Old South Leaflets.

    TWELFTH SERIES, 1894. No. 2.

    [Illustration]

    Governor Bradford’s
    First
    Dialogue.

    A DIALOGUE, OR THE SUM OF A CONFERENCE BETWEEN SOME YOUNG MEN
    BORN IN NEW ENGLAND AND SUNDRY ANCIENT MEN THAT CAME OUT OF
    HOLLAND AND OLD ENGLAND, ANNO DOMINI 1648.[1]


_Young men._--Gentlemen, you were pleased to appoint us this time
to confer with you, and to propound such questions as might give us
satisfaction in some things wherein we are ignorant, or at least
further light to some things that are more obscure unto us. Our first
request therefore is, to know your minds concerning the true and simple
meaning of those of _The Separation_, as they are termed, when they say
the Church of England is no Church, or no true Church.

_Ancient men._--For answer hereunto, first, you must know that they
speak of it as it then was under the hierarchical prelacy, which since
have been put down by the State, and not as it is now unsettled.

2. They nowhere say, that we remember, that they are no Church. At
least, they are not so to be understood; for they often say the
contrary.

3. When they say it is no true Church of Christ, they do not at all
mean as they are the elect of God, or a part of the Catholic Church, or
of the mystical body of Christ, or visible Christians professing faith
and holiness (as most men understand the church); for which purpose
hear what Mr. Robinson in his Apology, page 53. “If by the Church,”
saith he, “be understood the Catholic Church, dispersed upon the face
of the whole earth, we do willingly acknowledge that a singular part
thereof, and the same visible and conspicuous, is to be found in the
land, and with it do profess and practise, what in us lies, communion
in all things in themselves lawful, and done in right order.”

4. Therefore they mean it is not a true church as it is a National
Church, combined together of all in the land promiscuously under the
hierarchical government of archbishops, their courts and canons, so far
differing from the primitive pattern in the Gospel.

_Young men._--Wherein do they differ then from the judgment or practice
of our churches here in New England?

_Ancient men._--Truly, for matter of practice, nothing at all that is
in any thing material; these being rather more strict and rigid in some
proceedings about admission of members, and things of such nature, than
the other; and for matter of judgment, it is more, as we conceive, in
words and terms, than matter of any great substance; for the churches
and chief of the ministers here hold that the National Church, so
constituted and governed as before is said, is not allowable according
to the primitive order of the Gospel; but that there are some parish
assemblies that are true churches by virtue of an implicit covenant
amongst themselves, in which regard the Church of England may be held
and called a true church.

Where any such are evident, we suppose the other will not disagree
about an implicit covenant, if they mean by an implicit covenant that
which hath the substance of a covenant in it some way discernible,
though it be not so formal or orderly as it should be. But such an
implicit [covenant] as is no way explicit is no better than a Popish
implicit faith (as some of us conceive) and a mere fiction, or as that
which should be a marriage covenant which is no way explicit.

_Young men._--Wherein standeth the difference between the rigid
Brownists and Separatists and others, as we observe our ministers in
their writings and sermons to distinguish them?

_Ancient men._--The name of Brownists is but a nickname, as Puritan and
Huguenot, &c., and therefore they do not amiss to decline the odium of
it in what they may. But by the rigidness of Separation they do not so
much mean the difference, for our churches here in New England do the
same thing under the name of _secession_ from the corruptions found
amongst them, as the other did under the name or term of _separation_
from them. Only this declines the odium the better. See Reverend Mr.
Cotton’s Answer to Mr. Baylie, page the 14th.

That some which were termed Separatists, out of some mistake and heat
of zeal, forbore communion in lawful things with other godly persons,
as prayer and hearing of the word, may be seen in what that worthy
man, Mr. Robinson, hath published in dislike thereof.

_Young men._--We are well satisfied in what you have said. But they
differ also about synods.

_Ancient men._--It is true we do not know that ever they had any solemn
Synodical Assembly. And the reason may be, that those in England living
dispersed and[2] could not meet in their ordinary meetings without
danger, much less in synods. Neither in Holland, where they might have
more liberty, were they of any considerable number, being but those two
churches, that of Amsterdam and that of Leyden. Yet some of us know
that the church [of Leyden] sent messengers to those of Amsterdam, at
the request of some of the chief of them, both elders and brethren,
when in their dissensions they had deposed Mr. Ainsworth and some other
both of their elders and brethren, Mr. Robinson being the chief of the
messengers sent; which had that good effect, as that they revoked the
said deposition, and confessed their rashness and error, and lived
together in peace some good time after. But when the churches want
neither peace nor light to exercise the power which the Lord hath given
them, Christ doth not direct them to gather into synods or classical
meetings, for removing of known offences either in doctrine or manners;
but only sendeth to the pastors or presbyters of each church to reform
within themselves what is amongst them. “A plain pattern,” saith
Mr. Cotton in his Answer to Mr. Baylie, page 95, “in case of public
offences tolerated in neighbour churches, not forthwith to gather into
a synod or classical meeting, for redress thereof, but by letters and
messengers to admonish one another of what is behooveful; unless upon
such admonition they refuse to hearken to the wholesome counsel of
their brethren.” And of this matter Mr. Robinson thus writeth in his
book, _Just._ page 200, “The officers of one or many churches may meet
together to discuss and consider of matters for the good of the church
or churches, and so be called a Church Synod, or the like, so they
infringe no order of Christ or liberty of the brethren;” not differing
herein from Mr. Davenport and the principal of our ministers.

_Young men._--But they seem to differ about the exercise of prophecy,
that is, that men out of office, having gifts, may upon occasion edify
the church publicly and openly, and applying the Scriptures; which
seems to be a new practice.

_Ancient men._--It doth but seem so; as many things else do that have
by usurpation grown out of use. But that it hath been an ancient
practice of the people of God, besides the grounds of Scripture, we
will give an instance or two. We find in the ancient Ecclesiastical
History of Eusebius, lib. vi. cap. 19, how Demetrius, bishop of
Alexandria, being pricked with envy against Origen, complaineth in
his letters that there was never such a practice heard of, nor no
precedent to be found, that laymen in presence of bishops have taught
in the church; but is thus answered by the bishop of Jerusalem and
the bishop of Cesarea: “We know not,” say they, “why he reporteth a
manifest untruth, whenas there may be found such as in open assemblies
have taught the people; yea, whenas there were present learned men that
could profit the people, and moreover holy bishops, who at that time
exhorted them to preach. For example, at Laranda Euelpis was requested
of Neon, at Iconium Paulinus was requested by Celsus, at Synada
Theodorus was requested by Atticus, who were godly brethren, &c.”

