal taxation into two great
   classes, the class of direct taxes, and the class of duties,
   imposts and excises; and prescribed two rules which qualified
   the grant of power as to each class. The power to lay direct
   taxes apportioned among the several States in proportion to
   their representation in the popular branch of Congress, a
   representation based on population as ascertained by the
   census, was plenary and absolute; but to lay direct taxes
   without apportionment was forbidden. The power to lay duties,
   imposts, and excises was subject to the qualification that the
   imposition must be uniform throughout the United States.

   "Our previous decision was confined to the consideration of
   the validity of the tax on the income from real estate and on
   the income from municipal bonds. … We are now permitted to
   broaden the field of inquiry, and to determine to which of the
   two great classes a tax upon a person's entire income, whether
   derived from rents, or products, or otherwise, of real estate,
   or from bonds, stocks, or other forms of personal property,
   belongs; and we are unable to conclude that the enforced
   subtraction from the yield of all the owner's real or personal
   property, in the manner prescribed, is so different from a tax
   upon the property itself, that it is not a direct, but an
   indirect tax in the meaning of the Constitution.

   "The words of the Constitution are to be taken in their
   obvious sense, and to have a reasonable construction. In
   Gibbons v. Ogden, Mr. Chief Justice Marshall, with his usual
   felicity, said: 'As men, whose intentions require no
   concealment, generally employ the words which most directly
   and aptly express the ideas they intend to convey, the
   enlightened patriots who framed our Constitution, and the
   people who adopted it must be understood to have employed
   words in their natural sense, and to have intended what they
   have said.' 9 Wheat. 1, 188. And in Rhode Island v.
   Massachusetts, where the question was whether a controversy
   between two States over the boundary between them was within
   the grant of judicial power, Mr. Justice Baldwin, speaking for
   the Court, observed: 'The solution of this question must
   necessarily depend on the words of the Constitution; the
   meaning and intention of the convention which framed and
   proposed it for adoption and ratification to the conventions
   of the people of and in the several States; together with a
   reference to such sources of judicial information as are
   resorted to by all courts in construing statutes, and to which
   this court has always resorted in construing the
   Constitution.' 12 Pet. 657, 721. We know of no reason for
   holding otherwise than that the words 'direct taxes,' on the
   one hand, and 'duties, imposts and excises,' on the other,
   were used in the Constitution in their natural and obvious
   sense. Nor in arriving at what those terms embrace do we
   perceive any ground for enlarging them beyond or narrowing
   them within their natural and obvious import at the time the
   Constitution was framed and ratified.

{555}

   "And passing from the text, we regard the conclusion reached
   as inevitable, when the circumstances which surrounded the
   convention and controlled its action and the views of those
   who framed and those who adopted the Constitution are
   considered. … In the light of the struggle in the convention
   as to whether or not the new Nation should be empowered to
   levy taxes directly on the individual until after the States
   had failed to respond to requisitions—a struggle which did not
   terminate until the amendment to that effect, proposed by
   Massachusetts and concurred in by South Carolina, New
   Hampshire, New York, and Rhode Island, had been rejected—it
   would seem beyond reasonable question that direct taxation,
   taking the place as it did of requisitions, was purposely
   restrained to apportionment according to representation, in
   order that the former system as to ratio might be retained
   while the mode of collection was changed. This is forcibly
   illustrated by a letter of Mr. Madison of January 29, 1789,
   recently published, written after the ratification of the
   Constitution, but before the organization of the government
   and the submission of the proposed amendment to Congress,
   which, while opposing the amendment as calculated to impair
   the power only to be exercised in extraordinary emergencies,
   assigns adequate ground for its rejection as substantially
   unnecessary, since, he says, 'every State which chooses to
   collect its own quota may always prevent a Federal collection,
   by keeping a little beforehand in its finances and making its
   payment at once into the Federal treasury.'

   "The reasons for the clauses of the Constitution in respect of
   direct taxation are not far to seek. The States, respectively,
   possessed plenary powers of taxation. They could tax the
   property of their citizens in such manner and to such extent
   as they saw fit; they had unrestricted powers to impose duties
   or imposts on imports from abroad, and excises on
   manufactures, consumable commodities, or otherwise. They gave
   up the great sources of revenue derived from commerce; they
   retained the concurrent power of levying excises, and duties
   if covering anything other than excises; but in respect of
   them the range of taxation was narrowed by the power granted
   over interstate commerce, and by the danger of being put at
   disadvantage in dealing with excises on manufactures. They
   retained the power of direct taxation, and to that they looked
   as their chief resource; but even in respect of that, they
   granted the concurrent power, and if the tax were placed by
   both governments on the same subject, the claim of the United
   States had preference. Therefore, they did not grant the power
   of direct taxation without regard to their own condition and
   resources as States; but they granted the power of apportioned
   direct taxation, a power just as efficacious to serve the needs
   of the general government, but securing to the States the
   opportunity to pay the amount apportioned, and to recoup from
   their own citizens in the most feasible way, and in harmony
   with their systems of local self-government. If, in the
   changes of wealth and population in particular States,
   apportionment produced inequality, it was an inequality
   stipulated for, just as the equal representation of the
   States, however small, in the Senate, was stipulated for. …

   "Moreover, whatever the reasons for the constitutional
   provisions, there they are, and they appear to us to speak in
   plain language. It is said that a tax on the whole income of
   property is not a direct tax in the meaning of the
   Constitution, but a duty, and, as a duty, leviable without
   apportionment, whether direct or indirect. We do not think so.
   Direct taxation was not restricted in one breath and the
   restriction blown to the winds in another. Cooley (On
   Taxation, page 3) says that the word 'duty' ordinarily 'means
   an indirect tax imposed on the importation, exportation or
   consumption of goods'; having a broader meaning than "custom,"
   which is a duty imposed on imports or exports'; that 'the term
   "impost" also signifies any tax, tribute or duty, but it is
   seldom applied to any but the indirect taxes. An excise duty
   is an inland impost, levied upon articles of manufacture or
   sale, and also upon licenses to pursue certain trades or to
   deal in certain commodities.' In the Constitution the words
   'duties, imposts and excises' are put in antithesis to direct
   taxes. Gouverneur Morris recognized this in his remarks in
   modifying his celebrated motion, as did Wilson in approving of
   the motion as modified. …

   "Our conclusions may therefore be summed up as follows:

   "First. We adhere to the opinion already announced, that,
   taxes on real estate being indisputably direct taxes, taxes on
   the rents or income of real estate are equally direct taxes.

   "Second. We are of opinion that taxes on personal property, or
   on the income of personal property, are likewise direct taxes.

   "Third. The tax imposed by sections twenty-seven to
   thirty-seven, inclusive, of the act of 1894, so far as it
   falls on the income of real estate and of personal property,
   being a direct tax within the meaning of the Constitution,
   and, therefore, unconstitutional and void because not
   apportioned according to representation, all those sections,
   constituting one entire scheme of taxation, are necessarily
   invalid."

   Four dissenting opinions were prepared, by Justices Harlan,
   Brown, Jackson and White. In that of Mr. Justice Harlan, he
   said: "What are 'direct taxes' within the meaning of the
   Constitution? In the convention of 1787, Rufus King asked what
   was the precise meaning of 'direct' taxation, and no one
   answered. Madison Papers, 5 Elliott's Debates, 451. The
   debates of that famous body do not show that any delegate
   attempted to give a clear, succinct definition of what, in his
   opinion, was a direct tax. Indeed the report of those debates,
   upon the question now before us, is very meagre and
   unsatisfactory. An illustration of this is found in the case
   of Gouverneur Morris. It is stated that on the 12th of July,
   1787, he moved to add to a clause empowering Congress to vary
   representation according to the principles of 'wealth and
   numbers of inhabitants,' a proviso 'that taxation shall be in
   proportion to representation.' And he is reported to have
   remarked, on that occasion, that while some objections lay
   against his motion, he supposed 'they would be removed by
   restraining the rule to direct taxation.' Elliott's Debates,
   302.
{556}
   But, on the 8th of August, 1787, the work of the Committee on
   Detail being before the convention, Mr. Morris is reported to
   have remarked, 'let it not be said that direct taxation is to
   be proportioned to representation.' 5 Elliott's Debates, 393.
   If the question propounded by Rufus King had been answered in
   accordance with the interpretation now given, it is not at all
   certain that the Constitution, in its present form, would have
   been adopted by the convention, nor, if adopted, that it would
   have been accepted by the requisite number of States." The
   following is from the dissenting opinion of Mr. Justice Brown:
   "In view of the fact that the great burden of taxation among
   the several States is assessed upon real estate at a
   valuation, and that a similar tax was apparently an important
   part of the revenue of such States at the time the
   Constitution was adopted, it is not unreasonable to suppose
   that this is the only undefined direct tax the framers of the
   Constitution had in view when they incorporated this clause
   into that instrument. The significance of the words 'direct
   taxes' was not so well understood then as it is now, and it is
   entirely probable that these words were used with reference to
   a generally accepted method of raising a revenue by tax upon
   real estate. … But, however this may be, I regard it as very
   clear that the clause requiring direct taxes to be apportioned
   to the population has no application to taxes which are not
   capable of apportionment according to population. It cannot be
   supposed that the convention could have contemplated a
   practical inhibition upon the power of Congress to tax in some
   way all taxable property within the jurisdiction of the
   Federal government, for the purposes of a national revenue.
   And if the proposed tax were such that in its nature it could
   not be apportioned according to population, it naturally
   follows that it could not have been considered a direct tax,
   within the meaning of the clause in question."

   Mr. Justice Jackson concluded his dissenting opinion as
   follows: "The practical operation of the decision is not only
   to disregard the great principles of equality in taxation, but
   the further principle that in the imposition of taxes for the
   benefit of the government the burdens thereof should be
   imposed upon those having the most ability to bear them. This
   decision, in effect, works out a directly opposite result, in
   relieving the citizens having the greater ability, while the
   burdens of taxation are made to fall most heavily and
   oppressively upon those having the least ability. It lightens
   the burden upon the larger number in some States subject to
   the tax, and places it most unequally and disproportionately
   on the smaller number in other States. Considered in all its
   bearings, this decision is, in my judgment, the most
   disastrous blow ever struck at the constitutional power of
   Congress. It strikes down an important portion of the most
   vital and essential power of the government in practically
   excluding any recourse to incomes from real and personal
   estate for the purpose of raising needed revenue to meet the
   government's wants and necessities under any circumstances.

   "I am therefore compelled to enter my dissent to the judgment
   of the court."

   The opinion delivered by the majority of the Court was
   criticised with severity by Mr. Justice White, who said: "The
   injustice of the conclusion points to the error of adopting
   it. It takes invested wealth and reads it into the
   Constitution as a favored and protected class of property,
   which cannot be taxed without apportionment, whilst it leaves
   the occupation of the minister, the doctor, the professor, the
   lawyer, the inventor, the author, the merchant, the mechanic,
   and all other forms of industry upon which the prosperity of a
   people must depend, subject to taxation without that
   condition. A rule which works out this result, which, it seems
   to me, stultifies the Constitution by making it an instrument of
   the most grievous wrong, should not be adopted, especially
   when, in order to do so, the decisions of this court, the
   opinions of the law writers and publicists, tradition,
   practice, and the settled policy of the government must be
   overthrown.

   "To destroy the fixed interpretation of the Constitution, by
   which the rule of apportionment according to population, is
   confined to direct taxes on real estate so as to make that
   rule include indirect taxes on real estate and taxes, whether
   direct or indirect, on invested personal property, stocks,
   bonds, etc., reads into the Constitution the most flagrantly
   unjust, unequal, and wrongful system of taxation known to any
   civilized government. This strikes me as too clear for
   argument. I can conceive of no greater injustice than would
   result from imposing on one million of people in one State,
   having only ten millions of invested wealth, the same amount
   of tax as that imposed on the like number of people in another
   State having fifty times that amount of invested wealth. The
   application of the rule of apportionment by population to
   invested personal wealth would not only work out this wrong,
   but would ultimately prove a self-destructive process, from
   the facility with which such property changes its situs. If so
   taxed, all property of this character would soon be transferred
   to the States where the sum of accumulated wealth was greatest
   in proportion to population, and where therefore the burden of
   taxation would be lightest, and thus the mighty wrong
   resulting from the very nature of the extension of the rule
   would be aggravated. It is clear then, I think, that the
   admission of the power of taxation in regard to invested
   personal property, coupled with the restriction that the tax
   must be distributed by population and not by wealth, involves
   a substantial denial of the power itself, because the
   condition renders its exercise practically impossible. To say
   a thing can only be done in a way which must necessarily bring
   about the grossest wrong, is to delusively admit the existence
   of the power, while substantially denying it. And the grievous
   results sure to follow from any attempt to adopt such a system
   are so obvious that my mind cannot fail to see that if a tax
   on invested personal property were imposed by the rule of
   population, and there were no other means of preventing its
   enforcement, the red spectre of revolution would shake our
   institutions to their foundation. …

   "It is, I submit, greatly to be deplored that, after more than
   one hundred years of our national existence, after the
   government has withstood the strain of foreign wars and the
   dread ordeal of civil strife, and its people have become
   united and powerful, this court should consider itself
   compelled to go back to a long repudiated and rejected theory
   of the Constitution, by which the government is deprived of an
   inherent attribute of its being, a necessary power of taxation."

      _United States Reports,
      v. 158, pages 601-715._

{557}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (July-November).
   Correspondence with the Government of Great Britain
   on the Venezuela boundary question.

      See (in this volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (JULY), and (NOVEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (September).
   Executive order for the improvement of the consular service.

   In his annual Message to Congress, December 2, 1895, President
   Cleveland made the following statement of measures adopted for
   the improvement of the consular service of the country:

   "In view of the growth of our interests in foreign countries
   and the encouraging prospects for a general expansion of our
   commerce, the question of an improvement in the consular
   service has increased in importance and urgency. Though there
   is no doubt that the great body of consular officers are
   rendering valuable services to the trade and industries of the
   country, the need of some plan of appointment and control
   which would tend to secure a higher average of efficiency can
   not be denied. The importance of the subject has led the
   Executive to consider what steps might properly be taken
   without additional legislation to answer the need of a better
   system of consular appointments. The matter having been
   committed to the consideration of the Secretary of State, in
   pursuance of his recommendations, an Executive order was
   issued on the 20th of September, 1895, by the terms of which
   it is provided that after that date any vacancy in a consular
   or commercial agency with an annual salary or compensation
   from official fees of not more than $2,500 or less than $1,000
   should be filled either by transfer or promotion from some
   other position under the Department of State of a character
   tending to qualify the incumbent for the position to be
   filled, or by the appointment of a person not under the
   Department of State, but having previously served thereunder
   and shown his capacity and fitness for consular duty, or by
   the appointment of a person who, having been selected by the
   President and sent to a board for examination, is found, upon
   such examination, to be qualified for the position. Posts
   which pay less than $1,000 being usually, on account of their
   small compensation, filled by selection from residents of the
   locality, it was not deemed practicable to put them under the
   new system.

   "The compensation of $2,500 was adopted as the maximum limit
   in the classification for the reason that consular officers
   receiving more than that sum are often charged with functions
   and duties scarcely inferior in dignity and importance to
   those of diplomatic agents, and it was therefore thought best
   to continue their selection in the discretion of the Executive
   without subjecting them to examination before a board.
   Excluding seventy-one places with compensation at present less
   than $1,000, and fifty-three places above the maximum in
   compensation, the number of positions remaining within the
   scope of the order is one hundred and ninety-six. This number
   will undoubtedly be increased by the inclusion of consular
   officers whose remuneration in fees, now less than $1,000,
   will be augmented with the growth of our foreign commerce and
   a return to more favorable business conditions. In execution
   of the Executive order referred to, the Secretary of State has
   designated as a board to conduct the prescribed examinations
   the Third Assistant Secretary of State, the Solicitor of the
   Department of State, and the Chief of the Consular Bureau, and
   has specified the subjects to which such examinations shall
   relate.

   "It is not assumed that this system will prove a full measure
   of consular reform. It is quite probable that actual
   experience will show particulars in which the order already
   issued may be amended, and demonstrate that, for the best
   results, appropriate legislation by Congress is imperatively
   required. In any event these efforts to improve the consular
   service ought to be immediately supplemented by legislation
   providing for consular inspection. This has frequently been a
   subject of Executive recommendation, and I again urge such
   action by Congress as will permit the frequent and thorough
   inspection of consulates by officers appointed for that
   purpose or by persons already in the diplomatic or consular
   service. The expense attending such a plan would be
   insignificant compared with its usefulness, and I hope the
   legislation necessary to set it on foot will be speedily
   forthcoming.

   "I am thoroughly convinced that in addition to their salaries
   our ambassadors and ministers at foreign courts should be
   provided by the Government with official residences. The
   salaries of these officers are comparatively small and in most
   cases insufficient to pay, with other necessary expenses, the
   cost of maintaining household establishments in keeping with
   their important and delicate functions. The usefulness of a
   nation's diplomatic representative undeniably depends upon the
   appropriateness of his surroundings, and a country like ours,
   while avoiding unnecessary glitter and show, should be certain
   that it does not suffer in its relations with foreign nations
   through parsimony and shabbiness in its diplomatic outfit.
   These considerations and the other advantages of having fixed
   and somewhat permanent locations for our embassies, would
   abundantly justify the moderate expenditure necessary to carry
   out this suggestion."

      _Message of the President
      (54th Congress, 1st Session,
      House Documents, volume 1)._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (December).
   Message of President Cleveland on the boundary dispute
   between Great Britain and Venezuela.
   Prompt response from Congress.

   On the 17th of December, 1895, the country was startled and
   the world at large excited by a message from President
   Cleveland to Congress, relating to the disputed boundary
   between British Guiana and Venezuela, and the refusal of the
   British government to submit the dispute to arbitration.

      See, (in this volume),
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (DECEMBER).

   The tone in which the President recommended the appointment of
   a commission to ascertain the "true divisional line" between
   Venezuela and British Guiana, with a view to determining the
   future action of the United States, was peremptory and
   threatening enough to awaken all the barbaric passions which
   wait and watch for signals of war; and Congress, in both
   branches, met the wishes of the President with the singular
   alacrity that so often appears in the action of legislative
   bodies when a question arises which carries the scent of war.
   The House refused to wait for any reference of the matter to
   its Committee on Foreign Relations, but framed and passed at
   once (December 18) without debate or division, an act
   authorizing the suggested commission and appropriating
   $100,000 for the expenses of its work.
{558}
   In the Senate there were some voices raised against needless
   and unseemly haste in the treatment of so grave a proposition.
   Senator Teller, of Colorado, was one who spoke to that effect,
   saying: "I do not understand that our great competitor in
   commerce and trade, our Great English-speaking relative, has
   ever denied our right to assert and maintain the Monroe
   doctrine. What they claim is that the Monroe doctrine does not
   apply to this case. Whether it applies to this case depends upon
   the facts, which are unknown to us, it appears. If I knew what
   the facts were, as an international lawyer I would have no
   difficulty in applying the law. As a believer in the American
   doctrine of the right to say that no European power shall
   invade American soil, either of North or South America, I
   should have no trouble in coming to a conclusion. Is it an
   invasion of American soil? I do not know that. I repeat, I
   thought I did. I have found that I do not.

   "If the President of the United States had said that in the
   Department of State they had determined what was the true line
   between the British possessions and Venezuela, and if he had
   said, 'We are confident that the British Government, instead
   of attempting to arrange a disputed line, is attempting to use
   this disputed line as a pretense for territorial acquisition,'
   no matter what may be the character of the Administration,
   whether Democratic or Republican, I would have stood by that
   declaration as an American Senator, because there is where we
   get our information upon these subjects, and not from our own
   judgment. We must stand by what the Department says upon these
   great questions when the facts are ascertained by it. The
   President says that he needs assistance to make this
   determination. We are going to give it to him. Nobody doubts
   that. The only question is, how shall we give it to him? I am
   as firm a believer in the Monroe doctrine as any man who
   lives. I am as firm a believer as anyone in the maintenance of
   the honor of the American people, and do not believe it can be
   maintained if we abandon the Monroe doctrine.

   "Mr. President, there is no haste in this matter. The dispute
   is one of long standing. Great Britain is not now taking any
   extraordinary steps with reference to the control of the
   territory in dispute. They took, it is said, five months to
   answer our Secretary's letter of July 20. Mr. President, the
   time was not excessive. It is not unreasonable in diplomatic
   affairs that there should be months taken in replying to
   questions of so much importance. We may properly take months,
   if we choose, to consider it before we plant ourselves upon
   what we say are the facts in this case. I repeat, so far as
   the American people are concerned, the Monroe doctrine is not
   in dispute, is not in doubt, whatever may be the doubt about
   the facts in this case. If the facts are not ascertained, we
   must, before we proceed further, ascertain them.

   "This is a very important question. It is not a question of
   party politics. It is not a question that any political party
   ought to take advantage of to get votes. The political party
   that attempts to make capital out of this question will find
   that it is a loser in the end. The American people will not be
   trifled with on a question of this kind. If the other side of
   the Chamber, or the Administration, or anybody, attempts to
   make capital out of it they will find that they will lose in
   the end, as we should lose on our side if we should be foolish
   enough, as I know we are not, to attempt to make capital out
   of it in any way. … This question is of so much importance
   that I do not care myself if the bill goes to the Committee on
   Foreign Relations and lies there a month. You will not impress
   the world with our solidarity and solidity on this question by
   any haste in this body. Let this proceeding be a dignified
   proceeding. Let the bill go to the committee. Let the
   committee take their time on it. Let them return it here and
   say what is the best way by which we can strengthen the hands
   of the President of the United States in his efforts to
   maintain this American doctrine.

   "Mr. President, I am not one of those who want war. I do not
   believe in war. I believe in this case Great Britain made a
   great mistake when she said she would not arbitrate, and I
   have faith enough in the love of justice and right that
   pervades the people of Great Britain to believe that on second
   sober thought they will submit this question to arbitration,
   as many of their representative men have declared they are
   willing to submit all questions of this character. … Let this
   bill go to the committee. Let it be considered. If the
   committee wants a week, ten days, or two weeks, or a month,
   let the committee take it. Nothing will be lost. Great Britain
   will not misunderstand our attitude. She does not misunderstand
   it now. She knows just as well how we feel upon these subjects
   as she will when we pass this bill. She has had it dinned in
   her ears again and again from nearly every Secretary of State
   that we were not willing to abandon the Monroe doctrine, nor
   view with indifference the improper interference of any
   European power with any existing American Government, whether
   such interference is a violation of the Monroe doctrine or
   not."

      _Congressional Record,
      December 19, 1895, page 246._

   Senator Call made a similar appeal, saying: "As to all this
   talk about war, in my opinion there is no possibility of war.
   There can be, and ought to be, no possibility of it. The
   enlightened sentiment of the nations of the world would forbid
   that there should be a war between this country and England
   upon this question. Nevertheless, it would be the duty of this
   country to maintain by force of arms the proposition that
   there shall be no forcible establishment of European
   institutions and European Governments over any portion of this
   territory. Who can entertain the idea that war can be made
   with Great Britain, and that the people of the British Empire
   will permit that Government to engage in war upon a question
   of boundaries which is not sustained by the facts of the case,
   but a mere aggression, and that the peace of mankind shall be
   disturbed by it. …

   "I agree with the Senator from Ohio [Mr. Sherman] that there
   is no necessity for haste in this action and that it comports
   better with the dignity of Congress for the Senate of the
   United States and the House of Representatives to declare that
   this Government will firmly maintain, as a definite proposition,
   that Venezuela shall not be forced to cede any portion of her
   territory to Great Britain or to recognize a boundary line
   which is not based upon the facts of history and upon clear
   and ascertained proof.
{559}
   It seems to me, Mr. President, that all this discussion about
   war should not have place here, but that we should make a bold
   and independent and firm declaration as to the proper policy
   of this Government, and vote the President of the United
   States the money necessary, in his judgment, to carry out that
   declaration so far as obtaining information which may be
   desired. …

   "The possibility that war between these two nations will be
   the result of our defending the right of Venezuela to the
   integrity of her territory against its forced appropriation by
   England should not be entertained. These two nations, the
   United States and Great Britain, are the main pillars of the
   civilization of the world, neither can afford to demand of the
   other anything that is wrong or any injustice to the other.
   Great Britain recognizes the supremacy of the United States in
   the Western Hemisphere, and it is sufficient for them to know
   that we will maintain this with all the power of the Republic,
   and that this is not an idle menace.

   "This is my view of the situation. The President has done his
   duty. He has recommended that the traditional policy of this
   country to protect all people who establish governments of
   their choice against forcible intervention by European powers,
   under whatever pretense, whether by claiming fictitious
   boundaries and enforcing their claim, or by any other means,
   and that we will be the judge of this, but that we are ready
   to submit the facts to the judgment of a fair arbitration. It
   is sufficient for us to sustain this declaration and for us to
   provide the means of obtaining the information necessary for
   an intelligent judgment on the question. It will suffice for
   the able statesman who represents the Government of Great
   Britain to know and to inform his Government that the people
   of the United States are united in the determination to
   maintain and defend this policy with all their power, and a
   peaceable settlement of the question will be made."

      _Congressional Record,
      December 20, 1895, page 264._

   The Senate was persuaded to refer the House Bill to its
   Committee on Foreign Relations, but the Committee reported it
   on the following day (December 20), and it was passed without
   division.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895-1896 (December-January).
   The feeling in England and America over the
   Venezuela boundary dispute.

   Happily President Cleveland's Message did not provoke in
   England the angry and combative temper that is commonly roused
   by a demand from one nation upon another, made in any
   peremptory tone. The feeling produced there seemed to have in
   it more of surprise and regret than of wrath, revealing very
   plainly that friendliness had been growing of late, much
   warmer in English sentiment toward the American Republic than
   in American sentiment toward England. Within the past thirty
   years there had been what in France would be called a
   "rapprochement" in feeling going on between the two peoples;
   but the rate of approach had been greater on one side than on
   the other, and neither had understood the fact until it was
   brought home to them by this incident. There seems to be no
   doubt that the English people were astonished and shocked by
   the sudden prospect of a serious quarrel with the United
   States, and that Americans were generally surprised and moved
   by the discovery of that state of feeling in the English mind.
   The first response in the United States to the President's
   message came noisily from the more thoughtless part of the
   people, and seemed to show that the whole nation was fairly
   eager for war with its "kin beyond sea." But that was a
   short-lived demonstration. The voices that really speak for
   the country soon made themselves heard in a different
   tone,—anxious to avert war,—critical of the construction that
   had been given to the Monroe doctrine by President Cleveland
   and his Secretary of State,—earnestly responsive to the
   pacific temper of the English public,—and yet firm in
   upholding the essential justice of the ground on which their
   government had addressed itself to that of Great Britain. The
   feeling in the two countries, respectively, at the beginning
   of 1896, appears to have been described very accurately by two
   representative writers in the "North American Review" of
   February in that year. One was Mr. James Bryce, the well-known
   English student of American institutions—author of "The
   American Commonwealth"—who wrote:

   "Those Englishmen who have travelled in America have of course
   been aware of the mischief your school-books do in teaching
   young people to regard the English as enemies because there
   was war in the days of George III. Such Englishmen knew that
   as Britain is almost the only great power with which the
   United States has had diplomatic controversies, national
   feeling has sometimes been led to regard her as an adversary,
   and displays of national feeling often took the form of
   defiance. Even such travellers, however, were not prepared for
   the language of the President and its reception in many
   quarters, while as to Englishmen generally, they could
   scarcely credit their eyes and ears. 'Why,' they said, 'should
   we be regarded as enemies by our own kinsfolk? No territorial
   dispute is pending between us and them, like those we have or
   have lately had with France and Russia. No explosions of
   Jingoism have ever been directed against them, like those
   which Lord Beaconsfield evoked against Russia some twenty
   years ago. There is very little of that commercial, and none
   of that colonial, rivalry which we have with France and
   Germany, for the Americans are still chiefly occupied in
   developing their internal resources, and have ample occupation
   for their energy and their capital in doing so. Still less is
   there that incompatibility of character and temper which
   sometimes sets us wrong with Frenchmen, or Russians, or even
   Germans, for we and the Americans come of the same stock,
   speak the same language, read the same books, think upon
   similar lines, are connected by a thousand ties of family and
   friendship. No two nations could be better fitted to
   understand one another's ideas and institutions. English
   travellers and writers used no doubt formerly to assume airs
   of supercilious condescension which must have been offensive
   to Americans. But those airs were dropped twenty or thirty
   years ago, and the travellers who return now return full of
   gratitude for the kindness they have received and full of
   admiration for the marvellous progress they have witnessed. We
   know all about the Irish faction; but the Irish faction do not
   account for this.
{560}
   So we quite understand that resentment was caused in the North
   and West of America by the attitude of our wealthy class
   during the Civil War. But that attitude was not the attitude
   of the British nation. … Our press, whose tone often
   exasperates Continental nations, is almost uniformly
   respectful and friendly to America. What can we have done to
   provoke in the United States feelings so unlike those which we
   ourselves cherish?'

   "In thus summing up what one has been hearing on all sides in
   Britain during the last fortnight, I am not exaggerating
   either the amazement or the regret with which the news of a
   threatened breach between the two countries was received. The
   average Englishman likes America far better than any foreign
   nation; he admires the 'go,' as he calls it, of your people,
   and is soon at home among you. In fact, he does not regard you
   as a foreign nation, as any one will agree who has noticed how
   different has been the reception given on all public occasions
   to your last four envoys, Messrs. Welsh, Lowell, Phelps, and
   Lincoln (as well as your present ambassador) from that
   accorded to the ambassadors of any other power. The educated
   and thoughtful Englishman has looked upon your Republic as the
   champion of freedom and peace, has held you to be our natural
   ally, and has even indulged the hope of a permanent alliance
   with you, under which the citizens of each country should have
   the rights of citizenship in the other and be aided by the
   consuls and protected by the fleets of the other all over the
   world. The sentiments which the news from America evoked were,
   therefore, common to all classes in England. … Passion has not
   yet been aroused, and will not be, except by the language of
   menace."

      _J. Bryce,
      British Feeling on the Venezuelan Question
      (North American Review, February, 1896)._

   The writer who described American feeling, or opinion, in the
   same magazine, was Mr. Andrew Carnegie, who said: "In the
   United States, East, West, North and South, from which
   divergent voices were at first heard, there is but one voice
   now. Public opinion has crystallized into one
   word—arbitration. In support of that mode of settlement we now
   know the nation is unanimous. The proofs of this should not
   fail to carry conviction into the hearts of Britons. The one
   representative and influential body in the United States which
   is most closely allied with Britain not only by the ties of
   trade, but by the friendships which these ties have created,
   is the Chamber of Commerce of New York. If that body were
   polled by ballot, probably a greater proportion of its members
   than of any other body of American citizens would register
   themselves as friendly to England. So far did the feeling
   extend in this body, that a movement was on foot to call a
   meeting to dissent from the President's Message. Fortunately,
   wiser counsels prevailed, and time was given for an
   examination of the question, and for members to make up their
   minds upon the facts. The result was that at the crowded
   meeting subsequently held, there was passed a resolution, with
   only one dissenting voice, in favor of a commission for
   arbitration. In the whole proceedings there was only one
   sentiment present in the minds of those assembled: 'this is a
   question for arbitration.' …

   "Every nation has its 'Red Rag,' some nations have more than
   one, but what the 'Right of Asylum' is to Great Britain, the
   Monroe Doctrine is to the United States. Each lies very deep
   in the national heart. Few statesmen of Great Britain do not
   share the opinion of Lord Salisbury, which he has not feared
   to express, that the 'Right of Asylum' is abused and should be
   restricted, but there has not arisen one in Britain
   sufficiently powerful to deal with it. The United States never
   had, and has not now, a statesman who could restrain the
   American people from an outburst of passion and the extreme
   consequences that national passion is liable to bring, if any
   European power undertook to extend its territory upon this
   continent, or to decide in case of dispute just where the
   boundary of present possessions stand. Such differences must
   be arbitrated. …

   "In his speech at Manchester Mr. Balfour said he 'trusted and
   believed the day would come when better statesmen in
   authority, and more fortunate than even Monroe, would assert a
   doctrine between the English-speaking peoples under which war
   would be impossible.' That day has not to come, it has
   arrived. The British Government has had for years in its
   archives an invitation from the United States to enter into a
   treaty of arbitration which realizes this hope, and Mr.
   Balfour is one of those who, from their great position, seem
   most responsible for the rejection of the end he so ardently
   longs for. It is time that the people of Great Britain
   understood that if war be still possible between the two
   countries, it is not the fault of the Republic but of their
   own country, not of President Cleveland and Secretary of State
   Olney, but of Prime Minister Salisbury, and the leader of the
   House of Commons, Mr. Balfour, who do not accept the offered
   treaty which would banish war forever between the two nations
   of our race. This invitation was sent by the same President
   Cleveland, who is now denounced as favoring war. … It was my
   office to introduce to Mr. Cleveland, then President of the
   United States, as he is now, the delegation from the British
   Parliament urging arbitration. In the conferences I had with
   him previous to his receiving the deputation, I found him as
   strong a supporter of that policy as I ever met. I do not
   wonder at his outburst, knowing how deeply this man feels upon
   that question; it is to him so precious, it constitutes so
   great an advance over arbitrament by war that—even if we have
   to fight, that any nation rejecting it may suffer—I believe he
   feels that it would be our duty to do so, believing that the
   nation which rejects arbitration in a boundary dispute
   deserves the execration of mankind."-

      _A. Carnegie,
      The Venezuelan Question
      (North American Review, February, 1896)._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895-1896 (December-February).
   The gold reserve in the Treasury again imperilled.
   Refusal of any measures of relief by the Senate.

   In his annual Message to Congress, December 2d, 1895,
   President Cleveland described at length the stress of
   circumstances under which in the previous February, the
   Secretary of the Treasury had contracted with certain bankers
   and financiers to replenish and protect the reserve of gold in
   the Treasury for redemption of United States notes (see above),
   and added: "The performance of this contract not only restored
   the reserve, but checked for a time the withdrawals of gold
   and brought on a period of restored confidence and such peace
   and quiet in business circles as were of the greatest possible
   value to every interest that affects our people.
{561}
   I have never had the slightest misgiving concerning the wisdom
   or propriety of this arrangement, and am quite willing to
   answer for my full share of responsibility for its promotion.
   I believe it averted a disaster the imminence of which was,
   fortunately, not at the time generally understood by our
   people. Though the contract mentioned stayed for a time the
   tide of gold withdrawal, its good results could not be
   permanent. Recent withdrawals have reduced the reserve from
   $107,571,230 on the 8th day of July, 1895, to $79,333,966. How
   long it will remain large enough to render its increase
   unnecessary is only matter of conjecture, though quite large
   withdrawals for shipment in the immediate future are predicted
   in well-informed quarters. About $16,000,000 has been
   withdrawn during the month of November. The foregoing
   statement of events and conditions develops the fact that
   after increasing our interest-bearing bonded indebtedness more
   than $162,000,000 to save our gold reserve we are nearly where
   we started, having now in such reserve $79,383,966 as against
   $65,488,377 in February, 1894, when the first bonds were
   issued.

   "Though the amount of gold drawn from the Treasury appears to
   be very large as gathered from the facts and figures herein
   presented, it actually was much larger, considerable sums
   having been acquired by the Treasury within the several
   periods stated without the issue of bonds. On the 28th of
   January, 1895, it was reported by the Secretary of the
   Treasury that more than $172,000,000 of gold had been
   withdrawn for hoarding or shipment during the year preceding.
   He now reports that from January 1, 1879, to July 14, 1890, a
   period of more than eleven years, only a little over
   $28,000,000 was withdrawn, and that between July 14, 1890, the
   date of the passage of the law for an increased purchase of
   silver, and the 1st day of December, 1895, or within less than
   five and a half years, there was withdrawn nearly
   $375,000,000, making a total of more than $403,000,000 drawn
   from the Treasury in gold since January 1, 1879, the date
   fixed in 1875 for the retirement of the United States notes.

   "Nearly $327,000,000 of the gold thus withdrawn has been paid
   out, on these United States notes, and yet everyone of the
   $346,000,000 is still uncanceled and ready to do service in
   future gold depletions. More than $76,000,000 in gold has
   since their creation in 1890 been paid out from the Treasury
   upon the notes given on the purchase of silver by the
   Government, and yet the whole, amounting to $155,000,000,
   except a little more than $16,000,000 which has been retired
   by exchanges for silver at the request of the holders, remains
   outstanding and prepared to join their older and more
   experienced allies in future raids upon the Treasury's gold
   reserve. In other words, the Government has paid in gold more
   than nine-tenths of its United States notes and still owes
   them all. It has paid in gold about one-half of its notes
   given for silver purchases without extinguishing by such
   payment one dollar of these notes.

   "When, added to all this, we are reminded that to carry on
   this astounding financial scheme the Government has incurred a
   bonded indebtedness of $95,500,000 in establishing a gold
   reserve, and of $162,315,400 in efforts to maintain it; that
   the annual interest charge on such bonded indebtedness is more
   than $11,000,000; that a continuance of our present course may
   result in further bond issues, and that we have suffered or
   are threatened with all this for the sake of supplying gold
   for foreign shipment or facilitating its hoarding at home, a
   situation is exhibited which certainly ought to arrest
   attention and provoke immediate legislative relief.

   "I am convinced the only thorough and practicable remedy for
   our troubles is found in the retirement and cancellation of
   our United States notes, commonly called greenbacks, and the
   outstanding Treasury notes issued by the Government in payment
   of silver purchases under the act of 1890. I believe this
   could be quite readily accomplished by the exchange of these
   notes for United States bonds, of small as well as large
   denominations, bearing a low rate of interest. They should be
   long-term bonds, thus increasing their desirability as
   investments, and because their payment could be well postponed
   to a period far removed from present financial burdens and
   perplexities, when with increased prosperity and resources
   they would be more easily met. …

   "Whatever is attempted should be entered upon fully
   appreciating the fact that by careless easy descent we have
   reached a dangerous depth, and that our ascent will not be
   accomplished without laborious toil and struggle. We shall be
   wise if we realize that we are financially ill and that our
   restoration to health may require heroic treatment and
   unpleasant remedies.

   "In the present stage of our difficulty it is not easy to
   understand how the amount of our revenue receipts directly
   affects it. The important question is not the quantity of
   money received in revenue payments, but the kind of money we
   maintain and our ability to continue in sound financial
   condition. We are considering the Government's holdings of
   gold as related to the soundness of our money and as affecting
   our national credit and monetary strength. If our gold reserve
   had never been impaired; if no bonds had ever been issued to
   replenish it; if there had been no fear and timidity
   concerning our ability to continue gold payments; if any part
   of our revenues were now paid in gold, and if we could look to
   our gold receipts as a means of maintaining a safe reserve,
   the amount of our revenues would be an influential factor in
   the problem. But unfortunately all the circumstances that
   might lend weight to this consideration are entirely lacking.
   In our present predicament no gold is received by the
   Government in payment of revenue charges, nor would there be
   if the revenues were increased. The receipts of the Treasury,
   when not in silver certificates, consist of United States
   notes and Treasury notes issued for silver purchases. These
   forms of money are only useful to the Government in paying its
   current ordinary expenses, and its quantity in Government
   possession does not in the least contribute toward giving us
   that kind of safe financial standing or condition which is
   built on gold alone.

{562}

   "If it is said that these notes if held by the Government can
   be used to obtain gold for our reserve, the answer is easy.
   The people draw gold from the Treasury on demand upon United
   States notes and Treasury notes, but the proposition that the
   Treasury can on demand draw gold from the people upon them
   would be regarded in these days with wonder and amusement; and
   even if this could be done there is nothing to prevent those thus
   parting with their gold from regaining it the next day or the
   next hour by the presentation of the notes they received in
   exchange for it. The Secretary of the Treasury might use such
   notes taken from a surplus revenue to buy gold in the market.
   Of course he could not do this without paying a premium.
   Private holders of gold, unlike the Government, having no
   parity to maintain, would not be restrained from making the
   best bargain possible when they furnished gold to the
   Treasury; but the moment the Secretary of the Treasury bought
   gold on any terms above par he would establish a general and
   universal premium upon it, thus breaking down the parity
   between gold and silver, which the Government is pledged to
   maintain, and opening the way to new and serious
   complications. In the meantime the premium would not remain
   stationary, and the absurd spectacle might be presented of a
   dealer selling gold to the Government and with United States
   notes or Treasury notes in his hand immediately clamoring for
   its return and a resale at a higher premium.

   "It may be claimed that a large revenue and redundant receipts
   might favorably affect the situation under discussion by
   affording an opportunity of retaining these notes in the
   Treasury when received, and thus preventing their presentation
   for gold. Such retention to be useful ought to be at least
   measurably permanent; and this is precisely what is
   prohibited, so far as United States notes are concerned, by
   the law of 1878, forbidding their further retirement. That
   statute in so many words provides, that these notes when
   received into the Treasury and belonging to the United States
   shall be 'paid out again and kept in circulation.'"

      _United States, Message and Documents (Abridgment),
      1895-1896, page 27._

   "The difficulty which had been anticipated in keeping gold in
   the treasury became acute as a result of the president's
   Venezuelan message of December 17. The 'war scare' which was
   caused by that document was attended by a panic on the London
   Exchange, which communicated itself to the Continental
   exchanges and produced at once serious consequences in New
   York. Prices fell heavily, some failures were reported, and
   the withdrawal of gold from the treasury assumed great
   proportions. On the 20th the reserve had gone down to
   $69,650,000, ten millions less than three weeks earlier, with
   future large reductions obviously near at hand. The president
   accordingly on that day sent to Congress a special message,
   stating the situation, alluding to the effect of his recently
   announced foreign policy, and declaring that the result
   conveyed a 'warning that even the patriotic sentiment of our
   people is not an adequate substitute for a sound financial
   policy.' He asked Congress to postpone its holiday recess
   until something had been done to reassure the apprehensive
   among the people, but declared that in any case he should use
   every means in the power of the executive to maintain the
   country's credit. The suggestion was acted upon. …

   "On December 26 two bills were introduced in the House of
   Representatives by Chairman Dingley of the ways and means
   committee. Adopting the view maintained by the Republicans,
   that the chief cause of the difficulty in maintaining the gold
   reserve was the deficiency in the revenue, he proposed first a
   bill 'to temporarily increase the revenues.' This provided
   that until August 1, 1898, the customs duties on most
   varieties of wool and woolen goods and on lumber, should stand
   at 60 per cent of those imposed by the McKinley Act of 1890,
   and that the duties in all the other schedules of the tariff,
   except sugar, should, with slight exceptions, be increased by
   15 per cent over those of the existing law. This bill passed
   the House on the 27th by a party vote of 205 to 81. On the
   following day the second bill, 'to maintain and protect the
   coin redemption fund,' was passed by 170 to 136,—47
   Republicans in the minority. This bill authorized the
   secretary of the treasury to procure coin for redeeming
   legal-tenders by the sale of three-per-cent five-year bonds,
   and to provide for temporary deficiencies by the issue of
   three-year three-per-cent certificates of indebtedness in
   small denominations. The administration was as little
   satisfied with this bill as with that changing the tariff, and
   proceeded with the bond issue. …

   "The failure of the bills in the Senate was foreseen, but the
   precise form in which it was manifested excited some surprise.
   On February 1, [1896], the bond bill was transformed by the
   adoption of a substitute providing for the free coinage of
   silver, and this was passed by a vote of 42 to 35. On the 14th
   the House refused, by 215 to 90, to concur in the Senate's
   amendment, and the whole subject was dropped. Meanwhile the
   Senate finance committee had reported a free-coinage
   substitute for the House tariff bill also. But after this
   further exhibition of their strength the silver senators
   refused to go further, and on February 25 joined with the
   Democrats in rejecting, by 33 to 22, a motion to take up the
   bill for consideration. This vote was recognized as finally
   disposing of the measure."

      _Political Science Quarterly,
      June, 1896._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895-1896 (December-December).
   Plans for coast defense.

   In his annual report to the President, 1895, the Secretary of
   War wrote as follows of pending plans for coast defense, and
   of the progress of work upon them:

   "In your annual message transmitted to Congress in December,
   1886, attention was directed to the urgent necessity for
   seacoast defense in these words: 'The defenseless condition of
   our seacoast and lake frontier is perfectly palpable; the
   examinations made must convince us all that certain of our
   cities should be fortified and that work on the most important
   of these fortifications should be commenced at once.' … Since
   that time the condition of these defenses has been under grave
   consideration by the people and by this Department. Its
   inadequacy and impotency have been so evident that the
   intelligence of the country long since ceased to discuss that
   humiliating phase of the subject, but has addressed itself to
   the more practical undertaking of urging more rapid progress
   in the execution of the plan of defense devised by the
   Endicott Board in 1886, with subsequent slight modifications.
   That plan contemplated a system of fortifications at 27 ports
   (to which Puget Sound was subsequently added), requiring 677
   guns and 824 mortars of modern construction, at a cost of
   $97,782,800, excluding $28,595,000 for floating batteries. By
   an immediate appropriation at that time of $21,500,000 and an
   annual appropriation of $9,000,000 thereafter, as then
   recommended, the system of land defenses could have been
   completed in 1895.

{563}

   "The original plan contemplated an expenditure of $97,782,800
   by the end of the present year. The actual expenditures and
   appropriations for armament and emplacements have, however,
   been but $10,631,000. The first appropriation for guns was
   made only seven years ago and the first appropriation for
   emplacements was made only five years ago. The average annual
   appropriations for these two objects has been less than
   $1,500,000. The work has therefore been conducted at about
   one-seventh the rate proposed. If future appropriations for
   the manufacture of guns, mortars, and carriages be no larger
   than the average authorized for the purpose since 1888, it
   will require twenty-two years more to supply the armament of
   the eighteen important ports for which complete projects are
   approved. If the appropriations for the engineer work are to
   continue at the rate of the annual appropriations since 1890,
   it will require seventy years to complete the emplacements and
   platforms for this armament for the ports referred to."

      _Report of the Secretary of War, 1895,
      page 19 (54th Congress, 1st Session,
      House Document volume 1)._

   In his Message of the following year, the subject was touched
   upon by the President, as follows:

   "During the past year rapid progress has been made toward the
   completion of the scheme adopted for the erection and armament
   of fortifications along our seacoast, while equal progress has
   been made in providing the material for submarine defense in
   connection with these works. … We shall soon have complete
   about one-fifth of the comprehensive system, the first step in
   which was noted in my message to the Congress of December 4,
   1893. When it is understood that a masonry emplacement not
   only furnishes a platform for the heavy modern high-power gun,
   but also in every particular serves the purpose and takes the
   place of the fort of former days, the importance of the work
   accomplished is better comprehended. In the hope that the work
   will be prosecuted with no less vigor in the future, the
   Secretary of War has submitted an estimate by which, if
   allowed, there will be provided and either built or building
   by the end of the next fiscal year such additional guns,
   mortars, gun carriages, and emplacements, as will represent
   not far from one-third of the total work to be done under the
   plan adopted for our coast defenses—thus affording a prospect
   that the entire work will be substantially completed within
   six years. In less time than that, however, we shall have
   attained a marked degree of security. The experience and
   results of the past year demonstrate that with a continuation
   of present careful methods the cost of the remaining work will
   be much less than the original estimate. We should always keep
   in mind that of all forms of military preparation coast
   defense alone is essentially pacific in its nature."

      _Message of the President, 1896
      (54th Congress, 2d Session, House Document, volume 1)._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (January).
   Admission of Utah to the Union.

      See (in this volume)
      UTAH: A. D. 1895-1896.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (January-February).
   Appointment of commission to investigate the
   Venezuela boundary.
   Re-opening of discussion with Great Britain on the
   arbitration of the dispute.

      See (in this volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (February).
   New treaty with Great Britain for arbitration of
   Bering Sea claims.

      See (in this volume)
      BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (February).
   Weyler made Governor of Cuba.
   His Concentration Order.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (March).
   Removal of Confederate disabilities.

   The following enactment of Congress, which may, with
   propriety, be styled an "Act of Oblivion," was approved by the
   President on the 31st of March, 1896:

   "That section twelve hundred and eighteen of the Revised
   Statutes of the United States, as amended by chapter forty-six
   of the laws of 1884, which section is as follows: 'No person
   who held a commission in the Army or Navy of the United States
   at the beginning of the late rebellion, and afterwards served
   in any capacity in the military, naval, or civil service of
   the so-called Confederate States, or of either of the States
   in insurrection during the late rebellion, shall be appointed
   to any position in the Army or Navy of the United States,' be,
   and the same is hereby, repealed."

      _United States of America, Statutes at Large,
      volume 29, page 84._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (May).
   Extension of civil service rules by President Cleveland.

      See (in this volume)
      CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1893-1896.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (June-November).
   The Presidential election.
   The silver question at issue.
   Party Platforms and Nominations.

   A national conference held at Washington, in March, 1895, may
   be looked upon as the beginning of a widely and powerfully
   organized movement to force the demand for a free and
   unlimited coinage of silver, on equal terms, as legal tender
   money, with gold, into the front of the issues of the
   presidential canvass of 1896. The agitation then projected was
   carried on with extraordinary ardor and skill and had
   astonishing success. It was helped by the general depression
   of business in the country, and especially by the long
   continued ruling of low prices for the produce of the
   farms,—for all of which effects the gold standard of values
   was held to be the one relentless cause. In both political
   parties the free silver propaganda was pushed with startling
   effect, and there seemed to be doubt, for a time, whether the
   controlling politicians in either would take an opposing
   stand. Southern influences proved decisive of the result in
   the Democratic party; eastern influences in that of the
   Republicans. The ranks of the former were swept rapidly into
   the movement for free silver, and the party chiefs of the
   latter were driven to a conflict with it, not wholly by
   convictions or will of their own. During the spring and early
   summer of 1896, the Democratic Party in State after State
   became committed on the question, by declarations for the
   unlimited free coinage of silver, at the ratio of 16 to 1;
   until there was tolerable certainty, some weeks before the
   meeting of the national convention, that its nominee for
   President must be one who represented that demand. How
   positively the Republican Party would champion the gold
   monetary standard was somewhat less assured, though its stand
   on that side had been taken in a general way.

{564}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
   Republican Platform and Nominations.

   The Republican national convention was held at St. Louis, on
   the 16th, 17th and 18th of June. The "platform" reported by
   the committee on resolutions was adopted without amendment on
   the last named date. Its declarations were as follows:

   "The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their
   representatives in National Convention, appealing for the
   popular and historical justification of their claims to the
   matchless achievements of the thirty years of Republican rule,
   earnestly and confidently address themselves to the awakened
   intelligence, experience, and conscience of their countrymen
   in the following declaration of facts and principles:

   "For the first time since the civil war the American people
   have witnessed the calamitous consequences of full and
   unrestricted Democratic control of the Government. It has been
   a record of unparalleled incapacity, dishonor, and disaster.
   In administrative management it has ruthlessly sacrificed
   indispensable revenue, entailed an unceasing deficit, eked out
   ordinary current expenses with borrowed money, piled up the
   public debt by $262,000,000 in time of peace, forced an
   adverse balance of trade, kept a perpetual menace hanging over
   the redemption fund, pawned American credit to alien
   syndicates, and reversed all the measures and results of
   successful Republican rule.

   "In the broad effect of its policy it has precipitated panic,
   blighted industry and trade with prolonged depression, closed
   factories, reduced work and wages, halted enterprise, and
   crippled American production while stimulating foreign
   production for the American market. Every consideration of
   public safety and individual interest demands that the
   Government shall be rescued from the hands of those who have
   shown themselves incapable to conduct it without disaster at
   home and dishonor abroad, and shall be restored to the party
   which for thirty years administered it with unequalled success
   and prosperity, and in this connection we heartily endorse the
   wisdom, patriotism, and the success of the administration of
   President Harrison.

   "We renew and emphasize our allegiance to the policy of
   protection as the bulwark of American industrial independence
   and the foundation of American development and prosperity.
   This true American policy taxes foreign products and
   encourages home industry; it puts the burden of revenue on
   foreign goods; it secures the American market for the American
   producer; it upholds the American standard of wages for the
   American workingman; it puts the factory by the side of the
   farm, and makes the American farmer less dependent on foreign
   demand and price; it diffuses general thrift, and founds the
   strength of all on the strength of each. In its reasonable
   application it is just, fair, and impartial; equally opposed
   to foreign control and domestic monopoly, to sectional
   discrimination, and individual favoritism.

   "We denounce the present Democratic tariff as sectional,
   injurious to the public credit, and destructive to business
   enterprise. "We demand such an equitable tariff on foreign
   imports which come into competition with American products as
   will not only furnish adequate revenue for the necessary
   expenses of the Government, but will protect American labor
   from degradation to the wage level of other lands. We are not
   pledged to any particular schedules. The question of rates is
   a practical question, to be governed by the conditions of the
   time and of production; the ruling and uncompromising
   principle is the protection and development of American labor
   and industry. The country demands a right settlement, and then
   it wants rest.

   "We believe the repeal of the reciprocity arrangements
   negotiated by the last Republican administration was a
   national calamity, and we demand their renewal and extension
   on such terms as will equalize our trade with other nations,
   remove the restrictions which now obstruct the sale of
   American products in the ports of other countries, and secure
   enlarged markets for the products of our farms, forests, and
   factories.

      See, in volume 5,
      TARIFF LEGISLATION (UNITED STATES):
      A. D. 1890, and 1894.

   "Protection and reciprocity are twin measures of Republican
   policy and go hand in hand. Democratic rule has recklessly
   struck down both, and both must be re-established. Protection
   for what we produce; free admission for the necessaries of
   life which we do not produce; reciprocity agreements of mutual
   interests which again open markets for us in return for our
   open markets to others. Protection builds up domestic industry
   and trade and secures our own market for ourselves; reciprocity
   builds up foreign trade and finds an outlet for our surplus.
   We condemn the present administration for not keeping faith
   with the sugar producers of this country. The Republican party
   favors such protection as will lead to the production on
   American soil of all the sugar which the American people use,
   and for which they pay other countries more than $100,000,000
   annually. To all our products—to those of the mine and the
   fields as well as to those of the shop and the factory—to
   hemp, to wool, the product of the great industry of sheep
   husbandry, as well as to the finished woollens of the mill—we
   promise the most ample protection.

   "We favor restoring the early American policy of
   discriminating duties for the upbuilding of our merchant
   marine and the protection of our shipping in the foreign
   carrying trade, so that American ships—the product of American
   labor, employed in American shipyards, sailing under the Stars
   and Stripes, and manned, officered, and owned by Americans—may
   regain the carrying of our foreign commerce.

   "The Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. It
   caused the enactment of the law providing for the resumption
   of specie payments in 1879; since then every dollar has been
   as good as gold. We are unalterably opposed to every measure
   calculated to debase our currency or impair the credit of our
   country. We are, therefore, opposed to the free coinage of
   silver except by international agreement with the leading
   commercial nations of the world, which we pledge ourselves to
   promote, and until such agreement can be obtained the existing
   gold standard must be preserved. All our silver and paper
   currency must be maintained at parity with gold, and we favor
   all measures designed to maintain inviolably the obligations
   of the United States and all our money, whether coin or paper,
   at the present standard, the standard of the most enlightened
   nations of the earth.

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   "The veterans of the Union Army deserve and should receive
   fair treatment and generous recognition. Whenever practicable,
   they should be given the preference in the matter of
   employment, and they are entitled to the enactment of such
   laws as are best calculated to secure the fulfillment of the
   pledges made to them in the dark days of the country's peril.
   We denounce the practice in the Pension Bureau, so recklessly
   and unjustly carried on by the present administration, of
   reducing pensions and arbitrarily dropping names from the
   rolls as deserving the severest condemnation of the American
   people.

   "Our foreign policy should be at all times firm, vigorous, and
   dignified, and all our interests in the Western Hemisphere
   carefully watched and guarded. The Hawaiian Islands should be
   controlled by the United States, and no foreign power should
   be permitted to interfere with them; the Nicaraguan Canal
   should be built, owned, and operated by the United States; and
   by the purchase of the Danish Islands we should secure a
   proper and much needed naval station in the West Indies.

   "The massacres in Armenia have aroused the deep sympathy and
   just indignation of the American people, and we believe that
   the United States should exercise all the influence it can
   properly exert to bring these atrocities to an end. In Turkey
   American residents have been exposed to the gravest dangers
   and American property destroyed. There and everywhere American
   citizens and American property must be absolutely protected at
   all hazards and at any cost.

   "We reassert the Monroe doctrine in its full extent, and we
   reaffirm the right of the United States to give the doctrine
   effect by responding to the appeal of any American State for
   friendly intervention in case of European encroachment. We
   have not interfered with and shall not interfere with the
   existing possessions of any European power in this hemisphere,
   but those possessions must not on any pretext be extended. We
   hopefully look forward to the eventual withdrawal of European
   powers from this hemisphere and to the ultimate union of all
   the English-speaking parts of the continent by the free
   consent of its inhabitants.

   "From the hour of achieving their own independence the people
   of the United States have regarded with sympathy the struggles
   of other American people to free themselves from European
   domination. We watch with deep and abiding interest the heroic
   battle of the Cuban patriots against cruelty and oppression,
   and our best hopes go out for the full success of their
   determined contest for liberty. The Government of Spain having
   lost control of Cuba, and being unable to protect the property
   or lives of resident American citizens, or to comply with its
   treaty obligations, we believe that the Government of the
   United States should actively use its influence and good
   offices to restore peace and give independence to the island.

   "The peace and security of the Republic and the maintenance of
   its rightful influence among the nations of the earth demand a
   naval power commensurate with its position and responsibility.
   We therefore favor the continued enlargement of the navy and a
   complete system of harbor and seacoast defenses.

   "For the protection of the quality of our American citizenship
   and of the wages of our workingmen against the fatal
   competition of low-priced labor, we demand that the
   immigration laws be thoroughly enforced and so extended as to
   exclude from entrance to the United States those who can
   neither read nor write.

   "The civil-service law was placed on the statute book by the
   Republican party, which has always sustained it, and we renew
   our repeated declarations that it shall be thoroughly and
   honestly enforced and extended wherever practicable.

   "We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be
   allowed to cast one free and unrestricted ballot, and that
   such ballot shall be counted and returned as cast.

   "We proclaim our unqualified condemnation of the uncivilized
   and barbarous practice, well known as lynching or killing of
   human beings suspected or charged with crime, without process
   of law. We favor the creation of a National board of
   arbitration to settle and adjust differences which may arise
   between employers and employed engaged in interstate commerce.

   "We believe in an immediate return to the free-homestead
   policy of the Republican party, and urge the passage by
   Congress of a satisfactory free-homestead measure such as has
   already passed the House and is now pending in the Senate.

   "We favor the admission of the remaining Territories at the
   earliest practicable date, having due regard to the interests
   of the people of the Territories and of the United States. All
   the Federal officers appointed for the Territories should be
   selected from bona fide residents thereof, and the right of
   self-government should be accorded as far as practicable.

   "We believe the citizens of Alaska should have representation
   in the Congress of the United States, to the end that needful
   legislation may be intelligently enacted.

   "We sympathize with all wise and legitimate efforts to lessen
   and prevent the evils of intemperance and promote morality.

   "The Republican party is mindful of the rights and interests
   of women. Protection of American industries includes equal
   opportunities, equal pay for equal work, and protection to the
   home. We favor the admission of women to wider spheres of
   usefulness, and welcome their co-operation in rescuing the
   country from Democratic and Populist mismanagement and
   misrule.

   "Such are the principles and policies of the Republican party.
   By these principles we will abide and these policies we will
   put into execution. We ask for them the considerate judgment
   of the American people. Confident alike in the history of our
   great party and in the justice of our cause, we present our
   platform and our candidates in the full assurance that the
   election will bring victory to the Republican party and
   prosperity to the people of the United States."

   Before the adoption of this platform, a motion to amend its
   currency "plank," by substituting a declaration in favor of
   "the use of both gold and silver as equal standard money," was
   laid on the table by a vote of 818½ to 105½. A protest from
   delegates representing Colorado, Idaho, Nevada, Utah, Montana
   and South Dakota was then read, and twenty-two withdrew from
   the convention, as a sign of secession from the party.

{566}

   Immediately following the adoption of the platform, the
   Honorable William McKinley, ex-Governor of Ohio, and of fame
   in his connection with the tariff act of 1890, was nominated
   on the first ballot for President of the United States, by
   661½ votes against 240½ divided among several opposing
   candidates, and the nomination was then made unanimous. For
   Vice President, the Honorable Garret A. Hobart, of New Jersey,
   was named, and similarly by the first voting.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1896.
   Democratic Platform and Nominations.

   The Democratic national convention was held in Chicago, July
   7-11. The delegates who came to it from the southern States,
   and from most of the States west of Ohio, were arrayed with a
   close approach to solid ranks for free silver; while those
   from New England and the Middle States opposed them in a
   phalanx almost equally firm. The "Gold Democrats" or "Sound
   Money Democrats," as the latter were called, ably led by
   ex-Governor Hill, of New York, fought hard to the end, but
   without avail. The financial resolution they strove to place
   in the platform was the following:

   "We declare our belief that the experiment on the part of the
   United States alone of free-silver coinage, and a change in
   the existing standard of value independently of the action of
   other great nations, would not only imperil our finances, but
   would retard or entirely prevent the establishment of
   international bimetallism, to which the efforts of the
   government should be steadily directed. It would place this
   country at once upon a silver basis, impair contracts, disturb
   business, diminish the purchasing power of the wages of labor,
   and inflict irreparable evils upon our nation's commerce and
   industry.

   "Until international co-operation among leading nations for
   the coinage of silver can be secured, we favor the rigid
   maintenance of the existing gold standard as essential to the
   preservation of our national credit, the redemption of our
   public pledges, and the keeping inviolate of our country's
   honor. We insist that all our paper currency shall be kept at
   a parity with gold. The democratic party is the party of hard
   money, and is opposed to legal-tender paper money as a part of
   our permanent financial system; and we therefore favor the
   gradual retirement and cancellation of all United States notes
   and treasury notes, under such legislative provisions as will
   prevent undue contraction. We demand that the national credit
   shall be resolutely maintained at all times and under all
   circumstances. "

   This resolution was rejected by 626 votes against 303. Another
   resolution from the same source, commending "the honesty,
   economy, courage and fidelity" of the "democratic national
   administration" of President Cleveland, was voted down by 564
   to 357. Resolutions to protect existing contracts against a
   change of monetary standard, and to provide for a suspension
   of silver free coinage, at the ratio of 16 to 1, after trial
   for one year, if it failed to maintain parity between silver
   and gold, were similarly voted down. The declarations then
   adopted, for the "platform" of the party, were as follows:

   "We, the Democrats of the United States, in National
   Convention assembled, do reaffirm our allegiance to those
   great essential principles of justice and liberty upon which
   our institutions are founded, and which the Democratic party
   has advocated from Jefferson's time to our own—freedom of
   speech, freedom of the press, freedom of conscience, the
   preservation of personal rights, the equality of all citizens
   before the law, and the faithful observance of constitutional
   limitations.

   "During all these years the Democratic party has resisted the
   tendency of selfish interests to the centralization of
   governmental power, and steadfastly maintained the integrity
   of the dual scheme of government established by the founders
   of this Republic of republics. Under its guidance and
   teachings the great principle of local self-government has
   found its best expression in the maintenance of the rights of
   the States and in its assertion of the necessity of confining
   the General Government to the exercise of the powers granted
   by the Constitution of the United States.

   "Recognizing that the money question is paramount to all
   others at this time, we invite attention to the fact that the
   Federal Constitution names silver and gold together as the
   money metals of the United States, and that the first coinage
   law passed by Congress under the Constitution made the silver
   dollar the monetary unit, and admitted gold to free coinage at
   a ratio based upon the silver-dollar unit.

   "We declare that the act of 1873 demonetizing silver without
   the knowledge or approval of the American people has resulted
   in the appreciation of gold and a corresponding fall in the
   prices of commodities produced by the people; a heavy increase
   in the burden of taxation and of all debts, public and
   private; the enrichment of the money-lending class at home and
   abroad; prostration of industry and impoverishment of the
   people.

   "We are unalterably opposed to gold monometallism, which has
   locked fast the prosperity of an industrial people in the
   paralysis of hard times. Gold monometallism is a British
   policy, and its adoption has brought other nations into
   financial servitude to London. It is not only un-American but
   anti-American, and it can be fastened on the United States
   only by the stifling of that spirit and love of liberty which
   proclaimed our political independence in 1776 and won it in
   the war of the Revolution.

   "We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and
   silver at the present legal ratio of sixteen to one, without
   waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation. We demand
   that the standard silver dollar shall be a full legal tender,
   equally with gold, for all debts, public and private, and we
   favor such legislation as will prevent for the future the
   demonetization of any kind of legal-tender money by private
   contract.

   "We are opposed to the policy and practice of surrendering to
   the holders of the obligations of the United States the option
   reserved by law to the Government of redeeming such
   obligations in either silver coin or gold coin.

   "We are opposed to the issuing of interest-bearing bonds of
   the United States in time of peace, and condemn the
   trafficking with banking syndicates which, in exchange for
   bonds and at an enormous profit to themselves, supply the
   Federal Treasury with gold to maintain the policy of gold
   monometallism.

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   "Congress alone has the power to coin and issue money, and
   President Jackson declared that this power could not be
   delegated to corporations or individuals. We therefore demand
   that the power to issue notes to circulate as money be taken
   from the National banks, and that all paper money shall be
   issued directly by the Treasury Department, be redeemable in
   coin, and receivable for all debts, public and private.

   "We hold that the tariff duties should be levied for purposes
   of revenue, such duties to be so adjusted as to operate
   equally throughout the country and not discriminate between
   class or section, and that taxation should be limited by the
   needs of the Government honestly and economically
   administered.

   "We denounce, as disturbing to business, the Republican threat
   to restore the:McKinley law, which has been twice condemned by
   the people in national elections, and which, enacted under the
   false plea of protection to home industry, proved a prolific
   breeder of trusts and monopolies, enriched the few at the
   expense of the many, restricted trade, and deprived the
   producers of the great American staples of access to their
   natural markets. Until the money question is settled we are
   opposed to any agitation for further changes in our tariff
   laws, except such as are necessary to make the deficit in
   revenue caused by the adverse decision of the Supreme Court on
   the income tax.

   "There would be no deficit in the revenue but for the
   annulment by the Supreme Court of a law passed by a Democratic
   Congress in strict pursuance of the uniform decisions of that
   court for nearly 100 years, that court having sustained
   constitutional objections to its enactment which had been
   overruled by the ablest judges who have ever sat on that
   bench. We declare that it is the duty of Congress to use all
   the constitutional power which remains after that decision, or
   which may come by its reversal by the court, as it may
   hereafter be constituted, so that the burdens of taxation may
   be equally and impartially laid, to the end that wealth may
   bear its due proportion of the expenses of the Government.

   "We hold that the most efficient way to protect American labor
   is to prevent the importation of foreign pauper labor to
   compete with it in the home market, and that the value of the
   home market to our American farmers and artisans is greatly
   reduced by a vicious monetary system, which depresses the
   prices of their products below the cost of production, and
   thus deprives them of the means of purchasing the products of
   our home manufacture.

   "We denounce the profligate waste of the money wrung from the
   people by oppressive taxation and the lavish appropriations of
   recent Republican Congresses, which have kept taxes high,
   while the labor that pays them is unemployed, and the products
   of the people's toil are depressed in price till they no
   longer repay the cost of production. We demand a return to
   that simplicity and economy which best befit a Democratic
   Government and a reduction in the number of useless offices,
   the salaries of which drain the substance of the people.

   "We denounce arbitrary interference by Federal authorities in
   local affairs as a violation of the Constitution of the United
   States and a crime against free institutions, and we
   especially object to government by injunction as a new and
   highly dangerous form of oppression, by which Federal judges,
   in contempt of the laws of the States and rights of citizens,
   become at once legislators, judges, and executioners, and we
   approve the bill passed at the last session of the United
   States Senate, and now pending in the House, relative to
   contempts in Federal courts, and providing for trials by jury
   in certain cases of contempt.

   "No discrimination should be indulged by the Government of the
   United States in favor of any of its debtors. We approve of
   the refusal of the Fifty-third Congress to pass the Pacific
   Railroad funding bill, and denounce the effort of the present
   Republican Congress to enact a similar measure.

   "Recognizing the just claims of deserving Union soldiers, we
   heartily endorse the rule of the present Commissioner of
   Pensions that no names shall be arbitrarily dropped from the
   pension roll, and the fact of an enlistment and service should
   be deemed conclusive evidence against disease or disability
   before enlistment.

   "We extend our sympathy to the people of Cuba in their heroic
   struggle for liberty and independence.

   "We are opposed to life tenure in the public service. We favor
   appointments based upon merit, fixed terms of office, and such
   an administration of the civil-service laws as will afford
   equal opportunities to all citizens of ascertained fitness.

   "We declare it to be the unwritten law of this Republic,
   established by custom and usage of 100 years, and sanctioned
   by the examples of the greatest and wisest of those who
   founded and have maintained our Government, that no man should
   be eligible for a third term of the Presidential office.

   "The absorption of wealth by the few, the consolidation of our
   leading railroad systems, and formation of trusts and pools
   require a stricter control by the Federal Government of those
   arteries of commerce. ''We demand the enlargement of the
   powers of the Inter-state Commerce Commission, and such
   restrictions and guarantees in the control of railroads as
   will protect the people from robbery and oppression.

   "We favor the admission of the Territories of New Mexico and
   Arizona into the Union as States, and we favor the early
   admission of all the Territories giving the necessary
   population and resources to entitle them to Statehood; and
   while they remain Territories we hold that the officials
   appointed to administer the government of any Territory,
   together with the District of Columbia and Alaska, should be
   bona fide residents of the Territory or District in which
   their duties are to be performed. The Democratic party
   believes in home rule, and that all public lands of the United
   States should be appropriated to the establishment of free
   homes for American citizens.

   "We recommend that the Territory of Alaska be granted a
   Delegate in Congress, and that the general land and timber
   laws of the United States be extended to said Territory.

   "The Federal Government should care for and improve the
   Mississippi River and other great waterways of the Republic so
   as to secure for the interior people easy and cheap
   transportation to tidewater. When any waterway of the Republic
   is of sufficient importance to demand aid of the Government,
   such aid should be extended upon a definite plan of continuous
   work until permanent improvement is secured.

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   "Confiding in the justice of our cause and the necessity of
   its success at the polls, we submit the foregoing declaration
   of principles and purposes to the considerate judgment of the
   American people. We invite the support of all citizens who
   approve them, and who desire to have them made effective
   through legislation for the relief of the people and the
   restoration of the country's prosperity."

   In the course of the debate upon the silver question, a speech
   of impassioned eloquence was made by William J. Bryan, of
   Nebraska, who had represented his district in Congress for two
   terms, 1891-1894, and who was rising to prominence among the
   leaders of the free-silver Democracy of the west. The speech
   excited an enthusiasm and an admiration which led to the
   nomination of Mr. Bryan for the presidency. That unexpected
   choice was reached after four ballots, in each of which the
   votes for the Nebraska orator rose steadily in number. At the
   fifth ballot they had passed the requisite two-thirds, and his
   nomination was declared to be unanimous, though protests were
   made. The entire delegation from New York and many delegates
   from New England and New Jersey cast no votes, refusing to
   take any part in the nomination of a candidate on the platform
   laid down. The chosen candidate for Vice President was Arthur
   Sewall, of Maine.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1896.
   The National Silver Party.

   The considerable body of Republicans who desired an unlimited
   free coinage of silver, and were prepared to quit their party
   on that issue, had made efforts to persuade the Democratic
   convention at Chicago to accept their leader, Senator Teller,
   of Colorado, for its presidential candidate. Failing in that,
   they assembled a convention of delegates at St. Louis, July
   22-24, and, under the name of the "National Silver Party,"
   took the alternative method of uniting the free-silver
   Republican vote with that of the free-silver Democracy, by
   accepting the Democratic nominations as their own. William J.
   Bryan and Arthur Sewall were duly nominated for President and
   Vice President, and a "platform" set forth as follows:

   "The National Silver Party in Convention assembled hereby
   adopts the following declaration of principles:

   "First. The paramount issue at this time in the United States
   is indisputably the money question. It is between the gold
   standard, gold bonds, and bank currency on the one side and
   the bimetallic standard, no bonds, and Government currency on
   the other.

   "On this issue we declare ourselves to be in favor of a
   distinctively American financial system. We are unalterably
   opposed to the single gold standard, and demand the immediate
   return to the constitutional standard of gold and silver, by
   the restoration by this Government, independently of any
   foreign power, of the unrestricted coinage of both gold and
   silver into standard money at the ratio of sixteen to one, and
   upon terms of exact equality, as they existed prior to 1873;
   the silver coin to be a full legal tender equally with gold
   for all debts and dues, private and public, and we favor such
   legislation as will prevent for the future the demonetization
   of any kind of legal-tender money by private contract.

   "We hold that the power to control and regulate a paper
   currency is inseparable from the power to coin money, and
   hence that all currency intended to circulate as money should
   be issued, and its volume controlled by the General Government
   only, and should be legal tender.

   "We are unalterably opposed to the issue by the United States
   of interest-bearing bonds in time of peace, and we denounce as
   a blunder worse than a crime the present Treasury policy,
   concurred in by a Republican House, of plunging the country in
   debt by hundreds of millions in the vain attempt to maintain
   the gold standard by borrowing gold, and we demand the payment
   of all coin obligations of the United States as provided by
   existing laws, in either gold or silver coin, at the option of
   the Government and not at the option of the creditor.

   "The demonetization of silver in 1873 enormously increased the
   demand for gold, enhancing its purchasing power and lowering
   all prices measured by that standard; and since that unjust
   and indefensible act the prices of American products have
   fallen upon an average nearly fifty per cent., carrying down
   with them proportionately the money value of all other forms
   of property. Such fall of prices has destroyed the profits of
   legitimate industry, injuring the producer for the benefit of
   the non-producer, increasing the burden of the debtor,
   swelling the gains of the creditor, paralyzing the productive
   energies of the American people, relegating to idleness vast
   numbers of willing workers, sending the shadows of despair
   into the home of the honest toiler, filling the land with
   tramps and paupers, and building up colossal fortunes at the
   money centres.

   "In the effort to maintain the gold standard the country has,
   within the last two years, in a time of profound peace and
   plenty, been loaded down with $262,000,000 of additional
   interest-bearing debt, under such circumstances as to allow a
   syndicate of native and foreign bankers to realize a net
   profit of millions on a single deal.

   "It stands confessed that the gold standard can only be upheld
   by so depleting our paper currency as to force the prices of
   our product below the European and even below the Asiatic
   level to enable us to sell in foreign markets, thus
   aggravating the very evils our people so bitterly complain of,
   degrading American labor, and striking at the foundations of
   our civilization itself.

   "The advocates of the gold standard persistently claim that
   the cause of our distress is over-production; that we have
   produced so much that it has made us poor—which implies that
   the true remedy is to close the factory, abandon the farm, and
   throw a multitude of people out of employment, a doctrine that
   leaves us unnerved and disheartened, and absolutely without
   hope for the future.

   "We affirm it to be unquestioned that there can be no such
   economic paradox as over-production, and at the same time tens
   of thousands of our fellow-citizens remaining half-clothed and
   half-fed, and who are piteously clamoring for the common
   necessities of life.

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   "Second. That over and above all other questions of policy we
   are in favor of restoring to the people of the United States
   the time-honored money of the Constitution—gold and silver,
   not one, but both—the money of Washington and Hamilton and
   Jefferson and Monroe and Jackson and Lincoln, to the end that
   the American people may receive honest pay for an honest
   product; that the American debtor may pay his just obligations
   in an honest standard, and not in a standard that has depreciated
   100 per cent. above all the great staples of our country, and
   to the end further that the standard countries may be deprived
   of the unjust advantage they now enjoy in the difference in
   exchange between gold and silver—an advantage which tariff
   legislation alone cannot overcome.

   "We therefore confidently appeal to the people of the United
   States to leave in abeyance for the moment all other
   questions, however important and even momentous they may
   appear, to sunder, if need be, all former party ties and
   affiliations, and unite in one supreme effort to free
   themselves and their children from the domination of the money
   power—a power more destructive than any which has ever been
   fastened upon the civilized men of any race or in any age, and
   upon the consummation of our desires and efforts we invoke the
   gracious favor of Divine Providence.

   "Inasmuch as the patriotic majority of the Chicago convention
   embodied in the financial plank of its platform the principles
   enunciated in the platform of the American Bimetallic party,
   promulgated at Washington, D. C., January 22, 1896, and herein
   reiterated, which is not only the paramount but the only real
   issue in the pending campaign, therefore, recognizing that
   their nominees embody these patriotic principles, we recommend
   that this convention nominate William J. Bryan, of Nebraska, for
   President, and Arthur Sewall, of Maine, for Vice President."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1896.
   People's or Populist Party Platform and Nominations.

   The People's Party, more commonly called the Populist Party,
   held its national convention at St. Louis on the 22d-25th of
   July, simultaneously with that of the National Silver Party,
   and with strong influences urging it to act on the same line.
   One section of the party strove to bring about a complete
   endorsement of the Democratic nominations made at Chicago.
   Another section, styled the "Middle-of-the-Road" Populists,
   opposed any coalition with other parties; while a third wished
   to nominate Bryan, with a Populist candidate for Vice
   President, looking to an arrangement with the Democratic
   organization for a fusion of electoral tickets in various
   States. The idea of the latter prevailed, and William J. Bryan
   was nominated for President, with Thomas E. Watson, of
   Georgia, for Vice President. The People's Party had little
   disagreement with the Chicago declarations of the Democratic
   Party, and none at all on financial questions, concerning
   which its doctrines were set forth in the following platform:

   "The People's Party, assembled in National Convention,
   reaffirms its allegiance to the principles declared by the
   founders of the Republic, and also to the fundamental
   principles of just government as enunciated in the platform of
   the party in 1892.

   "We recognize that through the connivance of the present and
   preceding administrations the country has reached a crisis in
   its National life, as predicted in our declaration of four
   years ago, and that prompt and patriotic action is the supreme
   duty of the hour.

   "We realize that while we have political independence, our
   financial and industrial independence is yet to be attained by
   restoring to our country the constitutional control and
   exercise of the functions necessary to a people's government,
   which functions have been basely surrendered by our public
   servants to corporations and monopolies. The influence of
   European money-changers has been more potent in shaping
   legislation than the voice of the American people. Executive
   power and patronage have been used to corrupt our legislatures
   and defeat the will of the people, and plutocracy has been
   enthroned upon the ruins of democracy. To restore the
   government intended by the fathers, and for the welfare and
   prosperity of this and future generations, we demand the
   establishment of an economic and financial system which shall
   make us masters of our own affairs and independent of European
   control, by the adoption of the following declaration of
   principles:

   "We demand a National money, safe and sound, issued by the
   general government only, without the intervention of banks of
   issue, to be a full legal tender for an debts, public and
   private, and a just, equitable, and efficient means of
   distribution direct to the people and through the lawful
   disbursements of the Government.

   "We demand the free and unrestricted coinage of silver and
   gold at the present legal ratio of sixteen to one, without
   waiting for the consent of foreign nations.

   "We demand that the volume of circulating medium be speedily
   increased to an amount sufficient to meet the demands of the
   business population of this country and to restore the just
   level of prices of labor and production.

   "We denounce the sale of bonds and the increase of the public
   interest-bearing bond debt made by the present administration
   as unnecessary and without authority of law, and we demand
   that no more bonds be issued except by specific act of
   Congress.

   "We demand such legislation as will prevent the demonetization
   of the lawful money of the United States by private contract.

   "We demand that the Government, in payment of its obligations,
   shall use its option as to the kind of lawful money in which
   they are to be paid, and we denounce the present and preceding
   administrations for surrendering this option to the holders of
   government obligations.

   "We demand a graduated income tax, to the end that aggregated
   wealth shall bear its just proportion of taxation, and we
   denounce the recent decision of the Supreme Court relative to
   the income-tax law as a misinterpretation of the Constitution
   and an invasion of the rightful powers of Congress over the
   subject of taxation.

   "We demand that postal savings banks be established by the
   Government for the safe deposit of the savings of the people
   and to facilitate exchange.

   "Transportation being a means of exchange and a public
   necessity, the Government should own and operate the railroads
   in the interest of the people and on non-partisan basis, to
   the end that all may be accorded the same treatment in
   transportation, and that the tyranny and political power now
   exercised by the great railroad corporations, which result in
   the impairment if not the destruction of the political rights
   and personal liberties of the citizens, may be destroyed. Such
   ownership is to be accomplished gradually, in a manner
   consistent with sound public policy.

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   "The interest of the United States in the public highways
   built with public moneys and the proceeds of extensive grants
   of land to the Pacific railroads should never be alienated,
   mortgaged, or sold, but guarded and protected for the general
   welfare as provided by the laws organizing such railroads. The
   foreclosure of existing liens of the United States on these
   roads should at once follow default in the payment of the debt
   of the companies, and at the foreclosure sales of said roads
   the Government should purchase the same if it becomes
   necessary to protect its interests therein, or if they can be
   purchased at a reasonable price; and the Government should
   operate said railroads as public highways for the benefit of
   the whole and not in the interest of the few, under suitable
   provisions for protection of life and property, giving to all
   transportation interests and privileges and equal rates for
   fares and freight.

   "We denounce the present infamous schemes for refunding those
   debts and demand that the laws now applicable thereto be
   executed and administered according to their true intent and
   spirit.

   "The telegraph, like the post-office system, being a necessity
   for the transmission of news, should be owned and operated by
   the Government in the interest of the people.

   "The true policy demands that the National and State
   legislation shall be such as will ultimately enable every
   prudent and industrious citizen to secure a home, and
   therefore the land should not be monopolized for speculative
   purposes.

   "All land now held by railroads and other corporations in
   excess of their actual needs should by lawful means be
   reclaimed by the Government and held for actual settlers only,
   and private land monopoly, as well as alien ownership, should
   be prohibited.

   "We condemn the frauds by which the land grant to the Pacific
   Railroad Companies have, through the connivance of the
   Interior Department, robbed multitudes of bona fide settlers
   of their homes and miners of their claims, and we demand
   legislation by Congress which will enforce the exemption of
   mineral land from such grants after as well as before patent.

   "We demand that bona fide settlers on all public lands be
   granted free homes, as provided in the National homestead law,
   and that no exception be made in the case of Indian
   reservations when opened for settlement, and that all lands
   not now patented come under this demand.

   "We favor a system of direct legislation through the
   initiative and referendum under proper constitutional
   safeguards.

   "We demand the election of President, Vice-President, and
   United States Senators by a direct vote of the people.

   "We tender to the patriotic people of Cuba our deepest
   sympathy in their heroic struggle for political freedom and
   independence, and we believe the time has come when the United
   States, the great Republic of the world, should recognize that
   Cuba is and of right ought to be a free and independent State.

   "We favor home rule in the Territories and the District of
   Columbia and the early admission of the Territories as States.

   "All public salaries should be made to correspond to the price
   of labor and its products.

   "In times of great industrial depression idle labor should be
   employed on public works as far as practicable.

   "The arbitrary course of the courts in assuming to imprison
   citizens for indirect contempt and ruling by injunction should
   be prevented by proper legislation.

   "We favor just pensions for our disabled Union soldiers.

   "Believing that the elective franchise and untrammelled ballot
   are essential to a government of, for, and by the people, the
   People's Party condemn the wholesale system of
   disfranchisement adopted in some States as unrepublican and
   undemocratic, and we declare it to be the duty of the several
   State legislatures to take such action as will secure a full,
   free, and fair ballot and an honest count.

   "While the foregoing propositions constitute the platform upon
   which our party stands, and for the vindication of which its
   organization will be maintained, we recognize that the great
   and pressing issue of the pending campaign, upon which the
   present Presidential election will turn, is the financial
   question, and upon this great and specific issue between the
   parties we cordially invite the aid and co-operation of all
   organizations and citizens agreeing with us upon this vital
   question."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1896.
   National Democratic Platform and Nominations.

   An extensive revolt in the Democratic Party against the
   declarations and the action of the party convention at Chicago
   had been quickly made manifest, and steps were soon taken
   towards giving it an organized form. These led to the
   assembling of a convention of delegates at Indianapolis, on
   the 2d and 3d of September, which, in the name of the
   "National Democratic Party," repudiated the platform and the
   candidates put forward at Chicago, and branded them as false
   to the historic party name which they assumed. General John M.
   Palmer, of Illinois, was put in nomination for President, and
   General Simon Bolivar Buckner, of Kentucky, for Vice
   President, of the United States, and a declaration of
   Democratic principles adopted, the fundamental passages of
   which are quoted in the following:

   "This convention has assembled to uphold the principles upon
   which depend the honor and welfare of the American people, in
   order that democrats throughout the Union may unite their
   patriotic efforts to avert disaster from their country and
   ruin from their party.

   "The democratic party is pledged to equal and exact justice to
   all men of every creed and condition; to the largest freedom
   of the individual consistent with good government; to the
   preservation of the federal government in its constitutional
   vigor, and to the support of the states in all their just
   rights; to economy in the public expenditures; to the
   maintenance of the public faith and sound money; and it is
   opposed to paternalism and all class legislation. The
   declarations of the Chicago convention attack individual
   freedom, the right of private contract, the independence of
   the judiciary, and the authority of the president to enforce
   federal laws. They advocate a reckless attempt to increase the
   price of silver by legislation, to the debasement of our
   monetary standard; and threaten unlimited issues of paper
   money by the government.
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   They abandon for republican allies the democratic cause of
   tariff reform, to court favor of protectionists to their
   fiscal heresy. In view of these and other grave departures
   from democratic principles, we cannot support the candidates
   of that convention, nor be bound by its acts. The democratic
   party has survived defeats, but could not survive a victory
   won in behalf of the doctrine and policy proclaimed in its
   name at Chicago.

   "The conditions, however, which made possible such utterances
   from a national convention, are the direct result of class
   legislation by the republican party. It still proclaims, as it
   has for years, the power and duty of government to raise and
   maintain prices by law, and it proposes no remedy for existing
   evils except oppressive and unjust taxation. … The demand of
   the republican party for an increase in tariff taxation has
   its pretext in the deficiency of the revenue, which has its
   causes in the stagnation of trade and reduced consumption, due
   entirely to the loss of confidence that has followed the
   populist threat of free coinage and depreciation of our money,
   and the republican practice of extravagant appropriations beyond
   the needs of good government. We arraign and condemn the
   populistic conventions of Chicago and St. Louis for their
   cooperation with the republican party in creating these
   conditions, which are pleaded in justification of a heavy
   increase of the burdens of the people by a further resort to
   protection. We therefore denounce protection and its ally,
   free coinage of silver, as schemes for the personal profit of
   a few at the expense of the masses; and oppose the two parties
   which stand for these schemes as hostile to the people of the
   republic, whose food and shelter, comfort and prosperity are
   attacked by higher taxes and depreciated money. In fine, we
   reaffirm the historic democratic doctrine of tariff for
   revenue only. …

   "The experience of mankind has shown that, by reason of their
   natural qualities, gold is the necessary money of the large
   affairs of commerce and business, while silver is conveniently
   adapted to minor transactions, and the most beneficial use of
   both together can be insured only by the adoption of the
   former as a standard of monetary measure, and the maintenance
   of silver at a parity with gold by its limited coinage under
   suitable safeguards of law. Thus the largest possible
   employment of both metals is gained with a value universally
   accepted throughout the world, which constitutes the only
   practical bimetallic currency, assuring the most stable
   standard, and especially the best and safest money for all who
   earn their livelihood by labor or the produce of husbandry. They
   cannot suffer when paid in the best money known to man, but
   are the peculiar and most defenceless victims of a debased and
   fluctuating currency, which offers continual profits to the
   money changer at their cost.

   "Realizing these truths demonstrated by long and public
   inconvenience and loss, the democratic party, in the interests
   of the masses and of equal justice to all, practically
   established by the legislation of 1834 and 1853 the gold
   standard of monetary measurement, and likewise entirely
   divorced the government from banking and currency issues. To
   this long-established democratic policy we adhere, and insist
   upon the maintenance of the gold standard, and of the parity
   therewith of every dollar issued by the government, and are
   firmly opposed to the free and unlimited coinage of silver and
   to the compulsory purchase of silver bullion. But we denounce
   also the further maintenance of the present costly patchwork
   system of national paper currency as a constant source of
   injury and peril. We assert the necessity of such intelligent
   currency reform as will confine the government to its
   legitimate functions, completely separated from the banking
   business, and afford to all sections of our country uniform,
   safe, and elastic bank currency under governmental
   supervision, measured in volume by the needs of business.

   "The fidelity, patriotism, and courage with which President
   Cleveland has fulfilled his great public trust, the high
   character of his administration, its wisdom and energy in the
   maintenance of civil order and the enforcement of the laws,
   its equal regard for the rights of every class and every
   section, its firm and dignified conduct of foreign affairs,
   and its sturdy persistence in upholding the credit and honor
   of the nation are fully recognized by the democratic party,
   and will secure to him a place in history beside the fathers
   of the republic. We also commend the administration for the
   great progress made in the reform of the public service, and
   we indorse its effort to extend the merit system still
   further. We demand that no backward step be taken, but that
   the reform be supported and advanced until the un-democratic
   spoils system of appointments be eradicated."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1896.
   Prohibition Platform and Nominations.

   The Prohibition Party had been the first to open the
   presidential campaign with candidates placed in the field. Its
   national convention was held at Pittsburg, on the 27th and
   28th of May, and its nominees for President and Vice President
   were Joshua Levering, of Maryland, and Hale Johnson, of
   Illinois. But a split in the convention occurred on attempts
   made to graft free-silver and kindred doctrines on the
   one-issue platform which the majority of the party desired.
   Except in a single particular, the latter prevailed. The
   platform adopted was as follows:

   "The Prohibition Party, in national convention assembled,
   declares its firm conviction that the manufacture,
   exportation, importation, and sale of alcoholic beverages has
   produced such social, commercial, industrial, and political
   wrongs, and is now so threatening the perpetuity of all our
   social and political institutions, that the suppression of the
   same by a national party organized therefor is the greatest
   object to be accomplished by the voters of our country, and is
   of such importance that it, of right, ought to control the
   political actions of all our patriotic citizens until such
   suppression is accomplished. The urgency of this course
   demands the union without further delay of all citizens who
   desire the prohibition of the liquor traffic. Therefore be it

   "Resolved, That we favor the legal prohibition by state and
   national legislation of the manufacture, importation, and sale
   of alcoholic beverages. That we declare our purpose to
   organize and unite all the friends of prohibition into one
   party; and in order to accomplish this end we deem it of right
   to leave every prohibitionist the freedom of his own
   convictions upon all other political questions, and trust our
   representatives to take such action upon other political
   questions as the changes occasioned by prohibition and the
   welfare of the whole people shall demand."

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   Resolved, "The right of suffrage ought not to be abridged on
   account of sex."

   Those delegates who were dissatisfied with this platform
   withdrew from the convention, assembled in another hall,
   assumed the name of "The National Party," adopted the
   following declarations, and nominated Charles E. Bentley, of
   Nebraska, and J. II. Southgate, of North Carolina, for the two
   highest offices in the national government:

   "The National Party, recognizing God as the author of all just
   power in government, presents the following declaration of
   principles, which it pledges itself to enact into effective
   legislation when given the power to do so:

   "The suppression of the manufacture and sale, importation,
   exportation, and transportation of intoxicating liquors for
   beverage purposes. We utterly reject all plans for regulating
   or compromising with this traffic, whether such plans be
   called local option, taxation, license, or public control. The
   sale of liquors for medicinal and other legitimate uses should
   be conducted by the State, without profit, and with such
   regulations as will prevent fraud or evasion.

   "No citizen should be denied the right to vote on account of
   sex.

   "All money should be issued by the General Government only,
   and without the intervention of any private citizen,
   corporation, or banking institution. It should be based upon
   the wealth, stability, and integrity of the nation. It should
   be a full legal tender for all debts, public and private, and
   should be of sufficient volume to meet the demands of the
   legitimate business interests of the country. For the purpose
   of honestly liquidating our outstanding coin obligations, we
   favor the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold,
   at the ratio of sixteen to one, without consulting any other
   nation.

   "Land is the common heritage of the people and should be
   preserved from monopoly and speculation. All unearned grants
   of land, subject to forfeiture, should be reclaimed by the
   Government and no portion of the public domain should
   hereafter be granted except to actual settlers, continuous use
   being essential to tenure.

   "Railroads, telegraphs, and other natural monopolies should be
   owned and operated by the Government, giving to the people the
   benefit of service at actual cost.

   "The National Constitution should be so amended as to allow
   the national revenues to be raised by equitable adjustment of
   taxation on the properties and incomes of the people, and
   import duties should be levied as a means of securing
   equitable commercial relations with other nations.

   "The contract convict-labor system, through which speculators
   are enriched at the expense of the State, should be abolished.

   "All citizens should be protected by law in their right to one
   day of rest in seven, without oppressing any who
   conscientiously observe any other than the first day of the
   week.

   "American public schools, taught in the English language,
   should be maintained, and no public funds should be
   appropriated for sectarian institutions.

   "The President, Vice-President, and United States Senators
   should be elected by direct vote of the people.

   "Ex-soldiers and sailors of the United States army and navy,
   their widows, and minor children, should receive liberal
   pensions, graded on disability and term of service, not merely
   as a debt of gratitude, but for service rendered in the
   preservation of the Union.

   "Our immigration laws should be so revised as to exclude
   paupers and criminals. None but citizens of the United States
   should be allowed to vote in any State, and naturalized
   citizens should not vote until one year after naturalization
   papers have been issued.

   "The initiative and referendum and proportional representation
   should be adopted.

   "Having herein presented our principles and purposes, we
   invite the co-operation and support of all citizens who are
   with us substantially agreed."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1896.
   Socialist-Labor Party Nominations.

   Still another party which placed candidates for the presidency
   and vice-presidency in nomination was the Socialist-Labor
   organization, which held a convention in New York, July 4-10,
   and named for the two high offices, Charles H. Matchett, of
   New York, and Mathew Maguire, of New Jersey. Its platform
   embodied the essential doctrines of socialism, as commonly
   understood, and was as follows:

   "The Socialist Labor Party of the United States, in convention
   assembled, reasserts the inalienable rights of all men to
   life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

   "With the founders of the American Republic we hold that the
   purpose of government is to secure every citizen in the
   enjoyment of this right; but in the right of our conditions we
   hold, furthermore, that no such right can be exercised under a
   system of economic inequality, essentially destructive of
   life, of liberty, and of happiness.

   "With the founders of this Republic we hold that the true
   theory of politics is that the machinery of government must be
   owned and controlled by the whole people; but in the light of
   our industrial development we hold, furthermore, that the true
   theory of economics is that the machinery of production must
   likewise belong to the people in common.

   "To the obvious fact that our despotic system of economics is
   the direct opposite of our democratic system of politics, can
   plainly be traced the existence of a privileged class, the
   corruption of Government by that class, the alienation of
   public property, public franchises, and public functions to
   that class, and the abject dependence of the mightiest of
   nations upon that class.

   "Again, through the perversion of democracy to the ends of
   plutocracy, labor is robbed of its wealth which it alone
   produces, is denied the means of self-employment, and by
   compulsory idleness in wage slavery, is even deprived of the
   necessaries of life.

   "Human power and natural forces are thus wasted, that the
   plutocracy may rule. Ignorance and misery, with all their
   concomitant evils, are perpetuated, that the people may be
   kept in bondage. Science and invention are diverted from their
   humane purpose to the enslavement of women and children.

   "Against such a system the Socialist Labor party once more
   enters its protest. Once more it reiterates its fundamental
   declaration that private property in the natural sources of
   production and in the instruments of labor is the obvious
   cause of all economic servitude and political dependence.

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   "The time is fast coming when, in the natural course of social
   evolution, this system, through the destructive action of its
   failures and crises on one hand, and the constructive
   tendencies of its trusts and other capitalistic combinations
   on the other hand, shall have worked out its own downfall.

   "We therefore call upon the wage-workers of the United States,
   and upon all honest citizens, to organize under the banner of
   the Socialist Labor party into a class-conscious body, aware
   of its rights and determined to conquer them by taking
   possession of the public powers, so that, held together by an
   indomitable spirit of solidarity under the most trying
   conditions of the present class struggle, we may put a summary
   end to that barbarous struggle by the abolition of classes,
   the restoration of the land and of all the means of
   production, transportation, and distribution to the people as
   a collective body, and the substitution of the co-operative
   commonwealth for the present state of planless production,
   industrial war, and social disorder, a commonwealth in which
   every worker shall have the free exercise and full benefit of
   his faculties, multiplied by all modern factors of
   civilization.

   "With a view to immediate improvement in the condition of
   labor we present the following demands:

   "1. Reduction of the hours of labor in proportion to the
   progress of production.

   "2. The United States shall obtain possession of the
   railroads, canals, telegraphs, telephones, and all other means
   of public transportation and communication; the employés to
   operate the same co-operatively under control of the Federal
   Government and to elect their own superior officers, but no
   employé shall be discharged for political reasons.

   "3. The municipalities shall obtain possession of the local
   railroads, ferries, waterworks, gas-works, electric plants,
   and all industries requiring municipal franchises; the
   employés to operate the same co-operatively under control of
   the municipal administration and to elect their own superior
   officers, but no employé shall be discharged for political
   reasons.

   "4. The public lands declared inalienable. Revocation of all
   land grants to corporations or individuals the conditions of
   which have not been complied with.

   "5. The United States to have the exclusive right to issue
   money.

   "6. Congressional legislation providing for the scientific
   management of forests and waterways, and prohibiting the waste
   of the natural resources of the country.

   "7. Inventions to be free to all: the inventors to be
   remunerated by the nation.

   "8. Progressive income tax and tax on inheritances; the
   smaller incomes to be exempt.

   "9. School education of all children under fourteen years of
   age to be compulsory, gratuitous, and accessible to all by
   public assistance in meals, clothing, books, etc., where
   necessary.

   "10. Repeal of all pauper, tramp, conspiracy, and sumptuary
   laws. Unabridged right of combination.

   "11. Prohibition of the employment of children of school age
   and of female labor in occupations detrimental to health or
   morality. Abolition of the convict-labor contract system.

   "12. Employment of the unemployed by the public authorities
   (county, State, or nation).

   "13. All wages to be paid in lawful money of the United
   States. Equalization of women's wages to those of men where
   equal service is performed.

   "14. Laws for the protection of life and limb in all
   occupations, and an efficient employers' liability law.

   "15. The people to have the right to propose laws and to vote
   upon all measures of importance according to the referendum
   principle.

   "16. Abolition of the veto power of the Executive (National,
   State, or municipal), wherever it exists.

   "17. Abolition of the United States Senate and all upper
   legislative chambers.

   "18. Municipal self-government.

   "19. Direct vote and secret ballots in all elections.
   Universal and equal right of suffrage without regard to color,
   creed, or sex. Election days to be legal holidays. The
   principle of proportional representation to be introduced.

   "20. All public officers to be subject to recall by their
   respective constituencies.

   "21. Uniform civil and criminal law throughout the United
   States. Administration of justice free of charge. Abolition of
   capital punishment."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1896.
   The Canvass and Election.

   The canvass which occupied the months between party
   nominations and the election was the most remarkable, in many
   respects, that the country had ever gone through. On both
   sides of the silver question intense convictions were burning
   and intense anxieties being felt. To the defenders of the gold
   standard of value—the monetary standard of the world at
   large—an unlimited free coinage of silver legal tender money,
   at the ratio of 16 to 1, meant both dishonor and ruin—national
   bankruptcy, the wreck of industry, and chaos in the commercial
   world. To many of those who strove with desperate eagerness to
   bring it about it meant, on the contrary, a millennial social
   state, in which abundance would prevail, the goods of the
   world be divided more fairly, and labor have a juster reward.
   So the issue fronted each as one personal, vital, almost as of
   life and death. Their conflict bore no likeness to those
   commonly in politics, where consequences seem remote, vague,
   general to the body politic,—not, instantly overhanging the
   head of the individual citizen, as in this case they did. Not
   even the patriotic and moral excitements of the canvass of
   1860 produced so intense a feeling of personal interest in the
   election—so painful an anxiety in waiting for its result. And
   never in any former political contest had the questions
   involved been debated so earnestly, studied so widely and
   intently, set forth by every artifice of exposition and
   illustration with so much ingenious pains. The "campaign
   literature" distributed by each party was beyond computation
   in quantity and beyond classification in its kinds. The
   speeches of the canvass were innumerable. Mr. Bryan
   contributed some hundreds, in tours which he made through the
   country, and Mr. McKinley, at his home, in Canton, Ohio,
   received visiting delegations from all parts of the country
   and addressed them at more or less length.

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   With all the excitement of anxiety and the heated conflict of
   beliefs there was little violence of any kind, from first to
   last. The critical election day (November 3) passed with no
   serious incidents of disorder. The verdict of the people,
   pronounced for the preservation of the monetary standard which
   the world at large has established in general use, was
   accepted with the equanimity to which self-governing citizens
   are trained. Nearly fourteen millions of votes were cast, of
   which the Republican presidential electors received 7,104,244;
   electors representing the various parties which had nominated
   Mr. Bryan received, in all, 6,506,835; those on the National
   Democratic ticket received 134,652; those on the Prohibition
   tickets, 144,606; those on the Socialist-Labor ticket, 36,416.
   In the Electoral College, there were 271 votes for McKinley,
   and 176 for Bryan. The States giving their electoral votes for
   McKinley were California (excepting 1 vote, cast for Bryan),
   Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky
   (except 1), Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan,
   Minnesota, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Dakota,
   Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont, West
   Virginia, Wisconsin. The States which chose electors for Bryan
   were Alabama, Arkansas, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Idaho,
   Kansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska,
   Nevada, North Carolina, South Carolina, South Dakota,
   Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Virginia, Washington, Wyoming, besides
   the single votes won in California and Kentucky. For Vice
   President, Hobart received 271 electoral votes—the same as
   McKinley; but Sewall received 27 less than Bryan, that number
   being cast for the Populist candidate, Watson. This was
   consequent on fusion arrangements between Democrats and
   Populists in 28 States.

   In some States, the majority given against silver free coinage
   was overwhelming, as for example, in New York, 268,000
   plurality for McKinley, besides 19,000 votes cast for the
   "Gold Democratic" candidate; New Jersey, 87,000 Republican
   plurality and 6,000 votes for General Palmer; Pennsylvania,
   295,000 and 11,000; Massachusetts, 173,000 and 11,000. On the
   other hand, Texas gave Bryan a plurality of 202,000, and
   Colorado 135,000.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (November).
   Agreement with Great Britain for the settlement of the
   Venezuela dispute.

      See (in this volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (December).
   President Cleveland on affairs in Cuba.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896-1897.
   Immigration Bill vetoed by President Cleveland.

   On the 17th of December, 1896, a bill to amend the immigration
   laws, which had passed the House of Representatives during the
   previous session of Congress, passed the Senate, with
   amendments which the House refused to accept. By conferences
   between the two branches of Congress an agreement was finally
   reached, in which the House concurred on the 9th of February
   and the Senate on the 17th. But the President disapproved the
   measure, and returned it to Congress on the 2d of March, with
   his objections set forth in the following Message:

   "I herewith return without approval House bill No. 7864,
   entitled 'An act to amend the immigration laws of the United
   States.'

   "By the first section of this bill it is proposed to amend
   section 1 of the act of March 3, 1891, relating to immigration
   by adding to the classes of aliens thereby excluded from
   admission to the United States the following: 'All persons
   physically capable and over 16 years of age who can not read
   and write the English language or some other language; but a
   person not so able to read and write who is over 50 years of
   age and is the parent or grandparent of a qualified immigrant
   over 21 years of age and capable of supporting such parent or
   grandparent may accompany such immigrant, or such a parent or
   grandparent may be sent for and come to join the family of a
   child or grandchild over 21 years of age similarly qualified
   and capable, and a wife or minor child not so able to read and
   write may accompany or be sent for and come and join the
   husband or parent similarly qualified and capable.'

   "A radical departure from our national policy relating to
   immigration is here presented. Heretofore we have welcomed all
   who came to us from other lands except those whose moral or
   physical condition or history threatened danger to our
   national welfare and safety. Relying upon the zealous
   watchfulness of our people to prevent injury to our political
   and social fabric, we have encouraged those coming from
   foreign countries to cast their lot with us and join in the
   development of our vast domain, securing in return a share in
   the blessings of American citizenship. A century's stupendous
   growth, largely due to the assimilation and thrift of millions
   of sturdy and patriotic adopted citizens, attests the success
   of this generous and free-handed policy which, while guarding
   the people's interests, exacts from our immigrants only
   physical and moral soundness and a willingness and ability to
   work. A contemplation of the grand results of this policy can
   not fail to arouse a sentiment in its defense, for however it
   might have been regarded as an original proposition and viewed
   as an experiment its accomplishments are such that if it is to be
   uprooted at this late day its disadvantages should be plainly
   apparent and the substitute adopted should be just and
   adequate, free from uncertainties, and guarded against
   difficult or oppressive administration.

   "It is not claimed, I believe, that the time has come for the
   further restriction of immigration on the ground that an
   excess of population overcrowds our land. It is said, however,
   that the quality of recent immigration is undesirable. The
   time is quite within recent memory when the same thing was
   said of immigrants who, with their descendants, are now
   numbered among our best citizens. It is said that too many
   immigrants settle in our cities, thus dangerously increasing
   their idle and vicious population. This is certainly a
   disadvantage. It can not be shown, however, that it affects
   all our cities, nor that it is permanent; nor does it appear
   that this condition where it exists demands as its remedy the
   reversal of our present immigration policy. The claim is also
   made that the influx of foreign laborers deprives of the
   opportunity to work those who are better entitled than they to
   the privilege of earning their livelihood by daily toil. An
   unfortunate condition is certainly presented when any who are
   willing to labor are unemployed, but so far as this condition
   now exists among our people it must be conceded to be a result
   of phenomenal business depression and the stagnation of all
   enterprises in which labor is a factor.
{575}
   With the advent of settled and wholesome financial and
   economic governmental policies and consequent encouragement to
   the activity of capital the misfortunes of unemployed labor
   should, to a great extent at least, be remedied. If it
   continues, its natural consequences must be to check the
   further immigration to our cities of foreign laborers and to
   deplete the ranks of those already there. In the meantime
   those most willing and best entitled ought to be able to
   secure the advantages of such work as there is to do.

   "It is proposed by the bill under consideration to meet the
   alleged difficulties of the situation by establishing an
   educational test by which the right of a foreigner to make his
   home with us shall be determined. Its general scheme is to
   prohibit from admission to our country all immigrants
   'physically capable and over 16 years of age who can not read
   and write the English language or some other language,' and it
   is provided that this test shall be applied by requiring
   immigrants seeking admission to read and afterwards to write
   not less than twenty nor more than twenty-five words of the
   Constitution of the United States in some language, and that
   any immigrant failing in this shall not be admitted, but shall
   be returned to the country from whence he came at the expense
   of the steamship or railroad company which brought him.

   "The best reason that could be given for this radical
   restriction of immigration is the necessity of protecting our
   population against degeneration and saving our national peace
   and quiet from imported turbulence and disorder. I can not
   believe that we would be protected against these evils by
   limiting immigration to those who can read and write in any
   language twenty-five words of our Constitution. In my opinion,
   it is infinitely more safe to admit a hundred thousand
   immigrants who, though unable to read and write, seek among us
   only a home and opportunity to work than to admit one of those
   unruly agitators and enemies of governmental control who can
   not only read and write, but delights in arousing by
   inflammatory speech the illiterate and peacefully inclined to
   discontent and tumult. Violence and disorder do not originate
   with illiterate laborers. They are, rather, the victims of the
   educated agitator. The ability to read and write, as required
   in this bill, in and of itself affords, in my opinion, a
   misleading test of contented industry and supplies
   unsatisfactory evidence of desirable citizenship or a proper
   apprehension of the benefits of our institutions. If any
   particular element of our illiterate immigration is to be
   feared for other causes than illiteracy, these causes should
   be dealt with directly, instead of making illiteracy the
   pretext for exclusion, to the detriment of other illiterate
   immigrants against whom the real cause of complaint cannot be
   alleged.

   "The provisions intended to rid that part of the proposed
   legislation already referred to from obvious hardship appear
   to me to be indefinite and inadequate. A parent, grandparent,
   wife, or minor child of a qualified immigrant, though unable
   to read and write, may accompany the immigrant or be sent for
   to join his family, provided the immigrant is capable of
   supporting such relative. These exceptions to the general rule
   of exclusion contained in the bill were made to prevent the
   separation of families, and yet neither brothers nor sisters
   are provided for. In order that relatives who are provided for
   may be reunited, those still in foreign lands must be sent for
   to join the immigrant here. What formality is necessary to
   constitute this prerequisite, and how are the facts of
   relationship and that the relative is sent for to be
   established? Are the illiterate relatives of immigrants who
   have come here under prior laws entitled to the advantage of
   these exceptions? A husband who can read and write and who
   determines to abandon his illiterate wife abroad will find
   here under this law an absolutely safe retreat. The illiterate
   relatives mentioned must not only be sent for, but such immigrant
   must be capable of supporting them when they arrive. This
   requirement proceeds upon the assumption that the foreign
   relatives coming here are in every case, by reason of poverty,
   liable to become a public charge unless the immigrant is
   capable of their support. The contrary is very often true. And
   yet if unable to read and write, though quite able and willing
   to support themselves and their relatives here besides, they
   could not be admitted under the provisions of this bill if the
   immigrant was impoverished, though the aid of his fortunate
   but illiterate relative might be the means of saving him from
   pauperism.

   "The fourth section of this bill provides—'That it shall be
   unlawful for any male alien who has not in good faith made his
   declaration before the proper court of his intention to become
   a citizen of the United States to be employed on any public works
   of the United States or to come regularly or habitually into
   the United States by land or water for the purpose of engaging
   in any mechanical trade or manual labor for wages or salary,
   returning from time to time to a foreign country.' The fifth
   section provides—'That it shall be unlawful for any person,
   partnership, company, or corporation knowingly to employ any
   alien coming into the United States in violation of the next
   preceding section of this act.'

   "The prohibition against the employment of aliens upon any
   public works of the United States is in line with other
   legislation of a like character. It is quite a different
   thing, however, to declare it a crime for an alien to come
   regularly and habitually into the United States for the
   purpose of obtaining work from private parties, if such alien
   returns from time to time to a foreign country, and to
   constitute any employment of such alien a criminal offense.
   When we consider these provisions of the bill in connection
   with our long northern frontier and the boundaries of our
   States and Territories, often but an imaginary line separating
   them from the British dominions, and recall the friendly
   intercourse between the people who are neighbors on either
   side, the provisions of this bill affecting them must be
   regarded as illiberal, narrow, and un-American. The residents
   of these States and Territories have separate and especial
   interests which in many cases make an interchange of labor
   between their people and their alien neighbors most important,
   frequently with the advantage largely in favor of our
   citizens. This suggests the inexpediency of Federal
   interference with these conditions when not necessary to the
   correction of a substantial evil, affecting the general
   welfare. Such unfriendly legislation as is proposed could
   hardly fail to provoke retaliatory measures, to the injury of
   many of our citizens who now find employment on adjoining
   foreign soil.
{576}
   The uncertainty of construction to which the language of these
   provisions is subject is a serious objection to a statute
   which describes a crime. An important element in the offense
   sought to be created by these sections is the coming
   'regularly or habitually into the United States.' These words
   are impossible of definite and certain construction. The same
   may be said of the equally important words 'returning from
   time to time to a foreign country.'

   "A careful examination of this bill has convinced me that for
   the reasons given and others not specifically stated its
   provisions are unnecessarily harsh and oppressive, and its
   defects in construction would cause vexation and its operation
   would result in harm to our citizens.
      GROVER CLEVELAND."

   In the House of Representatives, the Bill was passed again,
   over the veto, by the requisite vote of two-thirds; in the
   Senate it was referred to the Committee on Immigration, and no
   further action was taken upon it. Therefore, it did not become
   a law.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896-1898.
   Agitation for monetary reforms.
   The Indianapolis Commission.
   Secretary Gage's plan.
   The Senatorial block in the way.

   On November 18, 1896, the Governors of the Indianapolis Board
   of Trade invited the Boards of Trade of Chicago, St. Louis,
   Cincinnati, Louisville, Cleveland. Columbus, Toledo, Kansas
   City, Detroit, Milwaukee, St. Paul, Des Moines, Minneapolis,
   Grand Rapids, Peoria, and Omaha to a conference on the first
   of December following, to consider the advisability of calling
   a larger convention from commercial organizations throughout
   the country for the purpose of discussing the wisdom of
   selecting a non-partisan commission to formulate a sound
   currency system. This preliminary conference issued a call for
   a non-partisan monetary convention of business men, chosen
   from boards of trade, chambers of commerce, and commercial
   clubs, to meet in Indianapolis, on January 12, 1897. At the
   convention there were assembled, with credentials, 299
   delegates, representing business organizations and cities in
   nearly every State in the Union. The result of its
   deliberations was expressed in resolutions which opened as
   follows:

   "This convention declares that it has become absolutely
   necessary that a consistent, straightforward, and deliberately
   planned monetary system shall be inaugurated, the fundamental
   basis of which should be: First, that the present gold
   standard should be maintained. Second, that steps should be
   taken to insure the ultimate retirement of all classes of
   United States notes by a gradual and steady process, and so as
   to avoid the injurious contraction of the currency, or
   disturbance of the business interests of the country, and that
   until such retirements provision should be made for a
   separation of the revenue and note-issue departments of the
   Treasury. Third, that a banking system be provided, which
   should furnish credit facilities to every portion of the
   country and a safe and elastic circulation, and especially
   with a view of securing such a distribution of the loanable
   capital of the country as will tend to equalize the rates of
   interest in all parts thereof."

   Recognizing the necessity of committing the formulation of
   such a plan to a body of men trained and experienced in these
   matters, a commission was proposed. In case no commission
   should be authorized by Congress in the spring of 1897, the
   Executive Committee of the Convention was authorized to select
   a commission of eleven members, "to make thorough
   investigation of the monetary affairs and needs of this
   country, in all relations and aspects, and to make appropriate
   suggestions as to any evils found to exist, and the remedies
   therefor."

   Congress did not authorize the appointment of a monetary
   commission; and the Executive Committee of the Convention
   selected a commission of eleven members, which began its
   sittings in Washington, September 22, 1897. … The Commission
   was composed as follows: George F. Edmunds, Vermont, chairman;
   George E. Leighton, Missouri, vice-chairman; T. G. Bush,
   Alabama; W. B. Dean, Minnesota; Charles S. Fairchild, New
   York; Stuyvesant Fish, New York; J. W. Fries, North Carolina;
   Louis A. Garnett, California; J. Laurence Laughlin, Illinois;
   C. Stuart Patterson, Pennsylvania; Robert S. Taylor, Indiana;
   and L. Carron Root and H. Parker Willis, secretaries. Early in
   January, 1898, the report of the Monetary Commission was
   made public, and a second convention of delegates from the
   boards of trade and other commercial organizations of leading
   cities in the country was called together at Indianapolis,
   January 20-26, to consider its recommendations. The measures
   proposed by the Commission were approved by the convention,
   and were submitted to Congress by a committee appointed to
   urge their enactment in law. The Secretary of the Treasury,
   Mr. Gage, had already, in his first annual report and in the
   draft of a bill which he laid before the House committee on
   banking and currency, made recommendations which accorded in
   principle with those of the Commission, differing somewhat in
   details. Both plans, with some proposals from other sources,
   were now taken in hand by the House committee on banking and
   currency, and a bill was prepared, which the committee
   reported to the House on the 15th of June. But the other
   branch of Congress, the Senate, had already declared itself in
   a way which forbade any hope of success. By a vote of 47 to
   32, that body had resolved, on the 28th of January, that "all
   the bonds of the United States issued, or authorized to be
   issued, under the said acts of Congress herein before recited,
   are payable, principal and interest, at the option of the
   government of the United States, in silver dollars, of the
   coinage of the United States, containing 412½ grains each of
   standard silver: and that to restore to its coinage such
   silver coins as a legal tender in payment of said bonds,
   principal and interest, is not in violation of the public
   faith, nor in derogation of the rights of the public
   creditor." The House, by 182 to 132, had rejected this
   resolution; but the Senate action had demonstrated the evident
   uselessness of attempting legislation in the interest of a
   monetary reform. Accordingly the House bill, after being
   reported and made public, for discussion outside, was
   withdrawn by the committee, and the subject rested in
   Congress, while agitation in the country went on.

{577}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897.
   The Industrial Revolution.

   "In 1865 the problem presented was this: The United States
   could certainly excel any European nation in economic
   competition, and possibly the whole Continent combined, if it
   could utilize its resources. So much was admitted; the doubt
   touched the capacity of the people to organize a system of
   transportation and industry adequate to attain that end.
   Failure meant certain bankruptcy. Unappalled by the magnitude
   of the speculation, the American people took the risk. What
   that risk was may be imagined when the fact is grasped that in
   1865, with 35,000 miles of road already built, this people
   entered on the construction of 160,000 miles more, at an
   outlay, probably, in excess of $10,000,000,000. Such figures
   convey no impression to the mind, any more than a statement of
   the distance of a star. It may aid the imagination, perhaps,
   to say that Mr. Giffen estimated the cost to France of the war
   of 1870, including the indemnity and Alsace and Lorraine, at
   less than $3,500,000,000, or about one-third of this
   portentous mortgage on the future.

   "As late as 1870 America remained relatively poor, for
   America, so far as her export trade went, relied on
   agriculture alone. To build her roads she had to borrow, and
   she expected to pay dear; but she did not calculate on having
   to pay twice the capital she borrowed, estimating that capital
   in the only merchandise she had to sell. Yet this is very nearly
   what occurred. Agricultural prices fell so rapidly that
   between 1890 and 1897, when the sharpest pressure prevailed,
   it took something like twice the weight of wheat or cotton to
   repay a dollar borrowed in 1873, that would have sufficed to
   satisfy the creditor when the debt was contracted. Merchandise
   enough could not be shipped to meet the emergency, and
   balances had to be paid in coin. The agony this people endured
   may be measured by the sacrifice they made. At the moment of
   severest contraction, in the single year 1893. the United
   States parted with upwards of $87,000,000 of gold, when to
   lose gold was like draining a living body of its blood. …

   "What America owed abroad can never be computed; it is enough
   that it reached an enormous sum, to refund which, even under
   favorable circumstances, would have taken years of effort;
   actually forced payment brought the nation to the brink of a
   convulsion. Perhaps no people ever faced such an emergency and
   paid, without recourse to war. America triumphed through her
   inventive and administrative genius. Brought to a white heat
   under compression, the industrial system of the Union suddenly
   fused into a homogeneous mass. One day, without warning, the
   gigantic mechanism operated, and two hemispheres vibrated with
   the shock. In March, 1897, the vast consolidation of mines,
   foundries, railroads, and steamship companies, centralized at
   Pittsburg, began producing steel rails at $18 the ton, and at
   a bound America bestrode the world. She had won her great
   wager with fate. … The end seems only a question of time.
   Europe is doomed not only to buy her raw material abroad, but
   to pay the cost of transport. And Europe knew this
   instinctively in March, 1897, and nerved herself for
   resistance. Her best hope, next to a victorious war, lay in
   imitating America, and in organizing a system of
   transportation which would open up the East.

   "Carnegie achieved the new industrial revolution in March,
   1897. Within a twelvemonth the rival nations had emptied
   themselves upon the shore of the Yellow Sea. In November
   Germany seized Kiao-chau, a month later the Russians occupied
   Port Arthur, and the following April the English appropriated
   Wei-hai-wei; but the fact to remember is that just 400 miles
   inland, due west of Kiao-chau, lies Tszechau, the centre,
   according to Richthofen, of the richest coal and iron deposits
   in existence. There with the rude methods used by the Chinese,
   coal actually sells at 13 cents the ton. Thus it has come to
   pass that the problem now being attacked by all the statesmen,
   soldiers, scientific men, and engineers of the two eastern
   continents is whether Russia, Germany, France, England, and
   Japan, combined or separately, can ever bring these resources
   on the market in competition with the United States."

      _B. Adams,
      The New Industrial Revolution
      (Atlantic Monthly, February, 1901)._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (January-May).
   Arbitration Treaty with Great Britain rejected by the Senate.

      See, (in this volume),
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

   The correspondence which took place between the governments of
   the United States and Great Britain, on the subject of an
   arbitration of the Venezuela Boundary dispute, having led to
   the revival of a project for the negotiation of a general
   treaty of arbitration, which the late American Secretary of
   State, Mr. Gresham, had broached to the British government in
   the spring of 1895, the terms of such an arrangement were
   carefully and fully discussed between Secretary Olney and Lord
   Salisbury, during the year 1896, and an agreement was reached
   which took form in a solemn compact for the settlement by
   arbitration of all matters in difference between the two
   countries, signed at Washington on the 11th of January, 1897.
   The treaty thus framed was as follows:

   "ARTICLE I.
   The High Contracting Parties agree to submit to Arbitration in
   accordance with the provisions and subject to the limitations
   of this Treaty all questions in difference between them which
   they may fail to adjust by diplomatic negotiation.

   "ARTICLE II.
   All pecuniary claims or groups of pecuniary claims which do
   not in the aggregate exceed £100,000 in amount, and which do
   not involve the determination of territorial claims, shall be
   dealt with and decided by an Arbitral Tribunal constituted as
   provided in the next following Article. In this Article and in
   Article IV the words 'groups of pecuniary claims' mean
   pecuniary claims by one or more persons arising out of the
   same transactions or involving the same issues of law and
   fact.'

   "ARTICLE III.
   Each of the High Contracting Parties shall nominate one
   arbitrator who shall be a jurist of repute and the two
   arbitrators so nominated shall within two months of the date
   of their nomination select an umpire. In case they shall fail
   to do so within the limit of time above mentioned, the umpire
   shall be appointed by agreement between the Members for the
   time being of the Supreme Court of the United States and the
   Members for the time being of the Judicial Committee of the
   Privy Council in Great Britain, each nominating body acting by
   a majority. In case they shall fail to agree upon an umpire
   within three months of the date of an application made to them
   in that behalf by the High Contracting Parties or either of
   them, the umpire shall be selected in the manner provided for
   in Article X. The person so selected shall be the President of
   the Tribunal and the award of the majority of the Members
   thereof shall be final.

{578}

   "ARTICLE IV.
   All pecuniary claims or groups of pecuniary claims which shall
   exceed £100,000 in amount and all other matters in difference,
   in respect of which either of the High Contracting Parties
   shall have rights against the other under Treaty or otherwise,
   provided that such matters in difference do not involve the
   determination of territorial claims, shall be dealt with and
   decided by an Arbitral Tribunal, constituted as provided in
   the next following Article.

   "ARTICLE V.
   Any subject of Arbitration described in Article IV shall be
   submitted to the Tribunal provided for by Article III, the
   award of which Tribunal, if unanimous, shall be final. If not
   unanimous either of the High Contracting Parties may within
   six months from the date of the award demand a review thereof.
   In such case the matter in controversy shall be submitted to
   an Arbitral Tribunal consisting of five jurists of repute, no
   one of whom shall have been a member of the Tribunal whose
   award is to be reviewed and who shall be selected as follows,
   viz:—two by each of the High Contracting Parties, and one, to
   act as umpire, by the four thus nominated and to be chosen
   within three months after the date of their nomination. In
   case they shall fail to choose an umpire within the limit of
   time above-mentioned, the umpire shall be appointed by
   agreement between the Nominating Bodies designated in Article
   III acting in the manner therein provided. In case they shall
   fail to agree upon an umpire within three months of the date
   of an application made to them in that behalf by the High
   Contracting Parties or either of them, the umpire shall be
   selected in the manner provided for in Article X. The person
   so selected shall be the President of the Tribunal and the
   award of the majority of the Members thereof shall be final.

   "ARTICLE VI.
   Any controversy which shall involve the determination of
   territorial claims shall be submitted to a Tribunal composed
   of six members, three of whom (subject to the provisions of
   Article VIII) shall be Judges of the Supreme Court of the
   United States or Justices of the Circuit Courts to be
   nominated by the President of the United States, and the other
   three of whom (subject to the provisions of Article VIII)
   shall be Judges of the British Supreme Court of Judicature or
   Members of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council to be
   nominated by Her Britannic Majesty, whose award by a majority
   of not less than five to one shall be final. In case of an
   award made by less than the prescribed majority, the award
   shall also be final unless either Power shall, within three
   months after the award has been reported, protest that the
   same is erroneous, in which case the award shall be of no
   validity. In the event of an award made by less than the
   prescribed majority and protested as above provided, or if the
   members of the Arbitral Tribunal shall be equally divided,
   there shall be no recourse to hostile measures of any
   description until the mediation of one or more friendly Powers
   has been invited by one or both of the High Contracting
   Parties.

   "ARTICLE VII.
   Objections to the jurisdiction of an Arbitral Tribunal
   constituted under this Treaty shall not be taken except as
   provided in this Article. If before the close of the hearing
   upon a claim submitted to an Arbitral Tribunal constituted
   under Article III or Article V either of the High Contracting
   Parties shall move such Tribunal to decide, and thereupon it
   shall decide that the determination of such claim necessarily
   involves the decision of a disputed question of principle of
   grave general importance affecting the national rights of such
   party as distinguished from the private rights whereof it is
   merely the international representative, the jurisdiction of
   such Arbitral Tribunal over such claim shall cease and the
   same shall be dealt with by arbitration under Article VI.

   "ARTICLE VIII.
   In cases where the question involved is one which concerns a
   particular State or Territory of the United States, it shall
   be open to the President of the United States to appoint a
   judicial officer of such State or Territory to be one of the
   Arbitrators under Article III or Article V or Article VI. In
   like manner in cases where the question involved is one which
   concerns a British Colony or possession, it shall be open to
   Her Britannic Majesty to appoint a judicial officer of such
   Colony or possession to be one of the Arbitrators under
   Article III or Article V or Article VI.

   "ARTICLE IX.
   Territorial claims in this Treaty shall include all claims to
   territory and all claims involving questions of servitudes,
   rights of navigation and of access, fisheries and all rights
   and interests necessary to the control and enjoyment of the
   territory claimed by either of the High Contracting Parties.

   "ARTICLE X.
   If in any case the nominating bodies designated in Articles
   III and V shall fail to agree upon an Umpire in accordance
   with the provisions of the said Articles, the Umpire shall be
   appointed by His Majesty the King of Sweden and Norway. Either
   of the High Contracting Parties, however, may at any time give
   notice to the other that, by reason of material changes in
   conditions as existing at the date of this Treaty, it is of
   opinion that a substitute for His Majesty should be chosen
   either for all cases to arise under the Treaty or for a
   particular specified case already arisen, and thereupon the
   High Contracting Parties shall at once proceed to agree upon
   such substitute to act either in all cases to arise under the
   Treaty or in the particular case specified as may be indicated
   by said notice; provided, however, that such notice shall have
   no effect upon an Arbitration already begun by the constitution
   of an Arbitral Tribunal under Article III. The High
   Contracting Parties shall also at once proceed to nominate a
   substitute for His Majesty in the event that His Majesty shall
   at any time notify them of his desire to be relieved from the
   functions graciously accepted by him under this Treaty either
   for all cases to arise thereunder or for any particular
   specified case already arisen.

   "ARTICLE XI.
   In case of the death, absence or incapacity to serve of any
   Arbitrator or Umpire, or in the event of any Arbitrator or
   Umpire omitting or declining or ceasing to act as such,
   another Arbitrator or Umpire shall be forthwith appointed in
   his place and stead in the manner provided for with regard to
   the original appointment.

{579}

   "ARTICLE XII.
   Each Government shall pay its own agent and provide for the
   proper remuneration of the counsel employed by it and of the
   Arbitrators appointed by it and for the expense of preparing
   and submitting its case to the Arbitral Tribunal. All other
   expenses connected with any Arbitration shall be defrayed by
   the two Governments in equal moieties. Provided, however,
   that, if in any case the essential matter of difference
   submitted to arbitration is the right of one of the High
   Contracting Parties to receive disavowals of or apologies for
   acts or defaults of the other not resulting in substantial
   pecuniary injury, the Arbitral Tribunal finally disposing of
   the said matter shall direct whether any of the expenses of
   the successful party shall be borne by the unsuccessful party,
   and if so to what extent.

   "ARTICLE XIII.
   The time and place of meeting of an Arbitral Tribunal and all
   arrangements for the hearing and all questions of procedure
   shall be decided by the Tribunal itself. Each Arbitral
   Tribunal shall keep a correct record of its proceedings and
   may appoint and employ all necessary officers and agents. The
   decision of the Tribunal shall, if possible, be made within
   three months from the close of the arguments on both sides. It
   shall be made in writing and dated and shall be signed by the
   Arbitrators who may assent to it. The decision shall be in
   duplicate, one copy whereof shall be delivered to each of the
   High Contracting Parties through their respective agents.

   "ARTICLE XIV.
   This Treaty shall remain in force for five years from the date
   at which it shall come into operation, and further until the
   expiration of twelve months after either of the High
   Contracting Parties shall have given notice to the other of
   its wish to terminate the same.

   "ARTICLE XV.
   The present Treaty shall be duly ratified by the President of
   the United States of America, by and with the advice and
   consent of the Senate thereof, and by Her Britannic Majesty;
   and the mutual exchange of ratifications shall take place in
   Washington or in London within six months of the date hereof
   or earlier if possible."

      _United States, 54th Congress, 2d Session,
      Senate Document Number 63._

   Public feeling in both countries gave joyful welcome to this
   nobly conceived treaty when it was announced. All that was
   best in English sentiment and American sentiment had been
   shuddering at the thought of possible war between the kindred
   peoples, and thanked God for what promised some certitude that
   no dispute would be pushed to that barbarous appeal. Only the
   mean thought and temper of either country was provoked to
   opposition; but, unhappily, the meaner temper and the narrower
   and more ignorant opinion on one side of the sea had been
   getting so strong a representation in the United States Senate
   as to prove capable of much mischief there, on this and other
   matters of most serious public concern. When the great
   covenant of peace went to that body for approval, there were
   senators who found it offensive to them because it came from
   the hands of President Cleveland and Secretary Olney; and
   there were other senators whose dignity was hurt by the eager
   impatience with which the public voice cried out for their
   ratifying vote; and still others there were who looked with
   official jealousy at the project of an arbitral tribunal which
   might sometimes take something from senatorial functions in
   foreign affairs. And the combination of pitiful motives had
   strength enough to baffle the high hopes and defeat the will
   of the American people.

   Of the public feeling thus outraged, the following is one
   expression of the time, among many which it would be possible
   to quote:

   Many people "are represented by influential papers like the
   St. Paul 'Pioneer Press' and the Minneapolis 'Journal,' the
   latter declaring that it is humiliating to think that, widely
   as the treaty is favored throughout the country, a few
   ill-natured men in the Senate have the power to delay
   ratification. In the Central West the feeling is generally
   strong for arbitration, if we may judge from the Chicago
   'Times-Herald,' the St. Louis 'Republic,' the Indianapolis
   'Journal,' and the Cleveland 'Leader.' In the South there are
   such cheering reports as this from the Memphis 'Scimetar'; 'If
   the treaty now under consideration in the Senate Committee on
   Foreign Relations should fail of ratification, public opinion
   in this country would demand that the incoming Administration
   provide another embodying the same vital principle.' In the
   East the sentiment in favor of immediate ratification of the
   original draft has been almost universal, the only two
   journals of note differing from this being the New York 'Sun'
   and the Washington 'Post.' The trend of opinion is shown in
   the adoption by the Massachusetts House of Representatives of
   an endorsement by a vote of 141 to 11. An important meeting
   took place last week in Washington in favor of ratification.
   The speakers were ex-Secretary of State Foster, Mr. G. G.
   Hubbard, Professor B. L. Whitman, ex-Senator J. B. Henderson,
   ex-Governor Stanard, and Justice Brewer, of the Supreme Court.
   The last named said; 'I do not believe in saying to the
   gentlemen charged with the duty of considering carefully that
   treaty, that "you must vote for it." There is something in my
   own nature which, when anybody says to me "you must," causes
   something to run up my spinal column which says "I won't." It
   is the Senate's duty to consider that treaty carefully, and
   when I say that, I say it is no trespass upon their rights for
   American citizens to express their views of that treaty. What are
   the errors and losses incidental to arbitration compared to
   the horrors of war? What are a few million dollars of wrongful
   damages in comparison to the sacrifice of thousands of human
   lives?'"

      _The Outlook, February 6, 1897._

   "This treaty was greeted with widespread favor in the press,
   but was antagonized at once in the Senate by the jingo element
   and by the personal adversaries of the administration. The
   committee on foreign relations reported the draft favorably,
   but with certain amendments, on February 1. The ensuing debate
   soon revealed that a vote on ratification could not be
   obtained before March 4, and the whole matter was dropped. At
   the opening of the new Congress the Senate Committee again
   considered the treaty and reported it, with amendments, on
   March 18. During two weeks' discussion the Senate adopted the
   committee's amendments and also others, with the result that
   the draft was radically transformed.
{580}
   Instead of the general reference of all disputes to the
   tribunals, it was provided that any difference 'which, in the
   judgment of either power, materially affects its honor or its
   domestic or foreign policy,' should be submitted to
   arbitration only by special agreement; that no question should
   be submitted save with the consent of the Senate in its
   treaty-making capacity; and that no claim of a British subject
   against a state or territory of the United States should be
   submitted under any circumstances. The first of these changes
   was due mainly to the objection that without it the Monroe
   Doctrine might be subjected to arbitration; the second to the
   sensitiveness of senators as to their constitutional functions
   in foreign relations; and the third to a desire to protect
   states against claims on their defaulted bonds. Other changes
   modified materially the method of appointing the arbitrators
   for the United States, and struck out entirely the designation
   of the King of Sweden as umpire. Even with these amendments,
   the opposition to the treaty was not overcome; and the final
   vote on ratification, taken May 5, resulted in its rejection,
   the vote standing 43 to 26, less than two-thirds in the
   affirmative. Thirty Republicans and 13 Democrats voted for the
   treaty; 8 Republicans, 12 Democrats and 6 Populists against
   it."

      _Political Science Quarterly,
      June, 1897._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (March).
   Inauguration of President McKinley.
   Leading topics of the inaugural address.
   The President's Cabinet.

   The inauguration of President McKinley was performed with the
   customary ceremonies on the 4th of March. In his inaugural
   address, the new President laid somewhat less emphasis than
   might have been expected on the need of measures for reforming
   the monetary system of the country, but strongly urged that
   instant steps be taken to increase the revenues of the
   government by a return to higher tariff charges. "With
   adequate revenue secured," he argued, "but not until then, we
   can enter upon such changes in our fiscal laws as will, while
   insuring safety and volume to our money, no longer impose upon
   the government the necessity of maintaining so large a gold
   reserve, with its attendant and inevitable temptations to
   speculation. Most of our financial laws are the outgrowth of
   experience and trial, and should not be amended without
   investigation and demonstration of the wisdom of the proposed
   changes. We must be both 'sure we are right' and 'make haste
   slowly.' …

   "The question of international bimetallism will have early and
   earnest attention. It will be my constant endeavor to secure
   it by cooperation with the other great commercial powers of
   the world. Until that condition is realized, when the parity
   between our gold and silver money springs from and is
   supported by the relative value of the two metals, the value
   of the silver already coined, and of that which may hereafter
   be coined, must be kept constantly at par with gold by every
   resource at our command. The credit of the government, the
   integrity of its currency, and the inviolability of its
   obligations must be preserved. This was the commanding verdict
   of the people, and it will not be unheeded.

   "Economy is demanded in every branch of the government at all
   times, but especially in periods like the present of
   depression in business and distress among the people. The
   severest economy must be observed in all public expenditures,
   and extravagance stopped wherever it is found, and prevented
   wherever in the future it may be developed. If the revenues
   are to remain as now, the only relief that can come must be
   from decreased expenditures. But the present must not become
   the permanent condition of the government. It has been our
   uniform practice to retire, not increase, our outstanding
   obligations; and this policy must again be resumed and
   vigorously enforced. Our revenues should always be large
   enough to meet with ease and promptness not only our current
   needs and the principal and interest of the public debt, but
   to make proper and liberal provision for that most deserving
   body of public creditors, the soldiers and sailors and the
   widows and orphans who are the pensioners of the United
   States. …

   "A deficiency is inevitable so long as the expenditures of the
   government exceed its receipts. It can only be met by loans or
   an increased revenue. While a large annual surplus of revenue
   may invite waste and extravagance, inadequate revenue creates
   distrust and undermines public and private credit. Neither
   should be encouraged. Between more loans and more revenue
   there ought to be but one opinion. We should have more
   revenue, and that without delay, hindrance, or postponement. A
   surplus in the treasury created by loans is not a permanent or
   safe reliance. It will suffice while it lasts, but it cannot
   last long while the outlays of the government are greater than
   its receipts, as has been the case during the last two years.
   … The best way for the government to maintain its credit is to
   pay as it goes—not by resorting to loans, but by keeping out
   of debt—through an adequate income secured by a system of
   taxation, external, or internal, or both. It is the settled
   policy of the government, pursued from the beginning and
   practiced by all parties and administrations, to raise the
   bulk of our revenue from taxes upon foreign productions
   entering the United States for sale and consumption, and
   avoiding, for the most part, every form of direct taxation
   except in time of war.