The second instance is out of Speed’s Cloud of Witnesses, page 71.
Saith he, “Rambam or Maymon records, that in the synagogues, first,
only a Levite must offer sacrifice; secondly, but any in Israel might
expound the law; thirdly, the expounder must be an eminent man, and
must have leave from the master of the synagogue; and so contends that
Christ, Luke iv. 16, taught as any of Israel might have done as well as
the Levites; and the like did Paul and Barnabas, Acts xiii. 15.”

If any out of weakness have abused at any time their liberty, it is
their personal faulting, as sometimes weak ministers may their office,
and yet the ordinance good and lawful.

And the chief of our ministers in New England agree therein. See Mr.
Cotton’s Answer to Baylie, page the 27th, 2d part. “Though neither
all,” saith he, “nor most of the brethren of a church have ordinarily
received a gift of public prophesying, or preaching, yet in defect
of public ministry, it is not an unheard of novelty that God should
enlarge private men with public gifts, and[3] to dispense them to
edification; for we read that when the church at Jerusalem were all
scattered abroad, except the Apostles, yet they that were scattered
went every where preaching the word.”

Mr. Robinson also, in his Apology, page 45, chapter 8, to take off
the aspersion charged on them, as if all the members of a church were
to prophesy publicly, answers, “It comes within the compass but of a
few of the multitude, haply two or three in a church, so to do; and
touching prophecy,” saith he, “we think the very same that the Synod
held at Embden, 1571, hath decreed in these words: ‘First, in all
churches, whether but springing up, or grown to some ripeness, let
the order of prophecy be observed, according to Paul’s institution.
Secondly, into the fellowship of this work are to be admitted not only
the ministers, but the teachers too, as also of the elders and deacons,
yea, even of the multitude, which are willing to confer their gift
received of God to the common utility of the church; but so as they
first be allowed by the judgment of the ministers and others.’ So we
believe and practise with the Belgic churches, &c.” See more in the
immediate following page.

_Young men._--We cannot but marvel that in so few years there should
be so great a change, that they who were so hotly persecuted by the
prelates, and also opposed by the better sort of ministers, not only
Mr. Gifford, Mr. Bernard, and other such like, but many of the most
eminent both for learning and godliness, and yet now not only these
famous men and churches in New England so fully to close with them in
practice, but all the godly party in the land to stand for the same
way, under the new name of Independents, put upon them.

_Ancient men._--It is the Lord’s doing, and it ought to be marvellous
in our eyes; and the rather, because Mr. Bernard, in his book, made
their small increase in a few years one and the chief argument against
the way itself. To which Mr. Robinson answered, that “Religion is not
always sown and reaped in one age; and that John Huss and Jerome of
Prague finished their testimony a hundred years before Luther, and
Wickliff well nigh as long before them, and yet neither the one nor
the other with the like success as Luther. And yet,” saith he, “many
are already gathered into the kingdom of Christ; and the nearness of
many more throughout the whole land (for the regions are white unto the
harvest) doth promise within less than a hundred years, if our sins and
theirs make not us and them unworthy of this mercy, a very plenteous
harvest” (_Justif._ folio 62); as if he had prophesied of these times.
Yea, some of us have often heard him say that “even those ministers and
other godly persons that did then most sharply oppose them, if they
might come to be from under the bishops, and live in a place of rest
and peace, where they might comfortably subsist, they would practise
the same things which they now did.” And truly, many of us have seen
this abundantly verified, not only in these latter times, but formerly.

Doctor Ames was estranged from and opposed Mr. Robinson; and yet
afterwards there was loving compliance and near agreement between
them; and, which is more strange, Mr. Johnson himself, who was
afterwards pastor of the church of God at Amsterdam, was a preacher to
the company of English of the Staple at Middleburg, in Zealand, and
had great and certain maintenance allowed him by them, and was highly
respected of them, and so zealous against this way as that [when] Mr.
Barrow’s and Mr. Greenwood’s Refutation of Gifford was privately in
printing in this city, he not only was a means to discover it, but was
made the ambassador’s instrument to intercept them at the press, and
see them burnt; the which charge he did so well perform, as he let them
go on until they were wholly finished, and then surprised the whole
impression, not suffering any to escape; and then, by the magistrates’
authority, caused them all to be openly burnt, himself standing by
until they were all consumed to ashes. Only he took up two of them, one
to keep in his own study, that he might see their errors, and the other
to bestow on a special friend for the like use. But mark the sequel.
When he had done this work, he went home, and being set down in his
study, he began to turn over some pages of this book, and superficially
to read some things here and there, as his fancy led him. At length
he met with something that began to work upon his spirit, which so
wrought with him as drew him to this resolution, seriously to read
over the whole book: the which he did once and again. In the end he
was so taken, and his conscience was troubled so, as he could have no
rest in himself until he crossed the seas and came to London to confer
with the authors, who were then in prison, and shortly after executed.
After which conference he was so satisfied and confirmed in the truth,
as he never returned to his place any more at Middleburg, but adjoined
himself to their society at London, and was afterwards committed
to prison, and then banished; and in conclusion coming to live at
Amsterdam, he caused the same books, which he had been an instrument to
burn, to be new printed and set out at his own charge. And some of us
here present testify this to be a true relation, which we heard from
his own mouth before many witnesses.

_Young men._--We have seen a book of Mr. Robert Baylie’s, a Scotchman,
wherein he seemeth to take notice of the spreading of the truth under
the notion of error, and casts all the disgraces he can on it, and
ranks it with others the foulest errors of the time, and endeavours
to show how like a small spark it revived out of the ashes, and was
brought from Leyden over the seas into New England, and there nourished
with much silence until it spread to other places in the country, and
by eminent hands from thence into Old England.

_Ancient men._--As we dare say Mr. Baylie intends no honor to the
persons by what he says, either to those here or from whence they came,
so are they far from seeking any to themselves, but rather are ashamed
that their weak working hath brought no more glory to God; and if in
any thing God hath made any of them instruments for the good of his
people in any measure, they desire he only may have the glory. And
whereas Mr. Baylie affirmeth that, however it was, in a few years the
most who settled in the land did agree to model themselves after Mr.
Robinson’s pattern, we agree with reverend Mr. Cotton, that “there was
no agreement by any solemn or common consultation; but that it is true
they did, as if they had agreed, by the same spirit of truth and unity,
set up, by the help of Christ, the same model of churches, one like to
another; and if they of Plymouth have helped any of the first comers in
their theory, by hearing and discerning their practices, therein the
Scripture is fulfilled that the kingdom of heaven is like unto leaven
which a woman took and hid in three measures of meal until all was
leavened.” Answer to Mr. Baylie, page 17.

_Young men._--We desire to know how many have been put to death for
this cause, and what manner of persons they were, and what occasions
were taken against them by bringing them to their end.

_Ancient men._--We know certainly of six that were publicly executed,
besides such as died in prisons; Mr. Henry Barrow, Mr. Greenwood (these
suffered at Tyburn); Mr. Penry at St. Thomas Waterings, by London; Mr.
William Dennis, at Thetford, in Norfolk; two others at St. Edmund’s,
in Suffolk, whose names were Copping and Elias [Thacker]. These two
last mentioned were condemned by cruel Judge Popham, whose countenance
and carriage was very rough and severe toward them, with many sharp
menaces. But God gave them courage to bear it, and to make this answer:

    “My Lord, your face we fear not,
    And for your threats we care not,
    And to come to your read service, we dare not.”

These two last named were put to death for dispersing of books.

For Mr. Dennis, he was a godly man, and faithful in his place; but
what occasion was taken against him, we know not, more than the common
cause.

For Mr. Penry, how unjustly he was charged, himself hath made manifest
to the world in his books, and that Declaration which he made a little
before his suffering; all which are extant in print, with some of his
godly letters.

As for Mr. Barrow and Mr. Greenwood, it also appears by their own
writings how those statutes formerly made against the Papists were
wrested against them, and they condemned thereupon; as may be seen by
their Examinations.

_Young men._--But these were rigid Brownists, and lie under much
aspersion, and their names much blemished and beclouded, not only by
enemies, but even by godly and very reverend men.

_Ancient men._--They can no more justly be called Brownists, than
the disciples might have been called Judasites; for they did as much
abhor Brown’s apostasy, and profane course, and his defection, as the
disciples and other Christians did Judas’s treachery.

And for their rigid and roughness of spirit, as some of them,
especially Mr. Barrow, is taxed, it may be considered they were very
rigidly and roughly dealt with, not only by the Lord’s enemies and
their enemies, but by some godly persons of those times, differing in
opinions from them; which makes some of us call to mind what one Doctor
Taylor hath written in a late book in these stirring times. “Such an
eminent man,” saith he, “hath had the good hap to be reputed orthodox
by posterity, and did condemn such a man of such an opinion, and yet
himself erred in as considerable matters; but meeting with better
neighbours in his life-time, and a more charitable posterity after his
death, hath his memory preserved in honor; and the other’s name suffers
without cause.” Of which he gives instances in his book entitled The
Liberty of Prophesying, page 33 and following.

We refer you to Mr. Robinson’s Answer to Mr. Bernard, where he charges
him with blasphemy, railing, scoffing, &c. “For Mr. Barrow,” saith
Mr. Robinson, “as I say with Mr. Ainsworth, that I will not justify
all the words of another man, nor yet mine own, so say I also with
Mr. Smith, that because I know not by what particular motion of the
Spirit he was guided to write in those phrases, I dare not censure him
as you do; especially considering with what fiery zeal the Lord hath
furnished such his servants at all times, as he hath stirred up for
special reformation. Let the example of Luther alone suffice, whom
into what terms his zeal carried, his writings testify; and yet both in
him and in Mr. Barrow there might be with true spiritual zeal fleshly
indignation mingled.” Answer to Mr. Bernard, folio 84.

And further in page 86 he saith, that “such harsh terms wherewith he
entertains such persons and things in the church as carry with them
most appearance of holiness, they are to be interpreted according to
his meaning, with this distinction, that Mr. Barrow speaks not of these
persons and things simply, but in a respect, and so and so considered;
and so no one term given by Mr. Barrow but may, at the least, be
tolerated.”

_Young men._--But divers reverend men have expressed concerning this
matter that God is not wont to make choice of men infamous for gross
sins and vices before their calling, to make them any instruments of
reformation after their calling, and proceed to declare that Mr. Barrow
was a great gamester and a dicer when he lived in court, and getting
much by play, would boast of loose spending it with courtesans, &c.

_Ancient men._--Truly, with due respect to such reverend men be it
spoken, those things might well have been spared from putting in
print, especially so long after his death, when not only he, but all
his friends are taken out of the world, that might vindicate his name.
That he was tainted with vices at the court before his conversion and
calling, it is not very strange; and if he had lived and died in that
condition, it is like he might have gone out of the world without any
public brand on his name, and have passed for a tolerable Christian and
member of the church. He had hurt enough done him, whilst he lived, by
evil and cruel enemies; why should godly men be prejudicated to him
after his death in his name? Was not the Apostle Paul a persecutor of
God’s saints unto death? And doth not the same Apostle, speaking of
scandalous and lascivious persons, say, “And such were some of you; but
ye are washed, but ye are sanctified, but ye are justified in the name
of the Lord Jesus and by the spirit of our God.”

And if histories deceive us not, was not Cyprian a magician before his
conversion, and Augustine a Manichæan? And when it was said unto him
in the voice he heard, _Tolle et lege_, he was directed to that place
of Scripture, “Not in gluttony and drunkenness, nor in chambering and
wantonness, nor in strife and envying; but put ye on the Lord Jesus
Christ, and take no thought for the flesh, to fulfil the lusts of it.”
By which it may seem that if God do not make choice of such men as have
been infamous for gross vices before their calling, yet sometimes he
is wont to do it, and is free to choose whom he pleaseth for notable
instruments for his own work. As for other things that have been spoken
of him and Mr. Greenwood and Mr. Penry, we leave them as they are.
But some of us have reason to think there are some mistakes in the
relations of those things. Only we shall add other public testimonies
concerning them from witnesses of very worthy credit, which are also in
print.

First, from Mr. Phillips. A famous and godly preacher, having heard
and seen Mr. Barrow’s holy speeches and preparations for death, said,
“Barrow, Barrow, my soul be with thine!” The same author also reports,
that Queen Elizabeth asked learned Doctor Reynolds what he thought
of those two men, Mr. Barrow and Mr. Greenwood; and he answered
her Majesty that it could not avail any thing to show his judgment
concerning them, seeing they were put to death; and being loath to
speak his mind further, her Majesty charged him upon his allegiance
to speak. Whereupon he answered, that he was persuaded, if they had
lived, they would have been two as worthy instruments for the church
of God, as have been raised up in this age. Her Majesty sighed, and
said no more. But after that, riding to a park by the place where they
were executed, and being willing to take further information concerning
them, demanded of the right honorable the Earl of Cumberland, that was
present when they suffered, what end they made. He answered, “a very
godly end, and prayed for your Majesty, and the State,” &c. We may also
add what some of us have heard by credible information, that the Queen
demanded of the Archbishop what he thought of them in his conscience.
He answered “he thought they were the servants of God, but dangerous
to the State.” “Alas!” said she, “shall we put the servants of God to
death?” And this was the true cause why no more of them were put to
death in her days.