   "The country is clearly opposed to any needless additions to
   the subjects of internal taxation, and is committed by its
   latest popular utterance to the system of tariff taxation.
   There can be no misunderstanding either about the principle
   upon which this tariff taxation shall be levied. Nothing has
   ever been made plainer at a general election than that the
   controlling principle in the raising of revenue from duties on
   imports is zealous care for American interests and American
   labor. The people have declared that such legislation should
   be had as will give ample protection and encouragement to the
   industries and the development of our country. … The paramount
   duty of congress is to stop deficiencies by the restoration of
   that protective legislation which has always been the firmest
   prop of the treasury. The passage of such a law or laws would
   strengthen the credit of the government both at home and
   abroad, and go far toward stopping the drain upon the gold
   reserve held for the redemption of our currency, which has
   been heavy and well-nigh constant for several years. In the
   revision of the tariff, especial attention should be given to
   the re-enactment and extension of the reciprocity principle of
   the law of 1890, under which so great a stimulus was given to
   our foreign trade in new and advantageous markets for our
   surplus agricultural and manufactured products."

{581}

   Without effect, the incoming President urged the ratification
   of the treaty of arbitration with Great Britain, negotiated by
   his predecessor and still pending in the Senate. In concluding
   his address he announced his intention to convene Congress in
   extra session, saying: "The condition of the public treasury
   demands the immediate consideration of congress. It alone has
   the power to provide revenue for the government. Not to
   convene it under such circumstances, I can view in no other
   sense than the neglect of a plain duty."

   On the day following his inauguration, the President sent to
   the Senate the following nominations for his Cabinet, which
   were confirmed:

   Secretary of State, John Sherman of Ohio;
   Secretary of the Treasury, Lyman J. Gage of Illinois;
   Secretary of War, Russel A. Alger of Michigan;
   Attorney-General, Joseph McKenna of California;
   Postmaster-General, James A. Gary of Maryland;
   Secretary of the Navy, John D. Long of Massachusetts;
   Secretary of the Interior, Cornelius N. Bliss of New York;
   Secretary of Agriculture, James Wilson of Iowa.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (March-July).
   Passage of the Dingley Tariff Act.

   Carrying out an intention announced in his Inaugural Address,
   President McKinley called Congress together in extra session
   on the 15th of March, asking for immediate action to increase
   the revenue of the government by increased duties, "so levied
   upon foreign products as to preserve the home market, so far
   as possible, to our own producers." In his Inaugural Address
   the President had expressed the understanding of his party as
   to the chief meaning of the late election, by saying that "the
   country is … committed by its latest popular utterance to the
   system of tariff taxation. … The people have declared that
   such legislation should be had as will give ample protection
   and encouragement to the industries and development of our
   country. … The paramount duty of Congress is to stop
   deficiencies by the restoration of that protective legislation
   which has always been the firmest prop of the treasury." To
   the majority in both Houses of Congress these views were
   entirely acceptable, and they were acted upon at once. The
   Ways and Means Committee of the House of Representatives in
   the previous Congress had already prepared a comprehensive new
   tariff bill, which it passed on to its successor. This
   ready-made bill was reported to the House on the first day of
   the session, by Mr. Dingley, chairman of the newly appointed
   committee, as he had been of the one before it. Debate on the
   measure began a week later, and was controlled by a fixed
   programme, which required it to be ended on the 31st of March.
   The bill was then passed, by a vote of 205 against 121. Of the
   action of the Senate upon it, and of the main features of the
   bill as it was finally shaped and became law, the following is
   a succinct account:

   "The bill, referred at once to the Senate Committee on
   Finance, was reported after a month, on May 8, with important
   amendments. There was an attempt to impose some purely revenue
   duties, and, as to the protective duties, the tendency was
   towards lower rates than in the House bill, though on certain
   articles, such as wools of low grade, hides, and others (of
   which more will be said presently), the drift was the other
   way. The Senate, however, paid much less respect than the
   House to the recommendations of the committee in charge. In
   the course of two months, from May 4 to July 7, it went over
   the tariff bill item by item, amending without restraint,
   often in a perfunctory manner, and not infrequently with the
   outcome settled by the accident of attendance on the
   particular day; on the whole, with a tendency to retain the
   higher rates of the House bill. As passed finally by the
   Senate on July 7, the bill, though it contained some 872
   amendments, followed the plan of the House Committee rather
   than that of the Senate Committee. As usual, it went to a
   Conference Committee. In the various compromises and
   adjustments in the Senate and in the Conference Committee
   there was little sign of the deliberate plan and method which
   the House had shown, and the details of the act were settled
   in no less haphazard fashion than has been the case with other
   tariff measures. As patched up by the Conference Committee,
   the bill was promptly passed by both branches of Congress, and
   became law on July 24. In what manner these political
   conditions affected the character of the act will appear from
   a consideration of the more important specific changes.

   "First and foremost was the reimposition of the duties on
   wool. As the repeal of these duties had been the one important
   change made by the act of 1894, so their restoration was the
   salient feature in the act of 1897. … Clothing wool was
   subjected once more to a duty of 11 cents a pound, combing
   wool to one of 12 cents. On carpet wool there were new graded
   duties, heavier than any ever before levied. If its value was
   12 cents a pound or less the duty was 4 cents; if over 12
   cents, the duty was 7 cents. … The duties on carpet wool, as
   has already been noted, were made higher than ever before. In
   the House the rates of the act of 1890 had been retained; but
   in the Senate new and higher rates were inserted. … They were
   demanded by the Senators from some States in the Far West,
   especially from Idaho and Montana. … They [the Senators in
   question] needed to be placated and they succeeded in getting
   higher duties on the cheap carpet wools, on the plea of
   encouragement for the comparatively coarse clothing wool of
   their ranches. … The same complications that led to the high
   duty on carpet wool brought about a duty on hides. This rawest
   of raw materials had been on the free list for just a quarter
   of a century, since 1872, when the duty of the war days had
   been repealed. … But here, again, the Senators from the
   ranching States were able to dictate terms. … In the Senate a
   duty of 20 per cent. was tacked on. The rate was reduced to 15
   per cent. in the Conference Committee, and so remains in the
   act. The restored duties on wool necessarily brought in their
   train the old system of high compensating duties on woollens.
   … In the main, the result was a restoration of the rates of
   the act of 1890. There was some upward movement almost all
   along the line; and the ad valorem duty alone, on the classes
   of fabrics which are most largely imported, crept up to 55 per
   cent. …

{582}

   "On cotton goods the general tendency was to impose duties
   lower than those of 1890. This was indicated by the drag-net
   rate, on manufactures of cotton not otherwise provided for,
   which had been 50 per cent. in 1890, and was 45 per cent. in
   1897. On two large classes of textile goods new and distinctly
   higher duties were imposed,—on silks and linens. … The mode of
   gradation was to levy the duties according to the amount of
   pure silk contained in the goods. The duties were fixed by the
   pound, being lowest all goods containing a small proportion of
   pure silk, and rising as that proportion became larger; with
   the proviso that in no case should the duty be less than 50
   per cent. … Thus, the duty on certain kinds of silks was $1.30
   cents per pound, if they contained 45 per cent in weight of
   silk; but advanced suddenly to $2.25, if they contained more
   than 45 per cent. … On linens another step of the same kind
   was taken, specific duties being substituted here also for
   ad-valorem. … Linens were graded somewhat as cottons had been
   graded since 1861, according to the fineness of the goods as
   indicated by the number of threads to the square inch. If the
   number of threads was 60 or less per square inch, the duty was
   1¾ cents a square yard; if the threads were between 60 and
   120, the duty was 2¾ cents; and so on,—plus 30 per cent.
   ad-valorem duty in all cases. But finer linen goods, unless
   otherwise specially provided for, were treated leniently. If
   the weight was small (less than 4½ ounces per yard), the duty
   was but 35 per cent. On the other hand, linen laces, or
   articles trimmed with lace or embroidery, were dutiable at 60
   percent.,—an advance at 10 per cent. over the rate of 1890. …
   It was inevitable, under the political conditions of the
   session, that in this schedule something should again be
   attempted for the farmer; and, accordingly, we find a
   substantial duty on flax. The rate of the act of 1890 was
   restored,—3 cents a pound on prepared flax, in place of the
   rate of 1½ cents imposed by the act of 1894. …

   "On chinaware the rates of 1890 were restored. The duty on the
   finer qualities which are chiefly imported had been lowered to
   35 per cent. in 1894, and was now once more put at 60 per
   cent. On glassware, also, the general ad-valorem rate, which
   had been reduced to 35 per cent. in 1894, was again fixed at
   45 per cent., as in 1890. Similarly the specific duties on the
   cheaper grades of window-glass and plate-glass, which had been
   lowered in 1894, were raised to the figures of 1890. … The metal
   schedules in the act of 1897 showed in the main a striking
   contrast with the textile schedules. Important advances of
   duty were made on many textiles, and in some cases rates went
   considerably higher even than those of 1890. But on most
   metals, and especially on iron and steel, duties were left
   very much as they had been in 1894. … On steel rails there was
   even a slight reduction from the rate of 1894—$6.72 per ton
   instead of $7.84. On coal there was a compromise rate. The
   duty had been 75 cents a ton in 1890, and 40 cents in 1894; it
   was now fixed at 67 cents. On the other hand, as to certain
   manufactures of iron and steel farther advanced beyond the
   crude stage, there was a return to rates very similar to those
   of 1890. Thus, on pocket cutlery, razors, guns, we find once
   more the system of combined ad-valorem and specific duties,
   graded according to the value of the article. … Copper
   remained on the free list, where it had been put in 1894. …
   For good or ill the copper duty had worked out all its effects
   years before. On the other hand, the duties on lead and on
   lead ore went up to the point at which they stood in 1890.
   Here we have once more the signs of concession to the silver
   Republicans of the far West. … The duty on tin plate, a bone
   of contention under the act of 1890, was disposed of, with
   little debate, by the imposition of a comparatively moderate
   duty. …

   "A part of the act which aroused much public attention and
   which had an important bearing on its financial yield was the
   sugar schedule—the duties on sugar, raw and refined. … The act
   of 1890 had admitted raw sugar free, while that of 1894 had
   imposed a duty of 40 per cent. ad valorem. … The price of raw
   sugar had maintained its downward tendency; and the duty of 40
   per cent. had been equivalent in 1896 to less than one cent a
   pound. In the act of 1897 the duty was made specific, and was
   practically doubled. Beginning with a rate of one cent a pound
   on sugar tested to contain 75 per cent., it advanced by stages
   until on sugar testing 95 per cent. (the usual content of
   commercial raw sugar) it reached 1.65 cents per pound. The
   higher rate thus imposed was certain to yield a considerable
   increase of revenue. Much was said also of the protection now
   afforded to the beet sugar industry of the West. That
   industry, however, was still of small dimensions and uncertain
   future. … On refined sugar, the duty was made 1.95 cents per
   pound, which, as compared with raw sugar testing 100 per
   cent., left a protection for the domestic refiner,—i. e., for
   the Sugar 'Trust,'—of 1/8 of one cent a pound. Some intricate
   calculation would be necessary to make out whether this
   'differential' for the refining interest was more or less than
   in the act of 1894; but, having regard to the effect of the
   substitution of specific for ad-valorem duties, the Trust was
   no more favored by the act of 1897 than by its predecessor,
   and even somewhat less favored. The changes which this part of
   the tariff act underwent in the two Houses are not without
   significance." In the bill passed by the House. "the so-called
   differential, or protection to the refiners, was one-eighth of
   a cent per pound. In the Senate there was an attempt at
   serious amendment. The influence of the Sugar Trust in the
   Senate had long been great. How secured, whether through party
   contributions, entangling alliances, or coarse bribery, the
   public could not know; but certainly great, as the course of
   legislation in that body demonstrated." The Senate attempted
   to make an entire change in the scheme of sugar duties, which
   would give the Trust a fifth of a cent per pound of protective
   differential, instead of an eighth; but the House resisted,
   with more success than in 1894, and the senatorial friends of
   the Sugar Trust had to give way.

      See, also (in this volume),
      TRUSTS: UNITED STATES;
      and SUGAR BOUNTIES.

   "The tariff act of 1894 had repealed the provisions as to
   reciprocity in the act of 1890, and had rendered nugatory such
   parts of the treaties made under the earlier act as were
   inconsistent with the provisions of its successor. The act of
   1897 now revived the policy of reciprocity, and in some ways
   even endeavored to enlarge the scope of the reciprocity
   provisions"

      See below: A. D. 1899-1901.

      _F. W. Taussig,
      Tariff History of the United States,
      4th edition, chapter 7 (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons)._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (April-October).
   Negotiations for an international bi-metallic agreement.

      See (in this volume)
      MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

{583}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (June).
   Appointment of the Nicaragua Canal Commission.

      See (in this volume)
      CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1889-1899.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (November).
   Refusal to negotiate with the insurgent republic of the
   Philippine Islands.

   On the 3d of November, 1897, Mr. Rounseville Wildman, the U.
   S. Consul at Hongkong, addressed the following to the State
   Department: "Since my arrival in Hongkong I have been called
   upon several times by Mr. F. Agoncilla, foreign agent and high
   commissioner, etc., of the new republic of the Philippines.
   Mr. Agoncilla holds a commission, signed by the president,
   members of cabinet, and general in chief of the republic of
   Philippines, empowering him absolutely with power to conclude
   treaties with foreign governments. Mr. Agoncilla offers on
   behalf of his government alliance offensive and defensive with
   the United States when the United States declares war on
   Spain, which, in Mr. Agoncilla's judgment, will be very soon.
   In the meantime he wishes the United States to send to some
   port in the Philippines 20,000 stand of arms and 200,000
   rounds of ammunition for the use of his government, to be paid
   for on the recognition of his government by the United States.
   He pledges as security two provinces and the custom-house at
   Manila. He is not particular about the price—is willing the
   United States should make 25 per cent or 30 per cent profit.
   He is a very earnest and attentive diplomat and a great
   admirer of the United States. On his last visit he surprised
   me with the information that he had written his government
   that he had hopes of inducing the United States to supply the
   much-needed guns, etc. In case Señor Agoncilla's dispatch
   should fall into the hands of an unfriendly power and find its
   way into the newspapers, I have thought it wise to apprise the
   State Department of the nature of the high commissioner's
   proposals. Señor Agoncilla informs me by late mail that he
   will proceed at once to Washington to conclude the proposed
   treaty, if I advise. I shall not advise said step until so
   instructed by the State Department."

   To this communication, the Third Assistant Secretary of State,
   Mr. Cridler, returned the following reply, December 15, 1897:

   "I have to acknowledge the receipt of your dispatch Number 19
   of November 3, 1897, in which you announce the arrival at your
   post of Mr. F. Agoncilla, whom you describe as foreign agent
   and high commissioner of the new republic of the Philippines,
   and who holds full power to negotiate and conclude treaties
   with foreign powers. Mr. Agoncilla offers an alliance
   'offensive and defensive with the United States when the
   United States declares war on Spain, which, in Mr. Agoncilla's
   judgment, will be very soon,' and suggests that 20,000 stand
   of arms and 200,000 rounds of ammunition be supplied to his
   government by that of the United States. You may briefly
   advise Mr. Agoncilla, in case he should call upon you, that
   the Government of the United States does not negotiate such
   treaties and that it is not possible to forward the desired
   arms and ammunition. You should not encourage any advances on
   the part of Mr. Agoncilla, and should courteously decline to
   communicate with the Department further regarding his alleged
   mission."

      _Treaty of Peace and Accompanying Papers
      (55th Congress, 3d Session, Senate Document
      Number 62, part 1, pages 333,334)._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (November).
   Treaty with Russia and Japan to suspend pelagic sealing.

      See (in this volume)
      BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (December).
   President McKinley on Cuban affairs.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (December).
   Stringent measures against pelagic sealing.

      See (in this volume)
      BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897-1898 (December-March).
   Reports from Cuba of the suffering condition of
   the "reconcentrados."

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1897-1898 (DECEMBER-MARCH).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897-1899.
   Agreements with the Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creek, Cherokee,
   and Seminole tribes of Indians.
   Work of the Dawes Commission.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897-1900.
   Treaty for the annexation of Hawaii.
   Its failure of ratification.
   Passage of joint resolution to annex, and of an Act
   for the government of the islands.

      See (in this volume)
      HAWAII.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (February-March).
   American sympathy with the Cubans and indignation
   against Spain.
   Destruction of the United States battle-ship "Maine"
   in Havana harbor.
   Investigation and findings of the American and
   Spanish courts of inquiry.

   Public feeling in the United States, excited by a terrible
   state of suffering in Cuba, resulting from Spanish methods of
   dealing with insurrection in that island, had been gathering
   intensity for months past, and threatening a rupture of
   peaceful relations between the United States and Spain.

      See (in this volume),
      CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897 and 1897-1898)

   A sudden crisis in the situation was produced, on the morning
   of the 15th of February, 1898, by news that the United States
   battle-ship "Maine," while paying a visit of courtesy to the
   harbor of Havana, had been totally destroyed, on the previous
   evening, by an explosion which killed most of her crew. In a
   subsequent message on the subject to Congress, President
   McKinley recited the circumstances of the catastrophe, and the
   proceedings adopted to ascertain its cause, with the
   conclusions reached, in the following words: "For some time
   prior to the visit of the 'Maine' to Havana Harbor our
   consular representatives pointed out the advantages to flow
   from the visit of national ships to the Cuban waters, in
   accustoming the people to the presence of our flag as the
   symbol of good will and of our ships in the fulfillment of the
   mission of protection to American interests, even though no
   immediate need therefor might exist. Accordingly on the 24th
   of January last, after conference with the Spanish minister;
   in which the renewal of visits of our war vessels to Spanish
   waters was discussed and accepted, the peninsular authorities
   at Madrid and Havana were advised of the purpose of this
   Government to resume friendly naval visits at Cuban ports, and
   that in that view the 'Maine' would forthwith call at the port
   of Havana. This announcement was received by the Spanish
   Government with appreciation of the friendly character of the
   visit of the 'Maine,' and with notification of intention to
   return the courtesy by sending Spanish ships to the principal
   ports of the United States. Meanwhile the 'Maine' entered the
   port of Havana on the 25th of January, her arrival being
   marked with no special incident besides the exchange of
   customary salutes and ceremonial visits.

{584}

   "The 'Maine' continued in the harbor of Havana during the
   three weeks following her arrival. No appreciable excitement
   attended her stay; on the contrary, a feeling of relief and
   confidence followed the resumption of the long-interrupted
   friendly intercourse. So noticeable was this immediate effect
   of her visit that the consul-general strongly urged that the
   presence of our ships in Cuban waters should be kept up by
   retaining the 'Maine' at Havana, or, in the event of her
   recall, by sending another vessel there to take her place. At
   forty minutes past 9 in the evening of the 15th of February
   the 'Maine' was destroyed by an explosion, by which the entire
   forward part of the ship was utterly wrecked. In this
   catastrophe 2 officers and 264 of her crew perished, those who
   were not killed outright by her explosion being penned between
   decks by the tangle of wreckage and drowned by the immediate
   sinking of the hull. Prompt assistance was rendered by the
   neighboring vessels anchored in the harbor, aid being
   especially given by the boats of the Spanish cruiser 'Alfonso
   XII' and the Ward Line steamer 'City of Washington,' which lay
   not far distant. The wounded were generously cared for by the
   authorities of Havana, the hospitals being freely opened to
   them, while the earliest recovered bodies of the dead were
   interred by the municipality in a public cemetery in the city.
   Tributes of grief and sympathy were offered from all official
   quarters of the island.

   "The appalling calamity fell upon the people of our country
   with crushing force, and for a brief time an intense
   excitement prevailed, which in a community less just and
   self-controlled than ours might have led to hasty acts of
   blind resentment. This spirit, however, soon gave way to the
   calmer processes of reason and to the resolve to investigate
   the facts and await material proof before forming a judgment
   as to the cause, the responsibility, and, if the facts
   warranted, the remedy due. This course necessarily recommended
   itself from the outset to the Executive, for only in the light
   of a dispassionately ascertained certainty could it determine
   the nature and measure of its full duty in the matter. The
   usual procedure was followed, as in all cases of casualty or
   disaster to national vessels of any maritime State. A naval
   court of inquiry was at once organized, composed of officers
   well qualified by rank and practical experience to discharge
   the onerous duty imposed upon them. Aided by a strong force of
   wreckers and divers, the court proceeded to make a thorough
   investigation on the spot, employing every available means for
   the impartial and exact determination of the causes of the
   explosion. Its operations have been conducted with the utmost
   deliberation and judgment, and while independently pursued no
   attainable source of information was neglected, and the
   fullest opportunity was allowed for a simultaneous
   investigation by the Spanish authorities. The finding of the
   court of inquiry was reached, after twenty-three days of
   continuous labor, on the 21st of March, instant, and, having
   been approved on the 22d by the commander in chief of the
   United States naval force on the North Atlantic Station, was
   transmitted to the Executive. It is herewith laid before the
   Congress, together with the voluminous testimony taken before
   the court. Its purport is, in brief, as follows:

   "When the 'Maine' arrived at Havana she was conducted by the
   regular Government pilot to buoy Number 4, to which she was
   moored in from 5½ to 6 fathoms of water. The state of
   discipline on board and the condition of her magazines,
   boilers, coal bunkers, and storage compartments are passed in
   review, with the conclusion that excellent order prevailed and
   that no indication of any cause for an internal explosion
   existed in any quarter. At 8 o'clock in the evening of
   February 15 everything had been reported secure, and all was
   quiet. At forty minutes past 9 o'clock the vessel was suddenly
   destroyed. There were two distinct explosions, with a brief
   interval between them. The first lifted the forward part of
   the ship very perceptibly. The second, which was more open,
   prolonged, and of greater volume, is attributed by the court
   to the partial explosion of two or more of the forward
   magazines. The evidence of the divers establishes that the
   after part of the ship was practically intact and sank in that
   condition a very few moments after the explosion. The forward
   part was completely demolished. Upon the evidence of a
   concurrent external cause the finding of the court is as
   follows:

   "'At frame 17 the outer shell of the ship, from a point of 11½
   feet from the middle line of the ship and 6 feet above the
   keel when in its normal position, has been forced up so as to
   be now about 4 feet above the surface of the water, therefore
   about 34 feet above where it would be had the ship sunk
   uninjured. The outside bottom plating is bent into a reversed
   V shape (˄), the after wing of which, about 15 feet broad and
   32 feet in length (from frame 17 to frame 25), is doubled back
   upon itself against the continuation of the same plating,
   extending forward. At frame 18 the vertical keel is broken
   in two and the flat keel bent into an angle similar to the
   angle formed by the outside bottom plates. This break is now
   about 6 feet below the surface of the water and about 30 feet
   above its normal position. In the opinion of the court this
   effect could have been produced only by the explosion of a
   mine situated under the bottom of the ship at about frame 18
   and somewhat on the port side of the ship.'

   "The conclusions of the court are: That the loss of the
   'Maine' was not in any respect due to fault or negligence on
   the part of any of the officers or members of her crew; That
   the ship was destroyed by the explosion of a submarine mine,
   which caused the partial explosion of two or more of her
   forward magazines; and That no evidence has been obtainable
   fixing the responsibility for the destruction of the 'Maine'
   upon any person or persons.

   "I have directed that the finding of the court of inquiry and
   the views of this Government thereon be communicated to the
   Government of Her Majesty the Queen Regent, and I do not
   permit myself to doubt that the sense of justice of the
   Spanish nation will dictate a course of action suggested by
   honor and the friendly relations of the two Governments. It
   will be the duty of the Executive to advise the Congress of
   the result, and in the meantime deliberate consideration is
   invoked."

      _Congressional Record, March 28, 1898._

{585}

   A Spanish naval board of inquiry, convened by the maritime
   authority at Havana, and investigating the matter with haste,
   arrived at a conclusion quite opposite to that stated above,
   reporting on the 22d of March that "an explosion of the first
   order, in the forward magazine of the American ironclad
   'Maine,' caused the destruction of that part of the ship and
   its total submersion in the same place in this bay at which it
   was anchored. … That the important facts connected with the
   explosion in its external appearances at every moment of its
   duration having been described by witnesses, and the absence
   of all circumstances which necessarily accompany the explosion
   of a torpedo having been proved by these witnesses and
   experts, it can only be honestly asserted that the catastrophe
   was due to internal causes. … That the character of the
   proceedings undertaken and respect for the law which
   establishes the absolute extra-territoriality of a foreign war
   vessel have prevented the determination, even by conjecture,
   of the said internal origin of the disaster, to which also the
   impossibility of establishing the necessary communication
   either with the crew of the wrecked vessel or the officials of
   their Government commissioned to investigate the causes of the
   said event, or with those subsequently intrusted with the
   issue, has contributed. … That the interior and exterior
   examination of the bottom of the 'Maine,' whenever it is
   possible, unless the bottom of the ship and that of the place
   in the bay where it is sunk are altered by the work which is
   being carried on for the total or partial recovery of the
   vessel, will prove the correctness of all that is said in this
   report; but this must not be understood to mean that the
   accuracy of these present conclusions requires such proof."

      _U. S. Senate Report Number 885,
      55th Congress, 2d Session, page 635._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (February-December).
   In the Chinese "battle of concessions."

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (March).
   Account by Senator Proctor of the condition of
   the "reconcentrados" in Cuba.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1897-1898 (DECEMBER-MARCH).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (March-April).
   Continued discussion of Cuban affairs with Spain.
   Unsatisfactory results.
   Message of the President asking Congress for authority
   to terminate hostilities in Cuba.

   On the 11th of April, President McKinley addressed another
   special message to Congress, setting forth the unsatisfactory
   results with which Cuban affairs had been further discussed
   with the government of Spain, and formally asking to be
   authorized and empowered to take measures for securing a "full
   and final termination of hostilities" in the oppressed island.
   He said:

   "Obedient to that precept of the Constitution which commands
   the President to give from time to time to the Congress
   information of the state of the Union and to recommend to
   their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary
   and expedient, it becomes my duty now to address your body
   with regard to the grave crisis that has arisen in the
   relations of the United States to Spain by reason of the
   warfare that for more than three years has raged in the
   neighboring island of Cuba. I do so because of the intimate
   connection of the Cuban question with the state of our own
   Union, and the grave relation the course which it is now
   incumbent upon the nation to adopt must needs bear to the
   traditional policy of our Government, if it is to accord with
   the precepts laid down by the founders of the Republic and
   religiously observed by succeeding Administrations to the
   present day.

   "The present revolution is but the successor of other similar
   insurrections which have occurred in Cuba against the dominion
   of Spain, extending over a period of nearly half a century,
   each of which, during its progress, has subjected the United
   States to great effort and expense in enforcing its neutrality
   laws, caused enormous losses to American trade and commerce,
   caused irritation, annoyance, and disturbance among our
   citizens, and, by the exercise of cruel, barbarous, and
   uncivilized practices of warfare, shocked the sensibilities
   and offended the humane sympathies of our people. Since the
   present revolution began, in February, 1895, this country has
   seen the fertile domain at our threshold ravaged by fire and
   sword in the course of a struggle unequaled in the history of
   the island and rarely paralleled as to the numbers of the
   combatants and the bitterness of the contest by any revolution
   of modern times where a dependent people striving to be free
   have been opposed by the power of the sovereign state. Our
   people have beheld a once prosperous community reduced to
   comparative want, its lucrative commerce virtually paralyzed,
   its exceptional productiveness diminished, its fields laid
   waste, its mills in ruins, and its people perishing by tens of
   thousands from hunger and destitution. We have found ourselves
   constrained, in the observance of that strict neutrality which
   our laws enjoin and which the law of nations commands, to
   police our own waters and to watch our own seaports in
   prevention of any unlawful act in aid of the Cubans. Our trade
   has suffered; the capital invested by our citizens in Cuba has
   been largely lost, and the temper and forbearance of our
   people have been so sorely tried as to beget a perilous unrest
   among our own citizens which has inevitably found its
   expression from time to time in the National Legislature, so
   that issues wholly external to our own body politic engross
   attention and stand in the way of that close devotion to
   domestic advancement that becomes a self-contained
   commonwealth whose primal maxim has been the avoidance of all
   foreign entanglements. All this must needs awaken, and has,
   indeed, aroused the utmost concern on the part of this
   Government, as well during my predecessor's term as in my own.

   "In April, 1896, the evils from which our country suffered
   through the Cuban war became so onerous that my predecessor
   made an effort to bring about a peace through the mediation of
   this Government in any way that might tend to an honorable
   adjustment of the contest between Spain and her revolted
   colony, on the basis of some effective scheme of
   self-government for Cuba under the flag and sovereignty of
   Spain. It failed through the refusal of the Spanish Government
   then in power to consider any form of mediation or, indeed, any
   plan of settlement which did not begin with the actual
   submission of the insurgents to the mother country, and then
   only on such terms as Spain herself might see fit to grant.
   The war continued unabated. The resistance of the insurgents
   was in no wise diminished. The efforts of Spain were
   increased, both by the dispatch of fresh levies to Cuba and by
   the addition to the horrors of the strife of a new and inhuman
   phase happily unprecedented in the modern history of civilized
   Christian peoples.
{586}
   The policy of devastation and concentration, inaugurated by
   the captain-general's bando of October 21, 1896, in the
   province of Pinar del Rio, was thence extended to embrace all
   of the island to which the power of the Spanish arms was able
   to reach by occupation or by military operations. The
   peasantry, including all dwelling in the open agricultural
   interior, were driven into the garrison towns or isolated
   places held by the troops. The raising and movement of
   provisions of all kinds were interdicted. The fields were laid
   waste, dwellings unroofed and fired, mills destroyed, and, in
   short, everything that could desolate the land and render it
   unfit for human habitation or support was commanded by one or
   the other of the contending parties and executed by all the
   powers at their disposal.

   "By the time the present Administration took office, a year
   ago, reconcentration—so called—had been made effective over
   the better part of the four central and western
   provinces—Santa Clara, Matanzas, Habana, and Pinar del Rio.
   The agricultural population to the estimated number of 300,000
   or more was herded within the towns and their immediate
   vicinage, deprived of the means of support, rendered destitute
   of shelter, left poorly clad, and exposed to the most
   unsanitary conditions. As the scarcity of food increased with
   the devastation of the depopulated areas of production,
   destitution and want became misery and starvation. Month by
   month the death rate increased in an alarming ratio. By March,
   1897, according to conservative estimates from official
   Spanish sources, the mortality among the reconcentrados, from
   starvation and the diseases thereto incident, exceeded 50 per
   centum of their total number. No practical relief was accorded
   to the destitute. The overburdened towns, already suffering
   from the general dearth, could give no aid. So-called 'zones
   of cultivation' established within the immediate areas of
   effective military control about the cities and fortified
   camps proved illusory as a remedy for the suffering. The
   unfortunates, being for the most part women and children, with
   aged and helpless men, enfeebled by disease and hunger, could
   not have tilled the soil without tools, seed, or shelter for
   their own support or for the supply of the cities.
   Reconcentration, adopted avowedly as a war measure in order to
   cut off the resources of the insurgents, worked its
   predestined result. As I said in my message of last December,
   it was not civilized warfare; it was extermination. The only
   peace it could beget was that of the wilderness and the grave.

   "Meanwhile the military situation in the island had undergone
   a noticeable change. The extraordinary activity that
   characterized the second year of the war, when the insurgents
   invaded even the thitherto unharmed fields of Pinar del Rio
   and carried havoc and destruction up to the walls of the city
   of Habana itself, had relapsed into a dogged struggle in the
   central and eastern provinces. The Spanish arms regained a
   measure of control in Pinar del Rio and parts of Habana, but,
   under the existing conditions of the rural country, without
   immediate improvement of their productive situation. Even thus
   partially restricted, the revolutionists held their own, and
   their conquest and submission, put forward by Spain as the
   essential and sole basis of peace, seemed as far distant as at
   the outset. In this state of affairs my Administration found
   itself confronted with the grave problem of its duty. My
   message of last December reviewed the situation, and narrated
   the steps taken with a view to relieving its acuteness and
   opening the way to some form of honorable settlement. The
   assassination of the prime minister, Canovas, led to a change
   of government in Spain. The former administration, pledged to
   subjugation without concession, gave place to that of a more
   liberal party, committed long in advance to a policy of reform
   involving the wider principle of home rule for Cuba and Porto
   Rico.

   "The overtures of this Government, made through its new envoy,
   General Woodford, and looking to an immediate and effective
   amelioration of the condition of the island, although not
   accepted to the extent of admitted mediation in any shape,
   were met by assurances that home rule, in an advanced phase,
   would be forthwith offered to Cuba, without waiting for the
   war to end, and that more humane methods should thenceforth
   prevail in the conduct of hostilities. Coincidentally with
   these declarations, the new Government of Spain continued and
   completed the policy already begun by its predecessor, of
   testifying friendly regard for this nation by releasing
   American citizens held under one charge or another connected
   with the insurrection, so that by the end of November not a
   single person entitled in any way to our national protection
   remained in a Spanish prison.

   "While these negotiations were in progress the increasing
   destitution of the unfortunate reconcentrados and the alarming
   mortality among them claimed earnest attention. The success
   which had attended the limited measure of relief extended to
   the suffering American citizens among them by the judicious
   expenditure through the consular agencies of the money
   appropriated expressly for their succor by the joint
   resolution approved May 24, 1897, prompted the humane
   extension of a similar scheme of aid to the great body of
   sufferers. A suggestion to this end was acquiesced in by the
   Spanish authorities. On the 24th of December last I caused to
   be issued an appeal to the American people, inviting
   contributions in money or in kind for the succor of the
   starving sufferers in Cuba, following this on the 8th of
   January by a similar public announcement of the formation of a
   central Cuban relief committee, with headquarters in New York
   City, composed of three members, representing the American
   National Red Cross and the religious and business elements of
   the community. The efforts of that committee have been
   untiring and have accomplished much. Arrangements for free
   transportation to Cuba have greatly aided the charitable work.
   The president of the American Red Cross and representatives of
   other contributory organizations have generously visited Cuba
   and cooperated with the consul-general and the local
   authorities to make effective distribution of the relief
   collected through the efforts of the central committee. Nearly
   $200,000 in money and supplies has already reached the
   sufferers, and more is forthcoming. The supplies are admitted
   duty free, and transportation to the interior has been
   arranged, so that the relief, at first necessarily confined to
   Habana and the larger cities, is now extended through most, if
   not all, of the towns where suffering exists.
{587}
   Thousands of lives have already been saved. The necessity for
   a change in the condition of the reconcentrados is recognized
   by the Spanish Government. Within a few days past the orders
   of General Weyler have been revoked; the reconcentrados, it is
   said, are to be permitted to return to their homes, and aided
   to resume the self-supporting pursuits of peace. Public works
   have been ordered to give them employment, and a sum of
   $600,000 has been appropriated for their relief.

   "The war in Cuba is of such a nature that short of subjugation
   or extermination a final military victory for either side
   seems impracticable. The alternative lies in the physical
   exhaustion of the one or the other party, or perhaps of both—a
   condition which in effect ended the ten years' war by the truce
   of Zanjon. The prospect of such a protraction and conclusion
   of the present strife is a contingency hardly to be
   contemplated with equanimity by the civilized world, and least
   of all by the United States, affected and injured as we are,
   deeply and intimately, by its very existence. Realizing this,
   it appeared to be my duty, in a spirit of true friendliness,
   no less to Spain than to the Cubans who have so much to lose
   by the prolongation of the struggle, to seek to bring about an
   immediate termination of the war. To this end I submitted on
   the 27th ultimo, as a result of much representation and
   correspondence, through the United States minister at Madrid,
   propositions to the Spanish Government looking to an armistice
   until October 1 for the negotiation of peace with the good
   offices of the President. In addition, I asked the immediate
   revocation of the order of reconcentration, so as to permit
   the people to return to their farms and the needy to be
   relieved with provisions and supplies from the United States,
   cooperating with the Spanish authorities, so as to afford full
   relief.

   "The reply of the Spanish cabinet was received on the night of
   the 31st ultimo. It offered, as the means to bring about peace
   in Cuba, to confide the preparation thereof to the insular
   parliament, inasmuch as the concurrence of that body would be
   necessary to reach a final result, it being, however,
   understood that the powers reserved by the constitution to the
   Central Government are not lessened or diminished. As the
   Cuban parliament does not meet until the 4th of May next, the
   Spanish Government would not object, for its part, to accept
   at once a suspension of hostilities if asked for by the
   insurgents from the general in chief, to whom it would
   pertain, in such case, to determine the duration and
   conditions of the armistice. The propositions submitted by
   General Woodford and the reply of the Spanish Government were
   both in the form of brief memoranda, the texts of which are
   before me, and are substantially in the language above given.
   The function of the Cuban parliament in the matter of
   'preparing' peace and the manner of its doing so are not
   expressed in the Spanish memorandum; but from General
   Woodford's explanatory reports of preliminary discussions
   preceding the final conference it is understood that the
   Spanish Government stands ready to give the insular congress
   full powers to settle the terms of peace with the
   insurgents—whether by direct negotiation or indirectly by
   means of legislation does not appear.

   "With this last overture in the direction of immediate peace,
   and its disappointing reception by Spain, the Executive is
   brought to the end of his effort. In my annual message of
   December last I said: 'Of the untried measures there remain
   only: Recognition of the insurgents as belligerents;
   recognition of the independence of Cuba; neutral intervention
   to end the war by imposing a rational compromise between the
   contestants, and intervention in favor of one or the other
   party. I speak not of forcible annexation, for that can not be
   thought of. That, by our code of morality, would be criminal
   aggression.' Thereupon I review these alternatives, in the
   light of President Grant's measured words, uttered in 1875,
   when after seven years of sanguinary, destructive, and cruel
   hostilities in Cuba he reached the conclusion that the
   recognition of the independence of Cuba was impracticable and
   indefensible; and that the recognition of belligerence was not
   warranted by the facts according to the tests of public law. I
   commented especially upon the latter aspect of the question,
   pointing out the inconveniences and positive dangers of a
   recognition of belligerence which, while adding to the already
   onerous burdens of neutrality within our own jurisdiction,
   could not in any way extend our influence or effective offices
   in the territory of hostilities. Nothing has since occurred to
   change my view in this regard; and I recognize as fully now as
   then that the issuance of a proclamation of neutrality, by which
   process the so-called recognition of belligerents is
   published, could, of itself and unattended by other action,
   accomplish nothing toward the one end for which we labor—the
   instant pacification of Cuba and the cessation of the misery
   that afflicts the island.

   "Turning to the question of recognizing at this time the
   independence of the present insurgent government in Cuba, we
   find safe precedents in our history from an early day. They
   are well summed up in President Jackson's message to Congress,
   December 21, 1836, on the subject of the recognition of the
   independence of Texas. He said: 'In all the contests that have
   arisen out of the revolutions of France, out of the disputes
   relating to the Crowns of Portugal and Spain, out of the
   separation of the American possessions of both from the
   European Governments, and out of the numerous and constantly
   occurring struggles for dominion in Spanish America, so wisely
   consistent with our just principles has been the action of our
   Government that we have, under the most critical
   circumstances, avoided all censure, and encountered no other
   evil than that produced by a transient estrangement of good
   will in those against whom we have been by force of evidence
   compelled to decide. It has thus made known to the world that
   the uniform policy and practice of the United States is to
   avoid all interference in disputes which merely relate to the
   internal government of other nations, and eventually to
   recognize the authority of the prevailing party without
   reference to our particular interests and views or to the
   merits of the original controversy. … But on this, as on every
   other trying occasion, safety is to be found in a rigid
   adherence to principle. In the contest between Spain and the
   revolted colonies we stood aloof, and waited not only until
   the ability of the new States to protect themselves was fully
   established, but until the danger of their being again
   subjugated had entirely passed away.
{588}
   Then, and not until then, were they recognized. Such was our
   course in regard to Mexico herself. … It is true that with
   regard to Texas the civil authority of Mexico has been
   expelled, its invading army defeated, the chief of the
   Republic himself captured, and all present power to control
   the newly-organized government of Texas annihilated within its
   confines; but, on the other hand, there is, in appearance at
   least, an immense disparity of physical force on the side of
   Texas. The Mexican Republic, under another Executive, is
   rallying its forces under a new leader and menacing a fresh
   invasion to recover its lost dominion. Upon the issue of this
   threatened invasion the independence of Texas may be
   considered as suspended; and were there nothing peculiar in
   the relative situation of the United States and Texas, our
   acknowledgment of its independence at such a crisis could
   scarcely be regarded as consistent with that prudent reserve
   with which we have hitherto held ourselves bound to treat all
   similar questions.'

   "Thereupon Andrew Jackson proceeded to consider the risk that
   there might be imputed to the United States motives of selfish
   interest in view of the former claim on our part to the
   territory of Texas, and of the avowed purpose of the Texans in
   seeking recognition of independence as an incident to the
   incorporation of Texas in the Union, concluding thus:
   'Prudence, therefore, seems to dictate that we should still
   stand aloof and maintain our present attitude, if not until
   Mexico itself or one of the great foreign powers shall
   recognize the independence of the new government, at least
   until the lapse of time or the course of events shall have
   proved beyond cavil or dispute the ability of the people of
   that country to maintain their separate sovereignty and to
   uphold the government constituted by them. Neither of the
   contending parties can justly complain of this course. By
   pursuing it we are but carrying out the long-established
   policy of our Government, a policy which has secured to us
   respect and influence abroad and inspired confidence at home.'

   "These are the words of the resolute and patriotic Jackson.
   They are evidence that the United States, in addition to the
   test imposed by public law as the condition of the recognition
   of independence by a neutral state (to wit, that the revolted
   state shall 'constitute in fact a body politic, having a
   government in substance as well as in name, possessed of the
   elements of stability,' and forming de facto, 'if left to
   itself, a state among the nations, reasonably capable of
   discharging the duties of a state'), has imposed for its own
   governance in dealing with cases like these the further
   condition that recognition of independent statehood is not due
   to a revolted dependency until the danger of its being again
   subjugated by the parent state has entirely passed away. This
   extreme test was, in fact, applied in the case of Texas. The
   Congress, to whom President Jackson referred the question as
   one 'probably leading to war,' and therefore a proper subject
   for 'a previous understanding with that body, by whom war can
   alone be declared, and by whom all the provisions for
   sustaining its perils must be furnished,' left the matter of
   the recognition of Texas to the discretion of the Executive,
   providing merely for the sending of a diplomatic agent when
   the President should be satisfied that the Republic of Texas
   had become 'an independent State.' It was so recognized by
   President Van Buren, who commissioned a chargé d'affaires
   March 7, 1837, after Mexico had abandoned an attempt to
   reconquer the Texan territory, and when there was at the time
   no bona fide contest going on between the insurgent province
   and its former sovereign.

   "I said in my message of December last, 'It is to be seriously
   considered whether the Cuban insurrection possesses beyond
   dispute the attributes of statehood which alone can demand the
   recognition of belligerency in its favor.' The same
   requirement must certainly be no less seriously considered
   when the graver issue of recognizing independence is in
   question, for no less positive test can be applied to the
   greater act than to the lesser, while, on the other hand, the
   influences and consequences of the struggle upon the internal
   policy of the recognizing State, which form important factors
   when the recognition of belligerency is concerned, are
   secondary, if not rightly eliminable, factors when the real
   question is whether the community claiming recognition is or
   is not independent beyond peradventure.

   "Nor from the standpoint of expediency do I think it would be
   wise or prudent for this Government to recognize at the
   present time the independence of the so-called Cuban republic.
   Such recognition is not necessary in order to enable the United
   States to intervene and pacify the island. To commit this
   country now to the recognition of any particular government in
   Cuba might subject us to embarrassing conditions of
   international obligation toward the organization so
   recognized. In case of intervention our conduct would be
   subject to the approval or disapproval of such government. We
   would be required to submit to its direction and to assume to
   it the mere relation of a friendly ally. When it shall appear
   hereafter that there is within the island a government capable
   of performing the duties and discharging the functions of a
   separate nation, and having, as a matter of fact, the proper
   forms and attributes of nationality, such government can be
   promptly and readily recognized and the relations and
   interests of the United States with such nation adjusted.

   "There remain the alternative forms of intervention to end the
   war, either as an impartial neutral by imposing a rational
   compromise between the contestants or as the active ally of
   the one party or the other. As to the first, it is not to be
   forgotten that during the last few months the relation of the
   United States has virtually been one of friendly intervention
   in many ways, each not of itself conclusive, but all tending
   to the exertion of a potential influence toward an ultimate
   pacific result just and honorable to all interests concerned.
   The spirit of all our acts hitherto has been an earnest,
   unselfish desire for peace and prosperity in Cuba untarnished
   by differences between us and Spain and unstained by the blood
   of American citizens. The forcible intervention of the United
   States as a neutral to stop the war, according to the large
   dictates of humanity and following many historical precedents
   where neighboring states have interfered to check the hopeless
   sacrifices of life by internecine conflicts beyond their
   borders, is justifiable on rational grounds. It involves,
   however, hostile constraint upon both the parties to the
   contest, as well to enforce a truce as to guide the eventual
   settlement.

{589}

   "The grounds for such intervention may be briefly summarized
   as follows:

   First.
   In the cause of humanity and to put an end to the barbarities,
   bloodshed, starvation, and horrible miseries now existing there,
   and which the parties to the conflict are either unable or
   unwilling to stop or mitigate. It is no answer to say this is
   all in another country, belonging to another nation, and is
   therefore none of our business. It is specially our duty, for
   it is right at our door.

   Second.
   We owe it to our citizens in Cuba to afford them that
   protection and indemnity for life and property which no
   government there can or will afford, and to that end to
   terminate the conditions that deprive them of legal
   protection.

   Third.
   The right to intervene may be justified by the very serious
   injury to the commerce, trade, and business of our people and
   by the wanton destruction of property and devastation of the
   island.

   Fourth,
   and which is of the utmost importance. The present condition
   of affairs in Cuba is a constant menace to our peace, and
   entails upon this Government an enormous expense.

   With such a conflict waged for years in an island so near us
   and with which our people have such trade and business
   relations—when the lives and liberty of our citizens are in
   constant danger and their property destroyed and themselves
   ruined—where our trading vessels are liable to seizure and
   are seized at our very door by warships of a foreign nation,
   the expeditions of filibustering that we are powerless to
   prevent altogether, and the irritating questions and
   entanglements thus arising—all these and others that I need
   not mention, with the resulting strained relations, are a
   constant menace to our peace, and compel us to keep on a
   semi-war footing with a nation with which we are at peace.

   "These elements of danger and disorder already pointed out
   have been strikingly illustrated by a tragic event which has
   deeply and justly moved the American people. I have already
   transmitted to Congress the report of the naval court of
   inquiry on the destruction of the battleship 'Maine' in the
   harbor of Habana during the night of the 15th of February. The
   destruction of that noble vessel has filled the national heart
   with inexpressible horror. Two hundred and fifty-eight brave
   sailors and marines and two officers of our Navy, reposing in
   the fancied security of a friendly harbor, have been hurled to
   death, grief and want brought to their homes and sorrow to the
   nation. The naval court of inquiry, which, it is needless to
   say, commands the unqualified confidence of the Government,
   was unanimous in its conclusion that the destruction of the
   'Maine' was caused by an exterior explosion, that of a
   submarine mine. It did not assume to place the responsibility:
   that remains to be fixed. In any event the destruction of them
   'Maine' by whatever exterior cause, is a patent and
   impressive proof of a state of things in Cuba that is
   intolerable. That condition is thus shown to be such that the
   Spanish Government cannot assure safety and security to a
   vessel of the American Navy in the harbor of Habana on a
   mission of peace, and rightfully there.

   "Further referring in this connection to recent diplomatic
   correspondence, a dispatch from our minister to Spain, of the
   26th ultimo, contained the statement that the Spanish minister
   for foreign affairs assured him positively that Spain will do
   all that the highest honor and justice require in the matter
   of the 'Maine.' The reply above referred to of the 31st
   ultimo, also contained an expression of the readiness of Spain
   to submit to an arbitration all the differences which can
   arise in this matter, which is subsequently explained by the
   note of the Spanish minister at Washington of the 10th
   instant, as follows: 'As to the question of fact which springs
   from the diversity of views between the reports of the
   American and Spanish boards, Spain proposes that the facts be
   ascertained by an impartial investigation by experts, whose
   decision Spain accepts in advance.' To this I have made no
   reply.

   "President Grant, in 1875, after discussing the phases of the
   contest as it then appeared, and its hopeless and apparent
   indefinite prolongation, said: 'In such an event, I am of
   opinion that other nations will be compelled to assume the
   responsibility which devolves upon them, and to seriously
   consider the only remaining measures possible—mediation and
   intervention. Owing, perhaps, to the large expanse of water
   separating the island from the peninsula, … the contending
   parties appear to have within themselves no depository of
   common confidence, to suggest wisdom when passion and
   excitement have their sway, and to assume the part of
   peacemaker. In this view in the earlier days of the contest
   the good offices of the United States as a mediator were
   tendered in good faith, without any selfish purpose, in the
   interest of humanity and in sincere friendship for both
   parties, but were at the time declined by Spain, with the
   declaration, nevertheless, that at a future time they would be
   indispensable. No intimation has been received that in the
   opinion of Spain that time has been reached. And yet the
   strife continues with all its dread horrors and all its
   injuries to the interests of the United States and of other
   nations. Each party seems quite capable of working great
   injury and damage to the other, as well as to all the
   relations and interests dependent on the existence of peace in
   the island; but they seem incapable of reaching any
   adjustment, and both have thus far failed of achieving any
   success whereby one party shall possess and control the island
   to the exclusion of the other. Under these circumstances, the
   agency of others, either by mediation or by intervention,
   seems to be the only alternative which must sooner or later be
   invoked for the termination of the strife.'

   "In the last annual message of my immediate predecessor during
   the pending struggle, it was said: 'When the inability of
   Spain to deal successfully with the insurrection has become
   manifest, and it is demonstrated that her sovereignty is
   extinct in Cuba for all purposes of its rightful existence,
   and when a hopeless struggle for its re-establishment has
   degenerated into a strife which means nothing more than the
   useless sacrifice of human life and the utter destruction of
   the very subject-matter of the conflict, a situation will be
   presented in which our obligations to the sovereignty of Spain
   will be superseded by higher obligations, which we can hardly
   hesitate to recognize and discharge.'

{590}

   "In my annual message to Congress, December last, speaking to
   this question, I said: 'The near future will demonstrate
   whether the indispensable condition of a righteous peace, just
   alike to the Cubans and to Spain, as well as equitable to all
   our interests so intimately involved in the welfare of Cuba,
   is likely to be attained. If not, the exigency of further and
   other action by the United States will remain to be taken.
   When that time comes that action will be determined in the
   line of indisputable right and duty. It will be faced, without
   misgiving or hesitancy, in the light of the obligation this
   Government owes to itself, to the people who have confided to
   it the protection of their interests and honor, and to
   humanity. Sure of the right, keeping free from all offense
   ourselves, actuated only by upright and patriotic
   considerations, moved neither by passion nor selfishness, the
   Government will continue its watchful care over the rights and
   property of American citizens and will abate none of its efforts
   to bring about by peaceful agencies a peace which shall be
   honorable and enduring. If it shall hereafter appear to be a
   duty imposed by our obligations to ourselves, to civilization,
   and humanity to intervene with force, it shall be without fault
   on our part, and only because the necessity for such action
   will be so clear as to command the support and approval of the
   civilized world.'

   "The long trial has proved that the object for which Spain has
   waged the war cannot be attained. The fire of insurrection may
   flame or may smoulder with varying seasons, but it has not
   been and it is plain that it cannot be extinguished by present
   methods. The only hope of relief and repose from a condition
   which can no longer be endured is the enforced pacification of
   Cuba. In the name of humanity, in the name of civilization, in
   behalf of endangered American interests which give us the
   right and the duty to speak and act, the War in Cuba must
   stop.

   "In view of these facts and of these considerations, I ask the
   Congress to authorize and empower the President to take
   measures to secure a full and final termination of hostilities
   between the Government of Spain and the people of Cuba, and to
   secure in the island the establishment of a stable government,
   capable of maintaining order and observing its international
   obligations, insuring peace and tranquillity and the security
   of its citizens as well as our own, and to use the military
   and naval forces of the United States as may be necessary for
   these purposes. And in the interest of humanity and to aid in
   preserving the lives of the starving people of the island I
   recommend that the distribution of food and supplies be
   continued, and that an appropriation be made out of the public
   Treasury to supplement the charity of our citizens.

   "The issue is now with the Congress. It is a solemn
   responsibility. I have exhausted every effort to relieve the
   intolerable condition of affairs which is at our doors.
   Prepared to execute every obligation imposed upon me by the
   Constitution and the law, I await your action.

   "Yesterday, and since the preparation of the foregoing
   message, official information was received by me that the
   latest decree of the Queen Regent of Spain directs General
   Blanco, in order to prepare and facilitate peace, to proclaim
   a suspension of hostilities, the duration and details of which
   have not yet been communicated to me. This fact with every
   other pertinent consideration will, I am sure, have your just
   and careful attention in the solemn deliberations upon which
   you are about to enter. If this measure attains a successful
   result, then our aspirations as a Christian, peace-loving
   people will be realized. If it fails, it will be only another
   justification for our contemplated action."

      _Congressional Record,
      April 11, 1898._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (April).
   Action of Congress empowering the President to expel
   Spanish authority from the island of Cuba, and its result
   in a state of war with Spain.

   On the 13th of April, two days after receiving the President's
   Message, as above, the House of Representatives adopted the
   following resolution, by a vote of 324 against 19: "Resolved,
   That the President is hereby authorized and directed to
   intervene at once to stop the war in Cuba, to the end and with
   the purpose of securing permanent peace and order there and
   establishing by the free action of the people thereof a stable
   and independent government of their own in the island of Cuba;
   and the President is hereby authorized and empowered to use
   the land and naval forces of the United States to execute the
   purpose of this resolution."

      _Congressional Record,
      April 13, 1898, pages 4192-4196._

   Three days later the Senate adopted the following, by 27 votes
   against 21: "Resolved by the Senate and House of
   Representatives of the United States of America in Congress
   assembled,

   First.
   That the people of the Island of Cuba are, and of right ought
   to be, free and independent, and that the Government of the
   United States hereby recognizes the Republic of Cuba as the
   true and lawful Government of that island.

   "Second.
   That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and the
   Government of the United States does hereby demand, that the
   Government of Spain at once relinquish its authority and
   government in the Island of Cuba and withdraw its land and
   naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters.

   "Third.
   That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is,
   directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces
   of the United States, and to call into the actual service of
   the United States the militia of the several States, to such
   extent as may be necessary to carry these resolutions into
   effect.

   "Fourth.
   That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or
   intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control
   over said island except for the pacification thereof, and
   asserts its determination when that is accomplished to leave
   the government and control of the island to its people."

      _Congressional Record,
      April 16, 1898, page 4386-4387._

   The two Houses were in conflict, it will be seen, on the
   question of the recognition of what claimed to be the
   government of the Republic of Cuba, organized by the
   insurgents. A majority of the House shared the doubts
   expressed by the President in his message, as to the existence
   of such a government in Cuba as could be recognized without
   embarrassment; a majority of the Senate shut its eyes to that
   doubt. After two days of heated controversy, the Senate gave
   way, and the following resolution, recommended by conference
   committees, was adopted in both Houses,—in the Senate by 42
   yeas to 35 nays (12 not voting); in the House by 311 to 6 (39
   not voting):

{591}

   "Resolved, etc.

   "First.
   That the people of the Island of Cuba are and of right ought
   to be free and independent.

   "Second.
   That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and the
   Government of the United States does hereby demand, that the
   Government of Spain at once relinquish its authority and
   government in the Island of Cuba and withdraw its land and
   naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters.

   "Third.
   That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is,
   directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces
   of the United States, and to call into the actual service of
   the United States the militia of the several States, to such
   extent as may be necessary to carry these resolutions into
   effect.

   "Fourth.
   That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or
   intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control
   over said island, except for the pacification thereof, and
   asserts its determination when that is accomplished to leave
   the government and control of the island to its people."

      _Congressional Record,
      April 18, 1898, pages 4421-4422, and 4461-4462._

   One week later, on the 25th of April, the President
   communicated to Congress an account of his action in
   accordance with this joint resolution, and its result in a
   state of war between the United States and Spain as follows:

   "Upon communicating to the Spanish minister in Washington the
   demand which it became the duty of the Executive to address to
   the Government of Spain in obedience to said resolution, the
   minister asked for his passports and withdrew. The United
   States minister at Madrid was in turn notified by the Spanish
   minister for foreign affairs that the withdrawal of the
   Spanish representative from the United States had terminated
   diplomatic relations between the two countries, and that all
   official communications between their respective
   representatives ceased therewith.

   "I commend to your special attention the note addressed to the
   United States minister at Madrid by the Spanish minister for
   foreign affairs on the 21st instant, whereby the foregoing
   notification was conveyed. It will be perceived therefrom that
   the Government of Spain, having cognizance of the joint
   resolution of the United States Congress, and in view of the
   things which the President is thereby required and authorized
   to do, responds by treating the reasonable demands of this
   Government as measures of hostility, following with that
   instant and complete severance of relations by its action
   which, by the usage of nations, accompanies an existent state
   of war between sovereign powers.

   "The position of Spain being thus made known and the demands
   of the United States being denied with a complete rupture of
   intercourse by the act of Spain, I have been constrained, in
   exercise of the power and authority conferred upon me by the
   joint resolution aforesaid, to proclaim under date of April
   22, 1898, a blockade of certain ports of the north coast of
   Cuba, lying between Cardenas and Bahia Honda and of the port
   of Cienfuegos on the south coast of Cuba; and further, in
   exercise of my constitutional powers and using the authority
   conferred upon me by the act of Congress approved April 22,
   1898, to issue my proclamation dated April 23, 1898, calling
   forth volunteers in order to carry into effect the said
   resolution of April 20, 1898. …

   "In view of the measures so taken, and with a view to the
   adoption of such other measures as may be necessary to enable
   me to carry out the expressed will of the Congress of the
   United States in the premises, I now recommend to your
   honorable body the adoption of a joint resolution declaring
   that a state of war exists between the United States of
   America and the Kingdom of Spain, and I urge speedy action
   thereon, to the end that the definition of the international
   status of the United States as a belligerent power may be made
   known, and the assertion of all its rights and the maintenance
   of all its duties in the conduct of a public war may be
   assured."

      _Congressional Record,
      April 25, 1898, page 4671._

   The recommendation of the President was carried out, on the
   same day, by the passage in both Houses, unanimously, of an
   enactment, "First. That war be, and the same is hereby,
   declared to exist, and that war has existed since the 21st day
   of April, A. D. 1898, including said day, between the United
   States of America and the Kingdom of Spain. Second. That the
   President of the United States be, and he hereby is, directed
   and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the
   United States, and to call into the actual service of the
   United States the militia of the several States, to such
   extent as may be necessary to carry this act into effect."

      _Congressional Record,
      April 25, pages 4674 and 4693._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (April).
   Cabinet changes.

   Two resignations from the President's cabinet occurred in
   April, both occasioned by failing health. Honorable James A.
   Gary was succeeded as Postmaster-General by Honorable Charles
   Emory Smith, and Honorable John Sherman was followed in the
   Secretaryship of State by his First Assistant in that office,
   Judge William R. Day.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (April-May).
   War with Spain.
   Military preparations.
   Regular and Volunteer armies.
   "The Rough Riders."

   At the outbreak of the war, the Regular Army of the United
   States numbered but 28,000 officers and men. Under authority
   given by acts of Congress it was rapidly increased, and
   returns for May, 1898, show 2,191 officers and nearly 42,000
   men in the ranks. At the same time, a Volunteer Army was being
   speedily raised and equipped. By proclamation of April 2-3d,
   the President called for 125,000 volunteers, to be
   apportioned, as far as practicable, among the states and
   territories, according to population. On the 25th of May he
   called for 75,000 more. Before the end of May, 118,580
   enlisted volunteers, with 6,224 officers, were reported to
   have been mustered in. These were assembled in various camps
   and prepared for service in a more or less hurried way. At the
   beginning, six army corps were constituted, embracing both the
   Regular and Volunteer branches of the army. The First Corps,
   under Major General John R. Brooke, and the Third under Major
   General James F. Wade, were organized at Camp Thomas, Georgia.
   The Second was organized under Major General William M.
   Graham, at Camp Alger, near Falls Church, Virginia. The
   organization of the Fourth Corps, Major General John J.
   Coppinger, commanding, was begun at Mobile, Alabama. The Fifth
   Corps was organized at Tampa, Florid., under Major General
   William R. Shafter.
{592}
   A Sixth Corps, which had been provided for, was never
   organized; but the Seventh was formed, at Tampa, Florida,
   under Major General Fitzhugh Lee. Subsequently an Eighth Corps
   was concentrated at San Francisco, and transported to the
   Philippine Islands. Tampa, Florida, was the port chosen for
   the shipment of troops to Cuba, and extensive preparations
   were made for the transport service from that point. The
   movement waited, first, for the preparation of newly levied
   troops, and, secondly, for naval operations to make the voyage
   of transports to Cuba safe from attack.

      _Annual Report of the Adjutant-General to the
      Major-General Commanding the Army, 1898._

   Among the Volunteer regiments organized, one known as that of
   "the Rough Riders" excited public interest in the greatest
   degree. "The moment that the newspapers sent broadcast the
   tale that such a regiment was contemplated, excitement began
   in nearly every State in the Union, and did not end until the
   announcement was made that the regiment was complete. As it
   stood, finished, the troops which made it up, theoretically
   came from the following sections, although men from the East
   and from other States and Territories were scattered through
   each troop. Troops A, B, and C, from Arizona. Troop D, from
   Oklahoma. Troops E, F, G, H, and I, from New Mexico. Troop K,
   from Eastern colleges and cities. Troops L and M, from Indian
   Territory.

   "Senator Warren, of Iowa, is responsible for the idea of the
   Rough Riders. He introduced and carried through Congress,
   aided by Senators Kyle, Carter, and others, a bill authorizing
   the enrollment of three regiments, to be made up of expert
   hunters, riflemen, cow-men, frontiersmen, and such other hardy
   characters as might care to enlist from the Territories.
   Captain Leonard Wood, of the Medical Corps, was the
   President's chief medical adviser, and had had much experience
   in Indian fighting in the West. Theodore Roosevelt was
   Assistant Secretary of the Navy, and had had some knowledge of
   men and things on the frontier, through his life on his Own
   and other ranches. It was the President's intention to offer
   to Wood the colonelcy of one regiment, to Roosevelt the
   colonelcy of a second, and to Griggsby, of Montana, the
   colonelcy of a third. Wood and Roosevelt received their offers
   at about the same moment. Roosevelt promptly declined his, on
   the theory that he had not had sufficient military experience
   to warrant him in taking command of a regiment. He asked that
   he might be given the second place in the regiment commanded
   by Wood, which was done. Thus the Rough Riders began.

   "Alexander Brodie, who afterwards became major of the
   regiment, was probably the first man to systematically start
   towards the organization of this particular regiment. … It was
   on the 3d of May that the Arizona men started for San Antonio.
   It was on the 8th of May that the very last men of all—those
   of K Troop—left Washington for San Antonio. These were the
   'dude warriors,' the 'dandy troopers,' the 'gilded gang.' When
   their train pulled into San Antonio, and they started
   stragglingly to march into camp, they encountered a contingent
   of 340 cowboys from New Mexico. Oil and water are not farther
   removed than were the everyday natures of these two groups of
   men. Yet, instantly they fraternized, and from that
   moment—through the hardships of it all—these men were
   brothers. … Probably no military organization has ever been
   made up of men selected from so large a number of applicants,
   or of men so carefully selected. … A large delegation of men
   from Harvard College called upon Roosevelt one day in
   Washington and offered their services in a body. Indeed,
   delegations of that kind from most of the Eastern Colleges
   went to him, but went to him in vain. His secretary answered
   more than five thousand individual applications for places in
   the regiment, and answered ninety-nine per cent. of them with
   declinations."

      _E. Marshall,
      The Story of the Rough Riders,
      chapter 1
      (Copyright, G. W. Dillingham & Co., New York)._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (April-May: Cuba)
   War with Spain.
   Blockade of Cuban ports.

   On the 21st of April, the following instructions were
   despatched by the Secretary of the Navy to Rear-Admiral
   Sampson, appointed that day to the command of the naval force
   on the Atlantic Station: "You will immediately institute a
   blockade of the north coast of Cuba, extending from Cardenas
   on the east to Bahia Honda on the west; also, if in your
   opinion your force warrants, the port of Cienfuegos, on the
   south side of the island. It is considered doubtful if the
   present force at your command would warrant a more extensive
   blockade. It should be borne in mind that whenever the Army is
   ready to embark for Cuba the Navy will be required to furnish
   the necessary convoy for its transports. For this reason it
   does not seem desirable that you should undertake at present
   to blockade any more of the island than has been indicated. It
   is believed that this blockade will cut off Havana almost
   entirely from receiving supplies from the outside. The Navy
   Department is considering the question of occupying the port
   of Matanzas by a military force large enough to hold it and to
   open communications with the insurgents, and this may be done
   at an early date, even before the main party of the Army is
   ready to embark. If this operation is decided upon, you are
   directed to co-operate with the Army and assist with such
   vessels as are necessary to cover and protect such a
   movement."

      _Report of Secretary of Navy, 1898,
      volume 2, page 175._

   In previous confidential orders to the commander of the North
   Atlantic squadron, issued April 6, in anticipation of
   hostilities, the Department had directed as follows: "In the
   event of hostilities with Spain, the Department wishes you to
   do all in your power to capture or destroy the Spanish war
   vessels in West Indian waters, including the small gunboats
   which are stationed along the coast of Cuba.

   "2. The Department does not wish the vessels of your squadron
   to be exposed to the fire of the batteries at Havana, Santiago
   de Cuba, or other strongly fortified ports in Cuba, unless the
   more formidable Spanish vessels should take refuge within
   those harbors. Even in this case the Department would suggest
   that a rigid blockade and employment of our torpedo boats
   might accomplish the desired object, viz, the destruction of
   the enemy's vessels, without subjecting unnecessarily our own
   men-of-war to the fire of the land batteries. There are two
   reasons for this: First. There may be no United States troops
   to occupy any captured stronghold, or to protect from riot and
   arson, until after the dry season begins, about the first of
   October. Second. The lack of docking facilities makes it
   particularly desirable that our vessels should not be crippled
   before the capture or destruction of Spain's most formidable
   vessels.

{593}

   "3. The Department further desires that, in case of war, you
   will maintain a strict blockade of Cuba, particularly at the
   ports of Havana, Matanzas, and, if possible, of Santiago de
   Cuba, Manzanillo, and Cienfuegos. Such a blockade may cause
   the Spaniards to yield before the rainy season is over."

      _Report of Secretary of Navy, 1898,
      volume 2, page 171._

   The prudent policy here set forth restricted the action of the
   fleet to blockading duty so closely, during the early weeks of
   the war, that no serious demonstrations against the Spanish
   land batteries were made. Admiral Sampson had been urgent for
   permission to force the entrance to Havana harbor, before its
   defenses were strengthened, expressing perfect confidence that
   he could silence the western batteries, and reach a position
   from which the city would be at the mercy of his guns; but he
   was not allowed to make the attempt. The projected occupation
   of Matanzas was not undertaken.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (April-May: Philippines).
   Statements of the circumstances in which Aguinaldo, the
   head of the insurrectionary movement in the Philippines,
   went to Manila, to co-operate with the American forces.

   On the 4th of May, 1898, the following was published in the
   "Singapore Free Press": "General Emilio Aguinaldo, accompanied
   by his aide-de-camp, Colonel Marcelo H. del Pilar, and his
   private secretary, Mr. J. Leyba, arrived incognito in
   Singapore from Saigon on April 21, 1898. In Saigon, where
   Aguinaldo had remained for one week, he had interviews with
   one or two old Philippino friends now resident there. The
   special purpose of Aguinaldo's visit to Singapore was to
   consult other friends here, particularly Mr. Howard W. Bray,
   an old and intimate English friend, for fifteen years resident
   in the Philippines, about the state of affairs in the islands
   generally—particularly as to the possibility of war between
   the United States and Spain, and whether, in such an event,
   the United States would eventually recognize the independence
   of the Philippines, provided he lent his co-operation to the
   Americans in the conquest of the country. The situation of the
   moment was this, that the conditions of the honorable peace
   concluded on December 14, 1897, between President Aguinaldo,
   on behalf of the Philippine rebels, and H. E. Governor-General
   Primo di Rivera, on behalf of Spain, had not been carried out,
   although their immediate execution had been vouched for in
   that agreement. These reforms would have provided protection
   to the people against the organized oppression and rapacity of
   the religious fraternities, would have secured improved civil
   and criminal procedure in courts, and have guaranteed, in many
   ways, improvements in the fiscal and social conditions of the
   people. The repudiation by the Spanish Government of these
   conditions, made by General Primo di Rivera, now left the
   rebel leaders, who had for the most part gone to Hongkong,
   free to act. And it was in pursuance of that freedom of action
   that Aguinaldo again sought counsel of his friends in Saigon
   and Singapore, with a view to the immediate resumption of
   operations in the Philippines.

   "Meantime Mr. Bray, whose assistance to this journal on
   matters connected with the Philippines has been very
   considerable, as our readers will have seen, was introduced by
   the editor of the Singapore Free Press to Mr. Spencer Pratt,
   consul-general of the United States, who was anxious, in view
   of contingencies, to learn as much as possible about the real
   condition of the Philippines. It was a few days after this
   that Aguinaldo arrived incognito in Singapore, when he at once
   met his friends, including Mr. Bray. Affairs now becoming more
   warlike, Mr. Bray, after conversation with Mr. Spencer Pratt,
   eventually arranged an interview between that gentleman and
   General Aguinaldo, which took place late on the evening of
   Sunday, the 24th April, at 'The Mansion,' River Valley road.
   There were present on that occasion General Emilio Aguinaldo y
   Fami, Mr. E. Spencer Pratt, consul-general United States of
   America; Mr. Howard W. Bray; Aguinaldo's private secretary,
   Mr. J. Leyba; Colonel M. H. del Pilar, and Dr. Marcelino
   Santos.

   "During this conference, at which Mr. Bray acted as
   interpreter, General Aguinaldo explained to the American
   consul-general, Mr. Pratt, the incidents and objects of the
   late rebellion, and described the present disturbed state of
   the country. General Aguinaldo then proceeded to detail the
   nature of the co-operation he could give, in which he, in the
   event of the American forces from the squadron landing and
   taking possession of Manila, would guarantee to maintain order
   and discipline amongst the native troops and inhabitants in
   the same humane way in which he had hitherto conducted the
   war, and prevent them from committing outrages on defenceless
   Spaniards beyond the inevitable in fair and honorable warfare.
   He further declared his ability to establish a proper and
   responsible government on liberal principles, and would be
   willing to accept the same terms for the country as the United
   States intend giving to Cuba.

   "The consul-general of the United States, coinciding with the
   general views expressed during the discussion, placed himself
   at once in telegraphic communication with Admiral Dewey at
   Hongkong, between whom and Mr. Pratt a frequent interchange of
   telegrams consequently took place. As a result another private
   interview was arranged at the American consular residence at
   the Raffles Hotel between General Aguinaldo, Mr. Spencer
   Pratt, Mr. Howard Bray, and Mr. Leyba, private secretary to
   General Aguinaldo. As a sequel to this interview, and in
   response to the urgent request of Admiral Dewey, General
   Aguinaldo left Singapore for Hongkong by the first available
   steamer, the Peninsular and Oriental 'Malacca,' on Tuesday,
   the 26th April, at noon, accompanied by his aide-de-camp,
   Captain del Pilar, and Mr. Leyba, his private secretary. …

   "Throughout the whole stay of General Aguinaldo in Singapore
   the editor was kept fully informed daily of the progress of
   affairs. Naturally, however, all statement of what occurred
   has been withheld by us until what has been deemed the fitting
   moment has arrived. The substance of the whole incident in its
   relations to the recent course of affairs in the Philippines
   has been very fully telegraphed by the editor both to New York
   and London."

{594}

   Mr. Pratt, the U. S. Consul-General at Singapore, had already,
   under date of April 28, given his own official report of the
   interview with General Aguinaldo, to the Department at
   Washington, as follows:

   "I have the honor to report that I sent you on the 27th
   instant, and confirmed in my dispatch Number 211 of that date,
   a telegram which deciphered read as follows. … 'General
   Aguinaldo gone my instance Hongkong arrange with Dewey
   co-operation insurgents Manila.
   PRATT.'

   "The facts are these: On the evening of Saturday the 23d
   instant, I was confidentially informed of the arrival here,
   incognito, of the supreme leader of the Philippine insurgents,
   General Emilio Aguinaldo, by Mr. H. W. Bray, an English gentleman
   of high standing, who, after fifteen years' residence as a
   merchant and planter in the Philippines, had been compelled by
   the disturbed condition of things resulting from Spanish
   misrule to abandon his property and leave there, and from whom
   I had previously obtained much valuable information for
   Commodore Dewey regarding fortifications, coal deposits, etc.,
   at different points in the islands. Being aware of the great
   prestige of General Aguinaldo with the insurgents, and that no
   one, either at home or abroad, could exert over them the same
   influence and control that he could, I determined at once to
   see him, and, at my request, a secret interview was
   accordingly arranged for the following morning, Sunday, the
   24th, in which, besides General Aguinaldo, were only present
   the General's trusted advisers and Mr. Bray, who acted as
   interpreter.

   "At this interview, after learning from General Aguinaldo the
   state of and object sought to be obtained by the present
   insurrectionary movement, which, though absent from the
   Philippines, he was still directing, I took it upon myself,
   whilst explaining that I had no authority to speak for the
   Government, to point out the danger of continuing independent
   action at this stage; and, having convinced him of the
   expediency of co-operating with our fleet, then at Hongkong,
   and obtained the assurance of his willingness to proceed
   thither and confer with Commodore Dewey to that end, should
   the latter so desire, I telegraphed the Commodore the same day
   as follows, through our consul-general at Hongkong:
   'Aguinaldo, insurgent leader, here. Will come Hongkong arrange
   with Commodore for general cooperation insurgents Manila if
   desired. Telegraph.
   PRATT.'

   "The Commodore's reply reading thus:
   'Tell Aguinaldo come soon as possible.
   DEWEY.'

   "I received it late that night, and at once communicated to
   General Aguinaldo, who, with his aide-de-camp and private
   secretary, all under assumed names, I succeeded in getting off
   by the British steamer 'Malacca,' which left here on Tuesday,
   the 26th. Just previous to his departure, I had a second and
   last interview with General Aguinaldo, the particulars of
   which I shall give you by next mail. The general impressed me
   as a man of intelligence, ability, and courage, and worthy the
   confidence that had been placed in him.

   "I think that in arranging for his direct cooperation with
   the commander of our forces, I have prevented possible
   conflict of action and facilitated the work of occupying and
   administering the Philippines. If this course of mine meets
   with the Government's approval, as I trust it may, I shall be
   fully satisfied; to Mr. Bray, however, I consider there is due
   some special recognition for most valuable services rendered.
   How that recognition can best be made I leave to you to
   decide."

   Two days later (April 30), Mr. Pratt reported further, as
   follows: "Referring to my dispatch No. 212, of the 28th
   instant, I have the honor to report that in the second and
   last interview I had with General Emilio Aguinaldo, on the eve
   of his departure for Hongkong, I enjoined upon him the
   necessity, under Commodore Dewey's direction, of exerting
   absolute control over his forces in the Philippines, as no
   excesses on their part would be tolerated by the American
   Government, the President having declared that the present
   hostilities with Spain were to be carried on in strict accord
   with modern principles of civilized warfare. To this General
   Aguinaldo fully assented, assuring me that he intended and was
   perfectly able, once on the field, to hold his followers, the
   insurgents, in check and lead them as our commander should
   direct. The general further stated that he hoped the United
   States would assume protection of the Philippines for at least
   long enough to allow the inhabitants to establish a government
   of their own, in the organization of which he would desire
   American advise and assistance. These questions I told him I
   had no authority to discuss."

   Of the arrival of Aguinaldo at Hongkong and his conveyance
   thence to Manila, the following account was given by Mr.
   Wildman, the U. S. Consul at Hongkong, in a communication to
   the State Department at Washington, which bears date July 18:
   "On May 2 Aguinaldo arrived in Hongkong and immediately called
   on me. It was May 16 before I could obtain permission from
   Admiral Dewey to allow Aguinaldo to go by the United States
   ship 'McCulloch,' and I put him aboard in the night so as to
   save any complications with the local Government. Immediately
   on the arrival of Aguinaldo at Cavite he issued a
   proclamation, which I had outlined for him before he left,
   forbidding pillage, and making it a criminal offense to
   maltreat neutrals. He, of course, organized a government of
   which he was dictator, an absolutely necessary step if he
   hoped to maintain control over the natives, and from that date
   until the present time he has been uninterruptedly successful
   in the field and dignified and just as the head of his
   government. According to his own statements to me by letter,
   he has been approached by both the Spaniards and the Germans,
   and has had tempting offers made him by the Catholic Church.
   He has been watched very closely by Admiral Dewey, Consul
   Williams, and his own junta here in Hongkong, and nothing of
   moment has occurred which would lead anyone to believe that he
   was not carrying out to the letter the promises made to me in
   this consulate. The insurgents are fighting for freedom from
   the Spanish rule, and rely upon the well-known sense of
   justice that controls all the actions of our Government as to
   their future."

{595}

   In reply to Consul Pratt's report of his interviews with
   General Aguinaldo, and of his proceedings in connection with
   the departure of that personage from Singapore to Hongkong,
   the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Day, wrote, June 16,
   as follows: "The Department observes that you informed General
   Aguinaldo that you had no authority to speak for the United
   States; and, in the absence of the fuller report which you
   promise, it is assumed that you did not attempt to commit this
   Government to any alliance with the Philippine insurgents. To
   obtain the unconditional personal assistance of General
   Aguinaldo in the expedition to Manila was proper, if in so
   doing he was not induced to form hopes which it might not be
   practicable to gratify. This Government has known the
   Philippine insurgents only as discontented and rebellious
   subjects of Spain, and is not acquainted with their purposes.
   While their contest with that power has been a matter of
   public notoriety, they have neither asked nor received from
   this Government any recognition. The United States, in
   entering upon the occupation of the islands, as the result of
   its military operations in that quarter, will do so in the
   exercise of the rights which the state of war confers, and
   will expect from the inhabitants, without regard to their
   former attitude toward the Spanish Government, that obedience
   which will be lawfully due from them. If, in the course of
   your conferences with General Aguinaldo, you acted upon the
   assumption that this government would cooperate with him for
   the furtherance of any plan of his own, or that, in accepting
   his cooperation, it would consider itself pledged to recognize
   any political claims which he may put forward, your action was
   unauthorized and cannot be approved."

      _Treaty of Peace, and Accompanying Papers
      (55th Congress, 3d Session, Senate Document Number 62,
      part 2, pages 337-354)._

      See, also (in this volume),
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1806-1808.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (April-June).
   The War with Spain.
   Movements or the Spanish squadron under Admiral Cervera,
   and the blockading of it in the harbor of Santiago de Cuba.
   Lieutenant Hobson's exploit.
   The sinking of the collier "Merrimac" in the channel.

   The opening of hostilities found a Spanish squadron of four
   armored cruisers (the "Cristobal Colon," the "Almirante
   Oquendo," the "Vizcaya," and the "Infanta Maria Teresa,") with
   three torpedo-boat destroyers (the "Pluton," "Furor" and
   "Terror") and some lighter craft, assembled at the Cape Verde
   islands, under Rear-Admiral Pascual Cervera. They were in
   Portuguese waters, and Portugal, though friendly to Spain, was
   forced to issue a proclamation of neutrality, on the 20th of
   April, which required the Spanish fleet to depart. Some of the
   vessels then returned to Spain; but the seven named above
   sailed westward, and their destination became a mystery, very
   exciting for some time to the American mind. They might
   attempt to surprise some American coast city; they might
   intercept the battle-ship "Oregon," then making her way from
   the Pacific coast, by the long circuit around Cape Horn; they
   might have some plan for breaking the Cuban blockade. Acting
   on the latter conjecture, and surmising that Porto Rico would
   be chosen for the Spanish naval base, Admiral Sampson moved in
   that direction to seek them. He attacked the forts at San Juan
   (May 12), and satisfied himself that no fleet was in the bay.

   The truth was that Cervera was then just entering the
   Caribbean Sea, considerably to the south of Sampson's search.
   He touched at the French island of Martinique, and at the
   Dutch island of Curaçoa, and then slipped across to Santiago
   de Cuba, where he was to be overtaken by his fate. In the long
   hill-sheltered bay, with a narrow entrance, which forms this
   excellent Cuban harbor, the Spanish fleet was so hidden that
   nearly a fortnight passed before its whereabouts could be
   fully ascertained. It was not until May 20 that a blockade of
   Santiago was established by a flying squadron of the American
   fleet, under Commodore Schley, with certainty that the
   squadron of Cervera was harbored there. On the 1st of June,
   Admiral Sampson arrived on the scene, with a stronger naval
   force, and took command. To attempt to force the narrow
   entrance of the harbor, strongly fortified and thickly mined
   as it was, and attack the Spanish fleet in the bay, was not
   deemed practicable. The course resolved upon was to hold the
   enemy fast in the shelter he had sought, until Santiago could
   be taken, by a land attack. In pursuance of this plan, an
   exploit of splendid daring was performed, in the early morning
   of June 3, by a young officer, Lieutenant Richmond Pearson
   Hobson, with a crew of seven volunteers, who placed and sank a
   huge coaling ship, the "Merrimac," in the channel that leads
   into Santiago Bay. The following is Admiral Sampson's report
   of the undertaking and its achievement:

   "Before coming here, I decided to make the harbor entrance
   secure against the possibility of egress of the Spanish ships
   by obstructing the narrow part of the entrance by sinking a
   collier at that point. Upon calling upon Mr. Hobson for his
   professional opinion as to a sure method of sinking the ship,
   he manifested a most lively interest in the problem. After
   several days' consideration he presented a solution which he
   considered would insure the immediate sinking of the ship when
   she had reached the desired point in the channel. This plan we
   prepared for before we reached Santiago. This plan included
   ten electric torpedoes on the outside of the ship, each of 78
   pounds of gunpowder, sinking the ship partially before going
   in, cutting the sea valves, and opening the cargo ports. The
   plan contemplated a crew of only seven men and Mr. Hobson, who
   begged that it might be intrusted to him. The anchor chains
   were ranged upon deck for both the anchors, forward and aft,
   the plan including the anchoring of the ship almost
   automatically. As soon as I reached Santiago and had the
   collier to work upon the details were commenced and diligently
   prosecuted, hoping to complete them in one day, as the moon
   and tide served best the first night after our arrival.
   Notwithstanding every effort, the hour of 4 o'clock in the
   morning arrived and the preparations were scarcely completed.
   After a careful inspection of the final preparations I was
   forced to relinquish the plan for that morning, as dawn was
   breaking. Mr. Hobson begged to try it at all hazards.

   "This morning proved more propitious, as a prompt start could
   be made. Nothing could have been more gallantly executed. We
   waited impatiently after the firing by the Spaniards had
   ceased. When they did not reappear from the harbor at 6
   o'clock I feared they had all perished. A steam launch, which
   had been sent in charge of Naval Cadet Powell to rescue the
   men, appeared at this time, coming out under a persistent fire
   from the batteries, but brought none of the crew. A careful
   inspection of the harbor from this ship showed that the
   'Merrimac' had been sunk in the channel somewhat farther in
   than had been intended.
{596}
   This afternoon the chief of staff of Admiral Cervera came out
   under a flag of truce with a letter from the Admiral extolling
   the bravery of the crew in an unusual manner. I can not myself
   too earnestly express my appreciation of the conduct of Mr.
   Hobson and his gallant crew. I venture to say that a more
   brave and daring thing has not been done since Cushing blew up
   the 'Albemarle.'" The sunken ship did not actually block the
   channel; but that fact takes nothing from the gallantry of the
   exploit. Why the intended spot in the channel was missed was
   explained by Lieutenant Hobson in a statement which he
   afterwards made: "When the 'Merrimac' poked her nose into the
   channel," says the Lieutenant, "our troubles commenced. The
   deadly silence was broken by the swash of a small boat
   approaching us from the shore. I made her out to be a picket
   boat. She ran close up under the stern of the 'Merrimac' and
   fired several shots from what seemed to be 3 pounder guns. The
   'Merrimac's' rudder was carried away by this fire. That is why
   the collier was not sunk across the channel. We did not discover
   the loss of the rudder until Murphy [the volunteer assigned to
   that duty] had cast anchor. We then found that the 'Merrimac'
   would not answer to the helm and were compelled to make the
   best of the situation. … Submarine mines and torpedoes were
   exploded all around us, adding to the excitement. The mines
   did no damage, although we could hear the rumbling and feel
   the ship tremble. We were running without lights, and only the
   darkness saved us from utter destruction. When the ship was in
   the desired position and we found that the rudder was gone, I
   called the men on deck. While they were launching the
   catamaran I touched off the explosives. At the same time two
   torpedoes, fired by the 'Reina Mercedes,' struck the
   'Merrimac' amidships. I can not say whether our own explosives
   or the Spanish torpedoes did the work, but the 'Merrimac' was
   lifted out of the water, and almost rent asunder."

   What followed, in the experience of the crew, when their
   vessel went down, is described as follows by Lieutenant
   Hobson, in a narrative of "The Sinking of the Merrimac," which
   he published at a later day: "The stricken vessel now reeled
   to port. Some one said: 'She is going to turn over on us,
   sir,' to which I replied: 'No; she will right herself in
   sinking, and we shall be the last spot to go under.' The
   firing suddenly ceased. The vessel lowered her head like a
   faithful animal, proudly aware of its sacrifice, bowed below
   the surface, and plunged forward. The stern rose and heeled
   heavily; it stood for a moment, shuddering, then started
   downward, righting as it went. A great rush of water came up
   the gangway, seething and gurgling out of the deck. The mass
   was whirling from right to left 'against the sun'; it seized
   us and threw us against the bulwarks, then over the rail. Two
   were swept forward as if by a momentary recession, and one was
   carried down into a coal-bunker—luckless Kelly. In a moment,
   however, with increased force, the water shot him up out of
   the same hole and swept him among us. The bulwarks
   disappeared. A sweeping vortex whirled above. We charged about
   with casks, cans, and spars, the incomplete stripping having
   left quantities on the deck. The life-preservers stood us in
   good stead, preventing chests from being crushed, as well as
   buoying us on the surface; for spars came end on like
   battering-rams, and the sharp corners of tin cans struck us
   heavily. … When we looked for the life-boat we found that it
   had been carried away. The catamaran was the largest piece of
   floating debris; we assembled about it. The line suspending it
   from the cargo-boom held and anchored us to the ship, though
   barely long enough to reach the surface, causing the raft to
   turn over and set us scrambling as the line came taut.

   "The firing had ceased. It was evident the enemy had not seen
   us in the general mass of moving objects; but soon the tide
   began to drift these away, and we were being left alone with
   the catamaran. The men were directed to cling close in, bodies
   below and only heads out, close under the edges, and were
   directed not to speak above a whisper, for the destroyer was
   near at hand, and boats were passing near. We mustered; all
   were present, and direction was given to remain as we were
   till further orders, for I was sure that in due time after
   daylight a responsible officer would come out to reconnoiter.
   It was evident that we could not swim against the tide to
   reach the entrance. Moreover, the shores were lined with
   troops, and the small boats were looking for victims that
   might escape from the vessel. The only chance lay in remaining
   undiscovered until the coming of the reconnoitering boat, to
   which, perhaps, we might surrender without being fired on. …
   The air was chilly and the water positively cold. In less than
   five minutes our teeth were chattering; so loud, indeed, did
   they chatter that it seemed the destroyer or the boats would
   hear. … We remained there probably an hour."

   At daylight a steam launch approached, and was hailed by
   Lieutenant Hobson, who judged that there must be officers on
   board to whom it would be safe to surrender. He was more than
   right. The commander of the launch was Admiral Cervera, in
   person, who took the nearly exhausted men from the water and
   treated them with great kindness, admiring the bravery of
   their exploit, and sending a flag of truce to Admiral Sampson
   to announce their safety. They were taken aboard the 'Reina
   Mercedes,' and, as prisoners of war, were confined at first in
   Morro Castle, and afterwards in the city. It so happened that
   they were locked in the Morro during a bombardment of the
   Spanish coast defences and fleet by ten of our vessels on June
   6th, when about 1,500 projectiles were fired; and much anxiety
   and indignation were expressed in this country in view of that
   circumstance; but Mr. Ramsden, British consul at Santiago,
   explained in a despatch that they were removed as soon as
   lodgings could be prepared in the barracks—actually on June
   7th. They were released on July 6th in exchange for prisoners
   captured by our forces.

{597}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (April-July).
   War with Spain,
   Destruction of the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay.
   Despatches of Admiral Dewey.
   His relations with Aguinaldo, the insurgent chief.
   Arrival of American troops for the occupation of the city.

   Commodore George Dewey, commanding the Asiatic Squadron, then
   awaiting orders at Hongkong, received on the 25th of April the
   following despatch by cable from the Secretary of the Navy: "War
   has commenced between the United States and Spain. Proceed at
   once to Philippine Islands. Commence operations at once,
   particularly against the Spanish fleet. You must capture
   vessels or destroy. Use utmost endeavors." On the sixth day
   after receiving these orders (namely on May 1st), he was able
   to report from Manila, by a telegram sent from Hongkong on the
   7th: "The squadron arrived at Manila at daybreak this morning.
   Immediately engaged enemy and destroyed the following Spanish
   vessels: 'Reina Christina,' 'Castillia,' 'Don Antonio de
   Biloa,' 'Don Juan de Austria,' 'Isla de Luzon,' 'Isla de
   Cuba,' 'General Lezo,' 'Marques del Duaro,' 'El Curreo,'
   'Velasco,' one transport, 'Isla de Mandano,' water battery at
   Cavite. I shall destroy Cavite arsenal dispensatory. The
   squadron is uninjured. Few men were slightly wounded. I
   request the Department will send immediately from San
   Francisco fast steamer with ammunition. The only means of
   telegraphing is to the American consul at Hongkong."

   In due time the post brought particulars of the action, in the
   following report from Commodore Dewey, dated May 4: "The
   squadron left Mirs Bay, [China] on April 27, immediately on
   the arrival of Mr. O. F. Williams, United States consul at
   Manila, who brought important information and who accompanies
   the squadron. Arrived off Bolinao on the morning of April 30
   and, finding no vessels there, proceeded down the coast and
   arrived off the entrance to Manila Bay on the same afternoon.
   The 'Boston' and 'Concord' were sent to reconnoiter Port
   Subic, I having been informed that the enemy intended to take
   position there. A thorough search of the port was made by the
   'Boston' and 'Concord,' but the Spanish fleet was not found,
   although, from a letter afterwards found in the arsenal (
   inclosed with translation), it appears that it had been their
   intention to go there. Entered the Boca Grande, or south
   channel, at 11.30 p. m., steaming in column at distance at 8
   knots. After half the squadron had passed, a battery on the
   south side of the channel opened fire, none of the shots
   taking effect. The 'Boston' and 'McCulloch' returned the fire.
   The squadron proceeded across the bay at slow speed, and
   arrived off Manila at daybreak, and was fired upon at 5.15 a.
   m. by three batteries at Manila and two at Cavite and by the
   Spanish fleet anchored in an approximately east and west line
   across the mouth of Bakor Bay, with their left in shoal water
   in Canacao Bay. The squadron then proceeded to the attack, the
   flagship 'Olympia,' under my personal direction, leading,
   followed at distance by the 'Baltimore,' 'Raleigh,' 'Petrel,'
   'Concord,' and 'Boston,' in the order named, which formation
   was maintained throughout the action. The squadron opened fire
   at 5.41 a. m. While advancing to the attack, two mines were
   exploded ahead of the flagship, too far to be effective. The
   squadron maintained a continuous and precise fire at ranges
   varying from 5,000 to 2,000 yards, countermarching in a line
   approximately parallel to that of the Spanish fleet. The
   enemy's fire was vigorous, but generally ineffective.

   "Early in the engagement two launches put out toward the
   'Olympia' with the apparent intention of using torpedoes. One
   was sunk and the other disabled by our fire and beached before
   an opportunity occurred to fire torpedoes. At 7 a. m. the Spanish
   flagship 'Reina Christina' made a desperate attempt to leave
   the line and come out to engage at short range, but was
   received with such galling fire, the entire battery of the
   'Olympia' being concentrated upon her, that she was barely
   able to return to the shelter of the point. The fires started
   in her by our shell at this time were not extinguished until
   she sank. At 7.35 a. m., it having been erroneously reported
   to me that only 15 rounds per gun remained for the 5-inch
   rapid-fire battery, I ceased firing and withdrew the squadron
   for consultation and a redistribution of ammunition, if
   necessary. The three batteries at Manila had kept up a
   continuous fire from the beginning of the engagement, which
   fire was not returned by this squadron. The first of these
   batteries was situated on the south mole head at the entrance
   to the Pasig River, the second on the south bastion of the
   walled city of Manila, and the third at Malate, about one-ha]f
   mile farther south. At this point I sent a message to the
   Governor-General to the effect that if the batteries did not
   cease firing the city would be shelled. This had the effect of
   silencing them.

   "At 11.16 a. m., finding that the report of scarcity of
   ammunition was incorrect, I returned with the squadron to the
   attack. By this time the flagship and almost the entire
   Spanish fleet were in flames, and at 12.30 p. m. the squadron
   ceased firing, the batteries being silenced and the ships
   sunk, burnt, and deserted. At 12.40 p. m. the squadron
   returned and anchored off Manila, the 'Petrel' being left
   behind to complete the destruction of the smaller gunboats,
   which were behind the point of Cavite. This duty was performed
   by Commander E. P. Wood in the most expeditious and complete
   manner possible. The Spanish lost the following vessels:
   Sunk—'Reina Christina,' 'Castillia,' 'Don Antonio de Ulloa.'
   Burnt—'Don Juan de Austria,' 'Isla de Luzon,' 'Isla de Cuba,'
   'General Lezo,' 'Marques del Duaro,' 'El Correo,' 'Velasco,'
   and 'Isla Mindanao,' (transport). Captured—'Rapido,' and
   'Hercules' (tugs), and several small launches. I am unable to
   obtain complete accounts of the enemy's killed and wounded,
   but believe their loss to be very heavy. The 'Reina Christina'
   alone had 150 killed, including the captain, and 90 wounded.

   "I am happy to report that the damage done to the squadron
   under my command was inconsiderable. There were none killed,
   and only 7 men in the squadron very slightly wounded. As will
   be seen by the reports of the commanding officers which are
   herewith inclosed, several of the vessels were struck and even
   penetrated, but the damage was of the slightest, and the
   squadron is in as good condition now as before the battle. I
   beg to state to the Department that I doubt if any commander
   in chief, under similar circumstances, was ever served by more
   loyal, efficient, and gallant captains than those of the
   squadron now under my command. … On May 2, the day following
   the engagement, the squadron again went to Cavite, where it
   remains. A landing party was sent to destroy the guns and
   magazines of the batteries there. … On the 3d the military
   forces evacuated the Cavite Arsenal, which was taken
   possession of by a landing party."

{598}

   Promptly in response to this report of his victory, a joint
   resolution of thanks to Commodore Dewey and his officers and
   men, by the two Houses of Congress, was despatched to them,
   with announcement to the former of his promotion to the rank
   of rear-admiral. The admiral replied, on the 13th, from
   Cavite, making due acknowledgments, and adding: "I am
   maintaining strict blockade of Manila by sea, and believe
   rebels are hemming in by land, although they are inactive and
   making no demonstrations. Great scarcity of provisions in the
   city. I believe the Spanish Governor-General will be obliged
   to surrender soon. I can take Manila at any moment. To retain
   possession and thus control Philippine Islands would require,
   in my best judgment, a well equipped force of 5,000 men."

   On the 20th he reported, further: "Aguinaldo, the rebel
   commander in chief, was brought down by the 'McCulloch' [from
   Hongkong]. Organizing forces near Cavite and may render
   assistance that will be valuable." On the 27th of June, in
   reply to inquiries from the Navy Department, he explained his
   relations with Aguinaldo, as follows: "Aguinaldo, insurgent
   leader, with thirteen of his staff, arrived May 19, by
   permission, on 'Nanshan.' Established self Cavite, outside
   arsenal, under the protection of our guns, and organized his
   army. I have had several conferences with him, generally of a
   personal nature. Consistently I have refrained from assisting
   him in any way with the force under my command, and on several
   occasions I have declined requests that I should do so,
   telling him the squadron could not act until the arrival of
   the United States troops. At the same time I have given him to
   understand that I consider insurgents as friends, being
   opposed to a common enemy. He has gone to attend a meeting of
   insurgent leaders for the purpose of forming a civil
   government. Aguinaldo has acted independently of the squadron,
   but has kept me advised of his progress, which has been
   wonderful. I have allowed to pass by water recruits, arms, and
   ammunition, and to take such Spanish arms and ammunition from
   the arsenal as he needed. Have advised frequently to conduct
   the war humanely, which he has done invariably. My relations
   with him are cordial, but I am not in his confidence. The
   United States has not been bound in any way to assist
   insurgents by any act or promises, and he is not, to my
   knowledge, committed to assist us. I believe he expects to
   capture Manila without my assistance, but doubt ability, they
   not yet having many guns. In my opinion these people are far
   superior in their intelligence and more capable of
   self-government than the natives of Cuba, and I am familiar
   with both races."

      _Report of the Secretary of the Navy, 1898,
      volume 2, pages 67-72 and 103._

   On the 30th of June, troops sent from San Francisco, to the
   number of 2,500 officers and men, commanded by General T. M.
   Anderson, arrived in Manila Bay, to co-operate with the navy
   in taking Manila and occupying the city, when taken. They were
   followed by a second expeditionary force, under General F. V.
   Greene, which arrived July 17, and by a third, July 25 and 31,
   with which came General Merritt, commanding the corps and the
   Department of the Pacific. General Merritt's army then
   numbered nearly 11,000 men, and it was increased during the
   next few weeks to more than 15,000.

      _Reports of the War Department, 1898,
      volume 1, part 2, page 499._

   An English officer, Major Younghusband, who visited Manila at
   this time, remarked: "It may, perhaps, with some confidence be
   prophesied that when the cold fit, which will in due course
   follow the warmth of the present enthusiasm, falls on the
   nation, America will discover that the true parting of the
   ways was … in having allowed Admiral Dewey to do more than
   defeat the Spanish fleet and exact a heavy indemnity from the
   city of Manila before sailing away." It would seem to be more
   true, however, to say that the parting of the ways was when a
   military expedition was sent from San Francisco to Manila, to
   be landed, for the capture of the city and for the occupation
   of the islands. It is claimed with reason that Admiral Dewey
   could not "sail away," after the destruction of the Spanish
   ships, because he needed the harbor he had seized, his fleet
   having lost most of the privileges it had formerly been using
   in neutral ports, when it became the fleet of a belligerent
   power. To retain possession of Manila Bay while it was needed
   by the American fleet was clearly a measure connected
   legitimately with the general conduct of the war against
   Spain. But it is difficult to see that the landing of soldiers
   on the island of Luzon and the capture of the city of Manila
   added anything to the security with which the Bay was held for
   the purposes of Admiral Dewey's fleet, or that it contributed
   at all to the weakening of Spain in the war, and to the rescue
   of Cuba from Spanish misrule. For two months, from the first
   day of May until the last day of June, before a soldier
   arrived, and for six weeks longer, before Manila surrendered,
   Admiral Dewey appears to have been as fully and as
   conveniently in possession of all the advantages that
   harborage there could give him, as he was after the Spanish
   flag had been lowered in the city and on the island.
   Therefore, the American conquest of the Philippines does not
   readily connect itself with the war for the liberation of
   Cuba, as a necessary part of it, but presents itself to the
   mind as a somewhat supplementary enterprise, undertaken with
   objects of its own.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (May-August).
   Conduct of English and German naval officers at Manila.

   While Admiral Dewey was holding Manila Bay, before the taking
   of the city, there were many rumors and exciting stories
   afloat, of offensive behavior towards the American fleet by
   commanders of German war ships that were sent to the scene. As
   far as possible, the facts were officially suppressed, in
   order to avoid a quarrel between the two countries, and no
   authoritative account of what occurred can be found. But some
   incidents obtained publicity which are probably true in the
   main. The first unpleasant happening appears to have been the
   arrival in Manila Bay of a German naval vessel, which steamed
   in with entire disregard of the blockading fleet, as though
   the port was its own. Thereupon Admiral Dewey sent a forcible
   reminder to the captain that he was intruding upon a blockade,
   by firing a shot across his bow, and ordering him to heave to.
   The German captain, in a rage, is said to have called on the
   commanding officer of a British squadron that was in the Bay,
   for advice as to what he should do, and was told that he owed
   the American Admiral an apology for his violation of naval
   etiquette, well settled for such circumstances as those
   existing in Manila Bay. According to the story, the British
   commander, Captain Sir Edward Chichester, himself on the best
   of terms with Admiral Dewey, visited the latter, on behalf of
   the German officer, and made the matter smooth.
{599}
   But, either through indiscretion of his own, or because he had
   instructions to interfere as much as possible with the
   proceedings of the Americans, the German commander continued
   to pursue an offensive course. According to report, be went so
   far as to stop a movement which Aguinaldo (then a recognized
   ally of the United States) was making, to take possession of a
   certain island, and to capture some Spaniards who were on it.
   This provoked Admiral Dewey to a demonstration against him so
   threatening that he drew back in haste, and the island was
   occupied.

   According to all accounts, Admiral Dewey showed unsurpassed
   wisdom and dignity in meeting and checking these offensive
   proceedings without allowing them to become a cause of
   international quarrel; and he was happily aided in doing so by
   the hearty support of the British naval commander. According
   to still another report of the time, a German admiral, who had
   come upon the scene, meditated an interference to forbid the
   bombarding of Manila, when the city was about to be attacked,
   and, calling upon Sir Edward Chichester to ascertain what
   action the latter would take, was significantly told, "That is
   only known to Admiral Dewey and myself,"—which convinced him
   that his project was not wise. An English writer has related,
   with much satisfaction, that when Sir Edward's ship, the
   "Immortalité," finally steamed out of Manila Bay, returning to
   Hong Kong, "every ship in the American fleet manned her yards
   and gave the British man-of-war three cheers as she passed
   along; and she with the answering signal, 'thank you,' flying
   at her mast-head, went on her way."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (June).
   Act creating the United States Industrial Commission.

   An Act "authorizing the appointment of a non-partisan
   Commission to collate information and to consider and
   recommend legislation to meet the problems presented by labor,
   agriculture, and capital," was passed by Congress and approved
   by the President June 18, 1898. It provided:

   "That a commission is hereby created, to be called the
   'Industrial Commission,' to be composed as follows. Five
   members of the Senate, to be appointed by the presiding
   officer thereof; five members of the House of Representatives,
   to be appointed by the Speaker, and nine other persons, who shall
   fairly represent the different industries and employments, to
   be appointed by the President, by and with the advice and
   consent of the Senate. … That it shall be the duty of this
   commission to investigate questions pertaining to immigration,
   to labor, to agriculture, to manufacturing, and to business,
   and to report to Congress and to suggest such legislation as
   it may deem best upon these subjects. … That it shall furnish
   such information and suggest such laws as may be made a basis
   for uniform legislation by the various States of the Union, in
   order to harmonize conflicting interests and to be equitable
   to the laborer, the employer, the producer, and the consumer.
   … That the commission shall give reasonable time for hearings,
   if deemed necessary, and if necessary it may appoint a
   subcommission or subcommissions of its own members to make
   investigation in any part of the United States, and it shall
   be allowed actual necessary expenses for the same. It shall
   have the authority to send for persons and papers and to
   administer oaths and affirmations. … That it may report from
   time to time to the Congress of the United States, and shall
   at the conclusion of its labors submit a final report."

   The Commission thus contemplated was duly appointed by the
   President, and organized by the election of Senator Kyle for
   its chairman. For the scope and plan of its investigations a
   committee on procedure made the following recommendations,
   which were adopted by the Commission and which have been
   followed in what it has done:

   "The main work of the Commission may … be said to be to study
   and compare existing laws bearing upon industrial conditions,
   here and elsewhere, to ascertain by competent testimony
   wherein they are deficient, defective, inoperative, or
   oppressive, and to recommend such remedial statutes as will
   tend not only to make the conditions of industry more uniform
   as between the several States, but to remove such existing
   sources or causes of discontent, inequality, and injustice as
   can be reached and regulated through legislation. … In order
   to secure satisfactory results, it appears to your committee
   imperatively necessary that the work shall be confined
   strictly to the main purpose, viz, of ascertaining the nature
   and effects of existing legislation, and the nature of
   remedial legislation which may be necessary or desirable to
   equalize conditions in industry and to remove any just grounds
   of complaint on the part of either labor or capital or of the
   people at large.

   "To facilitate the progress of the work we recommend the
   division of the Commission into four subcommissions of five
   members each, to be severally charged with the investigation
   of present conditions and the formulation of remedial
   suggestions in the following branches of industry:

   1. On agriculture and agricultural labor.

   2. On the conditions of labor and capital employed in
   manufacturing and general business.

   3. On the conditions of labor and capital employed in mining.

   4. On transportation.

   In addition, we recommend a fifth subcommission, to be known
   as the subcommission on statistics, in the membership of which
   there shall be one representative of each of the above
   subcommissions. …

   "The committee also suggests that there are certain subjects
   of inquiry which appertain equally to all the groups into
   which it has recommended that the Commission be segregated.
   The subjects of immigration, of education, of combinations and
   trusts, and of taxation at once suggest themselves as
   belonging in this category. It is therefore recommended that
   these subjects, one or more of them, be examined into by the
   full Commission pending the organization of the several
   subcommissions."

   The subject to which the Commission gave earliest attention
   was that of "Trusts and Industrial Combinations," on which it
   submitted a preliminary report on the 1st of March, 1900.

      See (in this volume)
      TRUSTS.

{600}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (June).
   Act providing for the arbitration of disputes between
   employers and employees in inter-state commerce.

   The following are the main sections of a very important Act of
   Congress, approved June 1, 1898, which provides for the
   arbitration of disputes between railway and other employees
   engaged in interstate commerce and the companies or
   individuals employing them:

   "That the provisions of this Act shall apply to any common
   carrier or carriers and their officers, agents, and employees,
   except masters of vessels and seamen, … engaged in the
   transportation of passengers or property wholly by railroad,
   or partly by railroad and partly by water, for a continuous
   carriage or shipment, from one State or Territory of the
   United States or the District of Columbia, to any other State
   or Territory of the United States, or the District of
   Columbia, or from any place in the United States to an
   adjacent foreign country, or from any place in the United
   States through a foreign country to any other place in the
   United States. …

   "Section 2. That whenever a controversy concerning wages,
   hours of labor, or conditions of employment shall arise
   between a carrier subject to this Act and the employees of
   such carrier, seriously interrupting or threatening to
   interrupt the business of said carrier, the chairman of the
   Interstate Commerce Commission and the Commissioner of Labor
   shall, upon the request of either party to the controversy,
   with all practicable expedition, put themselves in
   communication with the parties to such controversy, and shall
   use their best efforts, by mediation and conciliation, to
   amicably settle the same; and if such efforts shall be
   unsuccessful, shall at once endeavor to bring about an
   arbitration of said controversy in accordance with the
   provisions of this Act.

   "Section 3. That whenever a controversy shall arise between a
   carrier subject to this Act and the employees of such carrier
   which can not be settled by mediation and conciliation in the
   manner provided in the preceding section, said controversy may
   be submitted to the arbitration of a board of three persons,
   who shall be chosen in the manner following: One shall be
   named by the carrier or employer directly interested; the
   other shall be named by the labor organization to which the
   employees directly interested belong, or, if they belong to
   more than one, by that one of them which specially represents
   employees of the same grade and class and engaged in services
   of the same nature as said employees so directly interested:
   Provided, however, That when a controversy involves and
   affects the interests of two or more classes and grades of
   employees belonging to different labor organizations, such
   arbitrator shall be agreed upon and designated by the
   concurrent action of all such labor organizations; and in
   cases where the majority of such employees are not members of
   any labor organization, said employees may by a majority vote
   select a committee of their own number, which committee shall
   have the right to select the arbitrator on behalf of said
   employees. The two thus chosen shall select the third
   commissioner of arbitration; but, in the event of their
   failure to name such arbitrator within five days after their
   first meeting, the third arbitrator shall be named by the
   commissioners named in the preceding section. A majority of
   said arbitrators shall be competent to make a valid and
   binding award under the provisions hereof. The submission
   shall be in writing, shall be signed by the employer and by
   the labor organization representing the employees, shall
   specify the time and place of meeting of said board of
   arbitration, shall state the questions to be decided, and
   shall contain appropriate provisions by which the respective
   parties shall stipulate, as follows:

   "First. That the board of arbitration shall commence their
   hearings within ten days from the date of the appointment of
   the third arbitrator, and shall find and file their award, as
   provided in this section, within thirty days from the date of
   the appointment of the third arbitrator; and that pending the
   arbitration the status existing immediately prior to the
   dispute shall not be changed: Provided, That no employee shall
   be compelled to render personal service without his consent.

   "Second. That the award and the papers and proceedings,
   including the testimony relating thereto certified under the
   hands of the arbitrators and which shall have the force and
   effect of a bill of exceptions, shall be filed in the clerk's
   office of the circuit court of the United States for the
   district wherein the controversy arises or the arbitration is
   entered into, and shall be final and conclusive upon both
   parties, unless set aside for error of law apparent on the
   record.

   "Third. That the respective parties to the award will each
   faithfully execute the same, and that the same may be
   specifically enforced in equity so far as the powers of a
   court of equity permit: Provided, That no injunction or other
   legal process shall be issued which shall compel the
   performance by any laborer against his will of a contract for
   personal labor or service.

   "Fourth. That employees dissatisfied with the award shall not
   by reason of such dissatisfaction quit the service of the
   employer before the expiration of three months from and after
   the making of such award without giving thirty days' notice in
   writing of their intention so to quit. Nor shall the employer
   dissatisfied with such award dismiss any employee or employees
   on account of such dissatisfaction before the expiration of three
   months from and after the making of such award without giving
   thirty days' notice in writing of his intention so to
   discharge.

   "Fifth. That said award shall continue in force as between the
   parties thereto for the period of one year after the same
   shall go into practical operation, and no new arbitration upon
   the same subject between the same employer and the same class
   of employees shall be had until the expiration of said one
   year if the award is not set aside as provided in section
   four. That as to individual employees not belonging to the
   labor organization or organizations which shall enter into the
   arbitration, the said arbitration and the award made therein
   shall not be binding, unless the said individual employees
   shall give assent in writing to become parties to said
   arbitration. …

   "Section 7. That during the pendency of arbitration under this
   Act it shall not be lawful for the employer, party to such
   arbitration, to discharge the employees, parties thereto,
   except for inefficiency, violation of law, or neglect of duty;
   nor for the organization representing such employees to order,
   nor for the employees to unite in, aid, or abet, strikes
   against said employer; nor, during a period of three months
   after an award under such an arbitration, for such an employer
   to discharge any such employees, except for the causes
   aforesaid, without giving thirty days' written notice of an
   intent so to discharge; nor for any of such employees, during
   a like period, to quit the service of said employer without
   just cause, without giving to said employer thirty days'
   written notice of an intent so to do; nor for such
   organization representing such employees to order, counsel, or
   advise otherwise.
{601}
   Any violation of this section shall subject the offending
   party to liability for damages; Provided, that nothing herein
   contained shall be construed to prevent any employer, party to
   such arbitration, from reducing the number of its or his
   employees whenever in its or his judgment business necessities
   require such reduction. …

   "Section 10. That any employer subject to the provisions of
   this Act and any officer, agent, or receiver of such employer
   who shall require any employee, or any person seeking
   employment, as a condition of such employment, to enter into
   an agreement, either written or verbal, not to become or
   remain a member of any labor corporation, association, or
   organization; or shall threaten any employee with loss of
   employment, or shall unjustly discriminate against any
   employee because of his membership in such a labor
   corporation, association, or organization; or who shall
   require any employee or any person seeking employment, as a
   condition of such employment, to enter into a contract whereby
   such employee or applicant for employment shall agree to
   contribute to any fund for charitable, social or beneficial
   purposes; to release such employer from legal liability for
   any personal injury by reason of any benefit received from
   such fund beyond the proportion of the benefit arising from
   the employer's contribution to such fund; or who shall, after
   having discharged an employee, attempt or conspire to prevent
   such employee from obtaining employment, or who shall, after
   the quitting of an employee, attempt or conspire to prevent
   such employee from obtaining employment, is hereby declared to
   be guilty of a misdemeanor, and, upon conviction thereof in
   any court of the United States of competent jurisdiction in
   the district in which such offense was committed, shall be
   punished for each offense by a fine of not less than one
   hundred dollars and not more than one thousand dollars."

      _United States Statutes at Large,
      volume 30, page 424._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (June).
   The War with Spain.
   Seizure of the island of Guam.

   The following order, dated May 10, 1898, was addressed by the
   Secretary of the Navy to the Commander of the U. S. S.
   'Charleston':

   "Upon the receipt of this order, which is forwarded by the
   steamship 'City of Pekin' to you at Honolulu, you will proceed
   with the 'Charleston' and 'City of Pekin' in company, to
   Manila, Philippine Islands. On your way, you are hereby
   directed to stop at the Spanish Island of Guam. You will use
   such force as may be necessary to capture the port of Guam,
   making prisoners of the governor and other officials and any
   armed force that may be there. You will also destroy any
   fortifications on said island and any Spanish naval vessels
   that may be there, or in the immediate vicinity. These
   operations at the Island of Guam should be very brief, and
   should not occupy more than one or two days. Should you find
   any coal at the Island of Guam, you will make such use of it
   as you consider desirable. It is left to your discretion
   whether or not you destroy it. From the Island of Guam,
   proceed to Manila and report to Rear-Admiral George Dewey, U.
   S. N., for duty in the squadron under his command."

   In a despatch dated June 24, Captain Glass, of the
   "Charleston," reported the execution of these orders as
   follows: "I have the honor to report that in obedience to the
   Department's telegraphic order of May 24, 1898, this ship
   sailed from Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, on the 4th instant for
   Manila with the transports 'City of Pekin,' 'Australia,' and
   'City of Sydney' under convoy. When clear of land, I opened
   the confidential order of May 10, 1898, and changed course for
   the Island of Guam, next day informing Commander Gibson, in
   charge of transports, and Brigadier-General Anderson,
   commanding expeditionary force, of the change in my orders and
   that the transports would accompany the 'Charleston.' Arriving
   off the north end of the island at daylight, June 20, I first
   visited the port of Agana, the capital of Guam, and of the
   Mariana group, and finding no vessels there of any kind,
   proceeded to San Luis D'Apra, where it was expected that a
   Spanish gunboat and a military force would be found, a rumor
   to that effect having reached me while at Honolulu. Arriving
   off the port at 8.30 a. m., it was found that Fort Santiago,
   on Oroté Point, was abandoned and in ruins, and I steamed
   directly into the harbor, having ordered the transports to
   take a safe position outside and await instructions. A few
   shots were fired from the secondary battery at Fort Santa Cruz
   to get the range and ascertain if it was occupied. Getting no
   response, ceased firing and came to anchor in a position to
   control the harbor, and it was then found that this fort also
   was abandoned. The only vessel in port was a small Japanese
   trading vessel from Yokohama. An officer had just shoved off
   from the ship to board the Japanese vessel, and obtain
   information as to the condition of affairs on shore, when a
   boat was seen approaching the ship, through the reefs at the
   head of the harbor, flying the Spanish flag and bringing two
   officers, the captain of the port, a lieutenant-commander in
   the Spanish navy, and the health officer, a surgeon of the
   Spanish army. These officers came on board, and, in answer to
   my questions, told me they did not know that war had been
   declared between the United States and Spain, their last news
   having been from Manila, under date of April 14. I informed
   them that war existed and that they must consider themselves
   as prisoners. As they stated that no resistance could be made
   by the force on the island, I released them on parole for the
   day, to proceed to Agana and inform the governor that I
   desired him to come on board ship at once, they assuring me
   that he would do so as soon as he could reach the port. While
   awaiting the return of these officers, an examination was made
   of the harbor, the only dangers to navigation were buoyed, and
   the transports came in during the afternoon.

   "At 5 p. m. the governor's secretary, a captain in the Spanish
   army, came on board, bringing me a letter from the governor,
   in which he stated that he was not allowed by law to go on
   board a foreign vessel and requested me to meet him on shore
   for a conference. This letter is appended, marked A. As it was
   then too late to land a party, from the state of the tide on
   the reef between the ship and the landing place, I directed
   the secretary to return and say to the governor that I would
   send an officer ashore with a communication for him early next
   day.
{602}
   … At 8.30 a. m. on June 21 Lieutenant William Braunersreuther
   was sent ashore, under flag of truce, with a written demand
   for the immediate surrender of the defenses of the Island of
   Guam and all officials and persons in the military service of
   Spain. Mr. Braunersreuther was directed to wait half an hour
   only for a reply, to bring the governor and other officials on
   board as prisoners of war in case of surrender, or in case of
   refusal or delay beyond the time given, to return and take
   command of the landing force, which he would find in
   readiness, and proceed to Agaña. At 12.15 p. m. Mr.
   Braunersreuther returned to the ship, bringing off the
   governor and three other officers, his staff, and handed me a
   letter from the governor acceding fully to my demand. Having
   received the surrender of the Island of Guam, I took formal
   possession at 2.45 p. m., hoisting the American flag on Fort
   Santa Cruz and saluting it with 21 guns from the 'Charleston.'
   From a personal examination of Fort Santa Cruz, I decided that
   it was entirely useless as a defensive work, with no guns and
   in a partly ruinous condition, and that it was not necessary
   to expend any mines in blowing it up. The forts at Agaña, San
   Luis D'Apra, and Umata are of no value and no guns remain in
   the island except four small cast-iron guns of obsolete
   pattern at Agaña, formerly used for saluting, but now
   condemned as unsafe even for that purpose. No Spanish vessel
   of war has visited Guam during the last eighteen months. No
   coal was found on the island."

      _Annual Reports of the Navy Department, 1898,
      volume 2, pages 151-3._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (June-July).
   War with Spain.
   Expedition of the army under General Shafter
   against Santiago de Cuba.
   Battles of El Caney and San Juan Hill.

   To co-operate with the navy in operations for the capture of
   Santiago de Cuba, and of the Spanish fleet blockaded in the
   harbor of that town, orders were issued from Washington on the
   31st of May, by Major-General Miles, Commanding the Army,
   "with the approval of the Secretary of War," which directed
   General Shafter, commanding the forces assembled at Tampa,
   Florida, to place them on transports and proceed with them,
   under convoy of the navy, to Santiago. Owing to an extreme
   lack of both railway and harbor facilities at Tampa, an entire
   week was consumed in the embarkation of the troops and
   supplies. When on shipboard, the expedition was delayed
   another week by false reports of the appearance of Spanish
   cruisers on the Cuban coast, which seemed to the Washington
   authorities to call for a stronger naval convoy to guard the
   transport fleet. It was not until the 14th of June that the
   fleet was permitted to sail, with 16,000 men. It arrived off
   Guantanamo, near Santiago, on the morning of the 20th.

   Meantime, the blockading fleet had bombarded the forts at
   Santiago twice, on the 6th and on the 16th, and had silenced
   them, for the time being, on both occasions, but apparently
   with no permanent effect. With more success, two vessels from
   the fleet had entered the harbor of Guantanamo on the 7th and
   taken possession of the lower bay, where a marine battalion
   was landed on the 10th and established in camp, to hold ground
   until the army arrived. Meantime, also, communication with
   General Garcia, commanding Cuban forces, had been opened, and
   arrangements made, the results of which were subsequently
   acknowledged by General Miles, in his annual report, as
   follows:

   "General Garcia regarded my requests as his orders, and
   promptly took steps to execute the plan of operations. He sent
   3,000 men to check any movement of the 12,000 Spaniards
   stationed at Holguín. A portion of this latter force started
   to the relief of the garrison at Santiago, but was
   successfully checked and turned back by the Cuban forces under
   General Feria. General Garcia also sent 2,000 men, under
   Perez, to oppose the 6,000 Spaniards at Guantánamo, and they
   were successful in their object. He also sent 1,000 men, under
   General Ríos, against the 6,000 men at Manzanillo. Of this
   garrison, 3,500 started to reenforce the garrison at Santiago,
   and were engaged in no less than thirty combats with the
   Cubans on their way before reaching Santiago. … With an
   additional force of 5,000 men General Garcia besieged the
   garrison of Santiago, taking up a strong position on the west
   side and in close proximity to the harbor, and he afterwards
   received General Shafter and Admiral Sampson at his camp near
   that place. He had troops in the rear, as well as on both
   sides of the garrison at Santiago before the arrival of our
   troops."

      _Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,
      volume 1, part 2, page 16._

   The troops from Tampa, under General Shafter, arriving on the
   20th, were disembarked on the 22d, 23d and 24th, at Daiquiri,
   and advanced to Siboney. The first resistance encountered was
   at La Guasima, three miles from Siboney, on the Santiago road,
   where the Spaniards were driven from strong entrenchments by a
   part of Young's brigade of General Wheeler's cavalry division
   (dismounted). The brigade thus first in the fighting was
   composed of the 1st and 10th regiments of regular cavalry and
   the 1st United States Volunteer cavalry, commonly called the
   "Rough Riders." After the engagement at La Guasima, six days
   were occupied in concentrating the army (including the Cuban
   auxiliaries of General Garcia), mostly at Sevilla, a short
   distance beyond La Guasima, on the same road, and in
   overcoming great difficulties of transportation for supplies.

   On June 30, General Shafter reconnoitered the country around
   Santiago and made his plan of attack. "From a high hill," says
   his subsequent report, "from which the city was in plain view,
I could see the San Juan Hill and the country about El Caney. The
   roads were very poor, and, indeed, little better than
   bridlepaths, until the San Juan River and El Caney were
   reached. The position of El Caney, to the northeast of
   Santiago, was of great importance to the enemy as holding the
   Guantanamo road, as well as furnishing shelter for a strong
   outpost that might be used to assail the right flank and rear
   of any force operating against San Juan Hill. In view of this
   I decided to begin the attack next day at El Caney with one
   division, while sending two divisions on the direct road to
   Santiago, passing by El Poso House, and, as a diversion, to
   direct a small force against Aguadores from Siboney along the
   railroad by the sea, with a view of attracting the attention
   of the Spaniards in the latter direction and of preventing
   them from attacking our left flank.

   "During the afternoon I assembled the division commanders and
   explained to them my general plan of battle. Lawton's division
   [composed of Chaffee's, Miles' and Ludlow's brigades],
   assisted by Capron's light battery, was ordered to move out
   during the afternoon toward El Caney, to begin the attack
   there early the next morning.

{603}

[Image: Map Illustrating the Santiago Campaign …]

{604}

    After carrying El Caney, Lawton was to move by the Caney road
    toward Santiago and take position on the right of the line.
    Wheeler's division of dismounted cavalry [embracing Sumner's
    brigade—3d, 6th and 9th regular cavalry, and Young's brigade
    mentioned above] and Kent's division of infantry [Wikoft's,
    Hawkins's and Pearson's brigades] were directed on the
    Santiago road, the head of the column resting near El Poso,
    toward which heights Grimes's battery moved on the afternoon
    of the 30th, with orders to take position thereon early the
    next morning and at the proper time prepare the way for the
    advance of Wheeler and Kent on San Juan Hill. The attack at
    this point was to be delayed until Lawton's guns were heard
    at El Caney and his infantry fire showed he had become well
    engaged.

   "The remainder of the afternoon and night was devoted to
   cutting out and repairing the roads and to other necessary
   preparations for battle. These preparations were far from what
   I desired them to be; but we were in a sickly climate; our
   supplies had to be brought forward by a narrow wagon road,
   which the rains might at any time render impassable; fear was
   entertained that a storm might drive the vessels containing
   our stores to sea, thus separating us from our base of
   supplies; and lastly, it was reported that General Pando, with
   8,000 reenforcements for the enemy, was en route from
   Manzanillo and might be expected in a few days. Under those
   conditions I determined to give battle without delay.

   "Early on the morning of July 1, Lawton was in position around
   El Caney, Chaffee's brigade [7th, 12th, and 13th U. S.
   Infantry] on the right, across the Guantanamo road; Miles's
   brigade [1st, 4th, and 25th U. S. Infantry] in the center, and
   Ludlow's [8th and 22d U. S. Infantry and 2d Microcassettes
   Volunteers] on the left. The duty of cutting off the enemy's
   retreat along the Santiago road was assigned to the latter
   brigade. The artillery opened on the town at 6.15 A. M. The
   battle here soon became general and was hotly contested. The
   enemy's position was naturally strong and was rendered more so
   by blockhouses, a stone fort, and entrenchments cut in solid
   rock, and the loopholing of a solidly built stone church. The
   opposition offered by the enemy was greater than had been
   anticipated, and prevented Lawton from joining the right of
   the main line during the day, as had been intended.

   "After the battle had continued for some time Bates's brigade
   of two regiments (3d and 20th United States Infantry] reached
   my headquarters from Siboney. I directed him to move near El
   Caney, to give assistance, if necessary. He did so and was put
   in position between Miles and Chaffee. The battle continued
   with varying intensity during most of the day and until the
   place was carried by assault, about 4.30 p. m. As the
   Spaniards endeavored to retreat along the Santiago road,
   Ludlow's position enabled him to do very effective work and to
   practically cut off all retreat in that direction.

   "After the battle at El Caney was well opened and the sound of
   the small-arms fire caused us to believe that Lawton was
   driving the enemy before him, I directed Grimes's battery to
   open fire from the heights of El Poso on the San Juan'
   blockhouse, which could be seen situated in the enemy's
   entrenchments extending along the crest of San Juan Hill. This
   fire was effective and the enemy could be seen running away
   from the vicinity of the blockhouse. The artillery fire from
   El Poso was soon returned by the enemy's artillery. They
   evidently had the range of this hill, and their first shells
   killed and wounded several men. As the Spaniards used
   smokeless powder it was very difficult to locate the positions
   of their pieces, while, on the contrary, the smoke caused by our
   black powder plainly indicated the position of our battery.

   "At this time the cavalry division [of General Wheeler] under
   General Sumner (commanding temporarily in consequence of the
   illness of General Wheeler, who returned to duty that day],
   which was lying concealed in the general vicinity of the El
   Poso House, was ordered forward, with directions to cross the
   San Juan River and deploy to the right on the Santiago side,
   while Kent's division was to follow closely in its rear and
   deploy to the left. These troops moved forward in compliance
   with orders, but the road was so narrow as to render it
   impracticable to retain the column of fours formation at all
   points, while the undergrowth on either side was so dense as
   to preclude the possibility of deploying skirmishers. It
   naturally resulted that the progress made was slow, and the
   long range rifles of the enemy's infantry killed and wounded a
   number of our men while marching along this road and before
   there was any opportunity to return this fire. At this time
   Generals Kent and Sumner were ordered to push forward with all
   possible haste and place their troops in position to engage the
   enemy. General Kent, with this end in view, forced the head of
   his column alongside of the cavalry column as far as the
   narrow trail permitted, and thus hurried his arrival at the
   San Juan and the formation beyond that stream. A few hundred
   yards before reaching the San Juan the road forks, a fact that
   was discovered by Lieutenant-Colonel Derby, of my staff, who
   had approached well to the front in a war balloon. This
   information he furnished to the troops, resulting in Sumner
   moving on the right-hand road, while Kent was enabled to
   utilize the road to the left. … After crossing the stream, the
   cavalry moved to the right with a view of connecting with
   Lawton's left when he should come up, and with their left
   resting near the Santiago road. In the meanwhile Kent's
   division, with the exception of two regiments of Hawkins's
   brigade, being thus uncovered, moved rapidly to the front from
   the forks previously mentioned in the road, utilizing both
   trails, but more especially the one to the left, and crossing
   the creek formed for attack in the front of San Juan Hill."

      _Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,
      volume 1, part 2, page 147._

   "The particulars of this gallant attack, which won the hill
   and decided the fate of Santiago, are given with more
   clearness in the report of General Kent, who commanded the
   division which had most of the fighting to do, than in that of
   General Shafter. Wikoff's 'heroic brigade,' writes General
   Kent, 'consisting of the 13th, 9th, and 24th United States
   Infantry, speedily crossed the stream and were quickly
   deployed to the left of the lower ford.
{605}
   While personally superintending this movement Colonel Wikoff
   was killed, the command of the brigade then devolving upon
   Lieutenant-Colonel Worth, 13th Infantry, who immediately fell
   severely wounded, and then upon Lieutenant-Colonel Liscum,
   24th Infantry, who, five minutes later, also fell under the
   withering fire of the enemy. The command of the brigade then
   devolved upon Lieutenant-Colonel E. P. Ewers, 9th Infantry.
   Meanwhile I had again sent a staff officer to hurry forward
   the second brigade [Pearson's] which was bringing up the rear.
   The 10th and 2d Infantry, soon arriving at the forks, were
   deflected to the left to follow the Third Brigade [Wikoff's],
   while the 21st was directed along the main road to support
   Hawkins [whose brigade was composed of the 6th and 16th U. S.
   Infantry and the 71st New York Volunteers].

   "Crossing the lower ford a few minutes later, the 10th and 2d
   moved forward in column in good order toward the green knoll …
   on the left. Approaching the knoll the regiments deployed,
   passed over the knoll, and ascended the high ridge beyond,
   driving back the enemy in the direction of his trenches. I
   observed this movement from the Fort San Juan Hill. … Prior to
   this advance of the second brigade, the third, connecting with
   Hawkins's gallant troops on the right, had moved toward Fort
   San Juan, sweeping through a zone of most destructive fire,
   scaling a steep and difficult hill, and assisting in capturing
   the enemy's strong position (Fort San Juan) at 1.30 p. m. This
   crest was about 125 feet above the general level and was
   defended by deep trenches and a loopholed brick fort
   surrounded by barbed-wire entanglements. General Hawkins, some
   time after I reached the crest, reported that the 6th and 16th
   Infantry had captured the hill, which I now consider
   incorrect. Credit is almost equally due the 6th, 9th, 13th,
   16th, and 24th regiments of infantry. … The Thirteenth
   Infantry captured the enemy's colors waving over the fort, but
   unfortunately destroyed them. …

   "The greatest credit is due to the officers of my command,
   whether company, battalion, regimental, or brigade commanders,
   who so admirably directed the formation of their troops,
   unavoidably intermixed in the dense thicket, and made the
   desperate rush for the distant and strongly defended crest, I
   have already mentioned the circumstances of my third brigade's
   advance across the ford, where, in the brief space of ten
   minutes, it lost its brave commander (killed) and the next two
   ranking officers by disabling wounds; yet in spite of these
   confusing conditions the formations were effected without
   hesitation, although under a stinging fire, companies acting
   singly in some instances and by battalions and regiments in
   others, rushing through the jungle, across the stream, waist
   deep, and over the wide bottom thickly set with barbed-wire
   entanglements. …

   "The enemy having retired to a second line of rifle pits, I
   directed my line to hold their positions and intrench. At ten
   minutes past 3 p. m. I received almost simultaneously two
   requests—one from Colonel Wood, commanding a cavalry brigade,
   and one from General Sumner—asking for assistance for the
   cavalry on my right, 'as they were hard pressed.' I
   immediately sent to their aid the 13th Infantry, who promptly
   went on this further mission, despite the heavy losses they
   had already sustained. Great credit is due to the gallant
   officer and gentleman, Brigadier General H. S. Hawkins, who,
   placing himself between the two regiments, leading his
   brigade, the 6th and 16th Infantry, urged and led them by
   voice and bugle calls to the attack so successfully
   accomplished."

      _Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,
      volume 1, part 2, page 164._

   The part borne by the dismounted cavalry division in the
   capture of the Spanish intrenchments on San Juan Hill is
   described as follows in the report of General Sumner,
   temporarily in command:

   "After crossing the creek with sufficient strength to hold it
   and protect the crossing, I received verbal orders to move by
   the right flank to connect with Lawton's left. During the
   execution of this movement a balloon, under command of Colonel
   Derby, came up the road, forcing open Wood's Brigade and
   cutting it in two, thereby delaying the movement. The
   artillery fire of the enemy opened upon the balloon and
   continued for more than an hour, thereby subjecting part of my
   command massed and the rest moving by the flank to long
   shrapnel fire. Many officers and men were wounded here by
   exploding shells and small arms' firing of the enemy. After
   completing the deployment the command was so much committed to
   battle that it became necessary either to advance or else
   retreat under fire.

   "Lieutenant Miley, representing General Shafter, authorized an
   advance, which was ordered, Carroll's brigade taking the
   advance, reinforced on the right by Roosevelt's regiment and
   supported by the 1st and 10th Cavalry of Wood's Brigade. The
   advance was made under heavy infantry fire through open flat
   ground, cut up by wire fences, to the creek, dIstant about 600
   yards. The advance was made in good order, the enemy's fire
   being returned only under favorable opportunities. In crossing
   the flat one officer (Captain O'Neil) and several men were
   killed and several officers and men wounded. Both sides of the
   creek are heavily wooded for about 200 yards. The creek was
   swollen, and the crossing through this space and the creek was
   made with great difficulty. After passing through the thick
   woods the ground was entirely open and fenced by wire. From
   this line it was necessary to storm the hill, upon the top of
   which is a house loopholed, etc., for defense. The slope of
   the hill is very difficult, but the assault was made with
   great gallantry and with much loss to the enemy. In this
   assault Colonel Hamilton, Lieutenants Smith and Shipp were
   killed; Colonel Carroll, Lieutenants Thayer and Myer were
   wounded. A number of casualties occurred among the enlisted
   men. After taking this hill the front line advanced to take
   the Fort San Juan Hill under fire from strong force of the
   enemy in trenches and house known as 'Blockhouse.' … The
   assault was successful, the line storming the trenches and
   blockhouse with conspicuous gallantry and coolness, capturing
   three prisoners, wounding and killing many of the enemy. …
   Connected with my left, Hawkins's brigade of Kent's division
   carried everything in front of it and captured the house and
   hill known as 'Fort San Juan' proper."

      _Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,
      volume 1, part 2. page 370._

{606}

   Lieutenant Colonel Roosevelt, who commanded the Rough Riders
   regiment that day, while Colonel Wood commanded the brigade,
   tells the story of the fight, and what followed, very tersely,
   in his report: "After crossing the river at the ford," says
   the Lieutenant-Colonel, "we were moved along and up its light
   bank under fire, and were held in reserve at a sunken road.
   Here we lost a good many men, including Captain O'Neil,
   killed, and Lieutenant Haskell, wounded. We then received your
   order to advance and support the regular cavalry in the attack
   on the intrenchments and blockhouses on the hills to the left.
   The regiment was deployed on both sides of the road, and moved
   forward until we came to the rearmost lines of the regulars.
   We continued to move forward until I ordered a charge, and the
   men rushed the blockhouse and rifle pits on the hill to the
   right of our advance. They did the work in fine shape, though
   suffering severely. The guidons of Troops E and G were first
   planted on the summit, though the first men up were some A and
   B troopers who were with me.

   "We then opened fire on the intrenchments on a hill to our
   left which some of the other regiments were assailing and
   which they carried a few minutes later. Meanwhile we were
   under a heavy rifle fire from the intrenchments along the
   hills to our front, from whence they also shelled us with a
   piece of field artillery until some of our marksmen silenced
   it. When the men got their wind we charged again and carried
   the second line of intrenchments with a rush. Swinging to the
   left, we then drove the Spaniards over the brow of the chain
   of hills fronting Santiago. By this time the regiments were
   much mixed, and we were under a very heavy fire, both of
   shrapnel and from rifles from the batteries, intrenchments,
   and forts immediately in front of the city. On the extreme
   front I now found myself in command with fragments of the six
   cavalry regiments of the two brigades under me. The Spaniards
   made one or two efforts to retake the line, but were promptly
   driven back.

   "Both General Sumner and you sent me word to hold the line at
   all hazards, and that night we dug a line of intrenchments
   across our front, using the captured Spaniards' intrenching
   tools. We had nothing to eat except what we captured from the
   Spaniards; but their dinners had fortunately been cooked, and
   we ate them with relish, having been fighting all day. We had
   no blankets and coats, and lay by the trenches all night. The
   Spaniards attacked us once in the night, and at dawn they
   opened a heavy artillery and rifle fire. Very great assistance
   was rendered us by Lieutenant Parker's Gatling battery at
   critical moments; he fought his guns at the extreme front of
   the firing line in a way that repeatedly called forth the
   cheers of my men. One of the Spanish batteries which was used
   against us was directly in front of the hospital so that the
   red cross flag flew over the battery, saving it from our fire
   for a considerable period. The Spanish Mauser bullets made
   clean wounds; but they also used a copper-jacketed or
   brass-jacketed bullet which exploded, making very bad wounds
   indeed.