_Young men._--Did any of you know Mr. Barrow? if we may be so bold to
ask, for we would willingly know what [was] his life and conversation;
because some, we perceive, have him in precious esteem, and others can
scarce name him without some note of obloquy and dislike.

_Ancient men._--We have not seen his person; but some of us have been
well acquainted with those that knew him familiarly both before and
after his conversion; and one of us hath had conference with one that
was his domestic servant, and tended upon him both before and some
while after the same.

He was a gentleman of good worth, and a flourishing courtier in his
time, and, as appears in his own answers to the Archbishop and Doctor
Cousens, he was some time a student at Cambridge and the Inns of Court,
and accomplished with strong parts.

We have heard his conversion to be on this wise. Walking in London
one Lord’s day with one of his companions, he heard a preacher at his
sermon very loud, as they passed by the church. Upon which Mr. Barrow
said unto his consort, “Let us go in and hear what this man saith that
is thus earnest.” “Tush,” said the other, “what! shall we go to hear
a man talk?” &c. But in he went and sat down. And the minister was
vehement in reproving sin, and sharply applied the judgments of God
against the same; and, it should seem, touched him to the quick in
such things as he was guilty of, so as God set it home to his soul,
and began to work his repentance and conversion thereby. For he was so
stricken as he could not be quiet, until by conference with godly men
and further hearing of the word, with diligent reading and meditation,
God brought peace to his soul and conscience, after much humiliation
of heart and reformation of life; so as he left the court, and retired
himself to a private life, some time in the country and some time in
the city, giving himself to study and reading of the Scriptures and
other good works very diligently. And being missed at court by his
consorts and acquaintance, it was quickly bruited abroad that Barrow
was turned Puritan. What his course was afterwards, his writings show,
as also his sufferings and conference with men of all sorts do declare,
until his life was taken from him.

And thus much we can further affirm, from those that well knew him,
that he was very comfortable to the poor and those in distress in
their sufferings; and when he saw he must die, he gave a stock for
the relief of the poor of the church, which was a good help to them
in their banished condition afterwards. Yea, and that which some will
hardly believe, he did much persuade them to peace, and composed
many differences that were grown amongst them whilst he lived, and
would have, it is like, prevented more that after fell out, if he had
continued.

_Young men._--We thank you for your pains. We hope it will extend
further than our satisfaction. We cannot but marvel that such a man
should be by so many aspersed.

_Ancient men._--It is not much to be marvelled at; for he was most
plain in discovering the cruelty, fraud, and hypocrisy of the enemies
of the truth, and searching into the corruptions of the time, which
made him abhorred of them; and peradventure something too harsh
against the haltings of divers of the preachers and professors that
he had to deal with in those times, who out of fear or weakness did
not come so close up to the truth in their practice as their doctrines
and grounds seemed to hold forth. Which makes us remember what was the
answer of Erasmus to the Duke of Saxony, when he asked his opinion
whether Luther had erred. He answered, “his opinions were good, but
wished he would moderate his style, which stirred him up the more
enemies, no doubt.”

_Young men._--We find in the writings of some such who were very
eminent in their times for piety and learning, that those of the
Separation found more favor in our native country than those who
were reproached by the name of Puritans; and after much discourse
thereabouts, come to this conclusion, that no comparison will hold from
the Separatists to them in their sufferings but _a minori_; and then
they go on and say, what a compulsory banishment has been put upon
those blessed and glorious lights, Mr. Cartwright, Mr. Parker, Doctor
Ames, &c.

_Ancient men._--Far be it from any of us to detract from or to
extenuate the sufferings of any of the servants of God, much less from
those worthies forenamed, or any others afterwards mentioned. Yet,
under favor, we crave pardon if we cannot consent to the judgment of
such eminent ones for piety and learning above hinted. We doubt not,
but do easily grant, that the sufferings of those reproached by the
name of Puritans were great, especially some of them, and were better
known to those pious and learned [men] first above intimated, than the
sufferings of those that are reproached by the name of Brownists and
Separatists. But we shall give you some instances, and leave it to you
and some others to consider of.

1. Though no more were publicly executed, yet sundry more were
condemned, and brought to the gallows, and ascended the ladder, not
knowing but they should die, and have been reprieved, and after
banished; some of which we have known and often spoken with.

2. Others have not only been forced into voluntary banishment, by great
numbers, to avoid further cruelty, but divers, after long and sore
imprisonment, have been forced to abjure the land by oath, never to
return without leave. In anno 1604 four persons at once were forced to
do so at a public Sessions in London, or else upon refusal they were to
be hanged. This their abjuration was done on the statute of the 35 of
Queen Elizabeth. Some of these we have also known.

3. We find mention in a printed book of seventeen or eighteen that
have died in several prisons in London in six years’ time before the
year 1592, besides what have been in other parts of the land, and since
that time, perishing by cold, hunger, or noisomeness of the prison.

4. In the same year we find a lamentable petition, now in print, of
sixty persons committed unbailable to several prisons in London,
as Newgate, the Gatehouse, Clink, &c., being made close prisoners,
allowing them neither meat, drink, nor lodging, nor suffering any whose
hearts the Lord would stir up for their relief, to have any access
unto them; so as they complain that no felons, traitors, nor murderers
in the land were thus dealt with; and so after many other grievous
complaints conclude with these words: “We crave for all of us but the
liberty either to die openly, or to live openly in the land of our
nativity. If we deserve death, it beseemeth the majesty of justice not
to see us closely murdered, yea starved to death with hunger and cold,
and stifled in loathsome dungeons. If we be guiltless, we crave but the
benefit of our innocence, viz. that we may have peace to serve our God
and our Prince in the place of the sepulchres of our fathers.”

And what numbers since those, who have been put unto compulsory
banishment and other hard sufferings, as loss of goods, friends, and
long and hard imprisonments, under which many have died,--it is so well
known, that it would make up a volume to rehearse them, and would not
only equalize but far exceed the number of those godly called Puritans
that have suffered. Suppose they were but few of them ministers that
suffered, as above expressed; yet their sorrows might be as great,
and their wants more, and their souls as much afflicted, because more
contemned and neglected of men.