   "Since then we have continued to hold the ground; the food has
   been short; and until today [July 4] we could not get our
   blankets, coats, or shelter tents, while the men lay all day
   under the fire from the Spanish batteries, intrenchments, and
   guerrillas in trees, and worked all night in the trenches,
   never even taking off their shoes. But they are in excellent
   spirits, and ready and anxious to carry out any orders they
   receive. At the end of the first day the eight troops were
   commanded, two by captains, three by first lieutenants, two by
   second lieutenants, and one by the sergeant whom you made
   acting lieutenant. We went into the fight about 490 strong; 86
   were killed or wounded, and there are about half a dozen
   missing. The great heat prostrated nearly 40 men, some of them
   among the best in the regiment."

      _Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,
      volume 1, part 2, page 684._

   There have been much contradiction and controversy concerning
   some of the orders by which the battle of San Juan was
   directed. The following are the conclusions on that subject of
   a civilian observer who seems to have seen and investigated
   with impartiality:

   "The orders under which the battle of San Juan was fought were
   given by Adjutant-General McClernand to General Kent, commanding
   the Infantry Division—consisting, in addition to the
   organizations already mentioned (Wikoff's and Pearson's
   brigades), of the First Brigade, including the Sixth and
   Sixteenth United States Infantry and the Seventy-first New
   York, under General Hawkins—at about nine o'clock in the
   morning. There is no question fortunately as to the exact
   wording of the orders. A little green knoll to the left of the
   Santiago road and half a mile short of the San Juan Heights was
   pointed out as the point which was to be the extreme limit of
   the forward movement of the Infantry Division. Once there,
   further orders would be given. The orders under which General
   Sumner advanced from El Pozo would appear to have been more
   specific, and certainly more clear than the orders which
   General Kent received for the Infantry Division a few minutes
   later. At the same time, it is true that these orders were
   also based upon a complete misconception of the situation and
   a total ignorance of the Spanish position and the lay of the
   country beyond El Pozo. General Sumner's orders were to
   advance along that branch of the Aguadores Creek which runs
   parallel with the Santiago road from El Pozo, until it joins
   the main stream of the Aguadores at the angle subsequently
   known as the 'bloody angle,' where the creek makes a sharp
   turn to the left, and then runs a general southerly course
   toward the town of Aguadores and the sea. This creek General
   Sumner was instructed to hold until the result of Lawton's
   attack upon Caney became known, and he received further
   orders. Once the creek was reached, Sumner, under the most
   unfavorable circumstances of a heavy fire, and the thick and
   pathless jungles which his men had to penetrate, deployed his
   whole division, and then sent back word to McClernand, the
   adjutant-general of the corps, acquainting him with the actual
   conditions by which he was confronted, and asking whether his
   orders contemplated an attack upon the enemy's intrenched
   position, setting forth at the same time the utter
   impossibility of keeping his men inactive for a long time
   under such a heavy fire as was being poured in upon them.

{607}

   "Had it been proposed to carry out the plan, as discussed and
   agreed upon at General Shafter's headquarters the night
   before, to advance along the right flank of the Spanish
   position, keeping in touch with Lawton, obviously these two
   divisions, or a large part of them, should have been directed
   to take the direct road which ran north from El Pozo to
   Marianaje and thence to El Caney, leaving in front of San Juan
   only force sufficient to retain the Spaniards in their
   position. But the divisions were ordered to proceed along the
   Santiago road, and in a very few minutes came under fire. The
   original plan may have been changed at the last moment, of
   course; but as every movement that was subsequently made was
   in the line of carrying this plan out, until finally, on the
   12th, General Lawton succeeded in completely investing the
   town on the north and west, this does not seem likely. The
   more probable explanation of the movement and of what
   followed, and the one accepted by general officers, is as
   follows: That it was still intended to follow Lawton's advance
   on the right, but that owing to our failure to develop the
   Spanish position in our front, and our complete ignorance of
   the lay of the land, the flank movement was not begun until
   too late—not until the troops had been led into a position
   from which they could be extricated only by wresting from the
   Spaniards the block-houses and the trenches from which,
   unexposed and unseen, they were delivering such a galling fire
   upon our men, engaged in wandering aimlessly about in an
   almost trackless tropical jungle. At this moment of great
   confusion and uncertainty, when the road was choked with the
   regiments of both the cavalry and infantry divisions, mutually
   hindering one another in their struggles to advance, and
   having to sustain a heavy and destructive fire which could not
   be answered, an ordeal even for the veteran soldier; at this
   moment, when something might still have been done to mislead
   the enemy and cover our advance, the war balloon was sent up
   directly behind our columns. This mistake betrayed the exact
   location of our advance, and the Spanish fire became heavier
   and better directed, and our losses more severe."

      _S. Bonsal,
      The Fight for Santiago,
      chapter 6 (New York: Doubleday, Page & Company)._

   The same writer gives a sickening account of the sufferings of
   the wounded after the battle and the miserable failure of
   provision for any kind of succor or care of them. "Of course:"
   he says, "in view of the perilous situation which the two
   divisions now occupied upon the crest of the hill, and the
   great anxiety which was felt at headquarters for the safety of
   the whole army, and the preparations which had to be made
   against the expected night attack of the Spaniards to drive
   our men back and retake their lost position, the search for
   the dead and wounded this evening had to be confined to a very
   limited area, and was only as thorough as the shortness of the
   time for which men could be spared from the colors permitted.
   The jungle and the great fields of long grass were not
   searched, and thus many of the wounded were not discovered
   until the following day; and quite a number, indeed, not until
   the armistice was declared, on the third day after the battle,
   when the men had time to ransack the hill-side and the valley
   for the missing. And there were some—those who had the
   strength when they fell to crawl through the cactus, the
   Spanish bayonet, and all manner of prickly and trailing plants
   into the deeper and more protected recesses of the jungle—who
   were never discovered at all until days, many days, had
   passed; and the gathering of the vultures told where some poor
   fellow had died without care and without food, of his wounds
   or from starvation. Of such an one, when his place of hiding
   was discovered, there was, as a rule, only left a whitened
   skeleton and pieces of the uniform he had worn. The last
   resting place of not a few was never discovered at all.

   "I believe I am giving a moderate estimate when I say that at
   least one-third of the men wounded on July 1st received no
   attention, and were not brought back to the division hospital
   until the afternoon of Ju]y 3d. This night we knew nothing,
   and had not even the slightest suspicion, of how numerous the
   undiscovered wounded were. … Only about half of the wounded
   men who were discovered this evening and been brought back to
   the dressing station when the moon rose above the dark forest
   line, and lit up the battlefield and the heights of San Juan
   as clearly, and, indeed, more clearly than day, for there was
   now not the dazzling force and the confusing mirage of the
   pitiless sunlight to blind the sight. The majority of these
   men had had their wounds dressed where they fell, or soon
   after falling, with the first-aid bandages. There were very
   few indeed to whom it had been possible to give any further
   attention than this, as the regimental surgeons, for want of
   transportation, had been unable to bring their medical chests,
   and those who were best provided carried with them only small
   pocket cases. …

   "When the first-aid bandages were applied, the wounded man and
   those who helped him were, as a rule, under fire, which made
   any but the most summary methods of wound-dressing quite
   impossible. Fortunately these bandages, so simple and
   practical, lent themselves excellently well to this procedure.
   The first thing the soldiers or the hospital attendants would
   do when they came upon a wounded man was, in the case of a
   wound in the body, to tear off his shirt, or in the case of a
   wound in the leg, tear off his trousers, and then wrap around
   the wound the first-aid bandage. The wound-dressers were
   generally in such haste, and the wounded men usually so
   helpless to assist in any way, and their shirts and trousers
   so rotten from the drenching rains in which they had been worn
   without change day or night, that the taking off of the clothing
   was literally what I call it—tearing, and the garment came off
   so rent as to be quite useless for further wear. Consequently
   the soldiers were carried half-naked, or, if they had been
   wounded in both the body and the lower limbs, as was so
   frequently the case, entirely naked, to the army wagons and so
   down to the hospital, where there was not a scrap of clothing
   or bedding forthcoming to cover them with. These who were
   stripped in this way during the daytime were baked and
   blistered by the fierce sunlight, only to shiver with the
   penetrating cold and dampness after the rain had ceased to
   fall and when the chill night came on.

   "Knowing that he was totally unprepared to clothe or cover the
   wounded that would probably be brought in, the chief surgeon
   of the corps issued an order, the evening before the battle,
   that all wounded men should be brought in with their blankets,
   halves of shelter-tents, and ponchos when possible. This was
   certainly a step in the right direction, even if it was but a
   frank confession by the authorities that no preparation had
   been made by them for the emergency which it cannot be said
   was suddenly thrust upon them, but which they might have
   foreseen and should have been preparing against for many weeks
   previous.
{608}
   While the attending soldiers, realizing how serious for their
   wounded comrades it would be to have to lie in the hospitals
   uncovered to wind and weather, made great efforts to find
   their packs, these efforts were not often successful, and a
   great majority of the wounded reached the hospital half
   naked, and had thereafter only the covering and the bedding
   which their comrades and the hospital attendants were able to
   'rustle' for them, and this was little enough and not seldom
   nothing at all.

   "Had this expedition been provided with a greater number of
   surgeons and hospital attendants, had the ambulances been at
   hand which we left in Tampa or upon the transports, ambulances
   without which it is reasonable to suppose—at least we had
   supposed—no civilized power would enter upon an aggressive
   war, much less upon a campaign in which we had the advantage
   of choosing both our own time and the field of operations, the
   outrageous treatment which our wounded suffered, and the
   barbarous scenes which we were called upon to witness upon
   this and the following days would never have occurred."

      _S. Bonsai,
      The Fight for Santiago,
      chapter 8 (New York: Doubleday, Page & Company)._

   The troops which had carried San Juan Hill were intrenched,
   that night, in the positions they had gained, and those which
   had taken El Caney were brought into connection with them,
   Lawton's division on their right and Bates's brigade on the
   left. The battle was renewed by the Spaniards soon after
   daylight on the morning of the 2d, and raged with more or less
   fury throughout the day. That evening, about 10 o'clock, a
   fierce attempt was made to break through the American lines,
   but without success. Again, on the morning of the third, the
   Spaniards reopened battle, but with less vigor than before.
   General Shafter then sent the following letter to General
   Toral, the Spanish commander: "I shall be obliged, unless you
   surrender, to shell Santiago de Cuba. Please inform the
   citizens of foreign countries, and all women and children,
   that they should leave the city before 10 o'clock to-morrow
   morning." In reply, General Toral wrote; "It is my duty to say
   to you that this city will not surrender, and that I will
   inform the foreign consuls and inhabitants of the contents of
   your message." Several of the foreign consuls at Santiago then
   came into the American lines and persuaded General Shafter to
   delay the shelling of the town until noon of the 5th, provided
   that the Spanish forces made no demonstration meantime against
   his own. This established a truce which was renewed, in a
   series of negotiations until the 10th. "I was of the opinion,"
   reported General Shafter, "that the Spaniards would surrender
   if given a little time, and I thought this result would be
   hastened if the men of their army could be made to understand
   they would be well treated as prisoners of war. Acting upon
   this presumption I determined to offer to return all the
   wounded Spanish officers at El Caney who were able to bear
   transportation, and who were willing to give their paroles not
   to serve against the forces of the United States until
   regularly exchanged. This offer was made and accepted. These
   officers, as well as several of the wounded Spanish privates,
   27 in all, were sent to their lines under the escort of some
   of our mounted cavalry. Our troops were received with honors,
   and I have every reason to believe the return of the Spanish
   prisoners produced a good impression on their comrades. The
   cessation of firing about noon on the 3d practically
   terminated the battle of Santiago." General Shafter goes on to
   say that when the battle was fiercest, on July 1st, he probably
   had no more than 12,000 men on the firing line, not counting a
   few Cubans who assisted in the attack on El Caney, and who
   fought with valor. They were confronted by about equal numbers
   of the enemy, in strong and intrenched positions. "Our losses
   in these battles were 22 officers and 208 men killed, and 81
   officers and 1,203 men wounded; missing 79. The missing, with
   few exceptions, reported later." Up to this time, General
   Shafter had been unable to complete the investment of the town
   with his own men, and had depended upon General Garcia with
   his Cubans, placed on the extreme right of the American lines,
   to watch for and intercept reinforcements. They failed to do
   so, and 2,800 Spaniards, under General Escario, entered the
   city on the night of the 2d. The American commander now
   extended his own lines as rapidly as possible and completed
   the investment of the town.

      _Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,
      volume 1, part 2, pages 155-157._

   As stated above, permission was given on the 3d for
   non-combatants to leave the city. "They did leave in the
   following days to the number of perhaps 20,000, filling the
   neighboring villages and roads with destitute people, mostly
   women and children. It then seemed to fall to our lot to see
   that these people did not starve in a desolate country, and to
   be as much our duty to take care of these people, whom our
   policy had driven from their homes, as it was for Spain to
   feed the reconcentrados, whom they drove from their homes
   under their war policy. The task was not insignificant."

      _Report of Inspector-General
      (Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,
      volume 1, part 2, page 596)._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July).
   Annexation of the Hawaiian Islands.

      See (in this volume)
      HAWAIIAN ISLANDS: A. D. 1898.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July 1).
   National Bankrupt Law.

   After years of effort on the part of its advocates, a national
   bankrupt law was enacted by both Houses of Congress and
   received the President's signature on the 1st of July, 1898.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July 3).
   Destruction of the Spanish squadron at Santiago.

   On the morning of July 3, Admiral Cervera, convinced that
   Santiago would be taken by the American forces, and acting
   under orders from the Captain-General at Havana, made a
   desperate attempt to save his squadron by escaping to sea. The
   result was a total destruction of the Spanish ships, in an
   engagement with the blockading fleet, of which Admiral Sampson
   gave the following account in his official report:

   "The enemy's vessels came out of the harbor between 9.35 and
   10 a. m., the head of the column appearing around Cay Smith at
   9.31 and emerging from the channel five or six minutes later.
   The positions of the vessels of my command off Santiago at
   that moment were as follows: The flagship 'New York' was 4
   miles east of her blockading station and about 7 miles from
   the harbor entrance. She had started for Siboney, where I
   intended to land, accompanied by several of my staff, and go
   to the front to consult with General Shafter.
{609}
   A discussion of the situation and a more definite
   understanding between us of the operations proposed had been
   rendered necessary by the unexpectedly strong resistance of
   the Spanish garrison of Santiago. I had sent my chief of staff
   on shore the day before to arrange an interview with General
   Shafter, who had been suffering from heat prostration. I made
   arrangements to go to his headquarters, and my flagship was in
   the position mentioned above when the Spanish squadron
   appeared in the channel. The remaining vessels were in or near
   their usual blockading positions, distributed in a semicircle
   about the harbor entrance, counting from the eastward to the
   westward, in the following order: The 'Indiana' about a mile
   and a half from shore, the 'Oregon'—the 'New York's' place
   being between these two—the 'Iowa,' 'Texas,' and 'Brooklyn,'
   the latter two miles from the shore west of Santiago. The
   distance of the vessels from the harbor entrance was from 2½
   to 4 miles, the latter being the limit of day blockading
   distance. The length of the arc formed by the ships was about
   8 miles. The 'Massachusetts' had left at 4 a. m., for
   Guantanamo for coal. Her station was between the 'Iowa' and
   'Texas.' The auxiliaries 'Gloucester' and 'Vixen' lay close to
   the land and nearer the harbor entrance than the large
   vessels, the 'Gloucester' to the eastward and the 'Vixen' to
   the westward. The torpedo boat 'Ericsson' was in company with
   the flagship and remained with her during the chase until
   ordered to discontinue, when she rendered very efficient
   service in rescuing prisoners from the burning' Vizcaya.' …

   "The Spanish vessels came rapidly out of the harbor, at a
   speed estimated at from 8 to 10 knots, and in the following
   order: 'Infanta Maria Teresa' (flagship), 'Vizcaya,'
   'Cristobal Colon,' and the 'Almirante Oquendo.' The distance
   between these ships was about 800 yards, which means that from
   the time the first one became visible in the upper reach of
   the channel until the last one was out of the harbor an
   interval of only about 12 minutes elapsed. Following the
   'Oquendo,' at a distance of about 1,200 yards, came the
   torpedo-boat destroyer 'Pluton,' and after her the 'Furor.'
   The armored cruisers, as rapidly as they could bring their
   guns to bear, opened a vigorous fire upon the blockading
   vessels, and emerged from the channel shrouded in the smoke
   from their guns. The men of our ships in front of the port
   were at Sunday 'quarters for inspection.' The signal was made
   simultaneously from several vessels, 'Enemy ships escaping,'
   and general quarters was sounded. The men cheered as they
   sprang to their guns, and fire was opened probably within 8
   minutes by the vessels whose guns commanded the entrance. The
   'New York' turned about and steamed for the escaping fleet,
   flying the signal, 'Close in towards harbor entrance and
   attack vessels,' and gradually increasing speed, until toward
   the end of the chase she was making 16½ knots, and was rapidly
   closing on the 'Cristobal Colon.' She was not, at any time,
   within the range of the heavy Spanish ships, and her only part
   in the firing was to receive the undivided fire from the forts
   in passing the harbor entrance, and to fire a few shots at one
   of the destroyers, thought at the moment to be attempting to
   escape from the 'Gloucester.'

   "The Spanish vessels, upon clearing the harbor, turned to the
   westward in column, increasing their speed to the full power
   of their engines. The heavy blockading vessels, which had
   closed in towards the Morro at the instant of the enemy's
   appearance, and at their best speed, delivered a rapid fire,
   well sustained and destructive, which speedily overwhelmed and
   silenced the Spanish fire. The initial speed of the Spaniards
   carried them rapidly past the blockading vessels, and the
   battle developed into a chase in which the 'Brooklyn' and
   'Texas' had, at the start, the advantage of position. The
   'Brooklyn' maintained this lead. The 'Oregon,' steaming with
   amazing speed from the commencement of the action, took first
   place. The 'Iowa' and the 'Indiana' having done good work, and
   not having the speed of the other ships, were directed by me,
   in succession, at about the time the 'Vizcaya' was beached, to
   drop out of the chase and resume blockading stations. These
   vessels rescued many prisoners. The 'Vixen,' finding that the
   rush of the Spanish ships would put her between two fires, ran
   outside of our own column and remained there during the battle
   and chase.

   "The skillful handling and gallant fighting of the
   'Gloucester' excited the admiration of everyone who witnessed
   it, and merits the commendation of the Navy Department. She is
   a fast and entirely unprotected auxiliary vessel—the yacht
   'Corsair'—and has a good battery of light rapid-fire guns. She
   was lying about 2 miles from the harbor entrance, to the
   southward and eastward, and immediately steamed in, opening
   fire upon the large ships. Anticipating the appearance of the
   'Pluton' and 'Furor,' the 'Gloucester' was slowed, thereby
   gaining more rapidly a high pressure of steam, and when the
   destroyers came out she steamed for them at full speed, and
   was able to close to short range, while her fire was accurate,
   deadly, and of great volume. During this fight the
   'Gloucester' was under the fire of the Socapa Battery. Within
   twenty minutes from the time they emerged from Santiago Harbor
   the careers of the 'Furor' and the 'Pluton' were ended, and
   two-thirds of their people killed. The 'Furor' was beached and
   sunk in the surf; the 'Pluton' sank in deep water a few
   minutes later. The destroyers probably suffered much injury
   from the fire of the secondary batteries of the battle ships
   'Iowa,' 'Indiana,' and the 'Texas,' yet I think a very
   considerable factor in their speedy destruction was the fire,
   at close range, of the 'Gloucester's' battery. After rescuing
   the survivors of the destroyers, the 'Gloucester' did
   excellent service in landing and securing the crew of the
   'Infanta Maria Teresa.'

   "The method of escape attempted by the Spaniards, all steering
   in the same direction, and in formation, removed all tactical
   doubts or difficulties, and made plain the duty of every
   United States vessel to close in, immediately engage, and
   pursue. This was promptly and effectively done. As already
   stated, the first rush of the Spanish squadron carried it past
   a number of the blockading ships which could not immediately
   work up to their best speed; but they suffered heavily in
   passing, and the 'Infanta Maria Teresa' and the 'Oquendo' were
   probably set on fire by shells fired during the first fifteen
   minutes of the engagement. It was afterwards learned that the
   'Infanta Maria Teresa's' fire main had been cut by one of our
   first shots, and that she was unable to extinguish fire. With
   large volumes of smoke rising from their lower decks aft,
   these vessels gave up both fight and flight and ran in on the
   beach—the 'Infanta Maria Teresa' at about 10.15 a. m. at Nima
   Nima, 6½ miles from Santiago Harbor entrance, and the
   'Almirante Oquendo' at about 10.30 a. m. at Juan Gonzales, 7
   miles from the port.

{610}

   "The 'Vizcaya' was still under the fire of the leading
   vessels; the 'Cristobal Colon' had drawn ahead, leading the
   chase, and soon passed beyond the range of the guns of the
   leading American ships. The 'Vizcaya' was soon set on fire,
   and, at 11.15, she turned inshore, and was beached at
   Aserraderos, 15 miles from Santiago, burning fiercely, and
   with her reserves of ammunition on deck already beginning to
   explode. When about 10 miles west of Santiago the 'Indiana'
   had been signaled to go back to the harbor entrance, and at
   Aserraderos the 'Iowa' was signaled to 'Resume blockading
   station.' The 'Iowa' assisted by the 'Ericsson' and the
   'Hist,' took off the crew of the 'Vizcaya,' while the
   'Harvard' and the 'Gloucester' rescued those of the 'Infanta
   Maria Teresa' and the 'Almirante Oquendo.' This rescue of
   prisoners, including the wounded, from the burning Spanish
   vessels, was the occasion of some of the most daring and
   gallant conduct of the day. The ships were burning fore and
   aft, their guns and reserve ammunition were exploding, and it
   was not known at what moment the fire would reach the main
   magazines. In addition to this a heavy surf was running just
   inside of the Spanish ships. But no risk deterred our officers
   and men until their work of humanity was complete.

   "There remained now of the Spanish ships only the 'Cristobal
   Colon'—but she was their best and fastest vessel. Forced by
   the situation to hug the Cuban coast, her only chance of
   escape was by superior and sustained speed. When the 'Vizcaya'
   went ashore, the 'Colon' was about 6 miles ahead of the
   'Brooklyn' and the 'Oregon'; but her spurt was finished, and
   the American ships were now gaining upon her. Behind the
   'Brooklyn' and the 'Oregon' came the 'Texas,' 'Vixen,' and
   'New York.' It was evident from the bridge of the 'New York'
   that all the American ships were gradually overhauling the
   chase, and that she had no chance of escape. At 12.50 the
   'Brooklyn' and the 'Oregon' opened fire and got her range—the
   'Oregon's' heavy shell striking beyond her—and at 1.20 she
   gave up without firing another shot, hauled down her colors,
   and ran ashore at Rio Torquino, 48 miles from Santiago.
   Captain Cook, of the 'Brooklyn,' went on board to receive the
   surrender. While his boat was alongside I came up in the 'New
   York,' received his report, and placed the 'Oregon' in charge
   of the wreck to save her, if possible, and directed the
   prisoners to be transferred to the 'Resolute,' which had
   followed the chase. Commodore Schley, whose chief of staff had
   gone on board to receive the surrender, had directed that all
   their personal effects should be retained by the officers.
   This order I did not modify. The 'Cristobal Colon' was not
   injured by our firing, and probably is not much injured by
   beaching, though she ran ashore at high speed. The beach was
   so steep that she came off by the working of the sea. But her
   sea valves were opened and broken, treacherously, I am sure,
   after her surrender, and despite all efforts she sank. When it
   became evident that she could not be kept afloat, she was
   pushed by the 'New York' bodily up on the beach, the 'New
   York's' stem being placed against her for this purpose—the
   ship being handled by Captain Chadwick with admirable
   judgment—and sank in shoal water and may be saved. Had this
   not been done she would have gone down in deep water and would
   have been, to a certainty, a total loss.

   "I regard this complete and important victory over the Spanish
   forces as the successful finish of several weeks of arduous
   and close blockade, so stringent and effective during the
   night that the enemy was deterred from making the attempt to
   escape at night, and deliberately elected to make the attempt
   in daylight. The object of the blockade of Cervera's squadron
   was fully accomplished, and each individual bore well his part
   in it—the commodore in command on the second division, the
   captains of ships, their officers, and men. The fire of the
   battle ships was powerful and destructive, and the resistance
   of the Spanish squadron was, in great part, broken almost
   before they had got beyond the range of their own forts. …
   Several of the [American] ships were struck—the 'Brooklyn'
   more often than the others—but very slight material injury was
   done, the greatest being aboard the 'Iowa.' Our loss was 1 man
   killed and 1 wounded, both on the 'Brooklyn.' It is difficult to
   explain this immunity from loss of life or injury to ships in
   a combat with modern vessels of the best type, but Spanish
   gunnery is poor at the best, and the superior weight and
   accuracy of our fire speedily drove the men from their guns
   and silenced their fire. This is borne out by the statements
   of prisoners and by observation."

      _Annual Report of Secretary of the Navy, 1898,
      volume 2, pages 506-511._

   Some particulars of the destruction of the "Furor," the
   "Pluton," and the "Infanta Maria Teresa," and of the rescue of
   surviving Spaniards, including Admiral Cervera, are given in a
   report by Lieutenant Huse, executive officer of the "Gloucester,"
   as follows: "The 'Pluton' was run on the rocks about 4 miles
   west of Morro and blew up. Our crew cheered at the sight of
   the explosion. The 'Furor' soon commenced to describe circles
   with a starboard helm, her fire ceased, and it became apparent
   that she was disabled. A white rag was waved from forward and
   we stopped firing. Lieutenants Wood and Norman and Assistant
   Engineer Proctor were sent to rescue the crews and to see if
   the prizes could be saved. These found a horrible state of
   affairs on the 'Furor.' The vessel was a perfect shambles. As
   she was on fire and burning rapidly, they took off the living
   and then rescued all they could find in the water and on the
   beach. The 'Pluton' was among the rocks in the surf and could
   not be boarded, but her crew had made their way ashore or were
   adrift on life buoys and wreckage. These were all taken on board.
   I have since learned that the 'New York' passed a number of
   men in the water who had doubtless jumped overboard from the
   destroyers to escape our fire. All these were probably
   drowned. While this work was going on several explosions took
   place on the 'Furor,' and presently—at about 11.30—she threw
   her bows in the air, and turning to port slowly sank in deep
   water. …

{611}

   "While one of our boats was still ashore, seeing heavy clouds
   of smoke behind the next point the ship was moved in that
   direction, the men being at quarters and everything in
   readiness for further action. On rounding the point two
   men-of-war were found on the beach burning fiercely aft, the
   majority of the crew being crowded on the forecastle and
   unable apparently to reach land, only 200 yards away. Our
   boats, under Lieutenant Norman and Ensign Edson, put off to
   the nearer vessel, which proved to be the flagship 'Infanta
   Maria Teresa,' and rescued all on board by landing them on the
   beach through the surf. Lieutenant Norman formally received
   the surrender of the commander in chief and all his officers
   and men present, and as soon as all hands had been transferred
   ashore, brought on board this ship all the higher officers,
   including the admiral. Lieutenant Wood meanwhile rescued the
   remaining survivors on board the 'Oquendo,' the second of the
   burning vessels. The Spanish officers not feeling that the
   prisoners on shore were secure from attack by Cuban partisans,
   by your orders I directed Lieutenant Norman to land with a
   small force, establish a camp on shore, and hoist the United
   States flag over it. He took with him all the rations that
   could be spared from the stores aboard."

      _Annual Report of Secretary of the Navy, 1898,
      volume 2, page 542._

   The following is a translation, from Admiral Cervera's report,
   as partly published in newspapers at Madrid, giving his
   description of the destruction of his flagship and his own
   rescue from death: "The enemy's fire produced terrible damages
   on board the 'Infanta Maria Teresa,' destroying the elements
   of defence—among others, the net for protection against fire.
   In this critical moment the captain of the ship, Señor Concas,
   fell wounded, and it was necessary to withdraw him, I taking
   command of the vessel, because it was impossible to find the
   second commandant of the 'Maria Teresa.' Immediately
   afterwards they reported to me that my cabin was burning in
   consequence of an explosion. The fire soon became very great
   and ignited other parts of the ship. I gave orders to my aid
   to flood the after magazines, but it was impossible. Dense
   clouds of smoke impeded walking in the passages and practicing
   any kind of operations. In this situation I could only think
   of beaching the ship, and did so, running aground on Punta
   Cabrera. The contest was impossible on our side, and there was
   nothing more to be done but to save as much as possible. I
   thought to lower the flag, but that was not possible on
   account of the fire, which prevented all operations. In these
   anxious moments two boats came to the aid of the 'Maria
   Teresa,' into which a number of us jumped. Those that were not
   dying were saved with nothing. The 'Teresa' lowered a small boat,
   which sank before it could be of any service. Subsequently
   they succeeded in launching a steam launch, but this also sank
   after making one voyage to the beach. I succeeded in saving
   myself with nothing, two sailors helping me, one named Andres
   Sequeros and the officer D. Angel Cervera, all of us arriving
   on board the American ship 'Gloucester' naked. At this time we
   were all naked."

      _Annual Report of Secretary of the Navy, 1898,
      volume 2, pages 558-559._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 July (4-17).
   The surrender of Santiago and of all the Spanish forces
   in eastern Cuba.

   The following is a continuation of the report made by General
   Shafter of his operations at Santiago de Cuba, resulting in
   the surrender of the entire forces of Spain in eastern Cuba:
   "The information of our naval victory was transmitted under
   flag of truce to the Spanish commander in Santiago on July 4,
   and the suggestion again made that he surrender to save
   needless effusion of blood. On the same date I informed
   Admiral Sampson that if he would force his way into the harbor
   the city would surrender without any further sacrifice of
   life. Commodore Watson replied that Admiral Sampson was
   temporarily absent, but that in his (Watson's) opinion the
   navy should not enter the harbor. In the meanwhile letters
   passing between General Toral and myself caused the cessation
   of hostilities to continue; each army, however, continued to
   strengthen its intrenchments. I was still of the opinion the
   Spaniards would surrender without much more fighting, and on
   July 6 called General Toral's attention to the changed
   conditions and at his request gave him time to consult his
   home Government. This he did, asking that the British consul,
   with the employees of the cable company, be permitted to
   return from El Caney to the city. This I granted. The strength
   of the enemy's position was such I did not wish to assault if
   it could be avoided. An examination of the enemy's works, made
   after the surrender, fully justified the wisdom of the course
   adopted. The intrenchments could only have been carried with
   very great loss of life, probably with not less than 3,000
   killed and wounded.

   "On July 8 General Toral offered to march out of the city with
   arms and baggage, provided he would not be molested before
   reaching Holguin, and to surrender to the American forces the
   territory then occupied by him. I replied that while I would
   submit his proposition to my home Government, I did not think
   it would be accepted. In the meanwhile arrangements were made
   with Admiral Sampson that when the army again engaged the
   enemy the navy would assist by shelling the city from ships
   stationed off Aguadores, dropping a shell every few minutes.
   On July 10 the 1st Illinois and the 1st District of Columbia
   arrived, and were placed on the line to the right of the
   cavalry division. This enabled me to push Lawton further to
   the right and to practically command the Cobra road. On the
   afternoon of the date last mentioned the truce was broken off
   at 4 p. m., and I determined to open with four batteries of
   artillery, and went forward in person to the trenches to give
   the necessary orders; but the enemy anticipated us by opening
   fire with his artillery a few minutes after the hour stated.
   His batteries were apparently silenced before night, while
   ours continued playing upon his trenches until dark. During
   this firing the navy fired from Aguadores, most of the shells
   falling in the city. There was also some small-arms firing. On
   this afternoon and the next morning we lost Captain Charles W.
   Rowell, 2d Infantry, and 1 man killed, and Lieutenant Lutz, 2d
   Infantry, and 10 men wounded. On the morning of July 11 the
   bombardment by the Navy and my field guns was renewed and
   continued until nearly noon, and on the same day I reported to
   the Adjutant-General of the Army that the right of Ludlow's
   brigade of Lawton's division rested on the bay. Thus our hold
   upon the enemy was complete.

{612}

   "At 2 p. m. on this date, the 11th, the surrender of the city
   was again demanded. The firing ceased and was not again
   renewed. By this date the sickness in the army was increasing
   very rapidly as a result of exposure in the trenches to the
   intense heat of the sun and the heavy rains. Moreover, the
   dews in Cuba are almost equal to rains. The weakness of the
   troops was becoming so apparent I was anxious to bring the
   siege to an end, but in common with most of the officers of
   the army I did not think an assault would be justifiable,
   especially as the enemy seemed to be acting in good faith in
   their preliminary propositions to surrender. On July 11 I
   wrote General Toral as follows: 'With the largely increased
   forces which have come to me, and the fact that I have your
   line of retreat securely in my hands, the time seems fitting
   that I should again demand of your excellency the surrender of
   Santiago and of your excellency's army. I am authorized to
   state that should your excellency so desire the Government of
   the United States will transport the entire command of your
   excellency to Spain.' General Toral replied that he had
   communicated my proposition to his general-in-chief, General
   Blanco.

   "July 12 I informed the Spanish commander that Major-General
   Miles, commander-in-chief of the American Army, had just
   arrived in my camp, and requested him to grant us a personal
   interview on the following day. He replied he would be pleased
   to meet us. The interview took place on the 13th, and I
   informed him his surrender only could be considered, and that
   as he was without hope of escape he had no right to continue
   the fight. On the 14th another interview took place, during
   which General Toral agreed to surrender, upon the basis of his
   army, the Fourth Army Corps, being returned to Spain, the
   capitulation embracing all of eastern Cuba east of a line
   passing from Acerraderos on the south to Sagua de Tanamo on
   the north, via Palma Soriano. It was agreed commissioners
   should meet during the afternoon to definitely arrange the
   terms. … The terms of surrender finally agreed upon included
   about 12,000 Spanish troops in the city and as many more in
   the surrendered district. It was arranged the formal surrender
   should take place between the lines on the morning of July 17,
   each army being represented by 100 armed men. At the time
   appointed, I appeared at the place agreed upon with my general
   officers, staff, and 100 troopers of the Second Cavalry under
   Captain Brett. General Toral also arrived with a number of his
   officers and 100 infantry. We met midway between the
   representatives of our two armies, and the Spanish commander
   formally consummated the surrender of the city and the 24,000
   troops in Santiago and the surrendered district. After this
   ceremony I entered the city with my staff and escort, and at
   12 o'clock noon the American flag was raised over the
   governor's palace with appropriate ceremonies."

      _Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,
      volume 2, pages 157-159._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898
   (July-August: Army administration).
   Red-tape and politics.
   Their working in the campaign.

   "The Cuban campaign had been foreseen by intelligent officers
   for more than a year, but the department which clothes the
   army had taken no steps toward providing a suitable uniform
   for campaigning in the tropics until war was declared. The
   Fifth Army Corps, a comparatively small body of 17,000 men,
   was concentrated at Tampa on the railroad within reach of all
   the appliances for expediting business. Between April 26, when
   war was declared, and, June 6, when the corps embarked for
   Cuba, sufficient time elapsed to have clothed 1,000,000 men if
   the matter had been handled in the same manner a wholesale
   clothing firm would handle similar business. Yet the corps
   went to Cuba wearing the winter clothing it had brought on its
   backs from Montana, Wyoming, and Michigan. It endured the heat
   of the tropics clad in this, and was furnished with light
   summer clothing by the department to wear for its return to
   Montauk, where the breezes were so bracing that the teeth
   chattered even when the men were clad in winter clothing. The
   only reason for this absolute failure to properly clothe the
   army was that the methods of the department are too slow and
   antiquated for the proper performance of business. There was
   no lack of money. It was a simple case of red-tape delays.
   There can be no doubt that the intention was that the summer
   clothing should be worn in Cuba and that there should be warm
   clothing issued at Montauk. It was issued after the troops had
   shivered for days in their light clothes. The delays
   unavoidably connected with an obsolete method caused great
   suffering that should not have been inflicted upon men
   expected to do arduous duty. A sensible man would not put a
   heavy blanket on a horse to do draught work on a hot day; but
   the red tape of an antiquated way of doing business caused our
   soldiers to wear heavy woolen clothes in torrid heat, when every
   nerve was to be strained to the breaking point in athletic
   exertion. This is not pointed out in a fault-finding spirit.
   The men are proud to have been in the Fifth Corps and to have
   endured these things for the country and the flag; but these
   unnecessary sufferings impaired the fighting strength of the
   army, caused much of the sickness that visited the Fifth
   Corps, and might have caused the failure of the whole
   expedition. …

   "The difficulty here depicted was one which beset the
   department at every turn in the whole campaign. It is a
   typical case. Transports, tentage, transportation—it was the
   same in everything. With the most heroic exertions the
   department was able to meet emergencies only after they had
   passed. This was caused partly by lack of ready material, but
   mainly by an inelastic system of doing business which broke
   down in emergencies. This, in turn, was caused mainly by the
   illiberal treatment accorded to this, as well as to every
   other department of the army by Congress. It uniformly cuts
   mercilessly all estimates of this, as of every other
   department, and leaves no margin of expenditure or chance of
   improvement. It dabbles in matters which are purely technical
   and require the handling of expert executive talent. …

   "Plans for war should be prepared in advance. This was
   especially true of the last war, which had been foreseen for
   years and considered a probability for several months. All
   details should have been previously worked out, all
   contingencies foreseen before hostilities began. Such plans
   would require some modifications, of course, but would form a
   working basis.
{613}
   Neither Santiago nor Manila Bay would have been foreseen; but
   any plans for war would have involved the consideration and
   solution of the following problems: How to raise, arm, equip,
   organize, mobilize, clothe, feed, shelter, and transport large
   bodies of soldiers. The point where the battle might occur
   would be a mere tactical detail to be worked out at the proper
   time. The above problems could all be solved in time of peace and
   should have been solved. The general staff performs this
   function in foreign armies, but we had no such body in our
   service and nothing to imperfectly take its place. …

   "The most urgently needed reform is the absolute divorcement
   of the army in all of its departments from politics. … No
   department of the army should be more exempt from political
   influence than the staff. This points at once to the most
   urgent reform, viz., make the commanding general the real
   working head of the army, instead of the Secretary of War. No
   good results have come to the service by the extension of the
   Secretary's powers in Grant's first administration. Most of
   the evils of the service can be traced to the fact that the
   general commanding has since that time been practically
   deprived of his proper functions, and the real head of the
   army has been a politician."

      _Lieutenant J. H. Parker,
      Our Army Supply Department and the need of a General Staff
      (Review of Reviews, December, 1898)._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July-August: Cuba).
   The War with Spain.
   Sickness in the American army at Santiago.
   Its alarming state.
   Hurried removal of troops to Montauk Point, Long Island.

   "After the surrender of General Toral's army General Shafter
   urged the War Department from time to time to hasten the
   shipment of the Spanish prisoners to their homes, in order
   that the American Army, whose condition was now deplorable,
   might be transported to the United States. At this time about
   half the command had been attacked by malarial fever, with a
   few cases of yellow fever, dysentery, and typhoid fever. The
   yellow-fever cases were mainly confined to the troops at
   Siboney, and the few cases found among the troops at the front
   were at once transferred to that place. … There was great
   fear, and excellent grounds for it, that the yellow fever, now
   sporadic throughout the command, would become epidemic. With
   the command weakened by malarial fevers, and its general tone
   and vitality much reduced by all the circumstances incident to
   the campaign, the effects of such an epidemic would
   practically mean its annihilation. The first step taken to
   check the spread of disease was the removal of all the troops
   to new camping grounds. … It was directed that the command be
   moved in this way every few days, isolating the cases of
   yellow fever as they arose, and it was expected that in a
   short time the yellow fever would be stamped out. … But the
   effect produced on the command by the work necessary to set up
   the tents and in the removal of the camps increased the number
   on the sick report to an alarming degree. Convalescents from
   malarial fever were taken again with the fever, and yellow
   fever, dysentery, and typhoid increased. It was useless now to
   attempt to confine the yellow-fever cases to Siboney, and
   isolation hospitals were established around Santiago. It was
   apparent that to keep moving the command every few days simply
   weakened the troops and increased the fever cases. Any exertion
   in this heat caused a return of the fever, and it must be
   remembered that the convalescents now included about 75 per
   cent. of the command. The Commanding General was now directed
   to move the entire command into the mountains to the end of
   the San Luis railroad, where the troops would be above the
   yellow fever limit; but this was a physical impossibility. …

   "The situation was desperate; the yellow-fever cases were
   increasing in number, and the month of August, the period in
   which it is epidemic, was at hand. It was with these
   conditions staring them in the face, that the officers
   commanding divisions and brigades and the Chief Surgeon were
   invited by General Shafter to discuss the situation. As a
   result of this conference the General sent the following
   telegram giving his views [and those of the General Officers
   and Medical Officers]. … 'In reply to telegram of this date
   [August 3], stating that it is deemed best that my command be
   moved to end of railroad, where yellow fever is impossible, I
   have to say that under the circumstances this move is
   practically impossible. The railroad is not yet repaired,
   although it will be in about a week. Its capacity is not to
   exceed 1,000 men a day, at the best, and it will take until
   the end of August to make this move, even if the sick-list
   should not increase. An officer of my staff, Lieutenant Miley,
   who has looked over the ground, says it is not a good camping
   ground. … In my opinion there is but one course to take, and
   that is to immediately transport the Fifth Corps and the
   detached regiments that came with it, and were sent
   immediately after it, with the least delay possible, to the
   United States. If this is not done I believe the death-rate
   will be appalling. I am sustained in this view by every
   medical officer present. I called together to-day the General
   Officers and the senior Medical Officers and telegraph you
   their views.' …

   "On August 4th instructions were received from the War
   Department to begin the removal of the command to Montauk
   Point, Long Island. Some of the immune regiments were on the
   way to Santiago, and other regiments were at once ordered
   there to garrison the district as General Shafter's command
   was withdrawn. The first of the fleet of vessels to return the
   Spanish troops arrived in time to be loaded and leave August
   9th, and by the end of the month nearly all were transported.

   "After the surrender the relations between the American and
   Spanish troops were very cordial. There could be little or no
   conversation between individuals, but in many ways the respect
   each had for the other was shown, and there seemed to be no
   hatred on either side. Most of the Spanish officers remained
   in their quarters in town, and they shared in the feeling
   displayed by their men. Salutations were generally exchanged
   between the officers, and American ways and manners became
   very popular among the Spaniards. …
{614}
   "By the 25th of the month General Shafter's entire command,
   with the exception of a few organizations just ready to
   embark, had departed, and, turning over the command to General
   Lawton, he sailed that day with his staff on the 'Mexico,' one
   of the captured transports, and at noon September 1st went
   ashore at Montauk Point, Long Island."

      _J. D. Miley, In Cuba with Shafter,
      chapter 12 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons)._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July-August: Philippines).
   Correspondence between the General commanding
   United States forces at Cavite and Manila,
   and Aguinaldo, the Filipino leader.

   On the 4th of July, General Thomas M. Anderson, then
   commanding the "United States Expeditionary Forces" at Cavite
   Arsenal, addressed the following communication to "Señor Don
   Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy, Commanding Philippine Forces":

   "General: I have the honor to inform you that the United
   States of America, whose land forces I have the honor to
   command in this vicinity, being at war with the Kingdom of
   Spain, has entire sympathy and most friendly sentiments for
   the native people of the Philippine Islands. For these reasons
   I desire to have the most amicable relations with you, and to
   have you and your people co-operate with us in military
   operations against the Spanish forces. In our operations it
   has become necessary for us to occupy the town of Cavite as a
   base of operations. In doing this I do not wish to interfere
   with your residence here and the exercise by yourself and
   other native citizens of all functions and privileges not
   inconsistent with military rule. I would be pleased to be
   informed at once of any misconduct of soldiers under my
   command, as it is the intention of my Government to maintain
   order and to treat all citizens with justice, courtesy, and
   kindness. I have therefore the honor to ask your excellency to
   instruct your officials not to interfere with my officers in
   the performance of their duties and not to assume that they
   can not visit Cavite without permission."

   On the following day Aguinaldo replied:

   "General: Interpreting the sentiments of the Philippine
   people, I have the honor to express to your excellency my most
   profound gratefulness for the sympathy and amicable sentiments
   with which the natives of these islands inspire the great North
   American nation and your excellency. I also thank most
   profoundly your desire of having friendly relations with us,
   and of treating us with justice, courtesy, and kindness, which
   is also our constant wish to prove the same, and special
   satisfaction whenever occasion represents. I have already
   ordered my people not to interfere in the least with your
   officers and men, orders which I shall reiterate to prevent
   their being unfulfilled; hoping that you will inform me of
   whatever misconduct that may be done by those in my command,
   so as to reprimand them and correspond with your wishes." …

   To this communication General Anderson returned the following
   on the 6th: "General: I am encouraged by the friendly
   sentiment expressed by your excellency in your welcome letter
   received on the 5th instant to endeavor to come to a definite
   understanding, which I hope will be advantageous to both. Very
   soon we expect a large addition to our forces, and it must be
   apparent to you as a military officer that we will require
   much more room to camp our soldiers, and also storeroom for
   our supplies. For this I would like to have your excellency's
   advice and co-operation, as you are best acquainted with the
   resources of this country. It must be apparent to you that we
   do not intend to remain here inactive, but to move promptly
   against our common enemy. But for a short time we must
   organize and land supplies, and also retain a place for
   storing them near our fleet and transports. I am solicitous to
   avoid any conflict of authority which may result from having
   two sets of military officers exercising command in the same
   place. I am also anxious to avoid sickness by taking sanitary
   precaution. Your own medical officers have been making
   voluntary inspections with mine, and fear epidemic diseases if
   the vicinity is not made clean. Would it not be well to have
   prisoners work to this end under the advice of the surgeons?"
   …

   On the 9th of July General Anderson reported to the War
   Department at Washington: "General Aguinaldo tells me he has
   about 15,000 fighting men, but only 11,000 armed with guns,
   which mostly were taken from the Spaniards. He claims to have
   in all 4,000 prisoners. When we first landed he seemed very
   suspicious, and not at all friendly, but I have now come to a
   better understanding with him and he is much more friendly and
   seems willing to co-operate. But he has declared himself
   dictator and president, and is trying to take Manila without
   our assistance. This is not probable, but if he can effect his
   purpose he will, I apprehend, antagonize any attempt on our
   part to establish a provisional government."

   On the 17th the American commander caused another
   communication to be addressed to "General Emilio Aguinaldo" as
   follows: "Sir: General Anderson wishes me to say that, the
   second expedition having arrived, he expects to encamp in the
   vicinity of Paranaque from 5,000 to 7,000 men. To do this,
   supply this army and shelter, will require certain assistance
   from the Filipinos in this neighborhood. We will want horses,
   buffaloes, carts, etc., for transportation, bamboo for
   shelter, wood to cook with, etc. For all this we are willing
   to pay a fair price, but no more. We find so far that the
   native population are not willing to give us this assistance
   as promptly as required. But we must have it, and if it
   becomes necessary we will be compelled to send out parties to
   seize what we may need. We would regret very much to do this,
   as we are here to befriend the Filipinos. Our nation has spent
   millions of money to send forces here to expel the Spaniards
   and to give good government to the whole people, and the
   return we are asking is comparatively slight. General Anderson
   wishes you to inform your people that we are here for their
   good, and that they must supply us with labor and material at
   the current market prices. We are prepared to purchase 500
   horses at a fair price, but can not undertake to bargain for
   horses with each individual owner. I regret very much that I
   am unable to see you personally, as it is of the utmost
   importance that these arrangements should be made as soon as
   possible."

   To this communication there seems to have been no written
   reply until the 24th; and, on the 20th, the Chief
   Quartermaster reported to General Anderson "that it is
   impossible to procure transportation except upon Señor
   Aguinaldo's order, in this section, who has an inventory of
   everything. The natives have removed their wheels and hid
   them." On the 23d General Anderson repeated his request, as
   follows:

{615}

   "General: When I came here three weeks ago I requested your
   excellency to give what assistance you could to procure means
   of transportation for the American Army, as it was to fight
   the cause of your people. So far we have received no response.
   As you represent your people, I now have the honor to make
   requisition on you for 500 horses and 50 oxen and ox carts. If
   you can not secure these, I will have to pass you and make
   requisition directly on the people. I beg leave to request an
   answer at your earliest convenience."

   The next day Aguinaldo replied: "I have the honor to manifest
   to your excellency that I am surprised beyond measure at that
   which you say to me in it, lamenting the nonreceipt of any
   response relative to the needs (or aids) that you have asked
   of me in the way of horses, buffaloes, and carts, because I
   replied in a precise manner, through the bearer, that I was
   disposed to give convenient orders whenever you advised me of
   the number of these with due anticipation (notice). I have
   circulated orders in the provinces in the proximity that in
   the shortest time possible horses be brought for sale, but I
   cannot assure your excellency that we have the number of 500
   that is needed, because horses are not abundant in these
   vicinities, owing to deaths caused by epizootic diseases in
   January and March last. Whenever we have them united (or
   collected), I shall have the pleasure to advise your
   excellency. I have also ordered to be placed at my disposal 50
   carts that I shall place at your disposition whenever
   necessary, always (premising) that you afford me a previous
   advice of four days in anticipation."

   Meantime, General Anderson had written to the War Department,
   on the 18th: "Since reading the President's instructions to
   General Merritt, I think I should state to you that the
   establishment of a provisional government on our part will
   probably bring us in conflict with insurgents, now in active
   hostility to Spain. The insurgent chief, Aguinaldo, has
   declared himself dictator and self-appointed president. He has
   declared martial law and promulgated a minute method of rule and
   administration under it. We have observed all official
   military courtesies, and he and his followers express great
   admiration and gratitude to the great American Republic of the
   north, yet in many ways they obstruct our purposes and are
   using every effort to take Manila without us. I suspect also
   that Aguinaldo is secretly negotiating with the Spanish
   authorities, as his confidential aid is in Manila. The city is
   strongly fortified and hard to approach in the rainy season.
   If a bombardment fails we should have the best engineering
   ability here." And, again on the 21st, he had written: "Since
   I wrote last, Aguinaldo has put in operation an elaborate
   system of military government, under his assumed authority as
   dictator, and has prohibited any supplies being given us,
   except by his order. As to this last I have written to him
   that our requisitions on the country for horses, ox carts,
   fuel and bamboo (to make scaling ladders) must be filled, and
   that he must aid in having them filled. His assumption of
   civil authority I have ignored, and let him know verbally that
   I could, and would, not recognize it, while I did not
   recognize him as a military leader. It may seem strange that I
   have made no formal protest against his proclamation as
   dictator, his declaration of martial law, and publication and
   execution of a despotic form of government. I wrote such a
   protest, but did not publish it, at Admiral Dewey's request,
   and also for fear of wounding the susceptibilities of
   Major-General Merritt, but I have let it be known in every
   other way that we do not recognize the dictatorship. These
   people only respect force and firmness. I submit, with all
   deference, that we have heretofore underrated the natives.
   They are not ignorant, savage tribes, but have a civilization
   of their own; and although insignificant in appearance, are
   fierce fighters, and for a tropical people they are
   industrious. A small detail of natives will do more work in a
   given time than a regiment of volunteers."

   On the 24th General Anderson received from the Philippine
   leader a very clear and definite statement of his attitude
   towards the "Expeditionary Forces of the United States," and
   the intentions with which he and the people whom he
   represented were acting. "I came," he wrote, "from Hongkong to
   prevent my countrymen from making common cause with the
   Spanish against the North Americans, pledging before my word
   to Admiral Dewey to not give place [to allow] to any internal
   discord, because, [being] a judge of their desires, I had the
   strong convictions that I would succeed in both objects,
   establishing a government according to their desires. Thus it
   is that in the beginning I proclaimed the dictatorship, and
   afterwards, when some of the provinces had already liberated
   themselves from Spanish domination, I established a
   revolutionary government that to-day exists, giving it a
   democratic and popular character as far as the abnormal
   circumstances of war permitted, in order that they [the
   provinces] might be justly represented, and administered to
   their satisfaction. It is true that my government has not been
   acknowledged by any of the foreign powers, but we expected
   that the great North American nation, which struggled first
   for its independence, and afterwards for the abolition of
   slavery, and is now actually struggling for the independence
   of Cuba, would look upon it with greater benevolence than any
   other nation. Because of this we have always acknowledged the
   right of preference to our gratitude.

   "Debtor to the generosity of the North Americans, and to the
   favors we have received through Admiral Dewey, and [being]
   more desirous than any other person of preventing any conflict
   which would have as a result foreign intervention, which must be
   extremely prejudicial, not alone to my nation but also to that
   of your excellency, I consider it my duty to advise you of the
   undesirability of disembarking North American troops in the
   places conquered by the Filipinos from the Spanish, without
   previous notice to this government, because as no formal
   agreement yet exists between the two nations the Philippine
   people might consider the occupation of its territories by
   North American troops as a violation of its rights.

   "I comprehend that without the destruction of the Spanish
   squadron the Philippine revolution would not have advanced so
   rapidly. Because of this I take the liberty of indicating to
   your excellency the necessity that, before disembarking, you
   should communicate in writing to this government the places
   that are to be occupied and also the object of the occupation,
   that the people may be advised in due form and [thus] prevent
   the commission of any transgression against friendship.
{616}
   I can answer for my people, because they have given me evident
   proofs of their absolute confidence in my government, but I
   can not answer for that which another nation whose friendship
   is not well guaranteed might inspire in it [the people]; and
   it is certain that I do this not as a menace, but as a further
   proof of the true and sincere friendship which I have always
   professed for the North American people, in the complete
   security that it will find itself completely identified with
   our cause of liberty."

   In the same strain, on the 1st of August, Aguinaldo wrote to
   United States Consul Williams, as to a "distinguished friend:"


   "I have said always, and I now repeat, that we recognize the
   right of the North Americans to our gratitude, for we do not
   forget for a moment the favors which we have received and are
   now receiving; but however great those favors may be, it is
   not possible for me to remove the distrust of my compatriots.
   These say that if the object of the United States is to annex
   these islands, why not recognize the government established in
   them, in order in that manner to join with it the same as by
   annexation? Why do not the American generals operate in
   conjunction with the Filipino generals and, uniting the
   forces, render the end more decisive? Is it intended, indeed,
   to carry out annexation against the wish of these people,
   distorting the legal sense of that word? If the revolutionary
   government is the genuine representative by right and deed of
   the Filipino people, as we have proved when necessary, why is
   it wished to oppress instead of gaining their confidence and
   friendship?

   "It is useless for me to represent to my compatriots the
   favors received through Admiral Dewey, for they assert that up
   to the present the American forces have shown not an active,
   only a passive, co-operation, from which they suppose that the
   intentions of these forces are not for the best. They assert,
   besides, that it is possible to suppose that I was brought
   from Hongkong to assure those forces by my presence that the
   Filipinos would not make common cause with the Spaniards, and
   that they have delivered to the Filipinos the arms abandoned
   by the former in the Cavite Arsenal, in order to save
   themselves much labor, fatigue, blood, and treasure that a war
   with Spain would cost. But I do not believe these unworthy
   suspicions. I have full confidence in the generosity and
   philanthropy which shine in characters of gold in the history
   of the privileged people of the United States, and for that
   reason, invoking the friendship which you profess for me and
   the love which you have for my people, I pray you earnestly,
   as also the distinguished generals who represent your country
   in these islands, that you entreat the Government at
   Washington to recognize the revolutionary government of the
   Filipinos, and I, for my part, will labor with all my power
   with my people that the United States shall not repent their
   sentiments of humanity in coming to the aid of an oppressed
   people.

   "Say to the Government at Washington that the Filipino people
   abominate savagery; that in the midst of their past
   misfortunes they have learned to love liberty, order, justice,
   and civil life, and that they are not able to lay aside their
   own wishes when their future lot and history are under
   discussion. Say also that I and my leaders know what we owe to
   our unfortunate country; that we know how to admire and are
   ready to imitate the disinterestedness, the abnegation, and
   the patriotism of the grand men of America, among whom stands
   pre-eminent the immortal General Washington."

      _United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,
      Senate Document Number 208._

   In an article published in the "North American Review,"
   February, 1900, General Anderson discussed his relations with
   Aguinaldo very frankly, in part as follows: "On the 1st of
   July, 1898, I called on Aguinaldo with Admiral Dewey. He asked
   me at once whether 'the United States of the North' either had
   recognized or would recognize his government—I am not quite
   sure as to the form of his question, whether it was 'had' or
   'would.' In either form it was embarrassing. My orders were,
   in substance, to effect a landing, establish a base, not to go
   beyond the zone of naval co-operation, to consult Admiral
   Dewey and to wait for Merritt. Aguinaldo had proclaimed his
   government only a few days before (June 28), and Admiral Dewey
   had no instructions as to that assumption. The facts as to the
   situation at that time I believe to be these: Consul Williams
   states in one of his letters to the State Department that
   several thousand Tagals were in open insurrection before our
   declaration of war with Spain. I do not know as to the number,
   yet I believe the statement has foundation in fact. Whether
   Admiral Dewey and Consuls Pratt, Wildman and Williams did or
   did not give Aguinaldo assurances that a Filipino government
   would be recognized, the Filipinos certainly thought so,
   probably inferring this from their acts rather than from their
   statements. If an incipient rebellion was already in progress,
   what could be inferred from the fact that Aguinaldo and
   thirteen other banished Tagals were brought down on a naval
   vessel and landed in Cavite? Admiral Dewey gave them arms and
   ammunition, as I did subsequently, at his request. They were
   permitted to gather up a lot of arms which the Spaniards had
   thrown into the bay; and, with the four thousand rifles taken
   from Spanish prisoners and two thousand purchased in Hong
   Kong, they proceeded to organize three brigades and also to
   arm a small steamer they had captured. I was the first to tell
   Admiral Dewey that there was any disposition on the part of
   the American people to hold the Philippines, if they were
   captured. The current of opinion was setting that way when the
   first expeditionary force left San Francisco, but this the
   Admiral had had no reason to surmise.

   "But to return to our interview with Aguinaldo. I told him I
   was acting only in a military capacity; that I had no
   authority to recognize his government; that we had come to
   whip the Spaniards, and that, if we were successful, the
   indirect effect would be to free them from Spanish tyranny. I
   added that, as we were fighting a common enemy, I hoped we
   would get along amicably together. He did not seem pleased
   with this answer. The fact is, he hoped and expected to take
   Manila with Admiral Dewey's assistance, and he was bitterly
   disappointed when our soldiers landed at Cavite. … A few days
   thereafter, he made an official call, coming with cabinet and
   staff and a band of music. On that occasion he handed me an
   elaborate schedule for an autonomous government which he had
   received from some Filipinos in Manila, with a statement that
   they had reason to believe that Spain would grant them such a
   form of government.
{617}
   With this was an open letter addressed to the Filipino people
   from Pedro Alexandre Paterno, advising them to put their trust
   in Spain rather than America. The day before, two German
   officers had called on Aguinaldo and I believed they had
   brought him these papers. I asked him if the scheme was
   agreeable to him. He did not answer, but asked if we, the
   North Americans, as he called us, intended to hold the
   Philippines as dependencies. I said I could not answer that,
   but that in one hundred and twenty years we had established no
   colonies. He then made this remarkable statement: 'I have studied
   attentively the Constitution of the United States, and I find
   in it no authority for colonies and I have no fear.' It may
   seem that my answer was somewhat evasive, but I was at the
   time trying to contract with the Filipinos for horses, carts,
   fuel and forage. …

   "The origin of our controversies and conflicts with the
   Filipinos can … be traced back to our refusal to recognize the
   political authority of Aguinaldo. Our first serious break with
   them arose from our refusal to let them co-operate with us.
   About nine o'clock on the evening of August 12, I received
   from General Merritt an order to notify Aguinaldo to forbid
   the Filipino insurgents under his command from entering
   Manila. This notification was delivered to him at twenty
   minutes past ten that night. The Filipinos had made every
   preparation to assail the Spanish lines in their front.
   Certainly, they would not have given up part of their line to
   us unless they thought they were to fight with us. They,
   therefore, received General Merritt's interdict with anger and
   indignation. They considered the war as their war, and Manila
   as their capital, and Luzon as their country. … At seven
   o'clock I received an order from General Merritt to remove the
   Filipinos from the city. … I therefore took the responsibility
   of telegraphing Aguinaldo, who was at Bacoor, ten miles below,
   requesting him to withdraw his troops and intimating that
   serious consequences would follow if he did not do so. I
   received his answer at eleven, saying that a Commission would
   come to me the next morning with full powers. Accordingly the
   next day Señors Buencomeno, Lagarde, Araneto and Sandeco came
   to Division Headquarters in Manila and stated that they were
   authorized to order the withdrawal of their troops, if we
   would promise to reinstate them in their present positions on
   our making peace with Spain. Thereupon I took them over to
   General Merritt. Upon their repeating their demands, he told
   them he could not give such a pledge, but that they could rely
   on the honor of the American people. The General then read to
   them the proclamation he intended to issue to the Filipino
   people. …

   "There is a great diversity of opinion as to whether a
   conflict with the Filipinos could not have been avoided if a
   more conciliatory course had been followed in dealing with
   them. I believe we came to a parting of the ways when we
   refused their request to leave their military force in a good
   strategic position on the contingency of our making peace with
   Spain without a guarantee of their independence."

      _T. M. Anderson,
      Our Rule in the Philippines
      (North American Review, volume 170, page 275)._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July-August: Porto Rico).
   Occupation of Porto Rico.

   "With the fall of Santiago the occupation of Porto Rico became
   the next strategic necessity. General Miles had previously been
   assigned to organize an expedition for that purpose.
   Fortunately, he was already at Santiago, where he had arrived
   on the 11th of July with reinforcements for General Shafter's
   army. With these troops, consisting of 3,415 infantry and
   artillery, 2 companies of engineers and 1 company of the
   signal corps, General Miles left Guantanamo on July 21st,
   having 9 transports, convoyed by the fleet, under Captain
   Higginson, with the 'Massachusetts' (flagship), 'Dixie,',
   Gloucester,' 'Columbia' and 'Yale,' the two latter carrying
   troops. The expedition landed at   on July 25th, which port
   was entered with little opposition. Here the fleet was joined
   by the 'Annapolis' and the 'Wasp,' while the 'Puritan' and
   'Amphitrite' went to San Juan and joined the 'New Orleans,'
   which was engaged in blockading that port. The major general
   commanding was subsequently reinforced by General Schwan's
   brigade of the Third Army Corps, by General Wilson with a part
   of his division and also by General Brooke with a part of his
   corps, numbering in all 16,973 officers and men. On July 27th
   he entered Ponce, one of the most important ports in the
   island, from which he thereafter directed operations for the
   capture of the island. With the exception of encounters with
   the enemy at Guayama, Hormigueros [the Rio Prieto], Coamo, and
   Yauco and an attack on a force landed at Cape San Juan, there
   was no serious resistance. The campaign was prosecuted with
   great vigor and by the 12th of August much of the island was
   in our possession and the acquisition of the remainder was
   only a matter of a short time. At most of the points in the
   island our troops were enthusiastically welcomed.
   Protestations of loyalty to the flag and gratitude for
   delivery from Spanish rule met our commanders at every stage."

      _Message of the President of the United States
      to Congress, December 5, 1898._

   "During the nineteen days of active campaign on the island of
   Puerto Rico a large portion of the island was captured by the
   United States forces and brought under our control. Our forces
   were in such a position as to make the positions of the
   Spanish forces, outside of the garrison at San Juan, utterly
   untenable. The Spaniards had been defeated or captured in the
   six different engagements which took place, and in every
   position they had occupied up to that time. The volunteers had
   deserted their colors, and many of them had surrendered to our
   forces and taken the oath of allegiance. This had a
   demoralizing effect upon the regular Spanish troops. … The
   loss of the enemy in killed, wounded and captured was nearly
   ten times our own, which was only 3 killed and 40 wounded."

      _General Miles,
      Report
      (Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,
      volume 1, part 2, page 36)._

{618}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July-September).
   The War with Spain.
   Capture of Manila.
   Relations with the Filipino insurgents.
   General Merritt's report.
   Aguinaldo declared President of the Philippine Republic.

   "Immediately after my arrival [July 25] I visited General
   Greene's camp and made a reconnaissance of the position held
   by the Spanish, and also the opposing lines of the insurgent
   forces, hereafter to be described. I found General Greene's
   command encamped on a strip of sandy land running parallel to
   the shore of the bay and not far distant from the beach, but
   owing to the great difficulties of landing supplies, the
   greater portion of the force had shelter tents only, and were
   suffering many discomforts, the camp being situated in a low,
   flat place, without shelter from the heat of the tropical sun
   or adequate protection during the terrific downpours of rain
   so frequent at this season. I was at once struck by the
   exemplary spirit of patient, even cheerful, endurance shown by
   the officers and men under such circumstances, and this
   feeling of admiration for the manner in which the American
   soldier, volunteer and regular alike, accept the necessary
   hardships of the work they have undertaken to do, has grown
   and increased with every phase of the difficult and trying
   campaign which the troops of the Philippine expedition have
   brought to such a brilliant and successful conclusion.

   "I discovered during my visit to General Greene that the left
   or north flank of his brigade camp extended to a point on the
   'Calle Real' about 3,200 yards from the outer line of Spanish
   defenses of the city of Manila. This Spanish line began at the
   powder magazine, or old Fort San Antonio, within a hundred
   yards of the beach and just south of the Malate suburb of
   Manila, and stretched away to the Spanish left in more or less
   detached works, eastward, through swamps and rice fields,
   covering all the avenues of approach to the town and
   encircling the city completely. The Filipinos, or insurgent
   forces at war with Spain, had, prior to the arrival of the
   American land forces, been waging a desultory warfare with the
   Spaniards for several months, and were at the time of my
   arrival in considerable force, variously estimated and never
   accurately ascertained, but probably not far from 12,000 men.
   These troops, well supplied with small arms, with plenty of
   ammunition and several field guns, had obtained positions of
   investment opposite to the Spanish line of detached works
   throughout their entire extent; and on the particular road
   called the 'Calle Real,' passing along the front of General
   Greene's brigade camp and running through Malate to Manila,
   the insurgents had established an earthwork or trench within
   800 yards of the powder-magazine fort. They also occupied as
   well the road to the right, leading from the village of Pasay,
   and the approach by the beach was also in their possession.
   This anomalous state of affairs, namely, having a line of
   quasi-hostile native troops between our forces and the Spanish
   position, was, of course, very objectionable, but it was
   difficult to deal with, owing to the peculiar condition of our
   relations with the insurgents, which may be briefly stated as
   follows:

   "Shortly after the naval battle of Manila Bay, the principal
   leader of the insurgents, General Emilio Aguinaldo, came to
   Cavite from Hongkong, and, with the consent of our naval
   authorities, began active work in raising troops and pushing
   the Spaniards in the direction of the city of Manila. Having
   met with some success, and the natives flocking to his
   assistance, he proclaimed an independent government of
   republican form, with himself as president, and at the time of
   my arrival in the islands the entire edifice of executive and
   legislative departments and subdivision of territory for
   administrative purposes had been accomplished, at least on
   paper, and the Filipinos held military possession of many
   points in the islands other than those in the vicinity of
   Manila. As General Aguinaldo did not visit me on my arrival
   nor offer his services as a subordinate military leader, and
   as my instructions from the President fully contemplated the
   occupation of the islands by the American land forces, and
   stated that 'the powers of the military occupant are absolute
   and supreme and immediately operate upon the political
   condition of the inhabitants,' I did not consider it wise to
   hold any direct communication with the insurgent leader until
   I should be in possession of the city of Manila, especially as
   I would not until then be in a position to issue a
   proclamation and enforce my authority, in the event that his
   pretensions should clash with my designs.

   "For these reasons the preparations for the attack on the city
   were pressed and military operations conducted without
   reference to the situation of the insurgent forces. The wisdom
   of this course was subsequently fully established by the fact
   that when the troops of my command carried the Spanish
   intrenchments, extending from the sea to the Pasay road on the
   extreme Spanish right, we were under no obligations, by
   pre-arranged plans of mutual attack, to turn to the right and
   clear the front still held against the insurgents, but were
   able to move forward at once and occupy the city and suburbs.

   "To return to the situation of General Greene's brigade as I
   found it on my arrival, it will be seen that the difficulty in
   gaining an avenue of approach to the Spanish line lay in the
   fact of my disinclination to ask General Aguinaldo to withdraw
   from the beach and the 'Calle Real,' so that Greene could move
   forward. This was overcome by instructions to General Greene
   to arrange, if possible, with the insurgent brigade commander
   in his immediate vicinity to move to the right and allow the
   American forces unobstructed control of the roads in their
   immediate front. No objection was made, and accordingly
   General Greene's brigade threw forward a heavy outpost line on
   the 'Calle Real' and the beach and constructed a trench, in
   which a portion of the guns of the Utah batteries was placed.
   The Spanish, observing this activity on our part, made a very
   sharp attack with infantry and artillery on the night of July
   31. The behavior of our troops during this night attack was
   all that could be desired, and I have, in cablegrams to the
   War Department, taken occasion to commend by name those who
   deserve special mention for good conduct in the affair. Our
   position was extended and strengthened after this and resisted
   successfully repeated night attacks, our forces suffering,
   however, considerable loss in wounded and killed, while the
   losses of the enemy, owing to the darkness, could not be
   ascertained.

   "The strain of the night fighting and the heavy details for
   outpost duty made it imperative to re-enforce General Greene's
   troops with General MacArthur's brigade, which had arrived in
   transports on the 31st of July. The difficulties of this
   operation can hardly be overestimated. The transports were at
   anchor off Cavite, 5 miles from a point on the beach where it
   was desired to disembark the men.
{619}
   Several squalls, accompanied by floods of rain, raged day
   after day, and the only way to get the troops and supplies
   ashore was to load them from the ship's side into native
   lighters (called 'cascos') or small steamboats, move them to a
   point opposite the camp, and then disembark them through the
   surf in small boats, or by running the lighters head on to the
   beach. The landing was finally accomplished, after days of
   hard work and hardship; and I desire here to express again my
   admiration for the fortitude and cheerful willingness of the
   men of all commands engaged in this operation. Upon the
   assembly of MacArthur's brigade in support of Greene's, I had
   about 8,500 men in position to attack, and I deemed the time
   had come for final action. During the time of the night
   attacks I had communicated my desire to Admiral Dewey that he
   would allow his ships to open fire on the right of the Spanish
   line of intrenchments, believing that such action would stop
   the night firing and loss of life, but the admiral had
   declined to order it unless we were in danger of losing our
   position by the assaults of the Spanish, for the reason that,
   in his opinion, it would precipitate a general engagement, for
   which he was not ready. Now, however, the brigade of General
   MacArthur was in position and the 'Monterey' had arrived, and
   under date of August 6 Admiral Dewey agreed to my suggestion
   that we should send a joint letter to the captain-general
   notifying him that he should remove from the city all
   non-combatants within forty-eight hours, and that operations
   against the defenses of Manila might begin at any time after
   the expiration of that period.

   "This letter was sent August 7, and a reply was received the
   same date, to the effect that the Spanish were without places
   of refuge for the increased numbers of wounded, sick women,
   and children now lodged within the walls. On the 9th a formal
   joint demand for the surrender of the city was sent in. This
   demand was based upon the hopelessness of the struggle on the
   part of the Spaniards, and that every consideration of
   humanity demanded that the city should not be subjected to
   bombardment under such circumstances. The captain-general's
   reply, of same date, stated that the council of defense had
   declared that the demand could not be granted; but the
   captain-general offered to consult his Government if we would
   allow him the time strictly necessary for the communications
   by way of Hongkong. This was declined on our part for the
   reason that it could, in the opinion of the admiral and
   myself, lead only to a continuance of the situation, with no
   immediate result favorable to us, and the necessity was
   apparent and very urgent that decisive action should be taken
   at once to compel the enemy to give up the town, in order to
   relieve our troops from the trenches and from the great
   exposure to unhealthy conditions which were unavoidable in a
   bivouac during the rainy season.

   "The seacoast batteries in defense of Manila are so situated
   that it is impossible for ships to engage them without firing
   into the town, and as the bombardment of a city filled with
   women and children, sick and wounded, and containing a large
   amount of neutral property, could only be justified as a last
   resort, it was agreed between Admiral Dewey and myself that an
   attempt should be made to carry the extreme right of the
   Spanish line of intrenchments in front of the positions at
   that time occupied by our troops, which, with its flank on the
   seashore, was entirely open to the fire of the navy. It was
   not my intention to press the assault at this point, in case
   the enemy should hold it in strong force, until after the navy
   had made practicable breaches in the works and shaken the troops
   holding them, which could not be done by the army alone, owing
   to the absence of siege guns. … It was believed, however, as
   most desirable, and in accordance with the principles of
   civilized warfare, that the attempt should be made to drive
   the enemy out of his intrenchments before resorting to the
   bombardment of the city. …

   "All the troops were in position on the 13th at an early hour
   in the morning. About 9 a. m. on that day our fleet steamed
   forward from Cavite and before 10 a. m. opened a hot and
   accurate fire of heavy shells and rapid-fire projectiles on
   the sea flank of the Spanish intrenchments at the powder
   magazine fort, and at the same time the Utah batteries, in
   position in our trenches near the 'Calle Real,' began firing
   with great accuracy. At 10.25, on a prearranged signal from
   our trenches that it was believed our troops could advance,
   the navy ceased firing, and immediately a light line of
   skirmishers from the Colorado regiment of Greene's brigade
   passed over our trenches and deployed rapidly forward, another
   line from the same regiment from the left flank of our
   earthworks advancing swifty up the beach in open order. Both
   these lines found the powder-magazine fort and the trenches
   flanking it deserted, but as they passed over the Spanish
   works they were met by a sharp fire from a second line
   situated in the streets of Malate, by which a number of men
   were killed and wounded, among others the soldier who pulled
   down the Spanish colors still flying on the fort and raised
   our own.

   "The works of the second line soon gave way to the determined
   advance of Greene's troops, and that officer pushed his
   brigade rapidly through Malate and over the bridges to occupy
   Binondo and San Miguel, as contemplated in his instructions.
   In the meantime the brigade of General MacArthur, advancing
   simultaneously on the Pasay road, encountered a very sharp
   fire, coming from the blockhouses, trenches, and woods in his
   front, positions which it was very difficult to carry, owing
   to the swampy condition of the ground on both sides of the
   roads and the heavy undergrowth concealing the enemy. With
   much gallantry and excellent judgment on the part of the
   brigade commander and the troops engaged these difficulties
   were overcome with a minimum loss, and MacArthur advanced and
   held the bridges and the town of Malate, as was contemplated
   in his instructions.

   "The city of Manila was now in our possession, excepting the
   walled town, but shortly after the entry of our troops into
   Malate a white flag was displayed on the walls, whereupon
   Lieutenant Colonel C. A. Whittier, United States Volunteers,
   of my staff, and Lieutenant Brumby, United States Navy,
   representing Admiral Dewey, were sent ashore to communicate
   with the Captain-General. I soon personally followed these
   officers into the town, going at once to the palace of the
   Governor-General, and there, after a conversation with the
   Spanish authorities, a preliminary agreement of the terms of
   capitulation was signed by the Captain-General and myself.
   This agreement was subsequently incorporated into the formal
   terms of capitulation, as arranged by the officers
   representing the two forces, a copy of which is hereto
   appended and marked.
{620}
   Immediately after the surrender the Spanish colors on the sea
   front were hauled down and the American flag displayed and
   saluted by the guns of the navy. The Second Oregon Regiment,
   which had proceeded by sea from Cavite, was disembarked and
   entered the walled town as a provost guard, and the colonel
   was directed to receive the Spanish arms and deposit them in
   places of security. The town was filled with the troops of the
   enemy driven in from the intrenchments, regiments formed and
   standing in line in the streets, but the work of disarming
   proceeded quietly and nothing unpleasant occurred.

   "In leaving the subject of the operations of the 13th, I
   desire here to record my appreciation of the admirable manner
   in which the orders for attack and the plan for occupation of
   the city were carried out by the troops exactly as
   contemplated. I submit that for troops to enter under fire a
   town covering a wide area, to rapidly deploy and guard all
   principal points in the extensive suburbs, to keep out the
   insurgent forces pressing for admission, to quietly disarm an
   army of Spaniards more than equal in numbers to the American
   troops, and finally by all this to prevent entirely all
   rapine, pillage, and disorder, and gain entire and complete
   possession of a city of 300,000 people, filled with natives
   hostile to the European interests, and stirred up by the
   knowledge that their own people were fighting in the outside
   trenches, was an act which only the law-abiding, temperate,
   resolute American soldier, well and skillfully handled by his
   regimental and brigade commanders, could accomplish. …

   "The amount of public funds and the numbers of the prisoners
   of war and small arms taken have been reported in detail by
   cable. It will be observed that the trophies of Manila were
   nearly $900,000, 13,000 prisoners, and 22,000 arms.
   Immediately after the surrender my headquarters were
   established in the ayuntamiento, or city office of the
   Governor-General, where steps were at once inaugurated to set
   up the government of military occupancy. … On the 16th a
   cablegram containing the text of the President's proclamation
   directing a cessation of hostilities was received by me, and
   at the same time an order to make the fact known to the
   Spanish authorities, which was done at once. This resulted in
   a formal protest from the Governor-General in regard to the
   transfer of public funds then taking place, on the ground that
   the proclamation was dated prior to the surrender. To this I
   replied that the status quo in which we were left with the
   cessation of hostilities was that existing at the time of the
   receipt by me of the official notice, and that I must insist
   upon the delivery of the funds. The delivery was made under
   protest.

   "After the issue of my proclamation and the establishment of
   my office as military governor, I had direct written
   communication with General Aguinaldo on several occasions. He
   recognized my authority as military governor of the town of
   Manila and suburbs, and made professions of his willingness to
   withdraw his troops to a line which I might indicate, but at
   the same time asking certain favors for himself. The matters
   in this connection had not been settled at the date of my
   departure. Doubtless much dissatisfaction is felt by the rank
   and file of the insurgents that they have not been permitted
   to enjoy the occupancy of Manila, and there is some ground for
   trouble with them owing to that fact, but, notwithstanding
   many rumors to the contrary, I am of the opinion that the
   leaders will be able to prevent serious disturbances, as they
   are sufficiently intelligent and educated to know that to
   antagonize the United States would be to destroy their only
   chance of future political improvement.

   "On the 28th instant I received a cablegram directing me to
   transfer my command to Major-General Otis, United States
   Volunteers, and to proceed to Paris, France, for conference
   with the peace commissioners. I embarked on the steamer
   'China' on the 30th in obedience to these instructions."

      _Report of General Wesley Merritt
      (Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,
      volume 1, pages 39-45)._

   "Aguinaldo … retired to Malalos, about 25 miles to the
   northward, leaving his troops entrenched round Manila, and
   there with considerable pomp and ceremony on September 29th,
   1898, he was declared First President of the Philippine
   Republic, and the National Congress was opened with Pedro
   Paterno as President of that assembly."

      _G. J. Younghusband,
      The Philippines and Round About,
      page 27._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July-December).
   War with Spain.
   Suspension of hostilities.
   Negotiation of Treaty of Peace.
   Instructions to American Commissioners.
   Relinquishment of Spanish sovereignty over Cuba and cession
   of Porto Rico, the island of Guam and the Philippine Islands
   to the United States.

   In his message to Congress, December 5, 1898, President
   McKinley gave the following account of his reception of
   overtures from Spain, for the termination of the war, and of
   the negotiations which resulted in a treaty of peace:

   "The annihilation of Admiral Cervera's fleet, followed by the
   capitulation of Santiago, having brought to the Spanish
   Government a realizing sense of the hopelessness of continuing
   a struggle now become wholly unequal, it made overtures of
   peace through the French Ambassador, who, with the assent of
   his Government, had acted as the friendly representative of
   Spanish interests during the war. On the 26th of July M.
   Cambon presented a communication signed by the Duke of
   Almodovar, the Spanish Minister of State, inviting the United
   States to state the terms upon which it would be willing to
   make peace. On the 30th of July, by a communication addressed
   to the Duke of Almodovar and handed to M. Cambon, the terms of
   this Government were announced, substantially as in the
   protocol afterwards signed. On the 10th of August the Spanish
   reply, dated August 7th, was handed by M. Cambon to the
   Secretary of State. It accepted unconditionally the terms
   imposed as to Cuba, Porto Rico and an island of the Ladrone
   group, but appeared to seek to introduce inadmissible
   reservations in regard to our demand as to the Philippine
   Islands. Conceiving that discussion on this point could
   neither be practical nor profitable, I directed that, in order
   to avoid misunderstanding, the matter should be forthwith
   closed by proposing the embodiment in a formal protocol of the
   terms upon which the negotiations for peace were to be
   undertaken.
{621}
   The vague and inexplicit suggestion of the Spanish note could
   not be accepted, the only reply being to present as a virtual
   ultimatum a draft of protocol embodying the precise terms
   tendered to Spain in our note of July 30th, with added
   stipulations of detail as to the appointment of commissioners
   to arrange for the evacuation of the Spanish Antilles. On
   August 12th M. Cambon announced his receipt of full powers to
   sign the protocol submitted. Accordingly, on the afternoon of
   August 12th M. Cambon, as the plenipotentiary of Spain, and
   the Secretary of State, as the plenipotentiary of the United
   States, signed a protocol providing:

   Article I—
   Spain will relinquish all claim of sovereignty over and title
   to Cuba.

   Article II-
   Spain will cede to the United States the island of Porto Rico
   and other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West
   Indies and also an island in the Ladrones to be selected by
   the United States.

   Article III-
   The United States will occupy and hold the city, bay and
   harbor of Manila pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace,
   which shall determine the control, disposition and government
   of the Philippines.

   The fourth article provided for the appointment of joint
   commissions on the part of the United States and Spain, to
   meet in Havana and San Juan, respectively, for the purpose of
   arranging and carrying out the details of the stipulated
   evacuation of Cuba, Porto Rico and other Spanish islands in
   the West Indies.

   The fifth article provided for the appointment of not more
   than five commissioners on each side, to meet at Paris not
   later than October 1st, and proceed to the negotiation and
   conclusion of a treaty of peace, subject to ratification
   according to the respective constitutional forms of the two
   countries.

   The sixth and last article provided that upon the signature of
   the protocol hostilities between the two countries should be
   suspended and that notice to that effect should be given as
   soon as possible by each government to the commanders of its
   military and naval forces. Immediately upon the conclusion of
   the protocol I issued a proclamation of August 12th,
   suspending hostilities on the part of the United States. The
   necessary orders to that end were at once given by telegraph.
   The blockade of the ports of Cuba and San Juan de Porto Rico
   was in like manner raised. On the 18th of August the
   muster-out of 100,000 Volunteers, or as near that number as
   was found to be practicable, was ordered. On the 1st of
   December 101,165 officers and men had been mustered out and
   discharged from the service and 9,002 more will be mustered
   out by the 10th of this month. Also a corresponding number of
   general staff officers have been honorably discharged from the
   service. The military commissions to superintend the
   evacuation of Cuba, Porto Rico and the adjacent islands were
   forthwith appointed: For Cuba, Major-General James F. Wade,
   Rear-Admiral William T. Sampson, Major-General Matthew C.
   Butler. For Porto Rico, Major-General John R. Brooke,
   Rear-Admiral Winfield S. Schley and Brigadier-General William
   W. Gordon, who soon afterwards met the Spanish commissioners
   at Havana and San Juan respectively. … Pursuant to the fifth
   article of the protocol, I appointed William H. Day, late
   Secretary of State; Cushman K. Davis, William P. Frye and
   George Gray, Senators of the United States, and Whitelaw Reid,
   to be the peace commissioners on the part of the United
   States. Proceeding in due season to Paris they there met on
   the first of October five commissioners, similarly appointed
   on the part of Spain."

      _Message of the President to Congress,
      December 5, 1898._

   The instructions given (September 16) by President McKinley to
   the commissioners appointed to treat for peace with Spain, and
   the correspondence between the commissioners at Paris and the
   President and the Secretary of State at Washington during the
   progress of the negotiations, were communicated confidentially
   to the United States Senate on the 30th of January, 1899, but
   not published until February, 1901, when the injunction of
   secrecy was removed and the printing of the papers ordered by
   vote of the Senate. The chief interest of these papers lies in
   their disclosure of what passed between the American executive
   and the peace commissioners on the subject of the Philippine
   Islands which led to the demand for their entire surrender by
   Spain.

   In his instructions of September 16th to the commissioners, on
   their departure for the meeting with Spanish commissioners at
   Paris, the President wrote on this subject: "By article 6 of
   the protocol it was agreed that hostilities between the two
   countries should be suspended, and that notice to that effect
   should be given as soon as possible by each Government to the
   Commanders of its military and naval forces. Such notice was
   given by the Government of the United States immediately after
   the signature of the protocol, the forms of the necessary
   orders having previously been prepared. But before notice
   could reach the commanders of the military and naval forces of
   the United States in the Philippines they captured and took
   possession by conquest of the city of Manila and its suburbs,
   which are therefore held by the United States by conquest as
   well as by virtue of the protocol. In view of what has taken
   place it is necessary now to determine what shall be our
   future relations to the Philippines. …

   "Our aim in the adjustment of peace should be directed to
   lasting results and to the achievement of the common good
   under the demands of civilization rather than to ambitious
   designs. The terms of the protocol were framed upon this
   consideration. The abandonment of the Western Hemisphere by
   Spain was an imperative necessity. In presenting that
   requirement we only fulfilled a duty universally acknowledged.
   It involves no ungenerous reference to our recent foe, but
   simply a recognition of the plain teachings of history, to say
   that it was not compatible with the assurance of permanent
   peace on and near our own territory that the Spanish flag
   should remain on this side of the sea. This lesson of events
   and of reason left no alternative as to Cuba, Porto Rico, and
   the other islands belonging to Spain in this hemisphere. The
   Philippines stand upon a different basis. It is none the less
   true, however, that, without any original thought of complete
   or even partial acquisition, the presence and success of our
   arms at Manila imposes upon us obligations which we can not
   disregard. The march of events rules and overrules human
   action. A vowing unreservedly the purpose which has animated
   all our effort, and still solicitous to adhere to it, we can
   not be unmindful that without any desire or design on our part
   the war has brought us new duties and responsibilities which
   we must meet and discharge as becomes a great nation on whose
   growth and career from the beginning the Ruler of Nations has
   plainly written the high command and pledge of civilization.

{622}

   "Incidental to our tenure in the Philippines is the commercial
   opportunity to which American statesmanship can not be
   indifferent. It is just to use every legitimate means for the
   enlargement of American trade; but we seek no advantages in
   the Orient which are not common to all. Asking only the open
   door for ourselves, we are ready to accord the open door to
   others. The commercial opportunity which is naturally and
   inevitably associated with this new opening depends less on
   large territorial possessions than upon an adequate commercial
   basis and upon broad and equal privileges. It is believed that
   in the practical application of these guiding principles the
   present interests of our country and the proper measure of its
   duty, its welfare in the future, and the consideration of its
   exemption from unknown perils will be found in full accord
   with the just, moral, and humane purpose which was invoked as
   our justification in accepting the war.

   "In view of what has been stated, the United States can not
   accept less than the cession in full right and sovereignty of
   the island of Luzon. It is desirable, however, that the United
   States shall acquire the right of entry for vessels and
   merchandise belonging to citizens of the United States into
   such ports of the Philippines as are not ceded to the United
   States upon terms of equal favor with Spanish ships and
   merchandise, both in relation to port and customs charges and
   rates of trade and commerce, together with other rights of
   protection and trade accorded to citizens of one country
   within the territory of another. You are therefore instructed
   to demand such concession, agreeing on your part that Spain
   shall have similar rights as to her subjects and vessels in
   the ports of any territory in the Philippines ceded to the
   United States."

   On the 7th of October, Mr. Day, on behalf of the American
   commissioners, cabled a long communication from Paris to Mr.
   Hay, his successor in the United States Department of State,
   summarizing testimony given before the Commission by General
   Merritt, lately commanding in the Philippines, and statements
   brought by General Merritt from Admiral Dewey, General Greene,
   and others. In part, the telegram was as follows:

   "General Anderson, in correspondence with Aguinaldo in June
   and July, seemed to treat him and his forces as allies and
   native authorities, but subsequently changed his tone. General
   Merritt reports that Admiral Dewey did not approve this
   correspondence and advised against it. Merritt and Dewey both
   kept clear of any compromising communications. Merritt
   expresses opinion we are in no way committed to any insurgent
   programme. Answering questions of Judge Day, General Merritt
   said insurrection practically confined to Luzon. Tribal and
   religious differences between the inhabitants of various
   islands. United States has helped rather than injured
   insurrection. Under no obligation other than moral to help
   natives. Natives of Luzon would not accept Spanish rule, even
   with amnesty. Insurgents would be victorious unless Spaniards
   did better in future than in past. Insurgents would fight
   among themselves if they had no common enemy. Think it
   feasible for United States to take Luzon and perhaps some
   adjacent islands and hold them as England does her colonies.
   Natives could not resist 5,000 troops. … General Merritt
   thinks that if United States attempted to take possession of
   Luzon, or all the group as a colony, Aguinaldo and his
   immediate followers would resist it, but his forces are
   divided and his opposition would not amount to anything. If
   the islands were divided, filibustering expeditions might go
   from one island to another, thus exposing us to constant
   danger of conflict with Spain. In answer to questions of
   Senator Frye, Merritt said insurgents would murder Spaniards
   and priests in Luzon and destroy their property if the United
   States withdrew. United States under moral obligation to stay
   there. He did not know whether the effect of setting up a
   government by the United States in Luzon would be to produce
   revolutions in other islands. It might cause reforms in their
   government. … Answering questions of Mr. Gray, Merritt said
   consequences in case of either insurgent or Spanish triumph
   made it doubtful whether United States would be morally
   justified in withdrawing. Our acts were ordinary acts of war,
   as if we had attacked Barcelona, but present conditions in
   Philippine Islands were partly brought about by us. Insurgents
   not in worse condition by our coming. Spaniards hardly able to
   defend themselves. If we restored them to their position and
   trenches, they might maintain themselves with the help of a
   navy when we withdrew. Did not know that he could make out a
   responsibility by argument, but he felt it. It might be
   sentimental. He thought it would be an advantage if the United
   States would change its policy and keep the islands. (He)
   thought our interests in the East would be helped by the cheap
   labor in the Philippines, costing only from 20 to 80 cents a
   day, according to skill. … Answering questions of Mr. Reid,
   Merritt said he considered capture of Manila practically
   capture of group. Nothing left of Spanish sovereignty that was
   not at mercy of the United States. Did not think our humanity
   bounded by geographical lines. After Dewey's victory we armed
   insurgents to some extent, but Dewey says it was
   over-estimated. Insurgents bought arms from Hongkong merchants
   with Dewey's cognizance, but Dewey was not in favor of allowing
   this to continue. Spaniards would destroy Aguinaldo and his
   principal followers, if allowed to do so."

   October 25, Judge Day cabled a message to Washington, saying:
   "Differences of opinion among commissioners concerning
   Philippine Islands are set forth in statements transmitted
   herewith. On these we request early consideration and explicit
   instructions. Liable now to be confronted with this question
   in joint commission almost immediately." The differing
   statements then transmitted were three in number, the first of
   them signed by Messrs. Davis, Frye, and Reid, who said:
   "Information gained by commission in Paris leads to conviction
   that it would be naval, political, and commercial mistake to
   divide the archipelago. Nearly all expert testimony taken
   tends to this effect. As instructions provide for retention at
   least of Luzon, we do not consider question of remaining in
   Philippine Islands at all as now properly before us. We
   therefore ask for extension of instructions. Spain governed
   and defended these islands from Manila, and with destruction
   of her fleet and the surrender of her army we became as
   complete masters of the whole group as she had been, with
   nothing needed to complete the conquest save to proceed with
   the ample forces we had at hand to take unopposed possession.
{623}
   The Ladrones and Carolines were also governed from the same
   capital by the same governor-general. National boundaries
   ought to follow natural divisions, but there is no natural
   place for dividing Philippine Islands. … If we do not want the
   islands ourselves, better to control their disposition; that
   is, to hold the option on them rather than to abandon it.
   Could then at least try to protect ourselves by ample treaty
   stipulations with the acquiring powers. Commercially, division
   of archipelago would not only needlessly establish dangerous
   rivals at our door, but would impair value of part we kept."

   Disagreeing with this view, Judge Day said:

   "I am unable to agree that we should peremptorily demand the
   entire Philippine island group. In the spirit of our
   instructions, and bearing in mind the often declared
   disinterestedness of purpose and freedom from designs of
   conquest with which the war was undertaken, we should be
   consistent in our demands in making peace. Territory
   permanently held must be taken as war indemnity and with due
   regard to our responsibility because of the conduct of our
   military and naval authorities in dealing with the insurgents.
   Whether this conduct was wise or unwise is not now important. We
   cannot leave the insurgents to mere treaty stipulations or to
   their unaided resources, either to form a government or to
   battle against a foe which (although) unequal to us, might
   readily overcome them. On all hands it is agreed that the
   inhabitants of the islands are unfit for self-government. This
   is particularly true of Mindanao and the Sulu group. Only
   experience can determine the success of colonial expansion
   upon which the United States is entering. It may prove
   expensive in proportion to the scale upon which it is tried
   with ignorant and semibarbarous people at the other side of
   the world. It should therefore be kept within bounds." Judge
   Day, accordingly, suggested a division of the archipelago that
   would give to the United States Luzon, Mindoro, and Palawan,
   and control the entrance to the China Sea. Senator Gray, in a
   third statement, dissented from both these views, saying: "The
   undersigned can not agree that it is wise to take Philippine
   Islands in whole or in part. To do so would be to reverse
   accepted continental policy of the country, declared and acted
   upon throughout our history. Propinquity governs the case of
   Cuba and Porto Rico. Policy proposed introduces us into
   European politics and the entangling alliances against which
   Washington and all American statesmen have protested. It will
   make necessary a navy equal to largest of powers; a greatly
   increased military establishment; immense sums for
   fortifications and harbors; multiply occasions for dangerous
   complications with foreign nations, and increase burdens of
   taxation. Will receive in compensation no outlet for American
   labor in labor market already overcrowded and cheap; no area
   for homes for American citizens; climate and social conditions
   demoralizing to character of American youth; new and disturbing
   questions introduced into our politics; church question
   menacing. On whole, instead of indemnity—injury. The
   undersigned can not agree that any obligation incurred to
   insurgents is paramount to our own manifest interests. … No
   place for colonial administration or government of subject
   people in American system. So much from standpoint of
   interest; but even conceding all benefits claimed for
   annexation, we thereby abandon the infinitely greater benefit
   to accrue from acting the part of a great, powerful, and
   Christian nation; we exchange the moral grandeur and strength
   to be gained by keeping our word to nations of the world and
   by exhibiting a magnanimity and moderation in the hour of
   victory that becomes the advanced civilization we claim, for
   doubtful material advantages and shameful stepping down from
   high moral position boastfully assumed. We should set example
   in these respects, not follow in the selfish and vulgar greed
   for territory which Europe has inherited from medieval times.
   Our declaration of war upon Spain was accompanied by a solemn
   and deliberate definition of our purpose. Now that we have
   achieved all and more than our object, let us simply keep our
   word. … At the very least let us adhere to the President's
   instructions and if conditions require the keeping of Luzon
   forego the material advantages claimed in annexing other
   islands. Above all let us not make a mockery of the injunction
   contained in those instructions, where, after stating that we
   took up arms only in obedience to the dictates of humanity and
   in the fulfillment of high public and moral obligations, and
   that we had no design of aggrandizement and no ambition of
   conquest, the President among other things eloquently says:
   'It is my earnest wish that the United States in making peace
   should follow the same high rule of conduct which guided it in
   facing war. It should be as scrupulous and magnanimous in the
   concluding settlement as it was just and humane in its
   original action.' This and more, of which I earnestly ask a
   re-perusal, binds my conscience and governs my actions."

   But the President had now arrived at a different state of
   mind, and directed Secretary Hay to make the following reply,
   on the 26th: "The information which has come to the President
   since your departure convinces him that the acceptance of the
   cession of Luzon alone, leaving the rest of the islands
   subject to Spanish rule, or to be the subject of future
   contention, can not be justified on political, commercial, or
   humanitarian grounds. The cession must be of the whole
   archipelago or none. The latter is wholly inadmissible and the
   former must therefore be required. The President reaches this
   conclusion after most thorough consideration of the whole
   subject, and is deeply sensible of the grave responsibilities
   it will impose, believing that this course will entail less
   trouble than any other and besides will best subserve the
   interests of the people involved, for whose welfare we can not
   escape responsibility."

   Two days later, the moral and political reflections of the
   President on the subject were expressed still further to the
   commissioners by Secretary Hay, in the following telegram:

   "While the Philippines can be justly claimed by conquest,
   which position must not be yielded, yet their disposition,
   control, and government the President prefers should be the
   subject of negotiation as provided in the protocol. It is
   imperative upon us that as victors we should be governed only
   by motives which will exalt our nation. Territorial expansion
   should be our least concern; that we shall not shirk the moral
   obligations of our victory is of the greatest.
{624}
   It is undisputed that Spain's authority is permanently
   destroyed in every part of the Philippines. To leave any part
   in her feeble control now would increase our difficulties and
   be opposed to the interests of humanity. The sentiment in the
   United States is almost universal that the people of the
   Philippines, whatever else is done, must be liberated from
   Spanish domination. In this sentiment the President fully
   concurs. Nor can we permit Spain to transfer any of the
   islands to another power. Nor can we invite another power or
   powers to join the United States in sovereignty over them. We
   must either hold them or turn them back to Spain.
   Consequently, grave as are the responsibilities and unforeseen
   as are the difficulties which are before us, the President can
   see but one plain path of duty—the acceptance of the archipelago.
   Greater difficulties and more serious
   complications—administrative and international—would follow
   any other course. The President has given to the views of the
   commissioners the fullest consideration, and in reaching the
   conclusion above announced in the light of information
   communicated to the commission and to the President since your
   departure, he has been influenced by the single consideration
   of duty and humanity. The President is not unmindful of the
   distressed financial condition of Spain, and whatever
   consideration the United States may show must come from its
   sense of generosity and benevolence, rather than from any real
   or technical obligation. The terms upon which the full cession
   of the Philippines shall be made must be left largely with the
   commission."

   On the 3d of November, Judge Day cabled: "After a careful
   examination of the authorities, the majority of the commission
   are clearly of opinion that our demand for the Philippine
   Islands can not be based on conquest. When the protocol was
   signed Manila was not captured, siege was in progress and
   capture made after the execution of the protocol. Captures
   made after agreement for armistice must be disregarded and
   status quo restored as far as practicable. We can require
   cession of Philippine Islands only as indemnity for losses and
   expenses of the war. Have in view, also, condition of islands,
   the broken power of Spain, anarchy in which our withdrawal would
   leave the islands, etc. These are legitimate factors."

   On the 4th, Senator Davis added a personal telegram as
   follows: "I think we can demand cession of entire archipelago
   on other and more valid grounds than a perfected territorial
   conquest of the Philippine Islands, such as indemnity or as
   conditions of peace imposed by our general military success
   and in view of our future security and general welfare,
   commercial and otherwise. I think the protocol admits all
   these grounds, and that the ground alone of perfected
   territorial conquest of the Philippine Islands is too narrow
   and untenable under protocol."

   Secretary Hay replied, for the President, on the 5th: "The
   President has no purpose to question the commission's judgment
   as to the grounds upon which the cession of the archipelago is
   to be claimed. His only wish in that respect is to hold all
   the ground upon which we can fairly and justly make the claim.
   He recognizes fully the soundness of putting forward indemnity
   as the chief ground, but conquest is a consideration which
   ought not to be ignored. How our demand shall be presented,
   and the grounds upon which you will rest it, he confidently
   leaves with the commissioners. His great concern is that a
   treaty shall be effected in terms which will not only satisfy
   the present generation but, what is more important, be
   justified in the judgment of posterity."

   Discussion followed, in which Judge Day and Senator Gray
   repeated the views they had formerly expressed, in dissent
   from the policy determined upon by the President and his
   cabinet, the latter saying: "Believing that the result of a
   failure to obtain a treaty would be the forcible seizure of
   the whole Philippine Islands group, an event greatly to be
   deprecated as inconsistent with the traditions and
   civilization of the United States, I would be willing to take
   the islands by the cession of a treaty of peace, and I would,
   to that end, make such reasonable concessions as would comport
   with the magnanimity of a great nation dealing with a weak and
   prostrate foe. I mean that I would prefer the latter
   alternative to the former, not that I have changed my mind as
   to the policy of taking the Philippine Islands at all."

   So far as concerned the demands of the United States (which
   Spain was powerless to resist), the question was settled, on
   the 13th of November, by a telegram from Secretary Hay to Mr.
   Day, in which he said: "We are clearly entitled to indemnity
   for the cost of the war. We can not hope to be fully
   indemnified. We do not expect to be. It would probably be
   difficult for Spain to pay money. All she has are the
   archipelagoes of the Philippines and the Carolines. She surely
   can not expect us to turn the Philippines back and bear the cost
   of the war and all claims of our citizens for damages to life
   and property in Cuba without any indemnity but Porto Rico,
   which we have and which is wholly inadequate. … You are
   therefore instructed to insist upon the cession of the whole
   of the Philippines, and, if necessary, pay to Spain ten to
   twenty millions of dollars, and if you can get cession of a
   naval and telegraph station in the Carolines, and the several
   concessions and privileges and guaranties, so far as
   applicable, enumerated in the views of Commissioners Frye and
   Reid, you can offer more."

      _United States, 56th Congress, 2d Session,
      Senate Document Number 148
      (Papers relating to the Treaty with Spain)._

   Discussion between the Spanish and American commissioners at
   Paris was prolonged until the 10th of December, when the
   former yielded to what they protested against as hard terms,
   and the following Treaty of Peace was signed:

   Treaty of Peace.

   ARTICLE I.
   Spain relinquishes all claim of sovereignty over and title to
   Cuba. And as the island is, upon its evacuation by Spain, to
   be occupied by the United States, the United States will, so
   long as such occupation shall last, assume and discharge the
   obligations that may under international law result from the
   fact of its occupation, for the protection of life and
   property.

   ARTICLE II.
   Spain cedes to the United States the island of Porto Rico and
   other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West
   Indies, and the island of Guam in the Marianas or Ladrones.

{625}

   ARTICLE III.
   Spain cedes to the United States the archipelago known as the
   Philippine Islands, and comprehending the islands lying within
   the following line: A line running from west to east along or
   near the twentieth parallel of north latitude, and through the
   middle of the navigable channel of Bachi, from the one hundred
   and eighteenth (118th) to the one hundred and twenty seventh
   (127th) degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich, thence
   along the one hundred and twenty seventh (127th) degree
   meridian of longitude east of Greenwich to the parallel of
   four degrees and forty five minutes (4° 45') north latitude,
   thence along the parallel of four degrees and forty five
   minutes (4° 45') north latitude to its intersection with the
   meridian of longitude one hundred and nineteen degrees and
   thirty five minutes (119° 35') east of Greenwich, thence along
   the meridian of longitude one hundred and nineteen degrees and
   thirty five minutes (119° 35') east of Greenwich to the
   parallel of latitude seven degrees and forty minutes (7° 40')
   north, thence along the parallel of latitude of seven degrees
   and forty minutes (7° 40') north to its intersection with the
   one hundred and sixteenth (116th) degree meridian of longitude
   east of Greenwich, thence by a direct line to the intersection
   of the tenth (10th) degree parallel of north latitude with the
   one hundred and eighteenth (118th) degree meridian of
   longitude east of Greenwich, and thence along the one hundred
   and eighteenth (118th) degree meridian of longitude east of
   Greenwich to the point of beginning. The United States will
   pay to Spain the sum of twenty million dollars ($20,000,000)
   within three months after the exchange of the ratifications of
   the present treaty.

   ARTICLE IV.
   The United States will, for the term of ten years from the
   date of the exchange of the ratifications of the present
   treaty, admit Spanish ships and merchandise to the ports of
   the Philippine Islands on the same terms as ships and
   merchandise of the United States.

   ARTICLE V.
   The United States will, upon the signature of the present
   treaty, send back to Spain, at its own cost, the Spanish
   soldiers taken as prisoners of war on the capture of Manila by
   the American forces. The arms of the soldiers in question
   shall be restored to them. Spain will, upon the exchange of
   the ratifications of the present treaty, proceed to evacuate
   the Philippines, as well as the island of Guam, on terms
   similar to those agreed upon by the Commissioners appointed to
   arrange for the evacuation of Porto Rico and other islands in
   the West Indies, under the Protocol of August 12, 1898, which
   is to continue in force till its provisions are completely
   executed. The time within which the evacuation of the
   Philippine Islands and Guam shall be completed shall be fixed
   by the two Governments. Stands of colors, uncaptured war
   vessels, small arms, guns of all calibres, with their
   carriages and accessories, powder, ammunition, livestock, and
   materials and supplies of all kinds, belonging to the land and
   naval forces of Spain in the Philippines and Guam, remain the
   property of Spain. Pieces of heavy ordnance, exclusive of
   field artillery, in the fortifications and coast defences,
   shall remain in their emplacements for the term of six months,
   to be reckoned from the exchange of ratifications of the
   treaty; and the United States may, in the meantime, purchase
   such material from Spain, if a satisfactory agreement between
   the two Governments on the subject shall be reached.

   ARTICLE VI.
   Spain will, upon the signature of the present treaty, release
   all prisoners of war, and all persons detained or imprisoned
   for political offences, in connection with the insurrections
   in Cuba and the Philippines and the war with the United
   States. Reciprocally the United States will release all
   persons made prisoners of war by the American forces, and will
   undertake to obtain the release of all Spanish prisoners in
   the hands of the insurgents in Cuba and the Philippines. The
   Government of the United States will at its own cost return to
   Spain and the Government of Spain will at its own cost return
   to the United States, Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines,
   according to the situation of their respective homes,
   prisoners released or caused to be released by them,
   respectively, under this article.

   ARTICLE VII.
   The United States and Spain mutually relinquish all claims for
   indemnity, national and individual, of every kind, of either
   Government, or of its citizens or subjects, against the other
   Government, that may have arisen since the beginning of the
   late insurrection in Cuba and prior to the exchange of
   ratifications of the present treaty, including all claims for
   indemnity for the cost of the war. The United States will
   adjudicate and settle the claims of its citizens against Spain
   relinquished in this article.

   ARTICLE VIII.
   In conformity with the provisions of Articles I, II, and III
   of this treaty, Spain relinquishes in Cuba, and cedes in Porto
   Rico and other islands in the West Indies, in the island of
   Guam, and in the Philippine Archipelago, all the buildings,
   wharves, barracks, forts, structures, public highways and
   other immovable property which, in conformity with law, belong
   to the public domain, and as such belong to the Crown of
   Spain. And it is hereby declared that the relinquishment or
   cession, as the case may be, to which the preceding paragraph
   refers, cannot in any respect impair the property or rights
   which by law belong to the peaceful possession of property of
   all kinds, of provinces, municipalities, public or private
   establishments, ecclesiastical or civic bodies, or any other
   associations having legal capacity to acquire and possess
   property in the aforesaid territories renounced or ceded, or
   of private individuals, of whatsoever nationality such
   individuals may be. The aforesaid relinquishment or cession,
   as the case may be, includes all documents exclusively
   referring to the sovereignty relinquished or ceded that may
   exist in the archives of the Peninsula. Where any document in
   such archives only in part relates to said sovereignty, a copy
   of such part will be furnished whenever it shall be requested.
   Like rules shall be reciprocally observed in favor of Spain in
   respect of documents in the archives of the islands above
   referred to. In the aforesaid relinquishment or cession, as
   the case may be, are also included such rights as the Crown of
   Spain and its authorities possess in respect of the official
   archives and records, executive as well as judicial, in the
   islands above referred to, which relate to said islands or the
   rights and property of their inhabitants. Such archives and
   records shall be carefully preserved, and private persons
   shall without distinction have the right to require, in
   accordance with law, authenticated copies of the contracts,
   wills and other instruments forming part of notarial protocols
   or files, or which may be contained in the executive or
   judicial archives, be the latter in Spain or in the islands
   aforesaid.

{626}

   ARTICLE IX.
   Spanish subjects, natives of the Peninsula, residing in the
   territory over which Spain by the present treaty relinquishes
   or cedes her sovereignty, may remain in such territory or may
   remove therefrom, retaining in either event all their rights
   of property, including the right to sell or dispose of such
   property or of its proceeds; and they shall also have the
   right to carry on their industry, commerce and professions,
   being subject in respect thereof to such laws as are
   applicable to other foreigners. In case they remain in the
   territory they may preserve their allegiance to the Crown of
   Spain by making, before a court of record, within a year from
   the date of the exchange of ratifications of this treaty, a
   declaration of their decision to preserve such allegiance; in
   default of which declaration they shall be held to have
   renounced it and to have adopted the nationality of the
   territory in which they may reside. The civil rights and
   political status of the native inhabitants of the territories
   hereby ceded to the United States shall be determined by the
   Congress.

   ARTICLE X.
   The inhabitants of the territories over which Spain
   relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty shall be secured in the
   free exercise of their religion.

   ARTICLE XI.
   The Spaniards residing in the territories over which Spain by
   this treaty cedes or relinquishes her sovereignty shall be
   subject in matters civil as well as criminal to the
   jurisdiction of the courts of the country wherein they reside,
   pursuant to the ordinary laws governing the same; and they
   shall have the right to appear before such courts, and to
   pursue the same course as citizens of the country to which the
   courts belong.

   ARTICLE XII.
   Judicial proceedings pending at the time of the exchange of
   ratifications of this treaty in the territories over which
   Spain relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty shall be
   determined according to the following rules:

   1. Judgments rendered either in civil suits between private
   individuals, or in criminal matters, before the date
   mentioned, and with respect to which there is no recourse or
   right of review under the Spanish law, shall be deemed to be
   final, and shall be executed in due form by competent
   authority in the territory within which such judgments should
   be carried out.

   2. Civil suits between private individuals which may on the
   date mentioned be undetermined shall be prosecuted to judgment
   before the court in which they may then be pending or in the
   court that may be substituted therefor.

   3. Criminal actions pending on the date mentioned before the
   Supreme Court of Spain against citizens of the territory which
   by this treaty ceases to be Spanish shall continue under its
   jurisdiction until final judgment; but, such judgment having
   been rendered, the execution thereof shall be committed to the
   competent authority of the place in which the case arose.

   ARTICLE XIII.
   The rights of property secured by copyrights and patents
   acquired by Spaniards in the Island of Cuba and in Porto Rico,
   the Philippines and other ceded territories, at the time of
   the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, shall
   continue to be respected. Spanish scientific, literary and
   artistic works, not subversive of public order in the
   territories in question, shall continue to be admitted free of
   duty into such territories, for the period of ten years, to be
   reckoned from the date of the exchange of the ratifications of
   this treaty.

   ARTICLE XIV.
   Spain will have the power to establish consular officers in
   the ports and places of the territories, the sovereignty over
   which has been either relinquished or ceded by the present
   treaty.

   ARTICLE XV.
   The Government of each country will, for the term of ten
   years, accord to the merchant vessels of the other country the
   same treatment in respect of all port charges, including
   entrance and clearance dues, light dues, and tonnage duties,
   as it accords to its own merchant vessels, not engaged in the
   coastwise trade. This article may at any time be terminated on
   six months notice given by either Government to the other.

   ARTICLE XVI.
   It is understood that any obligations assumed in this treaty
   by the United States with respect to Cuba are limited to the
   time of its occupancy thereof; but it will upon the
   termination of such occupancy, advise any Government
   established in the island to assume the same obligations.

   ARTICLE XVII.
   The present treaty shall be ratified by the President of the
   United States, by and with the advice and consent of the
   Senate thereof, and by Her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain;
   and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Washington within
   six months from the date hereof, or earlier if possible. In
   faith whereof, we, the respective Plenipotentiaries, have
   signed this treaty and have hereunto affixed our seals. Done
   in duplicate at Paris, the tenth day of December, in the year
   of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight.

   [Signed]
   William R. Day,
   Cushman K. Davis,
   William P. Frye,
   Geo. Gray,
   Whitelaw Reid,
   Eugenio Montero Ríos,
   B. de Abarzuza,
   J. de Garnica,
   W. R. de Villa Urrutia,
   Rafael Cerero.

   That the treaty would be ratified by the Senate of the United
   States was by no means certain when it was signed, and
   remained questionable for two months.

      See below:
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

   Some time after the conclusion of the treaty, it was
   discovered that the boundaries defined in it for the cession
   of the Philippine Islands failed to include the islands of
   Cagayan, or Kagayan, and Sibutu, in the southern part of the
   archipelago. Still later, it was found that several small
   islands (the Bachi or Bashee group, and others) belonging to
   the Spanish possessions in the East were left lying outside of
   the northern Philippine boundary, as laid down in the treaty
   of cession. It is said that the Japanese government called
   attention to this latter error, desiring to have the islands
   in question, which are near to Formosa, controlled by the
   United States, rather than by Spain. By a new treaty with
   Spain, negotiated in 1900, all these outlying islands were
   acquired by the United States, for the sum of $100,000.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (August).
   Losses of the armies at Santiago and in the Philippines.

      See below:
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE).

{627}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (August 21).
   The War with Spain.
   Letter from departing Spanish soldiers to the soldiers
   of the American army.

   The following letter, addressed, on the eve of their departure
   for Spain, by the Spanish soldiers at Santiago, to the
   soldiers of the American army, "is surely," says
   Lieutenant-Colonel Miley, who quotes it in his book entitled
   "In Cuba with Shafter"—"is surely the most remarkable letter
   ever addressed by vanquished soldiers to their conquerors:

   'Soldiers of the American Army: We would not be fulfilling our
   duty as well-born men in whose breasts there lives gratitude
   and courtesy, should we embark for our beloved Spain without
   sending you our most cordial and sincere good wishes and
   farewell. We fought you with ardor and with all our strength,
   endeavoring to gain the victory, but without the slightest
   rancor or hate toward the American nation. We have been
   vanquished by you, so our generals and chiefs judged in
   signing the capitulation, but our surrender and the
   blood-battles preceding it have left in our souls no place for
   resentment against the men who fought us nobly and valiantly.
   You fought and acted in compliance with the same call of duty
   as we, for we all but represent the power of our respective
   States. You fought us as men, face to face, and with great
   courage, as before stated—a quality we had not met with during
   the three years we have carried on this war against a people
   without a religion, without morals, without conscience, and of
   doubtful origin, who could not confront the enemy, but shot
   their noble victims from ambush and then immediately fled.
   This was the kind of warfare we had to sustain in this
   unfortunate land. You have complied exactly with all the laws
   and usages of war as recognized by the armies of the most
   civilized nations of the world; have given honorable burial to
   the dead of the vanquished; have cured their wounded with
   great humanity; have respected and cared for your prisoners
   and their comfort; and lastly, to us, whose condition was
   terrible, you have given freely of food and of your stock of
   medicines, and have honored us with distinction and courtesy,
   for after the fighting the two armies mingled with the utmost
   harmony. With this high sentiment of appreciation from us all,
   there remains but to express our farewell, and with the
   greatest sincerity we wish you all happiness and health in
   this land, which will no longer belong to our dear Spain, but
   will be yours. You have conquered it by force and watered it
   with your blood, as your conscience called for under the
   demands of civilization and humanity; but the descendants of
   the Congos and Guineas, mingled with the blood of unscrupulous
   Spaniards and of traitors and adventurers—these people are
   not able to exercise or enjoy their liberty, for they will
   find it a burden to comply with the laws which govern
   civilized humanity. From eleven thousand Spanish soldiers.

   (Signed) Pedro Lopez De Castillo, Soldier of Infantry.
   Santiago de Cuba, August 21, 1898.'"

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (August-December).
   Situation in the Philippines following the occupation
   of Manila by American forces.
   Growing distrust and unfriendliness of the Tagalos.
   Report of General Otis.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (December).
   Organization of military government in Cuba.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899.
   Statistics of the Spanish-American War.

   The following military and naval statistics of the war with
   Spain, compiled from official sources, were submitted to the
   House of Representatives, during its debate on the Army Bill,
   in December, 1900, as part of an appendix to a speech made in
   support of the Bill by Honorable Charles Dick, of Ohio:

   ORGANIZATION AND STRENGTH OF THE ARMY
   DURING AND AFTER THE WAR.

   By an Act of Congress approved April 22, 1898, providing for
   the temporary increase of the military establishment of the
   United States, "the organized and active land forces were
   declared to consist of the Regular Army and of the militia of
   the several States when called into service, constituting two
   branches, designated, respectively, as be Regular Army and the
   Volunteer Army of the United States. And the President was
   authorized to organize the regular and volunteer troops into
   divisions of three brigades, each brigade to be composed of
   three or more regiments, and when three or more divisions are
   present in the same army, to organize them into army corps,
   each corps to consist of not more than three divisions. Under
   the authority conferred upon him by the joint resolution of
   April 20 and the act of April 22, 1898, the President issued a
   proclamation, dated April 23, 1898, calling for volunteers to the
   number of 125,000 men, to be apportioned as far as practicable
   among the several States, Territories, and the District of
   Columbia, according to population, to serve for two years
   unless sooner discharged. Among the several arms of the
   service the troops were apportioned as follows: Five regiments
   and 17 troops of cavalry, 16 batteries of light artillery, 1
   regiment and 7 batteries of heavy artillery, 119 regiments and
   10 battalions of infantry. May 25, 1898, the President issued
   a proclamation calling for an additional force of 75,000 men.
   For controlling military reasons, it was determined to utilize
   so much of this additional force as was necessary to bring up
   the several State organizations in service to the full legal
   strength, the remainder to be apportioned among the several
   States and Territories according to their respective quotas as
   nearly as possible. The apportionment to the several arms of
   service under this second call was for 16 batteries of light
   artillery, 3 battalions of heavy artillery, and 22 regiments,
   ten battalions, and 46 companies of infantry."

   The strength of the Regular Army on the 1st of April, 1898,
   just before the breaking out of the war, was as follows:


                                      Officers.  Enlisted Men.

   General officers and staff corps.      532       2,026
   Cavalry.                               437       6,047
   Artillery.                             288       4,486
   Infantry.                              886      12,828
   Miscellaneous.                                     653

   Total.                               2,143      26,040

   The Regular Army was authorized to be increased to 65,000 men
   as a war footing. The total strength of the armies, Regular
   and Volunteer, at several later dates, was as follows:

{628}

      DATE.             Regulars.   Volunteers.    Total.

   April   15, 1898      28,183                    28,183
   May     31, 1898      38,816       124,776     162,592
   August  31, 1898      56,362       216,256     272,618
   January 31, 1899      65,531        90,241     155,772
   June    30, 1899      63,535        16,550      80,085


   Maximum force at any one time during Spanish-American war,
   274,717 officers and men. On the 29th of November, 1898, the
   Army of the United States consisted of 2,324 officers and
   61,444 enlisted men of the regular force, and of 5,216
   officers and 110,202 enlisted men of the volunteer force,
   making an aggregate of 7,540 officers and 171,646 enlisted
   men.

   PAY OF ARMY.

   Payments made to Regular and Volunteer armies engaged during
   Spanish-American war, from April 21, 1898, to April 11, 1899,
   $67,065,629.56.

   CASUALTIES IN ACTION.

   In Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines between May 1, 1898,
   and June 30, 1899.


   Killed               Cuba    Porto Rico    Philippines
      Officers            21                      16
      Enlisted men       223          4          219

   Wounded:
      Officers           101                      92
      Enlisted men     1,344         36        1,349

   Died of Wounds:
      Officers            10                      10
      Enlisted men        64          8           82

   Died of Disease:
      Officers            34          4           11
      Enlisted men.      888        251          369

   Grand total, 5,136.

   Casualties in Fifth Army Corps in campaign against Santiago,
   June 22, 1898, to July 17, 1898.

            Officers.  Enlisted Men.

   Killed.      21         222
   Wounded     101       1,344

   At battle of Las Guasimas, June 24, 1898.

            Officers.  Enlisted Men.
   Killed.       1         15
   Wounded       6         43

   At battle of El Caney, July 1, 1898.

            Officers.  Enlisted Men.
   Killed.       4         77
   Wounded      25        335

   At Aguadores, July 1-2, 1898.

            Officers.  Enlisted Men.
   Killed.                  2
   Wounded                 10

   At battle of San Juan, July 1-3, 1898.

            Officers.  Enlisted Men.
   Killed.      15        127
   Wounded      69        945

   Casualties around Santiago, July 10-12, 1898.

            Officers.  Enlisted Men.
   Killed.       1          1
   Wounded       1         11

   Grand total of casualties in killed and wounded
   during the war with Spain.

WHERE.             KILLED.                WOUNDED.

               Officers. Enlisted Men.  Officers. Enlisted Men.

   Cuba            23        237           99        1,332
   Porto Rico.                 3            4           36
   Manila                     17           10           96

   Total           23        257          113        1,464

   The deaths from all causes (including casualties in action) in
   the whole Army, regulars and volunteers, for the fourteen
   months from May, 1898, to June, 1899, inclusive, were 6,619.
   This is equivalent to an annual rate of 33.03 per thousand of
   strength. The deaths from disease during the whole period were
   at an annual rate of hut 25.68 per thousand. These were as
   follows:

   STATIONS.       Number of Deaths      Rate per 1,000.

   United States        3,577               23.81
   Cuba                   928               45.14
   Porto Rico             238               38.15
   Philippines            402               17.20

{629}

   Deaths in the armies of the United States, by countries,
   between May 1, 1898, and June 30, 1899.

[Off. = Officer; Enl. = Enlisted Men.]

COUNTRY             KILLED.     DIED OF    DISEASE.    ACCIDENT.
                                 WOUNDS
                   Off. Enl.   Off. Enl.  Off. Enl.   Off. Enl.
REGULARS.
United States        1    5          10    32  874      1   51
Cuba                19  184      5   60     8  381           7
Porto Rico                                  3   73           3
Hawaiian Islands                                10           1
Philippine Islands    4  81      1   33     4  109          10
At sea                           1   11     4   77

Total                24 270      7  114    51  1,524    1   72

VOLUNTEERS.
United States                         1    87  2,836    3  111
Cuba                  3  39          10    16    457    2   12
Porto Rico                3                 1    157         5
Hawaiian Islands                                  33         1
Philippine Islands   14  146     3   67     5    215         6
At sea                                      5    122         2

Total                17  188     3   78   114  3,820    5  137

Aggregate            38  458    10  192   165  5,344    6  209


COUNTRY.              DROWNED.    SUICIDE.  MURDER       TOTAL.
                                            HOMICIDE
                     Off. Enl.   Off. Enl.  Off. Enl.  Off. Enl.
REGULARS.
United States          1   16          19         18    35   993
Cuba                        7           5          6    32   650
Porto Rico                  1           3          1     3    81
Hawaiian Islands            1                                 12
Philippine Islands         19      1    3          1    10   256
At sea                 1    4           2                6    94

Total                  2   48      1   32         26    86 2,086

VOLUNTEERS.
United States              23      1  15          22    91 3,008
Cuba                        4                      3    21   525
Porto Rico                  2          1           1     1   169
Hawaiian Islands                                              34
Philippine Islands     1    9          3                23   446
At sea                      2          1                 5   127

Total                  1   40      1  20          26   141  4,309

Aggregate              3  88       2  52          52   224  6,395

{630}

   Recapitulation of casualties in action in the armies of the
   United States between May 1, 1898, and June 30, 1899.

[Off. = Officer; Enl. = Enlisted Men.]

COUNTRY.           KILLED.      WOUNDED.     TOTAL.     AGGREGATE
                   Off. Enl.    Off. Enl.   Off.  Enl.
REGULARS.

Cuba                18  183     86  1,126   104  1,309    1,413
Porto Rico                1      2     15     2     16       18
United States        1    5            10     1     15       16
Philippines, to
 August 13, 1898          7      1     25     1     32       33
Philippines since
 February 4, 1899    2   74     20    410    22    484      506

Total               21  270    109  1,586   130  1,856    1,986

VOLUNTEERS.

Cuba                 3   39     15    218    18    257     275
Porto Rico                3      2     21     2     24      26
Philippines,
 to Aug. 13, 1898        11      9     74     9     85      94
Philippines, since
 February 4, 1899   14  135     62    865    76  1,000   1,076

Total               17  188     88  1,178   105  1,366   1,471

Grand total         38  458    197  2,764   235  3,222  3,457


HOSPITALS.

   From the declaration of war with Spain to September 20, 1899,
   there have been established:

                                                          Beds.
20 field division hospitals, averaging 250 beds each      5,000
31 general hospitals with a total capacity of about      13,800
Railroad ambulance train                                    270
4 hospital ships                                          1,000

Total                                                    20,070

   In addition to these over 5,000 cases were treated in civil
   hospitals. It is difficult even to approximate the number of
   men treated in these hospitals. During that period somewhat
   over 100,000 cases were admitted on sick report, a number
   equal to 2,147 per 1,000 of strength during the year, or to
   179 per 1,000 per month—the ratio of admissions to hospital
   cases being 13 to 8. Using these data as a basis, and assuming
   the mean strength of the Army (Regulars and Volunteers) to have
   been 154,000, it would appear that from May 1, 1898, to
   September 20, 1899, about 275,000 cases have been treated in
   these hospitals.


TRANSPORTATION OF SPANISH PRISONERS OF WAR TO SPAIN.

   The following is a statement showing the dates of embarkation,
   names of vessels, and number of officers, enlisted men, and
   others who took passage:

   [Date   = Date of Embarkation,
   Off.    = Officers
   Men     = Enlisted men,
   Women   = Women and children over 5 years of age,
   Priests = Priests and Sisters of Charity.]

Date          Name of Vessel.    Off.   Men Women  Priests  Total

August  9     Alicante            38  1,069    6      11    1,124
August 14     Isla de Luzon      137  2,056   40       4    2,237
August 16     Covadonga          109  2,148   79            2,336
August 19     Villaverde          52    565   34              651
August 19     Isla de Panay       99  1,599   26       5    1,729
August 22     P. de Satrustegui  128  2,359   68            2,555
August 25     Montevideo         136  2,108  122       2    2,368
August 27     Cherihon            18    905   37              960
August 28     Colón              100  1,316   59            1,475
August 30     do                  23    726    5              754
September 1   Leon XIII          113  2,209  108            2,430
September 3   San Ignacio         59  1,408   20      12    1,499
September 6   Leonora             15  1,118                 1,333
September 12  Cindad de Cadiz     53          19      14       86
September 17  San Augustin        65    800   45              910
September 17  San Francisco       18    588   11              617

Total                          1,163 20,974  679      48   22,864


   ARMS AND AMMUNITION CAPTURED AT SANTIAGO.

   Mauser carbines, Spanish, 7 mm     16,902
   Mauser rifles, Argentine, 7½ mm       872
   Remington rifles, 7 mm              6,118
   Total rifles                       23,892

   Mauser carbines, Spanish              833
   Mauser carbines, Argentine 7½ mm       84
   Remington carbines, 7½ mm             330

   Total carbines                      1,247

   Revolvers                              75

{631}

   Mauser-Spanish—cartridges, 7 mm.     1,500,000
   Mauser-Argentine—cartridges, 7½ mm.  1,471,200
   Remington cartridges, 7½ mm          1,680,000

   Total.                               4,651,200

   Nine hundred and seventy-three thousand Remington
   cartridges, 7½ mm., worthless.


STRENGTH OF THE NAVY, REGULAR AND AUXILIARY.

   The number of enlisted men allowed by law prior to the
   outbreak of hostilities was 12,500. On August 15, when the
   enlisted force reached its maximum, there were 24,123 men in
   the service. This great increase was made necessary by the
   addition of 128 ships to the Navy. The maximum fighting force
   of the Navy, separated into classes, was as follows:

   Battle ships (first class).   4
   Battle ships (second class).  1
   Armored cruisers.             2
   Coast defense monitors.       6
   Armored ram.                  1
   Protected cruisers.          12
   Unprotected cruisers.         3
   Gunboats.                    18
   Dynamite cruiser.             1
   Torpedo boats.               11
   Vessels of old Navy,
      Including monitors.       14
   Auxiliary Navy:
      Auxiliary cruisers.       11
      Converted yachts.         28
      Revenue cutters.          15
      Light-house tenders.       4
      Converted tugs.           27
      Converted colliers.       19
      Miscellaneous.            19

NAVAL, PRISONERS OF WAR CAPTURED OFF SANTIAGO, JULY 3, 1898.

   Officers.                   99
   Enlisted men.            1,675

CASUALTIES IN ACTION.

ENGAGEMENT.               Casualties  Killed  Wounded Died later
                                                      from wounds
Action at Manila Bay,
   May 1                      9                 9
Action off Cienfuegos,
   May 11                    12         1      11        1
Action off Cardenas,
   May 11.                    8         5       3
Action off San Juan,
   Porto Rico, May 12         8         1       7
Engagements at Guantanamo,
   Cuba, June 11 to 20       22        *6      16
Engagement off Santiago:
   June 22                   10         1       9
   July 3                    11         1      10
Miscellaneous:
   Yankee, June 13.           1                 1
Eagle, July 12                1                 1
Bancroft, August 2            1         1
Amphitrite, August 7          1         1      †l

Total                        84        16      68       2

   * One accidentally killed.
   † Accidentally shot.

      _Congressional Record,
      February 1, 1901, pages 1941-1962._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899.
   Investigation of the conduct of the War Department
   in the war with Spain.

   Severe criticism of the conduct of the War Department during
   the war with Spain, including many charges of inefficiency in
   its service, produced by improper appointments made for
   political reasons, and other charges of misdoing in the
   purchase of supplies, under influences either political or
   otherwise corrupt, led to the appointment by the President, in
   September, 1898, of an investigating commission, composed of
   nine soldier and civilian members, as follows:
   General Grenville M. Dodge, President.
   Colonel James A. Sexton.
   Colonel Charles Denby,
   Captain Evan P. Howell,
   Honorable Urban A. Woodbury,
   Brigadier-General John M. Wilson, U. S. A.,
   General James A. Beaver,
   Major-General Alexander McD. Cook, U. S. A.,
   Dr. Phineas S. Conner.

   The report of the Commission, made in the following February,
   cannot be said to have been a convincing and satisfactory one
   to the country at large. It was indignantly described as a
   "whitewashing report," even by many journals and writers of
   the party in power. Its inquiries did not appear to have been
   keenly and impartially searching; its conclusions were not
   thought to be drawn with a rigorous and fearless hand.

   The charges against the War Department which excited most
   feeling and drew most public attention related to the quality
   of the fresh beef supplied to the army, which was in two
   forms, refrigerated and canned. Major-General Miles,
   commanding the Army, had declared that much of the
   refrigerated beef furnished to the soldiers should be called
   "embalmed beef," maintaining that it had been "apparently
   preserved with secret chemicals, which destroy its natural
   flavor" and which were believed to be "detrimental to the
   health of the troops." He intimated that hundreds of tons of
   such beef had been contracted for by the Commissary-General
   "under pretense of experiment." In repelling this serious
   accusation, Commissary-General Charles P. Eagan read a
   statement before the Commission, so violent and unmeasured in
   its vituperation of the commanding general that it was
   returned to him for correction; many newspapers declined to
   publish it, and he was subsequently tried by court-martial in
   consequence—as related below. The conclusion of the
   Commission on the subject of the charges relating to
   refrigerated beef was stated in its report as follows:

   "The Commission is of the opinion that no refrigerated beef
   furnished by contractors and issued to the troops during the
   war with Spain was subjected to or treated with any chemicals
   by the contractors or those in their employ."

   Concerning the canned beef, which had caused much disgust in
   the army, the Commission reported:

   "The result of our own testing and of all the analyses made at
   our instance … is that the canned meat which has been brought
   to our attention is pure, sound, and nutritive. It has not
   been found to contain any acids or any deleterious substance,
   but to be unadulterated meat. The testimony before us is that
   the canned meat is not, in general, intended to be issued to
   troops except as an emergency ration. The preponderance of the
   proof is that meat on the hoof and the refrigerated beef are
   more acceptable. A number of officers and others have
   testified that the meat is unpalatable. Its palatability
   greatly depends upon the mode in which it is cooked. In a
   tropical climate, carried on the march, exposed to heat, the
   meat so changes in appearance as to become repulsive. In the
   Navy, where the meat is properly cared for, there has been no
   complaint, so far as has appeared in evidence before us. After
   careful consideration we find that canned meat, as issued to
   the troops, was generally of good quality, was properly
   prepared, and contained no deleterious substance.
{632}
   At times probably material of poor quality is issued; in one
   of the cans sent to us and examined by the chemist a large
   amount of gristle was found. That it was not issued 'under
   pretense of an experiment' is indicated by the fact that it
   has been in use in the Army for more than 20 years."

   On the general management of the Quarter-master's Department,
   with which much fault had been found, the Commission reported:
   "The conclusions drawn … are as follows:

   "1. The Quartermaster's Department, a month before war was
   declared, was neither physically nor financially prepared for
   the tremendous labor of suddenly equipping and transporting an
   army over ten times the size of the Regular Army of the United
   States.

   "2. That the department devoted the ability, zeal, and
   industry of its officers to accomplish the herculean task
   before it so soon as funds were made available and war was
   declared.

   "3. That it deserves credit for the great work accomplished,
   for the immense quantity of materials obtained and issued
   within so short a period, and for its earnest efforts in
   reference to railroad transportation and in protecting the
   great interests of the General Government committed to its
   charge. Its officers, especially those at the head-quarters of
   the department and at its depots, worked earnestly and
   laboriously day and night, sparing themselves in no possible
   way.

   "4. There appears to have been a lack of system, whereby, even
   as late as October, troops in camps and in the field were
   lacking in some articles of clothing, camp and garrison
   equipage; and hospitals, at least at two important localities
   in the South—Fort Monroe, Virginia, and Huntsville,
   Alabama—lacked stoves, while at Huntsville fuel was wanting.

   "5. There appears to have been lack of executive or
   administrative ability, either on the part of the
   Quartermaster's Department or the railroad officials, in
   preventing the great congestion of cars at Tampa and
   Chickamauga when these camps were first established, which
   congestion caused delay, annoyance, and discomfort to the
   large bodies of troops concentrating at those places.

   "6. There appears to have been a lack of foresight in
   preparing and promptly having available at some central
   locality on the seacoast the necessary fleet of transports
   which it seemed evident would be required for the movement of
   troops to a foreign shore, and, finally, when the call came
   suddenly and the emergency was supreme, the department appears
   not to have fully comprehended the capacity of the fleet under
   its command; not to have supplied it with a complete outfit of
   lighters for the immediate disembarkation of troops and
   supplies; to have accepted without full investigation the
   statement that the vessels were capable of transporting 25,000
   men, while really they could not and did not transport more
   than 17,000 with their artillery, equipments, ammunition, and
   supplies, and lacked sufficient storage room for the necessary
   amount of wagon transportation—that very important element
   in the movement of an army in the face of an enemy.

   "7. The Quartermaster's Department should maintain on hand at
   all times a complete supply for at least four months for an
   army of 100,000 men of all articles of clothing, camp and
   garrison equipage, and other quartermaster's supplies which
   will not deteriorate by storage or which cannot at once be
   obtained in open market.

   "Finally. In the opinion of this commission, there should be a
   division of the labor now devolving upon the Quartermaster's
   Department."

   In another part of its report, dealing especially with the
   Santiago campaign, the Commission makes a statement which
   seems to reflect some additional light on the sixth paragraph
   of the finding quoted above, relative to the unpreparedness of
   the quartermaster's department for the landing of the Santiago
   expedition. It says:

   "The Navy Department, on the 31st of May, 1898, sent the
   following communication to the honorable the Secretary of War:
   'This Department begs leave to inquire what means are to be
   employed by the War Department for landing the troops,
   artillery, horses, siege guns, mortars, and other heavy
   objects when the pending military expedition arrives on the
   Cuban coast near Santiago. While the Navy will be prepared to
   furnish all the assistance that may be in its power, it is
   obvious that the crews of the armored ships and of such others
   as will be called upon to remove the Spanish mines and to meet
   the Spanish fleet in action can not be spared for other purposes,
   and ought not to be fatigued by the work incident to landing
   of the troops and stores, etc.' This information, so far as
   can be ascertained, was never communicated to either General
   Miles or General Shafter; the expedition therefore left Tampa
   with no facilities for landing other than were afforded by the
   boats of the several transports conveying the expedition, with
   the exception of several lighters and steam tugs of light draft,
   such as could be hastily secured."

   On the conduct of the Medical Department, which was another
   matter of investigation, the Commission reported: "To sum up,
   in brief, the evidence submitted shows:

   " 1. That at the outbreak of the war the Medical Department
   was, in men and materials, altogether unprepared to meet the
   necessities of the army called out.