But some have said _they_ were excommunicated; and that was no great
matter as excommunications went in those days. So were _these_, not
only while they were living, but some of them many times after they
were dead; and as some of the other were imprisoned, so were more of
these. But it is further said, all of them were deprived of their
ministry; and so were these of their livelihood and maintenance,
although they had no offices to lose. But those remained still in the
land, and were succoured and sheltered by good people in a competent
wise, the most of them, and sundry of them lived as well, as may easily
be proved, if not better, than if they had enjoyed their benefices;
whereas the other were, a great number of them, forced to fly into
foreign lands for shelter, or else might have perished in prisons; and
these poor creatures endured, many of them, such hardships (as is well
known to some of us) as makes our hearts still ache to remember.

We some of us knew Mr. Parker, Dr. Ames, and Mr. Jacob in Holland, when
they sojourned for a time in Leyden; and all three boarded together
and had their victuals dressed by some of our acquaintance, and then
they lived comfortable, and then they were provided for as became their
persons. And after Mr. Jacob returned, and Mr. Parker was at Amsterdam,
where he printed some of his books, and Mr. Ames disposed of himself
to other places, it was not worse with him; and some of us well know
how it fared then with many precious Christians in divers times and
places. To speak the truth, the professors in England, though many of
them suffered much at the hands of the prelates, yet they had a great
advantage of the Separatists; for the Separatists had not only the
prelates and their faction to encounter with (and what hard measure
they met with at their hands, above the other, doth sufficiently appear
by what is before declared), but also they must endure the frowns,
and many times the sharp invectives, of the forward ministers against
them, both in public and private; and what influence they had upon the
spirits of the people, is well enough known also; by reason hereof the
ministers in foreign countries did look awry at them when they would
give help and countenance to the other.

_Young men._--Indeed, it seems they have sometimes suffered much
hardness in the Low Countries, if that be true that is reported of such
a man as Mr. Ainsworth, that he should live for some time with nine
pence a week. To which is replied by another, that if people suffered
him to live on nine pence a week, with roots boiled, either the people
were grown extreme low in estate, or the growth of their godliness was
come to a very low ebb.

_Ancient men._--The truth is, their condition for the most part was
for some time very low and hard. It was with them as, if it should be
related, would hardly be believed. And no marvel. For many of them
had lain long in prisons, and then were banished into Newfoundland,
where they were abused, and at last came into the Low Countries, and
wanting money, trades, friends or acquaintances, and languages to help
themselves, how could it be otherwise? The report of Mr. Ainsworth was
near those times, when he was newly come out of Ireland with others
poor, and being a single young man and very studious, was content
with a little. And yet, to take off the aspersion from the people in
that particular, the chief and true reason thereof is mistaken; for
he was a very modest and bashful man, and concealed his wants from
others, until some suspected how it was with him, and pressed him to
see how it was; and after it was known, such as were able mended his
condition; and when he was married afterwards, he and his family were
comfortably provided for. But we have said enough of these things.
They had few friends to comfort them, nor any arm of flesh to support
them; and if in some things they were too rigid, they are rather to be
pitied, considering their times and sufferings, than to be blasted with
reproach to posterity.

_Young men._--Was that Brown that fell away and made apostasy, the
first inventor and beginner of this way?

_Ancient men._--No, verily; for, as one answers this question very
well in a printed book, almost forty years ago, that the prophets,
apostles, and evangelists have in their authentic writings laid down
the ground thereof; and upon that ground is their building reared up
and surely settled. Moreover, many of the martyrs, both former and
latter, have maintained it, as is to be seen in The Acts and Monuments
of the Church. Also, in the days of Queen Elizabeth there was a
separated church, whereof Mr. Fitts was pastor, and another before that
in the time of Queen Mary, of which Mr. Rough was pastor or teacher,
and Cudbert Simpson a deacon, who exercised amongst themselves, as
other ordinances, so church censures, as excommunication, etc., and
professed and practised that cause before Mr. Brown wrote for it. But
he being one that afterwards wrote for it, they that first hatched
the name of Puritans and bestowed it on the godly professors that
desired reformation, they likewise out of the same storehouse would
needs bestow this new livery upon others that never would own it,
nor had reason so to do. Mr. Cotton, likewise, in his Answer to Mr.
Baylie, page fourth, shows how in the year 1567 there were a hundred
persons who refused the common liturgy, and the congregations attending
thereunto, and used prayers and preaching and the sacraments amongst
themselves, whereof fourteen or fifteen were sent to prison, of
whom the chiefest were Mr. Smith, Mr. Nixon, James Ireland, Robert
Hawkins, Thomas Rowland, and Richard Morecroft; and these pleaded their
separation before the Lord Mayor, Bishop Sands, and other commissioners
on June 20, 1567, about eighty years ago, being many years before
Brown. Divers other instances might be given.

_Young men._--But if we mistake not, Mr. Brown is accounted by some of
good note to be the inventor of that way which is called Brownism,
from whom the sect took its name. Moreover, it is said by such of note
as aforesaid, that it is not God’s usual manner of dealing to leave
any of the first publishers or restorers of any truth of his to such
fearful apostasy.

_Ancient men._--Possibly this speech might arise from a common received
opinion. But reverend Mr. Cotton, in his Answer to Mr. Baylie, saith
“the backsliding of Brown from that way of Separation is a just reason
why the Separatists may disclaim denomination from him, and refuse to
be called Brownists, after his name; and to speak with reason,” saith
he, “if any be justly to be called Brownists, it is only such as revolt
from Separation to formality, and from thence to profaneness.” Page 5.

To which we may add, that it is very injurious to call those after
his name, whose person they never knew, and whose writings few if
any of them ever saw, and whose errors and back-slidings they have
constantly borne witness against; and what truths they have received
have been from the light of God’s sacred word, conveyed by other godly
instruments unto them; though Brown may sometimes have professed some
of the same things, and now fallen from the same, as many others have
done.

_Young men._--Seeing we have presumed thus far to inquire into these
ancienter times of you, and of the sufferings of the aforesaid persons,
we would likewise entreat you, though never so briefly, to tell us
something of the persons and carriages of other eminent men about
those times, or immediately after, as Mr. Francis Johnson, Mr. Henry
Ainsworth, Mr. John Smith, Mr. John Robinson, Mr. Richard Clifton.

_Ancient men._--Here are some in the company that knew them all
familiarly, whom we shall desire to satisfy your request.

Those answered, We shall do it most willingly; for we cannot but honor
the memory of the men for the good that not only many others but we
ourselves have received by them and their ministry; for we have heard
them all, and lived under the ministry of divers of them for some
years. We shall therefore speak of them in order briefly.

Mr. JOHNSON, of whom something was spoken before, was pastor of the
church of God at Amsterdam. A very grave man he was, and an able
teacher, and was the most solemn in all his administrations that we
have seen any, and especially in dispensing the seals of the covenant,
both baptism and the Lord’s supper. And a good disputant he was. We
heard Mr. Smith upon occasion say, that he was persuaded no men living
were able to maintain a cause against those two men, meaning Mr.
Johnson and Mr. Ainsworth, if they had not the truth on their side.
He, by reason of many dissensions that fell out in the church, and the
subtilty of one of the elders of the same, came after many years to
alter his judgment about the government of the church, and his practice
thereupon, which caused a division amongst them. But he lived not many
years after, and died at Amsterdam after his return from Embden.

_Young men._--But he is much spoken against for excommunicating his
brother and his own father, and maintaining his wife’s cause, who was
by his brother and others reproved for her pride in apparel.

_Ancient men._--Himself hath often made his own defence, and others for
him. The church did, after long patience towards them and much pains
taken with them, excommunicate them for their unreasonable and endless
opposition, and such things as did accompany the same; and such was
the justice thereof, as he could not but consent thereto. In our time
his wife was a grave matron, and very modest both in her apparel and
all her demeanour, ready to any good works in her place, and helpful
to many, especially the poor, and an ornament to his calling. She was
a young widow when he married her, and had been a merchant’s wife,
by whom he had a good estate, and was a godly woman; and because she
wore such apparel as she had been formerly used to, which were neither
excessive nor immodest, for their chiefest exceptions were against her
wearing of some whalebone in the bodice and sleeves of her gown, corked
shoes, and other such like things as the citizens of her rank then
used to wear. And although, for offence sake, she and he were willing
to reform the fashions of them so far as might be without spoiling of
their garments, yet it would not content them except they came full up
to their size. Such was the strictness or rigidness (as now the term
goes) of some in those times, as we can by experience and of our own
knowledge show in other instances. We shall for brevity sake only show
one.

We were in the company of a godly man that had been a long time
prisoner at Norwich for this cause, and was by Judge Cooke set at
liberty. After going into the country he visited his friends, and
returning that way again to go into the Low Countries by ship at
Yarmouth, and so desired some of us to turn in with him to the house
of an ancient woman in the city, who had been very kind and helpful to
him in his sufferings. She knowing his voice made him very welcome,
and those with him. But after some time of their entertainment, being
ready to depart, she came up to him and felt of his band (for her eyes
were dim with age), and perceiving it was something stiffened with
starch, she was much displeased, and reproved him very sharply, fearing
God would not prosper his journey. Yet the man was a plain countryman,
clad in gray russet, without either welt or guard (as the proverb
is), and the band he wore scarce worth threepence, made of their own
homespinning; and he was godly and humble as he was plain. What would
such professors, if they were now living, say to the excess of our
times?

Mr. HENRY AINSWORTH, a man of a thousand, was teacher of this church
at Amsterdam at the same time when Mr. Johnson was pastor. Two worthy
men they were and of excellent parts. He continued constant in his
judgment and practice unto his end in those things about the church
government, from which Mr. Johnson swerved and fell. He ever maintained
good correspondence with Mr. Robinson at Leyden, and would consult
with him in all matters of weight, both in their differences and
afterwards. A very learned man he was, and a close student, which much
impaired his health. We have heard some, eminent in the knowledge of
the tongues, of the university of Leyden, say that they thought he had
not his better for the Hebrew tongue in the university, nor scarce
in Europe. He was a man very modest, amiable, and sociable in his
ordinary course and carriage, of an innocent and unblamable life and
conversation, of a meek spirit, and a calm temper, void of passion and
not easily provoked. And yet he would be something smart in his style
to his opposers in his public writings; at which we that have seen his
constant carriage, both in public disputes and the managing of all
church affairs, and such like occurrences, have sometimes marvelled.
He had an excellent gift of teaching and opening the Scriptures; and
things did flow from him with that facility, plainness, and sweetness,
as did much affect the hearers. He was powerful and profound in
doctrine, although his voice was not strong; and had this excellency
above many, that he was most ready and pregnant in the Scriptures, as
if the book of God had been written in his heart; being as ready in
his quotations, without tossing and turning his book, as if they had
lain open before his eyes, and seldom missing a word in the citing of
any place, teaching not only the word and doctrine of God, but in the
words of God, and for the most part in a continued phrase and words
of Scripture. He used great dexterity, and was ready in comparing
Scripture with Scripture, one with another. In a word, the times and
place in which he lived were not worthy of such a man.

_Young men._--But we find that he is taxed, in a book writ by George
Johnson, with apostasy and to be a man-pleaser, etc.

_Ancient men._--Who can escape the scourge of tongues? Christ himself
could not do it when he was here upon earth, although there was no
guile found in his mouth; nor Moses, although he was the meekest man
in the earth. For man-pleasing, they that tax him [do it] because he
concurred against their violent and endless dissensions about the
former matters. And for his apostasy, this was all the matter. When he
was a young man, before he came out of England, he at the persuasion of
some of his godly friends went once or twice to hear a godly minister
preach; and this was the great matter of apostasy, for which those
violent men thought him worthy to be deposed from his place, and for
which they thus charge him. And truly herein they may worthily bear the
name of rigid, etc.

Mr. JOHN SMITH was an eminent man in his time, and a good preacher, and
of other good parts; but his inconstancy, and unstable judgment, and
being so suddenly carried away with things, did soon overthrow him.
Yet we have some of us heard him use this speech: “Truly,” said he,
“we being now come into a place of liberty, are in great danger, if we
look not well to our ways; for we are like men set upon the ice, and
therefore may easily slide and fall.” But in this example it appears it
is an easier matter to give good counsel than to follow it, to foresee
danger than to prevent it: which made the prophet to say, “O Lord,
the way of man is not in himself, neither is it in man to walk and to
direct his steps.” He was some time pastor to a company of honest and
godly men which came with him out of England, and pitched at Amsterdam.
He first fell into some errors about the Scriptures, and so into some
opposition with Mr. Johnson, who had been his tutor, and the church
there. But he was convinced of them by the pains and faithfulness of
Mr. Johnson and Mr. Ainsworth, and revoked them; but afterwards was
drawn away by some of the Dutch Anabaptists, who finding him to be a
good scholar and unsettled, they easily misled the most of his people,
and other of them scattered away. He lived not many years after, but
died there of a consumption, to which he was inclined before he came
out of England. His and his people’s condition may be an object of pity
for after times.