   "2. That as a result of the action through a generation of
   contracted and contracting methods of administration, it was
   impossible for the Department to operate largely, freely, and
   without undue regard to cost.

   "3. That in the absence of a special corps of inspectors, and
   the apparent infrequency of inspections by chief surgeons, and
   of official reports of the state of things in camps and
   hospitals, there was not such investigation of the sanitary
   conditions of the army as is the first duty imposed upon the
   Department by the regulations.

   "4. That the nursing force during the months of My, June, and
   July was neither ample nor efficient, reasons for which may be
   found in the lack of a proper volunteer hospital corps, due to
   the failure of Congress to authorize its establishment, and to
   the nonrecognition in the beginning of the value of women
   nurses and the extent to which their services could be
   secured.

   "5. That the demand made upon the resources of the Department
   in the care of sick and wounded was very much greater than had
   been anticipated, and consequently, in like proportion, these
   demands were imperfectly met.

{633}

   "6. That powerless as the Department was to have supplies
   transferred from point to point, except through the
   intermediation of the Quartermaster's Department, it was
   seriously crippled in its efforts to fulfil the regulation
   duty of 'furnishing all medical and hospital supplies.'

   "7. That the shortcomings in administration and operation may
   justly be attributed, in large measure, to the hurry and
   confusion incident to the assembling of an army of untrained
   officers and men, ten times larger than before, for which no
   preparations in advance had been or could be made because of
   existing rules and regulations.

   "8. That notwithstanding all the manifest errors, of omission
   rather than of commission, a vast deal of good work was done
   by medical officers, high and low, regular and volunteer, and
   there were unusually few deaths among the wounded and the
   sick.

   "What is needed by the medical department in the future is—

   "1. A larger force of commissioned medical officers.

   "2. Authority to establish in time of war a proper volunteer
   hospital corps.

   "3. A reserve corps of selected trained women nurses, ready to
   serve when necessity shall arise, but under ordinary
   circumstances, owing no duty to the War Department, except to
   report residence at determined intervals.

   "4. A year's supply for an army of at least four times the
   actual strength, of all such medicines, hospital furniture,
   and stores as are not materially damaged by keeping, to be
   held constantly on hand in the medical supply depots.

   "5. The charge of transportation to such extent as will secure
   prompt shipment and ready delivery of all medical supplies.

   "6. The simplification of administrative 'paper work,' so that
   medical officers may be able to more thoroughly discharge
   their sanitary and strictly medical duties.

   "7. The securing of such legislation as will authorize all
   surgeons in medical charge of troops, hospitals, transports,
   trains, and independent commands to draw from the Subsistence
   Department funds for the purchase of such articles of diet as
   may be necessary to the proper treatment of soldiers too sick
   to use the army ration. This to take the place of all
   commutation of rations of the sick now authorized.

   "Convalescent soldiers traveling on furlough should be
   furnished transportation, sleeping berths or staterooms, and
   $1.50 per diem for subsistence in lieu of rations, the soldier
   not to be held accountable or chargeable for this amount."

      _Report of the Commission, volume 1._

   Public opinion of the report, when divested of partisan
   prejudice, was probably expressed very fairly in the following
   comments of "The Nation," of New York:

   "The two leading conclusions of the court of inquiry as to the
   quality of the beef supplied to our troops during the war with
   Spain, are in accordance with the evidence and will be
   accepted as fairly just by the country. The court finds that
   so far as the canned roast beef was concerned, the charges
   which General Miles made against it as an unsuitable ration
   are sustained, but that as regards the use of chemicals in the
   treatment of refrigerated beef his charges were not
   established. If instead of saying 'not established,' the court
   had said 'not fully sustained,' its verdict would have been
   above criticism on these two points. There was evidence of the
   use of chemicals, but it was not conclusive and was flatly
   contradicted. There is no doubt whatever that the use of the
   refrigerated beef was a blunder, but there was very little
   evidence to sustain a more serious charge than that against
   it.

   "But while the court has found justly on these points, it is
   difficult to read its report without feeling that its members
   did so reluctantly, and that, if left to follow their
   inclinations, they would have censured General Miles and
   allowed everybody else concerned to go free. General Miles is
   the one person involved whom they allow no extenuating
   circumstances to benefit in their report. At every opportunity
   they take the worst possible view of his conduct, while almost
   invariably taking the most lenient view possible of nearly
   everybody else. … So far as the findings of the court apply to
   Eagan's conduct, they are condemnatory in general terms, but
   they do not seek to go behind him for the reasons for his
   conduct. … No attention whatever is paid to the evidence of
   several reputable witnesses that Eagan had told them that he
   had to buy of certain contractors; none is paid, either, to
   the evidence of Eagan's subordinates that he himself so
   altered the refrigerated beef contracts that no one could say
   whether they called for preservation for seventy-two hours or
   twenty-four. Leniency of this kind is never shown toward
   General Miles."

      _The Nation,
      May 11, 1899._

   Perhaps a weightier criticism is represented by the following,
   which we quote from an article contributed to "The
   Independent" by General Wingate, President of the National
   Guard Association of the United States: "So far as the
   refrigerated beef was concerned, the truth probably is that
   there was little, if any, 'embalming' about it. Soldiers
   generally agree that the beef itself was almost universally
   good. … General Miles, on the other hand, was clearly right in
   asking that the troops might be furnished with beef cattle on the
   hoof, which could follow the army over any road and which
   would keep in good condition on the luxuriant grasses of Cuba
   and Porto Rico. This was the system pursued in our Civil War.
   No one has yet explained why it was abandoned for the
   experiment of furnishing this kind of beef to places in the
   tropics where it had to be hauled in wagons for many hours
   over muddy roads, and when most of the wagons required to move
   it promptly had to be left behind for want of water
   transportation.

   "The matter of the refrigerated or so-called 'embalmed' beef
   is, however, of very slight consequence compared with that of
   the canned roast beef. The use of that beef as an army ration
   in this country, at least, was new. Officer after officer has
   testified before the court of inquiry that they never saw it
   so issued before the Cuban campaign. It is true that the navy
   uses it, but the facilities on shipboard for caring for and
   cooking food are so different and so superior to those of an
   army in the field that no comparison can justly be made
   between them. Moreover, as was recently stated in the 'Army
   and Navy Journal,' the belief is general in the navy that the
   canned beef it had rejected on inspection was afterward sold
   to the army and accepted by it without inspection.
{634}
   Be this as it may, the evidence is overwhelming that the
   canned roast beef which was issued to the army was repulsive
   in appearance and disagreeable in smell. … Governor Roosevelt
   says in his testimony that 'from generals to privates he never
   heard any one who did not condemn it as an army ration.' Its
   defects appeared on the voyage to Santiago, if not before. It
   was then so bad that the men would not touch it, and as
   Governor Roosevelt says in his article in 'Scribner's,' his
   Rough Riders, who certainly were not particular, could not eat
   it, and as it constituted one-third of the rations, his men
   had to go hungry. And yet, in spite of these facts, a million
   pounds of that beef was purchased from Armour & Co. alone, and
   its issue was continued not only in Cuba but in Porto Rico.
   What is worse than all, after its defects were fully known it
   was issued as a traveling ration to the fever-racked men on
   their homeward voyage to this country; men who needed and were
   entitled to receive the most nourishing food and to whom this
   indigestible stuff was poison. This should never be forgotten
   or forgiven by the plain people of the country. …

   "No one in authority has been willing to admit that there was
   the slightest thing wrong, or the least need for improvement
   in his department. … This is another of the hundreds of
   examples which have occurred in our past war, and which will
   continue to take place in the future until the whole staff
   system of the army has been rectified, of the reign of that
   hide bound bureaucratic spirit which induces the head of a
   department in Washington to decide in his office what should
   be used by the troops in the field without practical
   experience on the subject, and to stubbornly close his eyes
   and ears to everything which will tend to show that it is
   possible that his department has made a mistake. …

   "It is noticeable that so far not an official in any of the
   supply or medical departments is known to have been court
   martialed or even censured. Yet I do not hesitate to say that
   the summary dismissal from the service, in the beginning, of
   two or three quartermasters and commissaries, including the
   gentlemen who were the cause of sending thousands of cars to
   Tampa without invoices or anything on the outside of them to
   indicate their contents, would have saved the lives of
   hundreds of our soldiers. Under these circumstances it is most
   lamentable to find that the awful experiences which have made
   so many homes desolate, and so many of our best young men
   invalids, have borne no practical fruit. Both the army
   officials and Congress are like the Bourbons, they 'have
   learned nothing and forgotten nothing.'"

      _G. W. Wingate,
      What the Beef Scandal Teaches
      (Independent, April 6, 1899)._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899.
   Joint High Commission for settlement of
   pending questions with Canada.

      See (in this volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1898-1899.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899 (October-October).
   Military government of Porto Rico.

      See (in this volume)
      PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (OCTOBER-OCTOBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899 (December-January).
   Instructions by the President to General Otis,
   Military Governor of the Philippines.
   Their proclamation by the latter in a modified form.
   The effect.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-JANUARY).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (January).
   The case of Commissary-General Eagan.

   A court-martial, sitting in January, 1899, for the trial of
   Commissary-General Eagan, on the charge that he had been
   guilty of "conduct unbecoming an officer and a gentleman, and
   conduct to the prejudice of good order and military
   discipline," in the abusive language that he had applied to
   the commanding general of the army, in the course of his
   testimony before the Commission to investigate the conduct of
   the War Department found the accused officer guilty, and
   imposed the inevitable penalty of dismissal from the service,
   but recommended executive clemency in his case.

      See:
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899.

   The sentence was commuted by the President to suspension from
   rank and duty for six years. This involved no loss of pay,
   and, at the end of six years, General Eagan will go on the
   retired list.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (January).
   Appointment of the First Commission to the Philippines.
   The President's instructions to the Commissioners.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (January-February).
   The Treaty of Peace in the Senate.
   Its ratification.

   The Treaty of Peace with Spain, signed at Paris December 10,
   1898, was sent by the President to the Senate on the 4th of
   January, 1899, and held under debate in that body until the
   6th of February following. The opposition to it was very
   strong, being especially directed against the acquisition of
   the Philippine Islands, involving, as that acquisition did,
   the embarkation of the Republic in a colonial or imperial
   policy, of conquest and of government without the consent of
   the governed, which seemed to a great number of thoughtful
   people, not only incongruous with its constitution, but a
   dangerous violation of the principles on which its republican
   polity is founded. But even those most opposed to the
   acquisition of the Philippine Islands were reluctant to reopen
   the state of war by rejection of the treaty, and directed
   their efforts mainly towards the securing of a definite
   declaration from Congress of the intention of the government
   of the United States to establish independence in the islands.

   "Even before the signing of the treaty at Paris, on the 6th of
   December, when the demand of the American commissioners for
   cession of the Philippines was known, the opposition expressed
   itself in the following resolution, introduced by Senator
   Vest, of Missouri:

   "Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
   United States of America in Congress assembled. That under the
   Constitution of the United States no power is given to the
   Federal Government to acquire territory to be held and
   governed permanently as colonies. The colonial system of
   European nations can not be established under our present
   Constitution, but all territory acquired by the Government,
   except such small amount as may be necessary for coaling
   stations, correction of boundaries, and similar governmental
   purposes, must be acquired and governed with the purpose of
   ultimately organizing such territory into States suitable for
   admission into the Union."

   This resolution became the ground of much senatorial debate
   during the following weeks. The arguments opposed to it, and
   supporting the policy of the administration, are represented
   fairly by the following passage from a speech made by Senator
   Platt, of Connecticut, on December 16:

{635}

   "I propose to maintain that the United States is a nation;
   that as a nation it possesses every sovereign power not
   reserved in its Constitution to the States or the people; that
   the right to acquire territory was not reserved, and is
   therefore an inherent sovereign right; that is a right upon
   which there is no limitation, and with regard to which there
   is no qualification; that in certain instances the right may
   be inferred from specific clauses in the Constitution, but
   that it exists independent of these clauses; that in the right
   to acquire territory is found the right to govern it; and as
   the right to acquire is a sovereign and inherent right, the
   right to govern is a sovereign right not limited in the
   Constitution, and that these propositions are in accordance
   with the views of the framers of the Constitution, the
   decisions of the Supreme Court, and the legislation of
   Congress.

   "Mr. President, this is a nation. It has been called by
   various names. It has been called a Confederated Republic, a
   Federal Union, the Union of States, a league of States, a rope
   of sand; but during all the time these names have been applied
   to it it has been a nation. It was so understood by the
   framers of the Constitution. It was so decided by the great
   judges of the Supreme Court in the early days of the
   Constitution. It is too late to deny it, and, Mr. President,
   it is also too late to admit it, and not have faith in it.
   Intellectual assent to the doctrines of Christianity does not
   make a man a Christian. It is saving faith that makes the
   Christian. And a mere intellectual assent to the doctrine that
   we are a nation does not make the true patriot. It is high
   time that we come to believe without qualification, to believe
   in our hearts, in the exercise of patriotic faith, that the
   United States is a nation. When we come to believe that, Mr.
   President, many of the doubts and uncertainties which have
   troubled men will disappear.

   "It is time to be heroic in our faith and to assert all the
   power that belongs to the nation as a nation. … The attempt to
   shear the United States of a portion of its sovereign power is
   an attempt which may well be thoroughly and fully discussed.
   In the right to acquire territory is found the right to
   govern, and as the right to acquire is sovereign and
   unlimited, the right to govern is a sovereign right, and I
   maintain is not limited in the Constitution. If I am right in
   holding that the power to acquire is the sovereign power
   without limitation, I think it must be admitted that the right
   to govern is also sovereign and unlimited. But if it is sought
   to rest the right to govern upon that clause of the
   Constitution which gives Congress the power to dispose of or
   make 'all needful rules and regulations' for the government of
   the territory of the United States, I submit there is no
   limitation there. There is no qualification there."

   On the 4th of January the Senate received the treaty from the
   President. On the 7th, Senator Mason, of Illinois, introduced
   the following resolution, and, subsequently, spoke with
   earnestness in its support:

   "Whereas all just powers of government are derived from the
   consent of the governed: Therefore, be it

   "Resolved by the Senate of the United States, That the
   Government of the United States of America will not attempt to
   govern the people of any other country in the world without
   the consent of the people themselves, or subject them by force
   to our dominion against their will."

   On the 9th an impressive speech was made by Senator Hoar, of
   Massachusetts, mainly in reply to Senator Platt. He spoke
   partly as follows:

   "Mr. President, I am quite sure that no man who will hear or
   who will read what I say today will doubt that nothing could
   induce me to say it but a commanding sense of public duty. I
   think I dislike more than most men to differ from men with
   whom I have so long and so constantly agreed. I dislike to
   differ from the President, whose election I hailed with such
   personal satisfaction and such exulting anticipations for the
   Republic. I dislike to differ from so many of my party
   associates in this Chamber, with whom I have for so many years
   trod the same path and sought the same goal. I am one of those
   men who believe that little that is great or good or permanent
   for a free people can be accomplished without the
   instrumentality of party. And I have believed religiously, and
   from my soul, for half a century, in the great doctrines and
   principles of the Republican party. I stood in a humble
   capacity by its cradle. I do not mean, if I can help it, to
   follow its hearse. I am sure I render it a service; I am sure
   I help to protect and to prolong the life of that great
   organization, if I can say or can do anything to keep it from
   forsaking the great principles and doctrines in which alone it
   must live or bear no life. I must, in this great crisis,
   discharge the trust my beloved Commonwealth has committed to
   me according to my sense of duty as I see it. However
   unpleasant may be that duty, as Martin Luther said, 'God help
   me. I can do no otherwise.'

   "I am to speak for my country, for its whole past and for its
   whole future. I am to speak to a people whose fate is bound up
   in the preservation of our great doctrine of constitutional
   liberty. I am to speak for the dead soldier who gave his life
   for liberty that his death might set a seal upon his country's
   historic glory. I am to speak for the Republican party, all of
   whose great traditions are at stake, and all of whose great
   achievements are in peril. …

   "The question with which we now have to deal is whether
   Congress may conquer and may govern, without their consent and
   against their will, a foreign nation, a separate, distinct,
   and numerous people, a territory not hereafter to be populated
   by Americans, to be formed into American States and to take its
   part in fulfilling and executing the purposes for which the
   Constitution was framed, whether it may conquer, control, and
   govern this people, not for the general welfare, common
   defense, more perfect union, more blessed liberty of the
   people of the United States, but for some real or fancied
   benefit to be conferred against their desire upon the people
   so governed or in discharge of some fancied obligation to
   them, and not to the people of the United States.

   "Now, Mr. President, the question is whether the men who
   framed the Constitution, or the people who adopted it, meant
   to confer that power among the limited and restrained powers
   of the sovereign nation that they were creating. Upon that
   question I take issue with my honorable friend from
   Connecticut.
{636}
   I declare not only that this is not among the express powers
   conferred upon the sovereignty they created, that it is not
   among the powers necessarily or reasonably or conveniently
   implied for the sake of carrying into effect the purposes of
   that instrument, but that it is a power which it can be
   demonstrated by the whole contemporaneous history and by our
   whole history since until within six months they did not mean
   should exist—a power that our fathers and their descendants
   have ever loathed and abhorred—and that they believed that no
   sovereign on earth could rightfully exercise it, and that no
   people on earth could rightfully confer it. They not only did
   not mean to confer it, but they would have cut off their right
   hands, everyone of them, sooner than set them to an instrument
   which should confer it. …

   "The great contemporaneous exposition of the Constitution is
   to be found in the Declaration of Independence. Over every
   clause, syllable, and letter of the Constitution the
   Declaration of Independence pours its blazing torch-light. The
   same men framed it. The same States confirmed it. The same
   people pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred
   honor to support it. The great characters in the
   Constitutional Convention were the great characters of the
   Continental Congress. There are undoubtedly, among its burning
   and shining truths, one or two which the convention that
   adopted it were not prepared themselves at once to put into
   practice. But they placed them before their countrymen as an
   ideal moral law to which the liberty of the people was to
   aspire and to ascend as soon as the nature of existing
   conditions would admit. Doubtless slavery was inconsistent
   with it, as Jefferson, its great author, has in more than one
   place left on record. But at last in the strife of a great
   civil war the truth of the Declaration prevailed and the
   falsehood of slavery went down, and at last the Constitution
   of the United States conformed to the Declaration and it has
   become the law of the land, and its great doctrines of liberty
   are written upon the American flag wherever the American flag
   floats. Who shall haul them down?"

   Two days later (January 11) the following resolutions were
   introduced by Senator Bacon, of Georgia:

   "Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
   United States of America in Congress assembled,

   First, That the Government and people of the United States
   have not waged the recent war with Spain for conquest and for
   the acquisition of foreign territory, but solely for the
   purposes set forth in the resolution of Congress making the
   declaration of said war, the acquisition of such small tracts
   of land or harbors as may be necessary for governmental
   purposes being not deemed inconsistent with the same.

   "Second. That in demanding and in receiving the cession of the
   Philippine Islands it is not the purpose of the Government of
   the United States to secure and maintain dominion over the
   same as a part of the territory of the United States, or to
   incorporate the inhabitants thereof as citizens of the United
   States, or to hold said inhabitants as vassals or subjects of
   this Government.

   "Third. That whereas at the time of the declaration of war by
   the United States against Spain, and prior thereto, the
   inhabitants of the Philippine Islands were actively engaged in
   a war with Spain to achieve their independence, and whereas
   said purpose and the military operations thereunder have not
   been abandoned, but are still being actively prosecuted
   thereunder, therefore, in recognition of and in obedience to
   the vital principle announced in the great declaration that
   governments derive 'their just powers from the consent of the
   governed,' the Government of the United States recognizes that
   the people of the Philippine Islands of a right ought to be
   free and independent; that, with this view and to give effect
   to the same, the Government of the United States has required
   the Government of Spain to relinquish its authority and
   government in the Philippine Islands and to withdraw its land
   and naval forces from the Philippine Islands and from the
   waters thereof.

   "Fourth. That the United States hereby disclaim any
   disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty,
   jurisdiction, or control over said islands, and assert their
   determination when an independent government shall have been
   duly erected therein entitled to recognition as such, to
   transfer to said government, upon terms which shall be
   reasonable and just, all rights secured under the cession by
   Spain, and to thereupon leave the government and control of
   the islands to their people."

   On the 13th, Senator McLaurin, of South Carolina, returned to
   the question of constitutional power in the government of the
   United States to hold territory in a permanently subject
   state, and spoke against the view maintained by Senator Platt,
   of Connecticut: "To hold," he said, "that there is an inherent
   power of sovereignty in the nation, outside of the
   Constitution, to do something not authorized by that
   instrument is to place this 'inherent sovereignty' above the
   Constitution and thus destroy the very foundation upon which
   constitutional government rests. Judge Gray in the
   Chinese-exclusion case, said: 'The United States are a
   sovereign and independent nation, and are invested by the
   Constitution with the entire control of international
   relations and with all the powers of government necessary to
   maintain that control and make it effective.' While holding
   that the United States are a sovereign and independent nation,
   it will be seen that he also holds that the sovereignty of the
   nation is vested by the Constitution; and if so, it can only
   be exercised in the mode pointed out in the Constitution and
   is controlled by the words of the grant of this sovereignty.
   There was no nation of the United States until the adoption of
   the Federal Constitution; hence before that time there could
   be no sovereignty of the nation. What conferred this
   sovereignty? Clearly the States, by and through the Federal
   Constitution. If so, then there can be no inherent right of
   sovereignty except that conferred by the Constitution.

   "The Senator further contends that we are a sovereign nation,
   and as such have the same inherent right to acquire territory
   as England, France, Germany, and Mexico. I controvert that
   proposition. The sovereignty of the nation of Great Britain
   and the others is vested in the people, and has never been
   delegated and limited as in our country. These Governments
   enjoy sovereignty in its elementary form.
{637}
   What the government wills it may do without considering the
   act or its consequences in the light of an organic law of
   binding obligation. Our Government is in a very different
   position. The Federal Constitution is the embodiment of the
   sovereignty of the United States as a nation, and this
   sovereignty can only be exercised in accordance with the
   powers contained in its provisions. Great Britain can do
   anything as a nation in the way of the exercise of
   governmental functions. There is nothing to prohibit or
   restrict the fullest exercise of her sovereignty as a nation.
   Hence there is no analogy, and the sovereignty of the United
   States as a nation differs widely from that of Great Britain.

   "It is further contended that a sovereign right can not be
   limited and that all our Constitution can do is to prescribe
   the manner in which it can be exercised. If, as already shown,
   the sovereignty of the United States was conferred by the
   States through the Federal Constitution, it is clear that, in
   conferring the power and prescribing the manner of its
   exercise, they did set a limit in the very terms of the
   instrument itself. I deny, therefore, that the United States
   as a nation has a sovereign, inherent right and control
   outside of the grant of such power in the Constitution. This
   is not an essential element of nationality so far as our
   nation is concerned, although it may be in England or Russia,
   where the nationality and sovereignty incident to it are not
   created and limited by a written constitution."

   On the 14th of January, Mr. Hoar submitted the following:

   "Resolved, That the people of the Philippine islands of right
   ought to be free and independent; that they are absolved from
   all allegiance to the Spanish Crown, and that all political
   connection between them and Spain is and ought to be totally
   dissolved, and that they have, therefore, full power to do all
   acts and things which independent states may of right do; that
   it is their right to institute a new government for
   themselves, laying its foundation on such principles and
   organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most
   likely to effect their safety and happiness; and that with
   these rights the people of the United States do not propose to
   interfere."

   On the 18th, Mr. Bacon amended his resolutions, given above,
   by changing the phrase "an independent government" to "a
   stable and independent government," and then spoke upon them
   with force, saying, among other things: "The simple fact that
   we went to war with Spain did not devolve upon us any
   obligation with reference to the Philippine Islands. We went
   to war with Spain not for the purpose of correcting all the
   evils with which her people were afflicted; we went to war
   with Spain not to break the chains of tyranny with which she
   might be binding her different colonies: we did not undertake
   to be the great universal benefactor and to right all the
   wrongs of all the world, or even all the wrongs that Spain
   might be inflicting upon any of her people. "We went to war
   because a particular colony which she was afflicting lay at
   our doors; we went to war because the disorders of that
   Government affected the peace of our community and were
   injurious to our material interest. We said there was a
   condition of affairs which was unbearable and that we would
   put an end to it.

   "To that extent and to that alone we claimed and avowed the
   reason for the declaration of war. So it follows that the mere
   declaration of war did not affect in any manner our relations
   with the Philippine Islands except to put us in a state of war
   with them as a part of the Spanish domain, and in no manner
   laid any obligations upon us as to those islands. We were not
   charged with the duty of preserving order in Asia. We were not
   charged with the obligations of seeing that they had a stable
   and orderly government in any part of that hemisphere. No such
   duty rested upon us. None such was assumed by us. Therefore
   the simple declaration of war did not lay any obligation upon
   us as to the Philippine Islands, and I desire that any Senator
   will put his finger upon the act which laid us under any
   obligations to the Philippine Islands outside of the fact that
   in the war which ensued we took those who were the insurgents
   in those islands to be our allies and made a common cause with
   them.

   "Now, Mr. President, all that grows out of that—all that grows
   out of the fact of that cooperation and that alliance—is to
   impose upon us a single obligation which we must not ignore.
   How far does that obligation go? Does it require that we shall
   for all time undertake to be the guardians of the Philippine
   Islands? Does that particular obligation lay upon us the duty
   hereafter, not only now but for years to come, to maintain an
   expensive military establishment, to burden our people with
   debt, to run the risk of becoming involved in wars in order
   that we may keep our hands upon the Philippine Islands and
   keep them in proper condition hereafter? I am unable to see
   how the obligation growing out of the fact that they were our
   allies can possibly be extended to that degree. No Senator has
   yet shown any reason why such an obligation rests upon us, and
   I venture to say that none which is logical will or can be
   shown."

   The practical considerations, of circumstance and expediency,
   which probably had more influence than those of law or
   principle, were strongly urged by Senator Lodge, of
   Massachusetts, who said, on the 24th:

   "Suppose we ratify the treaty. The islands pass from the
   possession of Spain into our possession without committing us
   to any policy. I believe we can be trusted as a people to deal
   honestly and justly with the islands and their inhabitants
   thus given to our care. What our precise policy shall be I do
   not know, because I for one am not sufficiently informed as to
   the conditions there to be able to say what it will be best to
   do, nor, I may add, do I think anyone is. But I believe that
   we shall have the wisdom not to attempt to incorporate those
   islands with our body politic, or make their inhabitants part
   of our citizenship, or set their labor alongside of ours and
   within our tariff to compete in any industry with American
   workmen. I believe that we shall have the courage not to
   depart from those islands fearfully, timidly, and unworthily
   and leave them to anarchy among themselves, to the brief and
   bloody domination of some self-constituted dictator, and to
   the quick conquest of other powers, who will have no such
   hesitation as we should feel in crushing them into subjection
   by harsh and repressive methods. It is for us to decide the
   destiny of the Philippines, not for Europe, and we can do it
   alone and without assistance. …

{638}

   "During the campaign of last autumn I said in many speeches to
   the people of my State that I could never assent to hand those
   islands back to Spain; that I wanted no subject races and no
   vassal States; but that we had by the fortunes of war assumed
   a great responsibility in the Philippines; that we ought to
   meet it, and that we ought to give to those people an
   opportunity for freedom, for peace, and for self-government;
   that we ought to protect them from the rapacity of other
   nations and seek to uplift those whom we had freed. From those
   views I have never swerved, and I believed then, as I believe
   now, that they met with the approbation of an overwhelming
   majority of the people of Massachusetts. …

   "Take now the other alternative. Suppose we reject the treaty
   or strike out the clause relating to the Philippines. That
   will hand the islands back to Spain; and I cannot conceive
   that any American should be willing to do that. Suppose we
   reject the treaty: what follows? Let us look at it
   practically. We continue the state of war, and every sensible
   man in the country, every business interest, desires the
   re-establishment of peace in law as well as in fact. At the
   same time we repudiate the President and his action before the
   whole world, and the repudiation of the President in such a
   matter as this is, to my mind, the humiliation of the United
   States in the eyes of civilized mankind and brands us a people
   incapable of great affairs or of taking rank where we belong,
   as one of the greatest of the great world powers.

   "The President cannot be sent back across the Atlantic in the
   person of his commissioners, hat in hand, to say to Spain,
   with bated breath, 'I am here in obedience to the mandate of a
   minority of one-third of the Senate to tell you that we have
   been too victorious, and that you have yielded us too much,
   and that I am very sorry that I took the Philippines from
   you.' I do not think that any American President would do
   that, or that any American would wish him to."

   Senator Harris, of Kansas, submitted the following on the 3d
   of February:

   "Resolved by the Senate of the United States of America, That
   the United States hereby disclaim any disposition or intention
   to exercise permanent sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control
   over the Philippine Islands, and assert their determination,
   when a stable and independent government shall have been
   erected therein entitled to recognition as such, to transfer
   to said government, upon terms which shall be reasonable and
   just, all rights secured under the cession by Spain, and to
   thereupon leave the government and control of the islands to
   their people."

   The following was offered on the 27th of January by Senator
   Sullivan, of Mississippi:

   "Resolved, That the ratification of the pending treaty of
   peace with Spain shall in no wise determine the policy to be
   pursued by the United States in regard to the Philippines, nor
   shall it commit this Government to a colonial policy; nor is
   it intended to embarrass the establishment of a stable,
   independent government by the people of those islands whenever
   conditions make such a proceeding hopeful of successful and
   desirable results."

   On the same day a joint resolution was proposed by Senator
   Lindsay, of Kentucky:

   "Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
   United States of America in Congress assembled, That the
   acquisition by the United States, through conquest, treaty, or
   otherwise, of territory, carries with it no constitutional
   obligation to admit said territory, or any portion thereof,
   into the Federal Union as a State or States.

   "Section 2.
   That it is against the policy, traditions, and interests of
   the American people to admit states erected out of other than
   North American territory into our union of American States.

   "Section 3.
   That the United States accept from Spain the cession of the
   Philippine Islands with the hope that the people of those
   islands will demonstrate their capacity to establish and
   maintain a stable government, capable of enforcing law and
   order at home and of discharging the international obligations
   resting on separate and independent States, and with no
   expectation of permanently holding those islands as colonies
   or provinces after they shall demonstrate their capacity for
   self-government, the United States to be the judge of such
   capacity."

   None of the resolutions given above obtained favorable
   consideration in the Senate. On the 6th of February the treaty
   was ratified, by one vote in excess of the two-thirds which
   the constitution requires. It received 57 votes against 27, or
   61 against 29 if account be taken of senators absent and
   paired. Of the supporters of the treaty, 42 were Republicans;
   of its opponents, 24 were Democrats. It was signed by
   President McKinley on the 10th of February, and by the Queen
   of Spain on the 17th of March.

   After the ratification of the treaty, the Senate, by 26 votes
   against 22, adopted the following resolution, offered by Mr.
   McEnery of Louisiana:

   "Resolved, That by the ratification of the treaty of peace
   with Spain it is not intended to incorporate the inhabitants
   of the Philippine islands into citizenship of the United
   States, nor is it intended to permanently annex said islands
   as an integral part of the territory of the United States. But
   it is the intention of the United States to establish on said
   islands a government suitable to the wants and conditions of
   the inhabitants of said islands, to prepare them for local
   self-government, and in due time to make such disposition of
   said islands as will best promote the interests of the
   citizens of the United States and the inhabitants of said
   islands."

      _Congressional Record,
      December 6, 1898—February 6, 1899._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (January-November).
   Attack on Americans at Manila by Aguinaldo's forces.
   Continued hostilities.
   Progress of American conquest.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (March).
   Appointment of the Isthmian Canal Commission.

      See (in this volume)
      CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1889-1899.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (May).
   Modification of Civil Service Rules by President McKinley.

      See (in this volume)
      CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1899.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
   Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (June-October).
   Arbitration and settlement of the Venezuela boundary question.

      See (in this volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

{639}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (July).
   Cabinet change.

   General Russel A. Alger resigned his place in the President's
   Cabinet as Secretary of War, in July, and was succeeded by the
   Honorable Elihu Root, of New York.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (July).
   Provisional government established in the island of Negros.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (MARCH-JULY).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (October).
   Report of conditions in Cuba by the Military Governor.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (October).
   Modus Vivendi fixing provisional boundary line between Alaska
   and Canada.

      See (in this volume)
      ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (November).
   Death of Vice-President Hobart.

   Honorable Garret A. Hobart, Vice-President of the United
   States, died November 21. Under the Act provided for this
   contingency, the Secretary of State then became the successor
   to the President, in the event of the death of the latter
   before the expiration of his term.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (November).
   Re-arrangement of affairs in the Samoan Islands.
   Acquisition of the eastern group, with Pago Pago harbor.

      See (in this volume)
      SAMOAN ISLANDS.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899-1900 (September-February).
   Arrangement with European Powers of the commercial policy
   of the "open-door" in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899-1900 (November-November).
   Continued military operations in the Philippines.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899-1900.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899-1901.
   Reciprocity arrangements under the Dingley Tariff Act,
   not ratified by the Senate.

   The Dingley Tariff Act, which became law on the 24th of July,
   1897, authorized the making of tariff concessions to other
   countries on terms of reciprocity, if negotiated within two
   years from the above date. At the expiration of two years,
   such conventions of reciprocity had been arranged with France
   and Portugal, and with Great Britain for her West Indian
   colonies of Jamaica, Barbadoes, Trinidad, Bermuda, and British
   Guiana. With France, a preliminary treaty signed in May, 1898,
   was superseded in July, 1899, by one of broader scope, which
   opens the French markets to an extensive list of American
   commodities at the minimum rates of the French tariff, and
   cuts the American tariff from 5 to 20 per cent. on many French
   products, not inclusive of sparkling wines. In the treaty with
   Portugal, the reduction of American duties on wines is more
   general. The reciprocal reduction on American products extends
   to many agricultural and mineral products. The reciprocal
   agreement with the British West Indies covers sugar, fruits,
   garden products, coffee and asphalt, on one side, and flour,
   meat, cotton goods, agricultural machinery, oils, etc., on the
   other.

   None of these treaties was acted upon by the United States
   Senate during the session of 1899-1900, and it became
   necessary to extend the time for their ratification, which was
   done. Some additional reciprocity agreements were then
   negotiated, of which the following statement was made by the
   President in his Message to Congress, December 3, 1900:

   "Since my last communication to the Congress on this subject
   special commercial agreements under the third section of the
   tariff act have been proclaimed with Portugal, with Italy and
   with Germany. Commercial conventions under the general
   limitations of the fourth section of the same act have been
   concluded with Nicaragua, with Ecuador, with the Dominican
   Republic, with Great Britain on behalf of the island of
   Trinidad and with Denmark on behalf of the island of St.
   Croix. These will be early communicated to the Senate.
   Negotiations with other governments are in progress for the
   improvement and security of our commercial relations."

   The question of the ratification of all these treaties was
   pending in the Senate when the term of the 56th Congress
   expired, March 4, 1901. Opposing interests in the United
   States seemed likely then to defeat their ratification. On the
   last day of the special session of the Senate, March 5-9, an
   agreement extending the time for the ratification of the
   French reciprocity treaty was received and referred to the
   committee on foreign relations. On the 15th of March,
   Secretary Hay and Lord Pauncefote signed protocols extending
   for one year the time of ratification for four of the British
   West Indian reciprocity treaties, namely, Jamaica, Bermuda,
   Guiana and Turks and Caicos islands.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
   Naval strength.

      See (in this volume)
      NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
   State of Indian schools.
   Recent Indian policy.
   Indian population.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1899-1900.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (January).
   Report of the First Philippine Commission.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (January-March).
   The outbreak of the "Boxers" in northern China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (February).
   Negotiation of the Hay-Pauncefote Convention relative
   to the Nicaragua Canal.

      See (in this volume)
      CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (March-December).
   Passage of the Financial Bill.
   Settlement of the question of the monetary standard.
   The working of the act.

   Legislation in the direction sought by the advocates of the
   gold standard and of a reformed monetary system for the
   country, whose agitations are referred to above, was attained
   in the spring of 1900, by the passage of an important
   "Financial Bill" which became law on the 14th of March.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896-1898

   The provisions and the effect of the Act were summarized at
   the time by the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Gage, in a
   published statement, as follows:

   "The financial bill has for its first object what its title
   indicates, the fixing of the standard of value and the
   maintaining at a parity with that standard of all forms of
   money issued or coined by the United States. It reaffirms that
   the unit of value is the dollar, consisting of 25.8 grains of
   gold, nine tenths fine, but from that point it goes on to make
   it the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to maintain all
   forms of money issued or coined at a parity with this
   standard. It puts into the hands of the Secretary ample power
   to do that.
{640}
   For that purpose, the bill provides in the Treasury bureaus of
   issue and redemption and transfers from the general fund of
   the Treasury's cash $150,000,000 in gold coin and bullion to
   redemption fund, that gold to be used for the redemption of
   United States notes and Treasury notes. That fund is
   henceforth absolutely cut out of and separated from the cash
   balance in the Treasury and the available cash balance will
   hereafter show a reduction of $150,000,000 from the figures
   that have heretofore prevailed. This $150,000,000 redemption
   fund is to be used for no other purpose than the redemption of
   United States notes and Treasury notes and those notes so
   redeemed may be exchanged for the gold in the general fund or
   with the public, so that the reserve fund is kept full with
   gold to the $150,000,000 limit. If redemptions go on so that
   the gold in this reserve fund is reduced below $100,000,000,
   and the Secretary is unable to build it up to the $150,000,000
   mark by exchange for gold in the general fund or otherwise, he
   is given power to sell bonds and it is made his duty to
   replenish the gold to the $150,000,000 mark by such means.

   "The 'endless chain' is broken by a provision which prohibits
   the use of notes so redeemed to meet deficiencies in the
   current revenues. The act provides for the ultimate retirement
   of all the Treasury notes issued in payment for silver bullion
   under the Sherman act. As fast as that bullion is coined into
   silver dollars Treasury notes are to be retired and replaced
   with an equal amount of silver certificates. The measure
   authorizes the issue of gold certificates in exchange for
   deposits of gold coin, the same as at present, but suspends
   that authority whenever and so long as the gold in the
   redemption fund is below $100,000,000 and gives to the
   Secretary the option to suspend the issue of such certificates
   whenever the silver certificates and United States notes in
   the general fund of the Treasury exceed $40,000,000. The bill
   provides for a larger issue of silver certificates, by
   declaring that hereafter silver certificates shall be issued
   only in denominations of $10 and under except as to 10 per
   cent. of the total volume. Room is made for this larger use of
   silver certificates in the way of small bills by another
   provision which makes it necessary as fast as the present
   silver certificates of high denominations are broken up into
   small bills to cancel a similar volume of United States notes
   of small denominations and replace them with notes of
   denominations of $10 and upward. Further room is made for the
   circulation of small silver certificates by a clause which
   permits national banks to have only one third of their capital
   in denomination under $10.

   "One clause of the bill which the public will greatly
   appreciate is the right it gives to the Secretary to coin any
   of the 1890 bullion into subsidiary silver coins up to a limit
   of $100,000,000. There has for years been a scarcity of
   subsidiary silver during periods of active retail trade, but
   this provision will give the Treasury ample opportunity to
   supply all the subsidiary silver that is needed. Another
   provision that the public will greatly appreciate is the
   authority given to the Secretary to recoin worn and uncurrent
   subsidiary silver now in the Treasury or hereafter received.

   "A distinct feature of the bill is in reference to refunding
   the 3 per cent. Spanish war loan, the 2 per cent. bonds
   maturing in 1907 and the 5 per cent. bonds maturing in 1904, a
   total of $839,000,000, into new 2 per cent. bonds. These new 2
   per cent. bonds will not be offered for sale, but will only be
   issued in exchange for an equal amount, face value, of old
   bonds. This exchange will save the Government, after deducting
   the premium paid, nearly $23,000,000, if all the holders of the
   old bonds exchange them for the new ones. National banks that
   take out circulation based on the new bonds are to be taxed
   only one half of 1 per cent. on the average amount of
   circulation outstanding, while those who have circulation
   based on a deposit of old bonds will be taxed, as at present,
   1 per cent. There are some other changes in the national
   banking act. The law permits national banks with $25,000
   capital to be organized in places of 3,000 inhabitants or
   less, whereas heretofore the minimum capital has been $50,000.
   It also permits banks to issue circulation on all classes of
   bonds deposited up to the par value of the bonds, instead of
   90 per cent. of their face, as heretofore. This ought to make
   an immediate increase in national bank circulation of
   something like $24,000,000, as the amount of bonds now
   deposited to secure circulation is about $242,000,000. If the
   price of the new 2s is not forced so high in the market that
   there is no profit left to national banks in taking out
   circulation, we may also look for a material increase in
   national bank circulation based on additional deposits of
   bonds. National banks are permitted under the law to issue
   circulation up to an amount equal to their capital. The total
   capital of all national banks is $616,000,000. The total
   circulation outstanding is $253,000,000. There is, therefore,
   a possibility of an increase in circulation of $363,000,000,
   although the price of the 2 per cent. bonds, as already
   foreshadowed by market quotations in advance of their issue,
   promises to be so high that the profit to the banks in taking
   out circulation will not be enough to make the increase
   anything like such a possible total."

   Upon the working of the Act, during the first nine months of
   its operation, Secretary Gage remarked as follows, in his
   annual report dated December 14, 1900:

   "The operation of the act of March 14 last with respect to
   these two important matters of our finances has well
   exemplified its wisdom. Confidence in the purpose and power of
   the Government to maintain the gold standard has been greatly
   strengthened. The result is that gold flows toward the
   Treasury instead of away from it. At the date of this report
   the free gold in the Treasury is larger in amount than at any
   former period in our history. Including the $150,000,000
   reserve, the gold in the Treasury belonging to the Government
   amounts to over $242,000,000, while the Treasury holds,
   besides, more than $230,000,000, against which certificates
   have been issued. That provision of the act which liberalized
   the conditions of bank-note issue was also wise and timely.
   Under it, … there has been an increase of some $77,000,000 in
   bank-note issues. To this fact may be chiefly attributed the
   freedom from stress for currency to handle the large harvests
   of cotton, wheat, and corn. In this respect the year has been
   an exception to the general rule of stringency which for
   several years has so plainly marked the autumn season.

{641}

   "Nevertheless, the measures referred to, prolific as they have
   been in good results, will yet need re-enforcement in some
   important particulars. Thus, as to the redemption fund
   provided for in said act, while the powers conferred upon the
   Secretary are probably ample to enable a zealous and watchful
   officer to protect fully the gold reserve, there appears to be
   lacking sufficient mandatory requirement to furnish complete
   confidence in the continued parity, under all conditions,
   between our two forms of metallic money, silver and gold. Upon
   this point further legislation may become desirable. As to the
   currency, while the liberalizing of conditions has, as previously
   noted, found response in a necessary increase of bank-note
   issues, there is under our present system no assurance
   whatever that the volume of bank currency will be continuously
   responsive to the country's needs, either by expanding as such
   needs require or by contracting when superfluous in amount.
   The truth is that safe and desirable as is our currency system
   in many respects, it is not properly related. The supply of
   currency is but remotely, if at all, influenced by the ever
   changing requirements of trade and industry. It is related
   most largely, if not entirely, to the price of Government
   bonds in the market."

      _Annual Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, 1900,
      pages 72-73._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (April).
   Speech of Senator Hoar in denial of the right of the
   government of the United States, under the Constitution, to
   hold the Philippine Islands as a subject state.

   On the 17th of April, the following joint resolution was under
   consideration in the Senate: "Be it resolved by the Senate and
   House of Representatives of the United States of America in
   Congress assembled, that the Philippine Islands are territory
   belonging to the United States; that it is the intention of
   the United States to retain them as such and to establish and
   maintain such governmental control throughout the archipelago
   as the situation may demand." Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts,
   spoke in opposition to the resolution, and some passages from
   his speech are quoted here, because they are notably
   representative of the ground and spirit of an opposition which
   existed within the party controlling the government to the war
   of subjugation in the Philippine Islands, to which the party
   and the government were finally committed by the adoption of
   this Congressional declaration. The attitude and argument of
   parties on the question are set forth below, in the platforms
   and manifestos of the presidential election. This speech
   exhibits a feeling on that question which was overridden in
   the winning party, and it has an importance both forensic and
   historical:

   "The American people, so far as I know, were all agreed that
   their victory [in the Spanish American war] brought with it
   the responsibility of protecting the liberated peoples from
   the cupidity of any other power until they could establish
   their own independence in freedom and in honor. I stand here
   to-day to plead with you not to abandon the principles that
   have brought these things to pass. I implore you to keep to
   the policy that has made the country great, that has made the
   Republican party great, that has made the President great. I
   have nothing new to say. But I ask you to keep in the old
   channels, and to keep off the old rocks laid down in the old
   charts, and to follow the old sailing orders that all the old
   captains of other days have obeyed, to take your bearings, as
   of old, from the north star,

      Of whose true fixed and resting quality
      There is no fellow in the firmament,

   and not from this meteoric light of empire.

   "Especially, if I could, would I persuade the great Republican
   party to come back again to its old faith, to its old
   religion, before it is too late. There is yet time. The
   President has said again and again that his is only an ad
   interim policy until Congress shall act. It is not yet too
   late. Congress has rejected, unwisely, as I think, some
   declarations for freedom. But the two Houses have not as yet
   committed themselves to despotism. The old, safe path, the
   path alike of justice and of freedom, is still easy. It is a
   path familiar, of old, to the Republican party. If we have
   diverged from it for the first time, everything in our
   history, everything in our own nature calls us back. The great
   preacher of the English church tells you how easy is the
   return of a great and noble nature from the first departure
   from rectitude:—

      'For so a taper, when its crown of flame is newly blown off,
      retains a nature so symbolical to light,
      that it will with greediness reenkindle and snatch a ray
      from the neighbor fire.'

   "I, for one, believed, and still believe that the pathway to
   prosperity and glory for the country was also the pathway to
   success and glory for the Republican party. I thought the two
   things inseparable. If, when we made the treaty of peace, we
   had adhered to the purpose we declared when we declared war;
   if we had dealt with the Philippine Islands as we promised to
   deal, have dealt, and expect to deal with Cuba, the country
   would have escaped the loss of 6,000 brave soldiers, other
   thousands of wrecked and shattered lives, the sickness of many
   more, the expenditure of hundreds of millions, and, what is
   far worse than all, the trampling under foot of its cherished
   ideals. There would have been to-day a noble republic in the
   East, sitting docile at our feet, receiving from us
   civilization, laws, manners, and giving in turn everything the
   gratitude of a free people could give-love, obedience, trade.
   The Philippine youth would throng our universities; our
   Constitution, our Declaration, the lives of Washington and
   Lincoln, the sayings of Jefferson and Franklin would have been
   the textbooks of their schools. How our orators and poets
   would have delighted to contrast America liberating and
   raising up the republic of Asia, with England subduing and
   trampling under foot the republic of Africa. Nothing at home
   could have withstood the great party and the great President
   who had done these things. We should have come from the next
   election with a solid North and have carried half the South.
   You would at least have been spared the spectacle of great
   Republican States rising in revolt against Republican
   policies. I do not expect to accomplish anything for liberty
   in the Philippine Islands but through the Republican party.
   Upon it the fate of these Islands for years to come is to
   depend. If that party can not be persuaded, the case is in my
   judgment for the present hopeless. …

{642}

   "The practical question which divided the American people last
   year, and which divides them to-day, is this: Whether in
   protecting the people of the Philippine Islands from the
   ambition and cupidity of other nations we are bound to protect
   them from our own. … In dealing with this question, Mr.
   President, I do not mean to enter upon any doubtful ground. I
   shall advance no proposition ever seriously disputed in this
   country till within twelve months. … If to think as I do in
   regard to the interpretation of the Constitution; in regard to
   the mandates of the moral law or the law of nations, to which
   all men and all nations must render obedience; in regard to
   the policies which are wisest for the conduct of the State, or
   in regard to those facts of recent history in the light of
   which we have acted or are to act hereafter, be treason, then
   Washington was a traitor; then Jefferson was a traitor; then
   Jackson was a traitor; then Franklin was a traitor; then
   Sumner was a traitor; then Lincoln was a traitor; then Webster
   was a traitor; then Clay was a traitor; then Corwin was a
   traitor; then Kent was a traitor; then Seward was a traitor;
   then McKinley, within two years, was a traitor; then the
   Supreme Court of the United States has been in the past a nest
   and hotbed of treason; then the people of the United States,
   for more than a century, have been traitors to their own flag
   and their own Constitution.

   "'We are presented with an issue that can be clearly and
   sharply stated as a question of constitutional power, a
   question of international law, a question of justice and
   righteousness, or a question of public expediency. This can be
   stated clearly and sharply in the abstract, and it can be put
   clearly and sharply by an illustration growing out of existing
   facts.

   "The constitutional question is: Has Congress the power, under
   our Constitution, to hold in subjection unwilling vassal
   States?

   "The question of international law is: Can any nation
   rightfully convey to another sovereignty over an unwilling
   people who have thrown off its dominion, asserted their
   independence, established a government of their own, over whom
   it has at the time no practical control, from whose territory
   it has been disseized, and which it is beyond its power to
   deliver?

   "The question of justice and righteousness is: Have we the
   right to crush and hold under our feet an unwilling and
   subject people whom we had treated as allies, whose
   independence we are bound in good faith to respect, who had
   established their own free government, and who had trusted us?

   "The question of public expediency is: Is it for our advantage
   to promote our trade at the cannon's mouth and at the point of
   the bayonet?

   "All these questions can be put in a way of practical
   illustration by inquiring whether we ought to do what we have
   done, are doing, and mean to do in the case of Cuba; or what
   we have done, are doing, and some of you mean to do in the
   case of the Philippine Islands.

   "It does not seem to me to be worth while to state again at
   length the constitutional argument which I have addressed to
   the Senate heretofore. It has been encountered with eloquence,
   with clearness and beauty of statement, and, I have no doubt,
   with absolute sincerity by Senators who have spoken upon the
   other side. But the issue between them and me can be summed up
   in a sentence or two, and if, so stated, it can not be made
   clear to any man's apprehension, I despair of making it clear
   by any elaboration or amplification. I admit that the United
   States may acquire and hold property, and may make rules and
   regulations for its disposition. I admit that, like other
   property, the United States may acquire and hold land. It may
   acquire it by purchase. It may acquire it by treaty. It may
   acquire it by conquest. And it may make rules and regulations
   for its disposition and government, however it be acquired.
   When there are inhabitants upon the land so acquired it may
   make laws for their government. But the question between me
   and the gentlemen on the other side is this: Is this
   acquisition of territory, of land or other property, whether
   gained by purchase, conquest, or treaty, a constitutional end
   or only a means to a constitutional end? May you acquire,
   hold, and govern territory or other property as an end for
   which our Constitution was framed, or is it only a means
   toward some other and further end? May you acquire, hold, and
   govern property by conquest, treaty, or purchase for the sole
   object of so holding and governing it, without the
   consideration of any further constitutional purpose? Or must
   you hold it for a constitutional purpose only, such as the
   making of new States, the national defense and security, the
   establishment of a seat of government, or the construction of
   forts, harbors, and like works, which, of course, are
   themselves for the national defense and security?

   "I hold that this acquisition, holding and governing, can be
   only a means for a constitutional end—the creation of new
   States or some other of the constitutional purposes to which I
   have adverted. And I maintain that you can no more hold and
   govern territory than you can hold and manage cannon or fleets
   for any other than a constitutional end; and I maintain that
   the holding in subjection an alien people, governing them
   against their will for any fancied advantage to them, is not
   only not an end provided for by the Constitution, but is an
   end prohibited therein. … It is an end which the generation
   which framed the Constitution and the Declaration of
   Independence declared was unrighteous and abhorrent. So, in my
   opinion, we have no constitutional power to acquire territory
   for the purpose of holding it in subjugation, in a state of
   vassalage or serfdom, against the will of its people.

   "It is to be noted just here that we have acquired no
   territory or other property in the Philippine Islands, save at
   few public buildings. By every other acquisition of territory
   the United States became a great land owner. She owned the
   public lands as she had owned the public lands in the
   Northwest ceded to her by the old States. But you own nothing
   in the Philippines. The people own their farms and dwellings
   and cities. The religious orders own the rest. The Filipinos
   desire to do what our English ancestors did in the old days
   when England was Catholic. The laity feared that the Church
   would engross all the land. So they passed their statute of
   mortmain. You have either got to let the people of the
   Philippine Islands settle this matter for themselves, or you
   must take upon you the delicate duty of settling it for them.
{643}
   Your purchase or conquest is a purchase or conquest of nothing
   but sovereignty. It is a sovereignty over a people who are
   never to be admitted to exercise it or to share it. In the
   present case we have not, I repeat, bought any property. We
   have undertaken to buy mere sovereignty. There were no public
   lands in the Philippine Islands, the property of Spain, which
   we have bought and paid for. The mountains of iron and the
   nuggets of gold and the hemp-bearing fields—do you purpose to
   strip the owners of their rightful title? We have undertaken
   to buy allegiance, pure and simple. And allegiance is just
   what the law of nations declares you can not buy. …

   "I have been unable to find a single reputable authority more
   than twelve months old for the power now claimed for Congress
   to govern dependent nations or territories not expected to
   become States. The contrary, until this war broke out, has
   been taken as too clear for reasonable question. I content
   myself with a few authorities. Among them are Daniel Webster,
   William H. Seward, the Supreme Court of the United States,
   James Madison.

   "Daniel Webster said in the Senate, March 23, 1848: 'Arbitrary
   governments may have territories and distant possessions,
   because arbitrary governments may rule them by different laws
   and different systems. We can do no such thing. They must be
   of us, part of us, or else strangers. I think I see a course
   adopted which is likely to turn the Constitution of the land
   into a deformed monster, into a curse rather than a blessing;
   in fact, a frame of an unequal government, not founded on
   popular representation, not founded on equality, but on the
   grossest inequality; and I think that this process will go on,
   or that there is danger that it will go on, until this Union
   shall fall to pieces. I resist it to-day and always! Whoever
   falters or whoever flies, I continue the contest!'

   "James Madison said in the Federalist: 'The object of the
   Federal Constitution is to secure the union of the thirteen
   primitive States, which we know to be practicable; and to add
   to them such other States as may arise in their own bosoms, or
   in their neighborhood, which we can not doubt will be
   practicable.'

      _James Madison,
      Federalist, Number 14._

   "William H. Seward said: 'It is a remarkable feature of the
   Constitution of the United States that its framers never
   contemplated colonies, or provinces, or territories at all. On
   the other hand, they contemplated States only, nothing less
   than States, perfect States, equal States, as they are called
   here, sovereign States. … There is reason—there is sound
   political wisdom in this provision of the Constitution
   excluding colonies, which are always subject to oppression,
   and excluding provinces, which always tend to corrupt and
   ultimately to break down the parent State.'

      _Seward's Works
      Volume 1, page 122._

   'By the Constitution of the United States, there are no
   subjects, Every citizen of any one State is a free and equal
   citizen of the United States. Again, by the Constitution of
   the United States there are no permanent provinces or
   dependencies.'

      _Seward's Works
      Volume 4, page 167._

   "The Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of
   Fleming vs. Page, said: 'The genius and character of our
   institutions are peaceful; and the power to declare war was
   not conferred upon Congress for the purposes of aggression or
   aggrandizement, but to enable the Government to vindicate by
   arms, if it should become necessary, its own rights and the
   rights of its citizens. A war, therefore, declared by
   Congress, can never be presumed to be waged for the purpose of
   conquest or the acquisition of territory; nor does the law
   declaring the war imply an authority to the President to
   enlarge the limits of the United States by subjugating the
   enemy's country.'

   "Our territories, so far, have all been places where Americans
   would go to dwell as citizens, to establish American homes, to
   obtain honorable employment, and to build a State. Will any
   man go to the Philippine Islands to dwell, except to help
   govern the people, or to make money by a temporary residence?
   …

   "When hostilities broke out, February 5, 1899, we had no
   occupancy of and no title of any kind to any portion of the
   Philippine territory, except the town and bay of Manila.
   Everything else was in the peaceful possession of the
   inhabitants. In such a condition of things, Mr. President,
   international law speaks to us with its awful mandate. It
   pronounces your proposed action sheer usurpation and robbery.
   You have no better title, according to the law of nations, to
   reduce this people to subjection than you have to subjugate
   Mexico or Haiti or Belgium or Switzerland. This is the settled
   doctrine, as declared by our own great masters of
   jurisprudence. You have no right, according to tho law of
   nations, to obtain by purchase or acquisition sovereignty over
   a people which is not actually exercised by the country which
   undertakes to convey it or yield it. We have not yet completed
   the acquisition. But at the time we entered upon it, and at
   the time of this alleged purchase, the people of the
   Philippine Islands, as appears by General Otis's report, by
   Admiral Dewey's report, and the reports of officers for whom
   they vouched, held their entire territory, with the exception
   of the single town of Manila. They had, as appears from these
   reports, a full organized government. They had an army
   fighting for independence, admirably disciplined, according to
   the statement of zealous advocates of expansion.

   "Why, Mr. President, is it credible that any American
   statesman, that any American Senator, that any intelligent
   American citizen anywhere, two years ago could have been found
   to affirm that a proceeding like that of the Paris treaty
   could give a just and valid title to sovereignty over a people
   situated as were the people of those islands? A title of
   Spain, originally by conquest, never submitted to nor admitted
   by the people of the islands, with frequent insurrections at
   different times for centuries, and then the yoke all thrown
   off, a constitutional government, schools, colleges, churches,
   universities, hospitals, town governments, a legislature, a
   cabinet, courts, a code of laws, and the whole island occupied
   and controlled by its people, with the single exception of one
   city; with taxes lawfully levied and collected, with an army
   and the beginning of a navy.

{644}

   "And yet the Senate, the Congress enacted less than two years
   ago that the people of Cuba—controlling peaceably no part of
   their island, levying no taxes in any orderly or peaceable
   way, with no administration of justice, no cabinet—not only of
   right ought to be, but were, in fact, a free and independent
   State. I did not give my assent to that declaration of fact. I
   assented to the doctrine that they of right ought to be. But I
   thought the statement of fact much calculated to embarrass the
   Government of the United States, if it were bound by that
   declaration; and it has been practically disregarded by the
   Administration ever since. But the question now is a very
   different one. You not only deny that the Filipinos are, but
   you deny that they of right ought to be free and independent;
   and you recognize Spain as entitled to sell to you the
   sovereignty of an island where she was not at the time
   occupying a foot of territory, where her soldiers were held
   captives by the government of the island, a government to
   which you had delivered over a large number of Spanish
   prisoners to be held as captives. And yet you come here to-day
   and say that they not only are not, but they of right ought
   not to be free and independent; and when you are pressed you
   answer us by talking about mountains of iron and nuggets of
   gold, and trade with China.

   "I affirm that you can not get by conquest, and you can not
   get by purchase, according to the modern law of nations,
   according to the law of nations as accepted and expounded by
   the United States, sovereignty over a people, or title to a
   territory, of which the power that undertakes to sell it or
   the power from whom you undertake to wrest it has not the
   actual possession and dominion. … You cannot buy a war. More
   than this, you cannot buy a tyrant's claim to subject again an
   oppressed people who have achieved their freedom. …

   "Gentlemen tell us that the bill of the Senator from Wisconsin
   is copied from that introduced in Jefferson's time for the
   purchase of Louisiana. Do you claim that you propose to deal
   with these people as Jefferson meant to deal with Louisiana?
   You talk of Alaska, of Florida, of California; do you mean to
   deal with the Philippines as we mean to deal with Alaska and
   dealt with Florida or California?

   "I have spoken of the Declaration of Independence as a solemn
   affirmation of public law, but it is far more than that. It is
   a solemn pledge of national faith and honor. It is a baptismal
   vow. It is the bedrock of our republican institutions. It is,
   as the Supreme Court declared, the soul and spirit of which
   the Constitution is but the body and letter. It is the light
   by which the Constitution must be read. … There is expansion
   enough in it, but it is the expansion of freedom and not of
   despotism; of life, not of death. Never was such growth in all
   human history as that from the seed Thomas Jefferson planted.
   The parable of the mustard seed, than which, as Edward Everett
   said, 'the burning pen of inspiration, ranging heaven and
   earth for a similitude, can find nothing more appropriate or
   expressive to which to liken the Kingdom of God,' is repeated
   again. 'Whereunto shall we liken it, or with what comparison
   shall we compare it? It is like a grain of mustard seed,
   which, when it is sown in the earth, is less than all the
   seeds that be in the earth. But when it is sown, it groweth
   up, and becometh greater than all herbs, and shooteth out
   great branches, so that the fowls of the air may lodge under
   the shadow of it.' This is the expansion of Thomas Jefferson.
   It has covered the continent. It is on both the seas. It has
   saved South America. It is revolutionizing Europe. It is the
   expansion of freedom. It differs from your tinsel, pinchbeck,
   pewter expansion as the growth of a healthy youth into a
   strong man differs from the expansion of an anaconda when he
   swallows his victim. Ours is the expansion of Thomas
   Jefferson. Yours is the expansion of Aaron Burr. It is
   destined to as short a life and to a like fate. …

   "There are 1,200 islands in the Philippine group. They extend
   as far as from Maine to Florida. They have a population
   variously estimated at from 8,000,000 to 12,000,000. There are
   wild tribes who never heard of Christ, and islands that never
   heard of Spain. But among them are the people of the island of
   Luzon, numbering 3,500,000, and the people of the Visayan
   Islands, numbering 2,500,000 more. They are a Christian and
   civilized people. They wrested their independence from Spain
   and established a republic. Their rights are no more to be
   affected by the few wild tribes in their own mountains or by
   the dwellers in the other islands than the rights of our old
   thirteen States were affected by the French in Canada, or the
   Six Nations of New York, or the Cherokees of Georgia, or the
   Indians west of the Mississippi. Twice our commanding
   generals, by their own confession, assured these people of
   their independence. Clearly and beyond all cavil we formed an
   alliance with them. We expressly asked them to co-operate with
   us. We handed over our prisoners to their keeping; we sought
   their help in caring for our sick and wounded. We were told by
   them again and again and again that they were fighting for
   independence. Their purpose was as well known to our generals,
   to the War Department, and to the President, as the fact that
   they were in arms. We never undeceived them until the time
   when hostilities were declared in 1899. The President declared
   again and again that we had no title and claimed no right to
   anything beyond the town of Manila. Hostilities were begun by
   us at a place where we had no right to be, and were continued
   by us in spite of Aguinaldo's disavowal and regret and offer
   to withdraw to a line we should prescribe. If we crush that
   republic, despoil that people of their freedom and
   independence, and subject them to our rule, it will be a story
   of shame and dishonor. …

   "But we are told if we oppose the policy of our imperialistic
   and expanding friends we are bound to suggest some policy of
   our own as a substitute for theirs. We are asked what we would
   do in this difficult emergency. It is a question not difficult
   to answer. I for one am ready to answer it.

   "1. I would declare now that we will not take these islands to
   govern them against their will.

   "2. I would reject a cession of sovereignty which implies that
   sovereignty may be bought and sold and delivered without the
   consent of the people. Spain had no rightful sovereignty over
   the Philippine Islands. She could not rightfully sell it to
   us. We could not rightfully buy it from her.

   "3. I would require all foreign governments to keep out of
   these islands.

   "4. I would offer to the people of the Philippines our help in
   maintaining order until they have a reasonable opportunity to
   establish a government of their own.

{645}

   "5. I would aid them by advice, if they desire it, to set up a
   free and independent government.

   "6. I would invite all the great powers of Europe to unite in
   an agreement that that independence shall not be interfered
   with by us, by themselves, or by any one of them with the
   consent of the others. As to this I am not so sure. I should
   like quite as well to tell them it is not to be done whether
   they consent or not.

   "7. I would declare that the United States will enforce the
   same doctrine as applicable to the Philippines that we
   declared as to Mexico and Haiti and the South American
   Republics. It is true that the Monroe Doctrine, a doctrine
   based largely on our regard for our own interests, is not
   applicable either in terms or in principle to a distant
   Asiatic territory. But, undoubtedly, having driven out Spain,
   we are bound, and have the right, to secure to the people we
   have liberated an opportunity, undisturbed and in peace, to
   establish a new government for themselves.

   "8. I would then, in a not distant future, leave them to work
   out their own salvation, as every nation on earth, from the
   beginning of time, has wrought out its own salvation. Let them
   work out their own salvation, as our own ancestors slowly and
   in long centuries wrought out theirs; as Germany, as
   Switzerland, as France, in briefer periods, wrought out
   theirs; as Mexico and the South American Republics have
   accomplished theirs, all of them within a century, some of
   them within the life of a generation. To attempt to confer the
   gift of freedom from without, or to impose freedom from
   without, on any people, is to disregard all the lessons of
   history. It is to attempt

      'A gift of that which is not to be given
      By all the blended powers of earth and heaven.'

   "9. I would strike out of your legislation the oath of
   allegiance to us and substitute an oath of allegiance to their
   own country."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (April).
   Act temporarily to provide revenues and a civil
   government for Porto Rico.

      See (in this volume)
      PORTO RICO: A. D. 1899-1900; and 1900 (APRIL).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (April).
   Appointment of Second Commission to the Philippines.
   The President's instructions.
   Steps toward the establishment of civil government and
   the principles to be observed.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (APRIL).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (May-October).
   The Twelfth Census of the Republic.

   The Twelfth Census of the United States was taken between May
   1 and November 1, 1900, with general results reported on the
   latter date by the Director, William R. Merriam, as
   follows:—The following statement … gives the population of the
   United States in detail for each State and organized Territory
   and for Alaska and Hawaii as finally revised. The figures
   purporting to give the number of "persons in the service of
   the United States stationed abroad" include an estimated
   population of 14,400 for certain military organizations and
   naval vessels stationed abroad, principally in the
   Philippines, for which the returns have not yet been received.
   The total population of the United States in 1900, as shown by
   the accompanying statement, is 76,304,799, of which 74,610,523
   persons are contained in the 45 States, representing the
   population to be used for apportionment purposes. This
   statement also shows a total of 134,158 Indians not taxed, of
   which 44,617 are found in certain of the States and which are
   to be deducted from the population of such States for the
   purpose of determining the apportionment of Representatives.
   The total population in 1890, with which the aggregate
   population at the present census should be compared, is
   63,069,756, comprising 62,622,250 persons enumerated in the
   States and organized Territories at that census, 32,052
   persons in Alaska, 180,182 Indians and other persons in the
   Indian Territory, 145,282 Indians and other persons on Indian
   reservations, etc., and 89,990 persons in Hawaii, this
   last-named figure being derived from the census of the
   Hawaiian Islands taken as of December 28, 1890. Taking this
   population for 1890 as a basis, there has been a gain in
   population of 13,235,043 during the ten years from 1890 to
   1900, representing an increase of very nearly 21 per cent. No
   provision was made by the census act for the enumeration of
   the inhabitants of Porto Rico, but a census for that island,
   taken as of October 16, 1899, under the direction of the War
   Department, showed a population of 953,243.

   STATES AND                                    Indians not
   TERRITORIES            1900         1890      taxed 1900

   The United States.  76,304,799   63,009,756     134,158

   STATES.

   Alabama              1,828,697    1,513,017
   Arkansas             1,311,564    1,128,179
   California           1,485,053    1,208,130        1549
   Colorado               539,700      412,198         597
   Connecticut            908,355      746,258
   Delaware               184,735      168,493
   Florida                528,542      391,422
   Georgia              2,216,331    1,837,353
   Idaho                  161,772       84,385       2,297
   Illinois             4,821,550    3,826,351
   Indiana              2,516,462    2,192,404
   Iowa                 2,231,853    1,911,896
   Kansas               1,470,495    1,427,096
   Kentucky             2,147,174    1,858,635
   Louisiana            l,381,625    1,118,587
   Maine                  694,466      661,086
   Maryland             1,190,050    1,042,390
   Massachusetts        2,805,346    2,238,943
   Michigan             2,420,982    2,093,889
   Minnesota            1,751,394    1,301,826       1,768
   Mississippi          1,551,270    1,289,600
   Missouri             3,106,665    2,679,184
   Montana                243,329      132,159      10,746
   Nebraska             1,068,539    1,058,910
   Nevada                  42,335       45,761       1,665
   New Hampshire          411,588      376,530
   New Jersey           1,883,669    1,444,933
   New York             7,268,012    5,991,353       4,711
   North Carolina       1,893,810    1,617,947
   North Dakota           319,146      182,719       4,692
   Ohio                 4,157,145    3,672,316
   Oregon                 413,536      313,767
   Pennsylvania         6,302,115    5,258,014
   Rhode Island           428,556      345,506
   South Carolina       1,340,316    1,151,149
   South Dakota           401,570      328,808      10,932
   Tennessee            2,020,616    1,767,518
   Texas                3,048,710    2,235,523
   Utah                   276,749      207,905       1,472
   Vermont                343,641      332,422
   Virginia             1,854,184    1,655,980
   Washington             518,103      349,390       2,531
   West Virginia          958,800      762,704
   Wisconsin            2,069,042    1,686,880       1,657
   Wyoming                 92,531       60,705

   Total for
   45 States           74,610,523   62,116,811      44,617

{646}

   STATES AND TERRITORIES     1900        1890     Indians
                                                not taxed 1900
   TERRITORIES

   Alaska                     63,441     32,052
   Arizona                   122,931     59,620    24,644
   District of Columbia      278,718    230,392
   Hawaii                    154,001     89,900
   Indian Territory          391,960    180,182    56,033
   New Mexico                195,310    153,593     2,937
   Oklahoma                  398,245     61,834     5,921

   Total                   1,604,606    807,663    89,541


   Persons in the service
   of the United States
   stationed abroad           89,670

   Indians, etc.,on
   Indian reservations,
   except Indian Territory              145,282


      _Report of the Director of the Census,
      November 1, 1900._


   "By the twelfth census the center of population
   in 1900 was in the following position:
   Latitude 39° 9' 36"; longitude 85° 48' 54".

   In ten years the center of population has moved westward 16'
   1", or about fourteen miles, and southward 2' 20", or about
   two and one half miles. It rests now in Southern Indiana, at a
   point about six miles southeast of Columbus, the county seat
   of Bartholomew county, Indiana. The center of population is
   the center of gravity of the country, each individual being
   assumed to have the same weight. … The center of area of the
   United States, excluding Alaska and Hawaii and other recent
   accessions, is in northern Kansas, in approximate latitude 39°
   55', and approximate longitude 98° 50'. The center of
   population is therefore about three-fourths of a degree south
   and more than 13 degrees east of the center of area."

      _United States, Twelfth Census,
      Bulletin Number 62._


UNITED STATES: A. D. 1900 (May-November).
   The Presidential election.
   Party platforms and nominations.

   The issues on which the presidential election of 1900 would
   naturally and logically have turned were those growing out of
   the Spanish-American War, relative to principles and policy in
   dealing with the colonial possessions that were taken from
   Spain. But circumstances forced those most important political
   questions into the background of consideration, so far as
   concerned the opinion of a large part of the American people.
   The monetary question, which might have been supposed to be
   settled by the election of 1896 and by the Congressional
   legislation of March, 1900, was brought forward again with a
   persistency that caused uneasy feeling in the commercial and
   industrial world. The party which had fought the battle for a
   silver monetary standard in 1896, and been beaten, seemed
   willing to abandon that "lost cause," but the candidate to
   whose fortunes the party had become committed would not
   consent. His will prevailed, and the old issue came into the
   canvass again, with such confusing effects that the real
   meaning of the votes that were cast, as an expression of the
   judgment and will of the American people, can by no
   possibility be known. Men dreaded a disturbance of the
   conditions under which the business of the country was active
   and prosperous. How far their wish to preserve those
   conditions coincided, as a motive in voting, with their
   judgment on other issues, and how far it overcame dispositions
   that urged them contrariwise, are puzzling questions which the
   election of 1900 has left behind.

UNITED STATES:
   United Christian Party Platform and Nominations.

   The first candidates to be set in the field of the
   presidential campaign were put forward by a convention held at
   Rock Island, Illinois, May 1, representing a small combination of
   voters styled the United Christian Party. It named, in the
   first instance, the Reverend S. C. Swallow, of Pennsylvania,
   for President, and John G. Woolley, of Illinois, for Vice
   President, both of whom declined the nomination. Jonah F. R.
   Leonard, of Iowa, and David H. Martin, of Pennsylvania, were
   subsequently made the candidates of the party, and received a
   few hundred votes at the ensuing election, mostly, it would
   seem, in Illinois. The "Declarations" of the United Christian
   Party were as follows:

   "We, the United Christian party, in National Convention
   assembled in the city of Rock Island, Illinois, May 1 and 2,
   1900, acknowledging Almighty God as the source of all power
   and authority, the Lord Jesus Christ as the sovereign ruler of
   nations, and the Bible as the standard by which to decide moral
   issues in our political life, do make the following
   declaration:

   "We believe the time to have arrived when the eternal
   principles of justice, mercy, and love, as exemplified in the
   life and teachings of Jesus Christ should be embodied in the
   Constitution of our nation, and applied in concrete form to
   every function of our Government.

   "We maintain that this statement is in harmony with the
   fundamental principles of our National common law; our
   Christian usages and customs; the declaration of the Supreme
   Court of the United States that 'This is a Christian nation,'
   and the accepted principle in judicial decisions that no law
   should contravene the Divine law.

   "We deprecate certain immoral laws which have grown out of the
   failure of our nation to recognize these principles, notably
   such as require the desecration of the Christian Sabbath,
   authorize unscriptural marriage and divorce, and license the
   manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors as a beverage.

   "The execution of these immoral laws above mentioned we hold
   to be neither loyalty to our country nor honoring to God;
   therefore it shall be our purpose to administer the
   Government, so far as it shall be intrusted to us by the
   suffrages of the people, in accordance with the principles
   herein set forth, and, until amended, our oath of office shall
   be to the Constitution and laws as herein explained, and to no
   other, and we will look to Him who has all power in Heaven and
   in earth to vindicate our purpose in seeking His glory and the
   welfare of our beloved land.

   "As an expression of consent or allegiance on the part of the
   governed, in harmony with the above statements, we declare for
   the adoption and use of the system of legislation known as the
   'initiative and referendum,' together with 'proportionate
   representation' and the 'imperative mandate.'

   "We hold that an men and women are created free and with equal
   rights, and declare for the establishment of such political,
   industrial, and social conditions as shall guarantee to every
   person civic equality, the full fruits of his or her honest
   toil, and opportunity for the righteous enjoyment of the same;
   and we especially condemn mob violence and outrages against
   any individual or class of individuals in our country.

{647}

   "We declare against war, and for the arbitration of all
   National and international disputes.

   "We hold that the legalized liquor traffic is the crowning
   infamy of civilization, and we declare for the immediate
   abolition of the manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors
   as a beverage.

   "We are gratified to note the widespread agitation of the
   cigarette question, and declare ourselves in favor of the
   enactment of laws prohibiting the sale of cigarettes or
   tobacco in any form to minors.

   "We declare for the daily reading of the Bible in the public
   schools and institutions of learning under control of the
   State.

   "We declare for the Government ownership of public utilities.

   "We declare for the election of the President and
   Vice-President and United States Senators by the direct vote
   of the people.

   "We declare for such amendment of the United States
   Constitution as shall be necessary to give the principles
   herein set forth an undeniable legal basis in the fundamental
   law of our land.

   "We invite into the United Christian party every honest man
   and woman who believes in Christ and His golden rule and
   standard of righteousness. We say especially to the sons of
   toil: Jesus, the carpenter's son, is your true friend. In His
   name and through the practice of His principles you may obtain
   your rights long withheld and long outraged. You have the
   votes necessary to enthrone Him. His love and principles,
   politically applied, will lift you up and give you true civic
   liberty forever."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
   People's or Populist Party Platforms and Nominations.

   The second of the political parties to appear in the field of
   the national contest was the People's, known more commonly as
   the Populist Party, the division in which, shown in 1896, had
   become separation, complete. The two wings of the party held
   distinct conventions, in different places, but on the same
   day, May 10. Those known as the Middle-of-the-Road Populists
   assembled at Cincinnati and named Wharton Barker, of
   Pennsylvania, for President, with Ignatius Donnelly, of
   Minnesota for Vice President. The convention representing
   those who wished to act in co-operation with the Democratic
   Party, and known as the Fusion wing, met at Sioux Falls, South
   Dakota, and anticipated the action of the Democracy by
   nominating William J. Bryan for President, with Charles A.
   Towne, of Minnesota, for Vice President.

      See, also, (in this volume)
      FARMERS' ALLIANCE.

   The platform declarations of the two wings were substantially
   the same on main questions; but those of the Fusionists
   covered several subjects which the Cincinnati convention
   passed by. They were as follows:

   "The People's party of the United States, in convention
   assembled, congratulating its supporters on the wide extension
   of its principles in all directions, does hereby reaffirm its
   adherence to the fundamental principles proclaimed in its two
   prior platforms and calls upon all who desire to avert the
   subversion of free institutions by corporate and imperialistic
   power to unite with it in bringing the Government back to the
   ideals of Washington, Jefferson, Jackson, and Lincoln. It
   extends to its allies in the struggle for financial and
   economic freedom, assurances of its loyalty to the principles
   which animate the allied forces and the promise of honest and
   hearty cooperation in every effort for their success. To the
   people of the United States we offer the following platform as
   the expression of our unalterable convictions:

   "Resolved, That we denounce the act of March 14, 1900, as the
   culmination of a long series of conspiracies to deprive the
   people of their constitutional rights over the money of the
   nation and relegate to a gigantic money trust the control of
   the purse and hence of the people. We denounce this act,

   First, for making all money obligations, domestic and foreign,
   payable in gold coin or its equivalent, thus enormously
   increasing the burdens of the debtors and enriching the
   creditors.

   Second—For refunding 'coin bonds' not to mature for years into
   long-time gold bonds so as to make their payment improbable
   and our debt perpetual.

   Third—For taking from the Treasury over $50,000,000 in a time
   of war and presenting it, as a premium, to bondholders to
   accomplish the refunding of bonds not due.

   Fourth—For doubling the capital of bankers by returning to
   them the face value of their bonds in current money notes so
   that they may draw one interest from the Government and
   another from the people.

   Fifth—For allowing banks to expand and contract their
   circulation at pleasure, thus controlling prices of all
   products.

   Sixth—For authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to issue
   new gold bonds to an unlimited amount whenever he deems it
   necessary to replenish the gold hoard, thus enabling usurers
   to secure more bonds and more bank currency by drawing gold
   from the Treasury, thereby creating an 'endless chain' for
   perpetually adding to a perpetual debt.

   Seventh—For striking down the green back in order to force the
   people to borrow $346,000,000 more from the banks at an annual
   cost of over $20,000,000. While barring out the money of the
   Constitution this law opens the printing mints of the Treasury
   to the free coinage of bank paper money, to enrich the few and
   impoverish the many.

   "We pledge anew the People's party never to cease the
   agitation until this great financial conspiracy is blotted
   from the statute books, the Lincoln greenback restored, the
   bonds all paid, and all corporation money forever retired. We
   affirm the demand for the reopening of the mints of the United
   States for the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold
   at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, the immediate increase
   in the volume of silver coins and certificates thus created to
   be substituted, dollar for dollar, for the banknotes issued by
   private corporations under special privilege granted by law of
   March 14, 1900, and prior National banking laws, the remaining
   portion of the banknotes to be replaced with full legal-tender
   Government paper money, and its volume so controlled as to
   maintain at all times a stable money market and a stable price
   level.

   "We demand a graduated income and inheritance tax, to the end
   that aggregated wealth shall bear its just proportion of
   taxation.

   "We demand that postal savings banks be established by the
   Government for the safe deposit of the savings of the people
   and to facilitate exchange.

{648}

   "With Thomas Jefferson we declare the land, including all
   natural sources of wealth, the inalienable heritage of the
   people. Government should so act as to secure homes for the
   people and prevent land monopoly. The original homestead
   policy should be enforced, and future settlers upon the public
   domain should be entitled to a free homestead, while all who
   have paid an acreage price to the Government under existing
   laws should have their homestead rights restored.

   "Transportation being a means of exchange and a public
   necessity, the Government should own and operate the railroads
   in the interests of the people and on a non-partisan basis, to
   the end that all may be accorded the same treatment in
   transportation, and that the extortion, tyranny, and political
   power now exercised by the great railroad corporations, which
   result in the impairment, if not the destruction, of the
   political rights and personal liberties of the citizen, may be
   destroyed. Such ownership is to be accomplished in a manner
   consistent with sound public policy.

   "Trusts, the overshadowing evil of the age, are the result and
   culmination of the private ownership and control of the three
   great instruments of commerce—money, transportation, and the
   means of transmission of information—which instruments of
   commerce are public functions, and which our forefathers
   declared in the Constitution should be controlled by the
   people through their Congress for the public welfare. The one
   remedy for the trusts is that the ownership and control be
   assumed and exercised by the people. We further demand that
   all tariffs on goods controlled by a trust shall be abolished.
   To cope with the trust evil, the people must act directly
   without the intervention of representatives who may be
   controlled or influenced. We therefore demand direct
   legislation, giving the people the lawmaking and veto power
   under the initiative and referendum. A majority of the people
   can never be corruptly influenced.

   "Applauding the valor of our army and navy in the Spanish War,
   we denounce the conduct of the Administration in changing a
   war for humanity into a war of conquest. The action of the
   Administration in the Philippines is in conflict with all the
   precedents of our National life; at war with the Declaration
   of Independence, the Constitution, and the plain precepts of
   humanity. Murder and arson have been our response to the
   appeals of the people who asked only to establish a free
   government in their own land. We demand a stoppage of this war
   of extermination by the assurance to the Philippines of
   independence and protection under a stable government of their
   own creation.

   "The Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the
   American flag are one and inseparable. The island of Porto
   Rico is a part of the territory of the United States, and by
   levying special and extraordinary customs duties on the
   commerce of that island the Administration has violated the
   Constitution, abandoned the fundamental principles of American
   liberty, and has striven to give the lie to the contention of
   our forefathers that there should be no taxation without
   representation.

   "Out of the imperialism which would force an undesired
   domination on the people of the Philippines springs the
   un-American cry for a large standing army. Nothing in the
   character or purposes of our people justifies us in ignoring
   the plain lesson of history and putting our liberties in
   jeopardy by assuming the burden of militarism, which is
   crushing the people of the Old World. We denounce the
   Administration for its sinister efforts to substitute a
   standing army for the citizen soldiery, which is the best
   safeguard of the Republic.

   "We extend to the brave Boers of South Africa our sympathy and
   moral support in their patriotic struggle for the right of
   self-government, and we are unalterably opposed to any
   alliance, open or covert, between the United States and any
   other nation that will tend to the destruction of liberty.

   "And a further manifestation of imperialism is to be found in
   the mining districts of Idaho. In the Cœur d'Alene soldiers
   have been used to overawe miners striving for a greater
   measure of industrial independence. And we denounce the State
   Government of Idaho and the Federal Government for employing
   the military arm of the Government to abridge the civil rights
   of the people, and to enforce an infamous permit system which
   denies to laborers their inherent liberty and compels them to
   forswear their manhood and their right before being permitted
   to seek employment.

   "The importation of Japanese and other laborers under contract
   to serve monopolistic corporations is a notorious and flagrant
   violation of the immigration laws. We demand that the Federal
   Government shall take cognizance of this menacing evil and
   repress it under existing laws. We further pledge ourselves to
   strive for the enactment of more stringent laws for the
   exclusion of Mongolian and Malayan immigration.

   "We indorse municipal ownership of public utilities, and
   declare that the advantages which have accrued to the public
   under that system would be multiplied a hundredfold by its
   extension to natural interstate monopolies.

   "We denounce the practice of issuing injunctions in the cases
   of dispute between employers and employés, making criminal
   acts by organizations which are not criminal when performed by
   individuals, and demand legislation to restrain the evil.

   "We demand that United States Senators and all other officials
   as far as practicable be elected by direct vote of the people,
   believing that the elective franchise and untrammelled ballot
   are essential to a government for and by the people.

   "The People's party condemns the wholesale system of
   disfranchisement by coercion and intimidation, adopted in some
   States, as un-republican and un-democratic. And we declare it
   to be the duty of the several State Legislatures to take such
   action as will secure a full, free, and fair ballot, and an
   honest count.

   "We favor home rule in the Territories and the District of
   Columbia, and the early admission of the Territories as
   States.

   "We denounce the expensive red-tape system, political
   favoritism, cruel and unnecessary delay and criminal evasion
   of the statutes in the management of the Pension Office, and
   demand the simple and honest execution of the law, and the
   fulfilment by the nation of its pledges of service pension to
   all its honorably discharged veterans."

{649}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
   Socialist Labor Party Platform and Nominations.

   The convention of the Populists was followed next by that of
   the Socialist Labor Party, which met in New York City, on the
   2d of June, and put in nomination Joseph P. Maloney, of
   Massachusetts, and Valentine Remmel, of Pennsylvania. Its
   Platform was as follows:

   "The Socialist Labor party of the United States, in convention
   assembled, reasserts the inalienable right of all men to life,
   liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

   "With the founders of the American Republic we hold that the
   purpose of government is to secure every citizen in the
   enjoyment of this right; but in the light of our social
   conditions we hold, furthermore, that no such right can be
   exercised under a system of economic inequality, essentially
   destructive of life, of liberty, and of happiness.

   "With the founders of this Republic we hold that the true
   theory of politics is that the machinery of government must be
   owned and controlled by the whole people; but in the light of
   our industrial development we hold, furthermore, that the true
   theory of economics is that the machinery of production must
   likewise belong to the people in common.

   "To the obvious fact that our despotic system of economics is
   the direct opposite of our democratic system of politics can
   plainly be traced the existence of a privileged class, the
   corruption of government by that class, the alienation of
   public property, public franchises, and public functions to
   that class, and the abject dependence of the mightiest of
   nations upon that class.

   "Again, through the perversion of democracy to the ends of
   plutocracy, labor is robbed of the wealth which it alone
   produces, is denied the means of self-employment, and, by
   compulsory idleness in wage slavery, is even deprived of the
   necessaries of life. Human power and natural forces are thus
   wasted, that the plutocracy may rule. Ignorance and misery,
   with all their concomitant evils, are perpetuated, that the
   people may be kept in bondage. Science and invention are
   diverted from their humane purpose to the enslavement of women
   and children.

   "Against such a system the Socialist Labor party once more
   enters its protest. Once more it reiterates its fundamental
   declaration that private property in the natural sources of
   production and in the instruments of labor is the obvious
   cause of all economic servitude and political dependence.

   "The time is fast coming when, in the natural course of social
   evolution, this system, through the destructive action of its
   failures and crises on the one hand, and the constructive
   tendencies of its trusts and other capitalistic combinations
   on the other hand, shall have worked out its own downfall.

   "We, therefore, call upon the wage workers of the United
   States, and upon all other honest citizens, to organize under
   the banner of the Socialist Labor party into a class-conscious
   body, aware of its rights and determined to conquer them by
   taking possession of the public powers; so that, held together
   by an indomitable spirit of solidarity under the most trying
   conditions of the present class struggle, we may put a summary
   end to that barbarous struggle by the abolition of classes, the
   restoration of the land and of all the means of production,
   transportation, and distribution to the people as a collective
   body, and the substitution of the Cooperative Commonwealth for
   the present state of planless production, industrial war, and
   social disorder—a commonwealth in which every worker shall
   have the free exercise and full benefit of his faculties,
   multiplied by all the modern factors of civilization."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
   Republican Party Platform and Nominations.

   On the 19th of June the national convention of the Republican
   Party began its session at Philadelphia; adopted its platform
   on the following day, and nominated President William McKinley
   for re-election ou the 21st, naming Theodore Roosevelt, then
   Governor of New York, for Vice President, in opposition to his
   earnestly expressed wish. The adopted platform of principles
   was as follows:

   "The Republicans of the United States, through their chosen
   representatives, met in National Convention, looking back upon
   an unsurpassed record of achievement and looking forward to a
   great field of duty and opportunity, and appealing to the
   judgment of their countrymen, make these declarations:

   "The expectation in which the American people, turning from
   the Democratic party, intrusted power four years ago to a
   Republican Chief Magistrate and a Republican Congress, has
   been met and satisfied. When the people then assembled at the
   polls, after a term of Democratic legislation and
   administration, business was dead, industry paralyzed, and the
   National credit disastrously impaired. The country's capital
   was hidden away and its labor distressed and unemployed. The
   Democrats had no other plan with which to improve the ruinous
   conditions which they had themselves produced than to coin
   silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. The Republican Party,
   denouncing this plan as sure to produce conditions even worse
   than those from which relief was sought, promised to restore
   prosperity by means of two legislative measures—a protective
   tariff and a law making gold the standard of value.

   "The people, by great majorities, issued to the Republican
   party a commission to enact these laws. This commission has
   been executed, and the Republican promise is redeemed.
   Prosperity more general and more abundant than we have ever
   known has followed these enactments. There is no longer
   controversy as to the value of any government obligations.
   Every American dollar is a gold dollar, or its assured
   equivalent, and American credit stands higher than that of any
   nation. Capital is fully employed, and labor everywhere is
   profitably occupied. No single fact can more strikingly tell
   the story of what Republican government means to the country
   than this—that while during the whole period of 107 years from
   1790 to 1897 there was an excess of exports over imports of
   only $383,028,497, there has been in the short three years of
   the present Republican Administration an excess of exports
   over imports in the enormous sum of $1,483,537,094.

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   "And while the American people, sustained by this Republican
   legislation, have been achieving these splendid triumphs in
   their business and commerce, they have conducted and in
   victory concluded a war for liberty and human rights. No
   thought of National aggrandizement tarnished the high purpose
   with which American standards were unfurled. It was a war
   unsought and patiently resisted, but when it came the American
   Government was ready. Its fleets were cleared for action, its
   armies were in the field, and the quick and signal triumph of
   its forces on land and sea bore equal tribute to the courage
   of American soldiers and sailors and to the skill and
   foresight of Republican statesmanship. To ten millions of the
   human race there was given 'a new birth of freedom,' and to
   the American people a new and noble responsibility.

   "'We indorse the Administration of William McKinley. Its acts
   have been established in wisdom and in patriotism, and at home
   and abroad it has distinctly elevated and extended the
   influence of the American nation. Walking untried paths and
   facing unforeseen responsibilities, President McKinley has
   been in every situation the true American patriot and the
   upright statesman, clear in vision, strong in judgment, firm
   in action, always inspiring and deserving the confidence of
   his countrymen. In asking the American people to indorse this
   Republican record and to renew their commission to the
   Republican party, we remind them of the fact that the menace
   to their prosperity has always resided in Democratic
   principles, and no less in the general incapacity of the
   Democratic party to conduct public affairs. The prime
   essential of business prosperity is public confidence in the
   good sense of the Government, and in its ability to deal
   intelligently with each new problem of administration and
   legislation. That confidence the Democratic party has never
   earned. It is hopelessly inadequate, and the country's
   prosperity when Democratic success at the polls is announced
   halts and ceases in mere anticipation of Democratic blunders
   and failures.

   "We renew our allegiance to the principle of the gold
   standard, and declare our confidence in the wisdom of the
   legislation of the Fifty-sixth Congress by which the parity of
   all our money and the stability of our currency upon a gold
   basis has been secured.

   "We recognize that interest rates are potent factors in
   production and business activity, and for the purpose of
   further equalizing and of further lowering the rates of
   interest, we favor such monetary legislation as will enable
   the varying needs of the seasons and of all sections to be
   promptly met in order that trade may be evenly sustained,
   labor steadily employed, and commerce enlarged. The volume of
   money in circulation was never so great per capita as it is
   to-day.

   "We declare our steadfast opposition to the free and unlimited
   coinage of silver. No measure to that end could be considered
   which was without the support of the leading commercial
   countries of the world. However firmly Republican legislation
   may seem to have secured the country against the peril of base
   and discredited currency, the election of a Democratic
   President could not fail to impair the country's credit and to
   bring once more into question the intention of the American
   people to maintain upon the gold standard the parity of their
   money circulation. The Democratic party must be convinced that
   the American people will never tolerate the Chicago platform.

   "We recognize the necessity and propriety of the honest
   cooperation of capital to meet new business conditions, and
   especially to extend our rapidly increasing foreign trade, but
   we condemn all conspiracies and combinations intended to
   restrict business, to create monopolies, to limit production,
   or to control prices, and favor such legislation as will
   effectively restrain and prevent all such abuses, protect and
   promote competition, and secure the rights of producers,
   laborers, and all who are engaged in industry and commerce.

   "We renew our faith in the policy of protection to American
   labor. In that policy our industries have been established,
   diversified, and maintained. By protecting the home market
   competition has been stimulated and production cheapened.
   Opportunity to the inventive genius of our people has been
   secured and wages in every department of labor maintained at
   high rates, higher now than ever before, and always
   distinguishing our working people in their better conditions
   of life from those of any competing country. Enjoying the
   blessings of the American common school, secure in the right
   of self-government, and protected in the occupancy of their
   own markets, their constantly increasing knowledge and skill
   have enabled them finally to enter the markets of the world.

   "We favor the associated policy of reciprocity so directed as
   to open our markets on favorable terms for what we do not
   ourselves produce in return for free foreign markets.

   "In the further interest of American workmen we favor a more
   effective restriction of the immigration of cheap labor from
   foreign lands, the extension of opportunities of education for
   working children, the raising of the age limit for child
   labor, the protection of free labor as against contract
   convict labor, and an effective system of labor insurance.

   "Our present dependence upon foreign shipping for nine-tenths
   of our foreign carrying is a great loss to the industry of
   this country. It is also a serious danger to our trade, for
   its sudden withdrawal in the event of European war would
   seriously cripple our expanding foreign commerce. The National
   defence and naval efficiency of this country, moreover, supply
   a compelling reason for legislation which will enable us to
   recover our former place among the trade carrying fleets of
   the world.

   "The nation owes a debt of profound gratitude to the soldiers
   and sailors who have fought its battles, and it is the
   Government's duty to provide for the survivors and for the
   widows and orphans of those who have fallen in the country's
   wars. The pension laws, founded in this just sentiment, should
   be liberal, and should be liberally administered, and
   preference should be given wherever practicable with respect
   to employment in the public service to soldiers and sailors
   and to their widows and orphans.

   "We commend the policy of the Republican party in maintaining
   the efficiency of the Civil Service. The Administration has
   acted wisely in its effort to secure for public service in
   Cuba, Porto Rico, Hawaii and the Philippine Islands only those
   whose fitness has been determined by training and experience.
   We believe that employment in the public service in these
   territories should be confined as far as practicable to their
   inhabitants.

   "It was the plain purpose of the Fifteenth Amendment to the
   Constitution to prevent discrimination on account of race or
   color in regulating the elective franchise. Devices of State
   governments, whether by statutory or constitutional enactment
   to avoid the purpose of this amendment are revolutionary and
   should be condemned.

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   "Public movements looking to a permanent improvement of the
   roads and highways of the country meet with our cordial
   approval and we recommend this subject to the earnest
   consideration of the people and of the Legislatures of the
   several States. We favor the extension of the rural free
   delivery service wherever its extension may be justified.

   "In further pursuance of the constant policy of the Republican
   party to provide free homes on the public domain, we recommend
   adequate National legislation to reclaim the arid lands of the
   United States, reserving control of the distribution of water for
   irrigation to the respective States and Territories.

   "We favor home rule for and the early admission to Statehood
   of the Territories of New Mexico, Arizona and Oklahoma.

   "The Dingley act, amended to provide sufficient revenue for
   the conduct of the war, has so well performed its work that it
   has been possible to reduce the war debt in the sum of
   $40,000,000. So ample are the Government's revenues and so
   great is the public confidence in the integrity of its
   obligations that its newly funded 2 per cent bonds sell at a
   premium. The country is now justified in expecting, and it
   will be the policy of the Republican party to bring about, a
   reduction of the war taxes.

   "We favor the construction, ownership, control and protection
   of an isthmian canal by the Government of the United States.

   "New markets are necessary for the increasing surplus of our
   farm products. Every effort should be made to open and obtain
   new markets, especially in the Orient, and the Administration
   is warmly to be commended for its successful effort to commit
   all trading and colonizing nations to the policy of the open
   door in China.

   "In the interest of our expanding commerce we recommend that
   Congress create a department of commerce and industries in the
   charge of a secretary with a seat in the Cabinet. The United
   States consular system should be reorganized under the
   supervision of this new department, upon such a basis of
   appointment and tenure as will render it still more
   serviceable to the Nation's increasing trade. The American
   Government must protect the person and property of every
   citizen wherever they are wrongfully violated or placed in
   peril.

   "We congratulate the women of America upon their splendid
   record of public service in the volunteer aid association, and
   as nurses in camp and hospital during the recent campaigns of
   our armies in the Eastern and Western Indies, and we
   appreciate their faithful co-operation in all works of
   education and industry.

   "President McKinley has conducted the foreign affairs of the
   United States with distinguished credit to the American
   people. In releasing us from the vexatious conditions of a
   European alliance for the government of Samoa his course is
   especially to be commended. By securing to our undivided
   control the most important island of the Samoan group and the
   best harbor in the Southern Pacific, every American interest
   has been safeguarded. We approve the annexation of the
   Hawaiian Islands to the United States. We commend the part
   taken by our Government in the Peace Conference at The Hague.
   We assert our steadfast adherence to the policy announced in
   the Monroe Doctrine. The provisions of The Hague Convention
   were wisely regarded when President McKinley tendered his
   friendly offices in the interest of peace between Great
   Britain and the South African republics. While the American
   Government must continue the policy prescribed by Washington,
   affirmed by every succeeding President and imposed upon us by
   The Hague Treaty, of non-intervention in European
   controversies, the American people earnestly hope that a way
   may soon be found, honorable alike to both contending parties,
   to terminate the strife between them.

   "In accepting by the Treaty of Paris the just responsibility
   of our victories in the Spanish war the President and the
   Senate won the undoubted approval of the American people. No
   other course was possible than to destroy Spain's sovereignty
   throughout the West Indies and in the Philippine Islands. That
   course created our responsibility before the world, and with
   the unorganized population whom our intervention had freed
   from Spain, to provide for the maintenance of law and order,
   and for the establishment of good government and for the
   performance of international obligations. Our authority could
   not be less than our responsibility, and wherever sovereign
   rights were extended it became the high duty of the Government
   to maintain its authority, to put down armed insurrection and
   to confer the blessings of liberty and civilization upon all
   the rescued peoples. The largest measure of self-government
   consistent with their welfare and our duties shall be secured
   to them by law.

   "To Cuba independence and self-government were assured in the
   same voice by which war was declared, and to the letter this
   pledge will be performed.

   "The Republican party upon its history, and upon this
   declaration of its principles and policies, confidently
   invokes the considerate and approving judgment of the American
   people."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900
   Prohibition Party Platform and Nominations.

   In the next week after the meeting of the Republican national
   convention, that of the Prohibition Party was held at Chicago,
   opening on the 27th of June. It chose Mr. John G. Woolley, of
   Chicago (already named by the United Christian Party for Vice
   President—see above) to be its candidate for President, with
   Mr. Henry B. Metcalfe, of Rhode Island, for Vice President.
   Setting aside all political issues save those connected with
   the liquor traffic, its declarations were confined to that
   subject alone, and were as follows:

   "The National Prohibition party, in convention represented at
   Chicago, June 27 and 28, 1900, acknowledged Almighty God as
   the supreme source of all just government. Realizing that this
   Republic was founded upon Christian principles, and can endure
   only as it embodies justice and righteousness, and asserting
   that all authority should seek the best good of all the
   governed, to this end wisely prohibiting what is wrong and
   permitting only what is right, hereby records and proclaims:

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   "First.—We accept and assert the definition given by Edward
   Burke, that a party is 'a body of men joined together for the
   purpose of protecting by their joint endeavor the National
   interest upon some particular principle upon which they are
   all agreed.'

   "We declare that there is no principle now advocated, by any
   other party, which could be made a fact in government with
   such beneficent moral and material results as the principle of
   prohibition applied to the beverage liquor traffic; that the
   National interest could be promoted in no other way so surely
   and widely as by its adoption and assertion through a National
   policy and a cooperation therein by every State, forbidding
   the manufacture, sale, exportation, importation, and
   transportation of intoxicating liquors for beverage purposes;
   that we stand for this as the only principle proposed by any
   party anywhere for the settlement of a question greater and
   graver than any other before the American people, and
   involving more profoundly than any other their moral future
   and financial welfare; and that all the patriotic citizenship
   of this country agreed upon this principle, however much
   disagreement there may be as to minor considerations and
   issues, should stand together at the ballot-box from this time
   forward until prohibition is the established policy of the
   United States, with a party in power to enforce it and to
   insure its moral and material benefits.

   "We insist that such a party agreed upon this principle and
   policy, having sober leadership, without any obligation for
   success to the saloon vote and to those demoralizing political
   combinations, can successfully cope with all other and lesser
   problems of government, in legislative halls and in the
   executive chair, and that it is useless for any party to make
   declarations in its platform as to any questions concerning
   which there may be serious differences of opinion in its own
   membership and as to which, because of such differences, the
   party could legislate only on a basis of mutual concessions
   when coming into power.

   "We submit that the Democratic and Republican parties are
   alike insincere in their assumed hostility to trusts and
   monopolies. They dare not and do not attack the most dangerous
   of them all, the liquor power. So long as the saloon debauches
   the citizen and breeds the purchasable voter, money will
   continue to buy its way to power. Break down this traffic,
   elevate manhood, and a sober citizenship will find a way to
   control dangerous combinations of capital. We purpose, as a
   first step in the financial problem of the nation, to save
   more than a billion of dollars every year, now annually
   expended to support the liquor traffic and to demoralize our
   people. When that is accomplished, conditions will have so
   improved that with a clearer atmosphere the country can
   address itself to the questions as to the kind and quantity of
   currency needed.

   "Second.—We reaffirm as true indisputably the declaration of
   William Windom, when Secretary of the Treasury in the Cabinet
   of President Arthur, that 'considered socially, financially,
   politically, or morally, the licensed liquor traffic is or
   ought to be the overwhelming issue in American politics, and
   that the destruction of this iniquity stands next on the
   calendar of the world's progress.' We hold that the existence
   of our party presents this issue squarely to the American
   people, and lays upon them the responsibility of choice
   between liquor parties, dominated by distillers and brewers,
   with their policy of saloon perpetuation breeding waste,
   wickedness, woe, pauperism, taxation, corruption, and crime,
   and our one party of patriotic and moral principle, with a
   policy which defends it from domination by corrupt bosses, and
   which insures it forever against the blighting control of
   saloon politics.

   "We face with sorrow, shame, and fear the awful fact that this
   liquor traffic has a grip on our Government, municipal, State,
   and National, through the revenue system and a saloon
   sovereignty, which no other party dare to dispute; a grip
   which dominates the party now in power, from caucus to
   Congress, from policemen to President, from the rum shop to
   the White House; a grip which compels the Executive to consent
   that law shall be nullified in behalf of the brewer, that the
   canteen shall curse our army and spread intemperance across
   the seas, and that our flag shall wave as the symbol of
   partnership, at home and abroad, between this Government and
   the men who defy and defile it for their unholy gain.

   "Third.—We charge upon President McKinley, who was elected to
   his high office by appeal to Christian sentiment and
   patriotism almost unprecedented and by a combination of moral
   influences never before seen in this country, that by his
   conspicuous example as a wine-drinker at public banquets and
   as a wine-serving host in the White House, he has done more to
   encourage the liquor business, to demoralize the temperance
   habits of young men, and to bring Christian practices and
   requirements into disrepute than any other President this
   Republic has had. "We further charge upon President McKinley
   responsibility for the Army canteen, with all its dire brood
   of disease, immorality, sin and death, in this country, in
   Cuba, in Porto Rico and the Philippines; and we insist that by
   his attitude concerning the canteen, and his apparent contempt
   for the vast number of petitions and petitioners protesting
   against it, he has outraged and insulted the moral sentiment
   of this country in such a manner and to such a degree as calls
   for its righteous uprising and his indignant and effective
   rebuke. We challenge denial of the fact that our Chief
   Executive, as commander in chief of the military forces of the
   United States, at any time prior to or since March 2, 1899,
   could have closed every Army saloon, called a canteen, by
   executive order, as President Hayes in effect did before him,
   and should have closed them, for the same reason that actuated
   President Hayes; we assert that the act of Congress passed
   March 2, 1899, forbidding the sale of liquor, 'in any post
   exchange or canteen,' by any 'officer or private soldier' or
   by 'any other person on any premises used for military
   purposes in the United States,' was and is as explicit an act
   of prohibition as the English language can frame; we declare
   our solemn belief that the Attorney-General of the United
   States in his interpretation of that law, and the Secretary of
   War in his acceptance of that interpretation and his refusal
   to enforce the law, were and are guilty of treasonable
   nullification thereof, and that President McKinley, through
   his assent to and indorsement of such interpretation and
   refusal on the part of officials appointed by and responsible
   to him, shares responsibility in their guilt; and we record
   our conviction that a new and serious peril confronts our
   country, in the fact that its President, at the behest of the
   beer power, dare and does abrogate a law of Congress, through
   subordinates removable at will by him and whose acts become
   his, and thus virtually confesses that laws are to be
   administered or to be nullified in the interest of a
   law-defying business, by an Administration under mortgage to
   such business for support.

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   "Fourth.-We deplore the fact that an Administration of this
   Republic claiming the right and power to carry our flag across
   seas, and to conquer and annex new territory, should admit its
   lack of power to prohibit the American saloon on subjugated
   soil, or should openly confess itself subject to liquor
   sovereignty under that flag. We are humiliated, exasperated
   and grieved by the evidence painfully abundant that this
   Administration's policy of expansion is bearing so rapidly its
   first fruits of drunkenness, insanity and crime under the
   hothouse sun of the tropics; and when the president of the
   first Philippine Commission says 'It was unfortunate that we
   introduced and established the saloon there, to corrupt the
   natives and to exhibit the vices of our race,' we charge the
   inhumanity and un-Christianity of this act upon the
   Administration of William McKinley and upon the party which
   elected and would perpetuate the same.

   "Fifth.—We declare that the only policy which the Government
   of the United States can of right uphold as to the liquor
   traffic under the National Constitution upon any territory
   under the military or civil control of that Government is the
   policy of prohibition; that 'to establish justice, insure
   domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote
   the general welfare, and insure the blessings of liberty to
   ourselves and our posterity,' as the Constitution provides,
   the liquor traffic must neither be sanctioned nor tolerated,
   and that the revenue policy, which makes our Government a
   partner with distillers and brewers and barkeepers, is a
   disgrace to our civilization, an outrage upon humanity, and a
   crime against God.

   "We condemn the present Administration at Washington because
   it has repealed the prohibitory law in Alaska, and has given
   over the partly civilized tribes there to be the prey of the
   American grogshop, and because it has entered upon a license
   policy in our new possessions by incorporating the same in the
   revenue act of Congress in the code of laws for the government
   of the Hawaiian Islands.

   "We call general attention to the fearful fact that
   exportation of liquors from the United States to the
   Philippine Islands increased from $337 in 1898 to $167,198 in
   the first ten months of the fiscal year ended June 30, 1900;
   and that while our exportations of liquor to Cuba never
   reached $30,000 a year previous to American occupation of that
   island, our exports of such liquors to Cuba during the fiscal
   year of 1899 reached the sum of $629,655.

   "Sixth.—One great religious body (the Baptist) having truly
   declared of the liquor traffic 'that it has no defensible
   right to exist, that it can never be reformed, that it stands
   condemned by its unrighteous fruits as a thing unchristian,
   un-American, and perilous utterly to every interest in life';
   another great religious body (the Methodist) having as truly
   asserted and reiterated that 'no political party has the right
   to expect, nor should it receive, the votes of Christian men
   so long as it stands committed to the license system or
   refuses to put itself on record in an attitude of open
   hostility to the saloons'; other great religious bodies having
   made similar deliverances, in language plain and unequivocal,
   as to the liquor traffic and the duty of Christian citizenship
   in opposition thereto, and the fact being plain and undeniable
   that the Democratic party stands for license, the saloon, and
   the canteen, while the Republican party, in policy and
   administration, stands for the canteen, the saloon, and
   revenue therefrom, we declare ourselves justified in expecting
   that Christian voters everywhere shall cease their complicity
   with the liquor curse by refusing to uphold a liquor party,
   and shall unite themselves with the only party which upholds
   the prohibition policy, and which for nearly thirty years has
   been the faithful defender of the church, the State, the home,
   and the school against the saloon, its expanders and
   perpetuators, their actual and persistent foes.

   "We insist that no differences of belief, as to any other
   question or concern of government, should stand in the way of
   such a union of moral and Christian citizenship as we hereby
   invite for the speedy settlement of this paramount moral,
   industrial, financial, and political issue which our party
   presents; and we refrain from declaring ourselves upon all
   minor matters as to which differences of opinion may exist
   that hereby we may offer to the American people a platform so
   broad that all can stand upon it who desire to see sober
   citizenship actually sovereign over the allied hosts of evil,
   sin, and crime in a government of the people, by the people,
   and for the people.

   "We declare that there are but two real parties to-day
   concerning the liquor traffic—Perpetuationists and
   Prohibitionists—and that patriotism, Christianity, and every
   interest of genuine republicanism and of pure democracy,
   besides the loyal demands of our common humanity, require the
   speedy union, in one solid phalanx at the ballot-box, of all
   who oppose the liquor traffic's perpetuation, and who covet
   endurance for this Republic."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
   Democratic Party Platform and Nominations.

   The delegates of the Democratic Party met in national
   convention at Kansas City, on the Fourth of July. By unanimous
   vote, on the following day, they again nominated William J.
   Bryan, of Nebraska, for President, and subsequently associated
   with him ex-Vice President Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois,
   for Vice President. The platform, adopted on the same day,
   reiterating the demand of 1896 for a free and unlimited
   coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1, but emphasizing the
   question of colonial expansion as the "paramount issue of the
   campaign," was as follows: "'We, the representatives of the
   Democratic party of the United States, assembled in national
   convention on the anniversary of the adoption of the
   Declaration of Independence, do reaffirm our faith in that
   immortal proclamation of the inalienable rights of man, and
   our allegiance to the constitution framed in harmony therewith
   by the fathers of the Republic. We hold with the United States
   Supreme Court that the Declaration of Independence is the spirit
   of our government, of which the constitution is the form and
   letter.
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   We declare again that all governments instituted among men
   derive their just powers from the consent of the governed;
   that any government not based upon the consent of the governed
   is a tyranny; and that to impose upon any people a government
   of force is to substitute the methods of imperialism for those
   of a republic. We hold that the constitution follows the flag
   and denounce the doctrine that an executive or congress,
   deriving their existence and their powers from the
   constitution, can exercise lawful authority beyond it, or in
   violation of it. We assert that no nation can long endure half
   republic and half empire, and we warn the American people that
   imperialism abroad will lead quickly and inevitably to
   despotism at home.

   "Believing in these fundamental principles, we denounce the
   Porto Rico law, enacted by a Republican Congress against the
   protest and opposition of the Democratic minority, as a bold
   and open violation of the Nation's organic law and a flagrant
   breach of National good faith. It imposes upon the people of
   Porto Rico a government without their consent, and taxation
   without representation. It dishonors the American people by
   repudiating a solemn pledge made in their behalf by the
   commanding general of our Army, which the Porto Ricans
   welcomed to a peaceful and unresisted occupation of their
   land. It dooms to poverty and distress a people whose
   helplessness appeals with peculiar force to our justice and
   magnanimity. In this, the first act of its imperialistic
   programme, the Republican party seeks to commit the United
   States to a colonial policy inconsistent with republican
   institutions and condemned by the Supreme Court in numerous
   decisions.

   "We demand the prompt and honest fulfilment of our pledge to
   the Cuban people and the world, that the United States has no
   disposition nor intention to exercise sovereignty,
   jurisdiction, or control over the island of Cuba, except for
   its pacification. The war ended nearly two years ago, profound
   peace reigns over all the island, and still the Administration
   keeps the government of the island from its people, while
   Republican carpetbag officials plunder its revenue and exploit
   the colonial theory to the disgrace of the American people.

   "We condemn and denounce the Philippine policy of the present
   Administration. It has embroiled the Republic in an
   unnecessary war, sacrificed the lives of many of its noblest
   sons, and placed the United States, previously known and
   applauded throughout the world as the champion of freedom, in
   the false and un-American position of crushing with military
   force the efforts of our former allies to achieve liberty and
   self-government. The Filipinos cannot be citizens without
   endangering our civilization; they cannot be subjects without
   imperilling our form of government; and as we are not willing
   to surrender our civilization, or to convert the Republic into
   an empire, we favor an immediate declaration of the Nation's
   purpose to give to the Filipinos, first, a stable form of
   government; second, independence; and third, protection from
   outside interference such as has been given for nearly a
   century to the republics of Central and South America. The
   greedy commercialism which dictated the Philippine policy of
   the Republican Administration attempts to justify it with the
   plea that it will pay, but even this sordid and unworthy plea
   fails when brought to the test of facts. The war of 'criminal
   aggression' against the Filipinos, entailing an annual expense
   of many millions, has already cost more than any possible
   profit that could accrue from the entire Philippine trade for
   years to come. Furthermore, when trade is extended at the
   expense of liberty the price is always too high.

   "We are not opposed to territorial expansion, when it takes in
   desirable territory which can be erected into States in the
   Union, and whose people are willing and fit to become American
   citizens. We favor trade expansion by every peaceful and
   legitimate means. But we are unalterably opposed to the
   seizing or purchasing of distant islands to be governed
   outside the Constitution and whose people can never become
   citizens. We are in favor of extending the Republic's
   influence among the nations, but believe that influence should
   be extended not by force and violence, but through the
   persuasive power of a high and honorable example.

   "The importance of other questions now pending before the
   American people is in nowise diminished and the Democratic
   party takes no backward step from its position on them; but
   the burning issue of imperialism, growing out of the Spanish
   war, involving the very existence of the Republic and the
   destruction of our free institutions, we regard as the
   paramount issue of the campaign.

   "The declaration of the Republican platform adopted at the
   Philadelphia Convention, held in June, 1900, that the
   Republican party 'steadfastly adheres to the policy announced
   in the Monroe Doctrine,' is manifestly insincere and
   deceptive. This profession is contradicted by the avowed
   policy of that party, in opposition to the spirit of the
   Monroe Doctrine, to acquire and hold sovereignty over large
   areas of territory and large numbers of people in the Eastern
   Hemisphere. We insist on the strict maintenance of the Monroe
   Doctrine in all its integrity, both in letter and in spirit,
   as necessary to prevent the extension of European authority on
   these continents and as essential to our supremacy in American
   affairs. At the same time we declare that no American people
   shall ever be held by force in unwilling subjection to
   European authority.

   "We oppose militarism. It means conquest abroad and
   intimidation and oppression at home. It means the strong arm
   which has ever been fatal to free institutions. It is what
   millions of our citizens have fled from in Europe. It will
   impose upon our peace loving people a large standing army, an
   unnecessary burden of taxation, and would be a constant menace
   to their liberties. A small standing army and a well
   disciplined State militia are amply sufficient in time of
   peace. This Republic has no place for a vast military
   establishment, a sure forerunner of compulsory military
   service and conscription. When the Nation is in danger the
   volunteer soldier is his country's best defender. The National
   Guard of the United States should ever be cherished in the
   patriotic hearts of a free people. Such organizations are ever
   an element of strength and safety. For the first time in our
   history and coeval with the Philippine conquest has there been
   a wholesale departure from our time honored and approved
   system of volunteer organization. We denounce it as
   un-American, undemocratic and unrepublican and as a subversion
   of the ancient and fixed principles of a free people.

{655}

   "Private monopolies are indefensible and intolerable. They
   destroy competition, control the price of raw material and of
   the finished product, thus robbing both producer and consumer.
   They lessen the employment of labor and arbitrarily fix the terms
   and conditions thereof; and deprive individual energy and
   small capital of their opportunity for betterment. They are
   the most efficient means yet devised for appropriating the
   fruits of industry to the benefit of the few at the expense of
   the many, and, unless their insatiate greed is checked, all
   wealth will be aggregated in a few hands and the Republic
   destroyed. The dishonest paltering with the trust evil by the
   Republican party in its State and National platforms is
   conclusive proof of the truth of the charge that trusts are
   the legitimate product of Republican policies, that they are
   fostered by Republican laws, and that they are protected by
   the Republican Administration in return for campaign
   subscriptions and political support. We pledge the Democratic
   party to an unceasing warfare in Nation, State and city
   against private monopoly in every form. Existing laws against
   trusts must be enforced and more stringent ones must be
   enacted providing for publicity as to the affairs of
   corporations engaged in interstate commerce and requiring all
   corporations to show, before doing business outside of the
   State of their origin, that they have no water in their stock,
   and that they have not attempted and are not attempting to
   monopolize any branch of business or the production of any
   articles of merchandise; and the whole constitutional power of
   Congress over interstate commerce, the mails and all modes of
   interstate communication shall be exercised by the enactment
   of comprehensive laws upon the subject of trusts.

   "Tariff laws should be amended by putting the products of
   trusts upon the free list, to prevent monopoly under the plea
   of protection. The failure of the present Republican
   Administration, with an absolute control over all the branches
   of the National Government, to enact any legislation designed
   to prevent or even curtail the absorbing power of trusts and
   illegal combinations, or to enforce the anti-trust laws
   already on the statute books, proves the insincerity of the
   high sounding phrases of the Republican platform. Corporations
   should be protected in all their rights and their legitimate
   interests should be respected, but any attempt by corporations
   to interfere with the public affairs of the people or to
   control the sovereignty which creates them should be forbidden
   under such penalties as will make such attempts impossible. We
   condemn the Dingley tariff law as a trust breeding measure
   skilfully devised to give to the few favors which they do not
   deserve, and to place upon the many burdens which they should
   not bear. We favor such an enlargement of the scope of the
   Interstate Commerce law as will enable the Commission to
   protect individuals and communities from discrimination and
   the public from unjust and unfair transportation rates.

   "We reaffirm and indorse the principles of the National
   Democratic platform adopted at Chicago in 1896 and we
   reiterate the demand of that platform for an American
   financial system made by the American people for themselves,
   which shall restore and maintain a bimetallic price level, and
   as part of such system the immediate restoration of the free
   and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the present legal
   ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or consent of
   any other nation.

   "We denounce the currency bill enacted at the last session of
   Congress as a step forward in the Republican policy which aims
   to discredit the sovereign right of the National Government to
   issue all money, whether coin or paper, and to bestow upon
   National banks the power to issue and control the volume of
   paper money for their own benefit. A permanent National bank
   currency, secured by Government bonds, must have a permanent
   debt to rest upon, and, if the bank currency is to increase
   with population and business, the debt must also increase. The
   Republican currency scheme is, therefore, a scheme for
   fastening upon the taxpayers a perpetual and growing debt for
   the benefit of the banks. We are opposed to this private
   corporation paper circulated as money, but without legal
   tender qualities, and demand the retirement of National bank
   notes as fast as Government paper or silver certificates can
   be substituted for them. We favor an amendment to the Federal
   Constitution providing for the election of United States
   Senators by direct vote of the people, and we favor direct
   legislation wherever practicable. We are opposed to government
   by injunction; we denounce the blacklist, and favor
   arbitration as a means of settling disputes between
   corporations and their employés.

   "In the interest of American labor and the upbuilding of the
   workingman as the cornerstone of the prosperity of our
   country, we recommend that Congress create a Department of
   Labor, in charge of a Secretary, with a seat in the Cabinet,
   believing that the elevation of the American laborer will
   bring with it increased production and increased prosperity to
   our country at home and to our commerce abroad. We are proud
   of the courage and fidelity of the American soldiers and
   sailors in all our wars; we favor liberal pensions to them and
   their dependents; and we reiterate the position taken in the
   Chicago platform in 1896, that the fact of enlistment and
   service shall be deemed conclusive evidence against disease
   and disability before enlistment.

   "We favor the immediate construction, ownership and control of
   the Nicaraguan canal by the United States, and we denounce the
   insincerity of the plank in the Republican national platform
   for an Isthmian canal, in the face of the failure of the
   Republican majority to pass the bill pending in Congress.

   "We condemn the Hay-Pauncefote treaty as a surrender of
   American rights and interests, not to be tolerated by the
   American people.

   "We denounce the failure of the Republican party to carry out
   its pledges to grant statehood to the territories of Arizona,
   New Mexico and Oklahoma, and we promise the people of those
   territories immediate statehood, and home rule during their
   condition as territories; and we favor home rule and a
   territorial form of government for Alaska and Porto Rico.

   "We favor an intelligent system of improving the arid lands of
   the West, storing the waters for the purposes of irrigation,
   and the holding of such lands for actual settlers.

{656}

   "We favor the continuance and strict enforcement of the
   Chinese exclusion law and its application to the same classes
   of all Asiatic races.

   "Jefferson said: 'Peace, commerce and honest friendship with
   all nations, entangling alliances with none.' We approve this
   wholesome doctrine and earnestly protest against the
   Republican departure which has involved us in so-called world
   politics, including the diplomacy of Europe and the intrigue
   and land-grabbing in Asia, and we especially condemn the
   ill-concealed Republican alliance with England, which must
   mean discrimination against other friendly nations, and which
   has already stifled the nation's voice while liberty is being
   strangled in Africa.

   "Believing in the principles of self-government and rejecting,
   as did our forefathers, the claims of monarchy, we view with
   indignation the purpose of England to overwhelm with force the
   South African Republics. Speaking, as we believe, for the
   entire American nation, except its Republican officeholders,
   and for all free men everywhere, we extend our sympathy to the
   heroic Burghers in their unequal struggle to maintain their
   liberty and independence.

   "We denounce the lavish appropriations of recent Republican
   congresses, which have kept taxes high and which threaten the
   perpetuation of the oppressive war levies. We oppose the
   accumulation of a surplus to be squandered in such barefaced
   frauds upon the taxpayers as the shipping subsidy bill, which,
   under the false pretense of fostering American ship-building,
   would put unearned millions into the pockets of favorite
   contributors to the Republican campaign fund.

   "We favor the reduction and speedy repeal of the war taxes,
   and a return to the time-honored Democratic policy of strict
   economy in governmental expenditures.

   "Believing that our most cherished institutions are in great
   peril, that the very existence of our constitutional Republic
   is at stake, and that the decision now to be rendered will
   determine whether or not our children are to enjoy those
   blessed privileges of free government which have made the
   United States great, prosperous and honored, we earnestly ask
   for the foregoing declaration of principles the hearty support
   of the liberty-loving American people, regardless of previous
   party affiliations."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
   Silver Republican Platform and Nominations.

   The Republicans who broke from their party in 1896 on the
   silver question, and supported Mr. Bryan for the presidency,
   were still in affiliation with him and his party, but
   preserving a distinct organization, assuming the name of
   Lincoln Republicans. Simultaneously with that of the Democrats
   (July 6), they held a convention at Kansas City, and named Mr.
   Bryan as their candidate for President. The nomination for
   Vice President was referred to the national committee, which
   ultimately placed Mr. Stevenson's name on the Silver
   Republican ticket. The platform adopted differed little in
   leading principles from that of the Democratic party, except
   in the greater emphasis put on the monetary doctrines that
   were common to both. It was as follows:

   "We, the Silver Republican party, in National Convention
   assembled, declare these as our principles and invite the
   cooperation of all who agree therewith:

   "We recognize that the principles set forth in the Declaration
   of Independence are fundamental and everlastingly true in
   their applications of governments among men. We believe the
   patriotic words of Washington's farewell to be the words of
   soberness and wisdom, inspired by the spirit of right and
   truth. We treasure the words of Jefferson as priceless gems of
   American statesmanship.

   "We hold in sacred remembrance the broad philanthropy and
   patriotism of Lincoln, who was the great interpreter of
   American history and the great apostle of human rights and of
   industrial freedom, and we declare, as was declared by the
   convention that nominated the great emancipator, that the
   maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration
   of Independence and embodied in the Federal Constitution,
   'that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by
   their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among
   these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to
   secure these rights governments are instituted among men,
   deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed,'
   is essential to the preservation of our republican
   institutions.

   "We declare our adherence to the principle of bimetallism as
   the right basis of a monetary system under our National
   Constitution, a principle that found place repeatedly in
   Republican platforms from the demonetization of silver in 1873
   to the St. Louis Republican Convention of 1896. Since that
   convention a Republican Congress and a Republican President,
   at the dictation of the trusts and money power, have passed
   and approved a currency bill which in itself is a repudiation
   of the doctrine of bimetallism advocated theretofore by the
   President and every great leader of his party.

   "This currency law destroys the full money power of the silver
   dollar, provides for the payment of all government obligations
   and the redemption of all forms of paper money in gold alone;
   retires the time-honored and patriotic greenbacks,
   constituting one-sixth of the money in circulation, and
   surrenders to banking corporations a sovereign function of
   issuing all paper money, thus enabling these corporations to
   control the prices of labor and property by increasing or
   diminishing the volume of money in circulation, thus giving
   the banks power to create panics and bring disaster upon
   business enterprises. The provisions of this currency law
   making the bonded debt of the Republic payable in gold alone
   change the contract between the Government and the bondholders
   to the advantage of the latter, and is in direct opposition to
   the declaration of the Matthews resolution passed by Congress
   in 1878, for which resolution the present Republican
   President, then a member of Congress, voted, as did also all
   leading Republicans, both in the House and Senate. We declare
   it to be our intention to lend our efforts to the repeal of
   this currency law, which not only repudiates the ancient and
   time-honored principles of the American people before the
   Constitution was adopted, but is violative of the principles
   of the Constitution itself, and we shall not cease our efforts
   until there has been established in its place a monetary
   system based upon the free and unlimited coinage of silver and
   gold into money at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1 by the
   independent action of the United States, under which system
   all paper money shall be issued by the Government and all such
   money coined or issued shall be a full legal tender in payment
   of all debts, public and private, without exception.

{657}

   "We are in favor of a graduated tax upon incomes, and if
   necessary to accomplish this we favor an amendment to the
   Constitution.

   "We believe that United States Senators ought to be elected by
   direct vote of the people, and we favor such amendment of the
   Constitution and such legislation as may be necessary to that
   end.

   "We favor the maintenance and the extension wherever
   practicable of the merit system in the public service,
   appointments to be made according to fitness, competitively
   ascertained, and public servants to be retained in office only
   so long as shall be compatible with the efficiency of the
   service.

   "Combinations, trusts, and monopolies contrived and arranged
   for the purpose of controlling the prices and quantity of
   articles supplied to the public are unjust, unlawful, and
   oppressive. Not only do these unlawful conspiracies fix the
   prices of commodities in many cases, but they invade every
   branch of the State and National Government with their
   polluting influence and control the actions of their employés
   and dependents in private life until their influence actually
   imperils society and the liberty of the citizen. We declare
   against them. We demand the most stringent laws for their
   destruction and the most severe punishment of their promoters
   and maintainers and the energetic enforcement of such laws by
   the courts.

   "We believe the Monroe doctrine to be sound in principle and a
   wise National policy, and we demand a firm adherence thereto.
   We condemn acts inconsistent with it and that tend to make us
   parties to the interests and to involve us in the
   controversies of European nations and to recognition by
   pending treaty of the right of England to be considered in the
   construction of an interoceanic canal. We declare that such
   canal, when constructed, ought to be controlled by the United
   States in the interests of American nations.

   "We observe with anxiety and regard with disapproval the
   increasing ownership of American lands by aliens and their
   growing control over our international transportation, natural
   resources, and public utilities. We demand legislation to
   protect our public domain, our natural resources, our
   franchises, and our internal commerce and to keep them free
   and maintain their independence of all foreign monopolies,
   institutions, and influences, and we declare our opposition to
   the leasing of the public lands of the United States whereby
   corporations and syndicates will be able to secure control
   thereof and thus monopolize the public domain, the heritage of
   the people.

   "We are in favor of the principles of direct legislation. In
   view of the great sacrifice made and patriotic services
   rendered we are in favor of liberal pensions to deserving
   soldiers, their widows, orphans, and other dependents. We
   believe that enlistment and service should be accepted as
   conclusive proof that the soldier was free from disease and
   disability at the time of his enlistment. We condemn the
   present administration of the pension laws.

   "We tender to the patriotic people of the South African
   Republics our sympathy and express our admiration for them in
   their heroic attempts to preserve their political freedom and
   maintain their national independence. We declare the
   destruction of these republics and the subjugation of their
   people to be a crime against civilization. We believe this
   sympathy should have been voiced by the American Congress, as
   was done in the case of the French, the Greeks, the
   Hungarians, the Poles, the Armenians, and the Cubans, and as
   the traditions of this country would have dictated. We declare
   the Porto Rican Tariff law to be not only a serious but a
   dangerous departure from the principles of our form of
   government. We believe in a republican form of government and
   are opposed to monarchy and to the whole theory of
   imperialistic control.

   "We believe in self-government—a government by the consent of
   the governed—and are unalterably opposed to a government based
   upon force. It is clear and certain that the inhabitants of
   the Philippine Archipelago cannot be made citizens of the
   United States without endangering our civilization. We are,
   therefore, in favor of applying to the Philippine Archipelago
   the principle we are solemnly and publicly pledged to observe
   in the case of Cuba.

   "There no longer being any necessity for collecting war taxes,
   we demand the repeal of the war taxes levied to carry on the
   war with Spain.

   "We favor the immediate admission into the union of States the
   Territories of Arizona, New Mexico, and Oklahoma.

   "We demand that our nation's promises to Cuba shall be
   fulfilled in every particular.

   "We believe the National Government should lend every aid,
   encouragement, and assistance toward the reclamation of the
   arid lands of the United States, and to that end we are in
   favor of a comprehensive survey thereof and an immediate
   ascertainment of the water supply available for such
   reclamation, and we believe it to be the duty of the General
   Government to provide for the construction of storage
   reservoirs and irrigation works so that the water supply of
   the arid region may be utilized to the greatest possible
   extent in the interests of the people, while preserving all
   rights of the State.

   "Transportation is a public necessity and the means and
   methods of it are matters of public concern. Railway companies
   exercise a power over industries, business, and commerce which
   they ought not to do, and should be made to serve the public
   interests without making unreasonable charges or unjust
   discriminations.

   "We observe with satisfaction the growing sentiment among the
   people in favor of the public ownership and operation of
   public utilities.

   "We are in favor of expanding our commerce in the interests of
   American labor and for the benefit of all our people by every
   honest and peaceful means. Our creed and our history justify
   the nations of the earth in expecting that wherever the
   American flag is unfurled in authority human liberty and
   political liberty will be found. We protest against the
   adoption of any policy that will change in the thought of the
   world the meaning of our flag.

   "We are opposed to the importation of Asiatic laborers in
   competition with American labor, and favor a more rigid
   enforcement of the laws relating thereto.

   "The Silver Republican party of the United States, in the
   foregoing principles, seeks to perpetuate the spirit and to
   adhere to the teachings of Abraham Lincoln."

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UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
   Platform of the American League of Anti-Imperialists.

   Republicans and others opposed to a policy of conquest, and to
   the government of people, not as citizens, but as subjects of
   the Republic of the United States, and who wished to make that
   opposition distinct and emphatic in the presidential canvass,
   met in convention at Indianapolis, on the 16th of August, as
   the "Liberty Congress of the American League of
   Anti-Imperialists." One party among them thought the best
   demonstration of public opinion on this issue could be
   obtained by the nomination of a third ticket; while another
   and larger party deemed it expedient to indorse the candidacy
   of William J. Bryan, as a pronounced opponent of the imperial
   policy. The views of the latter prevailed, and the indorsement
   of Mr. Bryan was carried in the convention; but many of the
   former refused submission to the vote of the majority, and
   subsequently held a Third Party convention at New York (see
   below). The Indianapolis Declaration was as follows:

   "This Liberty Congress of Anti-Imperialists recognizes a great
   National crisis, which menaces the Republic, upon whose future
   depends in such large measure the hope of freedom throughout
   the world. For the first time in our country's history the
   President has undertaken to subjugate a foreign people and to
   rule them by despotic power. He has thrown the protection of
   the flag over slavery and polygamy in the Sulu Islands. He has
   arrogated to himself the power to impose upon the inhabitants
   of the Philippines government without their consent and
   taxation without representation. He is waging war upon them
   for asserting the very principles for the maintenance of which
   our forefathers pledged their lives, their fortunes and their
   sacred honor. He claims for himself and Congress authority to
   govern the territories of the United States without
   constitutional restraint.

   "We believe in the Declaration of Independence. Its truths,
   not less self-evident to-day than when first announced by our
   fathers, are of universal application and cannot be abandoned
   while government by the people endures.

   "We believe in the Constitution of the United States. It gives
   the President and Congress certain limited powers and secures
   to every man within the jurisdiction of our Government certain
   essential rights. We deny that either the President or
   Congress can govern any person anywhere outside the
   Constitution.

   "We are absolutely opposed to the policy of President
   McKinley, which proposes to govern millions of men without
   their consent, which in Porto Rico establishes taxation
   without representation, and government by the arbitrary will
   of a legislature unfettered by constitutional restraint, and
   in the Philippines prosecutes a war of conquest and demands
   unconditional surrender from a people who are of right free
   and independent. The struggle of men for freedom has ever been
   a struggle for constitutional liberty. There is no liberty if
   the citizen has no right which the Legislature may not invade,
   if he may be taxed by the Legislature in which he is not
   represented, or if he is not protected by fundamental law
   against the arbitrary action of executive power. The policy of
   the President offers the inhabitants of Porto Rico, Hawaii and
   the Philippines no hope of independence, no prospect of
   American citizenship, no constitutional protection, no
   representation in the Congress which taxes them. This is the
   government of men by arbitrary power without their consent.
   This is imperialism. There is no room under the free flag of
   America for subjects. The President and Congress, who derive
   all their powers from the Constitution, can govern no man
   without regard to its limitations.

   "We believe the greatest safeguard of liberty is a free press,
   and we demand that the censorship in the Philippines, which
   keeps from the American people the knowledge of what is done
   in their name, be abolished. We are entitled to know the
   truth, and we insist that the powers which the President holds
   in trust for us shall not be used to suppress it.

   "Because we thus believe, we oppose the reelection of Mr.
   McKinley. The supreme purpose of the people in this momentous
   campaign should be to stamp with their final disapproval his
   attempt to grasp imperial power. A self-governing people can
   have no more imperative duty than to drive from public life a
   Chief Magistrate who, whether in weakness or of wicked
   purpose, has used his temporary authority to subvert the
   character of their government and to destroy their National
   ideals.

   "We, therefore, in the belief that it is essential at this
   crisis for the American people again to declare their faith in
   the universal application of the Declaration of Independence
   and to reassert their will that their servants shall not have
   or exercise any powers whatever other than those conferred by
   the Constitution, earnestly make the following recommendations
   to our countrymen:

   "First, that, without regard to their views on minor questions
   of domestic policy, they withhold their votes from Mr.
   McKinley, in order to stamp with their disapproval what he has
   done.

   "Second, that they vote for those candidates for Congress in
   their respective districts who will oppose the policy of
   imperialism.

   "Third, while we welcome any other method of opposing the
   re-election of Mr. McKinley we advise direct support of Mr.
   Bryan as the most effective means of crushing imperialism. We
   are convinced of Mr. Bryan's sincerity and of his earnest
   purpose to secure to the Filipinos their independence. His
   position and the declarations contained in the platform of his
   party on the vital issue of the campaign meet our unqualified
   approval.

   "We recommend that the Executive committees of the American
   Anti-Imperialist League and its allied leagues continue and
   extend their organizations, preserving the independence of the
   movement; and that they take the most active part possible in
   the pending political campaign.

   "Until now the policy which has turned the Filipinos from warm
   friends to bitter enemies, which has slaughtered thousands of
   them and laid waste their country, has been the policy of the
   President. After the next election it becomes the policy of
   every man who votes to re-elect him and who thus becomes with
   him responsible for every drop of blood thereafter shed.

   "In declaring that the principles of the Declaration of
   Independence apply to all men, this Congress means to include
   the negro race in America as well as the Filipinos. We
   deprecate all efforts, whether in the South or in the North,
   to deprive the negro of his rights as a citizen under the
   Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United
   States."

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UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
   The "Third Party" Anti-Imperialist Platform and Nominations.

   The Anti-Imperialists who desired a Third Party ticket in the
   field, called a convention which met in the city of New York,
   September 5, and put in nomination for President and Vice
   President Senator Donelson Caffery, of Louisiana, and
   Archibald Murray Howe, of Massachusetts. The name "National
   Party" was assumed, and its "aims and purposes" were thus
   declared:

   "We find our country threatened with alternative perils. On
   the one hand is a public opinion misled by organized forces of
   commercialism, that have perverted a war intended by the
   people to be a war of humanity into a war of conquest. On the
   other is a public opinion swayed by demagogic appeals to
   factional and class passions, the most fatal of diseases to a
   republic. We believe that either of these influences, if
   unchecked, would ultimately compass the downfall of our
   country, but we also believe that neither represents the sober
   conviction of our countrymen. Convinced that the extension of
   the jurisdiction of the United States for the purpose of
   holding foreign people as colonial dependents is an innovation
   dangerous to our liberties and repugnant to the principles
   upon which our Government is founded, we pledge our earnest
   efforts through all constitutional means:

   "First, to procure the renunciation of all imperial or
   colonial pretensions with regard to foreign countries claimed
   to have been acquired through or in consequence of military or
   naval operations of the last two years.