Mr. JOHN ROBINSON was pastor of that famous church of Leyden, in
Holland; a man not easily to be paralleled for all things, whose
singular virtues we shall not take upon us here to describe. Neither
need we, for they so well are known both by friends and enemies. As
he was a man learned and of solid judgment, and of a quick and sharp
wit, so was he also of a tender conscience, and very sincere in all his
ways, a hater of hypocrisy and dissimulation, and would be very plain
with his best friends. He was very courteous, affable, and sociable
in his conversation, and towards his own people especially. He was
an acute and expert disputant, very quick and ready, and had much
bickering with the Arminians, who stood more in fear of him than any of
the university. He was never satisfied in himself until he had searched
any cause or argument he had to deal in thoroughly and to the bottom;
and we have heard him sometimes say to his familiars that many times,
both in writing and disputation, he knew he had sufficiently answered
others, but many times not himself; and was ever desirous of any light,
and the more able, learned, and holy the persons were, the more he
desired to confer and reason with them. He was very profitable in his
ministry and comfortable to his people. He was much beloved of them,
and as loving was he unto them, and entirely sought their good for soul
and body. In a word, he was much esteemed and reverenced of all that
knew him, and his abilities [were acknowledged] both of friends and
strangers. But we resolved to be brief in this matter, leaving you to
better and more large information herein from others.

Mr. RICHARD CLIFTON was a grave and fatherly old man when he came first
into Holland, having a great white beard; and pity it was that such a
reverend old man should be forced to leave his country, and at those
years to go into exile. But it was his lot; and he bore it patiently.
Much good had he done in the country where he lived, and converted
many to God by his faithful and painful ministry, both in preaching
and catechizing. Sound and orthodox he always was, and so continued
to his end. He belonged to the church at Leyden; but being settled at
Amsterdam, and thus aged, he was loath to remove any more; and so when
they removed, he was dismissed to them there, and there remained until
he died. Thus have we briefly satisfied your desire.

_Young men._--We are very thankful to you for your pains. We perceive
God raiseth up excellent instruments in all ages to carry on his own
work; and the best of men have their failings sometimes, as we see
in these our times, and that there is no new thing under the sun.
But before we end this matter, we desire you would say something of
those two churches that were so long in exile, of whose guides we have
already heard.

_Ancient men._--Truly there were in them many worthy men; and if you
had seen them in their beauty and order, as we have done, you would
have been much affected therewith, we dare say. At Amsterdam, before
their division and breach, they were about three hundred communicants,
and they had for their pastor and teacher those two eminent men before
named, and in our time four grave men for ruling elders, and three able
and godly men for deacons, one ancient widow for a deaconess, who did
them service many years, though she was sixty years of age when she was
chosen. She honored her place and was an ornament to the congregation.
She usually sat in a convenient place in the congregation, with a
little birchen rod in her hand, and kept little children in great awe
from disturbing the congregation. She did frequently visit the sick and
weak, especially women, and, as there was need, called out maids and
young women to watch and do them other helps as their necessity did
require; and if they were poor, she would gather relief for them of
those that were able, or acquaint the deacons; and she was obeyed as a
mother in Israel and an officer of Christ.

And for the church of Leyden, they were sometimes not much fewer in
number, nor at all inferior in able men, though they had not so many
officers as the other; for they had but one ruling elder with their
pastor, a man well approved and of great integrity; also they had three
able men for deacons. And that which was a crown unto them, they lived
together in love and peace all their days, without any considerable
differences or any disturbance that grew thereby, but such as was
easily healed in love; and so they continued until with mutual consent
they removed into New England. And what their condition hath been
since, some of you that are of their children do see and can tell. Many
worthy and able men there were in both places, who lived and died in
obscurity in respect of the world, as private Christians, yet were they
precious in the eyes of the Lord, and also in the eyes of such as knew
them, whose virtues we with such of you as are their children do follow
and imitate.

_Young men._--If we may not be tedious, we would request to know one
thing more. It is commonly said that those of the Separation hold none
to be true churches but their own, and condemn all the churches in the
world besides; which lieth as a foul blot upon them, yea even on some
here in New England, except they can remove it.

_Ancient men._--It is a manifest slander laid upon them; for they hold
all the Reformed Churches to be true churches, and even the most rigid
of them have ever done so, as appears by their Apologies and other
writings; and we ourselves some of us know of much intercommunion
that divers have held with them reciprocally, not only with the Dutch
and French, but even with the Scotch, who are not of the best mould,
yea and with the Lutherans also; and we believe they have gone as far
herein, both in judgment and practice, as any of the churches in New
England do or can do, to deal faithfully and bear witness against their
corruptions.

Having thus far satisfied all your demands, we shall here break off
this conference for this time, desiring the Lord to make you to grow up
in grace and wisdom and the true fear of God, that in all faithfulness
and humility you may serve him in your generations.

_Young men._--Gentlemen, we humbly thank you for your pains with us and
respect unto us, and do further crave that upon any fit occasions we
may have access unto you for any further information, and herewith do
humbly take our leave.

       *       *       *       *       *

THE PILGRIMS’ ARRIVAL AT CAPE COD.

_From Bradford’s History._

Being thus arived in a good harbor and brought safe to land, they
fell upon their knees & blessed y^e God of heaven, who had brought
them over y^e vast & furious ocean, and delivered them from all y^e
periles & miseries thereof, againe to set their feete on y^e firme and
stable earth, their proper elemente. And no marvell if they were thus
joyefull, seeing wise Seneca was so affected with sailing a few miles
on y^e coast of his owne Italy; as he affirmed, that he had rather
remaine twentie years on his way by land, then pass by sea to any place
in a short time; so tedious & dreadfull was y^e same unto him.

But hear I cannot but stay and make a pause, and stand half amased
at this poore peoples presente condition; and so I thinke will the
reader too, when he well considers y^e same. Being thus passed y^e
vast ocean, and a sea of troubles before in their preparation (as may
be remembered by y^t which wente before), they had now no freinds to
wellcome them, nor inns to entertaine or refresh their weatherbeaten
bodys, no houses or much less townes to repaire too, to seeke for
succoure. It is recorded in scripture as a mercie to y^e apostle & his
shipwraked company, y^t the barbarians shewed them no smale kindnes in
refreshing them, but these savage barbarians, when they mette with them
(as after will appeare) were readier to fill their sids full of arrows
then otherwise. And for y^e season it was winter, and they that know
y^e winters of y^t cuntrie know them to be sharp & violent, & subjecte
to cruell & feirce stormes, deangerous to travill to known places,
much more to serch an unknown coast. Besids, what could they see but a
hidious & desolate wildernes, full of wild beasts & willd men? and what
multituds ther might be of them they knew not. Nether could they, as it
were, goe up to y^e tope of Pisgah, to vew from this willdernes a more
goodly cuntrie to feed their hops; for which way soever they turned
their eys (save upward to y^e heavens) they could have litle solace
or content in respecte of any outward objects. For sumer being done,
all things stand upon them with a wetherbeaten face; and y^e whole
countrie, full of woods & thickets, represented a wild & savage heiw.
If they looked behind them, ther was y^e mighty ocean which they had
passed, and was now as a maine barr & goulfe to seperate them from all
y^e civill parts of y^e world. If it be said they had a ship to sucour
them, it is trew; but what heard they daly from y^e m^r. & company?
but y^t with speede they should looke out a place with their shallop,
wher they would be at some near distance; for ye season was shuch as he
would not stirr from thence till a safe harbor was discovered by them
wher they would be, and he might goe without danger; and that victells
consumed apace, but he must & would keepe sufficient for them selves
& their returne. Yea, it was muttered by some, that if they gott not
a place in time, they would turne them & their goods ashore & leave
them. Let it also be considred what weake hopes of supply & succoure
they left behinde them, y^t might bear up their minds in this sade
condition and trialls they were under; and they could not but be very
smale. It is true, indeed, y^e affections & love of their brethren at
Leyden was cordiall & entire towards them, but they had litle power
to help them, or them selves; and how y^e case stode betweene them &
y^e marchants at their coming away, hath allready been declared. What
could now sustaine them but y^e spirite of God & his grace? May not &
ought not the children of these fathers rightly say: _Our faithers were
Englishmen which came over this great ocean, and were ready to perish
in this willdernes; but they cried unto y^e Lord, and he heard their
voyce, and looked on their adversitie, &c. Let them therefore praise
y^e Lord, because he is good, & his mercies endure for ever. Yea, let
them which have been redeemed of y^e Lord, shew how he hath delivered
them from y^e hand of y^e oppressour. When they wandered in y^e deserte
wildernes out of y^e way, and found no citie to dwell in, both hungrie,
& thirstie, their sowle was overwhelmed in them. Let them confess
before y^e Lord his loving kindnes, and his wonderfull works before y^e
sons of men._

       *       *       *       *       *

    William Bradford, the great governor of the Plymouth colony,
    was born at Austerfield, a little village in Yorkshire, in
    1588, the same year (the year of the Spanish Armada) that John
    Winthrop, the great governor of the Massachusetts colony, was
    born at Groton, in Suffolk. While yet a youth, he became a
    member of Brewster’s little congregation at Scrooby, near by;
    and in 1608 he escaped with the others to Holland, and became a
    leading member of the church at Leyden, taking an active part
    in the removal to New England in 1620. Upon Carver’s death,
    in 1621, he was elected to succeed him as governor; and he
    continued to hold this office, with two slight breaks, to the
    time of his death, in 1657.

    No other person understood so well the history of the Plymouth
    colony. It is therefore singularly fortunate that he became
    the colony’s historian,--as, similarly, Gov. Winthrop became
    the historian of the Massachusetts colony. His “History of the
    Plymouth Plantation” may properly be called our New England
    Old Testament,--the Genesis, Exodus, Joshua, and Judges of the
    Plymouth settlement. The remarkable story of the loss of the
    MS. from the Old South Meeting-house, where it was preserved
    in the Prince Library, at the time of the British Evacuation
    of Boston, and its discovery in the Bishop of London’s library
    at Fulham in 1855, has been told by Charles Deane in his
    introduction to the volume, published by the Massachusetts
    Historical Society, and in the _Proceedings_ of the Society,
    1855 and 1882; also, more fully, by Justin Winsor, in the
    _Proceedings_ for 1882. It is an interesting fact that the
    third volume of Winthrop’s History, long lost, was found, in
    1816, in the tower of the Old South Meeting-house, where, like
    Bradford’s History, it had been kept in Prince’s New England
    Library.

    Bradford’s Letter Book, containing copies of important letters
    addressed to him, was lost, like his History. Fragments were
    rescued in a grocer’s shop in Halifax, and printed in the Mass.
    Hist. Soc. _Collections_, iii., and in Young’s Chronicles. In
    vol. iii. of the _Collections_ may be found his “Account of
    New England in Verse.” His “Word to Boston” and “Word to New
    England” appear in vol. xxvii. of the same: and two others of
    his poems in the _Proceedings_ for 1870,--“Some Observations
    of God’s Merciful Dealings with us in this Wilderness,” and “A
    Word to New Plymouth.” A little piece called “Epitaphium Meum”
    was printed by Morton in his Memorial. Bradford’s letters to
    Winthrop are printed in the Mass. Hist. Soc. _Collections_, 4th
    series, vol. vi.

    In conjunction with Edward Winslow, Bradford wrote “A Diary of
    Occurrences,” covering the first year of the colony, which may
    be found in the Mass. Hist. Soc. _Collections_, viii. and xix.

    Bradford’s First Dialogue, given in the present leaflet, was
    first printed in 1648. It was copied by Morton in the records
    of the Plymouth Church, and thence reprinted by Young in his
    “Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers,” in 1841. It is of the
    highest historical value, giving fuller accounts than we have
    elsewhere of many of the first English Independents. Bradford’s
    Second Dialogue is lost. Deane says, “I have never seen it,
    nor any reference to it.” The Third Dialogue, “Concerning
    the Church and the Government thereof,” was published in
    the _Proceedings_ of the Mass. Hist. Soc. for 1870, with an
    important historical introduction by Charles Deane.

    Mather included a biography of Bradford in his _Magnalia_. This
    was reprinted in the first series of Old South Leaflets.




FOOTNOTES:

[1] That is, the Dialogue was held or written in 1648.

[2] Here something seems to have been omitted.

[3] Some word is here omitted.



Transcriber’s Notes

The year on page 24 “born at Austerfield, a little village in
Yorkshire, in 1688” was corrected to 1588.

Italics are represented thus _italic_, superscripts thus y^n.