   "Second, we further pledge our efforts to secure a single gold
   standard and a sound banking system.

   "Third, to secure a public service based on merit only.

   "Fourth, to secure the abolition of all corrupting special
   privileges, whether under the guise of subsidies, bounties,
   undeserved pensions or trust breeding tariffs."

   Within a few weeks after the holding of this convention,
   Senator Caffery and Mr. Howe withdrew their names from the
   canvass, and it was decided to appoint electors-at-large in as
   many states as possible, to receive the votes of those
   supporting the movement.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
   Social Democratic Party Platform and Nominations.

   The last distinct movement of organization for the
   presidential election was that of a "Social Democratic Party,"
   whose convention, at Chicago, September 29, placed Eugene V.
   Debs, of Illinois, in nomination for President, and Job
   Harriman, of California, for Vice President, on principles
   declared as follows:

   "The Social Democratic party of America declares that life,
   liberty, and happiness depend upon equal political and
   economic rights.

   "In our economic development an industrial revolution has
   taken place, the individual tool of former years having become
   the social tool of the present. The individual tool was owned
   by the worker, who employed himself and was master of his
   product. The social tool, the machine, is owned by the
   capitalist, and the worker is dependent upon him for
   employment. The capitalist thus becomes the master of the
   worker, and is able to appropriate to himself a large share of
   the product of his labor.

   "Capitalism, the private ownership of the means of production,
   is responsible for the insecurity of subsistence, the poverty,
   misery, and degradation of the ever-growing majority of our
   people; but the same economic forces which have produced and
   now intensify the capitalist system will necessitate the
   adoption of Socialism, the collective ownership of the means
   of production for the common good and welfare.

   "The present system of social production and private ownership
   is rapidly converting society into two antagonistic classes—i.
   e., the capitalist class and the propertyless class. The
   middle class, once the most powerful of this great nation, is
   disappearing in the mill of competition. The issue is now
   between the two classes first named. Our political liberty is
   now of little value to the masses unless used to acquire
   economic liberty. Independent political action and the
   trade-union movement are the chief emancipating factors of the
   working class, the one representing its political, the other
   its economic wing, and both must cooperate to abolish the
   capitalist system.

   "Therefore, the Social Democratic party of America declares
   its object to be:

   "First—The organization of the working class into a political
   party to conquer the public powers now controlled by
   capitalists.

   "Second—The abolition of wage-slavery by the establishment of
   a National system of cooperative industry, based upon the
   social or common ownership of the means of production and
   distribution, to be administered by society in the common
   interest of all its members, and the complete emancipation of
   the socially useful classes from the domination of capitalism.


   "The working class and all those in sympathy with their
   historic mission to realize a higher civilization should sever
   connection with all capitalist and reform parties and unite
   with the Social Democratic party of America. The control of
   political power by the Social Democratic party will be
   tantamount to the abolition of all class rule. The solidarity
   of labor connecting the millions of class-conscious
   fellow-workers throughout the civilized world will lead to
   international Socialism, the brotherhood of man.

   "As steps in that direction, we make the following demands:

   "First-Revision of our Federal Constitution, in order to
   remove the obstacles to complete control of government by the
   people irrespective of sex.

   "Second—The public ownership of all industries controlled by
   monopolies, trusts, and combines.

   "Third—The public ownership of all railroads, telegraphs, and
   telephones; all means of transportation and communication; all
   water-works, gas and electric plants, and other public
   utilities.

   "Fourth—The public ownership of all gold, silver, copper,
   lead, iron, coal, and other mines, and all oil and gas wells.

   "Fifth—The reduction of the hours of labor in proportion to
   the increasing facilities of production.

{660}

   "Sixth—The inauguration of a system of public works and
   improvements for the employment of the unemployed, the public
   credit to be utilized for that purpose.

   "Seventh—Useful inventions to be free, the inventor to be
   remunerated by the public.

   "Eighth—Labor legislation to be National instead of local, and
   international when possible.

   "Ninth—National insurance of working people against
   accidents, lack of employment, and want in old age.

   "Tenth—Equal civil and political rights for men and women, and
   the abolition of all laws discriminating against women.

   "Eleventh—The adoption of the initiative and referendum,
   proportional representation, and the right of recall of
   representatives by the voters.

   "Twelfth—Abolition of war and the introduction of
   international arbitration."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
   The Canvass and Election.

   The canvass preceding the election was much less excited than
   that of 1896. The confusion of issues greatly lessened the
   intensity with which they were discussed. Mr. Bryan again took
   the field in person, travelling widely through all parts of
   the country, making great numbers of speeches to immense
   audiences everywhere; and Governor Roosevelt did the same on
   the Republican side, to a somewhat less extent.

   The election, which occurred on the 6th of November, was
   conducted with the quiet order that is rarely broken at such
   times in America. About fourteen millions of votes were cast,
   of which, according to the returns compiled for the Tribune
   Almanac,
   President McKinley received 7,214,027,
   and Bryan, 6,342,514.
   For the Prohibition ticket, 197,112 votes were cast;
   for the Socialist Labor ticket, 32,433;
   for the Social Democratic ticket, 82,904;
   and 78,444 votes were scuttered among other candidates.
   The States carried for McKinley were:
   California, giving 9 electoral votes;
   Connecticut, 6;
   Delaware, 3;
   Illinois, 24;
   Indiana, 15;
   Iowa, 13;
   Kansas, 10;
   Maine, 6;
   Maryland, 8;
   Massachusetts, 15;
   Michigan, 14;
   Minnesota, 9;
   Nebraska, 8;
   New Hampshire, 4;
   New Jersey, 10;
   New York, 36;
   North Dakota, 3;
   Ohio, 23;
   Oregon, 4;
   Pennsylvania, 32;
   Rhode Island, 4;
   South Dakota, 4;
   Utah, 3;
   Vermont, 4;
   Washington, 4;
   West Virginia, 6;
   Wisconsin, 12;
   Wyoming, 3;

   Total, 292.

   For Bryan, the electoral votes of the following States
   were given:
   Alabama, 11;
   Arkansas, 8;
   Colorado, 4;
   Florida, 4;
   Georgia, 13;
   Idaho, 3;
   Kentucky, 13;
   Louisiana, 8;
   Mississippi, 9;
   Missouri, 17;
   Montana, 3;
   Nevada, 3;
   North Carolina, 11;
   South Carolina, 9;
   Tennessee, 12;
   Texas, 15;
   Virginia, 12;

   Total, 155.

   President McKinley was re-elected by a majority of 137 votes
   in the Electoral College, and by a majority of nearly half a
   million of the popular vote.

   " The popular vote for President shows three interesting
   things:

   "(1) Many men of each party abstained from voting, for the
   total was only 45,132 greater than in 1896, whereas the
   increase in population adds about a million to the electorate
   every four years. The total vote last year was 13,970,234. Mr.
   McKinley received only about 100,000 more than in 1896, and
   Mr. Bryan 130,000 less. Many men in each party, then, were
   dissatisfied with their candidate and platform.

   "(2) Mr. Bryan's largest gains were in New England, because of
   the anti-Imperialistic feeling, and in New York and New Jersey
   and Illinois, because of a milder fear of financial
   disturbance; and his losses were greatest in Utah, in
   Colorado, and in the Pacific States, an indication of better
   times and of less faith in free silver.

   "(3) Twelve Southern States cast a smaller vote than in 1896,
   partly because of the elimination of the Negroes, and partly
   because many Gold Democrats abstained from voting."

      _The World's Work, February, 1901._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
   The Democratic candidate on "Imperialism."

   The issue which ought to have been supreme in the Presidential
   election, because fundamental principles of government and
   lasting consequences of policy were bound up in it, but which
   was unhappily confused by prevailing anxieties in the
   sensitive region of commercial and industrial affairs, is more
   broadly and adequately defined in the declarations of the two
   leading candidates, on their formal acceptance of nominations
   by the Democratic and Republican parties, than it is in the
   party platforms quoted above. The first to speak was Mr.
   Bryan. Responding to the committee which notified him of his
   nomination, at Indianapolis, ou the 8th of August, he devoted
   the greater part of his remarks to the policy of colonial
   acquisition on which the government had been embarked. The
   following passages are fairly representative of the view taken
   by those who condemned what they termed "imperialism," in the
   undertaking of the government of the American Republic to
   impose its sovereignty upon the people of the Philippine
   Islands, and to hold their country as a "possession:"

   "When the president, supported by a practically unanimous vote
   of the House and Senate, entered upon a war with Spain for the
   purpose of aiding the struggling patriots of Cuba, the
   country, without regard to party, applauded. Although the
   Democrats realized that the administration would necessarily
   gain a political advantage from the conduct of a war which in
   the very nature of the case must soon end in a complete
   victory, they vied with the Republicans in the support which
   they gave to the President. When the war was over and the
   Republican leaders began to suggest the propriety of a
   colonial policy, opposition at once manifested itself.

   "When the President finally laid before the Senate a treaty
   which recognized the independence of Cuba, but provided for
   the cession of the Philippine Islands to the United States,
   the menace of imperialism became so apparent that many
   preferred to reject the treaty and risk the ills that might
   follow rather than take the chance of correcting the errors of
   the treaty by the independent action of this country. I was
   among the number of those who believed it better to ratify the
   treaty and end the war, release the volunteers, remove the
   excuse for war expenditures, and then give the Filipinos the
   independence which might be forced from Spain by a new treaty.
   … The title of Spain being extinguished we were at liberty to
   deal with the Filipinos according to American principles. The
   Bacon resolution, introduced a mouth before hostilities broke
   out at Manila, promised independence to the Filipinos on the
   same terms that it was promised to the Cubans.
{661}
   I supported this resolution and believe that its adoption
   prior to the breaking out of hostilities would have prevented
   bloodshed, and that its adoption at any subsequent time would
   have ended hostilities. … If the Bacon resolution had been
   adopted by the Senate and carried out by the President, either
   at the time of the ratification of the treaty or at any time
   afterwards, it would have taken the question of imperialism
   out of politics and left the American people free to deal with
   their domestic problems. But the resolution was defeated by
   the vote of the Republican Vice-President, and from that time
   to this a Republican Congress has refused to take any action
   whatever in the matter.

   "When hostilities broke out at Manila, Republican speakers and
   Republican editors at once sought to lay the blame upon those
   who had delayed the ratification of the treaty, and, during
   the progress of the war, the same Republicans have accused the
   opponents of imperialism of giving encouragement to the
   Filipinos. …

   "The Filipinos do not need any encouragement from Americans
   now living. Our whole history has been an encouragement, not
   only to the Filipinos, but to all who are denied a voice in
   their own government. If the Republicans are prepared to
   censure all who have used language calculated to make the
   Filipinos hate foreign domination, let them condemn the speech
   of Patrick Henry. When he uttered that passionate appeal,
   'Give me liberty or give me death,' he expressed a sentiment
   which still echoes in the hearts of men. Let them censure
   Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history none have used
   words so offensive to those who would hold their fellows in
   political bondage. Let them censure Washington, who declared
   that the colonists must choose between liberty and slavery.
   Or, if the statute of limitations has run against the sins of
   Henry and Jefferson and Washington, let them censure Lincoln,
   whose Gettysburg speech will be quoted in defense of popular
   government when the present advocates of force and conquest
   are forgotten. … If it were possible to obliterate every word
   written or spoken in defense of the principles set forth in
   the Declaration of Independence, a war of conquest would still
   leave its legacy of perpetual hatred, for it was God himself
   who placed in every human heart the love of liberty. He never
   made a race of people so low in the scale of civilization or
   intelligence that it would welcome a foreign master.

   "Those who would have this nation enter upon a career of
   empire must, consider not only the effect of imperialism on
   the Filipinos, but they must also calculate its effects upon
   our own nation. We cannot repudiate the principle of
   self-government in the Philippines without weakening that
   principle here. …

   "Our opponents, conscious of the weakness of their cause, seek
   to confuse imperialism with expansion, and have even dared to
   claim Jefferson as a supporter of their policy. Jefferson
   spoke so freely and used language with such precision that no
   one can be ignorant of his views. On one occasion he declared:
   'If there be one principle more deeply rooted than any other
   in the mind of every American, it is that we should have
   nothing to do with conquest.' And again he said: 'Conquest is
   not in our principles; it is inconsistent with our
   government.' The forcible annexation of territory to be
   governed by arbitrary power differs as much from the
   acquisition of territory to be built up into states as a
   monarchy differs from a democracy. The Democratic party does
   not oppose expansion when expansion enlarges the area of the
   Republic and incorporates land which can be settled by
   American citizens, or adds to our population people who are
   willing to become citizens and are capable of discharging
   their duties as such. …

   "A colonial policy means that we shall send to the Philippine
   Islands a few traders, a few taskmasters and a few
   officeholders and an army large enough to support the
   authority of a small fraction of the people while they rule
   the natives. If we have an imperial policy we must have a
   great standing army as its natural and necessary complement.
   The spirit which will justify the forcible annexation of the
   Philippine Islands will justify the seizure of other islands
   and the domination of other people, and with wars of conquest
   we can expect a certain, if not rapid, growth of our military
   establishment. …

   "The Republican platform assumes that the Philippine Islands
   will be retained under American sovereignty, and we have a
   right to demand of the Republican leaders a discussion of the
   future status of the Filipino. Is he to be a citizen or a
   subject? Are we to bring into the body politic eight or ten
   million Asiatics, so different from us in race and history
   that amalgamation is impossible? Are they to share with us in
   making the laws and shaping the destiny of this nation? No
   Republican of prominence has been bold enough to advocate such
   a proposition. The McEnery resolution, adopted by the Senate
   immediately after the ratification of the treaty, expressly
   negatives this idea. The Democratic platform describes the
   situation when it says that the Filipinos cannot be citizens
   without endangering our civilization. Who will dispute it? And
   what is the alternative? If the Filipino is not to be a
   citizen, shall we make him a subject? On that question the
   Democratic platform speaks with equal emphasis. It declares
   that the Filipino cannot be a subject without endangering our
   form of government. A Republic can have no subjects. A subject
   is possible only in a government resting upon force; he is
   unknown in a government deriving its just powers from the
   consent of the governed. "The Republican platform says that
   'the largest measure of self-government consistent with their
   welfare and our duties shall be secured to them (the
   Filipinos) by law.' This is a strange doctrine for a
   government which owes its very existence to the men who
   offered their lives as a protest against government without
   consent and taxation without representation. In what respect
   does the position of the Republican party differ from the
   position taken by the English government in 1776? Did not the
   English government promise a good government to the colonists?
   What king ever promised a bad government to his people? Did
   not the English government promise that the colonists should
   have the largest measure of self-government consistent with
   their welfare and English duties? Did not the Spanish
   government promise to give to the Cubans the largest measure
   of self-government consistent with their welfare and Spanish
   duties? The whole difference between a Monarchy and a Republic
   may be summed up in one sentence. In a Monarchy the King gives
   to the people what he believes to be a good government; in a
   Republic the people secure for themselves what they believe to
   be a good government. …

{662}

   "The Republican platform promises that some measure of
   self-government is to be given the Filipinos by law; but even
   this pledge is not fulfilled. Nearly sixteen months elapsed
   after the ratification of the treaty before the adjournment of
   Congress last June, and yet no law was passed dealing with the
   Philippine situation. The will of the President has been the
   only law in the Philippine Islands wherever the American
   authority extends. Why does the Republican party hesitate to
   legislate upon the Philippine question? Because a law would
   disclose the radical departure from history and precedent
   contemplated by those who control the Republican party. The
   storm of protest which greeted the Porto Rican bill was an
   indication of what may be expected when the American people
   are brought face to face with legislation upon this subject.
   If the Porto Ricans, who welcomed annexation, are to be denied
   the guarantees of our Constitution, what is to be the lot of
   the Filipinos, who resisted our authority? If secret
   influences could compel a disregard of our plain duty toward
   friendly people, living near our shores, what treatment will
   those same influences provide for unfriendly people 7,000
   miles away? …

   "Is the sunlight of full citizenship to be enjoyed by the
   people of the United States, and the twilight of
   semi-citizenship endured by the people of Porto Rico, while
   the thick darkness of perpetual vassalage covers the
   Philippines? The Porto Rico tariff law asserts the doctrine
   that the operation of the Constitution is confined to the
   forty-five States. The Democratic party disputes this doctrine
   and denounces it as repugnant to both the letter and spirit of
   our organic law. There is no place in our system of government
   for the deposit of arbitrary and irresponsible power. That the
   leaders of a great party should claim for any President or
   Congress the right to treat millions of people as mere
   'possessions' and deal with them unrestrained by the
   Constitution or the bill of rights, shows how far we have
   already departed from the ancient landmarks and indicates what
   may be expected if this nation deliberately enters upon a
   career of empire.

   "The territorial form of government is temporary and
   preparatory, and the chief security a citizen of a territory
   has is found in the fact that he enjoys the same
   constitutional guarantees and is subject to the same general
   laws as the citizen of a state. Take away this security and
   his rights will be violated and his interests sacrificed at
   the demand of those who have political influence. This is the
   evil of the colonial system, no matter by what nation it is
   applied. …

   "Let us consider briefly the reasons which have been given in
   support of an imperialistic policy. Some say that it is our
   duty to hold the Philippine Islands. But duty is not an
   argument; it is a conclusion. To ascertain what our duty is,
   in any emergency, we must apply well settled and generally
   accepted principles. It is our duty to avoid stealing, no
   matter whether the thing to be stolen is of great or little
   value. It is our duty to avoid killing a human being, no
   matter where the human being lives or to what race or class he
   belongs. …

   "It is said that we have assumed before the world obligations
   which make it necessary for us to permanently maintain a
   government in the Philippine Islands. I reply, first, that the
   highest obligation of this nation is to be true to itself. No
   obligation to any particular nations, or to all the nations
   combined, can require the abandonment of our theory of
   government, and the substitution of doctrines against which
   our whole national life has been a protest. And, second, that
   our obligation to the Filipinos, who inhabit the islands, is
   greater than any obligation which we can owe to foreigners who
   have a temporary residence in the Philippines or desire to
   trade there. It is argued by some that the Filipinos are
   incapable of self-government and that, therefore, we owe it to
   the world to take control of them. Admiral Dewey, in an
   official report to the Navy Department, declared the Filipinos
   more capable of self-government than the Cubans, and said that
   he based his opinion upon a knowledge of both races. …

   "Republicans ask, 'Shall we haul down the flag that floats
   over our dead in the Philippines?' The same question might
   have been asked when the American flag floated over
   Chapultepec and waved over the dead who fell there; but the
   tourist who visits the City of Mexico finds there a national
   cemetery owned by the United States and cared for by an
   American citizen. Our flag still floats over our dead, but
   when the treaty with Mexico was signed American authority
   withdrew to the Rio Grande, and I venture the opinion that
   during the last fifty years the people of Mexico have made
   more progress under the stimulus of independence and
   self-government than they would have made under a carpet-bag
   government held in place by bayonets. The United States and
   Mexico, friendly republics, are each stronger and happier than
   they would have been had the former been cursed and the latter
   crushed by an imperialistic policy disguised as 'benevolent
   assimilation.'

   "'Can we not govern colonies?', we are asked. The question is
   not what we can do, but what we ought to do. This nation can
   do whatever it desires to do, but it must accept
   responsibility for what it does. If the Constitution stands in
   the way, the people can amend the Constitution. I repeat, the
   nation can do whatever it desires to do, but it cannot avoid
   the natural and legitimate results of its own conduct. …

   "Some argue that American rule in the Philippine Islands will
   result in the better education of the Filipinos. Be not
   deceived. If we expect to maintain a colonial policy, we shall
   not find it to our advantage to educate the people. The
   educated Filipinos are now in revolt against us, and the most
   ignorant ones have made the least resistance to our
   domination. If we are to govern them without their consent and
   give them no voice in determining the taxes which they must
   pay, we dare not educate them, lest they learn to read the
   Declaration of Independence and Constitution of the United
   States and mock us for our inconsistency. The principal
   arguments, however, advanced by those who enter upon a defense
   of imperialism are:

   "First—That we must improve the present opportunity to become
   a world power and enter into international politics.

{663}

   "Second—That our commercial interests in the Philippine
   Islands and in the Orient make it necessary for us to hold the
   islands permanently.

   "Third—That the spread of the Christian religion will be
   facilitated by a colonial policy.

   "Fourth—That there is no honorable retreat from the position
   which the nation has taken.

   "The first argument is addressed to the nation's pride and the
   second to the nation's pocket-book. The third is intended for
   the church member and the fourth for the partisan. It is
   sufficient answer to the first argument to say that for more
   than a century this nation has been a world power. For ten
   decades it has been the most potent influence in the world.
   Not only has it been a world power, but it has done more to
   affect the politics of the human race than all the other
   nations of the world combined. Because our Declaration of
   Independence was promulgated others have been promulgated.
   Because the patriots of 1776 fought for liberty, others have
   fought for it. Because our Constitution was adopted, other
   constitutions have been adopted. The growth of the principle
   of self-government, planted on American soil, has been the
   overshadowing political fact of the nineteenth century. It has
   made this nation conspicuous among the nations and given it a
   place in history such as no other nation has ever enjoyed.
   Nothing has been able to check the onward march of this idea.
   I am not willing that this nation shall cast aside the
   omnipotent weapon of truth to seize again the weapons of
   physical warfare. I would not exchange the glory of this
   Republic for the glory of all the empires that have risen and
   fallen since time began.

   "The permanent chairman of the last Republican National
   Convention presented the pecuniary argument in all its
   baldness when he said: 'We make no hypocritical pretense of
   being interested in the Philippines solely on account of
   others. While we regard the welfare of those people as a
   sacred trust, we regard the welfare of the American people
   first. We see our duty to ourselves as well as to others. We
   believe in trade expansion. By every legitimate means within
   the province of government and constitution we mean to
   stimulate the expansion of our trade and open new markets.'
   This is the commercial argument. It is based upon the theory
   that war can be rightly waged for pecuniary advantage, and
   that it is profitable to purchase trade by force and violence.
   … The Democratic party is in favor of the expansion of trade.
   It would extend our trade by every legitimate and peaceful
   means; but it is not willing to make merchandise of human
   blood. But a war of conquest is as unwise as it is
   unrighteous. A harbor and coaling station in the Philippines
   would answer every trade and military necessity, and such a
   concession could have been secured at any time without
   difficulty.

   "It is not necessary to own people in order to trade with
   them. We carry on trade to-day with every part of the world,
   and our commerce has expanded more rapidly than the commerce
   of any European empire. We do not own Japan or China, but we
   trade with their people. We have not absorbed the republics of
   Central and South America, but we trade with them. It has not
   been necessary to have any political connection with Canada or
   the nations of Europe in order to trade with them. Trade
   cannot be permanently profitable unless it is voluntary. …

   "Imperialism would be profitable to the army contractors; it
   would be profitable to the ship-owners, who would carry live
   soldiers to the Philippines and bring dead soldiers back; it
   would be profitable to those who would seize upon the
   franchises, and it would be profitable to the officials whose
   salaries would be fixed here and paid over there; but to the
   farmer, to the laboring man and to the vast majority of those
   engaged in other occupations it would bring expenditure
   without return and risk without reward.

   "The pecuniary argument, though more effective with certain
   classes, is not likely to be used so often or presented with
   so much enthusiasm as the religious argument. If what has been
   termed the 'gunpowder gospel' were urged against the Filipinos
   only, it would be a sufficient answer to say that a majority
   of the Filipinos are now members of one branch of the
   Christian church; but the principle involved is one of much
   wider application and challenges serious consideration. The
   religious argument varies in positiveness, from a passive
   belief that Providence delivered the Filipinos into our hands
   for their good and our glory, to the exultation of the
   minister who said that we ought to 'thrash the natives
   (Filipinos) until they understand who we are,' and that 'every
   bullet sent, every cannon shot and every flag waved, means
   righteousness.' … If true Christianity consists in carrying
   out in our daily lives the teachings of Christ, who will say
   that we are commanded to civilize with dynamite and proselyte
   with the sword? …

   "Love, not force, was the weapon of the Nazarene; sacrifice
   for others, not the exploitation of them, was His method of
   reaching the human heart. A missionary recently told me that
   the Stars and Stripes once saved his life because his
   assailant recognized our flag as a flag that had no blood upon
   it. Let it be known that our missionaries are seeking souls
   instead of sovereignty; let it be known that instead of being
   the advance guard of conquering armies, they are going forth
   to help and uplift, having their loins girt about with truth
   and their feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of
   peace, wearing the breastplate of righteousness and carrying
   the sword of the spirit; let it be known that they are
   citizens of a nation which respects the rights of the citizens
   of other nations as carefully as it protects the rights of its
   own citizens, and the welcome given to our missionaries will
   be more cordial than the welcome extended to the missionaries
   of any other nation.

   "The argument made by some that it was unfortunate for the
   nation that it had anything to do with the Philippine Islands,
   but that the naval victory at Manila made the permanent
   acquisition of those islands necessary, is also unsound. We
   won a naval victory at Santiago, but that did not compel us to
   hold Cuba. The shedding of American blood in the Philippine
   Islands does not make it imperative that we should retain
   possession forever. American blood was shed at San Juan Hill
   and El Caney, and yet the President has promised the Cubans
   independence. The fact that the American flag floats over
   Manila does not compel us to exercise perpetual sovereignty
   over the islands; the American flag waves over Havana to-day,
   but the President has promised to haul it down when the flag
   of the Cuban Republic is ready to rise in its place. Better a
   thousand times that our flag in the Orient give way to a flag
   representing the idea of self-government than that the flag of
   this Republic should become the flag of an empire.

{664}

   "There is an easy, honest, honorable solution of the
   Philippine question. It is set forth in the Democratic
   platform, and it is submitted with confidence to the American
   people. This plan I unreservedly indorse. If elected, I will
   convene congress in extraordinary session as soon as
   inaugurated and recommend an immediate declaration of the
   nation's purpose, first, to establish a stable form of
   government in the Philippine Islands, just as we are now
   establishing a stable form of government in Cuba; second, to
   give independence to the Cubans; third, to protect the
   Filipinos from outside interference while they work out their
   destiny, just as we have protected the republics of Central
   and South America, and are, by the Monroe doctrine, pledged to
   protect Cuba."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
   The Republican candidate on the same subject.

   The answer of the party controlling the government to the
   impeachment of its policy of colonial acquisition, and
   especially of its conduct in the Philippine Islands, was given
   by Mr. McKinley, in a letter of acceptance, addressed,
   September 8, to the committee which gave him formal notice of
   his renomination by the Republican convention. After
   rehearsing at considerable length the events which preceded,
   attended and followed the capture of Manila, he continued:

   "Would not our adversaries have sent Dewey's fleet to Manila
   to capture and destroy the Spanish sea power there, or,
   dispatching it there, would they have withdrawn it after the
   destruction of the Spanish fleet; and, if the latter, whither
   would they have directed it to sail? Where could it have gone?
   What port in the Orient was opened to it? Do our adversaries
   condemn the expedition under the command of General Merritt to
   strengthen Dewey in the distant ocean and assist in our
   triumph over Spain, with which nation we were at war? Was it
   not our highest duty to strike Spain at every vulnerable
   point, that the war might be successfully concluded at the
   earliest practicable moment? And was it not our duty to
   protect the lives and property of those who came within our
   control by the fortunes of war? Could we have come away at any
   time between May 1, 1898, and the conclusion of peace without a
   stain upon our good name? Could we have come away without
   dishonor at any time after the ratification of the peace
   treaty by the Senate of the United States? There has been no
   time since the destruction of the enemy's fleet when we could
   or should have left the Philippine Archipelago. After the
   treaty of peace was ratified, no power but Congress could
   surrender our sovereignty or alienate a foot of the territory
   thus acquired. The Congress has not seen fit to do the one or
   the other, and the President had no authority to do either, if
   he had been so inclined, which he was not. So long as the
   sovereignty remains in us it is the duty of the Executive,
   whoever he may be, to uphold that sovereignty, and if it be
   attacked to suppress its assailants. Would our political
   adversaries do less?

   "It has been asserted that there would have been no fighting
   in the Philippines if Congress had declared its purpose to
   give independence to the Tagal insurgents. The insurgents did
   not wait for the action of Congress. They assumed the
   offensive; they opened fire on our Army. Those who assert our
   responsibility for the beginning of the conflict have
   forgotten that, before the treaty was ratified in the Senate,
   and while it was being debated in that body and while the
   Bacon resolution was under discussion, on February 4, 1899,
   the insurgents attacked the American Army, after being
   previously advised that the American forces were under orders
   not to fire upon them except in defense. The papers found in
   the recently captured archives of the insurgents demonstrate
   that this attack had been carefully planned for weeks before
   it occurred. This unprovoked assault upon our soldiers at a
   time when the Senate was deliberating upon the treaty shows
   that no action on our part, except surrender and abandonment,
   would have prevented the fighting, and leaves no doubt in any
   fair mind of where the responsibility rests for the shedding
   of American blood.

   "With all the exaggerated phrase-making of this electoral
   contest, we are in danger of being diverted from the real
   contention. We are in agreement with all of those who
   supported the war with Spain and also with those who counseled
   the ratification of the treaty of peace. Upon these two great
   essential steps there can be no issue and out of these came
   all of our responsibilities. If others would shirk the
   obligations imposed by the war and the treaty, we must decline
   to act further with them, and here the issue was made. It is our
   purpose to establish in the Philippines a government suitable
   to the wants and conditions of the inhabitants and to prepare
   them for self-government when they are ready for it and as
   rapidly as they are ready for it. That I am aiming to do under
   my Constitutional authority, and will continue to do until
   Congress shall determine the political status of the
   inhabitants of the archipelago.

   "Are our opponents against the treaty? If so, they must be
   reminded that it could not have been ratified in the Senate
   but for their assistance. The Senate which ratified the treaty
   and the Congress which added its sanction by a large
   approbation comprised Senators and Representatives of the
   people of all parties. Would our opponents surrender to the
   insurgents, abandon our sovereignty or cede it to them? If
   that be not their purpose, then it should be promptly
   disclaimed, for only evil can result from the hopes raised by
   our opponents in the minds of the Filipinos, that with their
   success at the polls in November there will be a withdrawal of
   our Army and of American sovereignty over the archipelago; the
   complete independence of the Tagalog people recognized and the
   powers of government over all the other people of the
   archipelago conferred upon the Tagalog leaders. The effect of
   a belief in the minds of the insurgents that this will be done
   has already prolonged the rebellion and increases the
   necessity for the continuance of a large army. It is now
   delaying full peace in the archipelago and the establishment
   of civil governments and has influenced many of the insurgents
   against accepting the liberal terms of amnesty offered by
   General MacArthur under my direction. But for these false
   hopes, a considerable reduction could have been had in our
   military establishment in the Philippines, and the realization
   of a stable government would be already at hand.

{665}

   "The American people are asked by our opponents to yield the
   sovereignty of the United States in the Philippines to a small
   fraction of the population, a single tribe out of 80 or more
   inhabiting the archipelago, a faction which wantonly attacked
   the American troops in Manila while in rightful possession
   under the protocol with Spain, awaiting the ratification of
   the treaty of peace by the Senate, and which has since been in
   active, open rebellion against the United States. We are asked
   to transfer our sovereignty to a small minority in the
   islands, without consulting the majority, and to abandon the
   largest portion of the population, which has been loyal to us,
   to the cruelties of the guerrilla insurgent bands. More, than
   this, we are asked to protect this minority in establishing a
   government, and to this end repress all opposition of the
   majority. We are required to set up a stable government in the
   interest of those who have assailed our sovereignty and fired
   upon our soldiers, and then maintain it at any cost or
   sacrifice against its enemies within and against those having
   ambitious designs from without. This would require an army and
   navy far larger than is now maintained in the Philippines and
   still more in excess of what will be necessary with the full
   recognition of our sovereignty. A military support of
   authority not our own, as thus proposed, is the very essence
   of militarism, which our opponents in their platform oppose,
   but which by their policy would of necessity be established in
   its most offensive form.

   "The American people will not make the murderers of our
   soldiers the agents of the Republic to convey the blessings of
   liberty and order to the Philippines. They will not make them
   the builders of the new commonwealth. Such a course would be a
   betrayal of our sacred obligations to the peaceful Filipinos
   and would place at the mercy of dangerous adventurers the
   lives and property of the natives and foreigners. It would
   make possible and easy the commission of such atrocities as
   were secretly planned to be executed on the 22d of February,
   1899, in the city of Manila, when only the vigilance of our
   Army prevented the attempt to assassinate our soldiers and all
   foreigners and pillage and destroy the city and its
   surroundings. In short, the proposition of those opposed to us
   is to continue all the obligations in the Philippines which
   now rest upon the Government, only changing the relation from
   principal, which now exists, to that of surety. Our
   responsibility is to remain, but our power is to be
   diminished. Our obligation is to be no less, but our title is
   to be surrendered to another power, which is without
   experience or training or the ability to maintain a stable
   government at home and absolutely helpless to perform its
   international obligations with the rest of the world. To this
   we are opposed. We should not yield our title while our
   obligations last. In the language of our platform, 'Our
   authority should not be less than our responsibility,' and our
   present responsibility is to establish our authority in every
   part of the islands.

   "No government can so certainly preserve the peace, restore
   public order, establish law, justice and stable conditions as
   ours. Neither Congress nor the Executive can establish a
   stable government in these islands except under our right of
   sovereignty, our authority and our flag. And this we are
   doing. We could not do it as a protectorate power so
   completely or so successfully as we are doing it now. As the
   sovereign power, we can initiate action and shape means to
   ends and guide the Filipinos to self-development and
   self-government. As a protectorate power we could not initiate
   action, but would be compelled to follow and uphold a people
   with no capacity yet to go alone. In the one case we can
   protect both ourselves and the Filipinos from being involved
   in dangerous complications; in the other we could not protect
   even the Filipinos until after their trouble had come. Beside,
   if we cannot establish any government of our own without the
   consent of the governed, as our opponents contend, then we
   could not establish a stable government for them or make ours
   a protectorate without the like consent, and neither the
   majority of the people or a minority of the people have
   invited us to assume it. We could not maintain a protectorate
   even with the consent of the governed without giving
   provocation for conflicts and possibly costly wars. Our rights
   in the Philippines are now free from outside interference and
   will continue so in our present relation. They would not be
   thus free in any other relation. We will not give up our own
   to guarantee another sovereignty.

   "Our title is good. Our peace commissioners believed they were
   receiving a good title when they concluded the treaty. The
   Executive believed it was a good title when he submitted it to
   the Senate of the United States for its ratification. The Senate
   believed it was a good title when they gave it their
   Constitutional assent, and the Congress seems not to have
   doubted its completeness when they appropriated $20,000,000
   provided by the treaty. If any who favored its ratification
   believed it gave us a bad title, they were not sincere. Our
   title is practically identical with that under which we hold
   our territory acquired since the beginning of the government,
   and under which we have exercised full sovereignty and
   established government for the inhabitants. It is worthy of
   note that no one outside of the United States disputes the
   fulness and integrity of the cession. What then is the real
   issue on this subject? Whether it is paramount to any other or
   not, it is whether we shall be responsible for the government
   of the Philippines with the sovereignty and authority which
   enable us to guide them to regulated liberty, law, safety and
   progress, or whether we shall be responsible for the forcible
   and arbitrary government of a minority without sovereignty and
   authority on our part and with only the embarrassment of a
   protectorate which draws us into their troubles without the
   power of preventing them. There were those who two years ago
   were rushing us on to war with Spain who are unwilling now to
   accept its clear consequence, as there are those among us who
   advocated the ratification of the treaty of pence, but now
   protest against its obligations. Nations which go to war must
   be prepared to accept its resultant obligations, and when they
   make treaties must keep them.

{666}

   "Those who profess to distrust the liberal and honorable
   purposes of the Administration in its treatment of the
   Philippines are not justified. Imperialism has no place in its
   creed or conduct. Freedom is a rock upon which the Republican
   party was builded and now rests. Liberty is the great
   Republican doctrine for which the people went to war and for
   which 1,000,000 lives were offered and billions of dollars
   expended to make it a lawful legacy of all without the consent
   of master or slave. There is a strain of ill-conceived
   hypocrisy in the anxiety to extend the Constitutional
   guarantees to the people of the Philippines while their
   nullification is openly advocated at home. Our opponents may
   distrust themselves, but they have no right to discredit the
   good faith and patriotism of the majority of the people, who
   are opposing them; they may fear the worst form of imperialism
   with the helpless Filipinos in their hands, but if they do, it
   is because they have parted with the spirit and faith of the
   fathers and have lost the virility of the founders of the
   party which they profess to represent.

   "The Republican party does not have to assert its devotion to
   the Declaration of Independence. That immortal instrument of
   the fathers remained unexecuted until the people under the
   lead of the Republican party in the awful clash of battle
   turned its promises into fulfillment. It wrote into the
   Constitution the amendments guaranteeing political equality to
   American citizenship and it has never broken them or counseled
   others in breaking them. It will not be guided in its conduct by
   one set of principles at home and another set in the new
   territory belonging to the United States. If our opponents
   would only practice as well as preach the doctrines of Abraham
   Lincoln there would be no fear for the safety of our
   institutions at home or their rightful influence in any
   territory over which our flag floats.

   "Empire has been expelled from Porto Rico and the Philippines
   by American freemen. The flag of the Republic now floats over
   these islands as an emblem of rightful sovereignty. Will the
   Republic stay and dispense to their inhabitants the blessings
   of liberty, education and free institutions, or steal away,
   leaving them to anarchy or imperialism? The American question
   is between duty and desertion—the American verdict will be for
   duty and against desertion, for the Republic against both
   anarchy and imperialism."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (June).
   Revenues and expenditures of the government for the
   fiscal year ended June 30, 1900.

   The revenues of the Government from all sources (by
   warrants) for the fiscal year ended June 30. 1900, were:

From internal revenue.                          $295.327,926.76
From customs.                                    233,164,871.16
From profits on coinage, bullion deposits, etc.    9,992,374.09
From District of Columbia.                         4,008,722.77
From fees-consular, letters patents, and land.     3,291.716.68
From sales of public lands.                        2,836.882.98
From tax on national banks.                        1.998.554.00
From navy pension, navy hospital, clothing,
   and deposit funds.                              1,621.558.52
From sales of Indian lands.                        1,384,663.49
From payment of interest by Pacific railways.      1,173,466.43
From miscellaneous.                                  997,375.68
From sales of Government property.                   779,522.78
From customs fees, fines, penalties, etc.            675,706.95
From immigrant fund.                                 537,404.81
From deposits for surveying public lands.            273,247.19
From sales of ordnance material.                     257,265.56
From Soldiers' Home, permanent fund.                 247,926.62
From tax on seal skins, and rent of seal islands.    225,676.47
From license fees, Territory of Alaska.              157,234.94
From trust funds, Department of State.               152,794.56
From depredations on public lands.                    76,307.58
From Spanish indemnity.                               57,000.00
From sales of lands and buildings                  3,842,737.68
From part payment Central Pacific
   Railroad indebtedness.                          3,338,016.49
From dividend received for account of
   Kansas Pacific Railway.                           821,891.70
From Postal Service.                             102,354,579.29

Total receipts                                   669,595,431.18


   The expenditures for the same period were:

For the civil establishment, including foreign
intercourse, public buildings, collecting
the revenues, District of Columbia,
and other miscellaneous expenses                 $98,542,411.37

For the military establishment, including
rivers and harbors, forts, arsenals, sea
coast defenses, and expenses of the war
with Spain and in the Philippines                134,174,761.18

For the naval establishment, including
construction of new vessels, machinery,
armament, equipment, improvement at
navy-yards, and expenses of the war
with Spain and in the Philippines                 55,953,077.72

For Indian Service.                               10,175,100.76
For pensions.                                    140,877,316.02
For interest on the public debt.                  40,160,333.27
For deficiency in postal revenues.                 7,230,778.79
For Postal Service.                              102,354,579.29

Total expenditures.                              590,068,371.00

Showing a surplus of                              79,527,060.18


   "As compared with the fiscal year 1899, the receipts for 1900
   increased $58,613,426.83. … There was a decrease of
   $117,358,388.14 in expenditures."

      _United States Secretary of the Treasury,
      Annual Report on the State of the Finances,
      1900, pages 7-9._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (June).
   Return of losses from all causes in the armies of the
   United States since May 1, 1898.

   In response to a resolution of the Senate, the following
   return (56th Congress, 1st Session, Senate Document 426) was
   made by the Secretary of War, June 1, 1900, showing the losses
   from all causes in the armies of the United States between May
   1, 1898, and June 30, 1899; casualties in the Philippines
   during the war with Spain, and after the close of the war with
   Spain down to May 20, 1900; and other interesting details:

   Statement showing losses, from all causes, in the armies of
   the United States between May 1, 1898, and June 30, 1899.

   Average strength.

   1898:
   Regular Army, 55,853:
   Volunteers, 163,103.

   1899:
   Regular Army, 63,370;
   Volunteers, 45,457.
 
 
                                   REGULAR ARMY.
   CAUSES.               Officers.    Enlisted Men.   Total.

   Deaths: 
      Killed in action.     24             270          294
      By Wounds.             7             114          121
      Disease.              51           1,524        1,575
      Accident.              1              72           73
      Drowning.              2              48           50
      Suicide.               1              32           33
      Murder or homicide.                   26           26
      Total                 86           2,086        2,172
   
   Wounded.                109           1,586        1,695

{667}
                                  VOLUNTEERS.
   CAUSES.
                          Officers.   Enlisted Men    Total.

   Deaths:
      Killed in action.       17           188         205
      By wounds.               3            78          81
      Disease.               114         3,820       3,934
      Accident.                5           137         142
      Drowning.                1            40          41
      Suicide.                 1            20          21
      Murder or homicide.                   26          26

      Total.                 141         4,309       4,450

      Wounded.                88         1,178       1,266

667

                               GRAND TOTAL.
   CAUSES.
                          Officers.   Enlisted Men

   Deaths:
      Killed In action        38           458
      By wounds               10           192
      Disease                165         5,344
      Accident                 6           209
      Drowning                 3            88
      Suicide.                 2            52
      Murder or homicide.                   52

   Total                     224         6,395

   Wounded                   197         2,764


   Casualties in the Philippines during the war
   with Spain, June 30, 1898, to August 13, 1898.

   Average strength, 10,900.


                               Officers.   Enlisted Men.   Total.

   Killed
      (no deaths from wounds)                   18           18

   Wounded                          10          99          109

   Total                            10         117          127


   In the Philippines, from February 4, 1899, to May 20, 1900,

   Average strength, 43,232.

                              Officers.   Enlisted Men. Total.


   Killed or died of wounds.     43          579        622

   Deaths:
      By disease                 19        1,054      1,073
      Accident                    1           43         44
      Drowning                    2           94         96
      Suicide                     6           23         29
      Murder or homicide                      11         11

   Total                         71        1,804      1,875
   Wounded.                     132        1,897      2,029

   Grand total                  203        3,701      3,904

   Casualties in the Fifth Corps in the operations against
   Santiago, June 22 to July 17, 1898:

                              KILLED.             WOUNDED.
   ACTIONS.
                           Officers.  Men.      Officers.  Men.

   Las Guasimas, June 24       1       15            6      43
   El Caney,     July 1        4       77           25     335
   San Juan,     July 1-3     15      127           69     945
   Aguadores,    July l-2               2                   10
   Around Santiago,
                 July 10-12    1        1            1      11

   Total.                     21      222           101  1,344

   Died of wounds received in the five battles named:
   Officers, 5; men, 70.
   Total killed and died of wounds:
   Officers, 26; men, 292.

   Statement of the number of insane soldiers admitted to the
   Government Hospital for the Insane, Washington, D. C., from
   the Philippine Islands, May 24, 1900, and the disposition made
   of them:

                                 Regulars.   Volunteers.
   Admitted                         47           15
   Discharged recovered             16            3
   Discharged unimproved             1
   On visit from hospital            1
   Remaining in hospital            29           12

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (June).
   Immigration for the year ended June 30.

   "The Commissioner-General of Immigration, in the annual report
   of the operations of his Bureau for the fiscal year ended June
   30, 1900, submits tabulated statements showing the arrival in
   this country during that period of 448,572 alien immigrants,
   425,372 through ports of the United States and 23,200 through
   Canada. Of these, 304,148 were males and 144,424 females;
   54,624 were under 14 years of age, 370,382 were from 14 to 45
   years old, and 23,566 were 45 and over. As to the literacy of
   persons 14 years of age and over, there were 93,576 who could
   neither read nor write, and 2,097 who could read but were
   unable to write; 54,288 brought each $30 or over, and 271,821
   showed sums less than $30, the total amounts displayed to
   inspectors aggregating $6,657,530. There were returned to
   their own countries within one year after landing 356, and
   hospital relief was rendered during the year to 2,417. The
   total debarred, or refused a landing at the ports, were 4,246,
   as compared with 3,798 last year. Of these, 1 was excluded for
   idiocy, 32 for insanity, 2,974 as paupers or persons likely to
   become public charges, 393 on account of disease, 4 as
   convicts, 2 as assisted immigrants, 833 as contract laborers,
   and 7 women upon the ground that they had been imported for
   immoral purposes. In addition to the foregoing, there were
   excluded at the Mexican and Canadian borders a total of 1,616
   aliens.

   "It appears that the Croatian and Slovenian races sent an
   increase of 99 per cent over those of the same races who came
   last year; the Hebrew, an increase of 62 per cent; the South
   Italian (including Sicilian), 28 per cent; the Japanese, 271
   per cent; the Finnish, 106 per cent; the Magyar, 181 per cent;
   the Polish, 64 per cent; the Scandinavian, 41 per cent.; the
   Slovak, 84 per cent. These nine races, of the total of
   forty-one races represented by immigration, furnished nearly
   as many immigrants as the total arrivals for the last year, or
   310,444, and their aggregate increase represented 85 per cent of
   the total increase shown for the year.
{668}
   The total immigration reported, 448,572, is in excess of that
   for the preceding year, 311,715, by 136,857, or 43.9 per cent.
   As to countries of origin, 424,700 came from European, 17,946
   from Asiatic, 30 from African, and 5,896 from all other
   sources. The Commissioner-General points out that in addition
   to the 448,572 immigrants there arrived 65,635 other alien
   passengers, who, he contends, should be included in conformity
   to law with those classified as immigrants."

      _United States, Secretary of the Treasury,
      Annual Report, 1900, page 37._

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (June).
   Shipping, compared with that of other countries.

      See (in this volume)
      SHIPPING OF THE WORLD.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (June).
   Alaska Act.

      See (in this volume)
      ALASKA: A. D. 1900.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (June).
   Returns of Filipinos killed, wounded and captured from the
   beginning of hostilities with them.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (MAY).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (June-December).
   Co-operation with the Powers in China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (July).
   Appeal of citizens of Manila to the
   Congress of the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (JULY).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (July).
   Forces sent to China under General Chaffee.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JULY).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (August).
   Agreement with Russian proposal to withdraw troops
   from Peking.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (September).
   Opposition to German proposal for dealing with China.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (September-November).
   Legislative measures of the Philippine Commission.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (October).
   Military forces in the Philippine Islands.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (December).
   Amendment and ratification of the Hay-Pauncefote Convention.

      See (in this volume)
      CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (December).
   Celebration of the 100th anniversary of the removal of
   the capital to Washington.

      See (in this volume)
      WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (December).
   Exports for the calendar year exceeding those
   of any other nation.

   A Press despatch from Washington, dated February 21, 1901,
   announced the fact that the "complete figures for the calendar
   year 1900, when compared with those of other nations, show
   that American exports of domestic products are greater than
   those of any other country. The total exports of domestic
   merchandise from the United States in the calendar year 1900
   were $1,453,013,659; those from the United Kingdom, which has
   heretofore led in the race for this distinction were
   $1,418,348,000, and those from Germany $1,050,611,000.
   Additional interest is given to the first rank which the
   United States now holds as an exporting nation by the fact
   that a quarter of a century ago she stood fourth in that list.
   In 1875 the domestic exports of the United States were
   $497,263,737; those of Germany, $607,096,000; those of France,
   $747,489,000, and those of the United Kingdom, $1,087,497,000.
   To-day the United States stands at the head of the list, the
   United Kingdom second, Germany third and France fourth, with
   the figures as follows: United States, $1,453,013,659; United
   Kingdom, $1,418,348,000; Germany, $1,050,611,000; France,
   $787,060,000. All of these figures, it should be remembered,
   relate to the exports of domestic products. Thus in the
   quarter century the United States has increased her exports
   from $497,263,737 to $1,453,013,659, or 192 per cent; Germany,
   from $607,096,000 to $1,050,611,000, or 73 per cent; the
   United Kingdom, from $1,087,497,000 to $1,418,348,000, or 34
   per cent, and France, from $747,489,000 to $787,060,000, or 5
   per cent.

   "The following table, compiled from official reports, shows
   the exports of domestic merchandise from the United States,
   the United Kingdom and Germany in each calendar year from 1875
   to 1900:


   Year      United States   United Kingdom    Germany

   1875      $497,263,737    $1,087,497,000    $607,096,000
   1876       575,735,804       976,410,000     619,919,000
   1877       607,666,495       967,913,000     672,151,000
   1878       723,286,821       938,500,000     702,513,000
   1879       754,656,755       932,090,000     675,397,000
   1880       875,564,075     1,085,521,000     741,202,000
   1881       814,162,951     1,138,873,000     724,379,000
   1882       749,911,309     1,175,099,000     776,228,000
   18&1       777,523,718     1,166,982,000     796,208,000
   1884       733,768,764     1,134,016,000     779,832,000
   1885       673,593,506     1,037,124,000     695,892,000
   1886       699,519,430     1,035,226,000     726,471,000
   1887       703,319,692     1,079,944,000     762,897,000
   1888       679,597,477     1,141,365,000     780,076,000
   1889       814,154,864     1,211,442,000     770,537,000
   1890       845,999,603     1,282,474,000     809,810,000
   1891       907,333,551     1,203,169,000     772,679,000
   1892       923,237,315     1,105,747,000     718,806,000
   1893       854,729,454     1,062,162,000     753,301,000
   1894       807,312,116     1,051,193,000     720,607,000
   1895       807,742,415     1,100,452,000     807,328,000
   1896       986,830,080     1,168,671,000     857,745,000
   1897     1,079,834,296     1,139,882,000     884,486,000
   1898     1,233,564,828     1,135,642,000     894,063,000
   1899     1,203,460,000     1,287,971,039   1,001,278,000
   1900     1,453,013,659     1,418,348,000   1,050,611,000


UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900-1901.
   Questions relating to the political status of the new
   possessions of the nation submitted to the Supreme Court.

   Questions of surpassing importance, touching the political
   status of the new possessions which the nation had acquired
   from Spain, the relations of their inhabitants to the
   government and laws of the United States, the source and
   nature of the authority to be exercised over them by the
   Congress of the United States, whether exercised under the
   constitution of the United States or independently of it, were
   taken, in December and January (1900-1901), into the Supreme
   Court for authoritative decision, by appeals to that tribunal
   made in several suits which had arisen from disputed exactions
   of duty on importations from Porto Rico and the Philippine
   Islands. The questions had been burning ones in American
   politics, from the moment that the treaty of peace with Spain
   was signed, and the whole cast, character and consequence of
   the new policy of over-sea expansion on which the American
   Republic was then launched depended on the decision of the
   Court.
{669}
   Soon after the January argument and submission of these cases
   to the Supreme Court, their extraordinary importance was
   touched upon with impressive eloquence by the Honorable W.
   Bourke Cockran, in an address upon "John Marshall," in which
   he said:

   "At this moment the [Supreme Court] is considering the gravest
   question ever submitted to a judicial tribunal in the history
   of mankind. Within a few days it must decide whether the
   government of the United States, or rather whether two of its
   departments can govern territory anywhere by the sword, or
   whether authority exercised by officers of the United States
   must be controlled and limited everywhere by the Constitution
   of the United States.

   "I do not mention this momentous question to express the
   slightest opinion upon its merits, but merely that this
   assemblage of judges and of lawyers may realize the part which
   the judiciary is now required to play in determining the
   influence which this country must exercise forevermore in the
   family of nations. The power of Congress to acquire territory
   is of course unquestioned, but the disposition to exercise
   that power will always be controlled by the conditions under
   which newly acquired territory must be held, and these
   conditions the court must now prescribe. On the one hand it
   may hold that wherever power is exercised under the
   constitution there the limitations of the constitution must be
   obeyed—that wherever the executive undertakes to administer, or
   Congress to legislate, there the judiciary must enforce upon
   both respect for the organic law to which they owe their
   existence. If this doctrine be established it is clear that no
   scheme of forcible conquest will ever be undertaken by this
   government, for the simple reason that there can be no profit
   in such an enterprise. On the other hand the Court may decide
   that Congress can hold newly annexed territories on any terms
   that it chooses—that it may govern them according to the
   constitution or independently of it—that they may be
   administered to establish justice among the governed or for
   the glory and profit of the governors. If it be held that
   government for profit can be maintained under the authority of
   the United States, conceive the extent to which it may be
   carried and the consequences which it may portend. If it be
   possible to maintain two forms of government under our
   constitution, it is possible to establish twenty in as many
   different places. Territory may be annexed to the North, to
   the South, to the East and to the West. The President of the
   United States may be vested with imperial powers in one place,
   with royal prerogatives in another and perhaps remain a
   constitutional magistrate at home. He may be made a military
   autocrat in some South American State, an anointed emperor in
   some Northern clime, a turbaned sultan in some Eastern island.
   Nay, more, Congress can move itself and the seat of government
   from Washington to some newly annexed territory governed by
   officers of its own creation, subject to its own unlimited
   power, and thus take both outside the jurisdiction of the
   Supreme Court.

   "Has the world ever before seen—could the framers of this
   constitution have conceived—a bench of judges exercising such
   a power amid the universal submission and approval of the
   whole people. And more extraordinary than all, this submission
   remains unanimous though the decision of the court may
   seriously affect its own position in the structure of our
   government. For if it be held that the constitution does not
   extend of itself over newly annexed territory, then clearly
   the authority of the court cannot extend to it except by the
   action of Congress and the executive. If the authority, that
   is to say, the existence of the court in any part of the
   territory of the United States, depends upon the other
   departments, then it is idle to contend that it is an
   independent and coordinate branch of the government. To decide
   that the executive and legislative departments have the right
   to govern territory outside the constitution the court must
   deliberately renounce the importance which it has heretofore
   enjoyed and accept for itself an inferior place in our
   political system.

   "To me this is the most sublime spectacle ever presented in
   the history of the world. Think of it! A war has been waged
   with signal success, vast territory has been exacted from a
   conquered foe; a great political campaign has been fought and
   won upon the policy of taking this territory and governing it
   at the pleasure of Congress and the executive, yet if the
   court should hold that what the executive has attempted, what
   Congress has sanctioned, and what the people appear to have
   approved at the polls is in contravention of the constitution,
   not one voice would be raised to question the judgment or to
   resist its enforcement. I have said the spectacle is sublime;
   my friends, even a few weeks ago it was inconceivable. Before
   the late election I confess I believed and said that the
   success of the present administration would be interpreted as
   a popular endorsement of its foreign policy and that the
   popular verdict would very probably be made to exercise a
   strong if not decisive influence on the court. I admit now
   that I was mistaken. It is evident that this question will be
   decided on its merits without the slightest attempt to coerce,
   intimidate or influence the judges, and I say now with all
   frankness that whatever may be the judgment it will be the
   very best outcome for the people of this country, for the
   peace of the world, for the welfare of the human race. I
   cannot tell what this outcome may be, but I know that whenever
   a crisis has arisen in the pathway of the republic, the
   statesmanship of the common people has always met it with
   justice and solved it with wisdom."

      _W. Bourke Cockran,
      John Marshall: an address before the Erie County Bar
      Association, February 4, 1901, at Buffalo._

   Argument before the Supreme Court was begun on the 17th of
   December, 1900, on two cases thus stated in the brief
   submitted for the government: "On June 6, 1899, Goetze
   imported from Porto Rico into the port of New York a quantity
   of leaf or filler tobacco, upon which duty was assessed at 35
   cents per pound as filler tobacco not specially provided for,
   in accordance with the provisions of paragraph 213 of the
   tariff act of 1897, commonly known as the 'Dingley Act.' The
   importer protested, claiming that the merchandise was not
   subject to duty, because Porto Rico at the time of the
   importation was not a foreign country and because, therefore,
   the imposition of duties on goods brought from a place within
   the territory of the United States into a port of the United
   States is not lawful and valid under the Constitution.
{670}
   The Board of General Appraisers sustained the assessment of
   duty imposed by the collector upon the merchandise in
   question, and thereupon the importer appealed to the United
   States circuit court for the southern district of New York, by
   which court the decision of the Board of General Appraisers
   was affirmed in an opinion rendered by District Judge
   Townsend. From the judgment of the circuit court this appeal
   was taken.

   "Porto Rico was partially occupied by the war forces of the
   United States during the months of July and August, 1898. By
   the protocol of August 12, 1898, between the United States and
   Spain, Spain agreed to cede Porto Rico to the United States
   and immediately evacuate. The evacuation was effected and full
   possession of the island assumed by the United States prior to
   January 1, 1899. From that date until the 1st of May, 1900,
   Porto Rico was occupied and governed by the military forces of
   the United States, under the command of the President, as
   conquered territory, under the law of belligerent right. The
   treaty of Paris, made in pursuance of the protocol, was signed
   December 10, 1898, ratified by the Senate February 6, 1899,
   and ratifications exchanged April 11, 1899. So that the
   importation in this case was subsequent to the ratification of
   the treaty, but prior to the establishment of a civil
   government in the island under act of Congress. It does not
   appear that the importers are citizens of the United States or
   of Porto Rico, nor whether or not the imported tobacco was the
   product of Porto Rico.

   "In the case of Fourteen Diamond Rings, it appears that the
   claimant, Pepke, is a citizen of the United States and served
   as a United States soldier in the Island of Luzon; that while
   there he purchased or acquired the rings in question and
   brought them into the United States without paying duty
   thereon some time in the year 1899, between July 31 and
   September 25. The rings were seized, on May 18, 1900, at
   Chicago, by a United States customs officer as merchandise
   liable to duty which should have been invoiced, and was
   fraudulently imported and brought into the United States
   contrary to law. An information for the forfeiture of the
   rings was filed on behalf of the Government, June 1, 1900, to
   which the claimant pleaded. Setting up that at the time he
   acquired said property Luzon was a part of the territory of
   the United States and that the seizure of said goods was
   contrary to the claimant's right as a citizen of the United
   States under the Constitution, and particularly under section
   2, Article IV, thereof, and he insisted that under Article I,
   section 8, Congress is required in laying and collecting taxes
   to see to it that all taxes and duties shall be uniform
   throughout the United States. To this plea the United States
   demurred, and upon hearing of the demurrer, the district court
   gave judgment of forfeiture for the Government. This judgment
   the claimant has removed into this court by a writ of error."

   The contention of the government as set forth in the same
   brief, and the main contention of the appellants in the case,
   against which the argument for the government was directed,
   were partly as follows:

   "The Tariff Act of 1897 declares that 'there shall be levied,
   collected and paid upon all articles imported from foreign
   countries and mentioned in the schedules herein contained, the
   rates of duty which are by the schedules and paragraphs
   respectively prescribed.' (30 Stat., 151.)

   "The Government contends, and the circuit court so held, that
   this act applied to merchandise imported from Porto Rico and
   the Philippine Islands after their cession to the United
   States exactly as it did before; that within the meaning of
   the act these countries are to be regarded as foreign,
   belonging to but not forming in a domestic sense a part of the
   United States.

   "That it is within the constitutional province of the
   treaty-making power to accept the cession of foreign territory
   upon such terms, conditions, and limitations as to its
   internal status as may best subserve the interests of the
   United States, and it is not necessary to invest such
   territory with the full status of an integral part of the
   Union.

   "That this is one of the ordinary and necessary sovereign
   powers of an independent nation, and nothing in the Federal
   Constitution or in the fundamental principles that underlie
   our Republic denies to the nation a right to the full exercise
   of this usual and common sovereign right.

   "That the treaty-making power—the President and the Senate—as
   evidenced by the language of the treaty of Paris, did not
   intend to make Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands integral
   parts of the United States, but intended, in several
   particulars, to reserve their final status for adjustment by
   Congress, at the same time making peculiar and special
   differential provisions for variations and exceptions in
   customs and port regulations as to Spain and Spanish goods and
   subjects, which are inconsistent with the intention that the
   ceded countries became upon the ratification of the treaty a
   part of the United States in all respects and in the fullest
   sense.

   "The Government contends that the term 'foreign countries' in
   the act of 1897 is to be regarded as having been understood by
   Congress to be subject to the rule of interpretation of the
   phrase given by the Supreme Court in the case of Fleming v.
   Page, where it was held that under our revenue laws every port
   is regarded as a foreign one until expressly established as
   domestic under the authority and control of the statutes of
   the United States.

   "That the clause of the Constitution which declares that
   duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the
   United States does not apply to nor govern these cases,
   because the term 'United States,' as there used, means only
   the territory comprised within the several States of the
   Union, and was intended only for their benefit and protection,
   and not for the benefit or protection of outside territory
   belonging to the nation; that in the latter sense duties on
   imports from these islands are uniform throughout the United
   States, because they are uniformly imposed at every port in
   the United States, so that there is no preference given to the
   ports of one State over those of another, nor is any
   inequality between the several States created.

{671}

   "That the right to bring merchandise into the United States is
   a right entirely within the regulation of Congress; such right
   in no wise differs as to either citizens or aliens.
   Citizenship carries with it no special or peculiar privileges
   at the custom-house. The American, the Spaniard, the Porto
   Rican, are treated alike. The basis of the customs laws is not
   ownership, but (1) the geographical origin of the shipment,
   and (2) the nature of the goods. The duty is imposed against
   merchandise, not upon the importer. "The Government contends,
   therefore, that in view of the fact that tariff laws are 'in
   rem,' there is no principle of justice, much less of
   constitutional restriction, which forbids Congress from taxing
   in this way the merchandise of outlying possessions of the
   United States when brought into the ports of the Union. That
   the limitations of the Constitution as to customs, etc., were
   intended to secure equality between the States in the
   geographical sense, and not to forbid Congress from exercising
   the ordinary sovereign power of taxation as to the products of
   other sections of country not included within the geographical
   boundaries of the States; for which we rely upon the opinion
   of this court in Knowlton v. Moore as decisive and conclusive.

   "If the foregoing propositions are sound, then it is
   established (1) that the tariff act of 1897 was intended by
   Congress to classify as foreign all countries not a part of or
   belonging to the United States at the time of its passage, and
   the subsequent cession of the Spanish islands to the United
   States did not operate to admit imports from those islands
   free of duty, under that law; (2) that the tariff act so
   construed and enforced violates no constitutional rule of
   uniformity.

   "And the case of the plaintiffs in error would seem on these
   grounds to have no legal foundation.

   "The Government might well be content to rest its argument
   upon these propositions. But counsel for the plaintiffs in
   error, in the court below as well us in this court, have gone
   far beyond these limits, and have challenged and denied the
   constitutionality of certain provisions of the treaty of
   Paris, contending that the cession of Porto Rico and the
   Philippine Archipelago effected a complete incorporation of
   those countries with the United States, so that they have
   become a part of the United States in the fullest and largest
   sense, not only internationally, but organically, so
   completely, indeed, that no difference or distinction can be
   made by law between imports from those countries and imports
   from one of the States of the Union.

   "They insist that there can be no limited or qualified
   acquisition of territory by this nation; that when Porto Rico
   was ceded to the United States it came at once under the
   obligations of the Constitution and became entitled to the
   privileges of the Constitution, its inhabitants citizens of
   the United States, and its territory a part of the United
   States. They argue, therefore, that the clause of the treaty
   which says that 'the civil rights and political status of the
   inhabitants shall be determined by the Congress,' in so far as
   it is intended to defer the full enjoyment of the rights and
   privileges of citizenship under the Constitution until
   Congress shall bestow them hereafter upon the inhabitants, is
   'ultra vires' and void, or at least superfluous and
   ineffective, because the Constitution 'ex proprio vigore'
   extends at once, as an automatic operation, to all territory
   ceded to this Government, and no treaty or treaty-making power
   can hinder or even suspend it. …

   "Counsel have been at great pains to prove that the Government
   of the United States is one of delegated powers, and that its
   powers are not absolute and untrammeled, but subject to
   certain limits never and nowhere to be transcended; that the
   vague political entity known as The People stands behind the
   constituted agencies of government, holding in reserve the
   sources of supreme power, capable and ready to alter or
   destroy at its pleasure the machinery heretofore set up in its
   behalf. They call these doctrines truisms, and so they are.
   They do not help us in this case.

   "The Government of the United States has been vested not with
   all powers but only with certain particular powers. These
   particular delegated powers are in some respects limited and
   confined in scope and operation, but in other respects they
   are entirely unlimited. So that the real and practical
   question is whether there is any limitation preventing the
   particular thing here complained of.

   "It is worth while, in passing, to allude to the undeniable
   fact that 'The People' referred to are not the people of the
   Territories or of the outlying possessions of the United
   States, but the people of the several States, who ordained and
   established for themselves and their posterity the Federal
   Constitution.

   "Counsel confuse ideas when they argue that the contention of
   the Government in these cases implies the possession by
   Congress of all unlimited and despotic powers in the
   government of territory. We mean no more than this court meant
   when it said:

   "'The power of Congress over the Territories is general and
   plenary.

   "'Its sovereignty over them is complete.

   "'It has full and complete legislative authority over the
   people of the Territories and all departments of the
   Territorial governments.

   "'The people of the United States, as sovereign owners of the
   National Territories, have supreme power over them and their
   inhabitants.

   "'In legislating for the Territories Congress would doubtless
   be subject to those fundamental limitations in favor of
   personal rights which are formulated in the Constitution and
   its amendments, but these limitations would exist rather by
   inference and the general spirit of the Constitution than by
   any express and direct application of its provisions.'"

      _In the Supreme Court of the United States,
      October Term, 1900, John H. Goetze, Appellant, &c.;
      Brief for the United States._

   On the 8th of January, 1901, four other causes, involving
   substantially the same questions, came before the Supreme
   Court, and, by order of the Court, were consolidated, to be
   dealt with virtually as one case. The titles of the cases were
   respectively as follows:

   Elias S. A. Dc Lima et al., plaintiffs in error,
   agt. George R. Bidwell;

   Samuel B. Downes et al., plaintiffs in error,
   agt. George R. Bidwell;

   Henry W. Dooley et al., plaintiffs in error,
   agt. the United States;

   Carlos Armstrong, appellant,
   agt. the United States, and George W. Crossmon et al.,
   appellants, agt. the United States.

{672}

   For the plaintiffs, in the case of Henry W. Dooley et al., the
   Honorable John G. Carlisle made an oral argument, in which he
   said: "What is the Constitution? In the first place it is not
   only the supreme law of the States composing the union, but
   the supreme law of the land; supreme over every branch and
   department of the Government; supreme over every one
   exercising authority under the Government; supreme over every
   other law or order or regulation, and supreme over all the
   people, wherever they may be, within its jurisdiction, and
   what we claim is, that so long as this Constitution exists
   absolute and arbitrary power over the lives, liberties, or
   property of the people can be exercised nowhere in this
   Republic. It is now argued that it is supreme only within the
   boundaries of the several States, unless Congress extends it
   to the Territories; that it limits the powers of Congress only
   when legislating for the geographical area embraced in the
   States; that the inhabitants of the States are the only people
   who can, as a matter of right, claim the benefit of its
   guarantees and prohibitions for the protection even of those
   personal and property rights which have for ages been secured
   by the common law of England, and that all other people within
   the jurisdiction of the United States are dependent for the
   protection of their civil rights substantially upon the will
   of Congress. The question whether the Constitution should be
   declared to be the supreme law of the whole land, or only the
   supreme law of the respective States and their inhabitants or
   citizens, was presented in the Federal Convention of 1787, and
   was finally disposed of by the adoption of the clause as it
   now stands in the Constitution, which declares it to be "the
   supreme law of the land.

   "In the plan proposed by Mr. Charles Pinckney, of South
   Carolina, it was provided that 'all acts made by the
   legislature of the United States pursuant to this
   Constitution, and all treaties made under the authority of the
   United States, shall be the supreme law of the land,' etc. (1
   Elliot, page 46). Mr. Patterson's plan proposed 'that all acts
   of the United States in Congress assembled made by virtue and
   in pursuance of the powers hereby vested in them, and by the
   Articles of Confederation and all treaties made and ratified
   under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme
   law of the respective States, so far as those acts or treaties
   shall relate to such States or their citizens,' etc. (pages
   71, 72). These plans and others were referred to the Committee
   of the Whole House and were reported back without any
   provision upon this subject. Afterwards the Convention
   unanimously agreed to the following resolution:

   'That the Legislative acts made by virtue and in pursuance of
   the Articles of Union and all treaties made and ratified under
   the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law
   of the respective States, so far as those acts or treaties
   shall relate to the said States or their citizens or
   inhabitants' (page 100). Thus it stood when referred to the
   committee of five, of which Mr. Rutledge was chairman, and on
   the 6th of August, 1787, that committee reported back to the
   Convention a draft of the proposed Constitution, the eighth
   article of which was the same as the resolution last quoted,
   except that in the place of the words 'Articles of Union' it
   contained the words 'this Constitution' (page 120). This
   report was considered in the Committee of the Whole, and on
   the 23d of August the eighth article was unanimously amended
   so as to read: 'This Constitution and all laws of the United
   States made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made under
   the authority of the United States shall be the supreme law of
   the several States and of their citizens and inhabitants,'
   etc. (page 151).

   "This was the form in which the article stood when the whole
   draft was referred to the committee of eleven, but when
   reported back September 12, it constituted the second clause
   of the sixth article and declared that the Constitution and
   laws and the treaties made and to be made should be 'the
   supreme law of the land,' and so it now stands as part of the
   Constitution. If the clause had been adopted in the form
   agreed to in the committee and inserted in the first draft,
   there would have been at least a certain degree of
   plausibility in the argument made here for the Government, but
   even in that case we think the powers of Congress would have
   been limited whenever and wherever it might attempt to
   exercise them. But it is argued here that the history of the
   Constitution and the language employed in the preamble, and in
   some other places, show that it was intended to establish a
   government only for such of the States then existing as might
   ratify it, and such other States as might thereafter be
   admitted into the Union, and that, therefore, while it confers
   power upon Congress to govern Territories, it does not require
   that body to govern them in accordance with the supreme law of
   the land; that is, in accordance with the instrument from
   which the power to govern is derived. Even if the premises
   were true, the conclusion would not follow; but is it true
   that the Constitution was ordained and established for the
   government of the States only? If so, how did it happen that
   the great men who framed that instrument made it confer the
   power to govern Territories as well as States? It is true that
   the Constitution was ordained and established by the people of
   the States, but it created a National Government for national
   purposes, not a mere league or compact between the States, and
   jurisdiction was conferred upon that Government over the whole
   national domain, whatever its boundaries might be. It is not
   true that the Government was established only for the States,
   their inhabitants or citizens, but if it were true, then it
   could exercise no power outside of the States, and this court
   would have to put a new construction upon that provision which
   authorizes Congress to dispose of and make all needful rules
   and regulations respecting the territory, or other property,
   belonging to the United States. The necessary construction of
   that clause would be that it conferred power only to dispose
   of land or other property, and to make necessary rules and
   regulations respecting land or other property belonging to the
   United States; that is, belonging to the several States
   composing the Union. It would confer no power whatever to
   govern the people outside of the States."

      _Supreme Court of the United States,
      October Term, 1900,
      Henry W. Dooley [et al.] vs. the United States:
      Argument of J. G. Carlisle._

{673}

   On one point the argument of Mr. Charles H. Aldrich, attorney
   for the plaintiff in the case of the "Fourteen Diamond Rings,"
   was as follows: In "the relations of the United States to other
   nations, our government is a sovereign state, and has the
   right, and as such 'free and independent State has full power,
   to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish
   commerce, and to do all other acts and things which
   independent States may of right do.' In this relation it is
   correct, as I conceive, to speak of the United States of
   America as a unit and use a singular verb. It is such unit and
   has this power because there was created a government upon
   which the people conferred these powers. If war is declared it
   must be under the constitution; if peace is concluded it is in
   the exercise of a constitutional power; if commerce is
   established it is because Congress under the constitution was
   given power to regulate commerce; if alliances are contracted
   it can only be done under the constitution. In short, the
   sovereign nation exists through the adoption of the
   constitution, and its powers are derived from that instrument
   and must be found, as this court has often declared, in the
   language thereof or by necessary implication therefrom. We are
   in the Philippines and Porto Rico and can be rightfully there
   only in the exercise of some of these enumerated powers, as in
   the language of the tenth amendment, 'the powers not delegated
   to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it
   to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to
   the people.' This amendment designates the constitution as the
   source of the power of the United States and excludes the idea
   of power free from constitutional restraint derived by
   implication from powers delegated by the constitution.

   "Nor is it true that at the time this declaration was made all
   independent states or nations claimed and exercised the right
   to acquire, hold and govern foreign dependencies, and no state
   or nation then recognized its obligation to confer on the
   people of such acquired territory the privileges and
   immunities enjoyed by the people of the home government,
   except at its own will and discretion. It is true that all
   independent states claimed and exercised the right to acquire
   territory, but if it were important in this case I think the
   arguments of Pitt, Camden and Barre could be used to establish
   the proposition that under the British Constitution as it
   then was, that nation had, from the time of King John and the
   Great Charter until King George, recognized that its subjects
   had essential rights not dependent upon the 'will and
   discretion' of the home government. It is unnecessary to
   follow that subject here. It is sufficient that the
   Declaration of Independence was brought about by the assertion
   on the part of King George and his ministers of precisely the
   present doctrine of this administration and its
   representatives in this court. If value is to be attached to
   contemporary history that fact cannot be lost sight of. The
   speeches of Grenville and Townshend in favor of unlimited
   power on the part of Parliament over the American colonists
   and their affairs have been substantially parodied in Congress
   by the advocates of unrestrained power over our 'colonies,' as
   it is now unfortunately fashionable to denominate them. The
   signers of the Declaration of Independence held that as
   subjects of the British Constitution there was no right to
   impose taxes upon them without their consent, to deprive them
   of trial by jury, to deprive them of their legislatures, and
   to declare Parliament in vested with power to legislate for
   them 'in all cases whatsoever.' These and other grievances
   were held denials of rights belonging to every British subject
   as such and to justify rebellion and war. It seems impossible
   that a people who rebelled for such reasons established a
   State invested with the very power which they had denied to
   the British government and the assertions of which made
   rebellion necessary.

   "This argument that the power to declare war and conclude
   peace carries with it, as an auxiliary, power to do whatever
   other nations are accustomed to do with the people and
   territory acquired through the exercise of these powers, has a
   remarkable likeness to the arguments put forward at the
   beginning of the century with reference to the Alien and
   Sedition Acts. The supporters of the constitutionality of
   these acts claimed that the common law had been introduced and
   become a part of the constitution of the United States, and
   therefore the powers usually exercisable under the common law
   could be exercised by the Congress of the United States in the
   respects involved in those acts. Mr. Madison's letter
   discussing this contention was answered, so far as it asserted
   the right of a state to nullify an act of Congress, but was
   never answered, so far as it denied the existence of the
   common law as a part of the constitution of the United States.
   His objections to that contention, succinctly stated, were,
   that if the common law was a part of the constitution, then
   there were no constitutional limitations. Congress, like
   Parliament, could legislate in all cases whatsoever; that the
   President would be possessed of the royal prerogatives (as is
   now claimed in this case by the Attorney-General); that the
   judiciary would have a discretion little short of legislative
   power; that these powers in the different branches of the
   government would not be alterable, because, being in the
   constitution, they could only be repealed by amendment of that
   instrument; and, lastly, that the constitution would have a
   different meaning in different States, inasmuch as the common
   law was different in such States, and that it would lack the
   certainty which a constitution should have, as the common law
   was an ever-growing or varying body of law, and, therefore,
   with reference to the proper action of the government in each
   instance, the question would be important as to what portion
   of the common law was in the constitution and what not so
   embodied.

   "Nearly every sentence of Mr. Madison's able argument with
   reference to the common law as a part of the constitution is
   applicable to the contention that sovereign powers, so-called,
   as derived from or defined by international law, became a part
   of the constitution of the United States through the
   delegation of the powers to make war, conclude peace, and make
   all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory and
   other property belonging to the United States. This court has
   adopted the view of Mr. Madison. It is hoped that the child of
   the old error by which again the executive and legislative
   power is sought to be enlarged through the incorporation into
   the constitution of 'the sovereign power of other nations'
   will receive the same answer.

   "In fact, we submit that this court has already held that
   sovereign power in the sense that the words are used in the
   law of nations as prerogative rights of the King or Emperor,
   not only is not vested in the United States or in any branch
   of its government, but cannot be so vested. The sovereign
   power is with the people. In leaving it with the people our
   government marked a departure from all that had previously
   existed."

      _Supreme Court of the United States,
      October Term, 1900, Number 419:
      C. H. Aldrich, Argument in reply._

{674}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901.
   Military and naval expenditure,
   compared with that of other Powers.

      See (in this volume)
      WAR BUDGETS.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (January).
   Apportionment of Representatives under the Twelfth Census.
   The question of obedience to the Fourteenth Amendment.
   Restrictions of the elective franchise in the States.

   Section 3 of Article 1 of the Constitution requires that
   "Representatives … shall be apportioned among the several
   States which may be included within this Union according to
   their respective numbers. … The actual enumeration shall be
   made within three years after the first meeting of the
   Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent
   term of ten years. … The number of Representatives shall not
   exceed one for every 30,000; but each State shall have at
   least one." The first meeting of Congress was in 1789; the
   required first census of the United States was taken in 1790,
   and, in obedience to the constitutional requirement, the
   enumeration has been repeated within the closing year of every
   decade since, to supply the basis for a new apportionment of
   representatives among the States. The twelfth census, taken in
   1900, called for such new distribution, and action upon it was
   taken in Congress in January, 1901.

   As the section quoted above stood in the Constitution until
   1868, it contained a further clause, inserted as one of the
   original compromises made between the slaveholding and the
   free States, requiring that the determination of numbers to be
   represented in the several States should be made "by adding to
   the whole number of free persons, including those bound to
   service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed,
   three-fifths of all other persons." This original clause of
   the Constitution was superseded by the Fourteenth Amendment,
   adopted in 1868, which introduced this new provision, in its
   second section: "Representatives shall be apportioned among
   the several States according to their respective numbers,
   counting the whole number of persons in each State, except
   Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election
   for the choice of electors for President and Vice President of
   the United States, Representatives in Congress, the executive
   and judicial officers of a State, or the members of the
   Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants
   of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of
   the United States, or in any way abridged, except for
   participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of
   representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion
   which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole
   number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such
   State." To many persons it seemed to be very clear that this
   provision of the amended Constitution required account to be
   taken of the qualifications by which a number of States have
   abridged the suffrage, especially where done for the
   understood purpose of disfranchising colored citizens and that
   Congress was left with no discretion to do otherwise.

      See, (in this volume),
      LOUISIANA, NORTH CAROLINA, SOUTH CAROLINA,
      MISSISSIPPI, and MARYLAND.

   Those holding this view in the House of Representatives gave
   support to the following resolution, introduced by Mr.
   Olmsted, of Pennsylvania:

   "Whereas the continued enjoyment of full representation in
   this House by any State which has, for reasons other than
   participation in rebellion or other crime, denied to any of
   the male inhabitants thereof, being 21 years of age and
   citizens of the United States, the right to vote for
   Representatives in Congress, Presidential electors, and other
   specified officers, is in direct violation of the fourteenth
   amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which
   declares that in such case 'the basis of representation
   therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of
   such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male
   citizens 21 years of age in such State,' and is an invasion of
   the rights and dignity of this House and of its members, and
   an infringement upon the rights and privileges in this House
   of other States and their representatives; and

   "Whereas the States of Massachusetts, Maine, Connecticut,
   Delaware, California, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina,
   South Carolina, Wyoming, Oregon, and other States do, by the
   provisions of the constitutions and statutes of said States,
   and for reasons other than participation in rebellion or other
   crime, deny the right to vote for members of Congress and
   Presidential electors, as well as the executive and judicial
   officers of such States and members of the legislatures
   thereof, to male inhabitants 21 years of age and over and
   citizens of the United States; and such denial in certain of
   the said States extends to more than one-half of those who
   prior to the last apportionment of representation were
   entitled to vote in such States; and

   "Whereas in order that the apportionment of membership of the
   House of Representatives may be determined in a constitutional
   manner: Therefore, be it

   "Resolved by the House of Representatives, That the Director
   of the Census is hereby directed to furnish this House, at the
   earliest possible moment, the following information;

   "First. The total number of male citizens of the United States
   over 21 years of age in each of the several States of the
   Union.

   "Second. The total number of male citizens of the United
   States over 21 years of age who, by reason of State
   constitutional limitations or State legislation, are denied
   the right of suffrage, whether such denial exists on account
   of illiteracy, on account of pauperism, on account of
   polygamy, or on account of property qualifications, or for any
   other reason.

   "Resolved further, That the Speaker of the House of
   Representatives is hereby authorized and directed to appoint a
   select committee of five members from the membership of the
   Census Committee of the House of Representatives, who shall
   investigate the question of the alleged abridgment of the
   elective franchise for any of the causes mentioned in all the
   States of the Union in which constitutional or legislative
   restrictions on the right of suffrage are claimed to exist,
   and that such committee report its findings within twenty days
   from the date of the adoption of this resolution to the said
   Census Committee, and that within one week after the said
   report shall have been received by the Census Committee the
   Census Committee shall return a bill to the House of
   Representatives providing for the apportionment of the
   membership of the House of Representatives based on the
   provisions of the fourteenth amendment to the Constitution of
   the United States."

{675}

   Republicans, hardly less than Democrats, in Congress and
   outside, were averse to raising what could not fail to be a
   burning sectional issue, and grounds for ignoring the
   constitutional mandate were sought with considerable eagerness
   on both sides. Strict obedience to the requirement of the
   Constitutional provision was claimed to be impracticable, at
   least within the time available for proceedings connected with
   the present apportionment of representatives. Said one
   speaker, opposing the resolutions in the House: "There is not
   a State in this Union that has not added to or subtracted from
   the Federal constitutional requirements—not one. … If there is
   any addition, whether as a matter of police regulation or
   otherwise, to the constitutional amendments regulating the
   franchise and the resultant representation in this House—if
   there is addition or subtraction of one iota—then those who
   desire to live up to this Constitution, no matter whether they
   ruin their neighbors, no matter whether they again kindle the
   fires of sectional strife, those who in their love for the
   Constitution are so mentally rigid that they would demand its
   enforcement though they set the Union aflame, must include
   every State in this Union."

   Said another: "How would anybody find out how many people in
   the State of Mississippi were disfranchised for the reasons
   stated in this resolution? There is there an educational
   qualification. How are you to determine how many of the men in
   the State of Mississippi who did not vote, did not vote
   because they were disfranchised under the educational
   qualification? Then there is a qualification in extension and
   not in limitation of the suffrage, saying that even those who
   can not read and write may still vote, provided they can give
   an understanding interpretation of the Constitution or any
   part of it. How are you going to determine how many are
   disqualified by that? And then there is a qualification which
   says that those can not vote who shall not by a certain time
   have paid their poll tax. Out of the number of people who did
   not vote, how are you going to determine which of them have
   not voted because of the educational qualification? Which
   because of the understanding qualification? Which because of
   the poll-tax qualification? Which because of the registration
   qualification? How many because of the pure Australian ballot
   which exists in the State of Mississippi? … There is not a
   State in the Union which has the Australian ballot which by
   the very fact and the necessity of voting according to that
   Australian ballot does not prevent the citizen who can not
   read and write from voting if he votes a split ticket of any
   sort."

   A third speaker remarked: "To live up to that amendment, 'that
   no male inhabitant shall be deprived of suffrage except for
   participation in the rebellion or other crimes,' the male
   inhabitant, I take it, is he who has acquired domicile in that
   State, and the moment that he acquires domicile, and is a
   male, he is a 'male inhabitant' of that State, and entitled
   at once to suffrage; and yet every State in the Union, I
   believe without exception, has requirements as to residence
   not only in the State, but in the city, in the county, in the
   precinct and ward and the voting place; and everyone of those
   requirements, as every gentleman on that side must admit, are
   in direct conflict with and contravention of the fourteenth
   amendment to the Constitution of the United States literally
   construed."

   But the advocates of obedience to the Constitution, supporting
   the resolutions of Mr. Olmsted, planted their argument on the
   very facts brought against it, as demonstrating the need of
   measures to check a growing tendency in the country to
   restrict the elective franchise. Said Mr. Shattuck, of Ohio:
   "We find that in 1870 there were three States that had
   abridged their electorates—California, Connecticut, and
   Massachusetts. In these three States there was a
   constitutional provision for an educational qualification,
   which disfranchised a certain percentage of the
   electorate—namely, the illiterates. But, in those States, the
   percentage of illiteracy is very light, averaging about 6 per
   cent. The basis of representation would hardly have been
   affected in those States had the fourteenth amendment been
   conformed with.

   "An examination into the election laws of the various States
   reveals an astonishing tendency at this time to abridge their
   electorates. When the Congress which adopted the existing
   apportionment discussed the matter ten years ago but three
   States had abridged their electorate by action of the State,
   and in these the percentage of disfranchised males was but 6
   per cent. But since that time similar policies have been
   adopted by other States, and to-day we face the fact that ten
   of the forty-five States of this Union have abridged their
   electorates, and that in these the percentage of males 21
   years of age and over, disfranchised, averages over 20 per
   cent. The constitutions of several other States permit such an
   abridgment. Besides, there are other States preparing to adopt
   these policies and to disfranchise thousands of men who to-day
   hold the right of franchise. In view of this remarkable
   tendency it is inconceivable that Congress can longer permit
   the fourteenth amendment to remain a dead letter, and to pass
   a bill making an apportionment based solely upon the
   population and neglecting the proviso which applies to all
   States which have abridged their electorate.

   "We will not review the past by any discussion of the question
   as to whether the provisions of the fourteenth amendment
   should have been made effective when the last apportionment
   was made ten years ago. We find to-day conditions existing
   which make its enforcement imperative. I do not propose to
   discuss at this time whether the reasons given for these
   abridgments by the people of the various States are valid or
   not. … I am simply pointing out the conditions as they exist;
   I am simply pointing out that the time has come when the
   tendency of the States to abridge their electorates has grown
   to such proportions as to demand that this Congress shall
   proceed in a constitutional manner in making the new
   apportionment. I do not say that States have not the right to
   establish educational qualifications for their electors, but I
   do maintain that when they have done so they must pay the penalty
   prescribed in the Constitution, and have their representation
   abridged proportionately.
{676}
   I do not say that we shall punish only Louisiana;
   I do not say that we shall punish only Massachusetts;
   I do not say that we shall punish only California;
   but I do say and insist, as the representative of a State in
   which every male member 21 years of age and over is guaranteed
   the sacred right of franchise, that there is a constitutional
   remedy prescribed for their acts, and I do demand that that
   remedy be applied."

   The following interesting table, showing the restrictions of
   the electorate in the various States of the Union, was
   appended to the remarks of Mr. Shattuck:

STATES.
   REQUIREMENTS AS TO CITIZENSHIP. [First paragraph]

   PERSONS EXCLUDED FROM SUFFRAGE. [Second paragraph]

ALABAMA.
   Citizen of United States, or alien who has declared intention.

   Convicted of treason or other crime punishable by
   imprisonment, idiots, or insane.

ARKANSAS.
   Citizen of United States, or alien who has declared intention.

   Idiots, insane, convicted of felony until pardoned, failure
   to pay poll tax, United States soldiers on duty in State.

CALIFORNIA.
   Citizen by nativity, naturalization, or treaty of Queretaro.

   Chinese, insane, embezzlers of public moneys, convicted
   of infamous crime, person unable to read Constitution
   in English, and to write his name.

COLORADO.
   Citizen or alien, male or female, who has declared intention 4
   months prior to election.

   Under guardianship, insane, idiots, or imprisoned.

CONNECTICUT.
   Citizen of United States.

   Convicted of felony or theft, unless pardoned.
   Person unable to read Constitution or statutes.

DELAWARE.
   Citizen who has paid registration fee of $1.

   Idiots, insane, paupers, felons. Person who can not
   read the English language and write his name.

FLORIDA.
   Citizen of United States.

   Insane, under guardianship, convicted of felony or any
   infamous crime.

GEORGIA.
   Citizen of the United States who has paid all
   his taxes since 1877.

   Idiots, insane, convicted of crime punishable by imprisonment
   until pardoned, failure to pay taxes.

IDAHO.
   Citizen of the United States, male or female.

   Under guardianship, idiots, insane, convicted of felony,
   treason, or embezzlement of public funds, polygamist or
   bigamist.

ILLINOIS.
   Citizen of the United States.

   Convicted of felony.

INDIANA.
   Citizen of United States, or alien who has declared intention
   and resided 1 year in United States and 6 months in State.

   Convicted of crime and disfranchised by judgment of the court,
   United States soldiers, sailors, and marines.

IOWA.
   Citizen of the United States.

   Idiots, insane, convicted of infamous crime.

KANSAS.
   Citizen of United States, alien who has declared intention, or
   [under] treaties with Mexico.

   Felons, insane, duelists, rebels, not restored to
   citizenship, under guardianship, public embezzlers,
   offering or accepting a bribe.

KENTUCKY.
   Citizen of the United States.

   Treason, felony, bribery at election.

LOUISIANA.
   Citizen of United States or alien who has declared intention.

   Idiots, insane, convicted of treason, embezzlement of public
   funds, all crime punishable by imprisonment in penitentiary,
   persons unable to read and write, and not owning property in
   the State assessed at $300, or not the son or grandson of a
   citizen of the United States prior to January 1, 1867, person
   who has not paid pool tax.

MAINE.
   Citizen of the United States.

   Paupers, persons under guardianship, Indians not taxed, and in
   1893 all new voters who can not read the Constitution or write
   their own names in English.

MARYLAND.
   Citizen of the United States.

   Convicted of larceny or other infamous crime, unless pardoned,
   persons convicted of bribery.

MASSACHUSETTS.
   Citizen of the United States.

   Paupers and persons under guardianship, person who can not
   read Constitution in English and write his name.

MICHIGAN.
   Citizen or inhabitant who has declared intention under United
   States laws 6 months before election and lived in State
   2½ years.

   Indians, duelists, and accessories.

MINNESOTA.
   Citizen of United States or alien who has declared intention,
   and civilized Indians.

   Convicted of treason or felony, unless pardoned, persons
   under guardianship or insane.

MISSISSIPPI.
   Citizen of the United States.

   Insane, idiots, Indians not taxed, felons, persons who have
   not paid taxes, persons who can not read or understand
   Constitution.

Missouri.
   Citizen of United States or alien who has declared intention
   not less than 1 year or more than 5 before offering to vote.

   United States soldiers and marines, paupers, criminals
   convicted once until pardoned, felons and violators of
   suffrage laws convicted a second time.

MONTANA.
   Citizen of the United States.

   Felons, unless pardoned, idiots, insane, United States
   soldiers, seamen, and marines, Indians.

NEBRASKA.
   Citizen of United States or alien who has declared intention.

   Convicts.

NEVADA.
   Citizen of the United States.

   Idiots, insane, unpardoned convicts, Indians, Chinese.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.
   Citizen of United States.

   Paupers (except honorably discharged United States soldiers
   and sailors), persons excused from paying taxes at their own
   request,

NEW JERSEY.
   Citizen of the United States or alien who has declared
   intention 30 days prior to election.

   Idiots, insane paupers, persons convicted of crimes (unless
   pardoned) which exclude them from being witnesses.

NEW YORK.
   Citizen who shall have been a citizen for 90 days.

   Convicted of bribery or any infamous crime, Indians under
   tribal relations.

NORTH CAROLINA.
   Citizen of the United States.

   Convicted of felony or other infamous crime, idiots,
   lunatics, persons unable to read or write, unless lineal
   descendant of citizen of United States prior to January 1,
   1867, nonpayment of poll tax.

NORTH DAKOTA.
   Citizen of the United States, alien who has declared
   intention 1 year, and civilized Indian.

   Under guardianship, persons non compos mentis, or convicted
   of felony and treason, unless restored to civil rights.

OHIO.
   Citizen of the United States.

   Felony until pardoned, idiots, insane, United States
   soldiers and sailors.

{677}

OREGON.
   Citizen of Unite States or alien who
   has declared intention 1 year preceding election.

   Idiots, insane, convicted of felony, United States soldiers
   and sailors, Chinese.

PENNSYLVANIA.
   Citizen of the United States at least 1 month, and if 22 years
   old or more, must have paid tax within 2 years.

   Convicted of some offense whereby right of suffrage is
    forfeited, non taxpayers.

RHODE ISLAND.
   Citizen of the United States.

   Paupers, lunatics, persons non compos mentis, convicted
   of bribery or infamous crime until restored to right to
   vote under guardianship.

SOUTH CAROLINA.
   Citizen of the United States.

   Convicted of treason, murder, or other infamous crime,
   dueling, paupers, insane, idiots, person who has not
   paid poll tax, who can not read an write any section of
   the State constitution, or can show that he has paid all
   taxes on property within the State assessed at $300.

SOUTH DAKOTA.
   Citizen of the United States or alien
   who has declared intention.

   Under guardianship, idiots, insane, convicted of treason
   or felony, unless pardoned.

TENNESSEE.
   Citizen of the United States who has paid poll tax of
   preceding year.

   Convicted of bribery or other infamous offense.

TEXAS.
   Citizen of the United States or alien who has declared
   intention.

   Idiots, lunatics, paupers, convicted of felony, United
   States soldiers and seamen.

UTAH.
   Citizen, male and female.

   Idiots, insane, convicted of treason or violation of
   election laws.

VERMONT.
   Citizen of the United States.

   Those who have not obtained the approbation of the board of
   civil authority of the town in which they reside.

VIRGINIA.
   Citizen of the United States.

   Idiots, lunatics, convicted of bribery at election,
   embezzlement of public funds, treason, felony and petty
   larceny, duelists and abettors unless pardoned by legislature.

WASHINGTON.
   Citizen of the United States.

   Indians not taxed, idiots, insane, persons convicted of
   infamous crimes.

WEST VIRGINIA.
   Citizen of the State.

   Paupers, idiots, lunatics, convicted of treason, felony, or
   bribery at elections.

WISCONSIN.
   Citizen of the United States or alien who has declared
   intention.

   Insane, under guardianship, convicted of treason or felony,
   unless pardoned, Indians having tribal relations.

WYOMING.
   Citizen of the United States, male and female.

   Idiots, insane, persons convicted of infamous crimes unless
   restored to civil rights, unable to read State constitution.

      _Congressional Record, January 4-5, 1901,
      pages 618-20, and 662-5._

   The resolutions of Mr. Olmsted were not adopted. The
   reapportionment was made on the basis of the totals of the
   census returns, with no reckoning of any denials of the right
   to vote. The following is the text of the Act, as passed and
   approved January 16:

   "Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
   the United States of America in Congress assembled, That after
   the third day of March, nineteen hundred and three, the House
   of Representatives shall be composed of three hundred and
   eighty-six members [the existing number being 357] to be
   apportioned among the several States as follows:

   Alabama, nine;
   Arkansas, seven;
   California, eight;
   Colorado, three;
   Connecticut, five;
   Delaware, one;
   Florida, three;
   Georgia, eleven;
   Idaho, one;
   Illinois, twenty-five;
   Indiana, thirteen;
   Iowa, eleven;
   Kansas, eight;
   Kentucky, eleven;
   Louisiana, seven;
   Maine, four;
   Maryland, six;
   Massachusetts, fourteen;
   Michigan, twelve;
   Minnesota, nine;
   Mississippi, eight;
   Missouri, sixteen:
   Montana, one;
   Nebraska, six;
   Nevada, one;
   New Hampshire, two;
   New Jersey, ten;
   New York, thirty-seven;
   North Carolina, ten;
   North Dakota, two;
   Ohio, twenty-one:
   Oregon, two;
   Pennsylvania, thirty-two;
   Rhode Island, two;
   South Carolina, seven;
   South Dakota, two;
   Tennessee, ten:
   Texas, sixteen:
   Utah, one;
   Vermont, two;
   Virginia, ten;
   Washington, three;
   West Virginia, five;
   Wisconsin, eleven; and
   Wyoming, one.

   "SECTION 2.
   That whenever a new State is admitted to the Union the
   Representative or Representatives assigned to it shall be in
   addition to the number three hundred and eighty-six.

   "SECTION 3.
   That in each State entitled under this apportionment, the
   number to which such State may be entitled in the Fifty-eighth
   and each subsequent Congress shall be elected by districts
   composed of contiguous and compact territory and containing as
   nearly as practicable an equal number of inhabitants. The said
   districts shall be equal to the number of the Representatives
   to which such State may be entitled in Congress, no one
   district electing more than one Representative.

   "SECTION 4.
   That in case of an increase in the number of Representatives
   which may be given to any State under this apportionment such
   additional Representative or Representatives shall be elected
   by the State at large, and the other Representatives by the
   districts now prescribed by law until the legislature of such
   State in the manner herein prescribed, shall redistrict such
   State; and if there be no increase in the number of
   Representatives from a State the Representatives thereof shall
   be elected from the districts now prescribed by law until such
   State be redistricted as herein prescribed by the legislature
   of said State; and if the number hereby provided for shall in
   any State be less than it was before the change hereby made,
   then the whole number to such State hereby provided for shall
   be elected at large, unless the legislatures of said States
   have provided or shall otherwise provide before the time fixed
   by law for the next election of Representatives therein.

   "SECTION 5.
   That all Acts and parts of Acts inconsistent with this Act are
   hereby repealed."

   No existing State quota was reduced by the new apportionment,
   and the gains were as follows:
   Illinois, New York and Texas, 3;
   Minnesota, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, 2;
   Arkansas, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Florida,
   Louisiana, Massachusetts, Mississippi, Missouri, North
   Carolina, North Dakota, Washington, West Virginia and
   Wisconsin, 1.

{678}

   That clause of the third section which requires districts to
   be "composed of contiguous and compact territory" is intended
   to be a bar to the partisan trick called "gerrymandering." The
   vote on the bill in the House (165 against 102) was singularly
   non-partisan. The minority was said to be composed of exactly
   the same number of Republicans and Democrats, 51 of each, and
   in the majority vote there were included 84 Republicans and 81
   Democrats. The vote was also non-sectional, except that New
   England voted almost solidly for the measure. East, South and
   West the State delegations were almost equally divided.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (February).
   Act to increase the standing army of the nation to 100,000 men.

   In his annual Message to Congress, December 3, 1900, the
   President set forth the military needs of the country, created
   by its new policy of imperial expansion, and recommended that
   the permanent army be raised to 100,000 in number, from 45,000
   to 60,000 of which would be required in the Philippine Islands
   until their people were made submissive to the authority of
   the United States. In accord with the executive
   recommendation, Congress passed "an Act to increase the
   efficiency of the permanent military establishment of the
   United States," which became law by the President's signature
   on the 2d of February, 1901. Its first section provides that
   "from and after the approval of this Act the Army of the
   United States, including the existing organizations, shall
   consist of fifteen regiments of cavalry, a corps of artillery,
   thirty regiments of infantry, one Lieutenant-General, six
   major-generals, fifteen brigadier-generals, an
   Adjutant-General's Department, an Inspector-General's
   Department, a Judge-Advocate-General's Department, a
   Quartermaster's Department, a Subsistence Department, a
   Medical Department, a Pay Department, a Corps of Engineers, an
   Ordnance Department, a Signal Corps, the officers of the
   Record and Pension Office, the chaplains, the officers and
   enlisted men of the Army on the retired list, the professors,
   corps of cadets, the army detachments and band at the United
   States Military Academy, Indian scouts as now authorized by
   law, and such other officers and enlisted men as may
   hereinafter be provided for." A subsequent section enacts that
   the total enlisted force of the line of the army shall not exceed
   at any one time 100,000.

   Section 2 provides that "each regiment of cavalry shall
   consist of one colonel, one lieutenant-colonel, three majors,
   fifteen captains, fifteen first lieutenants, and fifteen
   second lieutenants; two veterinarians, one sergeant-major, one
   quartermaster-sergeant, one commissary-sergeant, three
   squadron sergeants-major, two color-sergeants with rank, pay,
   and allowances of squadron sergeant-major, one band, and
   twelve troops organized into three squadrons of four troops
   each. … Each troop of cavalry shall consist of one captain,
   one first lieutenant, one second lieutenant, one first
   sergeant, one quartermaster-sergeant, six sergeants, six
   corporals, two cooks, two farriers and blacksmiths, one
   saddler, one wagoner, two trumpeters, and forty-three
   privates; the commissioned officers to be assigned from among
   those hereinbefore authorized."

   Sections 3-9, relating to the Artillery, are, in part, as
   follows:

   "That the regimental organization of the artillery arm of the
   United States Army is hereby discontinued, and that arm is
   constituted and designated as the Artillery Corps. It shall be
   organized as hereinafter specified and shall belong to the
   line of the Army. That the Artillery Corps shall comprise two
   branches—the coast artillery and the field artillery. The
   coast artillery is defined as that portion charged with the
   care and use of the fixed and movable elements of land and
   coast fortifications, including the submarine mine and torpedo
   defenses; and the field artillery as that portion accompanying
   an army in the field, and including field and light artillery
   proper, horse artillery, siege artillery, mountain artillery,
   and also machine-gun batteries: Provided, That this shall not
   be construed to limit the authority of the Secretary of War to
   order coast artillery to any duty which the public service
   demands or to prevent the use of machine or other field guns
   by any other arm of the service under the direction of the
   Secretary of War. … That the Artillery Corps shall consist of
   a Chief of Artillery, who shall be selected and detailed by
   the President from the colonels of artillery, to serve on the
   staff of the general officer commanding the Army, and whose
   duties shall be prescribed by the Secretary of War: fourteen
   colonels, one of whom shall be the Chief of Artillery;
   thirteen lieutenant-colonels, thirty-nine majors, one hundred
   and ninety-five captains, one hundred and ninety-five first
   lieutenants, one hundred and ninety-five second lieutenants;
   and the captains and lieutenants provided for in this section
   not required for duty with batteries or companies shall be
   available for duty as staff officers of the various artillery
   garrisons and such other details as may be authorized by law
   and regulations; twenty-one sergeants-major, with the rank,
   pay, and allowances of regimental sergeants-major of infantry;
   twenty-seven sergeants-major, with the rank, pay, and
   allowances of battalion sergeants-major of infantry; one
   electrician sergeant to each coast artillery post having
   electrical appliances; thirty batteries of field artillery,
   one hundred and twenty-six batteries of coast artillery, and
   ten bands organized as now authorized by law for artillery
   regiments: Provided, That the aggregate number of enlisted men
   for the artillery, as provided under this Act, shall not
   exceed eighteen thousand nine hundred and twenty, exclusive of
   electrician sergeants." Concerning the Infantry it is
   provided, in Section 10, that "each regiment of infantry shall
   consist of one colonel, one lieutenant colonel, three majors,
   fifteen captains, fifteen first lieutenants, and fifteen
   second lieutenants; one sergeant-major, one
   quartermaster-sergeant, one commissary-sergeant, three
   battalion sergeants-major, two color sergeants, with rank,
   pay, and allowances of battalion sergeants-major, one band,
   and twelve companies, organized into three battalions of four
   companies each. Of the officers herein provided, the captains
   and lieutenants not required for duty with the companies shall
   be available for detail as regimental and battalion staff
   officers and such other details as may be authorized by law or
   regulations. … Each infantry company shall consist of one
   captain, one first lieutenant, one second lieutenant, one
   first sergeant, one quartermaster-sergeant, four sergeants,
   six corporals, two cooks, two musicians, one artificer, and
   forty-eight privates, the commissioned officers to be assigned
   from those hereinbefore authorized."

{679}

   Section 11 provides that "the enlisted force of the Corps of
   Engineers shall consist of one band and three battalions of
   engineers. … Each battalion of engineers shall consist of one
   sergeant-major, one quartermaster-sergeant, and four
   companies. Each company of engineers shall consist of one
   first sergeant, one quartermaster-sergeant, with the rank,
   pay, and allowances of sergeant, eight sergeants, ten
   corporals, two musicians, two cooks, thirty-eight first-class
   and thirty-eight second-class privates."

   Section 12 relates to the appointment of army chaplains—one
   for each regiment of cavalry and infantry, and twelve for the
   corps of artillery—no person to be appointed who has passed
   the age of forty years. The office of post chaplain is
   abolished. Sections 13 to 27 relate mainly to the organization
   of the several Departments, of the Adjutant-General,
   Inspector-General, Judge-Advocate-General,
   Quartermaster-General, Commissary-General, Surgeon-General,
   Paymaster-General, Chief of Engineers, Chief of Ordnance, etc.

   Section 28, prescribing the rules of promotion and
   appointment, is as follows: "That vacancies in the grade of
   field officers and captain, created by this Act, in the
   cavalry, artillery, and infantry shall be filled by promotion
   according to seniority in each branch, respectively. Vacancies
   existing after the promotions have been made shall be provided
   for as follows: A sufficient number shall be reserved in the
   grade of second lieutenant for the next graduating class at
   the United States Military Academy. Persons not over forty
   years of age who shall have at any time served as volunteers
   subsequent to April twenty-first, eighteen hundred and
   ninety-eight, may be ordered before boards of officers for
   such examination as may be prescribed by the Secretary of War,
   and those who establish their fitness before these examining
   boards may be appointed to the grades of first or second
   lieutenant in the Regular Army, taking rank in the respective
   grades according to seniority as determined by length of prior
   commissioned service; but no person appointed under the
   provisions of this section shall be placed above another in
   the same grade with longer commissioned service, and nothing
   herein contained shall change the relative rank of officers
   heretofore commissioned in the Regular Army. Enlisted men of
   the Regular Army or volunteers may be appointed second
   lieutenants in the Regular Army to vacancies created by this
   Act, provided that they shall have served one year, under the
   same conditions now authorized by law for enlisted men of the
   Regular Army."

   Important provisions are embodied in Sections 35 and 36, as
   follows:

   "SECTION 35. That the Secretary of War be, and he is hereby,
   authorized and directed to cause preliminary examinations and
   surveys to be made for the purpose of selecting four sites
   with a view to the establishment of permanent camp grounds for
   instruction of troops of the Regular Army and National Guard,
   with estimates of the cost of the sites and their equipment
   with all modern appliances, and for this purpose is authorized
   to detail such officers of the Army as may be necessary to
   carry on the preliminary work; and the sum of ten thousand
   dollars is hereby appropriated for the necessary expense of
   such work, to be disbursed under the direction of the
   Secretary of War: Provided, That the Secretary of War shall
   report to Congress the result of such examination and surveys,
   and no contract for said sites shall be made nor any
   obligation incurred until Congress shall approve such
   selections and appropriate the money therefor.

   "SECTION 36. That when in his opinion the conditions in the
   Philippine Islands justify such action the President is
   authorized to enlist natives of those islands for service in
   the Army, to be organized as scouts, with such officers as he
   shall deem necessary for their proper control, or as troops or
   companies, as authorized by this Act, for the Regular Army.
   The President is further authorized, in his discretion, to
   form companies, organized as are companies of the Regular
   Army, in squadron's or battalions, with officers and
   non-commissioned officers corresponding to similar
   organizations in the cavalry and infantry arms. The total
   number of enlisted men in said native organizations shall not
   exceed twelve thousand, and the total enlisted force of the
   line of the Army, together with such native force, shall not
   exceed at any one time one hundred thousand. … When, in the
   opinion of the President, natives of the Philippine Islands
   shall, by their services and character, show fitness for
   command, the President is authorized to make provisional
   appointments to the grades of second and first lieutenants
   from such natives, who, when so appointed, shall have the pay
   and allowances to be fixed by the Secretary of War, not
   exceeding those of corresponding grades of the Regular Army."

   Section 38 abolishes the so-called "Army Canteen," in
   compliance with strenuous demands from temperance
   organizations in the country, notwithstanding much testimony
   favorable to the canteen system from well-informed and
   conscientious witnesses. The language of the section is as
   follows: "The sale of or dealing in beer, wine, or any
   intoxicating liquors, by any person in any post exchange or
   canteen or army transport, or upon any premises used for
   military purposes by the United States, is hereby prohibited.
   The Secretary of War is hereby directed to carry the
   provisions of this section into full force and effect." Prompt
   obedience to this command of law was given by the War
   Department, which issued the required general order February
   4th.

   The following amendment, proposed by Senator Hoar for addition
   to the Act, was voted down: "Provided, That no further
   military force shall be used in the Philippine Islands, except
   such as may be necessary to keep order in places there now
   actually under the peaceable control of the United States and
   to protect persons or property to whom, in the judgment of the
   President, protection may be due from the United States, until
   the President shall have first proclaimed an amnesty for all
   political offenses committed against the United States in the
   Philippine Islands, and shall have, if in his power, agreed
   upon an armistice with persons now in hostility to the United
   States, and shall have invited such number, not less than 10,
   as he shall think desirable of the leaders or representatives
   of the persons now hostile to the United States there to come
   to the United States and state their wishes and the condition,
   character, and wishes of the people of the Philippine Islands
   to the Executive and Congress, and shall have offered to
   secure to them safe conduct to come, abide, and return, and
   shall have provided at the public charge for the expenses of
   their transportation both ways and their stay in this country
   for a reasonable and sufficient time for such purpose."

{680}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1910 (February).
   The Russian sugar question.
   United States countervailing duty and Russian retaliation.

      See (in this volume)
      SUGAR BOUNTIES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (February-March).
   Adoption of the so-called "Spooner Amendment" to
   the Army Appropriation Bill empowering the President to
   establish a civil government in the Philippines.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (February-March).
   Adoption of the "Platt Amendment," prescribing conditions on
   which the President is authorized to "leave the government and
   control of the island of Cuba to its people."

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (March).
   Reinauguration of President McKinley for a second term in the
   executive office. His inaugural address.

   The reinauguration of President McKinley, for the second term
   of office to which he had been elected, was performed with the
   customary ceremonies, at the capitol, in Washington, on the
   4th of March, 1001. His inaugural address upon the occasion is
   especially interesting, for the reason that it indicates the
   understanding with which the President received his
   re-election, and the interpretation which he has put upon it
   as an expression of the national will on questions of
   extraordinary moment. He spoke as follows:

   "My Fellow Citizens: When we assembled here on March 4, 1897,
   there was great anxiety with regard to our currency and
   credit. None exists now. Then our treasury receipts were
   inadequate to meet the current obligations of the government.
   Now they are sufficient for all public needs, and we have a
   surplus instead of a deficit. Then I felt constrained to
   convene the Congress in extraordinary session to devise
   revenues to pay the ordinary expenses of the government. Now I
   have the satisfaction to announce that the Congress just
   closed has reduced taxation in the sum of $41,000,000. Then
   there was deep solicitude because of the long depression in
   our manufacturing, mining, agricultural and mercantile
   industries, and the consequent distress of our laboring
   population. Now every avenue of production is crowded with
   activity, labor is well employed and American products find
   good markets at home and abroad. Our diversified productions,
   however, are increasing in such unprecedented volume as to
   admonish us of the necessity of still further enlarging our
   foreign markets by broader commercial relations. For this
   purpose reciprocal trade arrangements with other nations
   should in liberal spirit be carefully cultivated and promoted.

   "The national verdict of 1896 has for the most part been
   executed. Whatever remains unfulfilled is a continuing
   obligation resting with undiminished force upon the Executive
   and the Congress. But fortunate as our condition is, its
   permanence can only be assured by sound business methods and
   strict economy in national administration and legislation. We
   should not permit our great prosperity to lead us to reckless
   ventures in business or profligacy in public expenditures.
   While the Congress determines the objects and the sum of
   appropriations, the officials of the executive departments are
   responsible for honest and faithful disbursement, and it
   should be their constant care to avoid waste and extravagance.
   Honesty, capacity and industry are nowhere more indispensable
   than in public employment. These should be fundamental
   requisites to original appointment and the surest guarantees
   against removal.

   "Four years ago we stood on the brink of war without the
   people knowing it and without any preparation or effort at
   preparation for the impending peril. I did all that in honor
   could be done to avert the war, but without avail. It became
   inevitable, and the Congress at its first regular session,
   without party division, provided money in anticipation of the
   crisis and in preparation to meet it. It came. The result was
   signally favorable to American arms and in the highest degree
   honorable to the government. It imposed upon us obligations
   from which we cannot escape, and from which it would be
   dishonorable to seek to escape. We are now at peace with the
   world, and it is my fervent prayer that if differences arise
   between us and other powers they may be settled by peaceful
   arbitration, and that hereafter we may be spared the horrors
   of war.

   "Intrusted by the people for a second time with the office of
   President, I enter upon its administration appreciating the
   great responsibilities which attach to this renewed honor and
   commission, promising unreserved devotion on my part to their
   faithful discharge and reverently invoking for my guidance the
   direction and favor of Almighty God. I should shrink from the
   duties this day assumed if I did not feel that in their
   performance I should have the cooperation of the wise and
   patriotic men of all parties. It encourages me for the great
   task which I now undertake to believe that those who
   voluntarily committed to me the trust imposed upon the chief
   executive of the republic will give to me generous support in
   my duties to 'preserve, protect and defend the constitution of
   the United States,' and to 'care that the laws be faithfully
   executed.' The national purpose is indicated through a
   national election. It is the constitutional method of
   ascertaining the public will. When once it is registered it is
   a law to us all, and faithful observance should follow its
   decrees.

   "Strong hearts and helpful hands are needed, and fortunately
   we have them in every part of our beloved country. We are
   reunited. Sectionalism has disappeared. Division on public
   questions can no longer be traced by the war maps of 1861.
   These old differences less and less disturb the judgment.
   Existing problems demand the thought and quicken the
   conscience of the country, and the responsibility for their
   presence as well as for their righteous settlement rests upon
   us all, no more upon me than upon you. There are some national
   questions in the solution of which patriotism should exclude
   partisanship. Magnifying their difficulties will not take them
   off our hands nor facilitate their adjustment. Distrust of the
   capacity, integrity and high purpose of the American people
   will not be an inspiring theme for future political contests.
   Dark pictures and gloomy forebodings are worse than useless.
   These only becloud, they do not help to point the way of
   safety and honor. 'Hope maketh not ashamed.'

{681}

   "The prophets of evil were not the builders of the republic,
   nor in its crises have they saved or served it. The faith of
   the fathers was a mighty force in its creation, and the faith
   of their descendants has wrought its progress and furnished
   its defenders. They are obstructionists who despair and who
   would destroy confidence in the ability of our people to solve
   wisely and for civilization the mighty problems resting upon
   them. The American people, intrenched in freedom at home, take
   their love for it with them wherever they go, and they reject
   as mistaken and unworthy the doctrine that we lose our own
   liberties by securing the enduring foundations of liberty to
   others. Our institutions will not deteriorate by extension,
   and our sense of justice will not abate under tropic suns in
   distant seas.

   "As heretofore so hereafter will the nation demonstrate its
   fitness to administer any new estate which events devolve upon
   it, and in the fear of God will 'take occasion by the hand and
   make the bounds of freedom wider yet.' If there are those
   among us who would make our way more difficult we must not be
   disheartened, but the more earnestly dedicate ourselves to the
   task upon which we have rightly entered. The path of progress
   is seldom smooth. New things are often found hard to do. Our
   fathers found them so. We find them so. They are inconvenient.
   They cost us something. But are we not made better for the
   effort and sacrifice, and are not those we serve lifted up and
   blessed?

   "We will be consoled, too, with the fact that opposition has
   confronted every onward movement of the republic from its
   opening hour until now, but without success. The republic has
   marched on and on, and its every step has exalted freedom and
   humanity. We are undergoing the same ordeal as did our
   predecessors nearly a century ago. We are following the course
   they blazed. They triumphed. Will their successors falter and
   plead organic impotency in the nation? Surely after one
   hundred and twenty-five years of achievement for mankind we
   will not now surrender our equality with other Powers on
   matters fundamental and essential to nationality. With no such
   purpose was the nation created. In no such spirit has it
   developed its full and independent sovereignty. We adhere to
   the principle of equality among ourselves, and by no act of
   ours will we assign to ourselves a subordinate rank in the
   family of nations.

   "My fellow citizens, the public events of the last four years
   have gone into history. They are too near to justify recital.
   Some of them were unforeseen; many of them momentous and far
   reaching in their consequences to ourselves and our relations
   with the rest of the world. The part which the United States
   bore so honorably in the thrilling scenes in China, while new
   to American life, has been in harmony with its true spirit and
   best traditions, and in dealing with the results its policy
   will be that of moderation and fairness.

   "We face at this moment a most important question—that of the
   future relations of the United States and Cuba. With our near
   neighbors we must remain close friends. The declaration of the
   purposes of this government in the resolution of April 20,
   1898, must be made good. Ever since the evacuation of the
   island by the army of Spain the Executive with all practicable
   speed has been assisting its people in the successive steps
   necessary to the establishment of a free and independent
   government prepared to assume and perform the obligations of
   international law, which now rest upon the United States under
   the Treaty of Paris. The convention elected by the people to
   frame a constitution is approaching the completion of its
   labors. The transfer of American control to the new government
   is of such great importance, involving an obligation resulting
   from our intervention and the treaty of peace, that I am glad
   to be advised by the recent act of Congress of the policy
   which the legislative branch of the government deems essential
   to the best interests of Cuba and the United States. The
   principles which led to our intervention require that the
   fundamental law upon which the new government rests should be
   adapted to secure a government capable of performing the
   duties and discharging the functions of a separate nation, of
   observing its international obligations, of protecting life
   and property, insuring order, safety and liberty, and
   conforming to the established and historical policy of the
   United States in its relation to Cuba.

   "The peace which we are pledged to leave to the Cuban people
   must carry with it the guarantees of permanence. We became
   sponsors for the pacification of the island, and we remain
   accountable to the Cubans no less than to our own country and
   people for the reconstruction of Cuba as a free commonwealth,
   on abiding foundations of right, justice, liberty and assured
   order. Our enfranchisement of the people will not be completed
   until free Cuba shall 'be a reality, not a name—a perfect
   entity, not a hasty experiment, bearing within itself the
   elements of failure.'

   "While the treaty of peace with Spain was ratified on February
   6, 1899, and ratifications were exchanged nearly two years
   ago, the Congress has indicated no form of government for the
   Philippine Islands. It has, however, provided an army to
   enable the Executive to suppress insurrection, restore peace,
   give security to the inhabitants and establish the authority
   of the United States throughout the archipelago. It has
   authorized the organization of native troops as auxiliary to
   the regular force. It has been advised from time to time of
   the acts of the military and naval officers in the islands, of
   my action in appointing civil commissions, of the instructions
   with which they were charged, of their duties and powers, of
   their recommendations and of their several acts under
   Executive commission, together with the very complete general
   information they have submitted.

   "These reports fully set forth the conditions, past and
   present, in the islands, and the instructions clearly show the
   principles which will guide the Executive until the Congress
   shall, as it is required to do by the treaty, determine 'the
   civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants.'
   The Congress having added the sanction of its authority to the
   powers already possessed and exercised by the Executive under
   the constitution, thereby leaving with the Executive the
   responsibility for the government of the Philippines, I shall
   continue the efforts already begun until order shall be
   restored throughout the islands, and as fast as conditions
   permit will establish local governments, in the formation of
   which the full co-operation of the people has been already
   invited, and when established will encourage the people to
   administer them.

{682}

   "The settled purpose, long ago proclaimed, to afford the
   inhabitants of the islands self-government as fast as they
   were ready for it will be pursued with earnestness and
   fidelity. Already something has been accomplished in this
   direction. The government's representatives, civil and
   military, are doing faithful and noble work in their mission
   of emancipation, and merit the approval and support of their
   countrymen. The most liberal terms of amnesty have already
   been communicated to the insurgents, and the way is still open
   for those who have raised their arms against the government
   for honorable submission to its authority.

   "Our countrymen should not be deceived. We are not waging war
   against the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands. A portion
   of them are making war against the United States. By far the
   greater part of the inhabitants recognize American
   sovereignty, and welcome it as n guarantee of order and
   security for life, property, liberty, freedom of conscience
   and the pursuit of happiness. To them full protection will be
   given. They shall not be abandoned. We will not leave the
   destiny of the loyal millions in the islands to the disloyal
   thousands who are in rebellion against the United States.
   Order under civil institutions will come as soon as those who
   now break the peace shall keep it. Force will not be needed or
   used when those who make war against us shall make it no more.
   May it end without further bloodshed, and there be ushered in
   the reign of peace, to be made permanent by a government of
   liberty under law."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (March).
   Rejection by the British government of the Interoceanic Canal
   Treaty as amended by the Senate.

      See (in this volume)
      CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1901 (MARCH).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (March).
   Death of Ex-President Harrison.

   Benjamin Harrison, President of the United States 1889-1893,
   died at his home in Indianapolis, on the afternoon of March
   13, 1901, after an illness of a few days.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (March-April).
   Capture of Aguinaldo, the Filipino leader.
   His oath of allegiance to the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 (MARCH-APRIL).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (April).
   Organization of the enlarged regular army.
   Its strength, 76,000 men.

   A Press despatch from Washington, April 24, announced that the
   Secretary of War had approved recommendations of
   Lieutenant-General Miles for the organization of the army, not
   raising it to the full strength of 100,000 men authorized by
   Congress, but providing for a force of 76,787 enlisted men,
   distributed as follows:
   "Line of the army, 74,504;
   ordnance department, 700;
   signal corps, 760;
   post quartermaster sergeants, 150;
   post commissary sergeants, 200;
   electrician sergeants, 100;
   Military Academy detachment and band, 298;
   Indian scouts, 75.

   The cavalry is to be organized into fifteen regiments,
   consisting of 12 troops of 85 enlisted men, which, with the
   bands, will make a cavalry force of 15,840 men. The infantry
   is to consist of 38,520 men, divided into 30 regiments of 12
   companies each. The artillery corps will have a total of
   18,862 men, of which the coast artillery will have 13, 734,
   organized into 126 companies of 109 men each; and the field
   artillery, 4,800 men, organized into 30 batteries of 150 men
   each. The engineer battalions will consist of 12 companies
   amounting to 1,282 men. This plan makes no provision for the
   employment of Filipino natives, but this is explained by the
   fact that the 12,000 authorized for the native military force
   was made a distinctive feature of the Army bill by Congress
   and separated from the Regular Army."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (April).
   Petition from the workingmen of Porto Rico.

      See (in this volume)
      PORTO RICO: A. D. 1901 (APRIL).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (May).
   Decision of the Supreme Court in the cases involving
   questions touching the status of the new territorial
   possessions of the nation.

   The opinions of the Supreme Court in the cases before it known
   as "the insular cases," involving questions touching the
   relations of the government of the United States to the
   insular possessions lately acquired (see above: A. D.
   1900-1901), were announced on the 27th of May, as these sheets
   of the present volume were about to go to press.

   In the case of Elias S. A. De Lima et al. the opinion of the
   majority of the Court, delivered by Justice Brown, was against
   the claim of the government to duties on goods imported into
   the United States from Porto Rico after the ratification of
   the treaty of peace with Spain and before the passage of the
   Porto Rican act of April 12, 1900.

      See, (in this volume),
      PORTO RICO: A. D. 1899-1900; and 1900, APRIL).

   It was held in this decisive opinion that Porto Rico, at the
   time the duties in question were collected, was not a foreign
   country, but a territory of the United States. Said Justice
   Brown: "If an Act of Congress be necessary to convert a
   foreign country into domestic territory, the question at once
   suggests itself, What is the character of the legislation
   demanded for this purpose? Will an act appropriating money for
   its purchase be sufficient? Apparently not. Will an act
   appropriating the duties collected upon imports to and from
   such country for the benefit of its government be sufficient?
   Apparently not. Will acts making appropriations for its postal
   service, for the establishment of lighthouses, for the
   maintenance of quarantine stations, for erecting public
   buildings, have that effect? Will an act establishing a
   complete local government, but with the reservation of a right
   to collect duties upon commerce, be adequate for that purpose?
   None of these, nor all together, will be sufficient, if the
   contention of the government be sound, since acts embracing
   all these provisions have been passed in connection with Porto
   Rico, and it is insisted that it is still a foreign country
   within the meaning of the tariff laws. We are unable to
   acquiesce in this assumption that a territory may be at the
   same time both foreign and domestic. We are, therefore, of the
   opinion that at the time these duties were levied Porto Rico
   was not a foreign country within the meaning of the tariff
   laws, but a territory of the United States; that the duties
   were illegally exacted, and that the plaintiffs are entitled
   to recover them back."

   But in the case of Samuel B. Downes et al. a different set of
   circumstances was dealt with, since the duties in question
   were on goods imported from Porto Rico after the passage of
   the Act of April 12 (called "the Foraker Act"). On the
   question thus presented the majority of the Court sustained
   the contention of the government, saying, in an opinion
   delivered by Justice Brown:

{683}

   "We are of opinion that the island of Porto Rico is a
   territory appurtenant and belonging to the United States, but
   not a part of the United States within the revenue clause of
   the Constitution; that the Foraker act is constitutional so
   far as it imposes duties upon imports from such island and
   that the plaintiff cannot recover the duties exacted in this
   case." The following general conclusions were held by Justice
   Brown to be established:

   "First—That the District of Columbia and the Territories are
   not States, within the judicial clause of the Constitution
   giving jurisdiction in cases between citizens of different
   States.

   "Second—That Territories are not States, within the meaning of
   revised statutes, section 709, permitting writs of error from
   this court in cases where the validity of a State's statute is
   drawn in question.

   "Third—That the District of Columbia and the Territories are
   States as that word is used in treaties with foreign powers,
   with respect to the ownership, disposition and inheritance of
   property.

   "Fourth—That the Territories are not within the clause of the
   Constitution providing for the creation of a Supreme Court and
   such inferior courts as Congress may see fit to establish.

   "Fifth—That the Constitution does not apply to foreign
   countries or trials therein conducted, and that Congress may
   lawfully provide for such trials before consular tribunals,
   without the intervention of a grand or petit jury.

   "Sixth—That where the Constitution has been once formally
   extended by Congress to Territories, neither Congress nor the
   Territorial Legislature can enact laws inconsistent
   therewith."

   Five of the nine justices of the Court concurred in the decree
   announced by Justice Brown; but three of them, viz., Justices
   White, Shims and McKenna, placed their concurrence on
   different and quite opposed grounds, in an opinion prepared by
   Justice White. In their view of the case before the court,
   "the sole and only issue is, had Porto Rico, at the time of
   the passage of the Act in question, been incorporated into and
   become an integral part of the United States?" and their
   conclusion is reported to have been, that "the question when
   Porto Rico was to be incorporated was a political question, to
   be determined by the American people, speaking through
   Congress, and was not for the courts to determine."

   The minority of the Court, consisting of Chief Justice Fuller,
   Justices Harlan, Brewer and Peckham dissented from the decree
   rendered by the majority, and from the varying grounds on
   which the two sections of that majority had rested it. As
   summarized in press despatches of the day, their opinion,
   delivered by the Chief Justice, "absolutely rejected the
   contention that the rule of uniformity [that is, the
   constitutional provision that 'all duties, imposts and excises
   shall be uniform throughout the United States'] was not
   applicable to Porto Rico because it had not been incorporated
   into and become an integral part of the United States; the
   word incorporation had no occult meaning, and whatever its
   situation before, the Foraker act made Porto Rico an organized
   Territory of the United States." "The concurring opinion of
   the majority," said the Chief Justice, "recognized that
   Congress, in dealing with the people of new territories or
   possessions, is bound to respect the fundamental guarantees of
   life, liberty and property, but assumes that Congress is not
   bound in those territories or possessions to follow the rules
   of taxation prescribed by the Constitution. And yet the power
   to tax involves the power to destroy and the levy of duty
   touches all our people in all places under the jurisdiction of
   the Government. The logical result is that Congress may
   prohibit commerce altogether between the States and
   Territories, and may prescribe one rule of taxation in one
   Territory, and a different rule in another. That theory
   assumes that the Constitution created a government empowered
   to acquire countries throughout the world, to be governed by
   different rules than those obtaining in the original States
   and Territories, and substitutes for the present system of
   republican government, a system of domination over distant
   provinces in the exercise of unrestricted power. In our
   judgment, so much of the Porto Rican act as authorized the
   imposition of these duties is invalid and plaintiffs were
   entitled to recover."

   Justice Harlan announced his concurrence with the dissenting
   opinion delivered by the Chief Justice. He regarded the
   Foraker act as unconstitutional in its revenue provisions, and
   believed that Porto Rico, after the ratification of the treaty
   with Spain, became a part of the United States. In conclusion,
   Justice Harlan said: "The addition of Porto Rico to the
   territory of the United States has been recognized by direct
   action upon the part of Congress. It has legislated in
   recognition of the treaty with Spain. If Porto Rico did not by
   such action become a part of the United States it did become
   such, at least, when Congress passed the Foraker act. I can
   not believe that Congress may impose any duty, impost or
   excise with respect to that territory and its people which is
   not consistent with the constitutional requirement that all
   duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the
   United States."

   No decision was rendered in the case of the Fourteen Diamond
   Rings, which involved questions relative to the status of the
   Philippine Islands in their relations to the government of the
   United States.

   ----------UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: End--------

UNITED STATES OF CENTRAL AMERICA.
   Its formation and dissolution.

      See (in this volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1821-1898.

UNITED STATES STEEL CORPORATION.

      See (in this volume)
      TRUSTS: UNITED STATES: THE CLIMAX, &c.

UNIVERSITIES.

      See (in this volume)
      EDUCATION.

UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA:
   Expeditions to explore the ruins of Nippur.

      See (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL, RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

UNYORO:
   British regulation of the kingdom.

      See (in this volume)
      UGANDA: A. D. 1897-1898.

UR.

      See (in volume 1)
      BABYLONIA, PRIMITIVE;

      See (in volume 4)
      SEMITES;
      and (in this volume)
      ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA.

{684}

URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.
   Revolutionary movement.
   Assassination of President Borda.
   Blancos and Colorados.
   Restoration of tranquil government by the
   Vice President, Cuestas.

   In November, 1896, a movement for the overthrow of President
   Borda was begun, with strong assistance from the neighboring
   Brazilian State of Rio Grande do Sul. Months of civil war
   followed, with varying fortunes, but the summer of 1897 found
   the President parleying with the insurgents, endeavoring to
   make terms. His original opponents had been the party called
   that of the Blancos, or Whites; the Colorados, or Reds, had
   supported him; but he seemed to be making enemies among them.
   By an assassin of his own party he was shot, on the 25th of
   August, as he came from a service in the cathedral at
   Montevideo which commemorated the anniversary of Uruguayan
   independence. Senor Juan Luis Cuestas, the President of the
   Senate and ex-officio Vice President of the Republic, assumed
   the administration of the government, made peace with the
   insurgents, and prepared to deal with a faction in the
   Chambers which is said to have made good government
   impossible. "The Representatives had made themselves hated by
   violence, corruption, and attacks on property. Senor Cuestas
   accordingly removed all officials devoted to the Chambers,
   called out a thousand National Guards, and being thus master
   of the situation, on February 10th dissolved the Chambers and
   declared himself provisional President. He then appointed a
   'Council' of eighty prominent citizens of all parties,
   invested them with the legislative power, and directed them to
   elect a new President, and to settle the method and time of
   the next elections. … According to the 'Times',
   correspondent, the citizens of Monte Video of all parties
   approved his action, not a stroke was struck for the Chambers,
   and public securities rose at once by from eight to fourteen
   points. Senor Cuestas, in fact, is trusted and competent."

      _The Spectator (London),
      March 26, 1898._

   In due time, the Provisional President had to deal with a
   military revolt, which he effectually suppressed. Then, on the
   1st of March, 1899, he was constitutionally elected President,
   after resigning his dictatorial powers for a fortnight, in
   order that the election might be freely held.

UTAH: A. D. 1895-1896.
   Prohibition of polygamous marriages.
   Proclamation of admission to the Union.

   On the 4th of January, 1896, a proclamation by the President
   of the United States, after reciting the provisions of the Act
   of Congress approved July 16, 1894, and the action taken by a
   convention of the people of Utah, held in accordance with the
   said act, in March, 1895, which convention "did, by ordinance
   irrevocable without the consent of the United States and the
   people of said State, as required by said act, provide that
   perfect toleration of religious sentiment shall be secured and
   that no inhabitant of said State shall ever be molested in person
   or property on account of his or her mode of religious
   worship, but that polygamous or plural marriages are forever
   prohibited," thereupon declared and proclaimed the creation of
   the State of Utah and its admission into the Union to be
   accomplished. The constitution of the new State has some
   radical features, providing for an eight-hours labor-day, and
   giving to women equal rights with men in suffrage and in
   eligibility to public office.

V.

VASSOS, Colonel, in Crete.

      See (in this volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

"VEGETARIANS," The.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1895 (AUGUST).

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895.
   Revolt suppressed.

   An attempted rising, in the interest of Dr. Rojas Paul,
   against the government of President Crespo, in the autumn of
   1895, was quickly suppressed.

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (July).
   The question of the boundary of British Guiana taken up by the
   government of the United States.
   Despatch of Secretary Olney to Ambassador Bayard.

   For a number of years the government of the United States had
   been exerting itself to bring about the settlement of a long
   standing dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela
   concerning the line of boundary between the territory of
   Venezuela and that of British Guiana. In 1895 the effort
   became more resolute, as appeared in a lengthy despatch
   addressed, on the 20th of July, by the American Secretary of
   State, Mr. Olney, to the American Ambassador in London, Mr.
   Bayard. In this despatch Mr. Olney reviewed the long
   controversy which had been in progress, and recalled the
   communications on the subject which had passed between the
   governments of the United States and Great Britain since 1886.
   He then summarised "the important features of the existing
   situation" as represented in his recital, by the following
   statement:

   "1. The title to territory of indefinite but confessedly very
   large extent is in dispute between Great Britain on the one
   hand, and the South American Republic of Venezuela on the
   other.

   2. The disparity in the strength of the claimants is such that
   Venezuela can hope to establish her claim only through
   peaceful methods—through an agreement with her adversary
   either upon the subject itself or upon an arbitration.

   3. The controversy with varying claims on the part of Great
   Britain has existed for more than half-a-century, during which
   period many earnest and persistent efforts of Venezuela to
   establish a boundary by agreement have proved unsuccessful.

   4. The futility of the endeavour to obtain a conventional line
   being recognized, Venezuela, for a quarter of a century, has
   asked and striven for arbitration.

   5. Great Britain, however, has always and continuously
   refused, and still refuses, to arbitrate except upon the
   condition of a renunciation of a large part of the Venezuelan
   claim, and of a concession to herself of a large share of the
   territory in controversy.

{685}

   6. By the frequent interposition of its good offices at the
   instance of Venezuela, by constantly urging and promoting the
   restoration of diplomatic relations between the two countries,
   by pressing for arbitration of the disputed boundary, by offering
   to act as Arbitrator, by expressing its grave concern whenever
   new alleged instances of British aggression upon Venezuelan
   territory have been brought to its notice, the Government of
   the United States has made it clear to Great Britain and to
   the world that the controversy is one in which both its honour
   and its interests are involved, and the continuance of which
   it cannot regard with indifference."

   Mr. Olney proceeds next to consider the rights, the interests
   and the duty of the United States in the matter, and to what
   extent, if any, it "may and should intervene in a controversy
   between and primarily concerning only Great Britain and
   Venezuela," and his conclusions on these points are founded on
   the doctrine set forth by President Monroe, of resistance to
   European intervention in American affairs. Quoting President
   Monroe's celebrated Message on the subject, in 1823, Mr. Olney
   remarks:

   "The Message just quoted declared that the American continents
   were fully occupied, and were not the subjects for future
   colonization by European Powers. To this spirit and this
   purpose, also, are to be attributed the passages of the same
   Message which treat any infringement of the rule against
   interference in American affairs on the part of the Powers of
   Europe as an act of unfriendliness to the United States. It
   was realized that it was futile to lay down such a rule unless
   its observance could be enforced. It was manifest that the
   United States was the only Power in this hemisphere capable of
   enforcing it. It was therefore courageously declared, not
   merely that Europe ought not to interfere in American affairs,
   but that any European Power doing so would be regarded as
   antagonizing the interests and inviting the opposition of the
   United States.

   "That America is in no part open to colonization, though the
   proposition was not universally admitted at the time of its
   first enunciation, has long been universally conceded. We are
   now concerned, therefore, only with that other practical
   application of the Monroe doctrine the disregard of which by
   an European Power is to be deemed an act of unfriendliness
   towards the United States. The precise scope and limitations
   of this rule cannot be too clearly apprehended. It does not
   establish any general Protectorate by the United States over
   other American States. It does not relieve any American State
   from its obligations as fixed by international law, nor
   prevent any European Power directly interested from enforcing
   such obligations or from inflicting merited punishment for the
   breach of them. It does not contemplate any interference in
   the internal affairs of any American State, or in the
   relations between it and other American States. It does not
   justify any attempt on our part to change the established form
   of Government of any American State, or to prevent the people
   of such State from altering that form according to their own
   will and pleasure. The rule in question has but a single
   purpose and object. It is that no European Power or
   combination of European Powers shall forcibly deprive an
   American State of the right and power of self-government, and
   of shaping for itself its own political fortunes and
   destinies. That the rule thus defined has been the accepted
   public law of this country ever since its promulgation cannot
   fairly be denied. …

   "It is manifest that, if a rule has been openly and uniformly
   declared and acted upon by the Executive Branch of the
   Government for more than seventy years without express
   repudiation by Congress, it must be conclusively presumed to
   have its sanction. Yet it is certainly no more than the exact
   truth to say that every Administration since President
   Monroe's has had occasion, and sometimes more occasions than
   one, to examine and consider the Monroe doctrine, and has in
   each instance given it emphatic indorsement. … A doctrine of
   American public law thus long and firmly established and
   supported could not easily be ignored in a proper case for its
   application, even were the considerations upon which it is
   founded obscure or questionable. No such objection can be
   made, however, to the Monroe doctrine understood and defined
   in the manner already stated. It rests, on the contrary, upon
   facts and principles that are both intelligible and
   incontrovertible. That distance and 3,000 miles of intervening
   ocean make any permanent political union between an European
   and an American State unnatural and inexpedient will hardly be
   denied. But physical and geographical considerations are the
   least of the objections to such a union. Europe, as Washington
   observed, has a set of primary interests which are peculiar to
   herself. America is not interested in them, and ought not to
   be vexed or complicated with them. …

   "If, … for the reasons stated, the forcible intrusion of
   European Powers into American politics is to be deprecated—if,
   as it is to be deprecated, it should be resisted and
   prevented—such resistance and prevention must come from the
   United States. They would come from it, of course, were it
   made the point of attack. But, if they come at all, they must
   also come from it when any other American State is attacked,
   since only the United States has the strength adequate to the
   exigency. Is it true, then, that the safety and welfare of the
   United States are so concerned with the maintenance of the
   independence of every American State as against any European
   Power as to justify and require the interposition of the
   United States whenever that independence is endangered? The
   question can be candidly answered in but one way. The States
   of America, South as well as North, by geographical proximity,
   by natural sympathy, by similarity of Governmental
   Constitutions, are friends and allies, commercially and
   politically, of the United States. To allow the subjugation of
   any of them by an European Power is, of course, to completely
   reverse that situation, and signifies the loss of all the
   advantages incident to their natural relations to us. But that
   is not all. The people of the United States have a vital
   interest in the cause of popular self-government. … To-day the
   United States is practically Sovereign on this continent, and
   its fiat is law upon the subjects to which it confines its
   interposition. Why? It is not because of the pure friendship
   or good-will felt for it. It is not simply by reason of its
   high character as a civilised State, nor because wisdom and
   justice and equity are the invariable characteristics of the
   dealings of the United States. It is because, in addition to
   all other grounds, its infinite resources, combined with its
   isolated position, render it master of the situation, and
   practically invulnerable as against any or all other Powers.
{686}
   All the advantages of this superiority are at once imperilled
   if the principle be admitted that European Powers may convert
   American States into Colonies or provinces of their own. The
   principle would be eagerly availed of, and every Power doing
   so would immediately acquire a base of military operations
   against us. What one Power was permitted to do could not be
   denied to another, and it is not inconceivable that the
   struggle now going on for the acquisition of Africa might be
   transferred to South America. If it were, the weaker countries
   would unquestionably be soon absorbed, while the ultimate result
   might be the partition of all South America between the
   various European Powers. …

   "The people of the United States have learned in the school of
   experience to what extent the relations of States to each
   other depend not upon sentiment nor principle, but upon
   selfish interest. They will not soon forget that, in their
   hour of distress, all their anxieties and burdens were
   aggravated by the possibility of demonstrations against their
   national life on the part of Powers with whom they had long
   maintained the most harmonious relations. They have yet in
   mind that France seized upon the apparent opportunity of our
   Civil War to set up a Monarchy in the adjoining State of
   Mexico. They realize that, had France and Great Britain held
   important South American possessions to work from and to
   benefit, the temptation to destroy the predominance of the
   Great Republic in this hemisphere by furthering its
   dismemberment might have been irresistible. From that grave
   peril they have been saved in the past, and may be saved again
   in the future, through the operation of the sure but silent
   force of the doctrine proclaimed by President Monroe. …

   "There is, then, a doctrine of American public law, well
   founded in principle and abundantly sanctioned by precedent,
   which entitles and requires the United States to treat as an
   injury to itself the forcible assumption by an European Power
   of political control over an American State. The application
   of the doctrine to the boundary dispute between Great Britain
   and Venezuela remains to be made, and presents no real
   difficulty. Though the dispute relates to a boundary-line,
   yet, as it is between States, it necessarily imports political
   control to be lost by one party and gained by the other. The
   political control at stake, too, is of no mean importance, but
   concerns a domain of great extent—the British claim, it will
   be remembered, apparently expanding in two years some 33,000
   square miles—and, if it also directly involves the command of
   the mouth of the Orinoco, is of immense consequence in
   connection with the whole river navigation of the interior of
   South America. It has been intimated, indeed, that in respect
   of these South American possessions, Great Britain is herself
   an American State like any other, so that a controversy
   between her and Venezuela is to be settled between themselves
   as if it were between Venezuela and Brazil, or between
   Venezuela and Colombia, and does not call for or justify
   United States intervention. If this view be tenable at all,
   the logical sequence is plain. Great Britain as a South
   American State is to be entirely differentiated from Great
   Britain generally; and if the boundary question cannot be
   settled otherwise than by force, British Guiana with her own
   independent resources, and not those of the British Empire,
   should be left to settle the matter with Venezuela—an
   arrangement which very possibly Venezuela might not object to.
   But the proposition that an European Power with an American
   dependency is for the purposes of the Monroe doctrine to be
   classed not as an European but as an American State will not
   admit of serious discussion. If it were to be adopted, the
   Monroe doctrine would be too valueless to be worth asserting.
   …

   "The declaration of the Monroe Message—that existing Colonies
   or dependencies of an European Power would not be interfered
   with by the United States—means Colonies or dependencies then
   existing with their limits as then existing. So it has been
   invariably construed, and so it must continue to be construed,
   unless it is to be deprived of all vital force. Great Britain
   cannot be deemed a South American State within the purview of
   the Monroe doctrine, nor, if she is appropriating Venezuelan
   territory, is it material that she does so by advancing the
   frontier of an old Colony instead of by the planting of a new
   Colony. The difference is matter of form, and not of
   substance, and the doctrine if pertinent in the one case must
   be in the other also. It is not admitted, however, and
   therefore cannot be assumed, that Great Britain is in fact
   usurping dominion over Venezuelan territory. While Venezuela
   charges such usurpation Great Britain denies it, and the
   United States, until the merits are authoritatively
   ascertained, can take sides with neither. But while this is
   so—while the United States may not, under existing
   circumstances at least, take upon itself to say which of the
   two parties is right and which wrong—it is certainly within
   its right to demand that the truth shall be ascertained. …

   "It being clear, therefore, that the United States may
   legitimately insist upon the merits of the boundary question
   being determined, it is equally clear that there is but one
   feasible mode of determining them, viz., peaceful arbitration.
   The impracticability of any conventional adjustment has been
   often and thoroughly demonstrated. Even more impossible of
   consideration is an appeal to arms—a mode of settling national
   pretensions unhappily not yet wholly obsolete. If, however, it
   were not condemnable as a relic of barbarism and a crime in
   itself, so one-sided a contest could not be invited nor even
   accepted by Great Britain without distinct disparagement to
   her character as a civilized State. Great Britain, however,
   assumes no such attitude. On the contrary, she both admits
   that there is a controversy, and that arbitration should be
   resorted to for its adjustment. But, while up to that point
   her attitude leaves nothing to be desired, its practical
   effect is completely nullified by her insistence that the
   submission shall cover but a part of the controversy—that, as
   a condition of arbitrating her right to a part of the disputed
   territory, the remainder shall be turned over to her. If it
   were possible to point to a boundary which both parties had
   ever agreed or assumed to be such either expressly or tacitly,
   the demand that territory conceded by such line to British Guiana
   should be held not to be in dispute might rest upon a
   reasonable basis. But there is no such line. The territory
   which Great Britain insists shall be ceded to her as a
   condition of arbitrating her claim to other territory has
   never been admitted to belong to her.
{687}
   It has always and consistently been claimed by Venezuela. Upon
   what principle—except her feebleness as a nation—is she to be
   denied the right of having the claim heard and passed upon by
   an impartial Tribunal? No reason or shadow of reason appears
   in all the voluminous literature of the subject. …

   "In these circumstances, the duty of the President appears to
   him unmistakable and imperative. Great Britain's assertion of
   title to the disputed territory, combined with her refusal to
   have that title investigated, being a substantial
   appropriation of the territory to her own use, not to protest
   and give warning that the transaction will be regarded as
   injurious to the interests of the people of the United States,
   as well as oppressive in itself, would be to ignore an
   established policy with which the honour and welfare of this
   country are closely identified. While the measures necessary
   or proper for the vindication of that policy are to be
   determined by another branch of the Government, it is clearly
   for the Executive to leave nothing undone which may tend to
   render such determination unnecessary. You are instructed,
   therefore, to present the foregoing views to Lord Salisbury by
   reading to him this communication (leaving with him a copy
   should he so desire), and to reinforce them by such pertinent
   considerations as will doubtless occur to you. They call for a
   definite decision upon the point whether Great Britain will
   consent or will decline to submit the Venezuelan boundary
   question in its entirety to impartial arbitration. It is the
   earnest hope of the President that the conclusion will be on
   the side of arbitration, and that Great Britain will add one
   more to the conspicuous precedents she has already furnished
   in favour of that wise and just mode of adjusting
   international disputes. If he is to be disappointed in that
   hope, however—a result not to be anticipated, and in his
   judgment calculated to greatly embarrass the future relations
   between this country and Great Britain—it is his wish to be
   made acquainted with the fact at such early date as will
   enable him to lay the whole subject before Congress in his
   next Annual Message."

      _Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command:
      United States Number 1, 1896, pages 13-21)._

VENEZUELA:  A. D. 1895 (November).
   The British Guiana boundary question.
   Replies of Lord Salisbury to Secretary Olney.

   The reply of Lord Salisbury was not written until the 26th of
   November. It was then given in two despatches, bearing the
   same date,—one devoted entirely to a discussion of "the Monroe
   doctrine" and of the argument founded on it by Mr. Olney; the
   other to a rehearsal of the Venezuela controversy from the
   standpoint of the British government. In the communication
   first mentioned he wrote:

   "The contentions set forth by Mr. Olney in this part of his
   despatch are represented by him as being an application of the
   political maxims which are well known in American discussion
   under the name of the Monroe doctrine. As far as I am aware,
   this doctrine has never been before advanced on behalf of the
   United States in any written communication addressed to the
   Government of another nation; but it has been generally
   adopted and assumed as true by many eminent writers and
   politicians in the United States. It is said to have largely
   influenced the Government of that country in the conduct of
   its foreign affairs; though Mr. Clayton, who was Secretary of
   State under President Taylor, expressly stated that that
   Administration had in no way adopted it. But during the period
   that has elapsed since the Message of President Monroe was
   delivered in 1823, the doctrine has undergone a very notable
   development, and the aspect which it now presents in the hands
   of Mr. Olney differs widely from its character when it first
   issued from the pen of its author. The two propositions which
   in effect President Monroe laid down were, first, that America
   was no longer to be looked upon as a field for European
   colonization; and, secondly, that Europe must not attempt to
   extend its political system to America, or to control the
   political condition of any of the American communities who had
   recently declared their independence. The dangers against
   which President Monroe thought it right to guard were not as
   imaginary as they would seem at the present day. … The system
   of which he speaks, and of which he so resolutely deprecates
   the application to the American Continent, was the system then
   adopted by certain powerful States upon the Continent of
   Europe of combining to prevent by force of arms the adoption
   in other countries of political institutions which they
   disliked, and to uphold by external pressure those which they
   approved. … The dangers which were apprehended by President
   Monroe have no relation to the state of things in which we
   live at the present day. … It is intelligible that Mr. Olney
   should invoke, in defence of the views on which he is now
   insisting, an authority which enjoys so high a popularity with
   his own fellow-countrymen. But the circumstances with which
   President Monroe was dealing, and those to which the present
   American Government is addressing itself, have very few
   features in common. Great Britain is imposing no 'system' upon
   Venezuela, and is not concerning herself in any way with the
   nature of the political institutions under which the
   Venezuelans may prefer to live. But the British Empire and the
   Republic of Venezuela are neighbours, and they have differed
   for some time past, and continue to differ, as to the line by
   which their dominions are separated. It is a controversy with
   which the United States have no apparent practical concern. It
   is difficult, indeed, to see how it can materially affect any
   State or community outside those primarily interested, except
   perhaps other parts of Her Majesty's dominions, such as
   Trinidad. The disputed frontier of Venezuela has nothing to do
   with any of the questions dealt with by President Monroe. It is
   not a question of the colonization by a European Power of any
   portion of America. It is not a question of the imposition
   upon the communities of South America of any system of
   government devised in Europe. It is simply the determination
   of the frontier of a British possession which belonged to the
   Throne of England long before the Republic of Venezuela came
   into existence.

{688}

   "But even if the interests of Venezuela were so far linked to
   those of the United States as to give to the latter a 'locus
   standi' in this controversy, their Government apparently have
   not formed, and certainly do not express, any opinion upon the
   actual merits of the dispute. The Government of the United States
   do not say that Great Britain, or that Venezuela, is in the
   right in the matters that are in issue. But they lay down that
   the doctrine of President Monroe, when he opposed the
   imposition of European systems, or the renewal of European
   colonization, confers upon them the right of demanding that
   when a European Power has a frontier difference with a South
   American community, the European Power shall consent to refer
   that controversy to arbitration; and Mr. Olney states that
   unless Her Majesty's Government accede to this demand, it will
   'greatly embarrass the future relations between Great Britain
   and the United States.' Whatever may be the authority of the
   doctrine laid down by President Monroe, there is nothing in
   his language to show that he ever thought of claiming this
   novel prerogative for the United States. … I will not now
   enter into a discussion of the merits of this method of
   terminating international differences. It has proved itself
   valuable in many cases; but it is not free from defects, which
   often operate as a serious drawback on its value. It is not
   always easy to find an Arbitrator who is competent, and who,
   at the same time, is wholly free from bias; and the task of
   insuring compliance with the Award when it is made is not
   exempt from difficulty. …

   "In the remarks which I have made, I have argued on the theory
   that the Monroe doctrine in itself is sound. I must not,
   however, be understood as expressing any acceptance of it on
   the part of Her Majesty's Government. It must always be
   mentioned with respect, on account of the distinguished
   statesman to whom it is due, and the great nation who have
   generally adopted it. But international law is founded on the
   general consent of nations; and no statesman, however eminent,
   and no nation, however powerful, are competent to insert into
   the code of international law a novel principle which was
   never recognized before, and which has not since been accepted
   by the Government of any other country. … Though the language
   of President Monroe is directed to the attainment of objects
   which most Englishmen would agree to be salutary, it is
   impossible to admit that they have been inscribed by any
   adequate authority in the code of international law; and the
   danger which such admission would involve is sufficiently
   exhibited both by the strange development which the doctrine
   has received at Mr. Olney's hands, and the arguments by which
   it is supported, in the despatch under reply. In defence of it
   he says: 'That distance and 3,000 miles of intervening ocean
   make any permanent political union between a European and an
   American State unnatural and inexpedient will hardly be
   denied. But physical and geographical considerations are the
   least of the objections to such a union. Europe has a set of
   primary interests which are peculiar to herself; America is
   not interested in them, and ought not to be vexed or
   complicated with them.' … The necessary meaning of these words
   is that the union between Great Britain and Canada; between
   Great Britain and Jamaica and Trinidad; between Great Britain
   and British Honduras or British Guiana are 'inexpedient and
   unnatural.' President Monroe disclaims any such inference from
   his doctrine; but in this, as in other respects, Mr. Olney
   develops it. He lays down that the inexpedient and unnatural
   character of the union between a European and American State
   is so obvious that it 'will hardly be denied.' Her Majesty's
   Government are prepared emphatically to deny it on behalf of
   both the British and American people who are subject to her
   Crown."

   In his second despatch, Lord Salisbury drew the conclusions of
   his government from the facts as seen on the English side, and
   announced its decision, in the following terms: "It will be
   seen … that the Government of Great Britain have from the
   first held the same view as to the extent of territory which
   they are entitled to claim as a matter of right. It comprised
   the coast-line up to the River Amacura, and the whole basin of
   the Essequibo River and its tributaries. A portion of that
   claim, however, they have always been willing to waive
   altogether; in regard to another portion, they have been and
   continue to be perfectly ready to submit the question of their
   title to arbitration. As regards the rest, that which lies
   within the so-called Schomburgk line, they do not consider
   that the rights of Great Britain are open to question. Even
   within that line they have, on various occasions, offered to
   Venezuela considerable concessions as a matter of friendship
   and conciliation, and for the purpose of securing an amicable
   settlement of the dispute. If as time has gone on the
   concessions thus offered diminished in extent, and have now
   been withdrawn, this has been the necessary consequence of the
   gradual spread over the country of British settlements, which
   Her Majesty's Government cannot in justice to the inhabitants
   offer to surrender to foreign rule, and the justice of such
   withdrawal is amply borne out by the researches in the
   national archives of Holland and Spain, which have furnished
   further and more convincing evidence in support of the British
   claims.

   "Her Majesty's Government are sincerely desirous of being in
   friendly relations with Venezuela, and certainly have no
   design to seize territory that properly belongs to her, or
   forcibly to extend sovereignty over any portion of her
   population. They have, on the contrary, repeatedly expressed
   their readiness to submit to arbitration the conflicting
   claims of Great Britain and Venezuela to large tracts of
   territory which from their auriferous nature are known to be
   of almost untold value. But they cannot consent to entertain,
   or to submit to the arbitration of another Power or of foreign
   jurists, however eminent, claims based on the extravagant
   pretensions of Spanish officials in the last century, and
   involving the transfer of large numbers of British subjects,
   who have for many years enjoyed the settled rule of a British
   Colony, to a nation of different race and language, whose
   political system is subject to frequent disturbance, and whose
   institutions as yet too often afford very inadequate
   protection to life and property. No issue of this description
   has ever been involved in the questions which Great Britain
   and the United States have consented to submit to arbitration,
   and Her Majesty's Government are convinced that in similar
   circumstances the Government of the United States would be
   equally firm in declining to entertain proposals of such a
   nature."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      United States Number 1, 1896, pages 23-31._

{689}

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (December).
   Message of President Cleveland to the United States Congress
   on the Guiana boundary dispute.

   As the replies given by Lord Salisbury showed no disposition
   on the part of the British government to submit its dispute
   with Venezuela to arbitration, President Cleveland took the
   subject in hand, and addressed to Congress, on the 17th of
   December, 1895, a special Message which startled the world by
   the peremptoriness of its tone.

   "In my annual message addressed to the Congress on the 3d
   instant," he said, "I called attention to the pending boundary
   controversy between Great Britain and the Republic of
   Venezuela and recited the substance of a representation made
   by this Government to Her Britannic Majesty's Government
   suggesting reasons why such dispute should be submitted to
   arbitration for settlement and inquiring whether it would be
   so submitted. The answer of the British Government, which was
   then awaited, has since been received, and, together with the
   dispatch to which it is a reply, is hereto appended. Such
   reply is embodied in two communications addressed by the
   British prime minister to Sir Julian Pauncefote, the British
   ambassador at this capital. It will be seen that one of these
   communications is devoted exclusively to observations upon the
   Monroe doctrine, and claims that in the present instance a new
   and strange extension and development of this doctrine is
   insisted on by the United States; that the reasons justifying
   an appeal to the doctrine enunciated by President Monroe are
   generally inapplicable 'to the state of things in which we
   live at the present day,' and especially inapplicable to a
   controversy involving the boundary line between Great Britain
   and Venezuela.

   "Without attempting extended argument in reply to these
   positions, it may not be amiss to suggest that the doctrine
   upon which we stand is strong and sound, because its
   enforcement is important to our peace and safety as a nation
   and is essential to the integrity of our free institutions and
   the tranquil maintenance of our distinctive form of
   government. It was intended to apply to every stage of our
   national life and can not become obsolete while our Republic
   endures. If the balance of power is justly a cause for jealous
   anxiety among the Governments of the Old World and a subject
   for our absolute non-interference, none the less is an
   observance of the Monroe doctrine of vital concern to our
   people and their Government. Assuming, therefore, that we may
   properly insist upon this doctrine without regard to 'the
   state of things in which we live' or any changed conditions
   here or elsewhere, it is not apparent why its application may
   not be invoked in the present controversy. If a European power
   by an extension of its boundaries takes possession of the
   territory of one of our neighboring Republics against its will
   and in derogation of its rights, it is difficult to see why to
   that extent such European power does not thereby attempt to
   extend its system of government to that portion of this
   continent which is thus taken. This is the precise action
   which President Monroe declared to be 'dangerous to our peace
   and safety,' and it can make no difference whether the
   European system is extended by an advance of frontier or
   otherwise.

   "It is also suggested in the British reply that we should not
   seek to apply the Monroe doctrine to the pending dispute
   because it does not embody any principle of international law
   which 'is founded on the general consent of nations,' and that
   'no statesman, however eminent, and no nation, however
   powerful, are competent to insert into the code of
   international law a novel principle which was never recognized
   before and which has not since been accepted by the government
   of any other country.' Practically the principle for which we
   contend has peculiar, if not exclusive, relation to the United
   States. It may not have been admitted in so many words to the
   code of international law, but since in international councils
   every nation is entitled to the rights belonging to it, if the
   enforcement of the Monroe doctrine is something we may justly
   claim, it has its place in the code of international law as
   certainly and as securely as if it were specifically
   mentioned; and when the United States is a suitor before the
   high tribunal that administers international law the question
   to be determined is whether or not we present claims which the
   justice of that code of law can find to be right and valid.

   "The Monroe doctrine finds its recognition in those principles
   of international law which are based upon the theory that
   every nation shall have its rights protected and its just
   claims enforced. Of course this government is entirely
   confident that under the sanction of this doctrine we have
   clear rights and undoubted claims. Nor is this ignored in the
   British reply. The prime minister, while not admitting that
   the Monroe doctrine is applicable to present conditions,
   states: 'In declaring that the United States would resist any
   such enterprise if it was contemplated, President Monroe
   adopted a policy which received the entire sympathy of the
   English Government of that date.'

   "He further declares: 'Though the language of President Monroe
   is directed to the attainment of objects which most Englishmen
   would agree to be salutary, it is impossible to admit that
   they have been inscribed by any adequate authority in the code
   of international law.'

   "Again he says: 'They [Her Majesty's Government] fully concur
   with the view which President Monroe apparently entertained,
   that any disturbance of the existing territorial distribution
   in that hemisphere by any fresh acquisitions on the part of
   any European State would be a highly inexpedient change.'

   "In the belief that the doctrine for which we contend was
   clear and definite, that it was founded upon substantial
   considerations, and involved our safety and welfare, that it
   was fully applicable to our present conditions and to the
   state of the world's progress, and that it was directly
   related to the pending controversy, and without any conviction
   as to the final merits of the dispute, 'but anxious to learn
   in a satisfactory and conclusive manner whether Great Britain
   sought under a claim of boundary to extend her possessions on
   this continent without right, or whether she merely sought
   possession of territory fairly included within her lines of
   ownership, this Government proposed to the Government of Great
   Britain a resort to arbitration as the proper means of
   settling the question, to the end that a vexatious boundary
   dispute between the two contestants might be determined and
   our exact standing and relation in respect to the controversy
   might be made clear.
{690}
   It will be seen from the correspondence herewith submitted
   that this proposition has been declined by the British
   Government upon grounds which in the circumstances seem to me
   to be far from satisfactory. It is deeply disappointing that
   such an appeal, actuated by the most friendly feelings toward
   both nations directly concerned, addressed to the sense of
   justice and to the magnanimity of one of the great powers of
   the world, and touching its relations to one comparatively
   weak and small, should have produced no better results.

   "The course to be pursued by this Government in view of the
   present condition does not appear to admit of serious doubt.
   Having labored faithfully for many years to induce Great
   Britain to submit this dispute to impartial arbitration, and
   having been now finally apprised of her refusal to do so,
   nothing remains but to accept the situation, to recognize its
   plain requirements, and deal with it accordingly. Great
   Britain's present proposition has never thus far been regarded
   as admissible by Venezuela, though any adjustment of the
   boundary which that country may deem for her advantage and may
   enter into of her own free will can not of course be objected
   to by the United States. Assuming, however, that the attitude
   of Venezuela will remain unchanged, the dispute has reached
   such a stage as to make it now incumbent upon the United
   States to take measures to determine with sufficient certainty
   for its justification what is the true divisional line between
   the Republic of Venezuela and British Guiana. The inquiry to
   that end should of course be conducted carefully and
   judicially, and due weight should be given to all available
   evidence, records, and facts in support of the claims of both
   parties. In order that such an examination should be
   prosecuted in a thorough and satisfactory manner, I suggest
   that the Congress make an adequate appropriation for the
   expenses of a commission, to be appointed by the Executive,
   who shall make the necessary investigation and report upon the
   matter with the least possible delay. When such report is made
   and accepted it will, in my opinion, be the duty of the United
   States to resist by every means in its power, as a willful
   aggression upon its rights and interests, the appropriation by
   Great Britain of any lands or the exercise of governmental
   jurisdiction over any territory which after investigation we
   have determined of right belongs to Venezuela.

   "In making these recommendations I am fully alive to the
   responsibility incurred and keenly realize all the
   consequences that May follow. I am, nevertheless, firm in my
   conviction that while it is a grievous thing to contemplate
   the two great English-speaking peoples of the world as being
   otherwise than friendly competitors in the onward march of
   civilization and strenuous and worthy rivals in all the arts
   of peace, there is no calamity which a great nation can invite
   which equals that which follows a supine submission to wrong and
   injustice and the consequent loss of national self-respect and
   honor, beneath which are shielded and defended a people's
   safety and greatness."

      _United States, Message and Documents
      (Abridgment, 1895-1896)._

   The recommendations of the President were acted upon with
   remarkable unanimity and promptitude in Congress, a bill
   authorizing the appointment of the proposed commission, and
   appropriating $100,000 for the necessary expenditure, being
   passed by the House on the day following the Message (December
   17), and by the Senate on the 20th.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (DECEMBER).

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895-1896 (December-January).
   Feeling in England and the United States
   over the boundary dispute.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1895-1896 (DECEMBER-JANUARY).

VENEZUELA:  A. D. 1896-1899.
   Appointment of the United States Commission to investigate
   the boundary question.
   Reopening of negotiations between the United States
   and Great Britain.
   The solution of the main difficulty found.
   Arbitration and its result.

   The Commission authorized by the Congress of the United States
   to investigate and report on the true divisional line between
   British Guiana and Venezuela was named by the President of the
   United States, on the 1st of January, as follows:

   David J. Brewer, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court
   of the United States;
   Richard H. Alvey, Chief Justice of the Court of Appeals in
   the District of Columbia;
   Andrew D. White, ex-President of Cornell University,
   and ex-Minister to Germany and Russia;
   Daniel C. Gilman, President of Johns Hopkins University;
   Frederick H. Coudert, of New York.

   The Commission was organized on the 4th by the election of
   Justice Brewer to be its President. Mr. S. Mallet Prevost was
   subsequently appointed Secretary. One of the first proceedings
   of the Commission was to address a letter to the Secretary of
   State, suggesting a friendly intimation to the governments of
   Great Britain and Venezuela that their assistance to it, in
   procuring unpublished archives and the like evidence, would be
   highly acceptable, and that "if either should deem it
   appropriate to designate an agent or attorney, whose duty it
   would be to see that no such proofs were omitted or
   overlooked, the Commission would be grateful for such evidence
   of good will." This overture was well received in England, and
   had an excellent effect. It was responded to by Lord
   Salisbury, with an assurance that Her Majesty's government
   would readily place at the disposal of the President of the
   United States any information at their command, and would
   communicate advance copies of documents soon to be published
   on the subject of the boundary line. Before the close of
   January the Commission had organized its work, with several
   experts engaged to assist on special lines. Professor Justin
   Winsor, Librarian of Harvard University, had undertaken to
   report on the early maps of the Guiana-Venezuela country.
   Professor George L. Burr, of Cornell University, was making
   ready to examine the Dutch archives in Holland, and Professor
   J. Franklin Jameson, of Brown University, was enlisted for
   other investigations.

   Before these labors had gone far, however, the two
   governments, of Great Britain and the United States, were
   induced to reopen a discussion of the possibility of an
   arbitration of the dispute. On the 27th of February, Mr.
   Bayard, the Ambassador of the United States at London,
   conveyed to Lord Salisbury a proposal from his government
   "that Her Majesty's Ambassador at Washington should be
   empowered to discuss the question at that capital with the
   Secretary of State," and that "a clear definition of the
   'settlements' by individuals in the territory in dispute,
   which it is understood Her Majesty's Government desire should
   be excluded from the proposed submission to arbitration,
   should be propounded."
{691}
   Lord Salisbury assented so far as to telegraph, on the same
   day, to Sir Julian Pauncefote: "I have agreed with the United
   States' Ambassador that, in principle, the matter may be
   discussed between the United States Government (acting as the
   friend of Venezuela) and your Excellency." But, a few days
   later (March 5), the British Premier and Foreign Secretary
   gave a broader range to the discussion, by recalling a
   correspondence that had taken place in the spring of 1895
   between the then American Secretary of State, Mr. Gresham, and
   the British Ambassador, in contemplation of a general system
   of international arbitration for the adjustment of disputes
   between the two governments. Reviving that project, Lord
   Salisbury submitted the heads of a general arbitration treaty
   between the United States and Great Britain, which became a
   subject of discussion for some weeks, without offering much
   promise of providing for the settlement of the Venezuela
   dispute. In May, the correspondence returned to the latter
   subject more definitely, Lord Salisbury writing (May 22):

   "From the first our objection has been to subject to the
   decision of an Arbiter, who, in the last resort, must, of
   necessity, be a foreigner, the rights of British colonists who
   have settled in territory which they had every ground for
   believing to be British, and whose careers would be broken,
   and their fortunes possibly ruined, by a decision that the
   territory on which they have settled was subject to the
   Venezuelan Republic. At the same time, we are very conscious
   that the dispute between ourselves and the Republic of
   Venezuela affects a large portion of land which is not under
   settlement, and which could be disposed of without any
   injustice to any portion of the colonial population. We are
   very willing that the territory which is comprised within this
   definition should be subjected to the results of an
   arbitration, even though some portion of it should be found to
   fall within the Schomburgk line." He proposed, accordingly,
   the creation of a commission of four persons, for the
   determination of the questions of fact involved, on whose
   report the two governments of Great Britain and Venezuela
   should endeavor to agree on a boundary line; failing which
   agreement, a tribunal of arbitration should fix the line, on
   the basis of facts reported by the Commission. "Provided
   always that in fixing such line the Tribunal shall not have
   power to include as the territory of Venezuela any territory
   which was bona fide occupied by subjects of Great Britain on
   the 1st January, 1887, or as the territory of Great Britain
   any territory bona fide occupied by Venezuelans at the same
   date."

   Objections to this proposal, especially to its final
   stipulation, were raised by the government of the United
   States, and the negotiation looked unpromising again for a
   time; but at length, on the 13th of July, Mr. Olney made a
   suggestion which happily solved the one difficulty that had
   been, from the beginning, a bar to agreement between the two
   governments. "Can it be assumed," he asked, in a letter of
   that date, "that Her Majesty's Government would submit to
   unrestricted arbitration the whole of the territory in
   dispute, provided it be a rule of the arbitration, embodied in
   the arbitral agreement, that territory which has been in the
   exclusive, notorious, and actual use and occupation of either
   party for even two generations, or say for sixty years, shall
   be held by the arbitrators to be the territory of such party?
   In other words, will Her Majesty's Government assent to
   unrestricted arbitration of all the territory in controversy,
   with the period for the acquisition of title by prescription
   fixed by agreement of the parties in advance at sixty years?"
   Lord Salisbury assented to the principle thus suggested, but
   proposed a shorter term of occupation than sixty years.
   Finally the term of fifty years was accepted on both sides,
   and from that point the arrangement of a Treaty of Arbitration
   between Great Britain and Venezuela went smoothly on. The good
   news that England and America were practically at the end of
   their dispute was proclaimed by Lord Salisbury, on the 9th of
   November, in a speech at the Lord Mayor's banquet, in London,
   when he said: "You are aware that in the discussion had with
   the United States on behalf of their friends in Venezuela, our
   question has not been whether there should be arbitration, but
   whether arbitration should have unrestricted application; and
   we have always claimed that those who, apart from historic
   right, had the right which attaches to established
   settlements, should be excluded from arbitration. Our
   difficulty for months has been to define the settled
   districts; and the solution has, I think, come from the
   suggestion of the government of the United States, that we
   should treat our colonial empire as we treat individuals; that
   the same lapse of time which protects the latter in civic life
   from having their title questioned, should similarly protect
   an English colony; but, beyond that, when a lapse could not be
   claimed, there should be an examination of title, and all the
   equity demanded in regard thereto should be granted. I do not
   believe I am using unduly sanguine words when I declare my
   belief that this has brought the controversy to an end."

   On the 10th of November, the Secretary of the United States
   Commission appointed to investigate the disputed boundary
   published the following: "The statements of Lord Salisbury, as
   reported in the morning papers, make it probable that the
   boundary dispute now pending between Great Britain and Venezuela
   will be sewed by arbitration at an early day. Under the
   circumstances the Commission, while continuing its deliberations
   in the preparation and orderly arrangement of many valuable maps,
   reports, and documents, which have been procured and used in the
   course of its labors, does not propose to formulate any decision
   for the present of the matters subject to its examination. It
   will continue its sessions from time to time, but with the hope
   and expectation that a friendly and just settlement of all
   pending differences between the nations interested will make
   any final decision on its part unnecessary." This hope was
   substantially realized a few days later, when a convention
   embodying the agreement of the United States and Great Britain
   was signed by Secretary Olney and the British Ambassador, Sir
   Julian Pauncefote. The agreement was carried to its next stage on
   the 2d of February, 1897, when a treaty between Great Britain and
   the United States of Venezuela was signed at Washington, which
   provided as follows:

{692}

   "Article I.
   An Arbitral Tribunal shall be immediately appointed to
   determine the boundary-line between the Colony of British
   Guiana and the United States of Venezuela.

   "Article II.
   The Tribunal shall consist of five Jurists: two on the part of
   Great Britain, nominated by the Members of the Judicial
   Committee of Her Majesty's Privy Council, namely, the Right
   Honourable Baron Herschell, Knight Grand Cross of the Most
   Honourable Order of the Bath, and the Honourable Sir Richard
   Henn Collins, Knight, one of the Justices of Her Britannic
   Majesty's Supreme Court of Judicature; two on the part of
   Venezuela, nominated, one by the President of the United
   States of Venezuela, namely, the Honourable Melville Weston
   Fuller, Chief Justice of the United States of America, and one
   nominated by the Justices of the Supreme Court of the United
   States of America, namely, the Honourable David Josiah Brewer,
   a Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States of
   America; and of a fifth Jurist to be selected by the four
   persons so nominated, or in the event of their failure to
   agree within three months from the date of the exchange of
   ratifications of the present Treaty, to be selected by His
   Majesty the King of Sweden and Norway. The Jurist so selected
   shall be President of the Tribunal. In case of the death,
   absence, or incapacity to serve of any of the four Arbitrators
   above named, or in the event of any such Arbitrator omitting
   or declining or ceasing to act as such, another Jurist of
   repute shall be forthwith substituted in his place. If such
   vacancy shall occur among those nominated on the part of Great
   Britain, the substitute shall be appointed by the members for
   the time being of the Judicial Committee of Her Majesty's
   Privy Council, acting by a majority, and if among those
   nominated on the part of Venezuela, he shall be appointed by
   the Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, acting
   by a majority. If such vacancy shall occur in the case of the
   fifth Arbitrator, a substitute shall be selected in the manner
   herein provided for with regard to the original appointment.

   "Article III.
   The Tribunal shall investigate and ascertain the extent of the
   territories belonging to, or that might lawfully be claimed
   by, the United Netherlands or by the Kingdom of Spain
   respectively at the time of the acquisition by Great Britain
   of the Colony of British Guiana, and shall determine the
   boundary-line between the Colony of British Guiana and the
   United States of Venezuela.

   "Article IV.
   In deciding the matters submitted, the Arbitrators shall
   ascertain all facts which they deem necessary to a decision of
   the controversy, and shall be governed by the following Rules,
   which are agreed upon by the High Contracting Parties as Rules
   to be taken as applicable to the case, and by such principles
   of international law not inconsistent therewith as the
   Arbitrators shall determine to be applicable to the
   case:—

   Rules.
   (a.) Adverse holding or prescription during a period of fifty
   years shall make a good title. The Arbitrators may deem
   exclusive political control of a district, as well as actual
   settlement thereof, sufficient to constitute adverse holding
   or to make title by prescription.

   (b.) The Arbitrators may recognize and give effect to rights
   and claims resting on any other ground whatever valid
   according to international law, and on any principles of
   international law which the Arbitrators may deem to be
   applicable to the case, and which are not in contravention of
   the foregoing rule.

   (c.) In determining the boundary-line, if territory of one
   Party be found by the Tribunal to have been at the date of
   this Treaty in the occupation of the subjects or citizens of
   the other Party, such effect shall be given to such occupation
   as reason, justice, the principles of international law, and
   the equities of the case shall, in the opinion of the
   Tribunal, require. …

   Article XIII.
   The High Contracting Parties engage to consider the result of
   the proceedings of the Tribunal of Arbitration as a full,
   perfect, and final settlement of all the questions referred to
   the Arbitrators:"

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      Treaty Series Number 5, 1897._

   Before the Arbitrators named in the treaty had entered on
   their duties, a vacancy in the tribunal was created by the
   death of Baron Herschell, and the Lord Chief Justice of
   England, Lord Russell of Killowen, was appointed in his place.
   His Excellency, Frederic de Martens, Privy Councillor and
   Permanent Member of the Council of the Ministry of Foreign
   Affairs in Russia, was selected to be the fifth Arbitrator. As
   thus constituted, the Arbitral Tribunal met in Paris on the
   15th of June, 1899. In the hearings before it, Venezuela was
   represented by Benjamin Harrison, ex-President of the United
   States, and other counsel; the British government by Sir
   Richard Webster, Attorney-General of Great Britain, and
   others. The decision of the Tribunal, which is said to have
   been rendered with unanimity, was announced on the 3d of
   October, 1899, as follows:

   "We the undersigned Arbitrators do hereby make and publish our
   decision, determination, and Award of, upon, and concerning
   the questions submitted to us by the said Treaty of
   Arbitration, and do hereby, conformably to the said Treaty of
   Arbitration, finally decide, award, and determine that the
   boundary-line between the Colony of British Guiana and the
   United States of Venezuela is as follows:

   Starting from the coast at Point Playa, the line of boundary
   shall run in a straight line to the River Barima at its
   junction with the River Mururuma, and thence along the
   mid-stream of the latter river to its source, and from that
   point to the junction of the River Haiowa with the Amakuru,
   and thence along the mid-stream of the Amakuru to its source
   in the Imataka Ridge, and thence in a south-westerly direction
   along the highest ridge of the spur of the Imataka Mountains
   to the highest point of the main range of such Imataka
   Mountains opposite to the source of the Barima, and thence
   along the summit of the main ridge in a south-easterly
   direction of the Imataka Mountains to the source of the
   Acarabisi, and thence along the mid-stream of the Acarabisi to
   the Cuyuni, and thence along the northern bank of the River
   Cuyuni westward to its junction with the Wenamu, and thence
   following the mid-stream of the Wenamu to its westernmost
   source, and thence in a direct line to the summit of Mount
   Roraima, and from Mount Roraima to the source of the Cotinga,
   and along the mid-stream of that river to its junction with
   the Takutu, and thence along the mid-stream of the Takutu to
   its source, thence in a straight line to the westernmost point
   of the Akarai Mountains, and thence along the ridge of the
   Akarai Mountains to the source of the Corentin called the
   Cutari River.
{693}
   Provided always that the line of delimitation fixed by this
   Award shall be subject and without prejudice to any questions
   now existing, or which may arise, to be determined between the
   Government of her Britannic Majesty and the Republic of
   Brazil, or between the latter Republic and the United States
   of Venezuela.

   "In fixing the above delimitation the Arbitrators consider and
   decide that in times of peace the Rivers Amakuru and Barima
   shall be open to navigation by the merchant-ships of all
   nations, subject to all just regulations and to the payment of
   light or other like dues: Provided that the dues charged by
   the Republic of Venezuela and the Government of the Colony of
   British Guiana in respect of the passage of vessels along the
   portions of such rivers respectively owned by them shall be
   charged at the same rates upon the vessels of Venezuela and
   Great Britain, such rates being no higher than those charged
   to any other nation: Provided also that no customs duties
   shall be chargeable either by the Republic of Venezuela or by
   the Colony of British Guiana in respect of goods carried on
   board ships, vessels, or boats passing along the said rivers,
   but customs duties shall only be chargeable in respect of
   goods landed in the territory of Venezuela or Great Britain
   respectively."

      _Great Britain, Papers by Command:
      Venezuela Number 7, 1899, pages 6-7._

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1898-1900.
   Change in the Presidency.
   Death of ex-President Crespo.
   Revolution.
   Rebellion.

   General Joaquin Crespo retired from the presidency and was
   succeeded by General Ignacio Andrade on the 1st of March,
   1898. A revolutionary movement was soon started, with General
   Hernandez at its head, and ex-President Crespo, who led the
   forces of the government against it, was killed in a charge,
   on the 16th of April. Hernandez was surprised and captured a
   few weeks later, and the rebellion then subsided for a time.
   In the spring of 1899 Hernandez was set at liberty by Andrade,
   who, meantime, had crushed a minor revolt, undertaken by one
   General Guerra. August found the harassed President assailed
   by a fresh rising, started by General Cipriano Castro, and the
   restless revolutionist, Hernandez, was soon in league with it.
   This proved to be a revolution in earnest, and, after hard
   fighting, President Andrade fled from the capital and the
   country in October; Puerto Cabello, the last town to hold out
   for him, was bombarded and stormed the following month, and a
   new government was established, nominally under the Vice
   President, Rodriguez, but with Castro for its actual head.
   Before this had been fully accomplished, however, Hernandez
   was in arms against Castro, with his accustomed ill-success.
   Before the year closed he had fled the country; but early in
   1900 he was once more in the field, maintaining a troublesome
   war until May, when he was defeated, and again a prisoner in
   his opponents' hands.

VICTORIA, Queen:
   The Diamond Jubilee celebration of her accession to the throne.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE).

VICTORIA, Queen:
   Her death and funeral.
   Tributes to her character.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

VICTORIA.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRALIA; and CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

VICTORIAN ORDER, The.

   A new order of knighthood, to be known as the Victorian Order,
   and to be conferred as a mark of high distinction, was
   instituted by Queen Victoria on the 21st of April, 1896.

VIENNA: A. D. 1895-1896.
   Anti-Semitic agitation.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896.

VIENNA: A. D. 1897.
   Scenes in the Reichsrath.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

VIENNA: A. D. 1900.
   Census.

   According to a report from the United States Consul at Vienna,
   the census taken December 31, 1900, shows a population of
   1,635,647, or nearly 63,000 less than that of Chicago, when
   the recent census of that city was taken. These figures show
   Vienna to rank next after London, Paris and Berlin among the
   European capitals, while in this country only New York and
   Chicago are larger. In the last ten years Vienna has increased
   21.9 per cent, or slightly faster than the average for the
   whole United States. Of the two American cities larger than
   Vienna New York increased in ten years 37.8 per cent. and
   Chicago 54.4 per cent.

VIEQUEZ.

      See (in this volume)
      PORTO RICO: AREA AND POPULATION.

VILLIERS, Sir J. H. de:
   Advice to President Kruger.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1899 (MAY-AUGUST).

VIRDEN, Conflict with striking miners at.

      See (in this volume)
      INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1898.

VIRGINIUS AFFAIR, The.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1868-1885.

VISAYAN ISLANDS, American occupation of the.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

VISAYANS, The.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

VOLKSRAAD, South African.

      See (in this volume)
      CONSTITUTION (GRONDWET) OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC.

VOLUNTARY SCHOOLS, English.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1896-1897.

VOLUNTEERS OF AMERICA, The.

      See (in this volume)
      SALVATION ARMY.

VOTING, Plural or Cumulative, and Compulsory.

      See (in this volume)
      BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

{694}

WADAI.

      See (in this volume)
      NIGERIA, A. D. 1882-1899.

WALDECK-ROUSSEAU, M.:
   The Ministry of.

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (FEBRUARY-JUNE), and after.

WALES, The Prince or.

   It has been announced that Prince George, Duke of Cornwall and
   York, the only living son of King Edward VII., of England, and
   heir to the British throne, will be created Prince of Wales,
   by royal patent, after his return from Australia.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1901 (MAY).

WANA:
   Inclusion in a new British Indian province.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

WAR:
   Measures to prevent its occurrence and to mitigate its
   barbarities.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

WAR BUDGETS:
   Military and naval expenditures of the great Powers.

   The following compilation of statistics of the military and
   naval expenditure of the leading Powers (Great Britain
   excepted) was submitted to the House of Representatives at
   Washington by the Honorable George B. McClellan of New York,
   in a speech, February 12, 1901, on the bill then pending in
   Congress, to make appropriations for the support of the Army
   of the United States. The tabulated statements were introduced
   with explanations and comments as follows:

   "For purposes of comparison, I have taken the armies and
   navies of Austria-Hungary, France, the German Empire, Italy,
   and Russia. I have not included Great Britain, for its
   conditions have been abnormal for nearly two years. I have
   based my estimates on the enlisted strength of the armies
   referred to, excluding commissioned officers. The figures are
   the most recent obtainable without direct communication with
   foreign authorities and are for the most part for the last
   fiscal year of the several countries, although in some cases
   they are for 1898-99. The German naval budget does not include
   the extraordinary expenditures for the new navy authorized by
   the recent enactment of the Reichstag. This does not begin to
   be effective until the next fiscal year. In estimating the
   equivalent in dollars of the Italian budget I have allowed 6
   per cent for the depreciation of the present paper currency—a
   very moderate estimate. The Russian budget will appear
   abnormally low, for I have recently seen it stated at
   $159,000,000. This is because the ruble has been assumed to be
   the gold ruble, worth 52 cents, but the budget is expressed in
   paper rubles, and is now, under a recent order of M. Witte,
   uniformly reckoned at two-thirds of the gold ruble. I have
   therefore called it 34.6 cents."

   As to the military expenditure of the United States, "the
   House has during the present session appropriated, or is about
   to appropriate, for the support of what may be called the
   active Army, $152,068,100.84. The appropriations growing out
   of past wars amount to a total of $154,694,292. I have charged
   to this account every item that could by any possible
   construction be assumed to refer to past wars and not to the
   maintenance of the present Army. The pension appropriation
   bill carried $145,245,230. The cost of administering the
   Pension Bureau will amount to $3,352,790. The Record and
   Pension Office costs $585,170. I have further included
   appropriations for National and State Homes, back pay, etc.,
   cemeteries, and $712,580 for extra clerks due to the Spanish
   war. Adding the appropriations due to past wars to the
   appropriation for the active Army, we find a total of
   $306,762,392.84, which represents the total of our Army
   budget. Taking the total cost of our active Army, and assuming
   the enlisted strength of the Army to be 100,000, we find the
   cost per annum of each enlisted man to be $l,520. Taking the
   total Army budget, including appropriations arising from past
   wars, we find the cost per annum of each enlisted man $3,067.

   "Without including appropriations arising from past wars, we
   find the cost of the Army per capita of population to be
   $1.99. Including appropriations arising from past wars, we
   find the cost of the Army per capita of population to be
   $4.02. The army budget of Austria-Hungary is $67,564,446, the
   cost of maintaining 1 enlisted man for one year being $183.86,
   and the cost of the army per capita of population $1.50. The
   army budget of France is $128,959,064, the cost of maintaining
   1 enlisted man is $218.74, and the cost per capita of
   population is $3.34. The army budget of the German Empire is
   $156,127,743, the cost per annum of 1 enlisted man is $277.85,
   the cost per capita of population is $2.98. The army budget of
   Italy is $43,920,132, the cost of maintaining 1 enlisted man
   per annum is $202.65, the cost per capita of population is
   $1.39. The army budget of Russia is $99,927,997, the cost of
   maintaining 1 enlisted man is $119.65, the cost per capita of
   population is 77 cents.

   "The appropriations for the support of the naval establishment
   are by no means so widely distributed as are those for the
   Army. The naval bill carries $77,016,635.60. In the
   legislative, executive, and judicial bill there are carried
   appropriations directly chargeable to the support of the Navy,
   including pay of the clerical force in the Auditor's office,
   the office of the Secretary, the office of the heads of the
   bureaus, maintenance of building, and contingent expenses,
   amounting to $399,150. In the sundry civil bill there are
   carried, for printing and binding, appropriations amounting to
   $127,000. Up to the present time the Secretary of the Treasury
   has submitted to the House a statement of deficiencies for the
   support of the naval establishment amounting to $2,491,549.64,
   making a total of $80,034,335.24 that the House has
   appropriated or is about to appropriate during the present
   session for the support of the naval establishment. In
   addition to this the legislative, executive, and judicial bill
   carries an appropriation of $21,800 for the payment of extra
   clerks whose employment is necessitated by the Spanish war,
   making a total naval budget of $80,056,135.24.

   "The naval budget of Austria-Hungary is $7,028,167, a cost per
   capita of population of 15 cents. The naval budget of France
   is $61,238,478, a cost per capita of population of $1.58. The
   naval budget of the German Empire is $32,419,602, a cost per
   capita of population of 62 cents. The naval budget of Italy is
   $18,455,111, a cost per capita of population of 58 cents. The
   naval budget of Russia is $48,132,220, a cost per capita of
   population of 37 cents.

{695}

   "The combined appropriations for the Army and Navy represent
   the total war budget, or, as some European countries prefer to
   call it, the 'defense budget.' The total war budget of the
   United States, excluding appropriations due to past wars,
   amounts to $233,102,435, or a cost per capita of population of
   $3.03. Our total war budget, including appropriations due to
   past wars, amounts to $386,818,527, a cost per capita of
   population of $5.06. The total war budget of Austria-Hungary
   is $74,592,613, a cost per capita of population of $1.66. The
   total war budget of France is $190,197,542, a cost per capita
   of population of $4.92. The total war budget of the German
   Empire is $188,547,345, a cost per capita of population of
   $3.60. The total war budget of Italy is $62,375,243, a cost
   per capita of population of $1.97. The total war budget of
   Russia is $148,060,017, a cost per capita of population of
   $1.14. The combined total war budgets of France and of the
   German Empire amount to $378,744,887, or $8,073,640 less than
   that of the United States.

   "The criticism has been made that there can be no comparison
   between the cost of maintaining our Army and the cost of
   maintaining those of Europe, for the reason that the European
   private receives 'no pay' and ours receives $156 a year. As a
   matter of fact, while service is compulsory on the Continent,
   the continental private is paid a small sum, amounting on the
   average to about $56 a year. In other words, our private
   receives about $100 more than his comrade of Europe. This
   criticism does not affect comparisons, as will be seen on the
   consideration of a few figures. The war budget of the German
   Empire is the largest in Europe. Were the Prussian private to
   receive the same pay as our private the Prussian army budget
   would be swelled to $212,354,343. Were the Russian private to
   receive the same pay as our private the Russian budget would
   be swelled to about $190,000,000 per annum. The difference in
   pay does not account for the proportionate difference in the
   size of the budgets, for were our Army to be increased to the
   size of that of the German Empire our budget would be
   increased by $702,644,320, making a total of $854,712,420,
   without including expenses due to past wars, or, including
   such expenses, making an Army budget of $1,009,406,712. Were
   our Army to be increased to the size of Russia's, our budget
   would be increased by $1,132,120,220, making a total Army
   budget, without including appropriations due to past wars, of
   81,284,188,320, or, including appropriations due to past wars,
   making a total budget of $1,438,882,612.

   "I submit these figures to the consideration of the House
   without any comment whatsoever. Comment is unnecessary.

   "TABLE A.
   Analysis of the war budget of the United States as agreed to,
   or about to be agreed to, by the House of Representatives,
   first session Fifty-sixth Congress.

1. ARMY.

Appropriations for the active Army.

   Army bill                                     $117,994,649.10
   Military Academy bill                              700,151.88
   Fortification bill                               7,227,461.00

Legislative, executive, and judicial bill:

   Office of the Secretary of War                       $104,150
   Office of the Auditor for the War Department          318,300
   Offices of heads of so-called "staff" departments     653,826
   Maintenance of three-eighths of Department building    45,990
   Rent                                                   13,500
   Stationery                                             32,500
   Postage                                                 1,000
   Contingent expenses                                    58,000
   Total                                            1,227,266.00

Sundry civil bill:
   Arsenals and armories                                 281,550
   Military posts                                      1,008,960
   Bringing home dead                                    150,000
   Maps, etc.                                              5,100
   Printing and binding                                  241,000
   Repairs, three-eighths Department building             31,500
   Total                                            1,721,110.00

Deficiencies submitted:
   December 11, 1900                               12,062,223.36
   January  21, 1901                                5,835,239.50
   January  26, 1001                                5,300,000.00
   Total                                           23,197,462.36

   Total, active Army                             152,068,100.84


Appropriations growing out of past wars.

   Pensions                                      $145,245,230.00
   Salaries, Pension Bureau, etc.                   3,352,700.00
   Record and Pension Office                          585,170.00
   National Homes for Disabled Volunteer Soldiers   3,074,142.00
   State Homes for Disabled Volunteer Soldiers        950,000.00
   Back pay and bounty (civil war)                    325,000.00
   Arrears of pay (Spanish war)                       200,000.00
   National cemeteries                                191,880.00
   Artificial limbs and appliances                     27,000.00
   Headstones and burials                              28,000.00
   Apache prisoners                                     2,500.00
   Secretary of War, extra clerks (Spanish war)       600,000.00
   Auditor for War Department,
      extra clerks(Spanish war)                       112,580.00

      Total.                                      154,694,292.00

   Appropriations for the active Army             152,068,100.84

      Total Army budget.                          300,762,392.81

2. NAVY.

Naval bill                                        $77,016,635.60
   Legislative, executive, and judicial bill:
      Office of the Secretary of the Navy             $47,900.00
      Office of the Auditor for the Navy Department    68,080.00
      Offices of heads of bureaus, etc.               224,430.00
      Maintenance of three-eighths
         of Department building                        45,990.00
         Contingent expenses                           12,750.00
   Total                                             $399,150.00

   Sundry civil bill:
      Printing and binding                            127,000.00

   Deficiencies submitted:
      December 11, 1900                                74,481.09
      December 17, 1900                                20,000.00
      January 21, 1901                              2,267,068.55
      January 25, 1901                                130,000.00
   Total                                            2,491,549.64

   Total, active Navy                              80,034,335.24
   Auditor for Navy Department,
      extra clerks (Spanish war)                       21,800.00

Total Navy budget                                  80,056,135.24

3. RECAPITULATION.

   Active Army                                   $152,068,100.84
   Active Navy                                     80,034,335.24
      Total                                      $232,102,436.08

   Army (past wars)                               154,694,292.00
   Navy (past wars)                                    21,800.00
      Total War Budget                            154,716,092.00

Total war budget                                  386,818,528.08

{696}

TABLE B. Analysis of war budgets of various armies.

Country           Population  Latest       Total      Cost of       Cost of     Latest      Cost of      Total war
                  by last     Obtainable   enlisted   maintaining   army per    obtainable  navy per     budget      Cost of army and
                  census      Army Budget  strength,  one enlisted  capita of   naval       capita of                combined
                                           peace      man for       population  budget      population               per capita of
                                           footing    one year.                                                      population.

Austria-Hungary  44,901,036  $67,564,446   368,002    $183.86         $1.50     $7,028,167    $0.15     $74,502,613   $1.66
France           38,517,975  128,959,064   589,541     218.74          3.34     61,238,478     1.58     190,197,542    4.92
German Empire    52,246,589  156,127,743   562,266     277.85          2.98     32,419,602      .62     188,547,345    3.60
Italy            31,479,217   43,020,132   216,720     202.65          1.39     18,455,111      .58      62,375,243    1.97
Russia          129,211,113   99,927,797   835,143     119.85           .77     48,132,220      .37     148,060,017    1.14
United States,
not including
cost of past
wars             76,295,220  152,068,100   100,000   1,520.00          1.99     80,034,335     1.04     233,102,435    3.03
United States,
including cost
of past wars     76,295,220  306,762,392   100,000   3,067.00          4.02     80,056,135     1.04     380,818,527    5.06

      _Congressional Record,
      February 15, 1901, pages 2707-2709._

   The following is an abstract of the British Army estimates for
   1901-1902, submitted to Parliament in March, 1901, compared
   with those of the previous year. They cover, of course, the
   extraordinary expenditure incident to the South African war:

                                         NET ESTIMATES.

                                    1901-1002.    1900-1901.

I. NUMBERS.
                                       Total       Total
                                      Numbers.    Numbers.
Number of men on the Home
and Colonial Establishments
of the Army, exclusive of
those serving 111 India.               450,000   430,000

II.  EFFECTIVE SERVICES.                £          £

Pay, &c., of Army (General
Staff, Regiments, Reserve, and
Departments).                      21,657,500  18,450,000
Medical Establishment: Pay,&c.      1,083,600     908,000
Militia: Pay, Bounty, &c.           2,662,000   2,288,000
Yeomanry Cavalry: Pay and
Allowances.                           375,000     141,000
Volunteer Corps: Pay and
Allowances.                         1,230,000   1,730,000
Transport and Remounts.            15,977,000  19,800,000
Provisions, Forage and other
Supplies.                          18,782,000  18,200,000
Clothing Establishments and
Services.                           4,825,000   5,530,000
Warlike and other Stores:
Supply and Repair.                 13,450,000  13,200,000
Works, Buildings, and Repairs:
Engineer Services.                  3,281,000   4,730,700
Establishments for Military
Education.                            119,200     113,800
Miscellaneous Effective Services      218,200     200,900
War Office: Salaries and
Miscellaneous Charges.                305,000     275,000

Total Effective Services.          83,970,500  85,573,400

III. NON-EFFECTIVE SERVICES.

Non-Effective Charges for
Officers, &c.                       2,271,000   1,861,000
Non-Effective Charges for Men, &c.  1,485,000   l,379,000
Superannuation, Compensation,
and Compassionate Allowances.         188,500     186,000

Total Non-Effective Services.       3,944,500   3,426,000

Total Effective and
Non-Effective Services.            87,915,000  88,999,400

NOTE. The provision for Ordinary and War
Services is as follows:

                           1901-02.    1900-01.

                              £           £
For War Services:
South Africa              56,070,000  61,286,700
China                      2,160,000   3,450,000

Total                     58,230,000  64,736,700

For Ordinary Services     29,685,000  24,262,700

Total                     87,915,000  88,999,400


   The British navy estimates for 1901-1902 amount to a net total
   of £30,875,500, being an increase of £2,083,600 beyond the
   amount of £28,791,900 voted for the year 1900-1901. The total
   number of Officers, Seamen and Boys, Coastguard, and Royal
   Marines, proposed for the year 1901-1902 is 118,635, being an
   increase of 3,745.

   The following statistics of the numerical strength and ratio
   to population of the armies of twenty-two nations, compiled in
   the War Department of the United States, were cited in the
   debate in the United States Senate on the bill to increase the
   strength of the United States Army, January 15, 1901. They
   differ in some particulars, but not greatly, from the
   corresponding figures given by Mr. McClellan:

   "War Department, Adjutant-General's office, Washington, August
   28, 1900. According to the latest available sources, which are
   considered fairly reliable, the peace and war strength of the
   armies of the nations mentioned below is stated to be as
   follows:

NATION.                  PEACE STRENGTH.      WAR STRENGTH.
                         Officers.  Men.

Austria-Hungary, 1899.    26,454   335,239     1,872,178
Belgium, 1899              3,472    48,030       163,000
Brazil, 1897               2,300    25,860
China                              300,000     1,000,000 (a)
France, 1900               29,740  586,735     2,500,000 (b)

(a) Estimated.
(b) Available men liable to military service.

{697}

NATION.                 PEACE STRENGTH.     WAR STRENGTH.
                        Officers.  Men.

Germany, 1899            23,230   562,266     3,000,000 (c)
Great Britain, 1900      11,904   241,237 (d)   503,484
Italy, 1898              14,084   310,602     1,304,854
Japan, 1898               6,356   115,673       407,963
Mexico, 1898              2,068    30,075       151,500
Persia                             24,500       105,500
Portugal, 1899            1,804    30,000       157,126 (e)
Roumania                  3,280    60,000       171,948
Russia, 1900             36,000   860,000     3,500,000 (f)
Servia, 1897                      160,751       353,366
Spain, 1899                        98,140       183,972
Sweden, 1899              2,513    37,639       327,000
Switzerland, 1899 (g)                           509,707
Turkey, 1898                      700,620      900,000
United States, 1900.      2,587    65,000      100,000

(c) Estimated on present organization to have over 3,000,000
trained men. War strength not given.

(d) Of this number 74,288 are Indian troops.

(e) In addition there are maintained in the colonies 9,478
officers and men.

(f) Approximately.

(g) No standing army.

   "War Department, Adjutant General's office, Washington,
   December 8, 1900. Peace strength of the armies, population, and
   percentage of former to latter of the principal countries of the
   world. This table is not strictly accurate at the present
   time, because the dates of censuses vary. In preparing this
   table the latest published census has been taken for
   population, and the countries are arranged in order of their
   percentages:

NATION.           Peace Strength.  Population.  Percentage.

France               616,475        38,517,975     1.6
Norway                30,900         2,000,917     1.54
Germany              585,896        52,279,901     1.1
Roumania              63,280         5,800,000     1.1
Italy                324,686        31,856,675     1
Greece                25,338         2,433,806     1
Servia                22,448         2,312,484      .97
Austria-Hungary      361,693        41,351,184     0.87
Sweden                40,152         5,062,918      .79
Belgium               51,502         6,669,732      .77
Russia.              896,000       128,932,113      .69
Great Britain
and Ireland.         259,141        38,104,975      .68
Turkey.              244,000        38,791,000      .63
Portugal              31,804         5,049,729      .62
Spain                 98,140        17,565,632      .56
Netherlands           21,696         5,074,632      .54
Denmark                9,769         2,185,335      .45
Japan                122,029        43,745,353      .30
Mexico                32,143        12,630,863      .25
Brazil                28,160        14,338,915      .19
United States         67,587        76,295,220      .089
Switzerland (h)                      3,119,635

   (h) Switzerland has no standing army, but every citizen has to
   bear arms. The first Class (élite), composed of men between
   the ages of 20 and 32, has from forty to eighty days' training
   the first year, and every second year thereafter sixteen days.
   About 18,000 men join the elite annually.

   In December, 1900, the British Board of Trade issued a return,
   for the year 1899 (except as stated otherwise), of the "Naval
   expenditure and Mercantile Marine" of leading nations, from
   which the following table is taken:


COUNTRIES.              Aggregate     Aggregate     Aggregate
                        Naval         Revenue       Tonnage of
                        Expenditure                 Mercantile
                        on Seagoing                 Marine.
                        Force.

                             £             £            Tons.

Great Britain
(United Kingdom)        26,145,599    119,839,905      9,164,342
                        (1898-99)    (Year ended
                                     31st March, 1900)

Russian Empire          8,306,500      165,905,000       554,141

Germany                 6,672,788       76,309,000     1,639,552
                       (1899-1900)                      (1898)

Netherlands             1,133,664       10,416,000       302,224
                       (1899-1900)                      (1898)

France                 13,796,033      142,021,000       957,756

Portugal                 749,226        11,474,000       129,522
                       (Year ended                       (1898)
                      30th June, 1900)

Spain                  1,133,664        34,633,000       637,924
                       (Year ended      (1898-99)       (1897)
                     30th June, 1900)

Italy.                 4,617,034        70,181,000       815,162
                     (Year ended       (Year ended       (1898)
                      30th June, 1900) 30th June, 1899)

Austria-Hungary        1,403,441

Austria.                                66,171,000     164,506
                                          (1898)       (1898)

Hungary.                                42,903,000      66,072

United States
(year ended
30th June)             9,840,912       127,288,000      848,246 (b).
                        (1900)

Japan                  5,076,294        22,017,000 (a)  648,324
                       (1899-1900)                       (1898)

NOTE.
   (a) Includes the Chinese indemnity.

   (b) Registered for foreign trade only.

WAR DEPARTMENT, The United States:
   Investigation of its conduct in the war with Spain.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899.

WASHINGTON, D. C.: A. D. 1897.
   Completion of the building for the Library of Congress.

      See (in this volume)
      LIBRARY OF CONGRESS.

{698}

WASHINGTON, D. C.: A. D. 1900 (December).
   Celebration of the Centennial Anniversary.

   The 100th anniversary of the removal of the national capital
   from Philadelphia to Washington was fittingly celebrated on
   the 12th of December, 1900, by an imposing military parade and
   by a notable assemblage in the House of Representatives, where
   addresses were delivered and the principal exercises took
   place. The President and the Vice President elect, members of
   all branches of the public service, the Governors and
   delegates from all the States and Territories, and various
   other dignitaries, were present. The day of celebration was
   not precisely that of the anniversary, but one chosen for
   convenience to represent it. Under the law in 1800 the two
   houses of Congress began their regular winter session about
   two weeks earlier than they do now, and November 17 was set as
   the date on which the VIth Congress should reassemble at the
   new seat of Federal power. As neither house could have taken
   part this year in anniversary ceremonies held on November 17,
   a day was naturally chosen which should allow the legislative
   branch its proper share in the centennial celebration. The
   Executive Departments had, in fact, been partially installed
   in the new District some time before the members of the VIth
   Congress found their way to the unfinished Capitol. President
   Adams, leaving Philadelphia on May 27, and travelling by a
   circuitous route through Lancaster and Frederick, reached
   Georgetown on June 3, 1800. He inspected the single wing of
   the original Capitol, then far from finished, visited
   Alexandria, at the southern extreme of the District, and after
   a ten days stay in Georgetown departed for Massachusetts. The
   President and Mrs. Adams returned to occupy the White House
   early in November of the same year.

WAZIRIS, British-Indian wars with the.

      See (in this volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1894, and 1897-1898.

WEI-HAI-WEI, Lease of the harbor of, by Great Britain.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-JULY).

WELLMAN, Walter:
   Second Arctic Expedition.

      See (in this volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION, 1898-1899.

WELSH CHURCH:
   Failure of Disestablishment Bill.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

WEST AFRICA: A. D. 1895.
   Appointment of a Governor-General of the French possessions.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (FRENCH WEST AFRICA).

WEST AFRICA: A. D. 1899.
   Definition of British and German boundaries.

      See (in this volume)
      SAMOAN ISLANDS.

WEST INDIES, The British: A. D. 1897.
   Report of a Royal Commission on the condition and prospects
   of the sugar-growing colonies.

   A state of increasing distress in most of the British West
   India colonies, caused by the depression of the sugar-growing
   industry, led to the appointment, in December, 1896, of a
   Royal Commission "to make an inquiry into the condition and
   prospects of the colonies of Jamaica, British Guiana, Trinidad
   and Tobago, Barbados, Grenada, St. Vincent, St. Lucia, and the
   Leeward Islands, and to suggest such measures as appeared
   calculated to restore and maintain the prosperity of these
   colonies and their inhabitants." In the August following the
   Commission made its report, with the following summary of
   conclusions:

   "a. The sugar industry in the West Indies is in danger of
   great reduction, which in some colonies may be equivalent or
   almost equivalent to extinction.

   "b. The depression of the industry is due to the competition
   of other sugar-producing countries and in a special degree to
   the competition of beet sugar produced under a system of
   bounties. It is also affected by high protective tariffs, and
   by the competition of cane sugar, the production of which is
   specially encouraged by the Governments concerned. The causes
   of the depression may be described as permanent, inasmuch as
   they are largely due to the policy of foreign countries, and
   there is no indication that that policy is likely to be
   abandoned in the immediate future.

   "c. It is not due in any considerable degree to extravagance
   in management, to imperfection in the process of manufacture,
   or to inadequate supervision consequent on absentee
   ownership, and the removal of these causes, wherever they
   exist, would not enable it, generally, to be profitably
   carried on under present conditions of competition. …

   "d. The depression in the industry is causing sugar estates to
   be abandoned, and will cause more estates to be abandoned, and
   such abandonment is causing and will cause distress among the
   labouring population, including a large number of East Indian
   immigrants, and will seriously affect, for a considerable
   time, the general prosperity of the sugar-producing Colonies,
   and will render it impossible for some, and perhaps the
   greater number of them, to provide, without external aid, for
   their own government and administration.

   "e. If the production of sugar is discontinued or very largely
   reduced, there is no industry or industries that could
   completely replace it in such islands as Barbados, Antigua,
   and St. Kitts, and be profitably carried on and supply
   employment for the labouring population. In Jamaica, in
   Trinidad, in British Guiana, in St. Lucia, in St. Vincent, and
   to some extent in Montserrat and Nevis, the sugar industry may
   in time be replaced by other industries, but only after the
   lapse of a considerable period and at the cost of much
   displacement of labour and consequent suffering. In Dominica
   the sugar industry is not at the present day of great
   importance. We think it right to add that in all Colonies
   where sugar can be completely, or very largely, replaced by
   other industries, the Colonies in question will be in a much
   sounder position, both politically and economically, when they
   have ceased to depend wholly, or to a very great extent, upon
   the continued prosperity of a single industry.

   "f. The total or partial extinction of the sugar industry
   would, in most places, very seriously affect the condition of
   the labouring classes for the worse, and would largely reduce
   the revenue of the Colonies. In some places the loss of
   revenue could be met to a limited extent by economies, but
   this could not be done universally nor in a material degree in
   most of the Colonies. Some of the Colonies could not provide
   the necessary cost of administration, including the relief of
   distressed and necessitous persons, or of the support and
   repatriation (when necessary) of the East Indian immigrants,
   without subventions from the mother country. Jamaica,
   Trinidad, and Grenada may be expected to meet from their own
   resources the whole of the expenditure that is likely to fall
   on them.

{699}

   "g. The best immediate remedy for the state of things which we
   have shown to exist would be the abandonment of the bounty
   system by continental nations. This change would in all
   probability enable a large portion of the sugar-cane
   cultivation to be carried on successfully, and would certainly
   reduce the rate at which it will diminish. Looking, however,
   to what appears to be the policy of the United States of
   America, to the great cheapening of the cost of production of
   beet sugar, and the fact that many countries appear to have
   singled out the sugar industry as one which ought to be
   artificially stimulated in various ways, it is not clear that,
   even if the bounties were abolished, another crisis of a similar
   character might not arise in the West Indies at a future day.

   "11. A remedy which was strongly supported by witnesses
   interested in the West Indian sugar estates was the imposition
   of countervailing duties on bounty-fed sugar when imported
   into the United Kingdom. …

   "i. The special remedies or measures of relief which we
   unanimously recommend are—

      (1.) The settlement of the labouring population on small
      plots of land as peasant proprietors.

      (2.) The establishment of minor agricultural industries,
      and the improvement of the system of cultivation,
      especially in the case of small proprietors.

      (3.) The improvement of the means of communication between
      the different islands.

      (4.) The encouragement of a trade in fruit with New York,
      and, possibly, at a future time, with London.

      (5.) The grant of a loan from the Imperial Exchequer for
      the establishment of Central Factories in Barbados.

   The subject of emigration from the distressed tracts also
   requires the careful attention of the various Governments,
   though we do not find ourselves at the present time in a
   position to make recommendations in detail.

   "j. We estimate the cost of the special remedies recommended
   in (2) (3) and (4) of i, at £27,000 a year for ten years, the
   expenditure to be borne by the mother country. We estimate the
   amount of the loan to Barbados for the erection of central
   factories at £120,000. This measure no doubt involves the risk
   of loss. Grants will be required in Dominica and St. Vincent
   for roads, and to enable the settlement of the labouring
   population on the land to be carried out, and their amount may
   be taken at £30,000. A further grant of about £60,000 is
   required to clear off the floating debt in some of the smaller
   islands. In addition, the smaller islands should receive grants
   to enable them to meet their ordinary expenditure of an
   obligatory nature. The amount may be placed at £20,000 a year
   for five years, and possibly a reduced amount for a further
   period of five years. The expenditure which we are able to
   estimate may be summarized as follows:—

      (1.) A grant of £27,000 a year for ten years.

      (2.) A grant of £20,000 a year for five years.

      (3.) Immediate grants of £60,000 and £30,000, or £90,000 in
      all.

      (4.) A loan of £120,000 to Barbados for the establishment
      of central factories."

   On a proposal for the federation of the West India colonies
   the Commission reported unfavorably, for the reason that the
   colonies are too widely scattered and differ too greatly in
   conditions for an efficient or economical common government.
   "Nor does it seem to us," says the report, "that the very
   important Island of Jamaica, which is separated by many
   hundreds of miles of sea from all the other West Indian
   Colonies, could dispense with a separate Governor, even if
   there should be a Governor-General; whilst the circumstances
   of British Guiana and Trinidad almost equally demand the
   constant presence and attention of an Administrator of
   Governor's rank. It might be possible, without disadvantage,
   to make some reduction in the number of higher officials in
   the smaller islands, and we are disposed to think that it
   would be conducive to efficiency and economy if the islands of
   the Windward Group, that is, Grenada and the Grenadines, St.
   Vincent and St. Lucia, were again placed under the Governor of
   Barbados, as they were for many years previous to 1885. We are
   also disposed to think that the Island of Dominica, which is
   not much further than Grenada from Barbados, and which, in its
   physical, social and industrial conditions partakes more of
   the character of the Windward Islands than of that of the
   other Leeward Islands, might be placed under this Government
   instead of being considered one of the Leeward Group. It
   might, indeed, be found possible to bring the whole of the
   Leeward Islands under the same Government as Barbados and the
   Windward Islands, and thus effect a further economy."

      _Great Britain,
      Parliamentary Publications
      (Papers by Command;
      C.-8655, 1897, pages 69-70, and 23)._

   With the sanction of Parliament, most of the recommendations
   of the Commission were promptly carried out. Provision was
   made for the construction of roads in the islands; for
   subsidising steamer lines between the several islands and
   between Jamaica, Canada and London; for developing the
   cultivation of fruits and other crops by a botanical
   department; for establishing model factories for the better
   and cheaper working of sugar cane; and for wiping off certain
   debts which were a cause of distress to some of the poorer
   islands. In these measures the imperial government undertook
   obligations which might, it was said, involve the payment of
   £200,000.

WEST INDIES: A. D. 1899-1901.
   Reciprocity arrangement with the United States.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1899-1901.

WESTERN AUSTRALIA.

      See (in this volume)
      AUSTRALIA; and CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

WEYLER y NICOLAU, General:
   At Barcelona.

      See (in this volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1895-1896.

WEYLER y NICOLAU, General:
   Administration in Cuba.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

WEYLER y NICOLAU, General:
   Appointed Captain-General of Madrid.

      See (in this volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

WHEATON, General:
   Military operations in the Philippine Islands.

      See (in this volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

WHITE, Andrew D.:
   American Commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this volume)
      PEACE CONFERENCE.

WILDMAN, Rounseville:
   Report of proposals from Philippine insurgents in 1897.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER).

{700}

WILHELMINA, Queen of the Netherlands:
   Enthronement and marriage.

      See (in this volume)
      NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1808, and 1901.

WILLIAM II., German Emperor.
   Some of his autocratic speeches against the Social Democrats.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1895.

WILLIAM II., German Emperor.
   His claim to kingship by Divine Right.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D.1894-1899.

WILLIAM II., German Emperor.
   His message to President Kruger relative to the Jameson Raid.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1896 (JANUARY).

WILLIAM II., German Emperor.
   His speech to his brother, Prince Henry, at Kiel.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER-DECEMBER).

WILLIAM II., German Emperor.
   His speech to soldiers departing to China.
   Punishment of its critics.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER 9).

WILLIAM II., German Emperor.
   His system of personal government.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER-DECEMBER).

WILMINGTON, NORTH CAROLINA:
   Race war.

      See (in this volume)
      NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1898.

WIRELESS TELEGRAPHY.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

WITU. The State of.

      See (in this volume)
      BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE: A. D. 1895-1897.

WITWATERSRAND, The.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1885-1890.

WOLCOTT, Senator Edward O.:
   Bimetallic mission to Europe.

      See (in this volume)
      MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

   Four States have given to women unlimited political freedom,
   these States being Colorado, Utah, Wyoming, and Idaho. The
   women of all these States, except Idaho, had the privilege of
   voting in the Presidential election of 1896. The women of
   Idaho voted in the State election of 1898, but their first
   chance to vote for a Presidential ticket was in 1900. To some
   extent, in the election of school boards and officers, or on
   questions of taxation, woman suffrage exists in a limited way
   in Arizona, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Iowa, Kentucky,
   Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Montana, Nebraska, New
   Hampshire, New York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon,
   South Dakota, Texas, Vermont, Washington and Wisconsin.

WOMAN'S CENTURY, The.

      See (in this volume)
      NINETEENTH CENTURY. THE WOMAN'S CENTURY.

WOOD, Leonard, Colonel
   of the Regiment of Rough Riders.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY).

WOOD, Leonard, Colonel
   Commanding at Santiago.
   Report.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER)

WOOD, Leonard, Colonel.
   Military Governor of Cuba.

      See (in this volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1809 (DECEMBER).

WORKINGMEN'S INSURANCE, Compulsory, in Germany.

      See (in this volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.

WORKMEN'S COMPENSATION ACT, English.

      See (in this volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (MAY-JULY).

WORLD POWERS, The four great.

      See (in this volume)
      NINETEENTH CENTURY: EXPANSION.

X.

X RAYS. The discovery of.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, REGENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

Y.

YAMAGATA, Marquis: Ministry.

      See (in this volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1898-1899.

YANG-TSUN, Battle of.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST 4-16).

YANG-TSZE REGION, Chinese agreement not to alienate.

      See (in this volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY).

YAQUIS, Revolts of the.

      See (in this volume)
      MEXICO: A. D. 1896-1899.

YAUCO, Engagement at.

      See (in this volume)
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).

YELLOW FEVER, Detection of the mosquito as a carrier of.

      See (in this volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL.

YERKES OBSERVATORY, The.

   The Yerkes Observatory, built and equipped for the University
   of Chicago, by Mr. Charles T. Yerkes, of Chicago, at the
   village of Williams Bay, near Lake Geneva, Wisconsin, was
   opened and dedicated on the 21st of October, 1897. A
   remarkable gathering of eminent astronomers gave distinction
   to the occasion. The Observatory was pronounced to be the most
   perfectly equipped in the world. The lens of its great
   telescope—40 inch objective—the last great work of the late
   Alvan G. Clark, of Cambridge, Massachusetts was then the
   largest ever made. Its cost was $66,000; the cost of the
   equatorial mounting was $55,000.

YOUNG PEOPLE'S SOCIETY OF CHRISTIAN ENDEAVOR.

      See (in this volume)
      CHRISTIAN ENDEAVOR, YOUNG PEOPLE'S SOCIETY OF.

YUKON, The district of.

      See (in this volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1895.

{701}

Z.

ZAMBESIA, Northern.

      See (in this volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
      A. D. 1894-1895.

ZANZIBAR: A. D. 1895.
   Mainland divisions of the Sultanate included
   in British East Africa Protectorate.

      See (in this volume)
      BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE: A. D. 1895-1897.

ZANZIBAR: A. D. 1896.
   British suppression of an usurper.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1896 (ZANZIBAR).

ZANZIBAR: A. D. 1897.
   Abolition of the legal status of slavery.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (ZANZIBAR).

ZANZIBAR: A. D. 1899.
   Renunciation of rights of extra-territoriality by Germany.

      See (in this volume)
      SAMOAN ISLANDS.

ZIONIST MOVEMENT, The.

      See (in this volume)
      JEWS: A. D. 1897-1901.

ZULULAND:
   Extension of boundary.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (ZULULAND).

ZULULAND:
   Annexation to Natal Colony.

      See (in this volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (ZULULAND).

ZOLA, Emile, and the Dreyfus case.

      See (in this volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899, and 1900 (DECEMBER).

ZONA LIBRE.

      See (in this volume)
      MEXICAN FREE ZONE.

{702}

CHRONOLOGICAL RECORD OF EVENTS.
1895-1901.


1895.

January 1, 1895.
   Murder of the reigning prince of Chitral,
   on the northwestern Indian border.

January 7, 1895.
   Independence of Korea proclaimed at Seoul.

January 13, 1895.
   Death of Sir John Seeley (Professor John Robert Seeley).

January 17, 1895.
   Election of M. Felix Faure President of the French Republic.

January 21, 1895.
   Agreement between Great Britain and France defining the
   boundaries of the hinterland of Sierra Leone.

January 22-23, 1895.
   Resignation of President Saenz Peña of the Argentine
   Republic, and election of President Uriburu.

January 24, 1895.
   Death of Lord Randolph Churchill.

January 26, 1895.
   Death of Arthur Cayley, English mathematician.
   Death of Nikolai Karlovich de Giers, Russian statesman.

January 28, 1895.
   Death of François Canrobert, Marshal of France.

February 7, 1895.
   Rejection by the United States House of Representatives of
   the measure asked for by President Cleveland for the relief
   of the national treasury.

February 8, 1895.
   Contract by the United States Secretary of the Treasury with
   New York and London banking houses for supply of gold to
   the treasury.
   Death of Reginald Stuart Poole, English archæologist.

February 12, 1895.
   Death of Charles Etienne Gayarré, historian of Louisiana.

February 16, 1895.
   Death of Lady Stanley of Alderley.

February 18, 1895.
   Death of Archduke Albrecht of Austria.

February 20, 1895.
   Death of Frederick Douglass, the most eminent colored man
   of his day.

February 24, 1895.
   Renewal of insurrection in Cuba against Spanish rule.

March 1, 1895.
   Beginning of the siege of a small force of British-Indian
   troops in the fort at Chitral by surrounding tribes.

March 2, 1895.
   Death of the Grand Duke Alexis,
   brother of the Tzar Alexander III.
   Death of Professor John Stuart Blackie.
   Death of Ismail Pasha, ex-Khedive of Egypt.

March 5, 1895.
   Death of Sir Henry Rawlinson, English archæologist.

March 9, 1895.
   Death of Leopold von Sacher-Masoch, German novelist.

March 11, 1895.
   Agreement between Great Britain and Russia for fixing the
   northern frontier of Afghanistan from Zulfikar on the
   Heri-Rud to the Pamirs.

March 17, 1895.
   Bloody battle in the streets of Lima, Peru, ending in the
   overthrow of the usurping government of Caceres.

March 18, 1895.
   Death of Captain Adam Badeau, military
   biographer of General Grant.

March 31, 1895.
   Death of Sir George Chesney, military writer.

April 20, 1895.
   Relief of the beleaguered British garrison at Chitral.

April 30, 1895.
   Death of Gustav Freytag, German novelist.

May 1, 1895.
   Proclamation by the British South Africa Company giving
   the name "Rhodesia" to its territories.

May 4, 1895.
   Death of Roundell Pulmer, 1st Earl of Selborne.

May 5, 1895.
   Death of Karl Vogt, German biologist.

May 6, 1895.
   Re-hearing granted by the Supreme Court of the United States
   on cases testing constitutionality of the income tax.

May 10, 1895.
   Relinquishment by Japan of the Fêng-tien peninsula in China.
   Census of the Argentine Republic.

May 20, 1895.
   Final decision of the Supreme Court of the United States
   against the constitutionality of the income tax.

May 23, 1895.
   Consolidation of the Astor and Lenox libraries with the
   "Tilden Trust," to form the New York Public Library.

May 24, 1895.
   Death of Hugh McCulloch, American statesman and financier.

May 28, 1895.
   Death of Walter Quinton Gresham,
   United States Secretary of State.

May 30, 1895.
   Death of Frederick Locker-Lampson, English poet.

May 31, 1895.
   Death of Emily Faithfull, philanthropist and author.

June 14, 1895.
   Census of the German Empire.

June 17, 1895.
   Celebration of the opening of the Kaiser Wilhelm Ship Canal
   between the Baltic and North seas.

June 21-22, 1895.
   Defeat in the British Parliament and resignation of the
   Ministry of Lord Rosebery;
   Lord Salisbury called to form a new government.

June 29, 1895.
   Death of Professor Thomas Henry Huxley,
   English biologist and scientific man of letters.

{703}

July 1, 1895.
   Final transfer of the territories of the British East Africa
   Company to the British government;
   completed organization of the East Africa Protectorate.

July 8, 1895.
   Opening of the railway from Delagoa Bay to Pretoria,
   in the Transvaal.

July 13, 1895.
   Parliamentary elections begun in Great Britain, resulting in a
   large majority for the Conservatives and Liberal Unionists.

July 15, 1895.
   Assassination of Mr. Stambouloff, late chief Minister in the
   Bulgarian government, who died of his wounds on the 19th.

July 20, 1895.
   Pressing despatch of Mr. Olney, United States Secretary of
   State, to the American Ambassador to Great Britain, on the
   question of the Venezuela boundary, asserting the Monroe
   Doctrine.

July 21, 1895.
   Death of Professor Rudolph von Gneist, German jurist and
   historian.

July 24, 1895.
   Defeat of Protectionist policy in the Parliamentary election,
   New South Wales.

July 31, 1895.
   Death of Heinrich von Sybel, historian, and Director of the
   Prussian State Archives.
   Death of Richard M. Hunt, American architect.

August 1, 1895.
   Massacre of English and American missionaries at Hua Sang
   in China.

August 2, 1895.
   Death of Joseph Thomson, African explorer.

August 12, 1895.
   Opening of the first session of the new Parliament in
   Great Britain.

August 13, 1895.
   Death of Christian Bernhard Tauchnitz, Leipzig publisher.

September 2, 1895.
   Government of a young native prince, under British tutelage
   and protection established at Chitral.

September 16-18, 1895.
   Adoption of a constitution and organization of a republican
   government by the Cuban insurgents.

September 18, 1895.
   Opening of the Cotton States and International Exposition
   at Atlanta.

September 20, 1895.
   Executive order by President Cleveland for the improvement
   of the consular service of the United States.

September 28, 1895.
   Death of Louis Pasteur, the father of bacteriology.

September 30, 1895.
   Attack by Turkish police in Constantinople on Armenians who
   had gathered to present their grievances to the Sultan.

October 3, 1895.
   Death of Professor Hjalmar Hjorth Boyesen, Norwegian-American
   novelist and poet.

October 7, 1895.
   Death of William Wetmore Story, American sculptor and author.

October 8-9, 1895.
   Massacre of Armenians at Trebizond by a Turkish mob.

October 17, 1895.
   Turkish imperial irade directing reforms in Armenia which
   were not carried out.

October 21, 1895.
   Death of Henry Reeve, English author and editor.

November 4, 1895.
   Revolutionary installation of Aloy Alfaro as executive chief
   of the Republic of Ecuador.
   Death of Eugene Field, American poet and journalist.

November 8, 1895.
   Discovery of the X rays by Professor Rontgen.

November 9, 1895.
   Death of Colonel Benjamin Wait, a leader of the Canadian
   rebellion of 1837.

November 20, 1895.
   Death of Chimelli de Marini, known as Rustem Pasha.

November 25, 1895.
   More rigorous anti-slavery law instituted in Egypt.
   Death of Jules Barthélemy Saint-Hilaire, French statesman
   and orientalist.

November 26, 1895.
   Reply of Lord Salisbury, for the British government,
   to the despatch of Mr. Olney, on the Venezuela question.
   Death of Henry Seebohm, English naturalist.

November 27, 1895.
   Death of Alexandre Dumas, the younger.

November 29, 1895.
   Death of Count Edward Taaffe, Austrian statesman.

December 8, 1895.
   Death of George Augustus Sala, English journalist.

December 12, 1895.
   Death of Allen G. Thurman,
   American political leader and statesman.

December 17, 1895.
   Message of President Cleveland to the Congress of the
   United States on the boundary dispute between
   Great Britain and Venezuela.
   Death of Antonio Gallenga (Luigi Mariotti),
   Italian revolutionist, journalist, and author.

December 18-20, 1895.
   Passage by the two branches of the Congress of the United
   States of an act authorizing the President to appoint a
   commission to ascertain the true boundary of Venezuela.

December 20, 1895.
   Special Message of President Cleveland to the Congress of
   the United States on the financial situation of the country.

December 23, 1895.
   Death of "Stepniak," Russian revolutionist and author.
   Death of John Russell Hind, English astronomer.

December 27-28, 1895.
    Passage of temporary tariff bill and bill to maintain the
    coin redemption fund, by the United States House of
    Representatives.

December 29, 1895.
   Raid by Dr. Jameson, Administrator of the British South Africa
   Company, into the Transvaal, with an armed force of 500 men.

1896.

January 1, 1896.
   Appointment of an United States Commission to investigate the
   divisional line between Venezuela and British Guiana.
   Surrender of Dr. Jameson and his raiders to the Boers.
   New constitution for South Carolina brought into effect.

January 3, 1896.
   Congratulatory telegram from the German Emperor, William II.,
   to President Kruger, of the South African Republic,
   on the defeat of the Jameson Raid.

January 8, 1896.
   Destructive earthquake shock in Persia.
   Death of Paul Verlaine, French poet.

January 10, 1896.
   Proclamation of President Kruger to the inhabitants of
   Johannesburg, promising them a municipal government.

January 11, 1896.
   Death of João de Deus, Portuguese poet.

{704}

January 15, 1896.
   Declaration of agreement between Great Britain and France
   concerning Siam.

January 17, 1896.
   Occupation of Kumassi, the capital of Ashanti, by British
   forces, and submission of King Prempeh.

January 18, 1896.
   Submission by the Queen of Madagascar to a
   French protectorate of the island.

January 20, 1896.
   Death of Prince Henry of Battenberg.

January 24, 1896.
   Death of Lord Leighton, English painter.

January 29, 1896.
   Death of the Right Honourable Hugh Culling Eardley Childcrs,
   ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer, Great Britain.

February 1, 1896.
   Substitution, by the United States Senate, of a free silver
   coinage bill for the House bill to maintain the coin
   redemption fund.


February 6, 1896.
   Death of Jean Auguste Barre, French sculptor.

February 8, 1896.
   Signing of treaty between United States and Great Britain for
   the arbitration of British claims for seizure of sealing vessels.

February 10, 1896.
   Arrival of General Weyler at Havana as Governor and
   Captain-General of Cuba.

February 11, 1896.
   Notification by the French government to the Powers that it
   had taken final possession of Madagascar.

February 14, 1896.
   Rejection by the United States House of Representatives of
   the Senate substitute for its bill to maintain the coin
   redemption fund.

February 16, 1896.
   Promulgation of Weyler's concentration order in Cuba.

February 25, 1896.
   Defeat of the House tariff bill in the United States Senate.

February 26, 1896.
   Death of Arsène Houssaye, French author.

February 27, 1896.
   Reopening of a discussion of the Venezuela boundary question
   between the governments of the united States and Great Britain.

March 1, 1896.
   Defeat of the Italians by the Abyssinians at Adowa.

March 5, 1896.
   Suggestion by Lord Salisbury of a general treaty of
   arbitration between the United States and Great Britain.

March 10-12, 1896.
   Passage of the Raines Liquor Law by the two branches of the
   New York Legislature.

March 21, 1896.
   Beginning of the Anglo-Egyptian movement for the recovery of
   the Sudan from the Dervishes.

March 22, 1896.
   Death of Thomas Hughes, author of "Tom Brown's School Days."

March 24, 1896.
   Death of President Hippolyte of the Haytien Republic.

March 28, 1896.
   Death of Mrs. Elizabeth Charles, English author.

March 30, 1896.
   Resumption of the authority of the Pope over the Coptic Church,
   and re-establishment of the Catholic patriarchate of
   Alexandria.

March 31, 1896.
   Reopening of the military and naval service of the United
   States to persons who had held commissions in the Confederate
   army or navy during the civil war.

April 6, 1896.
   Revival of Olympic games at Athens.

April 8.
   Highest latitude reached by Dr. Nansen, within 261 statute
   miles of the north pole.

April 11, 1896.
   Death of Charilaos Trikoupis, Greek statesman.

April 21, 1896.
   Death of Jean Baptiste Léon Say, French statesman.
   Death of Baron Hirsch, financier
   and millionaire-philanthropist.

April 24, 1896.
   Promulgation of amendments to the constitution of the
   Republic of Mexico.

April 26, 1896.
   Death of Sir Henry Parkes, Australian statesman.

May 1, 1896.
   Opening of German industrial exposition at Berlin.
   Assassination of the Shah of Persia.
   Promulgation of additional amendments to the Mexican
   constitution.

May 2, 1896.
   Opening of the great national exposition and festival at
   Buda-Pesth to celebrate the millennium of the
   kingdom of Hungary.

May 3, 1896.
   Death of Alfred William Hunt, English artist.

May 4, 1896.
   Opening of the National Electrical Exposition in New York.

May 6, 1896.
   Promulgation of civil service rules by President Cleveland,
   adding 29,000 places to the classified service under the
   government of the United States.

May 11, 1896.
   The bill to consolidate New York, Brooklyn, and neighboring
   cities, in the "Greater New York," made law by the
   Governor's signature.

May 19, 1896.
   Promulgation of the law of public education in Mexico,
   establishing a national system.
   Publication in England of the manifesto of a New Radical Party,
   led by Sir Charles Dilke and Mr. Labouchere.
   Death of the Archduke Karl Ludwig of Austria.

May 20, 1896.
   Death of Madame Clara Schumann, pianist.

May 24, 1896.
   Outbreak of Turks against the Christians in Canea, Crete.
   Death of Edward Armitage, English artist.

May 26, 1896.
   Coronation of the Russian Tzar, Nicholas II.;
   suffocation of nearly 3,000 people at the feasting.

May 27, 1896.
   The city of St. Louis struck by a cyclone.

May 27-28, 1896.
   Meeting of the national convention of the Prohibition Party,
   at Pittsburgh, to nominate candidates for President and
   Vice President of the United States.

June 2, 1896.
   Death of Friedrich Gerhard Rohlfs, African explorer.

June 4, 1896.
   Death of Ernesto Rossi, Italian actor and author.

June 7, 1896.
   Battle of the British and Egyptian army with the Dervishes
   at Ferket.

June 8, 1896.
   Death of Jules Simon, French statesmen and philosopher.

June 9, 1896.
   Appointment of Commission to draft the "Greater New York"
   charter.

June 16-18, 1896.
   Meeting, at St. Louis, of the Republican national convention,
   and nomination of William McKinley and Garret A. Hobart for
   President and Vice President of the United States.

{705}

June 23, 1896.
   Parliamentary elections in Canada, and substantial victory
   of the Liberal Party.
   Death of Sir Joseph Prestwich, English geologist.

June 26, 1896.
   Resignation of Cecil J. Rhodes from the board of directors
   of the British South Africa Company.

June 28, 1896.
   Re-election of President Diaz, of Mexico, for a fifth term.

July 1, 1896.
   Abolition of inter-state taxes in Mexico.
   Death of Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe.

July 4-10, 1896.
   Meeting, in New York, of the national convention of the
   Socialist Labor Party, to nominate candidates for President
   and Vice President of the United States.

July 7-11, 1896.
   Meeting, at Chicago, of the Democratic national convention,
   and nomination of William J. Bryan and Arthur Sewall for
   President and Vice President of the United States.

July 8, 1896.
   Retirement of Sir Charles Tupper from and succession of Sir
   Wilfrid Laurier to the Prime Ministry of the Canadian government.

July 11, 1896.
   Death of Right Honourable Sir Augustus Berkeley Paget,
   diplomatist.

July 12, 1896.
   Death of Professor Ernst Curtius, German historian.

July 14, 1896.
   First international conference in London to plan co-operative
   work in the preparation of a catalogue of scientific
   literature.

July 16, 1896.
   Death of Edmond Huot Goncourt, French novelist.

July 17, 1896.
   Report of an investigating committee of the Cape Colony House
   of Assembly declaring Mr. Rhodes to be responsible for the
   Jameson Raid.

July 20, 1896.
   Opening of the trial, in England, of Dr. Jameson and other
   leaders of the raid into the Transvaal.
   Death of Charles Dickens, eldest son of the novelist.

July 22, 1896.
   Meeting of the convention of the National Silver Party,
   at St. Louis, to endorse the nominations of Bryan and Sewall,
   for President and Vice President of the United States.

July 22-25, 1896.
   Meeting of the People's, or Populist Party in national
   convention at St. Louis;
   nomination of William J. Bryan and Thomas E. Watson for
   President and Vice President of the United States.

July 23, 1896.
   Death of Mary Dickens, eldest daughter of Charles Dickens.

July 26, 1896.
   Tidal wave on the coast of Kiangsu, China, destroying
   several thousand people.

July 28, 1896.
   Conviction of Dr. Jameson and four of his subordinates.

July 30, 1896.
   Resolution of the British House of Commons to investigate
   the administration of the British South Africa Company.

August, 1896.
   Discovery of the Klondike gold fields.

August 1, 1896.
   Death of Right Honourable Sir William R. Grove,
   jurist and man of science.

August 19, 1896.
   Death of Professor Josiah Dwight Whitney, American geologist.

August 25, 1896.
   Revolution in the sultanate of Zanzibar suppressed by British
   forces.
   Arrangement of Turkey with the Powers for reforms in Crete.

August 26-28, 1896.
   Attack of Armenians on the Ottoman Bank at Constantinople;
   horrible massacre of Armenians by the Turks.

August 27, 1896.
   Appointment of Monsignor Martinelli to succeed Cardinal
   Satolli as Papal Delegate to the United States.

August 30, 1896.
   Death of Prince Alexis Borisovich Lobanof-Rostofski,
   Russian statesman and diplomatist.

August 31, 1896.
   Proclamation establishing a British protectorate over the
   hinterland of Sierra Leone.

September 2-3, 1896.
   Meeting of a convention of the National Democratic Party at
   Indianapolis;
   nomination of General John M. Palmer and General Simon B.
   Buckner for President and Vice President of the United States.

September 15, 1896.
   Publication in the Paris "Eclair" of the fact that Captain
   Alfred Dreyfus (degraded and imprisoned in 1894 for alleged
   betrayal of military secrets to a foreign power) was
   convicted on the evidence of a document shown secretly to
   the court martial, and unknown to the prisoner and his counsel.

September 23, 1896.
   The Dervishes driven from Dongola by the Anglo-Egyptian army.

September 27, 1896.
   Abolition of slavery in Madagascar by decree of the
   French Resident-General.

September 29, 1896.
   Official announcement of bubonic plague at Bombay.

October 3, 1896.
   Death of William Morris, English poet.

October 8, 1896.
   Death of George Du Maurier, English artist and novelist.

October 11, 1896.
   Death of Edward White Benson, Archbishop of Canterbury.

October 20-22, 1896.
   Celebration of the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of
   the founding of The College of New Jersey, which then
   formally assumed the name of Princeton University.

October 26, 1896.
   Peace made between the government of Italy and King Menelek,
   of Abyssinia.
   Death of Paul Amand Challemel Lacour, French publicist.

November 3, 1896.
   Presidential election in the United States.

November 9, 1896.
   Announcement by Lord Salisbury of the settlement of the
   Venezuela question between Great Britain and the United States.

November 11, 1896.
   Death of Mrs. Mary Frances Scott-Siddons, actress.

November 16, 1896.
   First transmission of electric power from Niagara Falls to
   Buffalo.

November 21, 1896.
   Death of Sir Benjamin Ward Richardson, physician,
   scientific investigator, and author.

November 26, 1896.
   Death of Coventry Patmore, English poet.
   Death of Mathilde Blind, author.
   Death of Benjamin Apthorp Gould, American astronomer.

December 1, 1896.
   Death of Heinrich Gätke, painter and naturalist.

December 7, 1896.
   Death of Antonio Maceo, leader of Cuban insurgents,
   killed in a skirmish with the Spaniards.

December 10, 1896.
   Death of Alfred Noble, Swedish engineer and founder of a
   great fund for annually rewarding benefactors of humanity.

{706}

December 11, 1896.
   Political suffrage extended to women in Idaho by an amendment
   of the constitution.

December 15, 1896.
   Death of Emile François Chatrousse, French sculptor.

1897.

January 3, 1897
   Death of Vivien St. Martin, French geographer.

January 3-4, 1897.
   Outbreak of conflict between Christians
   and Moslems at Canea in Crete.

January 5, 1897.
   Death of George Whiting Flagg, American painter.

January 11, 1897.
   Signing, at Washington, of a general treaty between the
   United States and Great Britain for the arbitration of all
   matters of difference.

January 12, 1897.
   Meeting, at Indianapolis, of a national convention of
   delegates from commercial organizations to take measures
   for promoting monetary reform in the United States.

January 15, 1897.
   Death of Sir Travers Twiss, English jurist.

January 16, 1897.
   Death of Joel Tyler Headley, American man of letters.

January 27, 1897.
   Overthrow of the slave-raiding Emir of Nupé by forces of
   the Royal Niger Company.

February 2, 1897.
   Signing, at Washington, of the treaty of arbitration
   between Great Britain and Venezuela.

February 7, 1897.
   Union of Crete with Greece proclaimed by insurgent Christians
   at Halepa.

February 9, 1897.
   The taking of the first general census of the Russian Empire.
   Death of Eliza Greatorex, American painter.

February 11, 1897.
   Announcement by the government of Greece to the Powers that
   it had determined to intervene by force in behalf of the
   Christians of Crete.

February 12, 1897.
   Death of Homer Dodge Martin, American artist.

February 14, 1897.
   Landing of a Greek expedition of 2,000 men in Crete,
   under Colonel Vassos.

February 15, 1897.
   Landing of a mixed force at Canea, Crete, by the Powers of
   the "European Concert," to protect the town;
   proclamation by the Greek commander, Colonel Vassos, that he
   had occupied the island in the name of the King of the Greeks.

February 16, 1897.
   Beginning of the British parliamentary investigation of the
   Jameson Raid.
   Presentation by the South African Republic of its claim for
   indemnity on account of the Jameson Raid.

February 17, 1897.
   Attack by the Greeks on the Turkish forces at Canea.

February 18, 1897.
   Capture of Benin by British forces.

February 22, 1897.
   Death of Jean François Gravelet Blondin, French acrobat.

March 2, 1897.
   Veto of Immigration Bill by President Cleveland.
   Joint note by the powers of the "Concert" to Greece and
   Turkey, declaring that Crete cannot be annexed to Greece, but
   that the island will be endowed by the Powers with an
   autonomous administration.

March 4, 1897.
   Inauguration of William McKinley in the office of President
   of the United States.

March 6, 1897.
   Death of Reverend Ebenezer Cobham Brewer, English author.

March 11, 1897.
   Death of Professor Henry Drummond, Scottish religious writer.

March 15, 1897.
   Meeting of Congress in extra session called by the President.

March 21, 1897.
   "Pacific blockade" of the coast of Crete established by the
   Powers of the European Concert.

March 25, 1897.
   Passage of the Elementary Education Act by the British
   House of Commons.

March 27, 1897.
   Death of William Taylor Adams (Oliver Optic), American writer
   of fiction for young readers.

March 30, 1897.
   Opening of debate in the British Parliament on the report of
   a Royal Commission on the financial relations between
   Great Britain and Ireland.

March 31, 1897.
   Passage of the Dingley tariff bill by the United States
   House of Representatives.

April.
   Unprecedented floods along the Mississippi river.

April 3, 1897.
   Death of Johannes Brahms, German composer.

April 5, 1897.
   Publication in Austria of the language decrees for Bohemia.

April 6, 1897.
   Edict of the Sultan of Zanzibar terminating the legal
   status of slavery.

April 9, 1897.
   Incursion of irregular Greek troops into Turkish territory.

April 10, 1897.
   Death of Daniel Wolsey Voorhees, United States Senator.

April 12, 1897.
   Appointment of commissioners from the United States to
   negotiate in Europe for an international bi-metallic agreement.
   Formal delivery to the Governor of Massachusetts of the
   manuscript of Bradford's History of Plymouth Colony
   (called "the Log of the Mayflower ") as a gift from England.
   Death of Edward Drinker Cope, American naturalist.

April 17, 1897.
   Turkish declaration of a state of war with Greece; beginning
   of hostilities between regular troops, at Milouna Pass.

April 22-24, 1897.
   Retreat of the Greek army in panic rout from Tyrnavo.

April 27, 1897.
   Resignation of the Greek Ministry of M. Delyannis.

April 30, 1897.
   Repulse by the Greeks of a Turkish attack on positions
   near Velestino.
   Formation of a new Ministry in Greece, under Demetrius Ralli.

May 1, 1897.
   Opening of the Centennial Exposition at Nashville, Tennessee.

May 2-7, 1897.
   Continued attacks by the Turks on the line held by the Greeks
   between Pharsala and Volo; withdrawal of the Greeks to Domoko.

May 14, 1897.
   Fire in a charity bazaar at Paris which was horribly
   destructive of life.
   The "Greater New York" charter becomes law.

May 15, 1897.
   Rejection by the United States Senate of the arbitration
   treaty negotiated between the United States and Great Britain.

May 16, 1897.
   Death of Henri Eugene Philippe Louis, Duc d' Aumale, French
   prince of the Bourbon-Orleans family, soldier and author.
   Death of James Theodore Bent, English traveler and writer.

{707}

May 8, 1897.
   Announcement by the Greek government to the Powers that
   Colonel Vassos and his forces would be withdrawn from Crete.

May 11, 1897.
   Proffer by the Powers of the European Concert of mediation
   between Turkey and Greece.

May 17, 1897.
   Defeat of the Greeks by the Turks at Domoko.

May 20, 1897.
   Arrangement of an armistice between the Turks and the Greeks.

May 23, 1897.
   Withdrawal of the last of the Greek troops from Crete.

June 1, 1897.
   Census taken in Egypt.

June 2, 1897.
   Opening of the Commercial Museum in Philadelphia.

June 3, 1897.
   Opening of negotiations for peace between
   Turkey and Greece at Constantinople.

June 10, 1897.
   Effect given to a new constitution for the State of Delaware,
   establishing an educational qualification of the suffrage.
   Rising of tribes on the Afghan frontier of India against the
   British.

June 14, 1897.
   Convention between France and Great Britain, establishing the
   boundaries of their respective claims in the Niger region of
   West Africa.

June 16, 1897.
   Transmission to Congress of a new treaty for the annexation
   of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States.

June 20-22, 1897.
   Celebration in London of the sixtieth anniversary—the
   "Diamond Jubilee"—of the accession of Queen Victoria to the
   throne of the United Kingdom.

June 24, 1897.
   Conference at London of the Premiers of British colonies with
   the Secretary of State for the Colonies.

June 25, 1897.
   Death of Mrs. Margaret Oliphant (Wilson) Oliphant, Scottish
   novelist and writer in many fields.

July 2, 1897.
   Death of Adjutant-General Francis Amasa Walker,
   American economist.

July 7, 1897.
   Passage of the Dingley tariff bill by the United States
   Senate, with many amendments.

July 8, 1897.
   Death of Isham Green Harris, United States Senator.

July 10, 1897.
   Death of Daniel Greenleaf Thompson, American author.

July 11, 1897.
   Adoption of constitutional amendments in Switzerland by
   popular vote.
   The starting of Andrée from Spitzbergen on his attempted
   balloon voyage to the north pole.

July 12-15, 1897.
   Conference of American commissioners with Lord Salisbury and
   other British ministers, on the subject of an international
   bi-metallic agreement.

July 13, 1897.
   Report of the British parliamentary committee which
   investigated the Jameson Raid.
   Death of Alfred Marshall Mayer, American physicist.

July 14, 1897.
   Death of Anthony John Mundella, English statesman.

July 15, 1897.
   Death of Brigadier-General Philippe Regis de Trobriand,
   French officer in the American civil war, and writer.

July 20, 1897.
   Death of Sir John Skelton, Scottish historian.
   Death of Sir John Charles Bucknill, English alienist.

July 24, 1897.
   Final passage of the Dingley tariff bill by both branches
   of the United States Congress.

July 26, 1897.
   Attack on British garrisons in the Swat Valley
   (Afghan frontier of India), excited by "the mad mullah."

July 30, 1897.
   Death of Étienne Vacherot, French philosopher.

August 2, 1897.
   Death of Adam Asnyk, Polish poet.

August 5, 1897.
   Death of James Hammond Trumbull. American philologist.

August 8, 1897.
   Assassination of Señor Canovas del Castillo,
   Prime Minister of Spain.

August 25, 1897.
   Assassination of President Borda, of Uruguay.

August 29-31, 1897.
   Meeting of the first congress of the Zionists at Basle.

August 31, 1897.
   Speech by the German Emperor at Coblenz, asserting
   "kingship by the grace of God," with "responsibility to the
   Creator alone."
   Death of Mrs. Louisa Lane Drew, actress.

September 10, 1897.
   Death of Theodore Lyman, American naturalist.

September 11, 1897.
   Death of Reverend Abel Stevens,
   American historian of the Methodist church.

September 12, 1897.
   Ending of a great strike of coal miners in the United States,
   which began in July.

September 16, 1897.
   Death of Edward Austin Sheldon, American educator.

September 17, 1897.
   Death of Henry Williams Sage, American philanthropist.

September 18, 1897.
   Signing of a preliminary treaty of peace
   between Turkey and Greece.

September 20, 1897.
   Death of Wilhelm Wattenbach, German historian.

September 22, 1897.
   Meeting at Washington of a commission on monetary reform,
   appointed by the Indianapolis Convention of January 12.
   Death of Charles Denis Sauter Bourbaki, French general.

September 28, 1897.
   Vote on proposed constitutional amendments in New Jersey.

October 1, 1897.
   Introduction of the gold monetary standard in Japan.

October 2, 1897.
   Death of Neal Dow, American temperance reformer.

October 4, 1897.
   Death of Professor Francis William Newman,
   English scholar and philosopher.

October 6, 1897.
   The Philippine Islands swept by a typhoon,
   destroying over 6,000 lives.
   Death of Sir John Gilbert, English artist.

October 18, 1897.
   Death of Rear-Admiral John Lorimer Worden, U. S. N.

October 19, 1897.
   Death of George Mortimer Pullman, American inventor.

October 21, 1897.
   Opening and dedication of the Yerkes Observatory,
   at Williams Bay, Wisconsin.

October 22, 1897.
   Death of Justin Winsor, American historian and bibliographer.

October 24, 1897.
   Death of Francis Turner Palgrave, English poet.

October 25, 1897.
   Death of John Sartain, American artist.
   Death of John Stoughton, English church historian.

October 27, 1897.
   Death of Mary, Duchess of Teck.
   Death of Alexander Milton Ross, Canadian naturalist.

{708}

October 28, 1897.
   Stormy session of the Austrian Reichsrath; twelve-hours'
   speech of Dr. Lecher.
   Death of Hercules George Robinson, Baron Rosmead,
   British colonial administrator.

October 29, 1897.
   Death of Henry George, American economist.

November 2, 1897.
   Election of the first Mayor of "Greater New York."
   Death of Sir Rutherford Alcock, British diplomatist.

November 4, 1897.
   Seizure by Germany of the port of Kiao-chau on the
   northeastern coast of China.

November 6, 1897.
   Signing of treaty between Russia, Japan and the United States,
   providing for a suspension of pelagic sealing.

November 10, 1897.
   Adoption of plans for a building for the
   New York Public Library.

November 14, 1897.
   Death of Thomas Williams Evans, American dentist in Paris,
   founder of the Red Cross Society in the Franco-Prussian war.

November 15, 1897.
   Commandant Esterhazy denounced to the French Minister of War,
   by M. Matthieu Dreyfus, as the author of the "bordereau" on
   which Captain Alfred Dreyfus was secretly convicted.

November 16, 1897.
   The Dreyfus case brought into the French Chamber of Deputies
   by a question to the Minister of War.

November 19, 1897.
   Great fire in London, beginning in Aldersgate and spreading
   over six acres, destroying property estimated at £2,000,000
   in value.
   Death of Henry Calderwood, Scottish philosopher.

November 21, 1897.
   Death of Sir Charles Edward Pollock, English jurist.

November 23, 1897.
   Death of A. Bardoux, French statesman.

November 25, 1897.
   Promulgation by royal decree at Madrid of a constitution
   establishing self-government in Cuba and Porto Rico.

November 29, 1897.
   Death of James Legge, Scotch oriental scholar.

December, 1897.
   Annexation of Zululand to Natal Colony.

December 5, 1897.
   Death of Mrs. Alice Wellington Rollins, American author.

December 14.
   Signing of the treaty of Biac-na-bato, between the Spaniards
   and the insurgent Filipinos.

December 29, 1897.
   Approval of Act of Congress forbidding the killing of seals
   by citizens of the United States, in the Pacific Ocean north
   of 35° North latitude.
   Death of William James Linton, American artist and author.

December 31, 1897.
   Imperial proclamation, closing the sittings of the Austrian
   Reichsrath, and continuing the Austro-Hungarian "Ausgleich"
   provisionally for six months.

1898.

January 2, 1898.
   Death of Sir Edward Augustus Bond, formerly principal
   librarian of the British museum.

January 12, 1898.
   Acquittal of Commandant Esterhazy, after a farcical pretense
   of trial by a military tribunal, on the charge of being the
   author of the "bordereau" ascribed to Dreyfus.

January 13, 1898.
   Publication in Paris of a letter by M. Zola, denouncing the
   conduct of the courts martial in the cases of Dreyfus and
   Esterhazy.
   Death of Mrs. Mary Victoria Cowden Clarke.

January 16, 1898.
   Death of Charles Pelham Villiers, English statesman.

January 18, 1898.
   Death of Henry George Liddell, English historian and
   classical scholar.

January 20, 1898.
   Second meeting of monetary convention at Indianapolis, to
   consider the report of its commission.

January 24, 1898.
   Declaration by Count von Bülow, in the German Reichstag, that
   no relations or connections of any kind had ever existed
   between Captain Dreyfus and any German agents.

January 25, 1898.
   Friendly visit of the United States battle ship "Maine" to
   Havana, Cuba.

January 28, 1898.
   End of a great strike and lockout in the British engineering
   trades, which began in the previous July.

January 31, 1898.
   Disastrous blizzard in New England.

February 4, 1898.
   Re-election (by voting which began January 3) of
   President Kruger for a fourth term of five years,
   in the South African Republic.

February 7-15, 1898.
   Prosecution of M. Zola for defamation of certain military
   officers; his scandalous trial and conviction.

February 14, 1898.
   Destruction of the United States battle ship "Maine,"
   by an explosion, in the harbor of Havana, Cuba.

February 16, 1898.
   Removal of Chief-Justice Kotze, of the High Court of the
   South African Republic, by President Kruger.

February 18.
   Death of Frances Elizabeth Willard, American social reformer.

February 19, 1898.
   Death of Dr. Edward Constant Seguin, neurologist, New York.

February 26, 1898.
   Death of Frederick Tennyson, English poet.
   Death of Michael Gregorovich Tchernaieff, Russian soldier
   and popular hero of the Panslavists.

February 27, 1898.
   Death of Major-General William Booth Taliaferro,
   Confederate army.

March 1, 1898.
   Retirement of General Crespo from the Presidency of Venezuela;
   succession of General Andrade to the office.

March 6, 1898.
   Death of Felice Cavalotti, Italian statesman and dramatist.

March 11, 1898.
   Death of Major-General William Starke Rosecrans.

March 15, 1898.
   Death of Sir Henry Bessemer, English inventor.

March 16, 1898.
   Death of Aubrey Beardsley, English artist.

March 17, 1898.
   Speech of Senator Proctor, of Vermont, in the United States
   Senate, describing the condition of the reconcentrados in Cuba,
   as he saw them during a recent visit to the island.
   Death of Blanche K. Bruce, register of the United States
   Treasury, born a slave.

March 21, 1898.
   Report of the United States naval court of inquiry on the
   destruction of the battle ship "Maine."
   Death of Brigadier-General George Washington Rains,
   Confederate army.

{709}

March 22, 1898.
   Report of Spanish naval board of inquiry on the destruction
   of the United States battle ship "Maine."

March 23, 1898.
   Primary election law in New York signed by the Governor.

March 25, 1898.
   Death of James Payn, English novelist.

March 27, 1898.
   Proposal by the government of the United States to that of
   Spain of an armistice and negotiation of peace with the
   insurgents in Cuba.
   Cession by China to Russia of Port Arthur and Talienwan.

March 28, 1898.
   Message of the President of the United States to Congress on
   the destruction of the battle ship "Maine."
   Death of Anton Seidl, composer and musical conductor.

March 31, 1898.
   Reply of the Spanish government to the proposals of the
   United States, for an armistice and negotiation with the
   Cuban insurgents.
   Death of Edward Noyes Westcott, American novelist.

April 2, 1898.
   Quashing of the sentence pronounced on M. Zola, upon his
   appeal to the Court of Cassation.
   Lease by China to Great Britain of the port of Wei-hai Wei
   with adjacent territory.

April 7, 1898.
   Death of Margaret Mather, American actress.

April 8, 1898.
   Great victory of the Anglo-Egyptian army, under the Sirdar,
   General Kitchener, over the Dervishes, on the Atbara.

April 10, 1898.
   Passage of bill through the German Reichstag to greatly
   increase the German navy.

April 11, 1898.
   Special Message of the President of the United States to
   Congress on the relations of the country to Spain, consequent
   on affairs in Cuba.
   Lease by China to France of Kwang-chow Wan
   on the southern coast.

April 13, 1898.
   Adoption by the United States House of Representatives of a
   joint resolution authorizing and directing the President to
   "intervene at once to stop the war in Cuba."

April 16, 1898.
   Adoption by the United States Senate of a joint resolution
   not only directing intervention to stop the war in Cuba,
   but recognizing the insurgent government of "the Republic of
   Cuba."
   Death of ex-President Crespo, of Venezuela, killed in battle.

April 17, 1898.
   Death of Jules Marcou, French geologist.

April 18, 1898.
   Arrangement of the disagreement between the two branches of
   the United States Congress respecting the recognition of
   "the Republic of Cuba," and passage of a joint resolution
   to intervene for the stopping of the war in the island.

April 19, 1898.
   Death of George Parsons Lathrop, American author.
   Death of Gustave Moreau, French painter.

April 20, 1898.
   Passports asked for and received by the
   Spanish Minister at Washington.

April 21, 1898.
   Appointment of Rear-Admiral Sampson to the command of the
   United States naval force on the Atlantic station.

April 22, 1898.
   Proclamation by the President of the United States declaring
   a blockade of certain Cuban ports.

April 23, 1898.
   Proclamation by the President of the United States calling
   for 125,000 volunteers.

April 24, 1898.
   Commodore Dewey, commanding the Asiatic squadron of the
   United States, ordered to proceed from Hong Kong to the
   Philippine Islands, to destroy or capture the Spanish fleet
   in those waters.
   Interview, at Singapore, between the leader of the Philippine
   insurgents, Aguinaldo, and the United States Consul-General,
   Mr. Spencer Pratt;
   communication from Mr. Pratt to Commodore Dewey, at Hong Kong;
   request from Commodore Dewey that Aguinaldo come to Hong Kong.

April 25, 1898.
   Formal declaration of war with Spain by the Congress of the
   United States, with authority given to the President to call
   out the land and naval forces of the nation.
   Removal of the American squadron under Commodore Dewey from
   Hong Kong to Mirs Bay, China.
   Signing of protocol between Russia and Japan relative to Korea.

April 27, 1898.
   Sailing of the American squadron from Mirs Bay to Manila.

April 29, 1898.
   Proclamation of neutrality by the Portuguese government,
   which required the Spanish fleet under Admiral Cervera to
   depart from the Cape Verde islands.

May 1, 1898.
   Destruction of the Spanish squadron in Manila Bay by the
   American squadron under Commodore Dewey.

May 2, 1898.
   Arrival of Aguinaldo at Hong Kong.

May 3, 1898.
   Occupation of Cavite arsenal by American naval forces.

May 8, 1898.
   General elections for a new Chamber of Deputies in France;
   first balloting.

May 9, 1898.
   Serious fighting in Milan, ending bread riots in that city
   and elsewhere in northern Italy.

May 12, 1898.
   Attack on the Spanish forts at San Juan, Porto Rico, by
   Admiral Sampson, then searching for Cervera's fleet.

May 13, 1898.
   Death of Reverend William Stevens Perry,
   American church historian.

May 16, 1898.
   Major-General Wesley Merritt, U. S. A., assigned to the
   command of the Department of the Pacific.
   Conveyance of Aguinaldo from Hong Kong to Cavite by the
   United States ship "McCulloch."

May 19, 1898.
   Death of Mr. Gladstone.
   Death of Maria Louise Pool, American novelist.

May 22, 1898.
   Second balloting in French elections, where the first had
   resulted in no choice.
   Death of Spencer Walpole, English historian.
   Death of Edward Bellamy, American novelist and social theorist.

May 25, 1898.
   Proclamation by the President of the United States calling
   for 75,000 additional volunteers.
   Departure from San Francisco of the first military expedition
   from the United States to the Philippine Islands, under
   General T. M. Anderson.

May 28, 1898.
   Public funeral of Mr. Gladstone;
   burial in Westminster Abbey.
   Death of Mrs. Madeleine Vinton Dahlgren, American author.

{710}

May 29, 1898.
   Blockade of the Spanish squadron under Rear-Admiral Cervera,
   in the harbor of Santiago de Cuba, by the American flying
   squadron under Commodore Schley.

May 30, 1898.
   Agreement between Great Britain, Canada and the United States,
   creating a Joint High Commission for the adjustment of all
   existing subjects of controversy between the United States
   and Canada.

June 1, 1898.
   Arrival of Admiral Sampson and his fleet off the entrance to
   the harbor of Santiago de Cuba, to perfect the blockade of
   the Spanish squadron.
   Opening of the Trans-Mississippi Exposition at Omaha, Nebraska.
   Enactment of law to provide for the arbitration of disputes
   between employés and companies engaged in interstate commerce
   in the United States.

June 2, 1898.
   Death of George Eric Mackay, English poet.

June 3, 1898.
   Sinking of the collier "Merrimac" in the channel of the
   harbor-entrance at Santiago de Cuba, by Assistant Naval
   Constructor Hobson. U. S. N.

June 6, 1898.
   Bombardment of Spanish forts at Santiago de Cuba by the
   American blockading fleet.

June 7-10, 1898.
   Possession of the lower bay at Guantanamo, near Santiago de
   Cuba, taken by vessels of the American navy, and a marine
   battalion landed.

June 11, 1898.
   Reform edict issued by the young Emperor of China.

June 14, 1898.
   Sailing, from Tampa, Florida, of the military expedition
   under General Shafter for the capture of Santiago de Cuba.

June 15, 1898.
   Sailing, from San Francisco, of the second American military
   expedition to the Philippines.
   Adoption by the House of Representatives of a joint resolution
   to provide for annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the
   United States.

June 16, 1898.
   Second bombardment of forts at Santiago de Cuba by the
   American blockading fleet.

June 16-24, 1898.
   Elections to the Reichstag of the German Empire.

June 17, 1898.
   Resignation of the Ministry of Signor Rudini in Italy.
   Death of Sir Edward Burne-Jones, English painter.

June 20, 1898.
   Arrival, off Guantanamo, of the expedition under
   General Shafter.

June 21, 1898.
   Capture and occupation of the island of Guam by the U. S. S.
   "Charleston."

June 22-24, 1898.
   Landing of General Shafter's army at Daiquiri and Siboney.

June 24, 1898.
   First engagement between American and Spanish troops in Cuba,
   at La Guasima.

June 28, 1898.
   Proclamation by Aguinaldo, assuming the administration of a
   provisional government of the Philippine Islands.
   Approval by the President of the United States of the "Curtis
   Act," relating to the Five Civilized Tribes of Indians.
   Formation of a new Italian Ministry by General Pelloux.

July, 1898.
   Discussion and passage by the British Parliament of a
   Local Government Act for Ireland.

July 1, 1898.
   Assault by the American forces, at San Juan Hill and El Caney,
   on the Spanish lines defending Santiago.

July 2-3, 1898.
   Continued fighting on the lines around Santiago de Cuba.

July 3, 1898.
   Demand of General Shafter for the surrender of Santiago, under
   the threat of bombardment; truce arranged by foreign consuls and
   negotiations for surrender opened.
   Destruction of the Spanish fleet of Admiral Cervera on its
   attempting to escape from the blockaded port of Santiago de
   Cuba.

July 4, 1898.
   Opening of communications between General Anderson, commanding
   the first expedition of the United States forces landed near
   Manila, and General Aguinaldo, "commanding the Philippine
   forces."

July 6, 1898.
   Destruction of the Spanish cruiser" Alphonso XII.," when
   attempting to escape from the harbor of Havana.
   Adoption by the U. S. Senate of the joint resolution to
   provide for the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands.
   Exchange of Lieutenant Hobson and his fellow captives for
   prisoners taken from the Spanish forces.

July 7, 1898.
   Declaration of M. Cavaignac, Minister of War, in the Chamber
   of Deputies, of his absolute certainty of the guilt of Captain
   Dreyfus.
   Death of Francisco Javier Cisneros, Cuban patriot.
   Death of M. Buffet, French statesman.

July 10, 1898.
   Termination of truce at Santiago;
   resumption of hostilities;
   bombardment of the city by the navy.

July 11, 1898.
   Death of Rear-Admiral Daniel Ammen, U. S. N.

July 12, 1898.
   Outbreak of yellow fever in the military hospital at Siboney.
   Arrival of General Miles at Santiago with reinforcements for
   General Shafter.

July 13, 1898.
   Interview of General Miles and General Shafter with General
   Toral, the Spanish commander at Santiago.

July 14, 1898.
   Agreement by General Toral to surrender the city of Santiago
   and the entire district of eastern Cuba with 24,000 Spanish
   troops.
   Death of Mrs. Elizabeth Lynn Linton, English author.

July 16, 1898.
   Signing of the terms of the Spanish surrender at Santiago.

July 17, 1898.
   Death of Parker Pillsbury, American abolitionist.
   Death of Karl Gehrt, German artist.

July 18, 1898.
   Opening of second trial of M. Zola, at Versailles.

July 25, 1898.
   Landing, at Guanica, of the expedition of United States
   troops, under General Miles, for the conquest of Porto Rico.

July 26, 1898.
   Overtures for peace addressed by the Spanish government to
   that of the United States through the French Minister at
   Washington.

July 27, 1898.
   Occupation of Ponce, in Porto Rico, by the American forces
   under General Miles.

July 28, 1898.
   Death of Dr. William Pepper, of Philadelphia, physician, and
   extraordinary leader in public enterprise.

{711}

July 30, 1898.
   Terms of peace proposed to Spain by the United States.
   Death of Reverend John Caird, Scottish divine and educator.

July 31, 1898.
   Death of Prince Otto von Bismarck, at the age of 83.

August 3, 1898.
   Urgent message from General Shafter to the United States War
   Department, asking for the instant withdrawal of his forces
   from Santiago, on account of the deadly ravages of yellow
   fever, typhoid and dysentery.

August 4, 1898.
   Orders given for the removal of the American army from
   Santiago de Cuba to Montauk Point, Long Island.

August 7, 1898.
   Acceptance by Spain of the terms of peace offered by the
   United States.
   Demand of Admiral Dewey and General Merritt for the
   surrender of Manila.
   Death of James Hall, American geologist.

August 8, 1898.
   Death of Adolph Heinrich Joseph Sutro,
   American mining engineer.
   Death of Georg Moritz Ebers, German novelist and Egyptologist.

August 12, 1898.
   Ceremony, at Honolulu, of the transfer of sovereignty over
   the Hawaiian Islands to the United States.
   Order by General Merritt forbidding the Filipino forces under
   Aguinaldo to enter Manila when the city should be taken.
   Signing of the protocol of terms for the negotiation of peace
   between the United States and Spain;
   proclamation by the President of the United States
   suspending hostilities.

August 13, 1898.
   Attack by American forces on the Spanish lines at Manila
   and capture of the city.

August 21, 1898.
   Friendly letter of Spanish soldiers at Santiago, Cuba,
   before departing for Spain, to their late enemies, the
   American soldiers.

August 22, 1898.
   Death of Laupepa Malietoa, King of Samoa.

August 24, 1898.
   Proposal by the Tzar of Russia of a conference of governments
   to discuss the means of stopping the progressive increase of
   military and naval armaments and promote the peace of the world.

August 25, 1898.
   Transfer of command at Santiago from General Shafter
   to General Lawton.

August 28, 1898.
   General Merritt ordered to Paris for consultation with the
   American Peace Commissioners;
   command at Manila transferred to General Otis.

August 31, 1898.
   Termination of the minority of Queen Wilhelmina, of the
   Kingdom of the Netherlands, and of the regency of her mother,
   Queen Emma.
   Suicide of Colonel Henry, of the Intelligence Department of
   the French Army, after confessing that he had forged one of
   the documents on which M. Cavaignac based his certainty of
   the guilt of Captain Dreyfus.

September 2, 1898.
   Battle of Omdurman;
   defeat of the Dervishes and occupation of the Khalifa's capital.

September 3, 1898.
   Death of Wilford Woodruff, president of the Mormon Church.

September 4, 1898.
   Resignation of M. Cavaignac from the French cabinet, because
   of his opposition to a revision of the Dreyfus case.

September 6, 1898.
   Enthronement of Queen Wilhelmina, at Amsterdam.
   Turkish outbreak at Candia, Crete, against authority
   exercised by the British admiral in the name of the
   concerted Powers.

September 10, 1898.
   Assassination of Elizabeth, Empress of Austria
   and Queen of Hungary.

September 12, 1898.
   Death of Thomas McIntyre Cooley, American jurist.

September 14, 1898.
   Death of Samuel Eliot, American historian.

September 19, 1898.
   Death of Sir George Grey, British administrator.

September 21, 1898.
   Overthrow of the Chinese reformers at Peking;
   submission of the Emperor to the Empress-Dowager.
   Death of Theodor Fontane, German poet.

September 23, 1898.
   Death of Richard Malcolm Johnston, American author.

September 26, 1898.
   Decision of the French cabinet to submit the question of a
   revision of the trial of Captain Dreyfus to the Court of
   Cassation.

September 28, 1898.
   Execution of six of the Chinese reformers at Peking.
   Death of Thomas Francis Bayard, American statesman
   and diplomatist.

September 29, 1898.
   Government of a Philippine Republic organized at Malolos;
   a national congress convened, and Aguinaldo declared President.
   Popular vote in Canada on the question of Prohibition.
   Death of Queen Louise of Denmark.

September 30, 1898.
   Mob attack on foreigners near Peking.

October, 1898.
   Discovery of the Cape Nome mining region in Alaska.
   Outbreak of Indians of the Leech Lake Reservation in
   Northern Minnesota.

October 1, 1898.
   Call by foreign representatives at Peking for guards of
   marines to protect their legations.
   Meeting of Spanish and American commissioners at Paris to
   negotiate a Treaty of Peace.

October 5, 1898.
   Demand of the Powers for the withdrawal of Turkish garrisons
   from Crete.

October 6, 1898.
   Decree by the Empress-Dowager of China commanding protection
   to Christian missionaries and converts.

October 7, 1898.
   Death of Blanche Willis Howard, Baroness von Teuffel,
   American novelist.
   Death of Abraham Oakey Hall, American lawyer and politician.

October 12.
   Inauguration of General Julio Roca President of the
   Argentine Republic.
   Serious conflict at Virden, Illinois, growing out of a
   strike of coal miners;
   14 persons killed and 25 wounded.
   Death of Reverend Calvin Fairbank, anti-slavery worker and
   helper of the freedmen.

October 19, 1898.
   Death of Harold Frederic, American journalist and novelist.

October 25, 1898.
   Decision of the Court of Cassation requiring a supplementary
   investigation of the case of Captain Dreyfus.
   Death of Pierre Puvis de Chavannes, French painter.

October 29, 1898.
   Death of Colonel George Edwin Waring,
   American sanitary engineer.

October 31, 1898.
   Death of Helena Faucit, Lady Martin, English actress.

{712}

November 1, 1898.
   Establishment of the Constitution of the United States of
   Central America.

November 2, 1898.
   Announcement by Lord Salisbury of the amicable settlement,
   between France and Great Britain, of "the Fashoda incident."

November 5, 1898.
   Death of David Ames Wells, American economist and publicist.

November 12, 1898.
   Death of Clara Fisher (Mrs. Clara Fisher Maeder), actress.

November 15, 1898.
   Inauguration of Dr. M. F. de Campos Salles, President of
   United States of Brazil.
   Order by the Court of Cassation that Dreyfus be notified by
   telegraph of the pending revision of his trial.

November 19, 1898.
   Death of Brigadier-General Don Carlos Buell.

November 20, 1898.
   Death of Sir George S. Baden-Powell, economist.

November 25, 1898.
   Dissolution of the United States of Central America by
   the secession of Salvador.

November 26, 1898.
   Appointment of Prince George, of Greece, to be High
   Commissioner of the Powers in Crete.

November 27, 1898.
   Death of Charles Walter Couldock, actor.

November 28, 1898.
   Death of Mrs. Mary Eliza (Joy) Haweis,
   English author and artist.

December 5, 1898.
   Final raising of the "pacific blockade" of Crete by the Powers.

December 6, 1898.
   General Guy V. Henry appointed Military Governor of Porto Rico.

December 10, 1898.
   Signing, at Paris, of the Treaty of Peace between the
   United States and Spain.
   Death of William Black, English novelist.

December 11, 1898.
   Death of General Calixto Garcia, Cuban military leader.

December 13, 1898.
   Appointment of General Brooke as commander and military
   governor of Cuba, by direction of the President of the
   United States.
   Reception by the Empress-Dowager to the wives of foreign
   representatives at Peking.

December 17, 1898.
   Death of Baron Ferdinand James de Rothschild.

December 21, 1898.
   Arrival of Prince George of Greece in Crete, to undertake
   the administration of government as High Commissioner for
   the Powers.
   Instructions of the President of the United States to
   General Otis, relative to the military government of the
   Philippine Islands.

December 22, 1898.
   Death of Sebastian Bach Mills, composer and pianist.

December 23, 1898.
   Decision by the French government to comply with the demand
   of the Court of Cassation for the secret papers
   (the "dossier") in the Dreyfus case.

December 25, 1898.
   Penny postage to all places in the British Empire except the
   Australasian colonies and Cape Colony brought into operation.

December 28, 1898.
   Death of Justin Smith Morrill, United States Senator.

December 30, 1898.
   Death of Don Matias Romero,
   Mexican ambassador to the United States.

1899.

January 1, 1899.
   Formal relinquishment of the sovereignty of Spain over the
   island of Cuba, by ceremonies performed at Havana.

January 4, 1899.
   The Treaty of Peace between the United States and Spain sent
   to the United States Senate by the President.
   Proclamation of General Otis to the people of the Philippine
   Islands, amending the instructions of the President.

January 5, 1899.
   Proclamation of Aguinaldo to the people of the Philippine
   Islands, counter to that of General Otis.

January 8, 1899.
   Sensational resignation of the President of the civil section
   of the French Court of Cassation.

January 11, 1899.
   Second communication of the Tzar of Russia to other
   governments on the subject of an International Conference
   for the promotion of peace.

January 13, 1899.
   Death of Representative Nelson Dingley, of Maine.

January 17, 1899.
   Death of John Russell Young, librarian of Congress.

January 19, 1899.
   Signing of an agreement between the government of Great
   Britain and that of the Khedive of Egypt, establishing a
   condominium or joint administration of government over the
   Sudan.

January 20, 1899.
   Appointment of the First Philippine Commission by the
   President of the United States.

January 22, 1899.
   Encyclical letter of Pope Leo XIII. condemning certain
   opinions called Americanism.

January 29, 1899.
   Death of Dr. R. Fruin, Dutch historian.

February 4, 1899.
   First outbreak of hostilities between the American and
   Filipino forces at Manila.

February 6, 1899.
   Ratification by the United States Senate of the Treaty of
   Peace with Spain.
   Death of General Count Georg Leo von Caprivi, formerly
   chancellor of the German empire.
   Death of Irving Browne, American legal writer.

February 10, 1899.
   Coup d'état of Señor Cuestas, declaring himself Provisional
   President of Uruguay.

February 11, 1899.
   Occupation of the City of Iloilo, in the Philippine Islands,
   by the American forces.

February 12, 1899.
   Sale of the Caroline and the Marianne or Ladrone Islands
   (excepting Guam) by Spain to Germany.

February 15, 1899.
   Promulgation of a Russian imperial ukase which seriously
   impairs the constitutional independence of Finland.
   Death of Henry Jones ("Cavendish").

February 16, 1899.
   Sudden death of François Felix Faure,
   President of the French Republic.

February 18, 1899.
   Election of Emile Loubet to the
   presidency of the French Republic.

February 20, 1899.
   Adjournment of the Joint High Commission appointed to settle
   questions in dispute between the United States and Canada.

February 23, 1899.
   Funeral of the late President Faure, at Paris;
   attempted revolutionary rising by the
   "League of Patriots," and others.

February 24, 1899.
   Death of Émile Welti, formerly President
   of the Swiss Confederation.

February 25, 1899.
   Death of Paul Julius de Reuter, Baron, founder of a telegraph
   company and news agency.

{713}

February 28, 1899.
   Defeat and resignation of the Spanish Ministry of Señor
   Sagasta, on the question of the signing of the treaty of
   Peace with the United States;
   formation of the Ministry of Señor Silvela.
   Death of Mrs. Emma Waller, English actress.

March, 1899.
   Withdrawal of foreign legation guards from Peking.

March 1, 1899.
   Formation of the Visayan Military District in the Philippines
   under General Marcus P. Miller.
   Death of Lord Herschell, English jurist.

March 3, 1899.
   Creation of commission to examine and report on all possible
   routes for an inter-oceanic canal, under the control and
   ownership of the United States.

March 6, 1899.
   Death of Princess Kaiulani, of Hawaii.

March 10, 1899.
   Death of Sir Douglas Galton, British sanitary scientist.

March 11, 1899.
   The signing of the treaty of peace with the United States
   by the Queen of Spain, on her own responsibility.

March 13, 1899.
   Death of Mr Julius Vogel,
   British colonial statesman and author.

March 14, 1899.
   Death of Emile Erckmann, French novelist.

March 18, 1899.
   Modification of the plan of the Bureau of the American
   Republics, at a conference of the representatives of
   the American nations.

March 21, 1899.
   Completed settlement of boundaries between English and
   French claims in West Africa and the Western Sudan.

April 2, 1899.
   Death of Baroness Hirsch.

April 11, 1899.
   Death of Sir Monier Monier-Williams,
   English philologist and Oriental scholar.

April 15, 1899.
   Death of Ely Thayer, active organizer of "the Kansas crusade."

April 28, 1899.
   Agreement between Great Britain and Russia concerning their
   railway interests in China.

May 1, 1899.
   Death of Professor Karl Christian Ludwig Büchner,
   German physiologist and philosopher.

May 8, 1899.
   General George W. Davis appointed Military
   Governor of Porto Rico.

May 11, 1899.
   Papal proclamation of the "Jubilee of the Holy Year 1900."

May 13, 1899.
   Advice from the Netherlands government to President Kruger,
   of the South African Republic, that he pursue a conciliatory
   course towards Great Britain.

May 15, 1899.
   Death of Francisque Sarcey, French essayist.

May 18, 1899.
   Meeting and organization of the International Peace Conference
   at The Hague.
   Order by the Tzar of Russia looking to the abolition of
   transportation to Siberia.

May 19, 1899.
   Spanish garrison at Jolo, in the Sulu Archipelago,
   replaced by American troops.

May 25, 1899.
   Death of Emilio Castelar, Spanish orator and statesman.
   Death of Rosa Bonheur, French artist.

May 27, 1899.
   Death of Dr. Alphonse Charpentier, French physician.

May 29, 1899.
   Order by President McKinley seriously modifying the
   civil service rules.

May 31, 1899.
   Conference at Bloemfontein between President Kruger of the
   South African Republic and the British High Commissioner,
   Sir Alfred Milner.

June, 1899.
   International Convention respecting the liquor traffic in
   Africa concluded at Brussels.

June 2, 1899.
   Confession of Commandant Esterhazy, a refugee in England,
   that he wrote the "bordereau" ascribed to Captain Dreyfus.

June 3, 1899.
   Decision of the Court of Cassation, quashing and annulling,
   in certain particulars, the judgment of condemnation
   pronounced against Captain Dreyfus in 1894 and ordering a new
   trial by court martial, to be held at Rennes.
   Death of Johann Strauss, Austrian composer.

June 4, 1899.
   Ruffianly demonstration of young French royalists against
   President Loubet, at the Auteuil races; the President struck.

June 7, 1899.
   Death of Augustin Daly, American theatrical manager.

June 10, 1899.
   Death of John J. Lalor, American writer on
   political and economic subjects.

June 12, 1899.
   Resignation of the Ministry of M. Dupuy, in France;
   formation of a "Government of Republican defense,"
   under M. Waldeck-Rousseau.

June 15, 1899.
   Meeting at Paris of the tribunal for the arbitration of the
   Venezuela boundary.
   Death of Representative Richard Parks Bland, of Missouri.

June 24, 1899.
   Death of the Dowager Queen Kapiolani,
   widow of King Kalakaua of Hawaii.

June 28-30, 1899.
   Political rioting and threatened revolution at Brussels.

June 30, 1899.
   Death of Mrs. E. D. E. N. Southworth, American novelist.

July 1, 1899.
   Death of Charles Victor Cherbuliez, French novelist and critic.

July 6, 1899.
   Death of Robert Bonner, American publisher.

July 7, 1899.
   Death of George W. Julian, American anti-slavery leader.

July 10, 1899.
   Death of the Grand Duke George, brother of the Tzar of Russia.

July 17, 1899.
   Release of Japan from her old treaties with the Western Powers;
   abolition of foreign consular courts.

July 18, 1899.
   Death of Horatio Alger, American writer of stories for boys.

July 21, 1899.
   Death of Colonel Robert G. Ingersoll,
   American apostle of atheism.

July 22, 1899.
   Organization of a half military, half autonomous government
   in the Philippine island of Negros.

July 25, 1899.
   Election to fill municipal offices in Porto Rico, under
   orders from the Military Governor.

July 26, 1899.
   Amendment of its franchise law by the South African Republic.
   Assassination of General Heureaux, President of the
   Dominican Republic.

July 29, 1899.
   Adoption and signing of the "Final Act" of the Peace
   Conference at The Hague, submitting three proposed
   Conventions, three Declarations, and several other
   recommendations, to the governments represented in it.

July 31, 1899.
   Death of Dr. Daniel Garrison Brinton, American ethnologist.

{714}

August 1, 1899.
   Proposal of the British government to that of the South
   African Republic, that a joint inquiry be made as to the
   effect, in practical working, of the new franchise law.

August 4, 1899.
   Renewed counsel of moderation to President Kruger, from the
   Netherlands government.

August 7, 1899.
   Destructive cyclone in Porto Rico.
   Opening of the new trial of Captain Dreyfus by court martial
   at Rennes.
   A terrific hurricane in the West Indies;
   loss of life estimated at 5,000.

August 9, 1899.
   Passage of Act creating a national Board of Education for
   England and Wales.

August 11, 1899.
   Death of Dr. Charles Janeway Stillé,
   American author and educator.

August 12, 1899.
   Arrest of Déronlède and other pestilential Frenchmen for
   revolutionary conspiracy.

August 13, 1899.
   Russian imperial order declaring Talienwan a free port.

August 14, 1899.
   Attempt, at Rennes, to assassinate M. Labori, one of the
   counsel for Captain Dreyfus.

August 16, 1899.
   Death of Professor Robert Wilhelm Eberhard Bunsen,
   German chemist.

August 19, 1899.
   Counter proposals from the government of the South African
   Republic to that of Great Britain.

August 20, 1899.
   Rioting in Paris; barricading of M. Guérin and other members
   of the "Anti-Semitic League" in their headquarters,
   to defy arrest.

September 4, 1899.
   Death of Jean Ristics, Servian statesman.

September 6, 1899.
   Proposal by the government of the United States of an
   "open-door" commercial policy in China.

September 8, 1899.
   Authorized publication at Berlin of a repeated declaration
   that the German government had never maintained, either
   directly or indirectly, any relations with Captain Dreyfus.

September 9, 1899.
   Verdict of "guilty" pronounced against Dreyfus by five of
   the seven members of the Rennes court martial.

September 11, 1899.
   Death of Cornelius Vanderbilt, millionaire.

September 12, 1899.
   Impassioned protest by M. Zola against the Rennes verdict.

September 18, 1899.
   Beginning of the trial, at Paris, of Déroulède and his
   fellow conspirators against the Republic.

September 19, 1899.
   Pardon of Captain Dreyfus by President Loubet.

September 22, 1899.
   Ending of the discussion of the Uitlander franchise question
   between the British and Boer governments.
   Death of Major George Edward Pond, military author.

September 25, 1899.
   Death of Consul Willshire Butterfield,
   American historical writer.

September 27, 1899.
   The Orange Free State makes common cause with the Transvaal
   against the British.
   Death of General Henry Heth, Confederate officer and historian.

October, 1899.
   International Commercial Congress and National Export
   Exposition at Philadelphia.

October 3, 1899.
   Announcement of the decision of the tribunal of arbitration
   upon the question of the boundary between Venezuela and
   British Guiana.
   Fall of eleven columns of the great temple at Karnak, Egypt.

October 9, 1899.
   Ultimatum of the South African Republic to Great Britain.

October 10, 1899.
   Reply of the British government to the Boer ultimatum.
   Contract of the Maritime Canal Company of Nicaragua declared
   forfeited by the Nicaraguan government.

October 12, 1899.
   First act in the British-Boer war, in South Africa;
   Boer invasion of Natal and of Cape Colony.

October 13, 1899.
   Death of Vice-Admiral Philip Howard Colomb, of the British navy.

October 14, 1899.
   Death of Charlotte Heine, sister of Heinrich.

October 15, 1899.
   Death of Lawrence Gronlund, socialist author.

October 16, 1899.
   Census of Cuba and Porto Rico, taken under the direction
   of the War Department of the United States.
   Death of Professor Edward Orton, American geologist.

October 20, 1899.
   Battle at Talana Hill, Natal, between British and Boer forces;
   mortal wounding of General Sir W. Penn Symons.
   Agreement between Great Britain and the United States upon a
   "modus vivendi" pending the settlement of the Alaska boundary.

October 21, 1899.
   Battle at Elandslaagte, in Natal.

October 25, 1899.
   Death of Grant Allen, author and naturalist.

October 27, 1899.
   Death of Brigadier General Guy V. Henry, late military
   governor of Porto Rico.
   Death of Florence Marryat (Mrs. Francis Lean), English novelist.

October 28, 1899.
   Death of John Codman Ropes, American military historian.
   Death of Ottmar Mergenthaler, inventor of the linotype
   printing process.

October 29, 1899.
   Beginning of the siege of Ladysmith, in Natal.

November 2, 1899.
   Earthquake and tidal wave in the island of Ceram, one of
   the Moluccas, overwhelming many towns.

November 3, 1899.
   Death of Colonel Henry Inman,
   American writer on frontier history.

November 14, 1899.
   Signing of treaties between Great Britain, Germany, and
   the United States, relative to the Samoan Islands.
   Inauguration of Juan Isidro Jiminez, President of the
   Dominican Republic.

November 16, 1899.
   Death of Moritz Busch, biographer of Bismarck.

November 19, 1899.
   Death of Sir John William Dawson, Canadian geologist.

November 21, 1899.
   Death of Garret A. Hobart,
   Vice President of the United States.

November 23, 1899.
   Battle of Belmont, in the South African war.

November 24, 1899.
   Death of Reverend Samuel May, American abolitionist.

November 25, 1899.
   Battle at Enslin, or Graspan, in the South African war.

November 28, 1899.
   Battle at Modder River, in the South African war.

November 30, 1899.
   Report of Isthmian Canal Commission in favor of
   the Nicaragua route.

December 6, 1899.
   Appointment of General Leonard Wood to the military
   command and governorship of Cuba.

{715}

December 10, 1899.
   Repulse of the British by the Boers at Stormberg.

December 11, 1899.
   Battle at Majesfontein, in the South African war.

December 12, 1899.
   Inauguration of William S. Taylor, Republican, Governor of
   Kentucky, his election being disputed by Democratic opponents.

December 15, 1899.
   First repulse of General Buller in attempting to pass the
   Tugela River, South Africa.

December 18, 1899.
   Death of Major-General Henry W. Lawton, U. S. V.
   Death of Bernard Quaritch, London book dealer.

December 20, 1899.
   Li Hung-chang appointed Acting Viceroy at Canton.

December 22, 1899.
   Death of Dwight Lyman Moody, evangelist.

December 23, 1899.
   Death of Dorman B. Eaton,
   leader in American civil-service reform.

December 25, 1899.
   Beginning of the "Jubilee of the Holy Year 1900," proclaimed
   by Pope Leo XIII.
   Death of Elliott Coues, American naturalist.

December 30, 1899.
   Death of Sir James Paget, British surgeon.

December 31, 1899.
   Murder of Mr. Brooks, an English missionary,
   by Chinese "Boxers" in northern Shantung.

1900.

January 1, 1900.
   Abolition of Roman Law and introduction of the Civil Code
   throughout Germany.
   Re-election of President Diaz, of Mexico, for a sixth term.

January 5, 1900.
   Death of William A. Hammond, American physician.

January 10, 1900.
   Landing of Field-Marshal Lord Roberts at the Cape, to take
   the British command in South Africa.

January 12, 1900.
   Death of Reverend Dr. James Martineau, English divine.

January 15, 1900.
   Letting of contract for building the Rapid Transit Tunnel in
   New York.
   Death of George W. Steevens, English war correspondent.

January 17, 1900.
   Beginning of the second movement of General Buller across
   the Tugela River.

January 20, 1900.
   Death of John Ruskin.

January 21, 1900.
   Death of Richard Doddridge Blackmore, English novelist.
   Death of the Duke of Teck.

January 23, 1900.
   Futile storming of the Boer fortifications on Spion Kop
   by the British troops under General Buller.

January 24, 1900.
   Decree by the Chinese emperor relating to the succession
   to the throne.

January 27, 1900.
   "Identic note" by foreign Ministers at Peking to the
   Tsung-li Yamen demanding action against the "Boxers"
   in Shantung and Chihli.

January 28, 1900.
   Elections to the French Senate;
   substantial success of the moderate Republicans.

January 29, 1900.
   Withdrawal of General Buller from beyond the Tugela.

January 30, 1900.
   Assassination of Senator William Goebel,
   Democratic claimant of the governorship of Kentucky.

January 31, 1900.
   Report of First Philippine Commission.

February 5, 1900.
   Third advance of General Buller across the Tugela River.
   Signing at Washington of the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty between
   the United States and Great Britain, to facilitate the
   construction of an inter-oceanic canal.
   Death of William Henry Gilder, arctic explorer.

February 9, 1900.
   Third retirement of General Buller from the north bank
   of the Tugela.

February 11, 1900.
   Beginning of the advance movement of Lord Roberts from the
   Modder River.

February 15, 1900.
   The Boer siege of Kimberley raised by General French.

February 20, 1900.
   Death of William H. Beard, American animal painter.

February 21, 1900.
   Agreement of Republican and Democratic leaders in Kentucky
   for a settlement of the gubernatorial question in the courts.
   Death of Henry Duff Traill, English man of letters.
   Death of Dr. Charles Piazzi Smyth, British astronomer.
   Death of Mr. Leslie E. Keeley, originator of the "gold cure"
   for the liquor habit.

February 24, 1900.
   Death of Richard Hovey, American poet.

February 25, 1900.
   Opening of the new ship canal from the sea to Bruges.

February 27, 1900.
   Surrender of General Cronje and his army to the British,
   after nine days of battle, near Paardeberg.

February 27-28, 1900.
   Final passage of the Tugela by General Buller, and relief
   of Ladysmith.

March 1, 1900.
   Preliminary report of the United States Industrial Commission,
   on "trusts and industrial combinations."

March 5, 1900.
   Overtures of peace to Lord Salisbury by Presidents Kruger
   and Steyn, of the South African republics.

March 9, 1900.
   Death of Edward John Phelps, American diplomatist.

March 10, 1900.
   Battle of Driefontein, in the Orange Free State.
   Death of Johann Feder E. Hartmann, Danish composer.

March 11, 1900.
   Reply of Lord Salisbury to the Boer Presidents, declining
   to assent to the independence of either of the two republics.

March 12, 1900.
   Occupation of Bloemfontein, capital of the Orange Free State,
   by the British forces.

March 13, 1900.
   Death of Père Henri Didon, French Dominican
   author and preacher.

March 14, 1900.
   Approval of the Financial Bill, for reforming the monetary
   system of the United States.

March 18, 1900.
   Death of General Sir William Stephen Alexander Lockhart,
   British military commander.

March 23, 1900.
   Death of Sherman S. Rogers, American lawyer,
   prominent in civil service reform.

March 25, 1900.
   Rising of Ashantis and attack on the British in Kumassi.

March 26, 1900.
   Death of Rabbi M. Wise, American Jewish divine.

March 27, 1900.
   Death of General Pietrus Jacobus Joubert, Commandant-General
   and Vice-President of the South African Republic.

March 29, 1900.
   Order promulgated by the Military Governor of the Philippine
   Islands providing for the election and institution of
   municipal governments.
   Death of Archibald Forbes, British war correspondent.

{716}

April, 1900.
   Visit of Queen Victoria to Ireland.

April 1, 1900.
   Death of Professor St. George Milvart,
   English naturalist and scientific writer.

April 4, 1900.
   Death of Ghazi Osman Nubar Pasha, Turkish general.

April 6, 1900.
   Decision of the Kentucky Court of Appeals adverse to the
   right of William S. Taylor to the Governor's office.

April 7, 1900.
   The Philippine Islands constituted, by order of the United
   States Secretary of War, a military division, consisting
   of four departments.
   Appointment of the Second Philippine Commission by the
   President of the United States.
   Death of Frederick E. Church, American landscape painter.

April 10, 1900.
   Death of Frank H. Cushing, American ethnologist.

April 12, 1900.
   Act of Congress of the United States to provide revenues
   and a civil government for Porto Rico.

April 14, 1900.
   Opening of the Paris Exposition, with unfinished preparations.

April 17, 1900.
   Cession to the United States by Samoan chiefs of the islands
   in that group lying east of the 171st degree of west longitude.

April 19, 1900.
   Death of Robert Alan Mowbray Stevenson, British artist.

April 21, 1900.
   Meeting of the third Ecumenical Conference on Protestant
   Foreign Missions, at New York.
   Death of Alphonse M. Edwards, French naturalist.

April 23, 1900.
   Death of George Douglas Campbell,
   Duke of Argyll, Scottish author.

April 26, 1900.
   Great fire in the city of Ottawa, Canada,
   and the town of Hull, on the opposite shore of the river.

April 30, 1900.
   Approval of an Act of the Congress of the United States
   "to provide a government for the Territory of Hawaii."

May 1, 1900.
   Meeting, at Rock Island, Illinois, of the national convention
   of the United Christian Party, to nominate candidates for
   President and Vice President of the United States.
   Inauguration of civil government in Porto Rico;
   induction into office of Governor Charles H. Allen.
   Death of Mihaly (Michael) Munkacsy, Hungarian painter.

May 10, 1900.
   Meeting of the national conventions of the two wings of the
   People's Party, at Cincinnati and at Sioux Falls, to nominate
   candidates for President and Vice President of the United
   States.

May 16, 1900.
   Dissolution of the Italian Parliament by the King.

May 18, 1900.
   Relief of Mafeking, after a siege of seven months by the Boers.

May 21, 1900.
   Decision of the Supreme Court of the United States that it
   had no jurisdiction in the matter of the disputed governorship
   of Kentucky.

May 23, 1900.
   Passage of the Meat Inspection Bill in the German Reichstag.
   Death of Jonas Gilman Clark, founder of Clark University.

May 24, 1900.
   Proclamation by Lord Roberts of the annexation of the Orange
   Free State to the dominions of the British Queen.

May 28, 1900.
   Partial destruction of railway near Peking by "Boxers."
   Death of Sir George Grove, English musician.

May 30, 1900.
   Congress of Cape Colony Afrikanders to protest against the
   annexation of the Boer republics.

May 31, 1900.
   Occupation of Johannesburg by the British forces.
   Arrival at Peking of British, American, French, Italian,
   Russian and Japanese guards for the legations.

June 1-3, 1900.
   Fruitless peace parley between British and
   Boer military commanders.

June 2, 1900.
   Meeting of the national convention of the Socialist Labor
   Party, at New York, to nominate candidates for President and
   Vice President of the United States.
   Death of Clarence Cook, American art critic and writer.

June 3, 1900.
   Election of a new Italian Parliament;
   resignation of the Pelloux Ministry;
   formation of a new cabinet under Saracco.

June 5, 1900.
   Occupation of Pretoria, the capital of the South African
   Republic by the British forces.
   Death of Reverend Richard Salter Storrs, American divine.
   Death of Stephen Crane, author and journalist.
   Death of Miss Mary H. Kingsley, African explorer.

June 6, 1900.
   Approval by the President of the United States of an act
   providing for the civil government of Alaska.

June 10, 1900.
   International force of marines from foreign fleets at Taku
   started for Peking under Vice-Admiral Sir Edward H. Seymour.

June 11, 1900.
   Murder at Peking of Mr. Sugiyama, the Chancellor of the
   Japanese Legation.
   Counter proclamation of President Steyn, declaring the
   annexation of the Orange Free State to be null and void.

June 12, 1900.
   Death of Lucretia Peabody Rale, American author.

June 12-15, 1900.
   Second fruitless discussion of terms of peace between the
   British and Boer military leaders.

June 13, 1900.
   Massacre of native Christians and burning of foreign buildings
   by "Boxers" in Peking.

June 16, 1900.
   Opening of the Elbe and Trave Canal.
   Election of municipal officers throughout the island of Cuba,
   under an election law promulgated by the military governor in
   the previous April.
   Death of the Prince de Joinville,
   son of King Louis Philippe of France.

June 17, 1900.
   Bombardment and capture of Taku forts by the allied fleets.

June 19, 1900.
   Meeting, at Philadelphia, of the national convention of the
   Republican Party, to nominate candidates for President and
   Vice President of the United States.

{717}

June 20, 1900.
   Beginning of the siege of the foreign legations and the
   Pei-tang Cathedral at Peking.
   Murder at Peking of the German Minister, Baron von Ketteler.
   Death of Henry Brougham Loch, Baron,
   British colonial administrator.

June 21, 1900.
   Imperial Chinese decree proclaiming war upon foreigners and
   praising the "Boxers" as patriotic soldiers.
   Proclamation of amnesty by the Military Governor of the
   Philippine Islands.
   Death of Count Muravieff, Russian statesman.

June 22, 1900.
   Burning, by the Chinese, of the Hanlin Imperial Academy,
   at Peking.

June 25, 1900.
   Death of ex-Judge Mellen Chamberlain,
   American historical writer.

June 26, 1900.
   Retreat of Admiral Seymour's expedition to Tientsin, driven
   back by the Chinese.
   Appointment of General Chaffee to command American forces
   sent to China.

June 27, 1900.
   Meeting at Chicago, of the national convention of the
   Prohibition Party, to nominate candidates for President and
   Vice President of the United States.

June 30, 1900.
   Great fire at Hoboken, New Jersey, destroying the pier system,
   with three large steamers, of the North German Lloyd steamship
   line, and with a loss of life estimated at three hundred
   persons.

July 4, 1900.
   Meeting at Kansas City, of the national convention of the
   Democratic Party, to nominate candidates for President and
   Vice President of the United States.

July 5, 1900.
   Death of Dr. Henry Barnard, American educator.

July 6, 1900.
   Meeting of the national convention of Silver Republicans,
   at Kansas City, to nominate candidates for President and
   Vice President of the United States.

July 7, 1900.
   Passage by the British Parliament of the Act to constitute
   the Commonwealth of Australia.

July 13, 1900.
   Capture of Tientsin by the allied forces.

July 14, 1900.
   Opening of Chinese attacks on the Russians in Manchuria.

July 15, 1900.
   Appeal to Congress by inhabitants of Manila.
   Relief of the besieged British in Kumassi.

July 20, 1900.
   First news from the beleaguered foreigners in Peking received
   at Washington, in a cipher despatch from the American Minister,
   Mr. Conger, sent through the Chinese Minister, Mr. Wu Ting Fang.

July 23, 1900.
   Death of Baron von Manteuffel, German statesman.

July 27, 1900.
   Speech of the German Emperor to troops departing for China,
   enjoining them to give no quarter and make no prisoners, but
   imitate the example of Attila and the Huns.

July 29, 1900.
   Assassination of King Humbert, of Italy.

July 31, 1900.
   Death of the Duke of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha and Duke of Edinburgh,
   second son of Queen Victoria.
   Death of John Clark Ridpath, American historian.

August 4, 1900.
   Movement of allied forces from Tientsin, nearly 19,000 strong,
   for the rescue of foreigners in Peking.
   Death of Major-General Jacob D. Cox,
   American military historian.

August 6, 1900.
   Capture of Yang-tsun by the allied forces.
   Death of Wilhelm Liebknecht, German Socialist leader.

August 8, 1900.
   Speech of William J. Bryan, at Indianapolis, accepting his
   nomination for President of the United States.
   Death of Cyrus Hamlin, founder of Robert College, Constantinople.

August 10, 1900.
   Death of Baron Russell of Killowen,
   Lord Chief Justice of England.

August 13, 1900.
   International congress of Zionists at London.
   Death of Collis P. Huntington, American railway magnate.

August 14, 1900.
   Rescue of the besieged Legations at Peking;
   entrance of the allied forces into the city.

August 15, 1900.
   Forcing of the gates of the "Forbidden City," at Peking,
   and expulsion of Chinese troops, by the American forces,
   under General Chaffee.

August 16, 1900.
   Meeting, at Indianapolis, of the American League of
   Anti-Imperialists, to take action with reference to the
   pending presidential election in the United States.

August 21, 1900.
   Annexation of Austral Islands to France.

August 22, 1900.
   Death of Carl Rohl Smith, American sculptor.

August 25, 1900.
   Death of Friedrich Wilhelm Nietzsche,
   German philosopher (so-called).

August 28, 1900.
   March of the allied army through the "Forbidden City,"
   at Peking.

August 29, 1900.
   Expressions from Russia and the United States in favor of
   an early withdrawal of troops from Peking.
   Death of Professor Henry Sidgwick, English economist.

September 1, 1900.
   Transfer of all legislative authority from the Military
   Governor of the Philippine Islands to the Second Philippine
   Commission.

September 2, 1900.
   Proclamation by Lord Roberts directing the burning of farms
   in punishment of guerrilla warfare.

September 5, 1900.
   Meeting of Anti-Imperialists, at New York, to nominate
   candidates for President and Vice President of the
   United States.
   Decrees establishing compulsory military service in Chile.

September 8, 1900.
   Letter of President McKinley, accepting his renomination for
   a second term as President of the United States.

September 9, 1900.
   The city of Galveston, Texas, overwhelmed by
   hurricane and flood.

September 10, 1900.
   Leave of absence given to President Kruger for
   departure to Europe.

September 12, 1900.
   Appropriation of $2,000,000 by the Philippine Commission
   for improvement of highways and bridges.

September 15, 1900.
   General election in Cuba of delegates to a convention for
   framing a constitution.

September 17, 1900.
   Dissolution of the British Parliament by royal proclamation,
   and order given for new elections in October.
   Proclamation of the Australian Commonwealth by Queen Victoria.
   Beginning of a strike of 112,000 anthracite coal miners in
   Pennsylvania.

September 19, 1900.
   Adoption by the Philippine Commission of an Act for the
   establishment and maintenance of an honest and efficient
   civil service in the islands.

{718}

September 22, 1900.
   Gigantic banquet in Paris to 23,000 representatives of the
   municipalities of France, in celebration of the centenary of
   the proclamation of the first French republic.

September 29, 1900.
   Meeting, at Chicago, of the national convention of the Social
   Democratic Party, to nominate candidates for President and
   Vice President of the United States.

October 4, 1900.
   Points submitted by the government of France as the suggested
   basis for negotiations with the government of China, accepted
   subsequently by all the Powers.

October 10, 1900.
   Annexation of the Cook Islands to New Zealand.

October 16, 1900.
   Agreement between Great Britain and Germany upon principles
   to be observed "in regard to their mutual policy in China."

October 17, 1900.
   Ending of the strike of anthracite coal miners in Pennsylvania.

October 18, 1900.
   Resignation of Prince Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst, Chancellor
   of the German Empire, and appointment of Count von Bülow
   to succeed him.

October 20, 1900.
   Death of Charles Dudley Warner, American author.

October 21, 1900.
   Fall of the Cabinet of Senor Silvela, in Spain;
   formation of that of General Azcarraga.

October 22, 1900.
   Death of John Sherman, American statesman.

October 24, 1900.
   Conclusion of Parliamentary elections in Great Britain;
   return of an increased majority for the Conservative and
   Liberal Unionist government of Lord Salisbury.

October 25, 1900.
   Annexation of the South African Republic to the dominions of
   the Queen proclaimed by Lord Roberts.

October 28, 1900.
   Speech of the French premier, M. Waldeck-Rousseau,
   at Toulouse, foreshadowing a measure against the religious
   orders in France—the Bill on Associations.
   Census of Mexico.
   Death of Professor Friedrich Max Müller,
   Orientalist and philologist.

October 29, 1900.
   Death of Prince Christian Victor, grandson of Queen Victoria.

October 31, 1900.
   Union of the Free and the United Presbyterian churches
   in Scotland.

November 4, 1900.
   Rejection by popular vote in Switzerland of proposals for
   proportional representation.

November 5, 1900.
   Meeting of Cuban constitutional convention at Havana.

November 6, 1900.
   Presidential election in the United States.
   First election in Porto Rico under the Act establishing civil
   government in the island.

November 7, 1900.
   Parliamentary elections in Canada, sustaining the Liberal
   ministry in power.

November 11, 1900.
   Signing of Russo-Chinese agreement concerning the Manchurian
   province of Fêng-tien.

November 12, 1900.
   Closing of the Paris Exposition.

November 18, 1900.
   Proclamation of Lord Roberts defining the intention of his
   order concerning farm-burning.
   Death of Martin Irons, American labor leader.

November 22, 1900.
   Death of Sir Arthur Sullivan, British composer.

November 29, 1900.
   The British command in South Africa delivered to Lord
   Kitchener by Lord Roberts, lately appointed Commander-in-Chief
   of the British Army.
   Death of Professor Burke A. Hinsdale,
   American historian and educator.

November 30, 1900.
   Report of Second Philippine Commission.
   Death of Oscar Wilde.

December 3, 1900.
   Meeting and organization of the first Legislative Assembly
   in Porto Rico.
   Death of Ludwig Jacobowski, German poet and novelist.

December 5, 1900.
   Death of Mrs. Abby Sage Richardson, dramatist, author, actress.

December 6, 1900.
   Congress of Cape Colony Afrikanders at Worcester, to appeal
   for peace and the independence of the defeated republics.
   Meeting of the newly elected Parliament in Great Britain.

December 12, 1900.
   Celebration of the centennial anniversary of the removal of
   the capital of the United States from Philadelphia to Washington.
   Fourth international conference in London on the cataloguing
   of scientific literature, and final arrangement for beginning
   the work.

December 13, 1900.
   Death of Michael G. Mulhall, British statistician.

December 15, 1900.
   Landing at Sydney of Lord Hopetoun, the first Governor-General
   of the new Commonwealth of Australia.

December 17, 1900.
   Opening of the first argument before the Supreme Court of the
   United States in cases involving questions concerning the
   status of new colonial possessions.

December 19, 1900.
   Assumption of the title of Royal Highness by the
   Prince of Montenegro.

December 20, 1900.
   A joint note from the plenipotentiaries of the Powers at
   Peking, setting forth the conditions of settlement with China,
   formulated, after long discussion, and signed and delivered
   to the Chinese plenipotentiaries.
   Ratification (with amendments) of the Hay-Pauncefote
   Treaty by the United States Senate.

December 12, 1900.
   Death of Roger Wolcott, ex-governor of Massachusetts.
   Death of Representative Richard A. Wise, of Virginia.

December 27, 1900.
   Death of Sir William George Armstrong, first Baron Armstrong,
   English inventor and gun manufacturer.

December 28, 1900.
   Death of Professor Moses Coit Tyler, historian of American
   literature.
   Death of Major Serpa Pinto, Portuguese explorer of Africa.

December 30, 1900.
   Death of Hiram Hitchcock, American archæologist.

December 31, 1900.
   Fall of two stones at Stonehenge.

1901.

January 1, 1901.
   The beginning of the Twentieth Century.
   Organization of the Permanent Court of International
   Arbitration at The Hague.
   Inauguration of the Federal Government of the Commonwealth
   of Australia.

January 2, 1901.
   Death of Ignatius Donnelly, Shakespeare-Bacon theorist.

{719}

January 4, 1901.
   Transfer of Sir Alfred Milner from the governorship of Cape
   Colony to that of the Transvaal, continuing to be British
   High Commissioner for South Africa at large.

January 8, 1901.
   Opening of the second argument before the Supreme Court of
   the United States in cases involving questions concerning
   the status of new possessions.

January 12, 1901.
   Submission of the Chinese government to the requirements of
   the Powers.

January 14, 1901.
   Defiant proclamation issued by President Steyn and
   General De Wet.
   Death of Right Reverend Mandell Creighton, English historian.
   Death of Charles Hermite, French mathematician.

January 16, 1901.
   Approval of the Act apportioning Representatives in the
   Congress of the United States, under the census of 1900.

January 17, 1901.
   Proclamation of martial law throughout most of Cape Colony.

January 18, 1901.
   Celebration of the bicentenary of the coronation of the
   first King of Prussia.
   Encyclical letter of Pope Leo XIII. concerning Social
   and Christian Democracy.
   Death of Arnold Boecklin, German painter.

January 19, 1901.
   Death of the Duc de Broglie, French statesman.

January 21, 1901.
   Death of Professor Elisha Gray, one of the inventors of the
   telephone.
   Death of Colonel Frank Frederick Hilder,
   geographer and ethnologist.

January 22, 1901.
   Death of Queen Victoria.

January 24, 1901.
   Formal proclamation of the accession of King Edward VII. to
   the throne of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.

January 25, 1901.
   Death of Baron Wilhelm von Rothschild, financier.

January 27, 1901.
   Death of Giuseppe Verdi, Italian composer.

January 28, 1901.
   Death of Count Joseph V. Gurko, Russian general.

January 29, 1901.
   Death of Reverend Hugh Reginald Haweis,
   English clergyman and author.
   Death of Vicomte Henri de Bornier, French poet and dramatist.

February 1, 1901.
   Death of Dr. Fitzedward Hall, entomologist.

February 1-4, 1901.
   Ceremonies of the funeral of Queen Victoria.

February 2, 1901.
   Act to increase the regular army of the United States to
   100,000 men approved by the President.

February 5, 1901.
   Chinese Imperial decree, commanding new undertakings of reform.

February 6, 1901.
   Fall of the Saracco Ministry in Italy;
   formation of a new government under Signor Zanardelli.

February 7, 1901.
   Marriage of Queen Wilhelmina, of the Kingdom of the
   Netherlands, to Duke Henry of Mecklenburg.

February 11, 1901.
   Death of ex-King Milan of Servia.

February 12, 1901.
   Order by the United States Treasury Department levying a
   countervailing duty on Russian sugar, as being "bounty-fed."
   Death of Don Ramon de Campoamor, Spanish poet, philosopher
   and statesman.

February 14, 1901.
   Marriage of the Princess of the Asturias, sister of the young
   King of Spain, to Prince Charles, of the Neapolitan Bourbon
   family.
   Opening of the British Parliament in state by King Edward VII.

February 15, 1901.
   Death of Maurice Thompson, American author.

February 16, 1901.
   Retaliatory order by the Russian Minister of Finance,
   levying additional duties on American manufactures of
   iron and steel.

February 19, 1901.
   Death of Paul Armand Silvestre, French poet and critic.

February 26, 1901.
   Execution of two high Chinese officials, at Peking, in
   compliance with the demands of the Powers.
   Adoption by the United States Senate of the so-called
   "Spooner amendment" to the Army Appropriation Bill,
   authorizing the President to establish civil government
   in the Philippines.

February 27, 1901.
   Adoption by the U. S. Senate of the Platt Amendment to the
   Army Appropriation Bill, defining the conditions under which
   the President may "leave the government and control of the
   island of Cuba to its people."
   Assassination of the Russian Minister of Public Instruction.

February 28, 1901.
   Unsuccessful peace parley opened between Lord Kitchener and
   Commandant Botha.
   Death of William Maxwell Evarts, American lawyer and statesman.

March 1, 1901.
   Concurrence of the United States House of Representatives in
   the "Spooner Amendment" and the Platt Amendment of the Senate
   to the Army Appropriation Bill.

March 1-14, 1901.
   Census of the Indian Empire, completed in 14 days.

March 2, 1901.
   Official announcement of the terms of the formation of the
   United States Steel Corporation.

March 4, 1901.
   Inauguration of William McKinley for a second term as
   President of the United States.

March 6, 1901.
   Death of Canon William Bright, Oxford theologian.

March 11, 1901.
   Rejection by the British government of the Hay-Pauncefote
   Treaty, as amended by the United States Senate.

March 12, 1901.
   Offer, by Mr. Andrew Carnegie, of $5,200,000, for the
   establishing of branches of the New York Public Library.

March 13, 1901.
   Death of Benjamin Harrison, ex-President of the United States.

March 15, 1901,
   Order for withdrawal of American troops from China,
   excepting a Legation guard.

March 17, 1901.
   Death of Reverend Elijah Kellogg,
   American writer of books for boys.

March 20, 1901.
   Passage of a new election law by the Legislature of Maryland,
   to exclude the illiterate from the suffrage.

March 21, 1901.
   Death of Reverend Dr. Frederick A. Muhlenberg, American divine.

March 22, 1901.
   Attempted assassination of M. Pobiedonostzeff,
   Procurator of the Holy Synod, in Russia.

March 23, 1901.
   Capture of the Philippine leader, Aguinaldo, by stratagem.

March 24, 1901.
   Death of Charlotte Mary Yonge,
   English novelist and historical writer.

{720}

March 28, 1901.
   Debate in the British Parliament on the peace negotiations
   between Lord Kitchener and Commandant Botha.

March 29, 1901.
   Passage of the Bill on Associations by the French
   Chamber of Deputies.
   Death of James Stephens, Irish Fenian leader.

April 1, 1901.
   Re-election of Mr. Samuel M. Jones for a third term as Mayor
   of Toledo, Ohio, independently of political parties.
   Death of Sir John Stainer, British organist and composer.

April 2, 1901.
   An oath of allegiance to the government of the United States
   taken by Aguinaldo.

April 10, 1901.
   Death of Dr. William Jay Youmans, American scientist.

April 18, 1901.
   Speech of Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, Chancellor of the Exchequer,
   in the British House of Commons, introducing the Budget of
   the year.

April 19, 1901.
   Address to his countrymen issued by Aguinaldo, counselling
   submission to the sovereignty of the United States.
   Promulgation of a new constitution for the kingdom of Servia.

April 22, 1901.
   Death of Right Reverend William Stubbs, Bishop of Oxford,
   English constitutional historian.

May 27, 1901.
   Opinions delivered by the Supreme Court of the United States
   in the so-called "insular cases."

--------Volume 6: End-------------

----------Word List: Start--------

a
Aana
Aaron
abacists
Abadiyeh
abandon
abandoned
abandoning
Abandonment
Abarzuza
abate
abatement
abating
Abbey
Abbott
Abby
Abbé
abdicated
abdomen
abdominal
Abdul
Abdullah
Abdullahi
Abel
Abercorn
Abercrombie
Aberdare
abet
abetting
abettors
abeyance
Abgeordneten
abhorred
abhorrent
abide
abiding
abilities
ability
abject
able
ablest
ably
abnegation
abnormal
abnormally
aboard
abode
abolish
Abolished
abolishes
abolishing
abolition
abolitionist
abominable
abominate
abominations
aboriginal
ABORIGINES
abortive
abounded
about
above
Abraham
abrasive
abreast
abridge
abridged
Abridgement
abridging
Abridgment
abridgments
abroad
abrogate
abrogated
abrogation
abrupt
abruptly
Abruzzi
absence
absent
absentee
absenteeism
absentees
absenting
absolue
absolute
absolutely
absolutism
absolved
absorb
absorbed
absorbing
absorption
abstain
abstained
abstaining
abstention
abstentions
abstinence
abstract
abstracting
absurd
absurdity
absurdly
Abu
Abud
abul
abundance
Abundant
abundantly
abuse
abused
abuses
abusing
abusive
abuts
Abydos
Abyssinia
Abyssinian
Abyssinians
academic
academical
Academy
Acarabisi
accede
acceded
acceding
accelerated
acceleration
accept
acceptable
acceptance
acceptation
accepted
accepting
accepts
access
accessible
accession
accessions
accessories
accessory
accident
accidental
Accidentally
accidents
acclamation
acclamations
acclimatised
acclimatization
acclimatized
accommodate
accommodating
accommodation
accommodations
Accompanied
accompanies
accompaniment
accompany
accompanying
accompli
accomplice
accomplices
accomplish
accomplished
accomplishing
accomplishment
accomplishments
accord
accordance
accordant
accorded
according
Accordingly
accords
account
accountability
accountable
accountant
accounted
accounting
accounts
accredited
accrue
accrued
accruing
accumulate
accumulated
accumulating
accumulation
accuracy
accurate
accurately
accusation
accusations
accuse
accused
accuses
accusing
accustomed
accustoming
ace
Acerraderos
Acetylene
achieve
achieved
achievement
ACHIEVEMENTS
achieving
Achæan
Achæmenian
acids
acknowledge
acknowledged
acknowledges
acknowledging
Acknowledgment
acknowledgments
acquaint
acquaintance
acquainted
acquainting
acquiesce
acquiesced
acquiescence
acquire
acquired
acquires
acquiring
acquisition
acquisitions
acquit
Acquittal
acquitted
acquitter
acquitting
acre
acreage
acres
acrobat
Acropole
acropoli
acropolis
across
ACT
acted
acting
ACTION
actions
active
actively
activities
activity
actor
actors
actress
acts
actual
actually
actuated
acute
acuteness
ad
Adalbert
Adam
Adams
Adana
Adanan
adapt
adaptation
adaptations
adapted
adapting
Adare
add
added
adding
addition
Additional
additions
Addosio
address
addressed
addresses
addressing
adds
adduced
Adee
Adelaide
Aden
adequacy
adequate
adequately
adhere
adhered
adherence
adherents
adheres
adhering
adhesion
adhesions
adhesive
adjacent
Adjoining
adjourn
adjourned
adjournment
adjudged
adjudicate
adjudicated
adjudication
Adjuntas
adjust
adjustability
adjusted
adjusting
Adjustment
adjustments
Adjutant
Adlai
Adler
administer
administered
administering
administers
administration
administrations
administrative
administrator
administrators
admirable
admirably
admiral
admirals
Admiralty
admiration
admire
admired
admirer
admirers
admires
admiring
admiringly
admissible
Admission
admissions
admit
admits
admittance
admitted
admittedly
admitting
admixture
admonish
admonished
admonishing
admonition
admonitions
Adna
Adolph
adopt
adopted
adopting
adoption
adopts
adoration
adorned
adorning
Adowa
Adowah
adresse
Adrian
Adrien
adrift
adult
adulteration
Adultery
adults
advance
advanced
advancement
advances
advancing
advantage
advantageous
advantageously
advantages
advent
adventure
Adventurers
adventurous
adversaries
adversary
adverse
adversely
adverted
advertised
advertisement
advice
advices
advisability
advisable
advise
advised
advisedly
adviser
advisers
advises
advising
advisor
advisory
advocate
advocated
advocates
advocating
Aegean
afar
Aff
affability
affable
affair
Affaire
Affaires
affairs
affect
affectation
affected
affecting
affection
affectionate
affects
Affej
affidavits
affiliated
affiliation
affiliations
affinities
affirm
affirmation
affirmations
affirmative
affirmatively
affirmed
affirming
affix
affixed
afflict
afflicted
afflicting
afflictions
afflicts
affluent
affluents
afford
afforded
affording
affords
affront
affronted
Afghan
AFGHANISTAN
Afghans
Afion
aflame
afloat
afoot
aforementioned
aforesaid
afraid
afresh
AFRICA
African
Africander
Africanders
Africans
Afridi
Afridis
Afrikander
Afrikanders
Afrique
aft
AFTER
afternoon
afterthoughts
afterward
afterwards
afterwords
Afzul
again
AGAINST
Agamemnon
Agana
agape
agate
Agaña
AGE
aged
agencies
agency
Agent
agents
ages
agglomeration
aggrandised
aggrandisement
aggrandizement
aggravated
aggravating
Aggregate
aggregated
aggregating
aggregation
aggression
aggressive
aggressiveness
aggressor
aghast
Aghia
agitated
agitates
agitating
agitation
agitations
agitator
agitators
ago
Agoncilla
agonies
agonize
agony
Agram
Agramonte
agrarian
agrarianism
Agrarians
agree
agreeable
agreeably
agreed
agreeing
Agreement
Agreements
agrees
AGRICULTURAL
Agriculturalists
agriculture
agriculturist
agriculturists
aground
agt
Aguada
Aguadores
Aguas
AGUINALDO
Agutaya
Ahab
Ahaz
ahead
ai
Aid
aide
aided
Aidin
aiding
aids
ailing
ailments
aim
aimed
aiming
aimless
aimlessly
aims
Ain
Aintab
air
Aird
Airdrie
Aires
airs
aisle
Aiyun
Akarai
Akasheh
Akhissar
akin
AKKAD
Akkael
Aksakal
al
Alabama
alabaster
Alabat
alacrity
Alan
alarm
alarmed
alarming
alarmingly
alarms
alas
Alaska
Alaskan
Alawi
Albania
Albanian
Albanians
Albay
Albemarle
Albert
Albrecht
Albuquerque
alcabalas
alcalde
alcaldes
Alcock
alcohol
alcoholic
Alderley
aldermen
Aldersgate
Aldingen
Aldrich
ale
Alene
Aleph
Aleppo
alert
Alexander
Alexandra
Alexandre
Alexandretta
ALEXANDRIA
Alexandrian
Alexandrie
Alexandrovich
Alexandrovsky
Alexeieff
Alexis
Alfaro
Alfonso
Alford
Alfred
Alger
Algeria
Algerian
Algerians
Algerine
Algiers
algæ
Alhambra
Ali
Aliaga
Alicante
Alice
alien
alienate
alienated
alienation
alienist
Aliens
alight
alighting
alike
alive
Aliwal
alkaline
All
Allahabad
Allan
allay
allayed
allegation
allegations
allege
Alleged
Allegheny
allegiance
alleging
Allen
alleviate
alleviation
alleys
Allgemeine
ALLIANCE
alliances
allied
allies
allotment
allotments
allotted
allow
allowable
allowance
allowances
allowed
allowing
allows
allude
alluded
alludes
alluding
allured
allusion
allusions
alluvial
ally
Almanac
Almighty
Almirante
Almodovar
almond
Almost
Almyro
Alois
ALOISI
alone
Along
Alongside
Alonzo
aloof
aloud
Aloy
Alphabet
alphabetic
alphabetical
Alphonse
Alphonso
Alpine
Alps
Already
Alsace
Alsatian
also
altar
altars
alter
alterable
alteration
alterations
altered
altering
alternate
alternately
alternating
alternative
alternatives
alters
Altgeld
although
altitude
altitudes
altogether
aluminium
aluminum
Alva
Alvan
Alvey
always
am
Amacura
Amadeus
Amakuru
amalgamate
Amalgamated
amalgamating
amalgamation
amalgamations
Aman
Amand
Amapala
Amarna
Amasa
Amasia
AMATONGALAND
amazement
amazing
Amazon
Amazonian
Ambassador
ambassadorial
ambassadors
ambiguity
ambiguous
Ambil
ambit
ambition
ambitions
ambitious
Amboyna
Ambrogiana
Ambrose
Ambulance
ambulances
ambuscade
ambuscaded
ambush
Amdrup
Ameer
Ameers
Amelineau
ameliorate
amelioration
AMEN
amenable
amend
amendatory
amended
amending
AMENDMENT
amendments
amenity
Amenophis
Ament
America
AMERICAN
Americana
AMERICANISM
Americans
AMERICAS
Amery
Ames
Amharic
amiable
amicable
amicably
Amid
amidships
amidst
Amigos
Amir
amiss
amity
Ammen
ammunition
ammunitions
amnesty
among
amongst
amount
amounted
amounting
amounts
Amoy
amphitheater
Amphitrite
ample
amplification
amplified
amply
amputating
Amsterdam
Amur
amusement
amusing
amœbæ
an
Ana
anaconda
analogies
analogous
analogy
analyses
analysis
analyze
analyzed
anarchical
anarchism
anarchist
anarchistic
Anarchists
anarchy
Anatolian
anatomy
ancestor
ancestors
ancestral
anchor
anchorage
anchored
anchoring
anchors
Ancient
ancients
ancillary
Ancon
AND
Andean
Anderson
Ando
Andrade
Andres
ANDREW
Andrews
ANDRÉE
Andrée
aneurysms
anew
ang
angareb
Angel
Angeles
Angelo
anger
angered
Angiolillo
angle
angles
Anglican
Anglicans
Anglo
Angmagsalik
Angola
Angoni
Angoniland
Angora
angry
anguish
Anhui
animal
animals
animate
animated
animosities
animosity
animus
Anio
Ankaratoa
Ankauf
Anna
Annals
Annam
Annapolis
Anne
annex
annexation
annexationists
annexations
Annexed
annexing
annihilate
annihilated
annihilation
Anniversary
anno
announce
announced
Announcement
announcements
announces
announcing
annoyance
annoyed
annoying
Annschütz
annual
annually
annuities
annul
annull
annulled
annulling
annulment
annuls
annum
anointed
anomalous
Anopheles
another
answer
answerable
answered
Answering
answers
antagonism
antagonist
antagonistic
antagonists
antagonize
antagonized
antagonizing
Antananarivo
ANTARCTIC
ante
antecedents
Antemnae
ANTEMNÆ
Antemnæ
Anthem
Anthoine
Anthony
Anthoüard
Anthracite
anthrax
Anthropological
Anthropology
Anti
anticipate
anticipated
anticipates
Anticipating
anticipation
anticipations
ANTIGUA
Antilles
antipathy
antipodes
antiquarian
antiquaries
antiquary
antiquated
antique
Antiquities
Antiquity
Antisemitic
antisepsis
Antiseptic
antithesis
antitoxin
Antitoxine
Anton
Antonio
ants
Antwerp
Anvers
Anvil
anxieties
anxiety
anxious
anxiously
any
anybody
Anyone
anything
anywhere
anywise
Anzeiger
Anæsthetics
ao
Aoki
aorta
apace
Apache
Aparicio
apart
apartments
apathy
apex
aphasia
aphasic
Aphthonios
Apia
apiece
Apokorona
apologetic
apologia
apologies
apologising
apology
Apostle
Apostles
Apostolic
apostolical
Apostolici
Apostolicæ
appalling
apparatus
Apparent
apparently
appeal
appealed
appealing
Appeals
appear
appearance
appearances
appeared
appearing
appears
appease
appeased
appeasing
appellant
appellants
appellate
appellation
appellations
appendage
appended
appendicitis
Appendix
appertain
appertaining
appetite
applaud
applauded
Applauding
applause
apples
Appleton
appliances
applicable
applicant
applicants
application
applications
applied
applies
apply
Applying
appoint
appointed
appointee
appointees
Appointing
appointive
appointment
Appointments
appoints
Apponyi
apportion
apportioned
apportioning
Apportionment
apportionments
appraised
appraisement
Appraisers
appreciable
appreciate
appreciated
appreciates
appreciating
appreciation
apprehend
apprehended
apprehending
apprehension
apprehensions
apprehensive
Apprentices
apprenticeship
apprise
apprised
approach
approached
approaches
approaching
approbation
appropriate
appropriated
appropriately
appropriateness
appropriates
appropriating
Appropriation
appropriations
Approval
approve
approved
approves
approving
approximate
approximated
approximately
approximates
approximating
approximation
appurtenance
appurtenances
appurtenant
Apra
April
apt
Apthorp
aptitude
aptly
aqueduct
AQUILA
aquiline
Arab
Arabe
Arabia
Arabian
Arabic
arable
Arabs
Araneto
Arayat
Arbiter
Arbitral
arbitrament
arbitrarily
arbitrariness
arbitrary
arbitrate
arbitrated
arbitrating
ARBITRATION
Arbitrator
arbitrators
arbitrium
ARC
arcading
arch
archaeological
archaeology
Archangel
Archbishop
Archbishops
archduchies
Archduke
archeological
archeology
Archibald
ARCHIPELAGO
archipelagoes
Architect
architects
architectural
architecture
architraves
archive
archives
Archivist
ARCHÆOLOGICAL
archæological
archæologist
Archæology
Archœology
Arctic
Arcy
Ardagh
ardent
ardently
ardor
arduous
are
area
areas
Arecibo
Arellano
arena
Areopagus
Argentina
Argentine
Argentines
argon
argue
argued
arguing
Argument
argumentatively
arguments
Argun
Argyle
Argyll
Arian
Arica
arid
Arikis
Ariokh
arise
arisen
arises
arising
aristocracy
aristocratic
arithmetic
arithmetical
Arithmetically
Arizona
Ark
ARKANSAS
Arku
arm
armament
armaments
Armand
armchairs
armed
Armenia
Armenian
Armenians
armes
Armies
arming
armistice
Armistices
Armitage
Armitt
Armored
armories
armory
Armour
Armoury
arms
Armstrong
ARMY
armée
Arnawai
Arnold
arose
Around
arouse
aroused
arousing
Arpad
arraign
arraigned
arraigning
arraignments
arrange
arranged
Arrangement
arrangements
arranges
arranging
array
arrayed
arrears
Arrest
arrested
arresting
arrests
Arretez
arrival
arrivals
arrive
Arrived
arrives
arriving
arrivé
arrogance
arrogant
arrogate
arrogated
arrows
Arrêté
arsenal
arsenals
Arsenio
arson
Arsène
ART
Artacho
arterial
arteries
artery
ARTHUR
Article
articles
artifice
artificer
Artificial
artificiality
artificially
ARTILLERY
artillerymen
artisans
artist
artistic
artistically
artists
artizans
arts
As
ASA
ascend
ascendancy
ascendant
ascended
ascendency
ascending
ascends
Ascension
ascent
ascertain
ascertained
ascertaining
ascertainment
Asch
ascribe
ascribed
ascribes
ascribing
Asehkenazim
aseptic
Aserraderos
Ash
ashamed
Ashanti
Ashantis
Ashbel
ashes
Ashmolean
ashore
ASIA
Asian
Asiatic
Asiatics
aside
Asingan
ask
Askalon
Asked
asking
asks
Asmar
Asnyk
Asoka
aspect
aspects
aspersed
asphalt
asphyxiating
aspirant
aspirants
aspiration
aspirations
aspire
aspired
aspiring
assail
assailant
assailants
assailed
assailing
Assam
assassin
assassinate
assassinated
assassination
ASSASSINATIONS
assassins
Assault
assaulted
assaults
assemblage
assemble
assembled
assembles
assemblies
assembling
assembly
assemblymen
assent
assented
assents
Asser
assert
asserted
asserting
assertion
assertions
asserts
assess
assessed
assessing
assessment
assessments
asset
assets
assign
assigned
assigning
assignment
assigns
assimilate
assimilated
assimilation
Assiout
Assisi
assist
assistance
Assistant
assistants
assisted
assisting
assists
Assiut
Assizes
Associate
Associated
associates
associating
Association
ASSOCIATIONS
Assouan
Assuan
assume
assumed
assumes
assuming
Assumption
Assumptionist
assumptions
assurance
Assurances
assure
Assured
assuredly
assures
assuring
Assyria
Assyrian
Assyriologist
Assyriologists
Assyriology
astonished
astonishes
astonishing
astonishment
Astor
astounded
astounding
astronomer
astronomers
Astronomical
Astronomy
Asturias
astute
asunder
Asylum
Asylums
At
Atacama
Atago
ATBARA
ate
Ateneo
Athabasca
atheism
atheistic
Athenian
ATHENS
athirst
athletes
athletic
athletics
Atkins
Atkinson
Atlanta
Atlantic
atlas
atlases
Atlin
atmosphere
atmospheres
atmospheric
Atoka
atoms
atonement
atrocious
atrocities
attach
attache
attached
attaches
attaching
attachment
attaché
attack
attacked
attacking
attacks
attain
attainable
attainder
attained
attaining
attainment
attainments
attains
attainted
Attel
Attempt
attempted
attempting
attempts
attend
attendance
attendant
attendants
Attended
attending
attendsavant
attention
attentions
attentive
attentively
attenuated
attest
attestation
attesting
attests
Attila
attired
Attitude
attitudes
Attorney
attorneys
attract
attracted
attracting
attraction
attractive
attributable
attribute
attributed
attributes
attributing
attuning
Atua
Atuans
Au
Aubrey
Auckland
auction
audacious
audacity
Audencia
audible
audience
audiences
audiencia
audit
audited
auditor
audrocratic
AUDUBON
Aug
augmented
augmenting
augury
AuGUST
Augusta
Auguste
Augustin
Augustine
Augustinian
Augustinians
Augustus
Aumale
auriferous
Aurora
Ausgleich
auspices
Austin
Austral
Australasia
Australasian
AUSTRALIA
Australian
Australians
Austria
Austrian
Austrians
Austro
Auteuil
authentic
authentically
authenticated
authenticity
author
authorise
authorised
authoritative
authoritatively
authorities
Authority
Authorization
authorize
authorized
authorizes
authorizing
authors
authorship
autocrat
autocratic
autographs
automatic
automatically
autonomist
Autonomistic
autonomists
autonomous
autonomy
autorité
autre
autumn
aux
auxiliaries
auxiliary
avail
Available
availed
availing
avais
avalanche
avalanches
Avaradrano
avec
avenge
avenged
avenging
Avenue
avenues
average
averaged
averages
averaging
averment
Averoff
averse
aversion
aversions
avert
averted
averting
avez
avidity
avocations
avoid
avoidable
avoidance
avoided
avoiding
avoids
avoir
Avondale
avons
avowed
avowedly
await
awaited
awaiting
awaits
awake
awaken
awakened
awakening
awaking
Award
awarded
awards
aware
away
awful
awkward
awkwardly
awoke
Axe
axes
axiom
ayes
Aygun
Ayon
Ayr
AYRES
ayuntamiento
Ayuntamientos
Ayutla
Azcarraga
Azim
Aztec
Aztecs
b
babblings
Babel
babes
Babi
Babnyanes
Babuyan
Babylon
BABYLONIA
Babylonian
Babylonians
Baca
Bacatete
Bach
Bachi
bacilli
bacillus
Back
backbone
backed
background
backing
backs
backsheesh
backward
backwards
Bacolod
Bacon
Bacoor
Bacteria
BACTERIAL
bacteriologist
bacteriologists
bacteriology
bacterium
bad
Bade
Badeau
Baden
BADENI
badges
badly
baffle
baffled
bag
Bagata
BAGDAD
baggage
Baggara
Baggaras
bagging
baggy
Baghdad
Baghirmi
bags
Bahadur
Bahia
Bahr
Bai
Baikal
bail
Bailiff
Bairam
Bait
BAJAUR
baked
Baker
bakers
Bakor
Baksheesh
Balabae
Balance
balanced
balances
balconies
bald
Baldissera
baldness
Baldwin
Balearic
baled
Baler
bales
Balfour
Balinian
Balinians
Balkan
Balkans
balked
ball
ballads
Ballington
balloon
balloons
ballot
balloting
ballots
Balmaceda
Balmoral
BALTIC
Baltimore
Baluchistan
Balupiri
Balæna
Bamban
bamboo
Bancroft
band
bandage
bandages
Bandajuma
banded
bandit
bandits
banditti
bando
Bandora
Bands
baneful
Banffy
Bang
Bangkok
banish
banished
banishment
BANK
banker
bankers
Banking
banknotes
bankrupt
bankruptcy
bankrupts
Banks
banner
Bannerman
bannermen
banners
Bannu
banquet
banquets
Bantayan
Banton
baptised
baptismal
baptisms
Baptist
Baptiste
Baptists
baptized
Bar
Baranera
barangay
Baratieri
Barbadoes
BARBADOS
barbarian
barbarians
barbaric
barbarism
barbarities
Barbarity
barbarous
barbed
Barberton
Barbour
Barcelona
bard
Bardoux
bare
bared
barefaced
barely
Barents
barest
Barfleur
bargain
bargained
bargaining
bargains
barge
barges
Barima
barium
barkeepers
Barker
Barkly
barley
Barlow
Barnard
barnyard
Baroda
Barometer
baron
Baroness
Barotsiland
barracks
barrage
Barrages
Barranca
Barrawa
Barre
barred
barrel
barrelled
barren
barrenness
Barrett
barricade
barricaded
barricades
barricading
barrier
barring
barrio
Barrios
Barrow
Barry
bars
barter
Barth
Bartholomew
Barthélemy
Bartlett
Bartolome
BARTON
bas
base
based
Basel
baseless
basely
basement
bases
BASHEE
Bashgal
Bashi
Basilan
Basilica
basilicas
basin
basing
basins
basis
basket
baskets
Basle
Basques
Basra
Bassorah
bastards
bastinado
bastion
Basutoland
Bataan
Batag
Batan
Batangas
batch
batches
bated
Bates
Batetela
Batetelas
Bath
bathed
baths
bato
battalion
battalions
Battenberg
battered
batteries
battering
Battery
Battle
battlefield
battlefields
battles
battleship
battleships
Bauendahl
Bautista
Bavaria
Bavarian
Bax
BAY
Bayard
bayonet
bayoneted
bayonets
bays
Bazaar
bazaars
Bazouks
bc
Be
Beach
beached
beaching
beacons
Beaconsfield
beam
beams
bean
Bear
beard
bearded
beardless
beards
Beardsley
bearer
bearers
Bearing
bearings
bears
Beast
beastliness
beasts
beaten
Beatification
beating
beats
Beaulieu
Beaurepaire
beauties
beautiful
beautifully
beauty
Beaver
became
Because
Bechuana
BECHUANALAND
Beckham
becloud
become
Becomes
becometh
becoming
Bed
bedding
bedeviled
Bedouin
bedrock
bedrooms
Beds
BEECHER
BEEF
been
beer
Beerenbrouck
Beernaert
BEERS
bees
beet
Beethoven
beets
befallen
befalling
befell
befit
befitting
before
beforehand
befriend
beg
began
beget
beggar
beggars
begged
begin
beginning
beginnings
begins
begotten
begrudge
begs
beguiled
begun
behalf
behaved
behaving
behavior
behaviour
beheaded
beheading
beheld
behest
Behind
behindhand
Behnesa
behold
behooves
BEHRING
Being
beings
Beira
Beirut
Beit
Bel
Bela
belabor
beleaguered
Belfast
BELGIAN
Belgians
Belgica
Belgium
Belgrade
belief
beliefs
believable
believe
believed
believer
believes
believing
belittle
Bell
Bellaire
Bellamy
Bellevue
belligerence
belligerency
belligerent
Belligerents
Bellinghausen
bells
bellum
Belly
BELMONT
belong
belonged
belonging
belongings
belongs
beloved
below
belt
Bench
benches
bend
Bendigo
bending
beneath
Benedictines
benediction
benefactions
benefactor
benefactors
beneficent
beneficial
benefit
benefiting
benefits
benevolence
benevolent
Bengal
Benguela
Benguet
Bengula
benignity
benignly
BENIN
BENJAMIN
Bennet
Bennett
Benson
Bent
Bentley
Bentwich
Benué
bequeath
bequeathed
bequests
Berar
Berber
Berda
Berdrow
Beresford
BERGENDAL
BERING
Berkeley
BERLIN
Bermuda
Bermudez
Bernadottes
Bernadou
Bernard
Bernhard
Bernier
Berovitch
Berry
Berthelot
berths
beryls
Besançon
beseech
beseeching
beset
Beside
Besides
besieged
besiegers
bespattered
Bessemer
best
bestirred
bestow
bestowal
bestowed
bestrode
Beth
Bethlehem
Bethulie
betide
betrayal
betrayed
betraying
Betsimisaraka
better
betterment
between
Beust
Beuthen
beverage
beverages
bewildering
bewilderment
Bey
beyond
Bhiwandi
Bi
BIAC
bias
Bible
biblical
bibliographer
Bicentenary
Bichat
Bicol
BICOLS
bicycle
bid
BIDA
bidders
bidding
Bids
Bidwell
Bielusha
Bienfaisance
biennial
biennially
Bienvenido
bier
big
bigamist
bigger
biggest
bigoted
bigotedly
bilateral
Biliotti
Biliran
Bill
billets
billiard
Billings
billion
billions
Billot
Billow
Bills
Biloa
bimetallic
bimetallism
bin
bind
binding
binds
Bingham
Bingner
Binondo
biographer
BIOGRAPHERS
biography
biological
biologist
biology
Bird
birds
Birjud
Birmingham
Birs
Birth
birthday
birthplace
birthrate
birthright
births
Biscoe
Biscuit
Bishara
Bishop
Bishops
Bishopsgate
Bismarck
Bisukei
bit
bite
biter
bites
Bitlis
bits
bitten
bitter
bitterest
bitterly
bitterness
bivouac
bivouacked
Biñang
black
blackboards
Blackburn
blackened
blacker
Blackie
blacklist
blackmail
Blackmore
blacks
blacksmithing
blacksmiths
Blackwood
blade
Blagovestchensk
Blaine
Blake
blame
blamed
Blanche
Blanco
BLANCOS
Bland
blandly
blanket
blankets
blanks
blasphemer
blasphemy
blast
blasted
blasts
blaze
blazed
blazing
bleeding
blended
blending
bless
Blessed
blesses
blessing
blessings
bleu
blew
blighted
blighting
blind
blindly
blindness
Bliss
blistered
blizzard
block
Blockade
blockaded
blockading
blocked
Blockhouse
blockhouses
blocks
Bloemfontein
Blondin
blood
blooded
bloodless
bloods
bloodshed
bloodthirsty
Bloody
blotted
blouse
blouses
blow
blowing
blown
blows
Blue
Bluebook
BLUEFIELDS
Bluemantle
Blumentritt
blunder
blunders
blush
board
boarded
boarding
boards
boast
boasted
boastfully
boasting
boasts
boat
boats
Bobrikoff
Boca
Boden
bodes
bodied
bodies
bodily
Bodley
Body
bodyguard
Boecklin
Boer
BOERS
Boeschoten
Bogdanovich
Bogoliepoff
Bohemia
Bohemian
Bohemians
Bohol
boiled
boiler
boilers
boiling
Boisdeffre
boisterous
Bokhara
bold
bolder
bolding
boldly
boldness
Bolinao
Bolivar
Bolivia
Bolivian
bolo
bolos
bolt
bolts
Boma
bomb
Bombala
bombard
bombarded
bombarding
bombardment
Bombardments
Bombay
bombs
bona
Bonaparte
Bonapartist
bond
bondage
bonded
bondholders
Bondieu
bonding
Bondmen
bonds
Bondsmen
Bondstate
bone
bones
Bongao
Bonheur
Boniface
Bonilla
Bonner
Bonsai
Bonsal
bonum
bonus
bonuses
bony
Book
books
booksellers
boom
booming
boon
boot
Booth
booths
boots
booty
Borchardt
Borchgrevinck
BORDA
Bordeaux
border
bordereau
bordering
borders
bore
Borel
borings
Boris
Borisovich
Borissoff
born
borne
Borneo
Bornier
Borough
Boroughs
Borrerro
borrow
borrowed
borrowing
Borsippa
Bosch
Bosnia
Bosnian
bosom
bosoms
Bosphorus
Boss
bosses
Boston
botanical
Botany
Both
Botha
Botti
bottle
bottles
bottom
Bougainville
bought
Boukhara
Boulancy
Boulanger
Boulangism
Boulangist
Boulger
Boulogne
bound
Boundaries
BOUNDARY
bounded
bounding
boundless
bounds
bounties
bountifully
bounty
Bourassa
Bourbaki
Bourbon
Bourbons
Bourchier
Bourgeois
Bouri
Bourke
Bourne
Bourse
bout
Boutros
bow
bowed
Bowell
bowels
BOWER
bowl
Bowling
bowls
bows
box
Boxer
Boxers
boxes
boxing
boy
boycotted
Boyesen
boyish
Boyle
Boylston
boys
bracing
bracketed
brackets
Braddock
Braddon
BRADFORD
Bradley
bragging
Brahmins
Brahms
brain
brained
brainless
brains
Branch
branches
Brand
branded
Brandes
branding
brands
Brandwater
brandy
Branly
brass
Braunersreuther
brave
bravely
braver
bravery
braves
bravest
brawls
Bray
Braye
BRAZIL
Brazilian
Brazos
Brazzaville
breach
breaches
breaching
bread
breadth
break
breakdown
breaker
breakers
breaking
breakout
breaks
breastplate
breasts
breastwork
breath
breathe
breathed
bred
Breech
breed
breeder
breeding
breeds
breezes
Bremen
Bremerhaven
Bresci
Brethren
Brett
brewer
breweries
brewers
brewing
bribe
bribed
bribery
brick
bricks
brickwork
bride
bridegroom
BRIDGE
bridged
bridges
bridlepaths
Brief
briefer
briefest
briefly
Briefs
Brieger
Brien
brigade
brigaded
brigades
Brigadier
brigandage
brigands
Bright
brighter
brightest
brightness
brilliance
brilliancy
brilliant
brilliantly
brilliants
brimful
brine
bring
Bringing
brings
brink
Brinkerhoff
Brinton
brisk
Brisson
bristled
Britain
Britannia
Britannic
Britannica
British
Brito
Briton
Britons
broached
broad
broadcast
broaden
broadened
broader
broadest
broadly
Broadway
Brodie
Brodrick
Broglie
broke
broken
broker
brokerage
Bronx
bronze
bronzes
brood
brooded
brook
BROOKE
BROOKLYN
Brooks
Brophy
Brothels
brother
brotherhood
brotherly
brothers
Brougham
Brought
brow
brown
Browne
brows
Bruce
BRUGES
Brumbaugh
Brumby
Brunsbüttel
BRUNSWICK
brunt
Brusati
brush
brushed
brushes
brusque
Brussels
brutal
brutalities
brutality
brutally
brute
BRYAN
Bryant
Bryce
brûle
Brünn
Buad
bubble
bubbles
bubo
buboes
bubonic
Bucas
Buchanan
Buck
buckets
Buckingham
Buckner
Bucknill
buckwheat
bud
Buda
Budapest
Buddha
Buddhism
Buddhist
Buddhists
budget
BUDGETS
Buell
Buencomeno
Bueno
Buenos
Buergerliche
buff
BUFFALO
buffaloes
Buffet
buffeting
Bugahiaobeire
bugle
bugler
bugles
Bugoma
build
builded
builder
builders
Building
buildings
builds
Built
Buka
Bukharest
Bulacan
Bulawayo
bulb
Bulgaria
Bulgarian
Bulgarians
bulged
bulges
bulk
Bull
BULLER
bullet
Bulletin
bulletins
Bullets
bullion
bullock
bulls
bullying
Buluwayo
bulwark
bulwarks
Bulwer
bump
Buna
BUND
bundle
Buner
bunker
bunkers
Bunsen
buoy
buoyed
buoying
buoys
burden
burdened
burdening
burdens
Burdett
Bureau
bureaucracy
bureaucratic
bureaus
Bureh
Buren
BURGER
burgher
burghers
Burghersdorp
Burglary
burgomaster
burgomastership
burial
burials
Burias
buried
Burke
Burleigh
Burlington
burly
Burma
BURMAH
Burmese
burn
Burne
burned
Burnham
burning
burnings
burns
burnt
Burr
Burriel
burst
bursting
Burt
burthensome
bury
Busch
bush
Bushby
bushes
Bushire
busied
busiest
busily
Busindi
business
busts
Busuanga
busy
busybodies
But
butchers
butchery
Butler
butter
Butterfield
buttons
Buxton
buy
buyers
buying
buys
by
Byrn
Byron
BÊL
Bêl
Büchner
Bülow
c
ca
Cabanatuan
Cabell
Cabello
cabeza
Cabiao
cabin
cabinet
Cabinets
cabins
cable
cabled
cablegram
cablegrams
cables
Cabrera
Caceres
Cacraray
cactus
Cadet
cadets
Cadiz
Cadogan
cafe
Caffery
Cagayan
CAGAYANS
cage
Cagni
Caicos
Caird
Cairo
Caisse
Calabar
Calaguas
Calais
Calamian
Calamianes
calamities
calamitous
calamity
Calayan
calcification
calcium
calculate
calculated
calculation
calculations
calculi
Calculus
Calcutta
Calderwood
Caleb
Caledonia
calendar
calibre
calibres
Calientes
California
Californias
Calixto
call
Calle
called
Calleja
callers
calling
callous
callousness
calls
calm
calmed
calmer
Calmette
calmly
calmness
Calneh
calumnies
calumny
Calvin
Calvo
calzadas
Calzecchi
Camargo
camarilla
Camarines
CAMBON
Cambria
Cambridge
Camden
came
camel
camels
Camera
CAMEROONS
Camiguin
Camotes
camp
campaign
campaigning
campaigns
Campbell
Campeche
camped
camping
Campoamor
Campos
camps
Can
Canaan
Canacao
Canada
Canadian
Canadians
canaille
canal
canalization
canals
Canary
cancel
canceling
cancellation
cancelled
cancelling
Cancer
cancerous
Candia
candid
candidacy
candidate
candidates
candidly
candle
candor
cane
CANEA
canes
Caney
canned
cannibalism
cannibals
cannon
cannot
canoes
Canon
canonized
canons
Canossa
Canovas
Canrobert
cans
CANTEEN
Canterbury
cantering
Canton
cantonal
Cantonese
cantonments
cantons
canvas
Canvass
canvassed
Cap
capabilities
capability
capable
capably
capacities
capacity
Capas
CAPE
capita
Capital
Capitalism
capitalist
capitalistic
capitalists
capitalization
capitalized
capitals
Capitol
capitulation
Capitulations
Capiz
Capodistria
Cappadocia
capped
caprice
capriciously
Caprivi
Capron
capstone
capstones
Capt
Captain
Captains
captives
captivity
captor
captors
capture
captured
Captures
capturing
Capuchins
car
caravan
carbide
carbines
carbon
carbonates
carbons
carborundum
card
cardboard
Cardenas
Cardinal
cardinals
cards
care
cared
career
careers
careful
carefully
careless
carelessly
carelessness
cares
careth
Carew
cargo
Caribbean
caricatures
caring
Carinthia
Carl
Carlisle
Carlist
Carlos
Carmel
Carmich
carnage
CARNEGIE
carnival
Carnot
Caro
Carolina
Carolinas
Caroline
Carolines
Carolinian
carotid
carpenter
carpet
carpetbag
carpets
carriage
carriages
Carrie
Carried
carrier
carriers
carries
Carrington
CARROLL
Carron
carry
carrying
Carrère
cars
cart
carte
Carter
Carthage
cartridges
carts
Cartwright
carved
carving
carvings
cascos
case
Casella
Caserta
cases
Casey
cash
cashiered
cashiering
cashiers
Casimir
Casino
casks
Caspe
Caspian
CASSATION
Cassatt
Cassel
cast
caste
Castelar
Castelin
castes
Castillia
Castillo
Casting
castings
Castle
Castro
casts
casual
casualties
casualty
cataclysm
Catacombs
catalog
cataloged
CATALOGUE
cataloguing
CATALONIA
Catalonians
catamaran
Catanduanes
Catandunanes
cataract
cataracts
catastrophe
CATASTROPHES
catch
catching
categorical
category
cathedra
Cathedral
cathedrals
cathode
Catholic
Catholica
CATHOLICS
Catholicus
Catholiques
Catt
Cattle
Caucasian
Caucasus
caucus
caught
Cause
caused
causes
causeway
causing
caustic
caution
cautionary
cautious
cautiously
Cavaignac
cavalcade
Cavalieri
Cavalotti
CAVALRY
cavalryman
cavalrymen
Cave
Cavendish
cavernous
cavil
Cavite
cavity
Cavité
Cay
Cayetano
Cayley
Cañas
Cd
ce
cease
ceased
ceaseless
ceases
ceasing
Cebreco
Cebu
Cecil
cede
ceded
cedes
ceding
cedula
ceiled
ceilings
celebrate
celebrated
celebrates
Celebrating
Celebration
celestial
Cell
cellar
cellars
celle
Celli
cells
cellulose
cement
cemented
cemeteries
Cemetery
Censo
Censor
censors
censorship
censure
censured
censuring
census
censuses
cent
centavos
centenary
centennial
Center
centered
centering
centers
centigrade
CENTRAL
centralised
centralization
centralized
Centre
centred
centres
Centrum
cents
centum
centurial
centuries
century
cependant
Ceram
cereals
cerebral
cerebro
ceremonial
ceremonies
Ceremonious
ceremoniously
Ceremony
Cerero
Certain
certainly
certainty
certificate
certificates
certified
certifies
certify
certifying
certitude
Cervantes
CERVERA
Cespedes
cess
cessation
cession
cessions
Cet
cette
Cettigne
Ceylon
cf
Ch
Chad
Chadwick
CHAFFEE
CHAI
chain
chains
chaio
Chair
Chairman
chairmanship
chairmen
chairs
CHAKDARRA
Chakosi
CHALDEA
Chaldees
Chaldæa
Challemel
challenge
challenged
Challenger
challenges
challenging
Chaltin
chamber
Chamberlain
CHAMBERS
Chamot
Champ
champion
championed
champions
Champs
Chan
Chanak
chance
chanced
Chancellor
Chancellorship
Chancery
chances
Chang
change
changed
changer
changers
changes
changing
channel
channels
CHANNING
Chantabûn
chao
chaos
chapel
chapels
chaplain
chaplains
Chaplin
Chapman
chapter
chapters
Chapultepec
character
characterised
characteristic
Characteristically
Characteristics
characterize
characterized
characterizes
characters
charge
chargeable
charged
charges
charging
chargé
Charilaos
chariot
chariots
charitable
charities
Charity
Charlemagne
Charles
Charleston
Charlestown
Charlotte
charm
charming
charms
Charpentier
charred
chart
charted
charter
Chartered
chartering
charters
charts
chase
chased
chasse
chastisement
chastisements
chastising
chastity
chastizes
Chatrousse
Chattanooga
chatter
chattered
chattering
chau
Chaudie
Chaudiere
Chauvinism
Chavannes
Chaylard
che
cheap
cheapen
cheapened
cheapening
cheaper
cheapest
cheapness
Cheapside
Chebar
check
checked
checking
checkmated
checks
cheek
cheered
cheerful
cheerfully
cheering
cheerless
cheers
Chefoo
Chekiang
Cheliabinsk
Chemawa
chemical
chemicals
chemist
CHEMISTRY
Chemnitz
Chen
Cheng
Cheops
Cherbuliez
Cherche
Cherif
Cherihon
cherish
cherished
cherishing
Chermside
Cherokee
CHEROKEES
Cheshire
Chesney
chest
Chester
chests
Cheth
Chevalier
Cheyenne
Chi
chia
Chiang
Chiangsi
chiao
Chiaochou
Chicago
Chichester
Chickamauga
Chickasaw
CHICKASAWS
chicken
chief
chiefly
chiefs
chieftain
chieftains
Chieftainship
Chien
chih
Chihli
Chihuahua
Chikusi
Chilcat
Chilcoot
child
Childcrs
Childers
childhood
childish
childless
children
Chile
Chilean
Chileans
CHILI
Chilian
Chilkat
chill
chills
chilly
Chilocco
chimed
Chimelli
chimera
Chin
China
Chinaman
Chinamen
chinaware
Chinchou
Chine
Chinee
CHINESE
CHING
Chingkiang
Chinkiang
Chippewas
Chita
Chitral
Chitralis
chloroformed
Cho
Choate
Choctaw
CHOCTAWS
choice
choked
cholera
Cholmondeley
choose
chooses
choosing
chose
chosen
Choshu
chou
Chovevi
Chow
Chozen
Chris
Christ
Christendom
CHRISTIAN
Christiani
Christiania
Christianity
Christianized
CHRISTIANS
CHRISTINA
Christlich
Christmas
Christopher
chromosphere
chronic
Chronicle
chronicled
chronicler
chroniclers
chronological
chronologically
chronology
Chu
Chua
Chuang
Chugoku
chun
CHUNG
Chungking
church
churches
Churchill
churchwardens
churchyard
chwang
Chéng
Chêkiang
Chêng
Chêngtu
Chün
cider
Cienfuegos
cigarette
cigarettes
Cincinnati
Cindad
cipher
Cipriano
circa
Circle
circles
circuit
circuitous
circuits
circular
circulars
circulate
circulated
circulating
circulation
Circum
circumference
circumnavigated
circumspect
circumspection
circumstance
circumstances
circumstantial
Cisleithania
Cisleithanian
Cisneros
cistern
citadel
cited
cites
Cities
Citizen
citizens
citizenship
city
civic
civil
civilian
civilians
Civilis
civilisation
civilised
civilising
Civilization
civilizations
civilize
CIVILIZED
civilly
clad
claim
claimant
claimants
Claimed
claiming
claims
clair
Clam
clamor
clamored
clamoring
clamorous
clamoured
clan
Clancy
clandestinely
clans
clansmen
clap
Clara
Clarence
clarion
Clark
Clarke
Clary
clash
clashed
clashing
clasp
Class
classed
classes
classical
classically
classics
classification
classified
classify
Classifying
Claude
Clause
clauses
clawed
CLAY
claypits
Clayton
clean
cleaned
cleaners
cleaning
cleanliness
cleanse
cleansing
clear
clearance
cleared
clearer
clearest
clearing
Clearly
clearness
cleavage
cleave
clemency
Clemens
clement
Clements
clergy
clergyman
clergymen
Clerical
Clericalism
clericals
clerk
clerks
Clery
cleveite
CLEVELAND
clever
client
climate
climatic
Climatically
climax
climb
climbed
clime
Clinch
cling
clinging
clique
cliques
clock
clog
clos
close
Closed
closely
closer
closes
closest
closet
closing
clot
cloth
clothe
clothed
clothes
Clothing
clouded
clouds
cloven
Club
Clubs
clue
clumsy
clung
clustered
clusters
Cnossos
Co
coach
coadjutor
Coahnila
COAL
coalfield
coalfields
coaling
coalition
coals
COAMO
coarse
Coast
Coastguard
coasting
Coasts
coastwise
coat
coated
coats
Cobham
Coblenz
Cobra
Coburg
coccidium
Cockburn
cocked
cockpit
Cockran
cocoa
cocoanuts
cod
Code
codes
codfish
codification
Codlin
Codman
coeducational
coerce
coerced
coercion
coercive
coeval
coffee
coffer
coffers
coffin
coffins
cognisance
cognisant
cognizable
cognizance
coherence
coherent
coherer
cohesion
coil
coils
Coin
coinage
coincided
coincident
Coincidentally
coinciding
coined
coins
Coit
Coke
cold
coldly
Coleman
COLENSO
Coler
Colesberg
Colima
collapse
collapsed
collar
collars
collate
collateral
colleague
colleagues
collect
collected
collecting
collection
Collections
collective
collectively
collectivist
collector
collectors
collects
COLLEGE
COLLEGES
collegiate
collier
colliers
Collins
Collis
collision
collisions
Colloquially
Cologan
Colomb
Colombari
COLOMBIA
Colombian
Colombo
Colon
Colonel
colonelcy
colonels
colonial
colonials
Colonies
colonisation
colonists
colonization
colonize
colonizing
colonnade
Colony
color
COLORADO
Colorados
colored
colors
colossal
colossi
Colossus
colour
coloured
colourless
colours
cols
Colt
Columbia
Columbian
COLUMBUS
column
columns
Colón
Com
Comanches
combat
combatant
combatants
combated
combating
combative
combats
combed
combination
combinations
Combine
combined
combines
combing
combining
combustible
combustion
Come
comer
comers
comes
comfort
comfortable
comfortably
comforting
comforts
coming
comity
Command
commandant
Commandants
commanded
commandeer
commandeered
Commandeering
Commander
commanders
Commanding
COMMANDO
commandos
commands
comme
commemorate
commemorated
commemorates
commence
commenced
commencement
commences
Commencing
commend
commendable
commendation
commended
commending
commensurate
comment
commented
Commenting
comments
COMMERCE
Commercial
Commerciale
commercialism
Commercially
Commerford
commettant
comminuted
commissariat
commissaries
Commissary
Commission
COMMISSIONED
commissioner
commissioners
Commissions
commit
committal
committed
committee
committees
committing
commodities
commodity
Commodore
Common
Commoners
commonly
Commons
commonwealth
commonwealths
commotion
communal
communes
communicate
communicated
communicates
communicating
communication
Communications
communicative
communion
communions
communique
communities
community
commutation
commuted
comp
compact
compacted
compactly
Compagnie
companies
companion
companions
company
comparable
comparative
comparatively
Compare
Compared
compares
comparing
Comparison
comparisons
compartments
compass
compassed
Compassionate
compatible
compatriots
compel
Compelled
compelling
compels
compendium
compensate
compensates
compensating
COMPENSATION
compensations
Compensatory
compete
competed
competence
competency
competent
competing
Competition
competitive
competitively
competitor
competitors
compilation
compile
compiled
compilers
complacency
complacent
complain
complainant
complained
complaining
complaint
Complaints
complement
COMPLETE
completed
completely
completeness
completes
completing
completion
complex
complexities
complexity
compliance
complicate
complicated
complication
complications
complicity
complied
complies
complimenting
Compliments
comply
complying
component
comport
comports
compos
compose
composed
composer
composing
composite
composition
compound
compounded
compounds
comprehend
comprehended
comprehending
comprehension
comprehensive
compressed
compression
compressor
comprise
comprised
comprises
comprising
Compromis
compromise
compromised
compromises
compromising
Comptroller
compulsion
COMPULSORY
compunction
computation
computed
comrade
comrades
Comte
Comus
Concas
conceal
concealed
concealing
concealment
conceals
concede
conceded
concedes
conceding
conceit
conceivable
conceivably
conceive
conceived
Conceiving
concentrate
concentrated
concentrating
concentration
concentrations
concentric
Concepcion
conception
Conceptions
concern
concerned
Concerning
concerns
Concert
concerted
concerts
Concession
concessionaire
concessionary
concessions
conciliate
conciliated
conciliating
Conciliation
conciliators
conciliatory
concisely
conclude
concluded
concludes
concluding
Conclusion
conclusions
conclusive
conclusively
concocted
concomitant
Concord
Concordat
concourse
concrete
concubine
concupiscence
concur
concurred
concurrence
concurrent
concurrently
concurring
concurs
condamnant
condemn
condemnable
condemnation
condemnatory
condemned
condemning
condemns
condensation
condenser
condensers
condescension
condign
condition
conditional
conditionally
conditioned
conditions
CONDOMINIUM
conduce
conduces
conducive
conduct
conducted
conducting
conductive
conductivity
conductor
conductors
conducts
conduits
Condé
confederacies
CONFEDERATE
Confederated
Confederation
confer
Conference
conferences
conferred
conferring
confers
confess
confessed
confessedly
confesses
confessing
Confession
confessions
confessor
confessors
confide
confided
Confidence
Confident
confidential
confidentially
confidently
Confiding
configuration
confine
confined
confinement
confines
confining
confirm
Confirmation
confirmatory
confirmed
confirming
confirms
confiscated
conflagration
conflict
Conflicting
conflicts
confluence
conform
conformable
conformably
conformation
conformed
conformer
conforming
conformity
conformément
confounded
confounding
confront
confronted
confronts
Confucianism
Confucius
confuse
confused
confusing
confusion
Conger
Congested
congestion
conglomeration
Congo
Congolese
Congos
congratulate
congratulated
congratulating
congratulation
congratulations
Congratulatory
congregated
congregation
Congregational
congregations
congress
congresses
Congressional
Congressmen
Coninck
conjectural
conjecture
conjointly
conjunction
conjured
Connaught
Conneaut
connect
connected
CONNECTICUT
connecting
connection
connections
connects
Connellsville
Conner
connexion
connexions
connivance
connive
connived
Connolly
Connor
conquer
conquered
conquering
conqueror
conquerors
Conquest
conquests
conquistadores
conscience
consciences
conscientious
conscientiously
conscious
consciously
consciousness
conscription
consecrate
consecrated
consecrating
consecration
consecutive
conseil
Conselheiro
consensual
consensus
consent
consented
consenting
consents
consequence
consequences
consequent
Consequently
conservation
conservatism
Conservative
Conservatives
Conservators
conservatory
conserve
conserved
consider
Considerable
considerably
considerate
consideration
Considerations
Considered
considering
considers
consist
consisted
consistent
consistently
consisting
Consistorial
consists
consolation
consoled
consolidate
consolidated
consolidating
Consolidation
consolidations
consoling
Consols
consonant
consort
conspicuous
conspicuously
conspiracies
conspiracy
conspirator
conspirators
conspire
conspiring
Constable
constables
Constabulary
Constance
Constant
Constantin
Constantine
Constantinople
constantly
consternation
constituencies
constituency
constituent
constituents
constitute
constituted
constitutes
constituting
Constitution
constitutional
constitutionalism
Constitutionalist
Constitutionalists
constitutionality
Constitutionally
Constitutions
Constitutis
constrain
constrained
constraint
construct
constructed
constructing
construction
constructions
constructive
Constructor
construed
construing
consul
consular
consulate
consulates
consuls
Consult
consultation
consultative
consulted
consulting
consumable
consume
consumed
consumer
consumers
consuming
consummate
consummated
consummation
consumo
consumption
conséquence
contact
contagion
contagious
contain
contained
containing
contains
contaminates
contaminating
contemplate
Contemplated
contemplates
contemplating
contemplation
contemporaneous
contemporaneously
contemporaries
contemporary
contempt
contemptible
contempts
contemptuous
contend
contended
Contending
contends
content
contented
contentedly
contenting
contention
Contentions
contentment
contents
contenue
conterminous
contest
contestants
contested
contests
contestée
contiguous
continent
continental
continents
contingencies
contingency
contingent
contingents
continual
continually
continuance
continuation
continuations
continue
Continued
continuer
continues
continuing
continuity
continuous
continuously
contra
Contract
contracted
Contracting
contraction
contractions
contractive
contractor
contractors
contracts
contradicted
contradiction
contradictions
contradictoriness
contradictory
contrariwise
contrary
contrast
contrasted
contrasting
contravene
contravention
contribute
contributed
contributes
contributing
contribution
contributions
contributor
contributors
contributory
contrivance
contrive
contrived
contriving
control
controllable
controlled
Controller
controlling
controls
Controversies
Controversy
controvert
controverted
contrôleurs
contumelious
convalescence
Convalescent
convalescents
convene
convened
convenience
conveniences
convenient
conveniently
convening
convent
CONVENTION
conventional
conventions
convents
converge
conversant
conversation
conversations
converse
conversion
convert
converted
converting
converts
convey
Conveyance
conveyances
conveyed
conveying
convict
convicted
conviction
convictions
Convicts
convince
Convinced
convinces
convincing
convocation
convoke
convoy
convoyed
convoys
convulsed
convulsion
convulsive
Conway
Conyngham
cook
cooked
cooking
cooks
cool
cooled
Cooley
Coolgardie
Coolies
Cooling
coolness
Coomassie
cooped
COOPER
cooperate
cooperated
cooperating
cooperation
Cooperative
coordinate
Coorg
cope
Copenhagen
Copernicus
copied
copies
coping
copious
Copper
Coppinger
copra
Coptic
Copy
copying
copyists
Copyright
copyrighted
copyrights
cord
Cordero
Cordes
cordial
cordially
cordon
core
Corea
Corentin
Corinto
corn
Cornelius
Cornell
corner
corners
cornerstone
cornet
cornetcies
cornets
CORNWALL
Corocoro
corona
Coronado
coronation
Corporal
corporals
corporate
Corporation
corporations
Corps
corpse
corpses
Corpus
corpuscle
corpuscles
corral
correct
corrected
correcting
correction
Correctional
correctly
correctness
Correo
correspond
corresponded
correspondence
Correspondent
correspondents
corresponding
correspondingly
corresponds
corridors
corroborate
corroboration
corroding
corrupt
corrupting
corruption
corruptions
corruptly
Corsair
Corsicans
cortege
Cortes
Cortez
cortical
corvee
Corvey
Corvinus
Corvée
Corwin
cosmopolitan
Cossacks
cost
Costa
costing
costliest
costly
costs
costume
costumes
coterminous
Cotinga
cotta
cottage
cottagers
cotton
cottons
Coubertin
couch
couched
Coudert
Coues
Could
couldn
Couldock
Council
Councillor
councillors
Councilman
Councilmen
councilor
councilors
councils
Counsel
counseled
counselled
counselling
Counsellor
counsellors
counselor
counsels
Count
counted
countenance
Counter
counteract
counteracted
counteracting
counterbalanced
countermanding
countermarching
counterpart
counterpoise
countersigned
countervailing
counties
counting
countless
Countries
COUNTRY
countrymen
Counts
County
Coup
coupable
couple
coupled
Cour
courage
courageously
Courant
Courcol
courier
couriers
course
courses
COURT
courteous
courteously
courtesies
courtesy
Courts
courtyard
courtyards
cousin
Cousteau
Coutts
couvert
Covadonga
covenant
covenants
Coventry
cover
covered
covering
covers
covert
covertly
covet
coveted
covetous
cow
Coward
cowardice
cowardly
cowboys
Cowden
cowe
cowed
Cowes
cows
Cox
coöperation
crack
cracks
cradle
craft
crafty
Cragin
cramped
cranage
Cranborne
Crane
Crash
crashed
crashing
craved
crawl
crawled
creameries
create
created
creates
Creating
creation
Creator
creature
creatures
credence
credentials
credible
credibly
Credit
creditable
credited
creditor
creditors
credulity
creed
creeds
Creek
Creeks
creeps
Creighton
Creole
Creoles
crept
Crescent
Crespo
crest
crests
Cretan
Cretans
Crete
Creusot
crevices
crew
crews
Cridler
cried
cries
crime
Crimean
crimeless
crimes
criminal
criminally
criminals
cripple
crippled
cripples
crippling
crises
crisis
CRISPI
Cristobal
Critic
critical
critically
criticise
criticised
criticises
criticising
criticism
criticisms
criticized
critics
Croatia
Croatian
Croatians
crocketed
Croix
Croker
Crokerism
Crombet
Cromer
Cromwell
CRONJE
Crookes
crop
crops
crore
crores
Crosby
CROSS
crossed
crosses
crossing
crossings
Crossley
Crossmon
crowd
crowded
crowding
crowds
Crowell
Crown
crowned
crowning
Crowns
Crozier
crucial
crude
crudeness
crudest
cruel
cruelly
cruelties
cruelty
Cruikshank
Cruise
cruiser
cruisers
crumbles
crumbling
crusade
crusaders
crush
crushed
crushing
Cruz
cry
crying
crystal
crystallise
crystallized
crystallizes
Crystallography
Cuba
Cuban
Cubans
cubic
cubical
cuerda
Cuestas
CUGNONI
Cugo
cul
Culebra
Culex
culinary
cullender
Culling
Cullom
culminated
culminating
culmination
culpability
culpabilité
culpable
culprits
cult
cultivable
cultivate
cultivated
cultivating
cultivation
cultivator
cultivators
cults
culture
cultured
cultures
cumbrous
cumulative
cuneiform
cunning
cunningly
cup
cupidity
curable
curate
curates
Curaçoa
curbing
curdling
cure
cured
cures
Curia
curing
curio
curiosities
curiosity
curious
curiously
curling
currency
Current
currently
currents
Curreo
curriculum
Currie
curse
cursed
cursive
curtail
curtailed
curtailing
curtailment
curtails
curtain
curtains
Curtis
Curtius
curvature
curves
curving
CURZON
Curæ
Cushing
Cushman
Custance
custody
custom
customary
customers
Customs
cut
cutaneous
Cutari
cutlery
cutout
cuts
cutters
cutthroats
cutting
Cuyos
Cuyuni
cwt
cwts
cyanide
Cyclades
cycle
cyclone
cyclonic
Cydonia
cylinder
cylinders
cynosure
Cypriote
Cyprus
Cyrus
cysts
Czar
Czech
Czechs
Cæsar
côte
Cœur
d
dabbles
Daedalus
Daggett
Dagh
Dagupan
Dahlgren
DAHOMEY
daily
Daiquiri
dairies
dairy
Daka
DAKOTA
dale
Dall
Dallas
Dallul
Dalmatia
Dalni
Dalny
Dalton
Dalupiri
Daly
dam
damage
damaged
damages
Damaraland
Damascus
Damasus
Damietta
damning
damp
dampness
dams
dancing
dandy
Dane
Danes
danger
dangerous
dangerously
dangers
dangled
Daniel
Daniell
Danilo
Danish
dans
dantai
Danube
DANUBIAN
Daram
Darazzo
Darcy
dare
dared
dares
Darfour
Darfur
DARGAI
daring
dark
darkened
darker
DARKEST
darkness
Darwaz
Darwin
Das
dash
dashes
dashing
data
date
Dated
dates
dating
dato
Datory
datos
daughter
daughters
daunted
dauntlessly
Davenport
David
Davidson
Davies
DAVIS
Davitt
Davy
Dawes
dawn
dawned
Dawson
Day
daybreak
daylight
days
daytime
dazed
dazzled
dazzling
daïs
Dc
De
dead
deadening
Deadlock
deadly
deaf
deafening
Deakin
deal
dealer
dealing
Dealings
deals
dealt
dean
Deane
dear
dearly
dearth
death
Deaths
debar
debarred
debase
debased
debasement
debate
debated
debates
debauchery
debauches
debit
Deboe
debouching
debris
Debs
debt
debtor
debtors
debts
Dec
decade
decadence
decadent
decades
decapitated
decapitation
decay
decayed
decaying
Deccan
Decease
deceased
deceit
deceive
deceived
December
decenniums
decent
decentralization
deception
deceptions
deceptive
decide
decided
decidedly
decides
deciding
decimal
decimate
decimated
decipher
deciphered
decipherer
decipherment
decision
decisions
decisive
deck
decks
Declaration
Declarations
declare
declared
declares
declaring
Decle
declination
declinations
decline
declined
declining
declivities
decomposes
decomposition
decompositions
decoration
decorations
Decrease
decreased
decreases
decreasing
Decree
decreed
decreeing
decrees
decrepit
dedans
dedicate
dedicated
Dedication
deduced
deduces
Deduct
deducted
deducting
deduction
deductions
deed
Deeds
deem
deemed
Deeming
deems
deep
deepen
deepened
deeper
deepest
deeply
defaced
defamation
defamatory
defamed
default
defaulted
defaults
defeat
defeated
defeating
defeats
defect
defection
defective
defects
Defence
defenceless
defences
defend
defendant
defendants
defended
Defender
defenders
defending
defends
defense
defenseless
defenses
defensible
defensive
defer
deference
deferred
deferring
defiance
defiant
Deficiencies
deficiency
deficient
deficit
defied
defies
defile
defiling
define
defined
defines
Defining
Definite
definitely
definiteness
definition
definitions
definitive
deflected
deformed
Deformities
defrauded
defray
defrayed
defraying
defrays
deftness
defunct
defy
defying
degeneracy
degenerate
degenerated
degenerating
degeneration
degenerations
degradation
degrade
degraded
degrading
Degree
degrees
Dehn
deigned
deities
deity
DEL
Delagoa
Delarey
DELAWARE
delay
delayed
delaying
delays
Delcassé
delegate
delegated
delegates
delegation
delegations
deleterious
deliberate
deliberated
deliberately
deliberating
deliberation
deliberations
deliberative
delicacy
delicate
delicately
delight
delighted
delights
delimit
delimitated
delimitation
delimited
delinquents
deliver
deliverable
deliverance
deliverances
delivered
delivering
delivers
delivery
DELL
delta
deluded
deluding
deluges
delusively
Delyannis
demagogic
demagogues
demand
demande
demanded
demanding
demands
Demange
demarcation
demarcations
Demetrius
demise
democracy
Democrat
democratic
democrats
democritisation
demolished
demolishing
demolition
demonetization
demonetizing
demoniacal
demonstrate
demonstrated
demonstrates
demonstrating
Demonstration
demonstrations
demoralising
demoralization
demoralize
demoralized
demoralizing
demur
demurred
demurrer
demurs
den
denationalisation
denationalizing
Denby
denial
denials
denied
denies
Denis
Denison
DENMARK
Dennis
denominate
denomination
denominational
denominations
denote
denotes
denounce
denounced
denounces
denouncing
dens
dense
densely
densest
density
dentist
denude
denuded
denunciation
Denunciations
denunciatory
deny
denying
depart
departed
departing
department
departmental
departments
Departure
departures
depend
dependants
depended
dependence
dependencies
dependency
dependent
dependents
depending
depends
depicted
deplete
depleting
depletion
depletions
deplorable
deplorably
deplore
deplored
deploy
deployed
deploying
deployment
depopulated
depopulation
deport
deportation
deported
deportment
deposed
deposit
deposited
depositing
deposition
depositor
depositors
depository
deposits
depot
depots
deprecate
deprecated
deprecates
depreciated
depreciates
depreciating
depreciation
depreciations
depredations
depressed
depresses
depressing
depression
deprive
deprived
deprives
depriving
depth
depths
Deputation
deputed
Deputies
Deputy
Dera
Derby
Derbynskaya
Derdepoort
derelict
dereliction
derision
derivation
derivatives
derive
derived
derives
deriving
derogating
derogation
Derrick
dervish
Dervishes
des
Descamps
Descartes
descend
descendant
descendants
descended
descent
describe
described
describes
describing
Description
descriptions
descriptive
desecrated
desecration
desert
deserted
deserting
desertion
deserts
deserve
deservedly
deserves
deserving
desiccation
desideratum
design
designate
designated
designates
designation
designed
designers
designing
designs
desirability
desirable
desire
desired
desires
Desiring
desirous
desist
desisted
desk
desks
desolate
desolated
desolation
despair
despairing
Despatch
despatched
Despatches
despatching
desperadoes
desperados
Desperate
desperately
desperation
despicable
despise
despised
despite
despoil
despondency
despotic
despotism
Despots
Destelan
destination
destined
destinies
destiny
destitute
destitution
Destournelles
destroy
destroyed
destroyer
destroyers
destroying
destroys
Destruction
destructions
Destructive
desuetude
desultory
detach
detached
Detachment
detachments
Detail
detailed
details
detain
detained
detected
detecting
Detection
detectives
detention
deteriorate
deteriorated
Determination
determinations
Determine
determined
determinedly
determines
determining
deterred
deterrent
detest
detestable
detested
dethronement
detour
detract
detrained
detriment
detrimental
Detroit
Dette
Deum
deus
Deutsch
Deutsche
devastated
devastating
devastation
develop
developed
developing
Development
developments
develops
deviating
deviations
device
Devices
devient
devil
devilish
devils
devise
devised
Devoe
devoid
devolution
devolve
devolved
devolves
devolving
Devonshire
devote
devoted
devotedly
devoting
devotion
devour
devouring
devout
devoutly
Dewar
Dewetsdorp
DEWEY
dews
Dexter
Deák
Dhanis
di
Diable
diabolical
diagnosis
diagram
dial
dialect
diameter
diametrically
Diamond
diamonds
Diana
diaphragm
Diarbekir
Diario
diary
DIAZ
Dibbs
Dicey
Dick
Dickens
Dickson
dicta
Dictaean
dictate
dictated
dictates
dictating
dictation
dictator
dictatorial
Dictatorship
dictionaries
dictum
Did
didactic
didn
Didon
die
Died
Diego
diem
dies
Diet
Diets
Dieulafoy
differ
differed
Difference
differences
different
differential
differentiate
differentiated
differently
differing
differs
difficult
difficulties
difficulty
diffuse
diffused
diffuses
diffusion
dig
digested
Digger
diggers
diggings
Digna
dignified
dignify
dignitaries
dignitary
dignities
dignity
dikes
dilapidated
dilate
dilatory
dilemma
diligence
diligent
diligently
Dilke
Dillingham
Dillon
Dillonites
dimensions
diminish
diminished
diminishes
diminishing
diminution
diminutive
dimmed
Din
Dinagat
Dinair
dine
Dingley
Dinizulu
dinned
dinner
dinners
dint
diocese
dioceses
Diodorus
diorite
Diphtheria
diplomacy
diplomas
diplomat
diplomatic
diplomatically
Diplomatique
diplomatist
diplomats
dipped
diputacion
DIR
dirai
dire
Direct
directed
directing
direction
directions
directly
directness
director
directors
directorship
directorships
directs
dirge
Dirk
dirt
disabilities
disability
disable
Disabled
disabling
disabused
disadvantage
disadvantageous
disadvantages
disaffected
disaffection
disagreeable
disagreed
Disagreeing
disagreement
disagreements
disallow
disallowance
disallowed
disappear
disappearance
disappeared
disappearing
disappears
disappoint
disappointed
disappointing
disappointingly
disappointment
disappointments
disapproval
disapproved
disarm
disarmament
disarmed
disarming
disaster
disasters
disastrous
disastrously
disavow
disavowal
disavowals
disavowed
disavowing
disband
Disbanded
disbandment
disbelief
disbursed
disbursement
disbursements
discernable
discerned
discerning
discharge
Discharged
discharges
discharging
disciples
disciplinary
Discipline
disciplined
disclaim
disclaimed
disclaiming
disclaims
disclose
disclosed
disclosure
disclosures
discolored
discomfiture
discomfort
discomforts
disconcerting
discontent
discontented
discontents
discontinuance
discontinue
discontinued
Discontinuing
discontinuities
discord
discordant
discount
discountenanced
discourage
discouraged
discouragement
discouraging
discouragingly
discourse
discover
discovered
discoverer
discoverers
discoveries
discovering
discovery
discredit
discredited
discrepancies
discrepancy
discrepant
discretion
discriminate
discriminated
discriminating
discrimination
discriminations
discuss
discussed
discussing
discussion
discussions
disdain
disdainfully
disease
diseased
diseases
disembark
disembarkation
disembarked
disembarking
disembowelling
disenfranchisement
disentitled
Disestablishment
disfavour
disfranchise
disfranchised
Disfranchisement
disfranchises
disfranchising
disgrace
disgraced
disgraceful
disgracefully
disguise
disguised
disgust
disgusted
disheartened
dishes
dishonest
dishonesty
dishonor
dishonorable
dishonors
dishonour
dishonouring
disillusion
disinclination
disinclined
disinfectants
disinfecting
Disinfection
disingenuously
disintegration
disinterestedness
disinterred
Disko
dislike
disliked
dislocation
dislocations
dislodge
dislodging
disloyal
disloyalty
dismantle
dismantling
dismayed
dismemberment
dismiss
dismissal
dismissed
dismissing
dismounted
disobedience
disobey
disobeyed
disorder
disordered
Disorderly
disorders
disorganised
disparage
disparagement
disparity
dispassionately
dispatch
dispatched
dispatches
dispatching
dispelled
dispence
Dispensary
dispensation
dispensatory
dispense
dispenser
dispensers
dispensing
dispersal
disperse
dispersed
dispersing
dispersion
dispirited
displaced
displacement
display
displayed
displaying
displays
displease
displeased
displeasing
displeasure
disposal
dispose
disposed
disposing
disposition
dispositions
dispossess
disproportionately
disputable
disputants
dispute
disputed
Disputes
disqualified
disquieted
disquieting
disquietude
Disraeli
disregard
disregarded
Disregarding
disregards
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DISTURBANCES
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FEBRUARY
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fetish
fettered
feud
feudal
feudalism
feudatory
feuds
fever
fevers
Few
fewer
fewest
fiasco
fiat
fickle
fiction
fictions
fictitious
Fide
fidelity
Field
Fields
fiend
fiendish
fierce
fiercely
fierceness
fiercest
Fife
Fifteen
Fifteenth
Fifth
Fifthly
fifths
fiftieth
fifty
Figaro
Fight
fighters
fighting
fights
Figuereo
figure
figured
figures
filarial
filch
file
filed
files
filial
filibustering
filibusters
filing
filings
Filipino
Filipinos
fill
filled
filler
filling
filtered
filth
Final
finality
finally
Finance
financed
finances
financial
financially
financier
financiers
financing
Finck
find
finding
findings
finds
fine
fined
finely
fineness
finer
fines
finest
finger
fingered
fingers
finish
finished
finishing
finite
FINLAND
Finlanders
Finnish
Finns
fir
fire
firearms
fireballs
fired
firemen
fireproof
fires
firing
firm
firmament
firman
firmest
firmly
firmness
firms
First
Firstly
fiscal
Fischer
Fish
Fisher
Fisheries
fishermen
fishery
fishing
fissures
Fist
Fists
fit
Fitch
fitness
fits
fitted
fittest
fitting
fittingly
Fitzedward
Fitzhugh
Fiume
FIVE
fix
fixed
fixes
fixing
fixity
fixtures
Fjord
FLAG
flagella
flagelles
Flagg
flagged
Flagler
flagrant
flagranti
flagrantly
flags
flagship
Flaissières
flaking
flame
flames
flank
flanked
flanking
flanks
flash
flat
Flatbush
flatly
flats
flatten
flattened
flavor
flavoring
flaw
flaws
flax
Fled
fledged
flee
fleeing
fleet
fleets
Fleming
Flemish
flesh
fleshless
Fleury
flew
Fliche
flies
flight
flimsiness
flimsy
flinch
flinched
Flinders
fling
flint
float
floated
floating
floats
flocked
flocking
flocks
floe
flogged
flogging
floggings
flood
flooded
flooding
floodings
floods
floor
floors
Flor
flora
floral
Florence
Florid
Florida
florin
florins
flotation
flour
flourish
flourished
Flourishing
flow
flowed
flower
flowering
flowing
flown
flows
fluctuating
fluently
fluid
fluorescence
fluorescent
Flushing
fly
flying
foe
foes
fog
fold
folded
folder
folders
folding
foliation
folk
folks
follow
followed
followers
Following
follows
fomented
fomenting
fomento
fond
fondly
Fontane
Foochow
food
foods
foodstuffs
Fookien
fool
fooled
foolish
foolishly
foot
foothold
footholds
footing
footings
Footnote
footpaths
Footsteps
FOR
forage
Foraker
Foran
forbad
forbade
forbearance
Forbes
forbid
Forbidden
forbidding
forbids
force
forced
forceful
forces
forcible
forcibly
forcing
ford
fords
fore
Forearmed
forebodings
forecast
Forecasting
forecastle
foreclosure
forefathers
forefront
forego
foregoing
forehead
foreheads
Foreign
foreigner
Foreigners
Foreland
forelock
Foreman
Foremost
forenoon
forensic
forerunner
forerunners
foresee
foreseen
foreshadowed
foreshadowing
foresight
forest
forestall
forested
forestry
forests
foretaste
foretell
forever
forevermore
forewarned
forfeit
forfeited
forfeits
forfeiture
forfeitures
forge
forged
forger
forgeries
forgery
forget
forgetful
forgetfulness
forgets
forgetting
forgings
Forgive
forgiven
forgot
forgotten
forks
forlorn
form
formal
Formaldehyde
formaldehydes
formalities
formality
formally
Forman
formation
formations
formed
former
formerly
formidable
formidably
forming
formless
Formosa
forms
formula
formulate
formulated
formulating
formulation
Forrest
forsake
forsaken
forsaking
Forster
forswear
forsworn
fort
forth
forthcoming
forthwith
forties
Fortieth
Fortification
fortifications
fortified
fortify
fortitude
fortnight
Fortnightly
fortress
fortresses
FORTS
Fortschrittliche
fortunate
fortunately
fortune
fortunes
forty
Forum
forward
forwarded
forwarding
Forwards
Forzinetti
fossils
foster
fostered
fostering
fought
foul
fouled
foulest
found
foundation
foundations
founded
Founder
foundered
founders
founding
foundries
founds
fountain
four
fourfold
fours
fourteen
fourteenth
Fourth
Fourthly
fourths
fowl
fowls
Fox
foyer
Foyn
fr
fraction
fractional
fractions
fracture
fractured
fractures
Fraenkel
fragile
fragment
fragmentary
fragments
frail
Fram
frame
framed
framers
framework
framing
France
Frances
Franchise
FRANCHISES
Francis
Franciscan
Franciscans
FRANCISCO
Francisque
Franco
Francois
francs
frank
franker
Frankfort
Franklin
frankly
frankness
frantic
Frantzius
FRANZ
Française
François
Fraser
fraternal
fraternised
fraternities
fraternity
fraternized
fraud
frauds
fraudulently
fraught
freak
Frear
Fred
Frederic
Frederick
Free
freed
freedmen
Freedom
freehold
freeing
freely
freemen
freer
Freetown
freeze
Freie
freight
freighted
freights
Frelinghuysen
Fremdenblatt
French
Frenchman
Frenchmen
frenzied
frenzy
frequencies
frequency
Frequent
frequented
frequenting
frequently
fresco
frescoes
fresh
freshly
freshman
Fresnel
Frey
Freycinet
Freytag
friar
FRIARS
friction
Friday
fried
Friedrich
friend
friendless
friendliness
friendly
Friends
friendship
friendships
Fries
frieze
friezes
frightened
frightful
frightfully
Frisch
fritter
frittered
frivolous
fro
Frogmore
From
front
frontage
fronted
frontier
frontiers
frontiersmen
fronting
fronts
frost
frosts
frosty
Frothingham
frothy
Froude
Frozen
frugal
Fruin
fruit
fruitful
fruitless
fruits
frustrate
frustrated
Frustration
Fry
Frye
frying
ft
fu
Fuchau
fuel
Fuga
fugitive
fugitives
fuh
Fukien
Fukushima
Fulah
fulfil
fulfill
fulfilled
fulfilling
fulfillment
fulfilment
Fulham
full
Fuller
fullest
Fully
fulness
FULTON
fumes
fumigation
function
functionaries
functions
fund
fundamental
fundamentally
funded
funding
funds
funeral
funereal
Funke
Funston
fur
furious
furiously
furlough
Furman
furnace
furnaces
furnish
furnished
furnishes
furnishing
furniture
Furor
furrows
further
furtherance
furthering
Furthermore
furthermost
furthest
fury
fuse
fused
fusil
fusillade
fusillades
Fusion
Fusionists
fuss
Futa
Futile
futility
future
Fuyu
FÊNG
Färoe
Fên
Fêng
Fêngtien
G
Gabes
gables
Gaelic
Gage
gain
gained
gainer
gaining
Gains
GALABAT
Galata
Galatz
gale
Galesburg
Galicia
Galician
Galilee
Galileo
gall
gallant
gallantly
gallantry
Gallas
Gallenga
gallery
galley
Gallifet
galling
Gallinger
gallons
galloped
Galton
galvanized
GALVESTON
Gambaga
Gambia
gamblers
gambling
game
GAMES
gametes
gametocytes
Gamewell
gamut
gan
gang
gangers
gangrenous
gangs
gangway
gaol
gap
gaping
gaps
Garay
garb
garbled
GARCIA
Garden
gardening
Gardens
Garibaldi
garlands
garment
Garnett
Garnica
Garret
Garrigues
Garrison
garrisoned
garrisoning
garrisons
Garstein
Garter
Gary
GAS
Gaselee
gaseous
Gases
Gatacre
gate
gates
Gateway
gateways
gather
gathered
gathereth
gathering
gatherings
gathers
Gatling
Gatty
gauche
gauge
Gaul
Gautama
Gautsch
gave
Gayarré
Gazaland
gaze
gazed
gazette
gear
Gedil
Gedrosia
Gee
Gehrt
Geistlichkeit
gems
Gen
gendarme
gendarmerie
gendarmes
genealogies
genealogy
genera
General
Generalcy
Generalissimo
generalities
generally
generals
generate
generated
generating
generation
generations
generators
generosity
generous
generously
genesis
GENEVA
genius
Gennesareth
Genoa
Gentile
gentle
gentleman
Gentlemen
gentleness
gentry
genuine
genuinely
genuineness
genus
Geo
Geodetic
Geoffray
geog
geographer
Geographical
geographically
Geographisch
Geography
geologic
geological
geologist
geology
Geometric
Geometry
Georg
George
Georges
Georgetown
Georgia
Gerald
Gerhard
Gerlache
Germ
Germain
German
Germanic
Germans
Germany
germinal
germs
Gerona
Geronimo
Gerritz
GERRYMANDERING
Gesenius
Gesetzbuch
gesso
gesturing
get
gets
getting
Gettysburg
Ghali
gharry
ghastly
Ghazal
Ghazel
Ghazi
Ghent
Ghezireh
Ghoorkas
ghoulish
giant
Gibbons
Gibraltar
Gibson
Giers
Giffen
gift
gifted
gifts
Gigantic
GILBERT
gilded
Gilder
Gilgit
Gillespie
Gilman
Gilroy
gin
girders
girl
Girls
girt
Giuseppe
give
given
giver
gives
giving
Glacial
glaciated
Glacier
glaciers
glacis
glad
gladly
Gladstone
glamour
glance
glancing
gland
glanders
GLASGOW
glass
glasses
glassware
glassworkers
gleamed
Gleason
glebes
Glen
Glencoe
glided
glides
glimmering
glitter
gloat
gloating
globe
gloom
gloomy
glories
glorification
Glorious
glory
glossy
Gloucester
glow
glowing
glucose
gluey
glut
glycerine
gnarled
gnats
gneiss
Gneist
go
goad
goal
goat
goats
gobbled
gobernadorcillo
Gobi
God
goddess
Godfrey
Godkin
godowns
gods
godsend
Goebel
goes
Goethe
Goetze
going
Golchika
Gold
golden
Goldfields
Goldsmid
Goldwin
Golfito
Golgi
Golo
Golofnin
Gomanikwenda
Gomez
Goncourt
gone
gonorrhœa
Gonse
Gonzales
Gonzalez
Good
goodness
Goodnow
goods
goodwill
Goold
Goorkhas
goose
Gordon
gore
gorge
gorges
Gorst
Goschen
Gosha
gospel
gospels
GOSPODAR
Gosse
got
Gotha
Gothard
GOTHENBURG
Gothic
gotten
gouged
Goujon
Gould
Goulâs
Gouverneur
govern
governance
governed
governing
government
governmental
governments
governor
Governors
governorship
governs
gown
Graaf
Graaff
grab
grabbed
grabber
grabbing
grace
graced
graceful
graces
Gracious
graciously
gradation
grade
graded
grades
grading
gradual
Gradually
graduate
graduated
graduates
graduating
graduation
Graf
graft
grafting
Graham
grain
grained
grains
Gram
grammar
Granada
grand
grandchild
grandchildren
Grande
Grandee
grander
grandest
grandeur
grandfather
grandparent
grandson
grandsons
granite
grant
granted
granting
Grants
grapes
graphic
graphically
graphite
grasp
GRASPAN
grasped
grass
grasses
grateful
gratefully
gratefulness
gratification
gratified
gratify
gratifying
gratis
gratitude
gratuitous
gratuity
Grave
gravel
Gravelet
gravels
gravely
graver
graves
gravest
Gravitation
gravity
Gray
Grayson
grazing
GREAT
greater
greatest
greatly
greatness
Greatorex
Greece
greed
greediness
greedy
Greek
Greeks
Greeley
green
greenback
GREENBACKS
Greene
Greenfield
GREENLAND
Greenleaf
greensward
Greenwich
greet
greeted
greeting
greetings
Gregorio
Gregorovich
Gregory
Grenada
Grenadines
Grenfell
Grenville
Gresham
Gresovala
grew
grewsome
Grey
greybeards
GREYTOWN
Griblin
grief
grievance
grievances
grieved
grieveth
grievous
grievously
Griffin
Griffith
Griffiths
Griggs
Griggsby
grim
Grimes
grin
grinding
grinning
grip
Griqualand
grisly
gristle
groaning
groans
Grobler
grogshop
Grondwet
Gronlund
Groote
grooving
groping
gropings
gross
grossest
Grossgrundbesitz
grossly
Grosvenor
grotesque
Ground
grounds
Group
grouped
groupings
Groups
Grove
GROVER
groves
grow
growers
groweth
growing
grown
grows
Growth
growths
grudge
grumbling
grâce
Græco
Guam
Guanajuato
Guanica
guano
Guantanamo
Guantánamo
guarantee
guaranteed
guaranteeing
guarantees
guaranties
guaranty
guard
guarded
guardian
guardians
guardianship
guarding
Guards
Guarnaschelli
GUASIMA
Guasimas
Guaso
Guatemala
GUAYAMA
gubernatorial
guerilla
Guerra
Guerre
Guerrero
guerrilla
guerrillas
guess
guessed
guessing
guest
guests
Guglielmo
Guiana
guidance
guide
guided
guides
guiding
guidons
Guild
Guildhall
guilds
guileless
Guillermo
guilt
guiltiness
guiltless
guilty
Guimaras
guinea
Guineas
Guintinua
guise
Gujarat
gulches
Gulf
gulleys
gum
gun
gunboat
gunboats
GUNGUNHANA
gunnery
gunpowder
guns
gunshot
gurgling
Gurko
Gurob
Gustav
Gustave
Gutierrez
gutta
gutted
gutters
Guy
GUÉRIN
Guérin
Gwelo
Gwynn
gymnasium
gymnasiums
gymnastics
gypsum
Gätke
Géographie
Göttingen
H
ha
Haas
Habana
Habarovsk
habeas
Habert
habit
habitable
habitation
habitations
habited
habits
habitual
habitually
Habsburg
haciendas
hacked
hacking
had
Haderslev
Hadjin
HAFFKINE
HAGUE
hai
Haicheng
Haida
Haidarabad
Haifa
haikwan
hail
hailed
Hainan
Hains
Haiowa
hair
haired
hairy
Haiti
Haitian
Haji
Halbherr
Hale
HALEPA
Half
Halfa
halfpenny
Halifax
HALL
Halle
Halliday
halls
halt
halted
halting
halts
halves
hamals
Hamar
Hamburg
Hamed
Hamid
Hamilton
Hamipo
hamlet
hamlets
Hamlin
Hammer
hammered
Hammond
hamper
hampered
hampering
Hampshire
Hampson
Hamud
Hamza
Han
Hancock
hand
Handbook
handed
handful
handicraftsman
handing
handiwork
handkerchief
handle
handled
handling
hands
handsome
handwriting
Hangchow
hanged
hangers
Hanging
hankering
HANKOW
Hanlin
Hanotaux
Hanover
Hansa
Hansard
Hansen
haphazard
happen
happened
happening
happens
happier
happily
happiness
happy
har
Hara
Harald
harassed
harassing
Harbor
harborage
harbored
Harbors
harbour
harbours
Harcourt
hard
Harden
hardened
harder
hardest
hardihood
Hardinge
hardly
hardship
hardships
hardware
hardy
Hare
harem
harems
Harkness
Harlan
Harlem
Harley
harlotry
harm
harmless
harmlessness
harmonious
harmoniously
harmonize
harmonized
harmonizing
Harmony
HARMSWORTH
harness
harnessed
harnessing
Harold
Harper
harpies
Harpoot
harried
Harriet
Harriman
Harris
Harrison
harrowing
Harry
harsh
harshly
harshness
HART
Hartmann
HARVARD
harvest
harvesting
harvests
Has
Haskell
haste
hasten
hastened
hastening
hastily
Hastings
hasty
hat
Hata
Hatch
hatched
hatching
hate
hated
hateful
hath
hating
hatred
hats
Hatteras
Hattie
Hatzfeldt
haughty
haul
hauled
haunting
Haupt
Hausa
Hausas
Haussas
Havana
Have
Havel
Havelock
Havemeyer
haven
Haverfield
having
havoc
Havre
HAWAII
Hawaiian
Hawaiians
Haweis
Hawick
Hawkins
Hawksley
hawser
HAWTHORNE
Hay
Hayes
Haynes
Hays
Hayti
Haytien
hazardous
hazards
haze
Hazzard
Haïnan
he
Head
headed
heading
headings
headless
Headley
headlong
headman
headmen
headpiece
headquarters
heads
headship
Headstones
headway
heal
healed
healing
health
healthiest
healthy
Healy
Healyites
heap
heaps
hear
hearably
heard
hearers
Hearing
hearings
hearsay
hearse
heart
hearted
heartfelt
hearth
heartily
heartlessness
heartrending
hearts
hearty
heat
heated
heathen
heating
heave
heaven
heavens
heavier
heaviest
heavily
heavy
Hebrew
HEBREWS
Hebrides
Hecker
hectolitre
heed
heel
heeled
heels
Hei
height
heights
Heilungchiang
Heine
heinous
Heinrich
Heinze
Heir
heiress
heirs
held
Helena
Helene
helicoidal
heliograph
heliographic
helium
hell
Hellenes
Hellenic
Hellenism
helm
Helmholtz
helots
Help
helped
helper
helpers
helpful
helping
helpless
helplessly
helplessness
helps
Helsingfors
helter
Helu
Hely
hemisphere
hemispheres
hemmed
hemming
hemp
Hempstead
hen
Hence
Henceforth
henceforward
Henderson
Heng
Henkel
Henn
Henri
Henrietta
HENRY
Henschel
her
herald
heraldic
heralding
Heralds
Herat
Herbert
herbs
herculean
Hercules
herd
herded
herdless
herds
here
hereafter
hereby
hereditary
herein
hereinafter
hereinbefore
hereof
heresies
heresy
heretical
hereto
heretofore
hereunder
hereunto
herewith
Herholdt
Heri
heritage
Hermite
Hermon
Hernandez
hero
Herodotus
heroes
heroic
heroism
Herr
Herrera
herrings
hers
Herschel
Herschell
Herself
Hertz
HERVEY
Herzl
hesitancy
hesitate
hesitated
hesitating
hesitation
hesitations
Hetairia
heterogeneous
Heth
Heureaux
Hewett
hewing
hewn
Hezekiah
Hibbert
hibernated
Hicks
hid
hidden
hide
hideous
hideously
hides
hiding
hien
hierarchic
hierarchy
hieratic
hieroglyph
hieroglyphic
hieroglyphics
hieroglyphs
Higginson
high
higher
Highest
Highland
Highlanders
HIGHLANDS
highly
Highness
Highnesses
highway
highways
Hilaire
Hilder
HILL
Hillah
Hillebrand
Hillegas
Hillier
hills
hilltop
hilly
Hilo
Hilprecht
Hiltebrandt
him
Himalayas
Himself
Hind
Hinde
hinder
hindered
hindering
Hindoo
hindrance
hindrances
Hindu
Hindus
Hingan
hinges
Hinsdale
hint
Hintchak
hinted
hinterland
Hinterlands
Hintonburg
hints
Hippolyte
Hiram
Hiraoka
hire
hired
hireling
Hirsch
his
Hispano
Hissarlik
hissed
Hist
historian
HISTORIANS
historic
historical
historically
history
hit
Hitchcock
hitherto
Hitt
Hittite
Hizen
Hjalmar
Hjort
Hjorth
Hjärne
ho
Hoa
hoar
hoard
hoarding
Hobart
Hoboken
Hobson
Hodgson
hoe
Hofmeyr
Hogarth
Hohenlohe
Hohenstein
hoist
hoisted
hoisting
Hokuriku
hol
hold
holder
holders
Holding
holdings
holds
hole
holes
Holguin
Holguín
holiday
holidays
Holiness
HOLLAND
Hollander
Hollanders
hollow
hollows
HOLLS
Holm
Holman
Holstein
Holt
Holtenau
HOLY
homage
hombre
home
homeless
homemade
Homer
Homeric
homes
Homesickness
homestead
homesteads
homeward
homicidal
homicide
Hommel
homogeneous
Homonkon
Hon
Honan
Honda
HONDURAS
honest
honestly
honesty
honey
HONG
Hongkong
Honolulu
honor
honorable
honorably
honorarium
honorary
honored
honoring
honors
honour
honourable
honourably
honoured
honouring
Honours
hood
Hoods
hoof
hooks
Hoop
hope
hoped
Hopeful
hopefully
hopefulness
hopeless
hopelessly
hopelessness
hopes
Hopetoun
hoping
Hopkins
HORACE
Horatio
hordes
horizon
horizontal
horizontally
HORMIGUEROS
horn
Horns
horrible
horribly
horrid
horrified
horror
horrors
hors
Horse
horseback
horsemanship
horsemen
horsepower
horses
horseshoe
Horsley
horticultural
Hoshi
hospitable
hospital
hospitality
hospitals
host
hostages
hostess
Hostile
hostilities
hostility
hosts
hot
hotbed
hotel
hotels
Hotep
hothouse
hotly
Hottentot
hottest
Houghton
hounded
hour
hours
HOUSE
housed
Household
householder
householders
households
housekeeper
housekeepers
houseless
HOUSES
Houssaye
Houston
Houx
Hova
hovels
hover
Hovey
How
Howard
Howe
Howell
However
howl
howsoever
Hoyle
Hs
Hsiang
Hsien
Hsiku
Hsin
Hsiu
Hsu
Hsuan
Hsueh
Hsü
Hu
HUA
huai
Huaichaca
huan
Huang
Hubbard
hucksters
huddled
HUDSON
hue
huei
hug
huge
Hugh
Hughes
Hugo
Huguenots
HUI
Huis
Hull
Humac
Humacao
human
humane
humanely
humanitarian
Humanity
HUMBERT
humble
humbled
humbler
humbles
humbly
humiliated
humiliating
humiliation
humiliations
humility
Humingan
humming
humouring
Hun
Hunan
Hunch
HUNDRED
hundredfold
Hundreds
hung
Hungarian
Hungarians
HUNGARY
hunger
hungry
Huns
Hunt
hunted
Hunter
hunters
hunting
Huntington
huntsman
Huntsville
Hunyady
Huok
Huot
Hupeh
Hupei
hurled
hurrah
hurricane
Hurried
hurriedly
hurry
hurrying
hurt
husband
HUSBANDISTS
husbandry
husbands
Huse
Hushed
Huskisson
hustled
hut
Hutchinson
Hutchison
Hutin
huts
Huxley
Hwei
Hy
Hyacinth
Hyde
hydraulic
hydrogen
hydrographic
hydrographical
Hydrological
hygiene
hygienic
Hyndman
Hyperborean
hypnotized
hypocrisy
hypocritical
hypotheses
hypothesis
hysterical
Hæmamœbidæ
hésitez
hêng
Hübner
I
Ian
iao
Ibayat
Ibero
Ibi
Ibrahimieh
ice
ICELAND
icequake
Ichang
IDAHO
Ide
idea
ideal
ideals
ideas
Identic
identical
identification
identified
identify
identifying
identity
idiocy
idiots
idle
idleness
idol
idolatrous
idolatry
idols
if
Ignacio
Ignatius
ignited
ignorance
ignorant
ignore
ignored
ignoring
II
iii
Il
Iles
Ilios
ill
illegal
illegality
illegalité
illegally
illiberal
illicit
illimitable
Illinois
illiteracy
illiterate
illiterates
illness
Illocos
illogical
ills
illuminant
illuminate
illuminating
illumination
illumined
illusion
illusory
illustrate
Illustrated
Illustrating
illustration
illustrations
illustrative
illustrious
Illustrirte
Ilocanos
Ilocos
Iloilo
Ilorin
im
Image
imaginable
imaginary
imagination
imagine
imagined
Imarovatana
Imataka
imbued
Imerina
Imgur
imitate
imitated
imitating
imitation
immaterial
immeasurable
immeasurably
Immediate
Immediately
immemorial
immense
immensity
immigrant
immigrants
immigrated
immigration
imminence
imminent
immoral
immorality
immortal
Immortalité
immovable
immune
immunities
immunity
immunized
impact
impair
impaired
impairing
impairment
impairs
impart
imparted
impartial
impartiality
impartially
impassable
Impassioned
impatience
impatient
impatiently
impeached
impeachment
impede
impeded
impediment
impediments
impending
imperative
imperatively
imperfect
imperfection
imperfections
imperfectly
imperfectness
IMPERIAL
imperialism
Imperialist
Imperialistic
imperialists
imperil
imperilled
imperilling
imperils
imperious
imperishable
impermeable
impersonation
impertinent
impervious
impetus
impinge
impinges
impiously
implacable
implants
implements
implicate
implicated
implication
implicitly
implied
implies
implore
implored
imploring
imply
implying
impolicy
impolitic
import
importance
Important
importantly
importation
importations
imported
importer
importers
importing
imports
importunate
importunately
importuned
impose
imposed
imposes
imposing
imposition
impossibility
impossible
impost
imposts
impotence
impotency
impoverish
impoverished
impoverishment
impracticability
impracticable
impregnable
impregnated
impress
impressed
impressing
impression
impressionable
impressions
impressive
impressively
impressiveness
imprison
imprisoned
imprisonment
improbable
improper
improperly
impropriety
improve
improved
Improvement
Improvements
improvidence
improving
imprudence
impudence
impudent
impulse
impulses
impulsive
impunity
imputation
imputed
Imus
in
inability
inaccessible
inaccuracy
inaccurate
inaction
inactive
inactivity
inadequacy
inadequate
inadequately
inadmissible
inadvisability
inadvisable
inalienable
inapplicable
inarticulate
inasmuch
Inaugural
inaugurate
inaugurated
inaugurating
inauguration
Inayat
incalculable
incalculably
incandescent
incantations
incapable
incapacitated
incapacity
incarcerated
incarceration
Incarnation
incarnations
Incas
incendiarism
incense
incensed
incentive
inception
incessant
incessantly
inch
inches
incidence
INCIDENT
Incidental
incidentally
incidents
incipient
incisions
incisive
incite
incited
inciting
inclination
inclinations
inclined
inclose
inclosed
incloses
inclosure
inclosures
include
Included
includes
Including
Inclusion
inclusions
inclusive
incognito
incoherent
INCOME
incomers
incomes
incoming
incomparable
incompatibility
incompatible
incompetent
incomplete
incomprehensible
inconceivable
inconclusive
incongruous
inconsiderable
inconsistency
inconsistent
incontestable
incontinently
incontrovertible
inconvenience
inconveniences
inconvenient
inconveniently
incorporate
incorporated
incorporates
incorporating
incorporation
incorrect
incorrectly
increase
increased
Increases
increasing
increasingly
incredible
incredibly
incredulity
increment
incriminated
incubation
inculcated
incumbency
incumbent
incumbered
incur
incurable
incurably
incurred
incurs
incursion
incursions
Indang
indebted
indebtedness
indecision
indecisive
indeed
indefensible
indefinite
indefinitely
indelible
indemnified
indemnify
Indemnities
indemnity
indenture
Independence
Independent
independently
Independents
indescribable
indeterminate
index
indexes
indexing
INDIA
Indian
INDIANA
Indianapolis
Indians
indicate
indicated
indicates
indicating
indication
indications
indicted
indictment
indictments
Indies
indifference
indifferent
indifferently
indigenous
indigestible
indigestion
indignant
indignantly
indignation
indignity
indigo
Indios
indiquant
indirect
indirectly
indiscretion
indiscriminate
indispensable
indispensably
indisputable
indisputably
indissoluble
individual
individuality
individually
individuals
indomitable
INDONESIAN
Indonesians
indoor
indorse
indorsed
indorsement
indubitable
induce
induced
inducement
induces
inducing
inductance
inducted
induction
indulge
indulged
indulgence
indulgences
indulgent
indulges
indulging
indunas
Indus
industrial
industrialism
Industries
industrious
industry
ineffaceably
ineffective
Ineffectual
inefficiency
inefficient
inelastic
inequality
inequitable
ineradicable
inertia
inestimable
inevitable
inevitably
inexhaustible
inexpediency
inexpedient
inexpensive
inexplicable
inexplicit
inexpressible
inextricably
infallible
infallibly
infamous
infamy
infancy
infant
Infanta
Infanticide
INFANTRY
infants
infect
infected
infecting
infection
infectious
infer
inference
Inferior
inferiority
infernally
inferred
inferring
infested
infidelium
infinite
infinitely
infirm
infirmaries
inflamed
inflammable
inflammation
inflammatory
inflexible
inflict
inflicted
inflicting
Influence
influenced
influences
influential
influenza
influx
inform
informal
informally
informant
informants
information
informed
informing
informs
infraction
infractions
infrequency
infrequently
infringe
infringement
infringing
infused
ING
ingenious
ingeniously
ingenuity
Ingersoll
ingested
Ingolf
ingots
inhabit
inhabitant
inhabitants
inhabited
inhabiting
inhabits
inhaled
inharmonious
inherent
inherit
inheritance
inheritances
inherited
inheritor
inherits
inhibition
inhuman
inhumanity
iniquities
iniquitous
iniquity
initial
initiate
initiated
initiation
initiative
Initiator
injected
injecting
injection
injudicious
injunction
injunctions
injure
injured
injuries
injuring
injurious
injuriously
injury
injustice
Inland
inlet
inlets
Inman
inmates
inn
Inner
Innes
innings
innocence
innocent
innocently
innocuous
innovation
innovations
innumerable
inoculated
Inoculation
inoculations
inoffensive
inoperative
inopportune
Inouye
inquire
inquired
inquirer
inquires
inquiries
inquiring
inquiry
inquisitive
inroad
inroads
insane
insanity
insatiable
insatiate
inscribe
inscribed
inscription
Inscriptions
insect
insecticide
insects
insecure
insecurity
inseparable
insert
inserted
insertion
inshore
inside
insight
insignia
insignificance
insignificant
insincere
insincerity
insinuation
insinuations
insist
insisted
insistence
insistent
insisting
insists
insolence
insolent
insolvency
insolvent
insolvents
insomnia
insomuch
inspect
inspected
inspecting
INSPECTION
inspections
Inspector
Inspectorate
inspectors
inspiration
inspire
inspired
inspiring
inst
installation
installations
installed
installment
installments
instalment
instalments
instance
instances
instant
instantaneous
instantaneously
instanter
instantly
Instead
instigated
instigates
instigating
instigation
instigator
instigators
instill
instinct
instinctive
instinctively
instincts
Institut
Institute
instituted
institutes
institution
institutional
institutions
instruct
instructed
instructing
Instruction
Instructions
instructive
instructors
instrument
instrumental
instrumentality
instruments
insubordination
insufficiency
insufficient
insufficiently
insular
insulating
insulation
insult
insulted
insulting
insultingly
insults
insuperable
insurance
insure
insured
insures
insurgent
insurgents
insuring
Insurrection
insurrectionary
insurrections
insusceptible
intact
intake
integral
integrity
intellectual
Intelligence
intelligent
intelligently
intelligible
intemperance
intend
Intendants
intended
intending
intends
intense
intensely
intensify
intensity
intent
intention
intentional
intentionally
intentioned
intentions
intently
intents
INTER
interaction
interceded
intercept
intercepted
intercepting
interchange
interchanged
Intercolonial
Intercontinental
intercourse
interdict
interdicted
interdiction
Interest
interested
interesting
interestingly
interests
interfere
interfered
Interference
interfering
interim
interior
interlopers
intermarriage
intermarry
intermediaries
intermediary
intermediate
intermediation
interments
interminable
intermission
intermittent
Intermix
intermixed
intern
internal
International
internationalisation
internationally
internecine
interned
internment
internments
Interoceanic
interparliamentary
Interpellation
interpeller
interposed
interposition
interpret
interpretation
interpretative
interpreted
interpreter
interpreting
interprets
interred
interregnum
interrogated
interrupt
interrupted
interrupters
interrupting
interruption
interruptions
intersected
intersection
interspersed
interstate
interval
intervals
intervene
intervened
intervenes
intervening
intervention
interview
Interviews
interwoven
intestine
intimate
intimated
intimately
intimating
intimation
intimations
intimidate
intimidated
intimidation
intituled
into
intolerable
intolerance
intoxicants
intoxicating
intra
intractable
intrench
intrenched
intrenching
intrenchments
intrepid
intrepidity
intrepidly
intricate
intrigue
intriguers
intrigues
intrinsic
introduce
introduced
introduces
introducing
Introduction
introductory
intruders
intruding
intrusion
intrust
intrusted
intuition
intuitions
intéressants
inundated
inundation
inundations
invade
invaded
invaders
invading
Invalid
invalidate
invalided
Invalides
invalidity
invalids
invaluable
invariable
invariably
invasion
invasions
inveighing
invent
invented
inventing
invention
INVENTIONS
inventive
inventor
inventors
inventory
Inverness
invest
invested
investigate
investigated
investigating
INVESTIGATION
investigations
investigator
investigators
investing
investment
investments
investors
invests
inveterately
inviolability
inviolable
inviolably
inviolate
invisible
invitation
invitations
invite
invited
invites
inviting
invocation
invoice
invoiced
invoices
invoke
invoked
invokes
invoking
involuntary
involve
involved
involves
involving
invulnerability
invulnerable
inward
inwardly
iota
Iowa
irade
Iraq
IRELAND
Irish
irksome
Irkutch
Irkutsk
Iron
ironclad
Irons
Ironside
Iroquois
irrational
irreconcilable
irreconcilables
irregular
irregularities
irregularity
irregularly
irregulars
irrelevant
irremediable
Irreparable
irrepressible
irresistible
irrespective
irresponsible
irrevocable
irrevocably
irrigate
irrigated
irrigates
irrigation
irritable
irritated
irritating
irritation
irritations
Irving
is
Isaac
Isabela
Isham
Ishpeming
Isidro
Iskanderoun
Isla
Islam
island
islanders
islands
Isle
Ismail
Ismid
isolate
isolated
isolating
isolation
Ispahan
Isparhecher
ISRAEL
Israelite
Israelites
Israélite
issuance
Issue
Issued
issues
Issuing
isthmian
isthmus
Istria
it
ITAGAKI
Italian
Italians
Italy
item
items
Ito
Its
itself
IV
ivory
IVth
ivy
IX
J
Jacinto
Jack
jackals
jacket
jacketed
jackets
jacks
Jackson
Jacob
Jacobinism
Jacobowski
Jacobus
Jacquemyns
jade
Jaffa
jailors
Jalhay
Jalisco
Jallon
JAMAICA
jamais
James
Jameson
jams
Jan
Janeiro
Janeway
JANUARY
Japan
Japanese
jar
Jardine
Jarlin
jarring
jars
Jasen
Javier
Jay
je
jealous
jealousies
jealously
jealousy
Jean
Jedburgh
jeering
JEFFERSON
Jeffersonian
Jehovah
Jehu
Jena
Jenner
jeopardize
jeopardized
jeopards
jeopardy
Jerid
Jerome
Jersey
Jerusalem
Jesse
Jesuit
Jesuits
Jesus
jet
jetties
Jew
jewel
jewels
Jewish
Jews
Jiji
Jiminez
jingo
Jingoism
Joan
Joannes
Joaquin
Job
jobbers
jobbery
jobs
Joel
Johann
Johannes
JOHANNESBURG
Johannesburgers
Johansen
John
Johns
Johnson
Johnston
Johnstown
join
joined
Joining
joins
joint
jointly
joints
Joinville
Joliet
Jolo
Jomalig
Jonah
Jonas
JONATHAN
Jones
Jonkheer
Joppa
Joralemon
Jordan
Jorge
Jorgensen
Jose
JOSEF
Joseph
Josephine
Joshua
Josiah
Joss
Josshouse
José
Joubert
jour
Journal
journalism
journalist
journalistic
journalists
journals
journey
journeyed
journeying
journeys
Joy
joyful
joyfully
joys
João
Jr
Ju
Juan
Juanillo
Juarez
Juba
Jubaland
JUBILEE
Judah
Judean
Judge
judged
Judges
judging
judgment
Judgments
judicature
judicial
judicially
Judiciary
judicious
judiciously
Judson
Judæa
Judæan
jugement
juger
Juggernaut
jugular
jugée
Jui
Juif
Jules
Julian
Julio
Julius
JULY
jumble
jumped
jumps
junction
JUNE
Jung
jungle
jungles
Junior
Junius
Junker
Junkerthum
junks
junta
Jura
jurally
juridiquc
juries
Juris
jurisdiction
jurisdictional
jurisdictions
jurisprudence
Jurist
Jurists
Juror
jurors
Jury
Just
justement
juster
Justice
justices
justifiable
justification
justified
justifies
justify
justifying
Justin
justly
Jutland
Jutlanders
juvenile
juxtaposition
Jêho
k
Kabagambe
Kabarega
Kabayama
Kabayma
Kabul
Kabyle
Kabyles
Kaffir
Kaffirs
Kafiristan
Kafirs
Kafukwe
Kagayan
Kagoshima
Kahoolawe
Kahului
kai
Kaidalovo
kaids
Kaimakam
Kaiphing
Kaiping
Kairwan
Kaiser
Kaishin
Kaishinto
Kaiulani
Kakushinto
Kalabaka
Kalakaua
Kalamines
Kalgoorlie
Kalindero
Kalnoky
Kamchatka
Kamerun
KAMERUNS
Kandahar
Kanem
KANG
Kanitz
Kann
Kansas
Kansu
Kao
Kaph
KAPILAVASTU
Kapiolani
Kara
Karachi
Karahissar
Karatheodory
Karene
Karina
Karl
Karlovich
KARNAK
Karnatik
Karukala
Kasar
Kashgar
Kashmir
Kasr
Kassaba
KASSALA
Kasson
Katholische
Katikiro
KATIPUNAN
Kauai
Kazan
Kazungu
KEARSARGE
Kedleston
Kedong
keel
Keeley
keen
Keene
keener
keenest
keenly
keep
keeper
keepers
Keeping
keeps
Keewatin
Keifer
Kekewich
Kelat
Kellogg
Kelly
Kelvin
Kempff
Kengi
Kensei
Kent
Kentucky
Kepler
kept
Keramia
Kerens
kerosene
Kestner
Ketteler
kew
key
keys
Keystone
KHAIBAR
Khalid
Khalifa
khalifas
Khan
khans
Khaorbin
Kharran
Khartoum
Khartum
Khedival
Khedive
Khedivial
Khel
Khiva
Khodynskoye
Khotan
Khufu
Khulan
Khyber
Ki
KIANG
Kiango
Kiangsi
Kiangsu
KIAO
Kiaochau
Kiaochou
Kiaochow
Kibero
kicking
kidnapped
kidnapping
kidney
kidneys
Kieff
Kiel
Kien
Kienning
Kiffi
Kiggins
Kikuyu
kill
killed
KILLING
Killowen
kilograms
kilometers
kilometre
kilometres
kilomètres
Kimberley
kin
kind
kindle
kindled
kindlier
kindliest
kindly
kindness
kindred
kinds
king
kingcraft
kingdom
Kingdoms
kingly
kings
Kingsbridge
kingship
Kingsley
Kingston
Kingstown
kinsfolk
kinsmen
Kioja
Kipini
Kirin
Kirksville
Kirtomado
Kis
Kishm
Kismayu
kiss
Kissamo
Kitasato
kitchen
Kitchener
Kittleson
Kitts
Kiukiang
Klaheela
Klehini
KLONDIKE
Klondyke
Klukwan
knee
knees
knell
knew
Knife
Knight
knighthood
Knipovich
knit
knives
knocked
knoll
Knossos
knot
knots
Know
Knowing
knowingly
knowledge
Knowlton
known
knows
Knox
ko
Kobbé
Kobe
Kock
Kohat
Kohlen
Kohlensyndikat
Koinadugu
Kokang
Koku
Koldewey
Kollar
Koloman
Kolonial
Kolthoff
Komati
Komura
KONG
Kongo
Koniah
Konieh
Konrad
Konversations
Koordish
Koords
Kooznesk
KOP
kopjes
Koptos
Kordofan
KOREA
Korean
Koreans
Korsakovsky
Kossuth
Kotlass
Kotze
Kotzebue
Kou
Koutzo
Kow
Kowlon
Kowloon
Kozar
kraal
Krag
Kristensen
Kroonstad
Kropotkin
KRUGER
Krugerism
Krugerite
Krugersdorp
Krupp
Ku
Kuan
KUANG
Kuka
Kumasai
Kumassi
Kumassis
KUN
Kung
Kuping
Kurabu
Kuram
Kurbash
Kurds
Kurigalzu
Kurihama
Kurile
Kurla
Kuropatkin
KURRAM
Kuruman
Kurun
Kush
Kusumoto
kwa
kwan
Kwang
KWANGCHOW
Kwangsi
Kwangtung
Kwanti
Kwanto
Kwei
Kweichow
kweitze
Kwungtung
Kwyhoo
Kydonia
Kyle
Kyushu
Kálman
Kämpfe
Königreiche
Königsberg
Köppen
Körber
l
La
laagers
LABOR
laboratories
Laboratory
labored
laborer
Laborers
Labori
laboring
laborious
laboriously
labors
Labouchere
Laboulaye
Labour
laboured
labourers
labouring
labours
LABRADOR
labrys
LABYRINTH
lace
laces
lack
lacked
lacking
Lacour
ladders
laden
ladies
Lado
LADRONE
ladrones
Lady
LADYSMITH
Lafargue
Lagarde
Lagas
Lagofsky
LAGOS
Laguan
Laguna
Lahovari
Lai
laid
Laing
laissez
laity
Lajas
lake
Lakes
lakh
lakhs
Lakkiotes
Lakkos
Lalor
Lama
Lamb
Lambermont
lamentable
lamentations
lamented
lamenting
laments
Lamia
Lammasch
lamp
lamps
Lampson
Lamsdorff
Lamu
Lan
Lanai
Lancashire
Lancaster
lance
Lancet
LAND
Landdrost
Landdrosts
landed
landholders
landholding
landing
landlord
landlordism
landlords
landmark
landmarks
landowner
landowners
Landrost
Landrosts
Lands
landscape
Landsthing
Landtag
landwards
Lane
lanes
Lang
Langfang
Langford
Langson
language
languages
Lankester
Lansdowne
Lanyon
Laotze
lapis
Lappa
lapse
lapsed
larceny
Laredo
large
largely
larger
largest
Larissa
LARNED
Laroche
Larsen
larvæ
Las
lashed
last
lasted
lasting
lastly
lasts
Latané
late
lately
latent
later
lateral
laterally
Lateran
latest
Lathrop
Latin
latitude
latitudinal
latter
latterly
Lattimer
laudable
Lauenburg
laughed
laughing
Laughlin
launch
launched
launches
launching
laundry
Laupepa
Laura
Laureate
laurel
laurels
Laurence
LAURIER
Lauth
lava
Laval
Laveran
lavish
lavished
Lavoro
law
lawbreakers
lawful
lawfully
lawgivers
Lawless
lawlessness
lawmaking
Lawrence
laws
Lawson
lawsuit
lawsuits
LAWTON
lawyer
Lawyers
laxity
lay
Layard
layer
layers
laying
layman
lays
Lazaro
Lazear
Lazes
lazuli
lazy
lb
le
lead
leader
leaders
leadership
leading
leadingstrings
leads
leaf
leafy
LEAGUE
leagued
leagues
leaked
Lean
Leander
leaned
leaning
leanings
Leao
leap
leaped
leaps
learn
learned
Learning
learns
learnt
lease
leased
leasehold
leases
leash
leasing
Least
leathern
leave
leavened
leaves
leaving
Lebanon
Lebel
Leblois
Lebrun
Lebœuf
LECHER
lecherous
lecture
lectured
lecturers
Lectures
lecturing
Led
ledges
Lee
Leech
Leeds
Lees
Leeward
left
leg
legacy
legal
legality
legalized
legally
Legaria
Legaspi
legation
legations
legend
legendary
legends
Legge
legion
legions
legislate
legislated
legislating
LEGISLATION
Legislative
legislators
Legislature
Legislatures
Legitimate
legitimately
legs
Lehigh
Lei
LEICHAU
Leighton
Leipsic
Leipzig
leisure
leisurely
Leite
Leland
Lemercier
Lena
Lenard
lend
lenders
lending
length
lengthened
lengthening
lengths
lengthy
leniency
lenient
leniently
Lenox
lens
lent
Lentilhon
Leo
Leon
Leonard
LEONE
Leonora
Leopold
leper
Lerner
Leroy
les
Leslie
less
lessees
lessen
lessened
lessening
Lesseps
Lesser
lesson
lessons
lessor
lest
let
lethargy
Letran
Letter
letters
Letting
Leucocytes
Levant
level
leveled
levelled
levelling
lever
Levering
Levi
leviable
levied
levies
Levis
levy
levying
Lewis
Lewiston
LEX
Lexicon
Lexow
Leyba
Leyden
Leyds
Leydsdorp
Leyte
Lezo
li
liabilities
Liability
Liable
Liang
Liao
Liaotung
libel
libellous
libels
liberal
liberalism
liberality
liberalized
liberalizing
liberally
Liberals
liberated
liberating
liberation
liberators
Liberia
liberties
liberty
libidinous
Libog
Librarian
librarians
libraries
Library
LIBRE
Libyan
Libyans
libérateur
libéré
licence
Licences
licencia
license
licensed
licensee
licenses
licensing
licentious
lichens
licked
lid
Liddell
lie
Liebig
Liebknecht
Liechtenstein
Liefsting
Liege
lien
liens
lies
lieu
lieutenancy
Lieutenant
lieutenants
life
lifeless
lifelong
lifetime
lift
lifted
lifter
light
lighted
lightened
lightening
lightens
lighter
lighters
lightest
Lighthouse
lighthouses
Lighting
lightly
lightning
lights
lightships
LII
LIII
Like
liked
likelihood
likely
liken
likened
likeness
likes
Likewise
likin
liking
Likipia
lil
Liliuokalani
Lille
Lima
Limantour
limb
Limbancauyan
Limbourg
limbs
lime
limes
limit
limitation
limitations
limited
limiting
limits
limply
Limpopo
Lin
Linapacan
Linares
LINCOLN
Linde
Lindsay
line
lineage
lineal
linear
lined
linen
Linens
LINES
Lingay
Lingayen
lingering
Lingey
Linivitch
link
linked
links
linotype
Linton
lion
Lionel
lioness
lionised
lions
lip
Lippett
Lippincott
lips
Liquefaction
liquefy
liquefying
liquid
liquidated
liquidating
liquidator
liquids
liquor
liquors
Lisbon
Liscum
lisière
list
listen
listened
listening
lists
lit
literacy
literal
literally
Literary
literati
Literature
litigants
litigation
Littell
litters
LITTLE
Littmann
littoral
LIU
LIV
live
lived
liveliest
livelihood
lively
liver
Liverpool
lives
livestock
Living
Livingstone
LIX
LL
Lloyd
lo
Loa
load
loaded
Loading
loads
loafers
Loan
loanable
Loanda
Loango
loans
loath
loathed
loathful
loathsome
loaves
Lobanof
lobster
lobsters
local
localities
locality
locally
locate
located
location
locations
Loch
Lock
locked
Locker
Lockhart
lockout
LOCKOUTS
Lockroy
locks
locksmiths
Lockyer
loco
LOCOMOTION
locomotive
locomotives
locus
lodge
lodged
lodgers
lodging
lodgings
lodgment
Loengi
loftiest
lofty
LOG
Logan
Logia
logical
logically
logomachy
Lohman
loins
Lokal
Lokko
Lokoja
Lombardy
Lombok
LONDON
Londoner
lone
lonely
Long
longed
longer
longest
longevity
LONGFELLOW
longing
Longitude
Longmans
longs
Longstaff
look
looked
lookers
Looking
looks
loom
looming
loop
loopholed
loopholes
loopholing
loose
loosened
looser
loot
looted
looters
LOOTING
Lopez
Lorain
Lord
lords
lordship
lordships
Lorenzo
Loret
Loreto
Lorimer
Lorraine
los
lose
loser
loses
losing
Loss
losses
lost
lot
Lothaire
lots
lotteries
lottery
lotus
LOUBET
loud
loudly
LOUIS
Louisa
Louise
Louisiana
Louisville
lounging
Lourenço
lovableness
love
loved
lover
lovers
loves
loving
lovingly
low
Lowe
Lowell
lower
lowered
lowering
lowest
lowland
Lowry
loyal
loyalists
loyally
loyalty
lu
Luan
Luang
Luangwa
Lubang
Lubas
Lubbock
Luccheni
Lucia
lucid
lucidity
Lucien
Lucifer
luckless
lucky
lucrative
Lucretia
Ludgate
ludicrous
Ludlow
Ludwig
Lueders
Lueger
Lugal
Luh
lui
Luigi
Luis
Luke
Lukoja
Lukou
Lukouchiao
Lukács
lull
lulled
lumber
Lumbini
luminary
luminescence
luminescent
luminosity
luminous
lumière
Lummis
lump
Luna
lunatic
Lunatics
luncheon
Lung
Lungchow
lungs
Lupao
lurk
Lusan
Lushington
Lushunk
lust
lustful
Lutai
Luther
Lutin
Lutz
Lutzow
LUXEMBOURG
Luxemburg
Luxor
luxuriant
luxuries
luxury
Luzon
LV
LVI
LVII
LVIII
LX
LXI
lxxviii
Lycée
lying
Lyman
LYNCH
lynching
lynchings
Lynde
Lyne
Lynn
Lyon
lyric
LÈSE
LÜBECK
Länder
Lèse
légale
Léon
Lü
Lübeck
m
Ma
Mabini
Macabebe
Macabebes
macadamized
Macao
Macarius
macaroni
MacArthur
MACCHI
MacCormac
MacCracken
MacDonald
Macedo
MACEDONIA
Macedonian
Macedonians
MACEO
maces
MACHADADORP
Machadodorp
machete
Machia
machinations
machine
machinery
machines
machinâ
Mackay
Mackenzie
Macmillan
Macoun
Macris
macrogametocytes
Mactan
mad
MADAGASCAR
Madame
Madder
made
Madeleine
Madison
madly
madness
Madras
Madrid
Madu
Maeder
Mafeking
Mafia
Magalang
Magalhaes
Magaliesburg
magazine
magazines
Magellan
Maghallanes
magic
magical
magistrate
Magistrates
Magnalia
magnanimity
magnanimous
magnate
Magnates
magnesium
magnet
magnetic
magnetism
magnificence
magnificent
magnified
magnify
Magnifying
magnitude
Maguire
Magungu
Magyar
Magyars
Mahan
Maharaja
MAHDI
Mahdism
Mahdists
Mahmoud
Mahmud
Mahomed
Mahomedan
Mahometan
Mahometans
Mahommedan
Mahommedanism
Mahon
Mahukona
Mai
Maibung
mail
mailed
mails
maimed
main
Maine
Mainland
Mainly
mains
maintain
maintainable
maintained
maintainers
maintaining
Maintenance
Mainz
maison
Maizar
maize
Majesfontein
majestic
Majesty
MAJESTÉ
majesté
Major
majorities
majority
majors
Majuba
Makaroff
make
makee
maker
makers
makes
makeshift
maketh
Makh
making
Malaboch
Malabon
Malacca
Malaga
MALAGASY
Malakand
Malalos
malaria
malarial
Malate
Malatia
Malay
MALAYAN
Malays
Malcolm
malcontent
Malcontento
malcontents
male
malefactors
malefic
males
Malet
malevolent
Malhou
malicious
Malietoa
malignant
maligned
malignity
mall
Mallet
Malolos
Maloney
malt
Maltese
Malthus
maltreat
maltreated
maltreatment
mamelukes
mammals
Mamprusi
man
manacles
manage
managed
management
Manager
managers
managing
Managua
Manchester
Manchu
MANCHURIA
Manchurian
Manchus
Manda
Mandaloyan
Mandamus
Mandano
Mandarin
Mandarindom
mandate
mandates
mandatory
Mandell
Mandian
MANETHO
mangled
mangrove
MANHATTAN
manhood
mania
manifest
manifestation
manifestations
manifested
manifesting
manifestly
manifesto
manifestos
manifold
Manila
manipulation
Manishtusu
Manitoba
mankind
manly
Mann
Mannaberg
manned
manner
mannered
manners
Manoquin
manor
manors
Mansion
Manson
Manteuffel
Manu
Manua
Manual
Manuel
manufactories
Manufacture
manufactured
manufacturer
manufacturers
manufactures
manufacturing
manumission
manuscript
manuscripts
many
Manzanillo
manœuvre
manœuvres
Maoris
Map
mapped
mapping
maps
Maputa
mar
Marash
Marathon
marauders
marauding
marble
Marblehead
Marburg
Marcel
Marcelino
Marcelo
march
MARCHAND
marched
marches
Marchiafava
marching
Marconi
Marcou
Marcus
Marduk
Margaret
margin
Maria
Mariana
Marianaje
Marianas
Marianne
Marimba
Marinas
Marindugna
marine
Mariner
Marines
Marini
Marion
Mariotti
Maripipi
Mariquina
maritime
mark
Marked
market
markets
marking
markings
marks
marksman
marksmen
Maronite
Marques
Marquess
Marquez
Marquis
marriage
marriages
married
marrow
marry
Marryat
Mars
Marseilles
marsh
Marshal
marshaled
Marshall
Marshalmen
marshals
marshes
marshy
Marsovan
Martens
Marti
martial
martialed
Martin
Martineau
Martinelli
Martinez
Martini
Martinique
Martinis
Martitz
marts
martyred
martyrology
martyrs
marvellous
marvellously
marvelous
Mary
MARYLAND
Masai
Masbate
Mascart
Maschin
MASELLA
MASHONALAND
Mashonas
mask
Masoch
Mason
masonry
Maspero
MASS
Massachusetts
massacre
massacred
massacres
massacring
masse
massed
Masses
massing
massive
Masso
Massowah
mast
master
mastered
masterpieces
masters
mastery
masts
Mastuj
mat
Mataafa
Matabele
Matabeleland
Matabeles
Matadi
Matamoras
Matanzas
match
matched
matches
Matchett
matchless
Mateo
material
materially
materials
materiel
maternity
mathematical
mathematically
mathematician
Mathematics
Mather
Matheson
Mathew
Mathias
Mathilde
Mati
Matias
Matignon
Matin
Matoppo
Matou
matrimonial
mats
Matsuda
Matsugata
Matsukata
matter
Matters
MATTHEW
Matthews
Matthieu
mattresses
mature
matured
maturing
maturity
Matzen
Mau
Maud
Maui
Mauri
Maurice
Maurier
Mauritius
Mauser
mausoleum
Mavromichali
Max
Maxim
Maximilian
Maximo
Maximoff
Maxims
Maximum
Maxwell
may
Mayaguez
maybe
Mayen
Mayer
Mayflower
Mayon
Mayor
mayoral
mayoralty
Mayors
maze
MAZET
Mazrui
Mazzella
Maître
McArthur
McCallum
McClellan
McClelland
McClernand
McClure
McCulloch
McCutcheon
McD
McDonald
McDougall
McEnery
McGrath
McIlwraith
McIntyre
McKee
McKeesport
McKelway
McKenna
McKenzie
McKinley
McLaurin
McMurdo
me
mea
Mead
meager
meagerly
meagre
meal
meals
mean
meaner
meaning
meanings
meanness
means
meant
meantime
meanwhile
measles
measurably
measure
measured
measurement
measures
measuring
Meat
meats
Mecca
mechanic
MECHANICAL
MECHANICS
Mechanicsburg
mechanism
Mecklenburg
medal
medals
meddling
media
median
mediate
mediating
mediation
mediator
mediators
Medical
medicinal
medicine
medicines
medieval
Medina
mediocre
meditated
meditation
Mediterranean
medium
mediæval
mediævalism
medley
meek
meet
meeting
meetings
meets
megalithic
Mehtar
Meiji
Meiklong
Meinam
Meishan
Mekka
Mekong
Mekran
melancholy
Melbourne
Melchite
Meline
mell
Mellen
mellow
melodramatically
Melouna
melt
melting
meltings
Melvil
Melville
member
members
membership
membrane
memoir
memoirs
memorable
memoranda
memorandum
memorial
memorialised
memorialist
memorialists
memorialize
memorialized
memorializing
Memorials
memories
Memory
Memphis
men
MENA
menace
menaced
menaces
menacing
Menam
Mencius
mend
mendacity
mendicant
mending
MENELEK
Menes
Mengtz
meningitis
mensuration
mental
mentall
mentally
mention
mentioned
mentioning
mentions
mentis
Merawi
Mercado
Mercantile
Mercedes
mercenaries
merchandise
merchandize
merchant
merchantmen
merchants
Mercier
mercies
merciful
mercifully
merciless
mercilessly
mercury
Mercy
mere
merely
MERENPTAH
meres
merest
merge
merged
Mergen
Mergenthaler
merging
meridian
meridional
merit
merited
merits
Merodach
Meron
Merriam
Merrill
MERRIMAC
Merritt
Merry
Mersine
mes
Mesa
Mesaba
Meshed
Mesopotamia
message
messages
messenger
messengers
Messieurs
messing
Messrs
mestizo
met
metal
metallic
Metalliferous
metallism
metallurgical
metallurgists
metals
Metcalfe
mete
meteoric
meteorite
meteorites
Meteoritic
meteorological
Meteorology
Meteors
meters
Metford
Metfords
methane
method
methodical
Methodist
methods
Methuen
metre
metres
metric
metropolis
Metropolitan
mewed
MEXICAN
Mexico
Meyer
Mgr
miasms
mice
Michael
MICHIGAN
Michoacan
micro
microbe
microbes
Microcassettes
microgametes
microscope
microscopic
microzoa
Mid
midday
Middelburg
Middle
middlemen
Midi
Midland
Midlothian
midnight
midshipman
midst
midway
midwinter
Mieh
Mier
Mifflin
might
mightier
mightiest
Mighty
Miguel
Mihaileano
Mihaly
Mikado
Milan
Milanese
Milburn
mild
milder
mile
mileage
Miles
Miley
militaire
militarism
MILITARY
militated
militia
milk
MILL
Millard
Millennial
MILLENNIUM
millenniums
Miller
Millerand
millet
milliard
million
millionaire
millionaires
millions
mills
Milner
Milouna
Milton
Milvart
Milwaukee
mimicking
Min
mind
MINDANAO
minded
mindedness
mindful
Mindoro
minds
mine
mined
miner
mineral
Mineralogy
minerals
miners
Mines
Ming
mingled
Mingo
miniature
minimise
minimum
mining
minister
Ministerial
ministers
Ministries
Ministry
Ministère
Minneapolis
Minnesota
minor
minorities
minority
minors
MINOS
Minotaur
mint
mintage
mints
Minute
minuteness
minutes
minutest
minutiæ
Miquel
Miquelon
miracle
miracles
miraculously
mirage
Mirko
Miro
Mirri
Mirs
Mirza
misadventure
misapprehension
misbehaviour
miscalculated
MISCELLANEOUS
mischief
mischievous
misconception
misconduct
misconstruction
misdeed
misdeeds
misdemeanor
misdemeanors
misdoing
miserable
miserably
miseries
misery
misfortune
misfortunes
misgiving
misgivings
misgovernment
misguided
mishap
mishaps
misinform
misinformed
misinterpretation
mislead
misleading
misled
mismanaged
mismanagement
misnamed
misnomer
misrepresent
misrule
misruled
Miss
missed
missing
mission
Missionaries
missionary
missioners
MISSIONS
Mississippi
Missouri
mist
mistake
mistaken
mistakes
mistrust
misunderstand
misunderstanding
misunderstandings
misunderstood
misuse
misused
Mitchel
Mitchell
mitigate
mitigated
Mitry
mix
mixed
mixing
mixture
MM
Mme
moat
moats
mob
Mobile
mobilisation
mobility
mobilization
mobilize
mobilized
mobilizing
mobs
Mochamera
mock
mockery
Modder
mode
model
modeled
models
moderate
moderately
Moderates
moderating
moderation
Modern
modernised
modernizing
modes
modest
modestly
modification
modifications
Modified
modify
modifying
modus
Moeris
Mohamed
Mohammed
Mohammedan
Mohammedans
Mohmand
moieties
moiled
Moines
Moisson
molasses
Moldavia
molded
mole
Molecular
molecules
molest
molestation
molested
molesting
Molinos
Molokai
Molucca
Moluccas
Mombasa
moment
momentarily
Momentary
momentous
moments
Mommsen
Mona
Monaco
Monaghan
Monarch
monarchical
Monarchists
monarchs
monarchy
monasteries
monastery
monastic
Moncada
Monday
Monet
MONETARY
MONEY
moneys
Mongol
Mongolia
Mongolian
Mongols
monied
Monier
monitors
monk
monks
Monmouth
monographs
monometallic
monometallism
MONOPOLIES
monopolise
monopolistic
monopolize
monopolized
MONOPOLY
monotonous
Monroe
Monseigneur
monsieur
Monsignor
monsoon
monster
monsters
monstrosity
monstrous
Mont
Montalban
Montana
Montauk
Monte
Montefiore
Montenegrin
Montenegrins
MONTENEGRO
Monterey
Montero
Montevideo
Montgomery
month
monthly
months
Montjuich
Montluçon
Montreal
Montreux
Montserrat
Montsioa
Montt
monument
monumental
monuments
Monza
moods
Moody
Mooi
Moon
Moore
moored
moorings
mooted
Moral
Morales
morality
morally
Morals
Moravia
Morazan
More
Moreau
Morelos
Moreover
Morgan
Moritz
Morley
Mormon
morning
Moro
Morocco
Morong
MOROS
Morozugu
Morrill
Morris
Morrison
Morro
morrow
MORSE
mortal
mortality
mortally
mortars
mortgage
mortgaged
mortgages
mortification
mortifying
Mortimer
Mortimore
mortised
mortmain
Morton
mosaic
Moscow
Moses
Moslem
MOSLEMS
Mosque
mosques
Mosquito
mosquitoes
Moss
Mossamedes
mosses
most
mostly
mot
Motcha
mote
Mother
motherland
mothers
motion
motionless
motions
motive
motives
motley
Motono
motor
motors
motto
mottoes
Mouillin
Moukden
mouldering
moulding
mouldy
mound
mounds
Mount
Mountain
mountainous
Mountains
Mounted
mounting
Mouravieff
mourned
mourning
mourns
Moush
mouth
mouths
movable
move
moveable
Moved
movement
Movements
moves
moving
Mowbray
Mozambique
Mpanjakany
Mr
Mrs
Msiri
MSS
Mu
Mubarak
much
mud
muddy
Mudirieh
Mudirs
Muertos
Muhammadan
Muhammadans
Muhlenberg
Mujelibeh
MUKDEN
Mul
mulatto
mulattoes
mulberry
mule
mules
Mulhall
Mulk
mullah
multiplication
multiplicity
multiplied
multiply
multiplying
multitude
multitudes
multitudinous
Mundella
Muneris
Munich
MUNICIPAL
municipalities
Municipality
municipio
municipios
munificence
munificently
munitions
Munkacsy
Munroe
Muong
mural
Muravieff
MURDER
murdered
murderer
murderers
murdering
murderous
murders
Murdoch
murmur
Murphy
Murray
Mururuma
muscle
muscles
Muscogee
Muscovite
muscular
museum
museums
MUSIC
MUSICAL
musician
musicians
musketry
Mussulman
Mussulmans
must
mustache
mustard
muster
mustered
musters
musty
mutes
mutilate
mutilated
mutilation
mutineers
mutinied
mutinous
Mutiny
Mutsu
mutterings
mutton
Mutual
mutually
Muzaffar
Muzzle
muzzled
muzzles
Mwanga
Mwasi
My
Mycenae
Mycenaean
Myer
Myers
Mykenae
Mykenai
Mykenæan
myriads
Myself
mysterious
mystery
mystic
mystical
mythical
mythologic
Mzerib
Méline
mên
Möllner
Müller
N
NA
Nabonidos
Nagada
Nagasaki
nagging
Nagodan
Nahua
Naic
Naikaku
nailed
nails
naked
Nam
Namacpacan
Namaqueland
name
named
nameless
namely
Names
naming
Namwan
Nan
Nancy
Nanking
Nanning
NANSEN
Nanshan
Nantes
Naples
Napoleon
Napoleonic
Narahara
Naram
Narbolpolassar
Narbonne
Nares
narrate
narrated
narrating
narrative
narrow
narrowed
narrower
narrowest
narrowing
narrowly
Narâm
nascent
NASHVILLE
nata
Natal
Natalie
NATHANIEL
Nathorst
nation
National
Nationalism
Nationalist
NATIONALISTS
nationalities
nationality
nationals
nations
Native
natives
Nativity
natural
naturalisation
naturalise
naturalised
naturalist
naturalistically
naturalists
Naturalization
naturalized
Naturally
nature
natured
natures
naught
nauseating
nautical
naval
Navarin
navies
navigable
navigate
navigated
navigating
Navigation
navvies
navy
nay
nays
Nazarene
naïvely
nd
ne
Neal
Neapolitan
near
nearer
nearest
nearing
Nearly
nearness
neat
Nebo
Nebraska
Nebuchadnezzar
Nebuchadrezzar
necessaries
necessarily
necessary
necessitate
necessitated
necessities
necessitous
necessity
neck
necked
necks
necropoli
need
needed
needful
needing
needle
needles
needless
needlessly
needs
needy
NEELY
nefas
negative
negatived
negatives
negge
neglect
neglected
neglecting
negligence
negligently
negotiate
negotiated
negotiating
Negotiation
Negotiations
negotiators
Negras
Negrito
Negritos
negro
negroes
Negros
Negus
neighbor
neighborhood
neighborhoods
neighboring
neighbors
neighbourhood
neighbouring
neighbours
Neil
Neither
NEK
Nelson
Nelspruit
Nemi
Nemitti
neo
Nepal
Nepalese
nephew
nerve
nerved
nerves
nervous
nest
nests
net
Netherland
Netherlands
Nethterland
Netted
Netten
Netter
network
Netzahualcoyotl
Netze
Neue
Neues
neuralgia
neurologist
neurons
Neutral
neutrality
neutralization
neutralize
neutralized
neutralizing
neutrals
Nevada
Never
Nevertheless
Nevis
new
Newark
Newcastle
Newchwang
newcomer
newcomers
Newel
newer
newest
Newfoundland
Newfoundlanders
newly
Newman
Newnes
Newport
news
newspaper
newspapers
Newton
Newtonian
Newtown
next
Nezeros
ngan
Niagara
Nicaragua
Nicaraguan
Nicea
NICHOLAS
NICHOLS
Nicholson
nickel
Nicol
Nicolas
Nicolau
Nicoya
Nieh
Nien
Nietzsche
NIFFER
Nigel
Niger
Nigeria
nigh
night
nights
Nigra
Niihau
Nikola
Nikolaefsk
Nikolai
Nikolaieff
Nikolas
Nil
Nile
Niles
Nima
Nimrod
Nimrûd
Nin
Nine
ninepence
nineteen
nineteenth
Ninety
Nineveh
Ninfa
ning
Ningpo
Ninguta
Ninib
ninth
Ninthly
nipped
NIPPUR
nitrates
nitro
nitrogen
nitrous
Niu
Niuchuang
NIUCHWANG
Nizam
no
Nobel
nobility
Noble
nobleman
noblemen
nobles
noblest
nobly
nobodies
nobody
Nochistongo
noes
Nogales
noise
noisemaker
noises
noisily
Noisy
nomad
nomadic
nomads
NOME
nomenclature
nominal
nominally
nominate
nominated
nominating
nomination
Nominations
nominee
nominees
Non
nonacceptance
noncommissioned
Nonconformists
noncumulative
None
nonentities
nonfulfillment
nonpayment
nonreceipt
nonrecognition
nonrecurring
nonreservation
nonresident
nonsense
noon
noose
nor
Nordenfeldt
Nordenfelt
Nordenskïold
NORFOLK
normal
normally
Norman
Norris
Norrland
Norroy
Norte
north
Northeast
northeasterly
northeastern
northeastwardly
northerly
northern
Northumberlands
Northward
northwardly
northwards
NORTHWEST
Northwestern
northwestwardly
Norton
NORWAY
Norwegian
Norwegians
nose
noses
Not
notabilitles
NOTABLE
notables
notably
Notarbartolo
notarial
notary
Note
noted
Notekeeper
Notes
noteworthy
nothing
nothingness
Notice
noticeable
noticed
notices
noticing
Notification
notified
notify
notifying
noting
notion
notions
notoriety
notorious
notoriously
notulenhouder
Notwithstanding
nourish
nourishing
nourishment
Nous
Nouvelle
nouvelles
Nova
Novarum
novel
Noveleta
novelist
novels
novelty
NOVEMBER
now
Nowadays
nowhere
nowise
noxious
Noyes
Nozaleda
nozzles
Ntonda
Nubar
Nubas
Nubian
nuclear
nucleus
Nueva
NUFFAR
nugatory
nuggets
nuisance
nuisances
null
nullement
nulli
nullification
nullified
nullifies
nullify
nullifying
nullity
numb
number
numbered
numbering
Numbers
numerals
numerical
numerically
NUMEROUS
numerously
Nun
Nunciature
Nuncio
nuns
NUPÉ
Nupé
NUREMBERG
nurse
nursed
nursemaids
nurses
nursing
nurtured
nutrition
nutritive
Nyanza
Nyasa
Nyasaland
Nyassa
Nyassaland
Nâsr
o
Oahu
oak
Oakey
Oakland
oars
Oath
oaths
oats
Oaxaca
Ob
obedience
Obedient
obeisance
obelisk
obey
obeyed
obeying
obeys
Obi
object
objected
objecting
Objection
objectionable
objections
objective
objects
obligated
obligation
obligations
obligatory
oblige
obliged
obliges
obligingly
obliquely
obliterate
obliterated
obliterating
Oblivion
obnoxious
obscure
obscured
obscurities
obscurity
obsequies
observable
observance
observation
observations
OBSERVATORY
observe
observed
observer
observers
observes
observing
obsidian
obsolete
obstacle
obstacles
obstinacy
obstinate
obstinately
Obstruct
obstructed
obstructing
obstruction
obstructionist
obstructionists
obstructions
obstructive
obstructs
obtain
Obtainable
obtained
obtaining
obtains
obviate
obviated
obviating
obvious
obviously
occasion
Occasional
occasionally
occasioned
occasions
occult
occupancy
occupant
occupants
occupation
occupations
occupied
occupier
occupies
occupy
occupying
occur
occurred
occurrence
occurrences
occurring
occurs
ocean
oceanic
oceans
Oct
octave
OCTOBER
octroi
oculist
odd
odds
Odell
Oder
odes
Odessa
odious
odours
Oesterreichische
of
Off
offence
offences
offended
offenders
offending
offense
offenses
offensive
Offer
offered
offering
offers
Office
officeholders
officer
officered
OFFICERS
Offices
official
officially
officials
officio
offset
offshoot
offspring
offsprings
Oficial
Ofoo
oft
often
oftener
Ogaden
Ogadens
Ogden
Oh
OHIO
Oil
oils
Okhotsk
Oklahoma
Okuma
OLD
older
oldest
olds
oligarchy
Oliphant
olive
Olivecrona
Oliver
Olmsted
OLNEY
Olosenga
Olutanga
Olympia
Olympian
Olympic
Omaha
OMDURMAN
ominous
omission
omissions
omit
omits
omitted
omitting
omnipotent
omniscient
Omoso
Omri
Omsk
On
once
One
onerous
ones
onesided
Onesti
onlooker
Only
Onor
Onslaught
Ont
Ontario
onto
onward
onwards
Oom
Oorlog
OPEN
opened
opening
openings
openly
opens
operate
operated
operates
operating
operation
operations
operative
operatively
operatives
operators
opinion
opinions
opium
Oporto
Oppert
opponent
opponents
opportune
opportunities
Opportunity
oppose
opposed
opposing
opposite
opposition
oppress
oppressed
oppresses
oppressing
Oppression
oppressions
oppressive
oppressively
oppressiveness
oppressor
oppressors
Optic
optimistic
option
optional
Options
Oquendo
or
oracular
oral
orally
Orange
oranges
orating
orator
orators
ordained
ordeal
ORDER
ordered
ordering
orderlies
orderly
Orders
ordinance
Ordinances
Ordinaries
ordinarily
Ordinary
ordinations
ordnance
ordre
ore
Oregon
ores
organ
organic
organically
organisation
organise
organised
organiser
organising
organism
organisms
organist
ORGANIZATION
organizations
organize
organized
organizer
organizes
organizing
organs
orgies
orgy
ORIENT
Oriental
Orientalist
origin
original
originality
Originally
originals
originate
originated
originating
originator
origine
Orinoco
Orion
Orlando
Orleanists
Orleans
Ormescheville
ornamentation
ornaments
Oro
Oroté
Orphan
orphanage
orphans
Orsova
Orthodox
orthography
Orton
Oruro
Osborne
Oscar
oscillate
oscillatory
oser
Osiris
OSMAN
Ostend
ostensibly
Oswald
other
others
otherwise
OTIS
Ottawa
Ottmar
Otto
OTTOMAN
Ottumwa
ou
Oudh
ought
ounce
ounces
Our
Ourfa
ours
ourself
ourselves
ousted
ousting
out
Outbreak
Outbreaks
outburst
outbursts
outcast
outcome
outcry
outdone
outdoor
Outer
outfit
outfits
outflanked
outflow
outgoings
outgrew
outgrowth
Outlander
Outlanders
outlaw
outlaws
outlay
outlays
outlet
outline
outlined
Outlook
outlying
outnumbered
outpost
outposts
output
outrage
outraged
outrageous
outrages
outraging
outright
outrival
outs
outset
Outside
outsider
outsiders
outskirts
outspoken
outstanding
outstripped
outward
Outwardly
outweigh
outweighed
outwit
outwits
Ouvrier
oval
ovation
oven
over
overawe
overawed
overboard
overburdened
overcame
overcapitalization
overcaution
overcharged
overcoat
overcome
overcoming
overcrowd
overcrowded
overcrowding
overcrowds
overdrawn
overestimated
overflow
overflowed
overflows
overhanging
overhauling
overhead
overhung
overland
overlap
overlooked
overlooking
overlooks
overnight
overpowered
overpowering
overridden
overrule
overruled
overrules
overruling
overrun
overseers
overshadowed
overshadowing
overspill
overspread
overstated
overstay
overstepping
overt
overtake
overtaken
overtaxed
overthrew
overthrow
overthrowing
overthrown
overtime
overture
Overtures
overturned
overweening
overwhelm
overwhelmed
overwhelming
overwhelmingly
overworked
overworn
ovum
owe
owed
Owen
owes
Owing
owls
Own
owned
owner
owners
ownership
owning
owns
ox
Oxen
Oxford
oxhead
oxide
Oxus
oxygen
Oxyrhynchus
Oyapok
Ozi
P
Pa
Paarde
PAARDEBERG
Pac
pace
paces
Pacific
pacifically
pacification
pacified
pacify
pacifying
pack
packages
packed
packers
packet
packing
packs
PACT
Pacto
pagan
Pagano
pagans
Page
pageant
pageants
pages
Paget
Pago
pagodas
paid
pain
Paine
painful
painfully
pains
painstaking
paint
painted
painter
painters
painting
paintings
pair
paired
Pakhoi
palace
palaces
Palanan
palatability
Palatine
Palawan
pale
paleolithic
Paleontology
Palermo
PALESTINE
palettes
Palgrave
palisade
palisades
Palizzolo
Pall
palliative
palliatives
palm
Palma
PALMER
palms
palpable
palpitating
paltering
paltry
palæographic
palæographist
palæography
palæolithic
Pamir
Pamirs
Pamlico
Pampanga
PAMPANGAS
pampas
pamphlet
pamphlets
pan
Pana
Panama
Panaon
Panay
pandemonium
Pando
pane
panels
Pang
Pangani
Pangasinan
PANGASINANS
Pangasinaus
Panglao
Pangmua
Pangutaran
panic
panics
Panique
Panizzardi
Panjah
panned
panniers
Pannonia
pans
Panslavists
pantomime
Pao
Paolini
Paoting
PAPACY
Papagayo
papal
Paper
Papers
papier
papyri
papyrus
par
parable
parade
paraded
paradox
paradoxically
paragraph
paragraphs
Paraguay
parallel
paralleled
paralleling
paralyse
paralysed
paralysing
paralysis
paralyze
paralyzed
paralyzing
paramount
Paranaque
parapet
paraphernalia
parasite
parasites
parcel
parcels
Pardon
pardonable
pardoned
pardoning
Pardons
parent
parental
parentis
Parents
Paris
parish
parishes
parishioners
parity
park
Parker
Parkes
Parkhurst
Parks
parlance
parle
parler
parley
parleying
Parliament
parliamentarian
Parliamentary
Parliaments
parlour
Parnell
Parnellites
parochial
parodied
parole
paroles
parrying
parsimonious
parsimony
parsonages
parsoned
Parsons
part
partake
partakes
partaking
parte
parted
parthenogenesis
Parti
Partial
partiality
partially
partibus
participate
participating
participation
particles
particular
Particularism
particularized
particularly
particulars
parties
parting
partisan
partisans
partisanship
partition
partly
partner
partners
partnership
parts
PARTY
pas
Pasay
Paschal
Pasco
Pascual
Pase
Pasha
Pashas
Pasig
Pasijan
Paso
pass
passably
passage
passages
Passamaqnoddy
passed
passenger
passengers
passer
passers
passes
passing
Passion
passionate
passions
passive
passport
Passports
past
Pasteur
pastime
pastor
pastoral
pastors
pasture
pastures
Patagonia
patch
patched
patches
patchwork
patent
patented
patents
paternal
paternalism
Paterno
Paterson
patesis
path
Pathetic
pathless
Pathology
Pathos
paths
pathway
patience
patient
patiently
patients
Patmore
Patriarch
patriarchal
patriarchate
Patriarchs
Patrick
patrie
patrimony
patriot
Patriotic
patriotically
patriotism
patriots
patrol
patrolled
patrolling
patrols
patron
patronage
patronate
patronato
patronise
Patrons
Patta
Patten
pattern
patterns
Patterson
Paty
Paua
Paul
Pauli
Paulists
Paulus
Pauncefote
pauper
pauperism
pauperize
paupers
Pause
paused
pausing
pave
paved
pavilion
pavilions
paving
pawed
pawned
pax
PAY
payable
payer
paying
Paymaster
paymasters
payment
payments
Payn
pays
Pe
PEABODY
peace
peaceable
peaceably
peaceful
peacefully
peacemaker
Peacock
peak
Peake
peal
pearl
pearls
Pearson
PEARY
peasant
peasantry
Peasants
Pecheli
Pechili
Peckham
peculation
peculiar
peculiarity
peculiarly
pecuniary
pedagogical
pedantry
pedestal
Pedro
Peer
peerage
peeresses
peers
peg
Peh
Pei
Peiho
Peirce
Peiyang
Pekah
Pekin
Peking
pelagic
Pelasgian
Pelasgic
PELEW
Pelham
pell
pellets
Pellieux
Pelliot
Pelloux
Peloponnesus
Pelz
pen
Penal
penalize
penalties
penalty
penance
pence
pencil
pendency
Pending
Pendleton
Pendulum
penetrate
Penetrated
penetrates
penetrating
penetration
penetrative
Peninsula
Peninsular
Peninsulars
penitent
penitentiary
Penn
penned
Penniless
PENNSYLVANIA
PENNY
Penrhyn
pens
Pension
pensionable
pensioned
pensioners
pensioning
PENSIONS
pentelic
peon
Peonage
PEONES
PEOPLE
peopled
peoples
Peoria
Pepke
Pepper
Pepperman
Pepy
per
Pera
peradventure
perceive
perceived
perceiving
percent
percentage
percentages
perceptibility
perceptible
perceptibly
perception
percha
Percy
perdition
perdu
Pereira
peremptorily
peremptoriness
Peremptory
Perez
perfect
perfected
perfecting
perfection
perfectly
perfidy
perforation
perforce
perform
performance
performances
performed
performing
performs
perfumes
perfunctorily
perfunctory
Pergamos
perhaps
Perier
Peril
perilous
perils
period
periodic
periodical
periodically
periodicals
periodicity
periods
peripheries
perish
perishable
perished
perishing
peritoneum
peritonitis
Perivolia
perjured
perjury
Perm
permanence
permanency
permanent
permanently
permeable
permeates
permeating
permissible
Permission
permissive
permit
permits
permitted
permitting
pernicious
Perouse
perpendicular
perpetrated
perpetrating
perpetrators
perpetual
perpetually
perpetuate
perpetuated
perpetuation
Perpetuationists
perpetuators
perpetuity
perplexing
perplexities
perplexity
PERRY
persecute
persecution
persecutions
perseverance
persevere
persevered
perseveringly
PERSIA
Persian
persist
persisted
persistence
persistency
persistent
persistently
persisting
person
personage
personages
personal
personality
Personally
personalty
personifications
personne
personnel
persons
perspective
persuade
persuaded
persuading
persuasion
persuasive
pertain
pertaining
pertains
Perth
pertinacious
pertinent
perturb
perturbation
Peru
perusal
perused
Peruvian
pervades
perversion
pervert
perverted
PESCADORES
peseta
pesetas
Peshawar
Peshawur
peso
pesos
pessimism
pessimistic
pest
PESTH
pestilence
pestilences
pestilent
pestilential
pet
Petar
Petcha
PETER
Peters
Petersburg
Pethick
Pethiek
Petit
Petition
petitioned
petitioners
petitions
Petrel
Petrie
Petriou
petroleum
Petrology
Petrozicky
pettiest
petty
Petuna
Petunê
peut
pewter
Peña
pf
Phaenician
phalanx
Pharaoh
Pharaohs
Pharisaic
pharmacists
Pharmacology
pharmacy
Pharsala
phase
phases
Phelps
phenakite
phenomena
phenomenal
phenomenon
Philadelphia
philanthropic
philanthropist
philanthropists
philanthropy
Philip
Philipp
Philippe
Philippine
Philippines
Philippino
Philips
Philipstown
Phillips
Philo
philologist
philosopher
philosophic
philosophical
philosophies
philosophy
Phineas
phlegmatic
Phocaeans
Phoenicia
Phoenician
Phoenicians
Phoenix
phonograph
Photiades
photograph
photographed
photographer
photographing
photographs
Photography
Phrabang
phrase
phrases
physical
physically
physician
physicians
physicist
physicists
physics
physiognomy
physiological
physiologist
Physiology
physique
PHŒNICIANS
Phœnician
pianist
Piazzi
Picard
Pichon
pick
pickax
picked
Pickersgill
picket
picking
picnic
Picquart
pictorial
picture
pictures
picturesque
piece
pieced
piecemeal
pieces
Piedras
pien
pier
pierced
pierces
Pierola
Pierre
piers
Piet
Pietersburg
Pietrus
piety
pig
pigeon
pigment
pigmy
pigs
pigtail
pigtails
Pike
pikes
Pilar
pile
piled
piles
Pileser
pilgrim
pilgrimage
pilgrimages
Pilgrims
piling
pill
Pillage
pillaged
PILLAGER
pillaging
pillar
pillars
pillows
Pillsbury
pilot
pin
Pinar
pinch
pinchbeck
Pinckney
Pincus
pine
Pines
ping
Pinney
Pinto
Pioneer
pioneers
pious
pipage
Pipe
pipes
piracies
piracy
pirates
Pistoia
pistol
piston
pit
Pitcairn
pitch
pitched
pitching
piteously
pith
Pithole
pitiable
pitiful
pitiless
Pitlogo
pits
Pitsani
Pitt
pittance
Pittsburg
Pittsburgh
pity
Pius
pivot
pivoted
pièce
placard
placarded
placards
placated
Place
placed
places
placing
PLAGUE
plain
plaine
plainer
Plaines
plainly
plains
plaintiff
plaintiffs
plaited
plan
plane
planet
plank
planless
planned
planning
plans
plant
plantations
planted
planter
planters
planting
plants
plasm
plastering
plastic
Plate
plateau
plateaux
plates
platform
Platforms
plating
platino
platinum
Platt
plausibility
Plausible
play
Playa
played
Playfair
playgrounds
playing
plays
plea
plead
pleaded
pleading
pleasant
please
pleased
pleases
pleasing
pleasure
pleasures
plebiscitary
plebiscite
plebs
pledge
pledged
Pledges
pledging
plenary
plenipotentiaries
Plenipotentiary
plenitude
plentiful
plenty
pliable
plied
plodding
plot
plots
plotters
plotting
plough
plow
plum
plumage
Plumer
plumes
plunder
plundered
plunderers
plundering
plunged
plungers
plunging
Plunkett
Plural
plurality
plus
plutocracy
Pluton
plying
PLYMOUTH
Plébiscite
pneumatic
pneumonia
Po
Pobedonostzeff
Pobiedonostzeff
Poblacion
pocket
pocketed
pockets
poems
poet
poetic
poetical
poetry
Poets
Point
pointed
pointedly
pointing
points
poison
poisoned
poisoning
poisonous
poked
POLAND
polar
Polare
Polaveja
Polavieja
pole
poles
Police
policeman
policemen
policies
Policy
Polillo
POLISH
polished
polite
politely
politeness
politic
political
politically
politician
Politicians
POLITICO
politics
polity
poll
polled
polling
Pollock
polls
polluted
polluting
polychromatic
polygamist
polygamous
polygamy
polygonal
polyphase
polyphased
polytechnic
pomp
Pompey
Ponce
ponchos
Pond
ponder
Pondoland
ponds
ponies
Ponson
Pont
Pontiff
Pontiffs
Pontifical
Pontificate
pony
pood
Pool
Poole
pooling
pools
Poona
Poor
poorer
poorest
poorly
Poort
POP
Pope
Popham
poppy
populace
Popular
popularity
popularly
populated
population
populations
Populist
populistic
Populists
populous
porch
Porcupine
Porfirio
Poro
porphyry
Porritt
PORT
portable
Portal
portant
Porte
portend
portentous
porter
porters
portfolio
portfolios
portion
portions
Portland
Porto
portrait
portraits
Ports
Portsmouth
PORTUGAL
Portuguese
posed
Posen
Poshan
position
positions
positive
positively
positiveness
Poso
possess
possessed
possesses
possessing
Possession
possessions
possessors
possibilities
possibility
possible
possibly
possumus
post
POSTAGE
Postal
posted
posterity
posters
posthumous
posting
postmaster
postmasters
postmasterships
postpone
postponed
postponement
Posts
postscript
posture
pot
potable
Potato
potatoes
Potchefstrom
Potchefstroom
potent
potentates
potential
potentiality
potentially
potently
pots
Potsdam
potted
potter
pottery
pouch
poultry
pounced
pound
pounder
pounders
pounding
pounds
pour
poured
pouring
pours
pouvoir
Poverty
powder
powdered
Powders
POWELL
Power
powerful
powerfully
powerless
Powers
pox
Pozo
Pozorrubio
practicability
practicable
practical
Practically
practice
practiced
practices
practicing
practise
practised
practising
practitioner
Pragmatic
Prague
prairie
praise
praised
praises
praiseworthy
praising
prandial
PRATT
Praxedes
pray
prayed
prayer
prayers
praying
prays
pre
preach
preached
preacher
preachers
preaching
Preamble
prearranged
precaution
precautionary
precautions
precede
preceded
precedence
precedent
precedents
preceding
precept
precepts
precinct
precincts
precious
precipitate
precipitated
precipitately
precipitation
precipitous
precis
precise
precisely
precision
preclude
precluded
precludes
preconcerted
precursor
predatory
predecessor
predecessors
predestined
predicament
predicated
predict
predicted
predicting
predictions
predicts
predispose
predominance
PREDOMINANT
preeminence
PREFACE
prefaced
Prefect
Prefects
Prefecture
Prefectures
prefer
preferable
preference
preferences
preferential
preferment
preferred
preferring
prefers
pregnant
PREHISTORIC
prehistory
prejudice
prejudiced
prejudices
prejudicial
prejudicially
prelates
preliminaries
preliminary
premature
premeditated
Premier
Premiers
premiership
premises
premising
premium
premiums
Prempeh
Prenez
Prentice
preoccupation
preoccupied
preparation
preparations
preparatory
prepare
prepared
preparedness
prepares
preparing
preponderance
preponderating
prepossessing
prepossession
prepossessions
preposterous
prerequisite
prerogative
prerogatives
PRESBYTERIAN
prescribe
prescribed
prescribes
prescribing
prescription
presence
present
Presentation
presented
presenting
Presently
Presentment
presents
preservation
preserve
preserved
preservers
preserves
preserving
preside
presided
Presidency
President
Presidentes
Presidential
presidents
presides
presiding
press
Presse
pressed
presses
Pressing
pressure
prestige
Preston
Prestwich
presumably
presume
presumed
presuming
presumption
presumptive
presumptively
presupposes
pretence
pretences
pretend
pretending
pretense
pretenses
pretensions
pretext
pretexts
Pretoria
pretorian
pretty
preuve
preuves
prevail
prevailed
prevailing
prevails
prevalent
prevalently
prevent
prevented
preventing
prevention
preventive
preventives
prevents
Previous
previously
prevision
Prevost
prey
Priam
Pribilof
price
priced
priceless
Prices
pricked
prickly
pride
prided
prie
priest
priesthood
priestly
priests
PRIETO
Prim
primal
primarily
primary
Primates
prime
primeval
primitive
Primo
primordial
prince
princely
Princes
princess
princesses
Princeton
principal
principalities
Principality
principally
principals
Principe
principle
Principles
PRINSLOO
print
printed
printer
Printing
Prior
priori
priority
Prison
prisoner
Prisoners
Prisons
Private
privately
privates
privation
privations
privilege
privileged
privileges
Privy
Prix
prize
prizes
Pro
probabilities
probability
probable
Probably
probed
probing
problem
problems
procedure
Proceed
proceeded
proceeding
proceedings
proceeds
process
processes
Procession
processionally
proclaim
proclaimed
proclaiming
proclaims
Proclamation
Proclamations
proclivity
procrastinate
procrastination
PROCTOR
Procurator
procure
procured
Procureur
procuring
procès
procédure
prodigious
produce
produced
producer
producers
produces
producing
product
Production
productions
productive
productiveness
products
produire
produit
Prof
Profane
profess
professe
professed
professes
profession
professional
professionnel
professions
professor
professors
Proffer
proffers
proficiency
profile
profiles
profit
profitable
profitably
profited
profits
profligacy
profligate
profound
profoundly
profuse
program
programme
Progress
progressed
progressing
Progressist
Progressists
Progressive
progressively
Progressives
Prohibit
prohibited
Prohibiting
PROHIBITION
prohibitionist
Prohibitionists
prohibitions
prohibitive
prohibitory
prohibits
project
projected
projectile
projectiles
Projection
projector
projects
proletariat
proliferation
prolific
prolong
Prolongation
prolonged
prolonging
prominence
prominent
prominently
promiscuously
promise
promised
promises
promising
promissory
promontory
promote
promoted
promoter
promoters
promotes
promoting
promotion
promotions
Prompt
prompted
promptitude
promptly
promptness
promulgate
promulgated
promulgating
Promulgation
prone
pronounce
pronounced
pronouncement
pronouncements
pronounces
pronouncing
Proof
proofs
prop
propaganda
propagandism
propagate
propagates
propagating
Propagation
propagators
propelling
proper
properly
properties
property
propertyless
prophecies
prophecy
prophesied
prophesy
Prophet
prophetic
prophets
prophylactic
Propinquity
propitious
proportion
proportional
proportionally
proportionate
proportionately
proportioned
proportions
proposal
Proposals
propose
proposed
proposers
proposes
proposing
proposition
propositions
propounded
propped
proprietary
proprietor
proprietorial
proprietors
proprietorship
propriety
proprio
propylaea
prorogue
prorogued
prosaic
proscription
prosecute
prosecuted
prosecutes
prosecuting
Prosecution
Prosecutions
Prosecutor
proselyte
proselytizing
prospect
prospected
prospecting
prospective
prospectors
prospects
prosper
prospered
prospering
prosperity
Prospero
prosperous
prostrate
prostrated
prostration
protect
protected
Protecteur
protecting
protection
protectionist
Protectionists
protective
protector
PROTECTORATE
protectorates
protectors
protects
Protest
Protestant
Protestantism
Protestants
protestations
protested
protesting
Protests
Protococcus
protocol
protocols
prototype
prototypes
protozoa
protracted
protraction
protruding
proud
proudly
prouve
provably
prove
proved
proven
proverbial
proves
provide
Provided
providence
providential
Providentially
provides
Providing
province
provinces
Provincial
provincials
proving
Provision
Provisional
provisionally
provisioned
PROVISIONS
proviso
provocation
provocations
provocative
provoke
provoked
Provost
proximity
proxy
Prudence
prudent
prudently
Prussia
Prussian
Prussians
PRÁXEDES
Præclara
Psalm
Psychology
pu
Publ
PUBLIC
publication
publications
publici
publicist
Publicists
publicity
publicly
publish
published
publisher
PUBLISHERS
publishes
Publishing
puddles
Puebla
pueblo
pueblos
puerilities
Puerto
Puertorican
Puertoricans
Puget
puis
pull
pulled
Pullman
Pulmer
pulmonary
pulpit
pump
pumping
Pumps
punctuality
Punctually
punctuated
Pundita
punish
punishable
punished
punishing
Punishment
Punishments
Punitive
Punjab
Punta
pupil
pupils
Pupin
pups
pupæ
purchasable
purchase
purchased
purchaser
purchases
purchasing
Pure
purely
purer
purest
purges
purified
Puritan
purity
purport
purported
purporting
purports
purpose
purposely
purposes
purposing
purse
pursuance
pursuant
pursue
pursued
pursuing
pursuit
pursuits
Pursuivant
Pursuivants
purview
push
pushed
pushing
put
Putnam
puts
putting
Puvis
puzzle
puzzling
pygmies
pylon
pyramid
pyramidal
pyramids
Pythagoras
pyæmia
Pâknam
Père
Pé
Pésé
Q
qtls
qu
quadrangular
quadrants
quadruple
quadrupled
quaint
quaintly
qualification
qualifications
qualified
qualify
qualifying
qualities
Quality
quantities
quantity
quarantine
Quaritch
Quarrel
quarrels
quarries
quarry
quarter
quartered
Quarterly
quartermaster
quartermasters
quarters
quarto
quashes
quashing
quasi
quay
quays
que
QUEBEC
Quebrada
Queen
Queenly
Queens
Queensland
Queenstown
quell
quelled
quelques
Queretaro
queried
Quesnay
QUESTION
questionable
questioned
questioning
questions
qui
quibbling
Quiberon
quick
quicken
quickened
quickening
quicker
quickest
quickly
quiescent
quiet
quieted
quietest
quietly
quietness
Quinalasag
Quincy
Quingua
quinine
Quinta
Quintin
Quinton
quit
quite
quitted
quitting
quivered
quivering
quivers
quo
Quod
quondam
quorum
quota
quotas
quotation
Quotations
quote
quoted
quotes
quoting
R
Raad
Rabbi
rabbinical
Rabbis
rabbit
rabbits
rabble
Rabi
rabid
rabidly
race
raced
RACES
racial
racing
racked
rackets
radical
radically
Radicals
radiometer
radius
Rafael
Raffles
raft
rafts
Rag
rage
raged
rages
raging
Ragsdale
Rahden
raid
raided
raider
raiders
raiding
raids
rail
railing
Railroad
railroading
railroads
rails
Railway
Railways
rain
rained
RAINES
rainfall
rains
rainy
raise
Raised
raises
Raising
Raja
Rajah
Rajpoots
Rajputana
Rajputs
raked
Rale
Raleigh
Ralli
rallied
rally
rallying
RALPH
ram
Ramabai
Ramahavaly
RAMAPO
Ramazan
Rameses
Ramesseum
Ramon
ramp
Rampart
Ramparts
Rampolla
rams
Ramsay
Ramsden
Ramses
ran
RANAVALOMANJAKA
ranches
ranching
rancor
rancour
RAND
Randolph
random
Randt
Ranfurly
rang
Range
ranged
ranges
ranging
rank
ranked
Rankine
ranking
rankled
ranks
ransack
ransacked
ransom
rapacity
rape
raped
Rapid
rapidity
rapidly
Rapido
Rapids
rapine
rapporteur
rapprochement
Rapurrapu
rare
Rarely
rarest
Rarotonga
Ras
rascal
Rashid
rashly
rashness
rata
ratable
rate
ratepayers
rates
Rather
Ratibor
ratification
ratifications
ratified
ratify
ratifying
rating
ratings
ratio
ration
rational
rations
rats
rattle
ravaged
ravages
Ravenni
ravine
ravines
ravishing
Ravndal
Ravololona
raw
rawest
Rawlinson
Ray
rayahs
Rayleigh
RAYS
razed
razor
razors
rd
Rds
Re
reach
reached
reaches
reaching
reaction
reactionaries
reactionary
read
reader
readers
readier
readily
readiness
Reading
readings
readjusting
reads
readvance
READY
reaffirm
reaffirmed
reaffirms
real
realisation
realise
realised
realising
realities
reality
realization
realize
realized
realizes
Realizing
really
realm
realty
reap
reaping
reappear
reappearance
reappeared
reapportionment
rear
reared
rearing
rearmost
rearrangement
rearward
reason
reasonable
reasonably
reasoning
reasons
reassemble
reassembled
reassembling
reassert
reasserting
Reassertion
reasserts
reassure
reassured
reassuring
rebate
rebates
rebel
rebelled
rebellion
rebellions
rebellious
rebels
rebuff
rebuilding
rebuilt
rebuke
rebuked
recalcitrancy
recall
recalled
recalling
recalls
recanted
recapitulate
recapitulated
Recapitulation
recapture
recaptured
recast
recasting
recede
receded
receipt
receipts
receivable
receive
received
receiver
receivers
receives
receiving
RECENT
Recently
reception
recess
recesses
recession
recipient
recipients
reciprocal
Reciprocally
reciprocate
reciprocated
RECIPROCITY
recital
recited
recites
reciting
reckless
recklessly
reckon
reckoned
reckoning
reclaim
reclaimed
reclaiming
reclamation
reclassified
Reclus
recognise
recognised
recognises
recognising
Recognition
recognizable
recognize
recognized
recognizes
recognizing
recoin
recoinage
recollections
Recolletos
recombined
recommence
recommend
recommendation
recommendations
recommended
recommending
recommends
recompense
reconcentrado
RECONCENTRADOS
reconcentration
reconcile
reconciled
reconciliation
reconciling
reconcontrados
reconducted
reconnaissance
reconnoiter
reconnoitered
reconnoitering
Reconnoitring
reconquer
reconquered
reconquest
reconsider
reconsideration
reconstitute
reconstituted
reconstitution
reconstructed
reconstruction
reconstructions
reconvened
RECORD
recorded
recorder
recording
records
recounted
recounts
recoup
recourse
recover
recovered
recovering
recovery
recreation
recriminating
recrossed
recrudescence
recruit
recruited
recruiting
recruits
rectification
rectified
rectify
rectitude
rector
recuperation
recuperative
recur
recurred
Recurrence
recurrent
recurring
red
Redcliffe
redeem
redeemable
redeemed
redeemer
redeeming
redemption
redemptions
Redfield
redhanded
redistribute
redistributing
redistribution
redistrict
redistricted
Redjaf
redoubled
redoubt
redoubtable
redound
redress
redressed
Reds
reduce
reduced
reduces
reducing
Reduction
reductions
redundant
Redvers
reed
reeds
reef
reefs
reelected
reelection
reeled
reenacted
reenforce
reenforcements
reenkindle
reestablishment
Reeve
Reeves
refashioning
refer
referee
REFERENCE
references
Referendum
referred
Referring
refers
refined
refinements
refiner
Refineries
refiners
refinery
refining
refitting
reflect
reflected
Reflecting
reflection
reflections
reform
Reformation
reformed
reformer
reformers
reforming
reforms
refracted
refrain
refrained
refraining
refreshing
refreshment
refrigerated
refrigeration
refuge
refugee
Refugees
refund
refunding
Refusal
refuse
refused
refuses
refusing
refute
regain
regained
regaining
regains
regal
Regard
regarded
Regarding
regardless
regards
regatta
regency
regenerate
regenerating
regeneration
REGENT
Regents
regime
regiment
regimental
regiments
Reginald
region
Regional
Regions
Regis
register
registered
registering
registers
Registrar
registrars
registration
registry
regnante
Regolado
regret
regrets
regrettable
Regular
regularity
regularly
REGULARS
regulate
regulated
regulating
regulation
regulations
regulièrement
rehabilitate
rehearsal
rehearsed
rehearsing
Rehoboam
Reichsrath
Reichsrathe
Reichstag
REID
Reign
reigned
reigning
reigns
REILEY
Reilly
reimposing
reimposition
Reina
Reinach
Reinauguration
reincorporate
reindeer
reindeers
Reinet
reinforce
reinforced
reinforcement
reinforcements
reins
reinscribed
reinstate
reinstated
reinstatement
reintroduced
Reis
reissue
reiterate
reiterated
reiterates
reiterating
Reitfontein
Reitz
reject
rejected
rejecting
Rejection
rejects
rejoice
rejoiced
rejoicing
rejoined
rejoining
rekindled
relapse
relapsed
relapsing
relate
related
relates
relating
relation
relations
relationship
relative
relatively
relatives
relax
relaxation
relaxations
relaxed
relay
release
released
releasing
relegate
relegated
relegating
relentless
reliable
reliably
reliance
reliant
relic
relics
relied
Relief
reliefs
relies
relieve
Relieved
relieves
relieving
religion
religionists
religions
religious
religiously
relinquish
relinquished
relinquishes
relinquishment
relish
reluctance
reluctant
reluctantly
rely
relying
rem
remain
remainder
remained
Remaining
remains
remanded
remark
remarkable
remarkably
remarked
remarking
remarks
remarquez
remedial
remedied
remedies
remedy
remedying
remember
remembered
Remembering
remembrance
remind
reminded
reminder
reminding
reminds
Remington
remiss
remission
remit
remits
remitted
Remmel
remnant
remnants
remodeled
remonstrance
Remonstrances
remonstrate
remonstrated
remonstrating
remorse
remote
remotely
remotest
Remounts
removable
removal
removals
remove
removed
removes
removing
remunerated
remuneration
remunerative
remuneratively
renal
Renault
render
rendered
rendering
renders
rending
rendition
Rendsburg
renegade
renew
renewable
renewal
Renewed
renewing
Rennes
Rennie
renomination
renounce
renounced
renouncement
renounces
renouncing
renovating
renovation
renown
renseignemcnts
rent
rental
rentals
rented
renting
rents
Renunciation
René
reoccupied
reoccupy
reopen
reopened
Reopening
reopens
reorganisation
reorganised
Reorganization
reorganize
Reorganized
Reorganizing
Rep
repaid
repair
repaired
repairing
repairs
reparation
repassed
repatriated
repatriation
repay
repayment
repeal
repealed
repealing
repeat
Repeated
repeatedly
repeating
repeats
repel
repelling
repent
repentance
repentant
repetition
replace
replaced
replacing
replant
replanted
replenish
replenishing
replied
replies
reply
replying
report
Reported
reporter
reporters
reporting
reports
repose
reposed
reposes
reposing
reprehensible
represent
Representation
representations
representative
REPRESENTATIVES
represented
representing
represents
repress
represses
repressing
repression
repressive
reprieves
reprimand
reprinted
reprisals
reproach
reproached
reproduce
reproduced
reproducing
reproduction
reprosecute
reprosecuted
reproving
Republic
Republica
Republican
republicanism
republicans
Republics
repudiate
repudiated
repudiates
repudiating
repudiation
repugnance
repugnant
repulse
repulsed
repulsive
reputable
reputation
repute
reputed
reputedly
request
requested
requesting
requests
require
required
requirement
REQUIREMENTS
requires
requiring
requisite
requisites
requisition
requisitioned
Requisitions
requite
requited
Rerum
resale
rescind
rescinded
rescission
Rescript
rescue
rescued
rescuing
RESEARCH
researches
resemblance
resemble
resembled
resembles
resembling
resent
resented
resentment
reservation
reservations
Reserve
reserved
reserves
reserving
Reservoir
reservoirs
Reseña
reshipped
Resht
reside
resided
residence
residences
resident
residential
Residents
resides
residing
residual
resign
resignation
resignations
resigned
resigning
resigns
resist
resistance
resisted
resisting
Resolute
resolutely
resolution
Resolutions
resolve
resolved
resolves
resolving
resonant
resort
resorted
resorting
resorts
resound
resounding
resource
Resources
respect
respectability
respectable
respected
respectful
respectfully
respecting
respective
respectively
respects
respiration
respites
respond
responded
Responding
responds
response
responsibilities
responsibility
responsible
responsive
responsiveness
rest
restaking
restaurants
rested
restful
resting
restitution
restive
restless
restlessness
Restoration
restorations
restore
restored
restores
restoring
restrain
restrained
restraining
restrains
restraint
restraints
restrict
restricted
restricting
restriction
Restrictions
rests
restée
result
resultant
resulted
resulting
Results
resume
resumed
resumes
resuming
resumption
Resurrection
resurvey
resurveying
retail
retain
retained
retainers
retaining
retains
retake
retaliate
retaliated
retaliation
Retaliatory
retard
retarded
retarding
retention
reticent
retinue
retire
retired
Retirement
retirements
retires
retiring
Retiro
retort
retorted
retrace
retraced
Retreat
retreated
Retrenchment
Retribution
retrocession
retrograde
retrogression
retrogressive
retrospective
return
Returned
Returning
returns
Reunion
reunite
reunited
Reuter
Rev
revaluations
reveal
revealed
revealing
reveals
revelation
revelations
reveled
revenge
revenged
revengeful
revenging
revenue
Revenues
reverence
Reverend
reverent
reverently
reversal
reverse
reversed
reverses
reversing
reversion
reversionary
revert
revictual
Review
reviewed
reviewing
reviews
revile
reviled
revise
Revised
revising
Revision
Revival
revive
revived
reviving
revocation
revoked
revoking
Revolt
revolted
revolting
Revolts
Revolution
revolutionaries
revolutionary
revolutionist
revolutionists
revolutionize
revolutionized
revolutionizing
revolutions
revolve
revolved
revolver
revolvers
revolving
Revue
revulsion
reward
rewarded
rewarding
rewards
Rey
Reyna
Reza
reëstablished
Rheinisch
Rhenish
Rhenoster
RHINE
Rhineland
RHODE
RHODES
Rhodesia
Rhodesians
ribbons
Ribot
ribs
RICA
Rican
Ricans
rice
Rich
Richard
Richardson
richer
riches
richest
richly
Richmond
Richthofen
RICO
Ricotti
rid
riddance
ridden
riddled
ride
rider
RIDERS
rides
ridge
ridges
ridiculed
ridiculous
ridiculously
riding
Ridpath
rife
rifle
riflemen
rifles
rift
rigging
Riggs
RIGHT
righted
righteous
righteously
righteousness
rightful
rightfully
righting
rightly
rightminded
rights
rigid
rigidly
rigor
rigorous
rigorously
rigour
Rikken
riksha
rilles
rinderpest
ring
ringing
ringleaders
ringleted
rings
RIO
Rios
riot
rioters
rioting
riotous
riots
riparian
ripe
ripened
ripens
Ripon
rise
risen
rises
Rishon
rising
risings
risk
risked
risks
Ristics
rite
Rites
ritual
Rius
rival
rivalry
Rivals
rive
river
Rivera
Rivers
Riverside
riveting
rivulet
RIZAL
Road
roads
roam
Roanoke
roar
roaring
roast
rob
robbed
robbers
robbery
Robbing
robed
ROBERT
Roberts
Robertson
robing
Robinson
robust
Roca
rocher
Rochesterville
Rochussen
rock
Rockefeller
rocker
rockers
rockets
Rockhill
Rockies
rocking
rocks
rocky
rod
rode
Rodriguez
rods
Roell
Roger
Rogers
Rohl
Rohlfs
Rojas
role
Rolin
roll
rolled
rolling
Rollins
rolls
ROM
Romaine
Roman
Romana
Romans
romantic
Romblon
Rome
Romero
Romulus
Ronald
Roncadore
Ronietta
Rontgen
roof
roofed
roofs
Rooineks
rookeries
Room
rooms
Roosevelt
root
rooted
rooting
rootless
roots
rope
Ropes
Roraima
Rosa
Rosales
rose
ROSEBERY
Rosecrans
Rosetta
rosettes
Rosetti
Rosmead
Ross
Rossi
Rossia
Rosthorn
Rostofski
rotary
rotate
rotating
Rotation
Rothschild
Rothschilds
rotten
rottenness
rotting
rotunda
Roubaix
rouble
roubles
Rouge
Rough
roughed
rougher
roughly
Roughriders
Roughs
roughshod
Rougé
ROUMANIA
Roumanian
Roumanie
Round
rounded
Roundell
rounding
rounds
Rounseville
rouse
roused
rousing
Rousseau
rout
route
routed
Routes
routine
routing
Roux
roving
Row
rowdies
rowed
Rowell
rows
royal
royalist
royalists
royally
Royalty
rubbed
rubber
rubbing
rubbish
rubies
ruble
rubles
Rud
rudder
rude
rudely
ruder
rudest
rudimentary
rudiments
RUDINI
Rudolf
Rudolph
Rue
ruffian
ruffianism
Ruffianly
ruffians
Rufus
rug
Rugby
rugged
ruin
ruined
ruining
ruinous
ruins
Ruis
Rule
ruled
ruler
rulers
rules
Ruling
rum
RUMANIA
Rumanian
Rumanians
rumbling
rumor
rumored
rumors
rumour
rumoured
rumours
run
Rundle
runners
Running
runs
rupee
rupees
rupture
rural
ruse
Ruses
rush
rushed
rushes
rushing
Ruskin
Russel
Russell
Russia
Russian
Russianize
Russianizing
Russians
Russias
Russification
Russify
Russifying
RUSSO
Rustem
rustic
rustle
Ruthenians
Rutherford
ruthless
ruthlessly
ruthlessness
Rutledge
ruts
Ryan
rye
Rykovskaya
RÖNTGEN
règles
régime
régulièrement
Ríos
rôle
Röntgen
s
Saatz
Saban
Sabbath
Sabderat
Sabine
Saburo
sac
sacerdotal
sache
Sacher
Saclemente
sacrament
sacraments
Sacred
sacredness
sacrifice
sacrificed
sacrifices
sacrificial
sacrilege
sad
saddened
sadder
saddled
saddler
saddles
Sadiki
sadly
Sadok
Saenz
safe
safeguard
safeguarded
safeguards
safely
safer
safest
safety
sag
sagacity
SAGASTA
Sage
SAGHALIEN
Sagua
Saham
Sahara
said
Saigo
Saigon
sail
sailed
Sailing
sailor
sailors
sails
Saint
saints
Saionji
saith
sak
sake
SAKHALIN
Sala
salaamed
Salaga
Salamon
Salaria
salaried
salaries
salary
sale
saleable
Salem
sales
salesmen
Salic
salient
Salim
Salinas
Salisbury
salivary
Salles
sallow
Salonica
Saloon
saloons
salt
Salter
saltpeter
salutary
Salutations
salute
saluted
salutes
saluting
Salvador
Salvadorean
salvage
Salvago
Salvation
Sam
Samal
Samar
Samara
Samaria
same
Samekh
Sammun
SAMOA
SAMOAN
Samoans
Samos
samples
SAMPSON
Samuel
San
sanatorium
Sanciano
Sancta
Sancti
sanction
sanctioned
sanctity
sanctuaries
sanctuary
SAND
Sandaken
sandbags
sandbank
Sandeco
Sandherr
sands
sandstone
Sandusky
Sandwith
sandy
Sanford
SANG
sanguinary
sanguine
sanguinis
Sanial
Sanitary
sanitation
sank
Sannikoff
Sans
Sansing
Sant
Santa
Santandar
Santiago
Santo
Santos
Saracco
Sarajevo
Saranguani
Sarawakian
Sarcey
Sargent
Sargon
Sargonic
sarra
Sartain
Sartinski
Sarzec
Sassaks
Sassoun
Sassun
sat
satin
satins
satire
satirical
satirically
satisfaction
satisfactorily
satisfactory
satisfied
satisfy
satisfying
Satolli
Satow
Satrustegui
Satsuma
saturated
Saturday
saturnalia
sauntering
sausage
sausages
Sauter
sauve
savage
savagely
savagery
savages
Save
saved
Savile
saving
Savings
Saviour
Savornin
savour
Savoy
saw
sawed
Sawyer
Saxe
Saxon
Saxony
say
Sayce
saying
sayings
says
Scadding
scaffolding
scale
scaled
scaling
scalping
scamped
Scandal
scandalized
scandalous
scandals
Scandinavia
Scandinavian
scant
scanty
scar
scarce
scarcely
scarcity
scare
scarlatina
scarlet
scathing
scats
scatter
scattered
scattereth
scattering
scatters
scene
scenery
scenes
scenic
scent
scepticism
sceptics
sceptre
Schaeffer
Schalk
Schedule
schedules
Scheil
scheme
schemes
scheming
Schenectady
Scheurer
Schillingsfürst
Schleswig
Schley
Schliemann
scholar
scholarly
scholars
scholarship
scholastic
Schomburgk
Schonborn
school
schoolboys
schoolfellows
schoolhouse
schoolhouses
schooling
schoolmaster
schoolroom
schoolrooms
schools
schooner
Schrader
SCHREINER
Schumann
Schurman
Schuur
Schwan
Schwarzkoppen
Schwerin
Schönerer
sciemment
science
sciences
SCIENTIFIC
scientifically
Scientifique
scientist
scientists
Scimetar
Scoble
scoldings
Scope
scorching
score
scores
scorn
scorned
Scotch
scotched
Scotia
Scotland
Scott
Scottish
scoured
scourge
scourged
scouring
scouts
scramble
scrambling
scrap
scraper
scratch
screen
screened
screw
Scribner
script
scripts
scrolls
scrupled
scrupulous
scrupulously
scrutinize
sculptor
sculptors
sculptural
sculpture
sculptures
scum
scuttered
Scythian
Se
sea
seaboard
seaboards
seacoast
seacoasts
Seagoing
seal
sealed
sealer
sealers
sealing
seals
sealskins
seamed
Seamen
seams
seaport
seaports
sear
search
searched
searches
searching
seas
seashore
season
seasons
Seat
seated
seating
seats
Seattle
Seaver
seaward
seawards
Sebastian
seceded
Secession
secessions
seclusion
Second
secondary
seconder
Secondly
secrecy
Secret
Secretariate
secretaries
Secretary
Secretaryship
secretion
secretly
secrets
secrète
sect
sectarian
sectarianism
Section
sectional
Sectionalism
Sections
sects
secular
Secularist
Secularists
secundus
secure
secured
securely
secures
securing
securities
security
Sedalia
Sedan
Seddon
sedentary
Sedition
seditionary
seditious
seduce
seduction
seductive
sedulously
see
Seebohm
seed
seeds
Seeing
seek
seekers
seeking
seeks
Seeley
seem
seemed
seeming
seems
seen
sees
seething
Segan
segment
segregated
segregation
Seguin
Seidl
Seine
seised
Seiyu
Seiyukai
seize
seized
seizing
seizure
seizures
Selborne
seldom
select
Selected
selecting
selection
selections
selector
selects
self
selfish
selfishness
Selkirk
sell
seller
Sellers
selling
sells
semblance
Semerara
semi
semibarbarous
semicircle
seminaries
seminary
Seminole
SEMINOLES
Semite
SEMITES
Semitic
Semitised
Semitism
senate
senator
senatorial
Senators
sence
send
sending
sends
Seneca
Senefern
SENEGAL
Senegalese
Senegambia
Senior
seniority
Sennacherib
Senor
SENOUSSI
sensation
Sensational
sensations
sense
senseless
sensibilities
sensible
sensibly
sensitive
sensitiveness
sent
sentence
sentenced
sentences
sentiment
sentimental
sentimentality
sentiments
sentinel
sentinelled
sentinels
sentries
sentry
Seoul
separate
separated
separately
separates
Separating
Separation
Sephardists
September
sepulchers
sepulchre
sequel
sequence
sequences
Sequeros
Serapeion
Serbs
Serene
serenity
serfdom
serfs
Sergeant
sergeants
series
Serious
seriously
seriousness
Serjeant
Serjeants
sermon
Serpa
serried
serum
servant
servants
serve
served
serves
Servia
Servian
SERVICE
serviceable
services
serving
servir
servitude
servitudes
serviçal
Seslien
session
Sessions
set
Seth
Sethos
Seti
sets
setting
settings
settle
settled
settlement
settlements
settler
settlers
settles
settling
Seven
seventeen
seventeenth
Seventh
Seventhly
seventies
seventieth
seventy
sever
Several
severally
SEVERALTY
severance
Severe
severed
severely
severest
severing
severity
Sevilla
Seville
sewage
Sewall
Seward
sewed
Sewerage
sewered
sewers
sewing
sex
Sexennate
sexes
Sextant
Sexton
sexually
Seymour
Seyyidieh
Señor
Señorita
Señors
Sfax
sha
shabbiness
shackle
shade
shades
shadow
shadowed
shadows
shaft
Shafter
shafts
Shah
Shahuo
shake
shaken
Shakespeare
shaking
Shakir
shall
shallow
shallowness
shallows
shalt
sham
shambles
shame
shamed
Shameful
shamefully
Shamrock
Shan
Shang
Shanghae
Shanghai
Shanghaikuan
Shanhai
Shanhaikuan
Shanhaikwan
Shankaikuan
Shansi
Shantung
Shao
shape
shaped
shaping
sharaki
share
shared
shareholders
shares
sharing
Sharon
sharp
Sharpe
sharper
sharpest
sharply
sharpshooters
Shashih
Shatt
shattered
Shattuck
Shaw
Shawneetown
shaykhs
She
shear
shed
shedding
sheds
sheep
sheer
sheet
sheets
Sheik
Sheikh
Sheiks
Shelby
Sheldon
Shell
Shelled
shelling
shells
shelter
sheltered
shelters
shelved
shelves
shelving
Shen
Sheng
Shenking
Shensi
shepherds
Sher
Sheriff
sheriffs
Sherman
Shetlands
Sheu
shew
shewn
shi
shia
Shiba
shield
shielded
Shifalu
shift
shifting
shiftless
Shigoku
Shih
Shilka
Shilkhak
shilling
shillings
Shilluk
Shimazu
Shimonoseki
Shims
Shimti
shin
shine
shines
Shingking
shining
Shio
ship
shipboard
shipbuilding
shipmen
shipment
shipments
shipowners
Shipp
shipped
shippers
SHIPPING
ships
shipwrecked
shipyards
SHIRE
shires
shirk
shirt
shirts
Shiré
Shishak
shiver
shivered
Shoa
shoal
shock
shocked
shocking
shockingly
shocks
shod
Shoe
shoes
Shogun
Shogunate
shoot
shooteth
shooting
shoots
Shop
shopkeeper
shopkeepers
Shops
Shore
shores
shorn
short
shortcomings
shorten
shortened
shortening
shorter
shortest
Shortland
shortly
shortness
shot
shots
Shou
Should
shoulder
shouldered
shoulders
Shoushan
shout
shouted
shouting
shoved
Show
showed
Showing
shown
shows
shrank
shrapnel
shred
shrewd
shrieking
shrieks
shrine
shrines
shrink
shrinkage
shrinking
shrinks
shrouded
shrunk
Shu
shudder
shuddering
shui
Shuja
SHUN
shut
shutting
Shuy
Shâsha
Shê
Shên
si
Siah
Siam
Siamese
Sian
siang
Siaoheichan
Siargao
Siassi
Siberia
SIBERIAN
Siboney
Sibutu
Sibuyan
sic
Sicilian
Sicily
Sick
sickening
sickle
sickly
sickness
Siddons
side
sided
sidedness
sidereal
sides
sidetrack
sideways
Sidgwick
Sidi
Sidon
Siege
Sieges
Sieleny
Siemens
sien
SIERRA
sifted
sight
sighted
sights
sign
Signal
signaled
signaler
signalize
signalized
signalled
signally
signals
signatories
Signatory
signature
signatures
signed
signers
signets
Significance
significant
significantly
signification
signified
signifies
signify
signifying
signing
Signor
signs
Sikhs
Silan
Silang
Silas
silence
silenced
silencing
silent
silently
Silesia
Silico
silicon
silk
silken
silks
silkworms
Silvela
silver
Silvestre
Simara
similar
similarity
similarly
simile
similitude
Simla
simmering
Simon
Simonstown
simple
simpler
simplest
simplicity
simplification
simplify
simplifying
Simplon
simply
simultaneous
simultaneously
sin
Sinaitic
since
sincere
sincerely
sincerity
Sind
sine
sinful
sinfully
sing
Singan
Singapore
singing
single
singled
singles
singly
sings
singular
singularity
singularly
sinister
sink
sinking
Sinminting
sins
Sioux
Siquijor
Sir
Sirdar
Sire
Sisran
Sissoi
sister
Sisters
sit
site
sites
sits
sitting
sittings
situate
situated
Situation
situs
Siu
Sivas
six
sixfold
sixpence
sixteen
Sixteenth
Sixth
Sixthly
sixtieth
Sixty
size
sized
sizes
Siècle
Skagway
Skaugh
skeleton
skelter
Skelton
skepticism
Sketch
sketches
skies
skilful
skilfully
skill
Skilled
skillful
skillfully
skimmed
skin
skinned
skins
skirmish
skirmishers
skirmishes
skirmishing
skirt
skirted
skirting
skirts
Skouses
skulls
sky
slab
slabs
slack
slackened
slain
slandering
slate
slaughter
slaughtered
Slav
slave
slaveholding
slavery
slaves
Slavic
Slavo
Slavonic
Slavs
slay
slayers
sledge
sledges
Sledging
sleds
sleep
sleepers
sleeping
Sleigh
slept
SLESWICK
slice
slid
sliding
Slight
slightest
slightly
slip
slipped
slips
slipshod
slogans
slope
Sloping
slot
sloth
Slovak
Slovenes
Slovenian
slow
slowed
slower
slowly
sluice
sluices
slum
slumbered
slumbering
slumberous
smack
small
smaller
smallest
smallness
smallpox
smartness
smashed
smeared
smell
smelters
smile
smiled
smiling
Smit
smite
smites
Smith
Smithmeyer
Smithsonian
smoke
SMOKELESS
smokers
smoking
Smollenske
smooth
smoothed
smoothing
smoothly
smoothness
smothered
smoulder
smouldering
smuggled
smugglers
Smuggling
Smuts
Smyrna
Smyth
snail
Snake
snakes
snap
snapper
snare
snares
snatch
snatched
Snead
sneers
sniper
sniping
Snow
snows
snowy
SO
soaked
soap
soapstone
Sobat
sober
sobering
soberness
sobriety
Socapa
social
socialism
SOCIALIST
socialistic
Socialists
socialization
socially
Sociedad
Societies
Society
Société
sockets
sod
Soden
sodium
soever
Sofia
soft
Softas
soften
softened
softening
softens
softness
Sohm
soil
sojourned
sojourner
sojourning
SOKOTO
solace
Solar
sold
soldered
solders
soldier
soldierly
Soldiers
soldiery
sole
solely
solemn
solemnely
solemnities
solemnity
solemnly
Solent
solicit
solicitation
solicitations
solicitor
solicitous
solicitude
solid
solidarity
solidification
solidified
solidify
solidifying
solidity
solidly
solitary
solitude
Solomon
solution
Solutions
solve
solved
solvency
solvent
Somali
SOMALIS
some
somebody
somehow
somersaults
Somerset
Something
sometidos
sometimes
somewhat
somewhere
somnolence
Son
song
songs
Sonora
sons
Soochow
soon
Sooner
soothe
sorcerer
sorcery
sordid
sore
sorely
Soriano
sorrow
sorrowful
Sorrowfully
sorrows
sorry
sort
sortie
sorts
soshi
Sosian
SOUDAN
Soudanese
soufflet
sought
soul
souls
sound
sounded
sounder
sounding
Soundings
soundness
sounds
source
sources
Sousse
Soutcheou
south
southeast
southeasterly
southeastern
southeastward
southerly
southern
southernmost
Southgate
southward
southwardly
southwards
Southwark
SOUTHWEST
southwesterly
southwestern
southwestward
southwestwards
Southworth
souvenir
souvenirs
Sovereign
sovereigns
sovereignties
Sovereignty
sow
sown
Soziale
space
spaces
spacious
spade
spadeful
Spain
span
Spaniard
Spaniards
Spanish
spanned
spare
spared
sparing
sparingly
spark
sparkling
sparks
sparred
spars
sparse
sparsely
spasmodic
Spaulding
speak
speakee
speaker
speakers
Speaking
speaks
spear
spearmen
spears
special
SPECIALISTS
specialized
specially
specialties
specie
species
specific
specifically
specification
specifications
specified
specify
specimen
specimens
specious
spectacle
Spectator
spectators
spectra
spectre
spectroscopic
Spectrum
speculation
speculative
speculators
Speech
speeches
speechless
speed
speedier
speedily
speeds
speedy
spelt
Spencer
spend
spending
spendthrifts
spent
Speranza
sperm
spermato
Sphakia
sphere
Spheres
spherical
spice
spiders
spies
spill
spilt
spinal
spindle
Spine
spinning
SPION
spirit
spirited
spiritedly
spirits
Spiritual
spiritualistic
spirituous
Spiritus
Spirogyra
spit
spite
Spitzbergen
Spitzkop
splashing
spleen
splendid
splendidly
splendor
splendour
splenic
splints
split
splitting
spoil
spoiled
spoilers
SPOILS
spoilsmen
spoke
spoken
spokesman
spokesmen
spoliation
spongy
sponsor
sponsors
spontaneous
spontaneously
spool
spoon
Spooner
sporadic
spore
spores
sport
sporting
sports
spot
spots
Spouse
sprang
Spray
spread
spreaders
spreading
spreads
Spreckles
Spree
Sprigg
spring
SPRINGFIELD
springing
springs
sprouted
sprung
spur
spurs
spurt
sputtering
spy
Spytfontein
sq
squadron
squadrons
squads
squalls
squandered
Square
squarely
squares
squaring
squeeze
squeezing
Squiers
SS
Ssu
Ssuchuan
Ssü
st
Staal
Staats
stabbed
stability
stable
stables
stablished
stabs
stack
stacked
stacks
Stadden
stades
stadium
Stadling
staff
staffs
stag
stage
stages
staggered
staggering
stagnant
stagnate
stagnation
staid
stain
stained
Stainer
staircase
stake
staked
stakes
staking
stalwart
Stamboul
STAMBOULOFF
stammered
Stamp
stamped
stampede
stamping
stamps
Stanard
stanchest
stanchly
stand
standard
standards
standi
Standing
standpoint
stands
standstill
Stanford
Stanley
staples
star
starboard
starch
stare
staring
Starke
starred
Stars
start
started
Starting
startled
startling
startlingly
starts
starvation
starve
starved
starving
Stasts
Stat
state
statecraft
Stated
Statehood
stately
statement
statements
Staten
staterooms
Staters
States
statesman
statesmanlike
statesmanship
statesmen
stating
Station
stationary
stationed
Stationery
STATIONS
Statist
statistical
statistician
statistics
Statistische
Statsco
statu
statue
statues
stature
status
Statute
Statutes
statutory
staunch
stay
stayed
staying
Stead
steadfast
steadfastly
steadily
steadiness
steading
steady
steal
stealers
stealing
steam
steamboat
steamboats
steamed
steamer
Steamers
steaming
steamship
steamships
steel
Steenstrup
steep
steeped
steeple
steered
steering
steers
Steevens
Stein
Steindorf
Steindorff
stela
stele
Stella
stem
stench
stenographers
stentorian
step
Stephanus
Stephen
Stephens
Stepniak
Steppe
steppes
stepping
steps
stepson
stereotyped
sterile
Sterkfontein
sterling
stern
Sternberg
sterner
stethoscope
Stetson
Stettin
Steubenville
Stevens
STEVENSON
Steward
Stewart
Steyn
stick
sticklets
sticks
stiff
stifled
stifling
stigmatised
Stikine
stiletto
still
stilled
Stillman
Stillé
stimulate
stimulated
stimulating
stimulation
stimulus
stinging
stinking
stipulate
stipulated
stipulating
stipulation
stipulations
stir
stirred
Stirring
stitched
stitches
stock
stockholder
stockholders
Stockholm
stocks
Stoffel
Stokes
stole
stolen
stomach
Stone
stoned
Stonehenge
stones
Stoney
stood
STOOL
stop
stoppage
stoppages
stopped
stopping
stops
storage
store
stored
storehouse
storeroom
stores
storeyed
storied
stories
storing
storm
Stormberg
stormed
storming
storms
Stormy
Storrs
Storthing
story
Stotsenberg
Stoughton
stout
stoutly
stoves
Stowe
stowed
straggling
stragglingly
straight
straightforward
strain
strained
straining
strains
Strait
Straits
Stranahan
strand
strands
Strange
strangely
strangeness
stranger
strangers
strangest
strangle
strangled
Stransky
straps
strata
stratagem
strategic
strategical
strategically
strategy
Strathcona
stratum
Strauss
straw
stray
strays
stream
streamed
streaming
streams
street
streets
STRENGTH
strengthen
strengthened
strengthening
Strenuous
strenuously
stress
stretch
stretched
stretcher
stretchers
stretches
stretching
Stretensk
strewn
Stricken
strict
stricter
strictest
strictly
strictness
stride
strides
strife
Strike
strikers
STRIKES
striking
strikingly
Strindberg
string
stringency
stringent
strings
strip
Stripes
stripped
stripping
strive
striven
striving
strivings
strode
stroke
strokes
stroll
strolled
strolling
strong
stronger
strongest
stronghold
strongholds
strongly
Strouts
strove
struck
structure
structures
Struggle
struggled
struggles
struggling
strung
Stryetensk
Stuart
stubborn
stubbornly
stubbornness
Stubbs
Stuben
stuck
studded
student
STUDENTS
studied
studies
studious
study
studying
stuff
stuffed
stuffs
stultified
stultifies
stumbled
stupa
stupefies
stupendous
stupid
stupidest
stupidities
stupidity
sturdy
Stuttgart
Stuyvesant
Style
styled
styling
Su
Suakim
Suakin
Suarda
sub
subalterns
subbasement
subcommission
subcommissions
subdelegation
subdistricts
subdivide
subdivided
subdivision
subdue
subdued
subduing
Subic
subject
subjected
subjecting
subjection
SUBJECTS
subjoined
subjugate
subjugated
subjugating
Subjugation
subjugator
Sublime
sublimity
submarine
submerged
submersion
submission
submissions
submissive
submit
submits
submitted
submitting
subordinate
subordinated
subordinates
suborn
subornation
subscribe
subscribed
subscriber
subscribers
subscribing
subscription
subscriptions
subsection
subsequent
subsequently
subserve
subserved
subserviency
subsided
subsidence
subsidiary
subsidies
subsidise
subsidised
subsidising
subsidized
subsidizing
subsidy
subsist
subsistence
subsisting
subsoil
substance
substances
substantial
substantially
substantiated
substations
substitute
substituted
substitutes
substituting
Substitution
substructures
subtle
subtly
subtracted
subtraction
subtropical
suburb
suburbs
subvention
subventions
subversion
subversive
subvert
subverted
subverting
Subway
succeed
succeeded
succeeding
succeeds
success
successes
successful
successfully
succession
successive
successor
successors
succinct
succinctly
succinctness
succor
succoured
succumb
succumbed
Such
Suchow
Suda
Sudan
SUDANESE
sudd
Sudden
suddenly
suddenness
sue
sued
sues
Suez
suffer
suffered
sufferers
suffering
sufferings
suffers
suffice
sufficed
suffices
sufficiency
sufficient
sufficiently
suffocated
suffocation
suffrage
suffrages
sugar
sugars
suggest
suggested
suggesting
suggestion
suggestions
suggestive
suggests
Sugita
Sugiyama
Sui
suicidal
Suicide
suing
suit
suitability
suitable
suitably
suite
suited
suitor
suits
Sukkur
Sul
sullen
Sullivan
sulphate
sulphur
Sultan
Sultanate
Sultans
Sulu
sum
Sumatra
SUMER
Sumerian
Sumerians
summarily
summarised
summarized
summarizing
Summary
summed
Summer
Summerall
Summing
summit
summits
summon
summoned
summoning
summons
summum
Sumner
sumptuary
sumptuous
sums
sun
Sunda
Sunday
Sundays
sunder
sundown
Sundry
Sung
Sungari
Sunk
Sunken
sunlight
sunny
sunrise
suns
sunset
Sunshine
superannuated
Superannuation
superb
supercilious
superficial
superfluous
superintend
superintended
superintendence
Superintendent
superintendents
superintending
Superior
superiority
superiors
supernatural
superposed
superposition
supersede
Superseded
superseding
supersession
superstition
superstitions
superstructure
superstructures
supervened
supervise
supervised
supervising
supervision
supervisors
supervisory
supine
Supper
supplant
supplanted
supplanting
supplement
supplemental
supplementary
supplemented
supplements
supplied
supplies
supply
supplying
support
Supported
supporter
supporters
supporting
supports
supposably
suppose
supposed
supposes
supposing
supposition
suppositious
suppress
suppressed
suppressing
suppression
suppuration
Suprema
supremacy
Supreme
supremely
suprême
sur
Surat
sure
surely
surest
surety
surf
surface
surfaced
surfaces
surgeon
surgeons
surgery
surgical
surgically
surmise
surmised
surmising
surmounted
surpass
surpassed
surpassing
surplus
surprise
surprised
surprises
surprising
surprisingly
surrender
surrendered
surrendering
surrenders
surreptitious
surreptitiously
surround
surrounded
surrounding
Surroundings
surveillance
Survey
surveyed
surveying
Surveyor
surveys
survive
survived
survives
surviving
survivor
survivors
Susa
susceptibilities
susceptibility
susceptible
suspect
suspected
suspects
suspend
suspended
Suspending
suspends
suspens
suspense
Suspension
suspicion
suspicions
suspicious
suspiciously
sustain
sustained
sustaining
sustenance
Sutcliffe
sutlers
Sutro
SUWAROFF
suzerain
Suzerainty
Suákin
Svend
Sverdrup
Swallow
swallowed
swallows
swamp
swamped
swamps
swampy
swarm
swarmed
swash
Swat
Swatow
Swats
sway
swayed
Swaziland
Swazis
swear
swears
sweat
sweating
Sweden
Swedes
Swedish
sweep
sweeping
sweepings
sweeps
sweetheart
sweetness
sweets
swell
swelled
swelling
swept
swerved
swift
swiftly
swifty
swim
swimming
swine
swing
Swinging
Swiss
switches
Switzerland
swollen
sword
swords
swore
sworn
swung
Sybel
sycophant
Sydney
syllabic
syllable
symbol
symbolical
symbolized
symbols
Symons
sympathetic
sympathies
sympathise
sympathisers
sympathize
sympathizers
sympathizes
sympathy
symptom
symptoms
synagogue
Syndicate
Syndicates
Synod
synods
synopsis
Syracuse
Syria
Syrian
system
systematic
systematically
systematise
systematization
systematize
systems
Szechuan
Szechuen
Szell
Szilagyi
Sérapeum
T
ta
Taaffe
Taal
tabards
Tabasco
Tabellen
tabernacle
Tablas
TABLE
tableland
TABLES
tablet
tablets
tabooed
taboos
Tabora
tabulated
Tabulinga
tacit
tacitly
Tacitus
tacked
tacking
TACNA
Tacoma
tact
tactfulness
tactical
tactics
tael
taels
Taft
Tagal
Tagalo
Tagalog
TAGALOGS
TAGALOS
Tagals
Tagblatt
Tahiti
Tai
tail
tailoring
tails
Taimoro
tainted
Taiping
Takamori
Takaungu
take
Taken
takers
Takes
taking
Taku
Takutu
Talajit
Talana
Talavera
tale
talent
talents
tales
Taliaferro
TALIENWAN
talisman
talk
talked
talking
talks
tall
Talmud
Tamasese
Tamaulipas
Tamayo
TAMMANY
Tampa
Tan
Tana
Tanamo
Tandubato
tang
Tanganyika
tangents
tangible
tangle
tangled
tank
tanks
Tanner
tanneries
tantamount
Tanu
TAO
Taoist
Taotai
Tapan
tape
taper
tapping
tardily
tardy
Tarfa
target
tariff
TARIFFS
Tarlac
tarnished
tarpaulin
Tartar
Tartary
task
taskmasters
tasks
TASMANIA
taste
tattered
Tau
Tauchnitz
taught
Taungs
taunting
Taussig
taut
Tawai
Tawi
tax
taxable
Taxation
taxed
taxes
taxing
taxpayer
taxpayers
Tayabas
Taylor
Tayug
Tchad
Tchernaieff
Te
tea
teach
teacher
Teachers
teaches
teaching
teachings
tear
tearing
tears
Tebet
technical
technicalities
technicality
technically
Technology
Teck
tedious
teemed
teeming
teems
teeth
teetotalers
Teheran
TEHUANTEPEC
Telegram
telegrams
Telegraph
telegraphed
telegraphic
telegraphing
Telegraphs
telegraphy
Telephone
telephones
telephonic
TELEPHONY
telescope
Telin
Tell
Teller
telling
Tello
Telloh
tells
Tembuland
Temistocle
temper
temperament
temperance
temperate
temperately
temperature
temperatures
tempered
tempest
tempests
temple
temples
Temporal
temporarily
temporary
temporize
Temps
tempt
temptation
temptations
tempting
Ten
tenable
tenacity
tenancy
tenant
tenants
tend
tended
tendencies
tendency
tender
tendered
tenderness
tenders
tending
tendons
tends
Teneriffe
tenet
tenets
TENNESSEE
Tenney
tennis
Tennyson
tenor
tens
tension
tent
tentage
tentative
Tenth
Tenthly
tenths
tents
tenure
tenures
Tepic
Terai
Teresa
term
termed
terminable
terminal
terminals
terminate
terminated
terminates
terminating
termination
terminations
termino
terminos
terminus
terms
terra
terrace
terrazzo
Terrell
terrestrial
terrestrially
terrible
terribly
terrific
terrified
terrify
Territorial
territoriality
Territories
Territory
terror
terrorise
terrorists
terrorized
terrors
tersely
TESLA
Test
testament
testamentary
tested
testifie
testified
testifies
testify
testifying
Testimony
testing
tests
Tetabiate
tetanus
Tetuan
Teuffel
Texan
Texans
Texas
text
textbooks
textile
textiles
texts
texture
th
thalers
thalweg
Thames
than
Thana
thank
thanked
thankful
thankfully
thankfulness
thanking
Thanks
Thanksgiving
that
thatched
thatches
Thayer
THE
theater
theatre
theatrical
Thebes
thee
theft
Their
theirs
them
theme
themselves
then
thence
thenceforth
theocracy
Theodor
Theodore
Theodosius
theologian
theologians
theological
theoretic
theoretical
theoretically
theories
theorist
theorists
Theory
there
Thereafter
thereby
therefor
Therefore
therefrom
therein
thereof
thereon
Theresias
thereto
theretofore
thereunder
thereunto
Thereupon
therewith
Thermometer
Thermopylæ
these
Thessalian
Thessalians
Thessaly
they
thick
thickened
thicker
thickest
thicket
thickly
thickness
Thiers
Thievery
Thieves
thigh
thimble
thin
thine
thing
things
Think
thinking
thinks
thinly
thinned
Third
Thirdly
thirds
thirst
thirteen
Thirteenth
thirtieth
Thirty
This
thither
thitherto
tho
Thomann
Thomas
Thompson
Thomson
thorn
Thornhill
thorns
Thornton
Thoroddsen
thorough
thoroughfare
thoroughfares
thoroughly
thoroughness
those
thou
Though
thought
thoughtful
thoughtless
thoughts
thousand
thousands
thraldom
thrash
thread
threadless
threads
threat
threaten
Threatened
threatening
threatenings
threatens
threats
three
threshold
thresholds
threw
thrice
thrift
thrill
thrilling
thrive
thriven
thrives
thriving
throat
Throndak
throne
throng
thronged
throttled
Through
throughout
throw
throwing
thrown
throws
thrust
Thun
thunder
thundered
thundering
Thurman
Thursday
Thurston
thus
THUTMOSIS
thwart
thwarted
thwarting
thy
Tiber
Tiberias
Tibet
Ticao
ticket
tickets
Tidal
tide
tided
tidewater
tidings
tie
tied
tien
tiens
Tientsin
ties
Tiflis
tightly
Tiglath
Tigris
Tila
Tilden
tile
tiled
tiles
Till
tillage
tilled
tillers
Tillman
timber
timbered
Time
timed
timely
Times
timid
timidity
timidly
Timothy
Tin
Tinagua
tincture
Ting
tinge
tinged
tingling
tinned
Tinneh
tinsel
tiny
tirades
Tirailleurs
tired
Tirol
Tirolese
Tiryns
Tis
tissue
title
titles
titre
titular
Tiumen
Tlaxcala
To
tobacco
Tobago
TOCHI
today
toes
together
Togo
TOGOLAND
Tohoku
toil
toiled
toiler
Toit
Tokat
token
Tokio
Tokiwo
Tokyo
told
TOLEDO
tolerable
tolerance
tolerant
tolerate
tolerated
tolerating
toleration
Toll
tolls
Tolosan
Tolstoi
Tom
Tomas
tomb
tombs
Tommy
tomorrow
Tompkins
Tomsk
ton
tone
tones
tong
Tonga
Tongaland
Tongkew
Tongking
Tongoland
tongue
tongues
Tonnage
Tonquin
Tons
tonsure
too
took
tool
tools
top
topazes
topic
topics
topmost
topographical
topography
topped
topple
toppled
tops
TORAL
torch
torches
torchon
torment
tormented
tormentors
torn
Tornado
Tornielli
Torpedo
torpedoes
Torquemada
Torquino
torrent
torrents
Torres
torrid
tortuous
torture
tortured
tortures
Tory
Toryism
Tosa
Toski
TOTAL
totally
Totals
toto
touch
touched
touches
touching
toughs
Toulon
Toulouse
tour
tourist
tourists
tours
tousled
tout
toute
toward
Towards
towed
tower
towered
towering
towers
Town
Towne
Towns
Townsend
Townshend
township
townships
townspeople
toxic
toxine
toxines
toxins
trace
traced
tracery
traces
tracing
track
trackless
tracks
Tract
tracts
Tracy
trade
traded
trademarks
traders
trades
tradesman
Tradesmen
tradespeople
trading
tradition
traditional
traditions
traffic
trafficking
tragedies
tragedy
tragic
tragical
tragically
Trail
trailing
Traill
Trails
train
trainbands
trained
Training
Trains
trait
traitor
traitors
Traitre
tramcar
tramp
trample
trampled
trampling
tramps
tramway
tramways
tranquil
tranquillity
tranquillizing
trans
transact
transacted
transacting
transaction
transactions
Transbaikalia
Transcaspia
transcend
transcended
transcendent
Transcendental
transcontinental
transcribed
transcriber
transcript
transfer
transference
transferred
transferring
transfers
transform
transformation
transformations
transformed
transformer
transformers
transforming
transgression
transient
transit
transition
transitory
Transkei
translate
translated
translating
translation
Translations
translator
transliteration
transmission
transmissions
transmit
transmittal
transmitted
transmitter
transmitters
transmitting
transmute
transparent
transpired
transport
transportation
transported
transporters
transporting
Transports
transradiable
transubstantiation
TRANSVAAL
Transvaalers
trap
trapping
Trarieux
Trave
travel
traveled
traveler
traveling
travelled
traveller
travellers
travelling
travels
Travers
traverse
traversed
traverses
traversing
trays
treacherous
treacherously
treachery
treacle
tread
Treason
treasonable
treasure
treasurer
Treasurers
treasures
treasuries
treasury
treat
treated
Treaties
treating
treatment
treats
treaty
Trebizond
treble
trebled
trebling
tree
trees
trek
tremble
trembling
tremendous
Tremont
trench
Trenches
trenching
TREND
Trenton
trephined
trespass
trespassers
trespassing
Trevelyan
Treves
tri
Triads
Trial
trials
triangular
Tribal
tribe
TRIBES
tribesmen
TRIBUNAL
Tribunals
Tribune
tributaries
tributary
Tribute
Tributes
trick
tricks
Tricoupis
tridents
tridominium
tried
tries
Trieste
trifled
trifles
trifling
trigger
Trikoupis
Trim
trimmed
trimmings
Trinidad
Trinity
trip
tripartite
triple
Tripler
tripod
Tripoli
tripping
trips
tritithons
Triton
triumph
triumphal
triumphant
triumphantly
triumphed
triumphs
Triune
trivial
Trobriand
Trocadero
trocha
TROCHAS
trod
Troia
Trojan
trolley
Tromsoë
troop
troopers
troops
trop
trophies
tropic
tropical
tropics
trotting
trouble
troubled
troubles
troublesome
troubling
trousers
Trowbridge
TROY
truant
Truce
trucks
truculence
truculent
True
truest
truism
truisms
truly
Trumbull
trumped
trumpet
Trumpeter
Trumpeters
trumpets
trunk
trunks
trunnions
trussed
trusses
trust
trusted
Trustees
trusting
trusts
trustworthy
Trusty
truth
truthfully
truths
try
trying
très
Ts
Tsai
tsang
Tsao
Tsar
Tschiposan
Tse
Tseng
Tshinovniks
tsi
Tsikalaria
tsin
Tsinan
tsing
Tsitsihar
Tsu
tsun
Tsung
Tsushima
Tsz
tsze
Tszechau
Tsü
tu
Tuan
tube
tuberculosis
tuberculous
Tubes
tubs
Tubuai
tubular
Tucker
Tuesday
TUGELA
tugs
Tui
Tuileries
tuition
tumbled
tumbling
tumours
Tumuc
tumult
tumults
tumulus
tun
tundras
tune
TUNG
Tungtschau
tunic
Tunis
Tunisia
Tunisian
Tunisians
tunnel
TUNNELS
Tupper
turbaned
turbine
TURBINES
Turbinia
turbulence
turbulent
Turk
Turkestan
TURKEY
Turkhan
Turkish
Turkistan
Turks
turmoil
turn
Turnavos
turned
Turner
turning
turnpikes
turns
Turpin
Turrettini
Tuscany
tusks
tutelage
tutor
Tutuila
TWAIN
Twan
Twelfth
Twelve
twelvemonth
twentieth
twenty
Twice
twigs
twilight
twin
Twiss
twist
twisted
twitching
Two
twofold
Tyler
Tymovsk
type
types
typhoid
typhoon
typhus
typical
tyrannized
tyranny
tyrant
Tyre
Tyrnavo
Tyrol
Tyrone
Tzar
Tze
Tzetinye
Tzrnagora
tzu
télégramme
u
uan
Ubao
ubiquitous
Uchali
Uganda
ugly
Uitlander
UITLANDERS
ukase
ul
Ulises
Ulloa
Ulster
ult
ulterior
ultima
ultimate
Ultimately
Ultimatum
ultimo
ultra
Ultramontanism
ULYSSES
Umata
Umba
Umpire
Umra
Umtali
Un
unabated
unable
Unabridged
unacceptable
unaccountable
unaccountably
unaccustomed
unacquainted
unadulterated
unaffected
unaided
unalterable
unalterably
unaltered
unanimity
unanimous
unanimously
unanswered
Unappalled
unapproachable
unarmed
unasked
unassailable
unassociated
unattainable
unattended
unauthorised
unauthorized
unavailing
unavoidable
unavoidably
unaware
unbaked
unbearable
unbearded
unbecoming
unblemished
unblushing
unborn
unbounded
unbridled
unbroken
unburied
unbusinesslike
uncanceled
uncaptured
unceasing
unceasingly
uncertain
uncertainties
uncertainty
uncertified
unchain
unchangeable
unchanged
unchecked
unchristian
uncivilized
unclaimed
uncle
unclothed
uncommon
uncompromising
unconcealed
unconcerned
unconditional
unconditionally
unconnected
unconquerable
unconscious
unconsciously
unconsciousness
unconstitutional
unconstitutionally
uncontrolled
uncovered
uncovering
uncurrent
uncurtailed
und
undamaged
undaunted
undeceived
undecided
undeciphered
undefended
undefined
undemocratic
undeniable
undeniably
undenominational
under
undercutting
underestimating
undergo
undergoes
undergoing
undergone
underground
undergrowth
underlie
underlined
underlings
Underlying
undermined
undermines
undermining
underpaid
underrated
underselling
Undersigned
understaffed
understand
understanding
understandings
understated
understatement
understood
undertake
undertaken
undertakers
undertakes
undertaking
undertakings
undertone
undertook
undervalue
underwent
Underwood
undesecrated
undeserved
undeservedly
undesirability
undesirable
undesired
undetermined
undeveloped
undexterous
undignified
undiminished
undischarged
undisciplined
undiscovered
undisputed
undisturbed
undivided
undivulged
undo
undone
undoubted
undoubtedly
undreamed
undue
unduly
undutiable
une
unearned
unearthed
Uneasiness
uneasy
uneducated
unemployed
unequal
unequaled
unequalled
unequally
unequivocal
unessential
unexampled
unexcited
unexecuted
unexpected
unexpectedly
unexpended
unexplored
unexposed
unextinguishable
unfailing
unfair
unfairly
unfairness
unfamiliar
unfavorable
unfavorably
unfettered
unfinished
unfit
unflagging
unflinching
unfolded
unforeseen
unforgettable
unfortified
unfortunate
unfortunately
unfortunates
unfounded
unfriendliness
unfriendly
unfulfilled
unfunded
unfurled
ung
UNGAVA
ungenerous
ungrateful
unground
unguarded
unhampered
unhappily
unhappy
unharmed
unhealthy
unheeded
unhesitating
unhindered
unhistorical
unholy
unhoped
unhurt
unification
unified
uniform
uniformed
uniformity
uniformly
Uniforms
unilateral
unimpaired
unimpassioned
unimpeded
unimportant
unimproved
uninhabitable
uninhabited
uninjured
uninterrupted
uninterruptedly
union
unionism
Unionist
Unionists
unions
unique
uniqueness
unirrigated
unison
unit
unite
united
uniting
units
unity
universal
universally
universe
Universelle
UNIVERSITIES
university
unjust
unjustifiable
unjustified
unjustly
unkind
unkindly
unknown
unlawful
Unless
unlike
unlikely
unlimited
unloading
unlooked
unmanageable
unmarked
unmarred
unmarried
unmeasured
unmindful
unmistakable
unmistakably
unmistakeably
unmixed
unmodified
unmolested
unmortgaged
Unmoved
unnamed
unnatural
unnaturally
unnecessarily
unnecessary
unnerved
unnoticed
unobjectionable
unobstructed
unobtainable
unofficial
unofficially
unopposed
unorganized
unostentatious
unpaid
unpalatable
unparalleled
unpardoned
unpatriotic
unperceived
unpermissible
unpitying
unpleasant
unpleasantly
unpopular
unprecedented
unprejudiced
unprepared
unpreparedness
unprincipled
unproductive
unproductively
unprofitable
unprofitably
unpromising
unpronounceable
Unprotected
unprovided
unprovoked
unpublished
unpunished
unqualified
unquestionable
unquestionably
unquestioned
unratified
unreadiness
unreasonable
unreasonably
unrecognized
unrecorded
unrehabilitated
unremitting
unrepresented
unrepublican
unreserved
unreservedly
unresisted
unrest
unrestrained
unrestricted
unrighteous
unrivalled
unroofed
unruly
unsafe
unsanitary
Unsatisfactory
unsatisfied
unscientific
unscriptural
unscrupulous
unseat
unseating
unsectarian
unseemly
unseen
unselfish
unsettled
unshaken
unshod
unsought
unsound
unspared
unsparing
unspeakable
unstained
unstaked
unsteadiness
unsuccessful
unsuitable
unsuited
unsupported
unsurpassed
unsuspected
unswerving
unswervingly
untamed
untarnished
untaught
untaxable
untaxed
untenable
until
untimely
untiring
unto
untold
untouched
untoward
untrained
untrammeled
untrammelled
untrampled
untried
untroubled
untrue
untrustworthiness
untrustworthy
untruth
untruthfully
unused
unusual
unusually
unvarying
unvexed
unvindicated
unwarrantable
unwarranted
unwavering
unwelcome
unwholesome
unwieldy
unwilling
unwillingly
unwillingness
Unwin
unwisdom
unwise
unwisely
unworkable
unworthily
unworthy
unwritten
Unyoro
Up
upbraid
upbuilding
upheaval
upheavals
upheld
uphill
uphold
upholder
upholders
upholding
upholds
uplift
uplifted
Upolu
Upon
Upper
upright
uprights
uprising
uprisings
uproar
uprooted
uprooting
upset
upsetting
upshot
upward
upwards
UR
Ural
uranium
Urban
urbana
Urga
urge
urged
urgency
urgent
urgently
urges
urging
Uribe
Uriburu
URREA
Urrutia
Uruguay
Uruguayan
Us
usage
usages
Use
used
useful
usefully
usefulness
useless
uselessness
USES
ushered
Using
Usoga
Ussuri
usual
usually
usufruct
usufructuary
usurers
Usuri
usurient
usurpation
usurped
usurper
usurping
Utah
utilitarian
utilities
utility
utilization
utilize
utilized
utilizing
Utman
utmost
Utrecht
utter
utterance
utterances
uttered
uttering
utterly
uttermost
v
va
Vaal
Vaca
vacancies
vacancy
vacant
vacate
vacated
vacating
vacation
vaccination
Vacherot
vacuous
vacuum
vagabonds
vague
vaguely
vagueness
vain
vainly
Vakin
Val
Valdivia
Valencia
Valentine
Valeriano
Vali
valiantly
valid
validated
validity
Valis
Valladolid
Valley
valleys
valor
valorem
valour
Valparaiso
valuable
valuables
valuation
valuations
value
valued
valueless
values
valuing
valve
valves
Valérien
Vamos
Van
Vancouver
Vanderbilt
Vandergrift
vanes
vanished
Vannoffsky
Vannovsky
vanquished
vanquishing
vantage
Varanger
Vardö
variance
variations
varied
varies
varieties
variety
Various
variously
Varipetro
Varley
Varona
vary
Varying
vase
vases
vassal
vassalage
vassals
Vassos
vast
vastly
vastness
Vatican
Vau
vaudeville
vaudevilles
Vaughan
vaulted
vaulting
Vavau
Vecchia
Veeder
Vegas
vegetable
vegetables
Vegetarian
Vegetarians
vegetation
vehemence
vehement
vehemently
vehicle
vehicles
veil
veiled
vein
veins
Velasco
veld
veldt
Velestino
Veliki
velocity
vendetta
venerable
venerated
veneration
Venezuela
Venezuelan
Venezuelans
vengeance
vengefulness
Venice
Venosta
vent
ventilating
ventilation
venture
ventured
ventures
Vera
verb
verbal
verbally
verbaux
Verde
Verdi
Verdict
Vereinigung
Vereins
Verfassungstreue
Vergano
verge
verification
verified
verify
verifying
Verily
veritable
Verkauf
Verlaine
Vermilion
VERMONT
Vernon
versa
Versailles
verse
versed
version
verst
versts
vertebral
vertical
vertically
vertretenen
very
vespers
vessel
vessels
vest
vested
vestige
vestiges
vesting
vestries
vestry
veteran
veterans
veterinarians
veterinary
veto
vetoed
vetoes
Vetter
vex
vexation
vexatious
vexed
VI
Via
viability
Viatka
vibrated
vibration
vibrations
Vicar
vice
Viceroy
Viceroyal
viceroyalty
viceroys
vices
vicinage
vicinities
vicinity
vicious
vicissitudes
Vicksburg
Vicomte
Vict
victim
victimised
victims
Victor
Victoria
Victorian
victories
victorious
victors
victory
vide
Video
vied
Vienna
Viennese
vient
Vieques
VIEQUEZ
view
viewed
views
Vigan
vigilance
vigilant
vigor
vigore
vigorous
vigorously
vigour
VII
VIII
vilayet
vilayets
vile
Villa
village
villagers
villages
Villalon
Villaverde
Villiers
VINCENT
vindicate
vindicated
vindication
vindictive
vindictiveness
vines
vinous
vintage
Vinton
violated
violates
violating
violation
violations
violative
violators
Violence
violent
violently
violet
violé
Viper
Virchow
VIRDEN
vires
virgin
VIRGINIA
VIRGINIUS
virile
virility
virtual
virtually
virtue
virtues
virtuous
virulence
vis
Visayan
VISAYANS
Visayas
VISCONTI
Viscount
visible
visibly
vision
visionary
visit
visitation
visited
visiting
visitor
visitors
visits
vista
vistas
Vistula
vital
vitality
vitals
VIth
vituperation
vive
Vivendi
Vivid
vividly
vividness
Vivien
Vixen
viz
Vizcaya
vizier
viâ
Vladika
Vladikas
Vladivostock
Vladivostok
Vocal
vocation
vocations
Vogel
Vogt
vogue
voice
voiced
voices
void
voir
vol
Vola
volcanic
volcano
Volga
Volkspartei
VOLKSRAAD
Volksraads
Volksrust
volley
volleyed
volleys
Volo
Vologda
voltage
voltaic
volte
volts
Volume
volumes
voluminous
voluntarily
VOLUNTARY
volunteer
volunteered
volunteering
volunteers
von
Vonizongo
Voorhees
Vorarlberg
vortex
Vorwärts
Vossische
Vote
voted
voter
voters
votes
VOTING
votive
votre
vouched
vouchsafe
vouchsafed
vous
vow
vowed
vowing
vows
voyage
voyages
Vroublevsky
Vryburg
Vryheids
vs
Vuitch
vulgar
vulnerable
vultures
Vágó
vérité
W
Wad
WADAI
Wade
Wadi
WADSWORTH
Wady
Wagandas
wage
waged
wager
wages
waggon
waging
Wagner
wagon
wagoner
wagons
Wahis
waifs
wailed
waist
waists
Wait
waited
waiting
waive
waived
wake
wakening
Wakhan
waking
Waldeck
Waldersee
WALDO
WALES
Walfisch
walk
walked
Walker
walketh
Walking
walks
Wall
Wallace
Wallachs
walled
Waller
Walls
Walpole
Walter
Wan
WANA
wander
wandered
Wanderer
Wandering
waned
Wang
wangtao
Wano
want
wanted
wanting
wanton
wantonly
wantonness
wants
war
WARD
wardrobe
wards
Wardwell
warehouses
warehousing
wares
warfare
Waring
Warka
warlike
Warm
Warmbath
warmer
warmest
warmly
warmth
warn
warned
Warner
warning
warnings
Warrant
warranted
warrants
warren
warring
warrior
warriors
wars
warship
warships
Warthe
Was
Washburn
washed
washhouses
washing
WASHINGTON
washtub
Wasp
waste
wasted
wasteful
wastes
wasting
watch
watched
watchers
watchful
watchfulness
watching
watchman
WATER
watered
waterfalls
watering
Waterloo
waterproof
waters
watershed
waterspout
waterway
waterways
waterworks
Watson
Watt
Wattenbach
Wauchope
wave
waved
Waverley
waves
waving
wavy
way
wayfarers
Ways
Wazir
Waziri
WAZIRIS
we
weak
weaken
weakened
weakening
weaker
weakest
weakling
weaklings
weakly
weakness
weaknesses
weal
wealth
wealthiest
wealthy
weapon
Weapons
wear
weariness
wearing
wears
weary
weather
weave
weaving
Weber
Webster
wedded
Weddell
wedding
wedge
wedging
Wednesday
weeded
week
weekly
weeks
weels
ween
weep
weeping
WEI
weigh
weighed
weighing
weighs
weight
weighted
weightier
Weights
weighty
Weih
weir
weird
welcome
welcomed
welcoming
welding
Weldon
welfare
well
Wellington
Wellman
wells
Welsh
weltering
Welti
wen
Wenamu
wended
went
wept
Were
Weser
Wesley
Wessels
west
Westchester
Westcott
westerly
WESTERN
westernmost
Westfälische
Westlake
Westminster
Weston
Westphalia
westward
westwardly
westwards
Wet
Wetmore
Wettek
Weyler
whale
whaler
Whaling
wharf
wharfage
Wharton
wharves
what
Whatever
whatsoever
Wheat
Wheaton
Wheedon
wheel
wheelbarrow
Wheeler
Wheeling
wheels
when
whence
whenever
where
whereabouts
Whereas
whereby
Wherefore
wherein
whereof
whereon
whereto
Whereunto
whereupon
Wherever
wherewith
whether
Which
whichever
while
whilom
whilst
whip
whipper
whips
whirled
whirling
whiskey
Whisky
whisper
whispered
whistled
whistles
whistling
WHITE
Whiteboyism
Whitehall
Whitehead
Whitelaw
whitened
whites
whitewashing
Whitewatersridge
whither
Whiting
Whitman
WHITNEY
Whittier
Who
whoever
Whole
wholesale
wholesome
wholly
whom
whomsoever
whose
Whosoever
Why
Wick
wicked
wickedness
Wickes
Wide
widely
widened
widening
wider
widespread
widest
widow
widowed
widowhood
widows
width
wielded
wields
Wiener
wife
Wiggins
wigglers
Wight
wigwams
WIIS
Wikoff
Wikoft
Wilberforce
Wilcox
wild
Wilde
wilder
wilderness
wildest
wildfire
wildly
Wildman
Wilford
Wilfred
Wilfrid
wilful
wilfully
Wilhelm
Wilhelmina
Wilhelmshafen
Wilkes
Wilkinsburg
will
Willard
Willcocks
willed
willful
William
Williams
willing
Willingly
willingness
Willis
Williston
wills
Willshire
Willson
WILMINGTON
Wilson
Wimereux
win
Winchester
Winchow
wind
Windhoek
winding
windings
Windom
window
windows
winds
Windsor
Windt
Windward
wine
wines
Winfield
Wing
Wingate
wings
Winifred
winking
Winkler
winning
Winnipeg
Winsor
Winter
Wintered
Winterhalder
wintering
Winthrop
wiped
wiping
wire
wireless
wirepullers
wires
WISCONSIN
wisdom
wise
wisely
wiser
wisest
wish
wished
wishes
wishing
wisps
wistfully
wit
Witfontein
with
withdraw
Withdrawal
withdrawals
withdrawing
withdrawn
withdraws
withdrew
withering
withheld
withhold
withholds
Within
Without
withstand
withstood
witness
Witnessed
witnesses
Witt
Witte
Witu
Witwatersrand
wives
Wm
Wodehouse
woe
WOLCOTT
Wolf
Wolmarans
Wolmeraans
Wolseley
Wolsey
wolves
woman
womanhood
womanly
women
won
wonder
wondered
Wonderful
wondering
wonderment
wonders
WOOD
Woodbury
wooded
wooden
Woodford
woodland
Woodruff
Woods
woodsmen
Woodstock
woodwork
wool
woolen
woollens
Woolley
wools
Woolwich
Woosung
Worcester
word
worded
Worden
wording
WORDS
wore
Work
workable
worked
worker
Workers
workhouses
working
workingman
workingmen
workings
workingwoman
workman
workmen
works
Workshop
workshops
workwomen
world
worldly
worn
worry
worse
worship
worshipping
worst
worth
worthily
worthless
worthy
Wortley
Would
wound
WOUNDED
wounding
wounds
wrap
wrapped
wrath
Wray
wreak
wreaking
wreck
wreckage
wrecked
wreckers
wrecking
wrecks
wrest
wrested
wresting
wretched
wretchedly
wriggling
Wright
wring
writ
write
writer
writers
writes
writhing
Writing
writings
writs
written
wrong
wronged
wrongful
wrongfully
wrongly
wrongs
wrote
wrought
wrung
Wu
Wuch
Wuhu
Wurster
Wyck
Wynberg
WYOMING
Wên
Wêng
Würtemberg
Würzburg
x
XCI
XCII
XCIII
xi
xii
XIII
xiv
XIX
XL
XLI
XLII
XLIII
XLIV
XLIX
XLV
XLVI
XLVII
XLVIII
XV
xvi
XVII
XVIII
xx
XXI
xxii
XXIII
xxiv
xxix
XXV
xxvi
XXVII
XXVIII
xxx
XXXI
XXXII
XXXIII
xxxiv
xxxix
XXXV
xxxvi
XXXVII
xxxviii
y
yacht
yachts
Yafa
Yakub
Yale
Yaloo
Yalu
YAMAGATA
Yamagutchi
Yamen
yamên
Yamêns
Yang
Yangtsun
Yangtsze
Yangtze
Yankee
Yao
Yaos
Yaqui
Yaquis
Yard
yards
Yarkand
Yass
Yauco
Ybayat
ye
yea
year
yearly
yearning
yearns
Years
yeas
Yellow
Yells
Yen
Yendi
Yenesei
Yengtai
Yenisei
yeomanry
Yerkes
Yermak
Yersin
Yes
yesterday
yet
Yeu
Yezo
Yi
Yichow
yield
yielded
yielding
yields
Yin
Ying
Yingkow
Yint
Ylin
Yod
yoke
yoked
yokes
Yokohama
Yokoi
Yola
Yonge
Yonkers
YORK
you
Youmans
young
younger
youngest
Younghusband
Youngstown
Your
Yours
yourself
yourselves
yourt
youth
youthful
youths
Youtsey
Ypsiloritis
Yu
yuen
Yugor
Yukon
Yukoners
Yule
Yun
Yung
Yungan
Yungtsin
Yunnan
yuyu
Yü
yüan
Yünnan
Z
zaggi
Zambales
Zambesi
Zambesia
Zambezi
Zamboanga
Zanardelli
Zangwill
Zanjon
Zanzibar
Zanzibarian
Zaragoza
zariba
Zavala
zeal
ZEALAND
Zealander
Zealanders
zealous
zealously
Zeebrugge
Zeitoun
Zeitung
Zelaya
Zembla
Zenta
zero
zest
Zeus
Zeyla
Ziegler
zigzag
Zina
Zinc
Zion
Zionism
Zionist
Zionists
Zionwards
Zirpanit
Zlatoust
Zola
ZONA
Zone
zones
Zoology
Zoshan
Zoutpansberg
Zukunft
Zulfikar
Zulu
ZULULAND
ZULUS
zum
Zurich
Zurlinden
Zygnema
zygote
zygotes
É
Éclair
Éclaireur
Émile
Étienne
à
æolipile
æsthetic
ça
ébranlait
écrit
élite
état
êng
être
üan