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A STUDY IN TINGUIAN FOLK-LORE

By

FAY-COOPER COLE



Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy, in the Faculty of Philosophy, Columbia University

Chicago

1915






A STUDY IN TINGUIAN FOLK-LORE

This paper is based on a collection of Philippine folk-tales recently
published by the Field Museum of Natural History. [1] The material
appearing in that publication was gathered by the writer during a
stay of sixteen months with the Tinguian, a powerful pagan tribe
inhabiting the mountain districts of Abra, Ilocos Sur, and Norte, of
Northern Luzon. In social organization, government, manner of house
building, and many other details of material culture this tribe differs
radically from the neighboring Igorot. Observation has also led me
to the conclusion that the religious organization and ceremonies of
this people have reached a higher development than is found among the
near-by tribes, and that this complexity decreases as we penetrate
toward the interior or to the south. In the main the folk-tales are
closely associated with the religious beliefs of the present day,
and hence it seems unlikely that they will be found, in anything
approaching their present form, far outside the districts dominated
by this tribe. Nevertheless, isolated incidents corresponding to those
of neighboring peoples, or even of distant lands, occur several times.

In the following pages an attempt has been made to bring together the
culture of this people, as it appears in the myths, and to contrast
it to present day conditions and beliefs. In this way we may hope to
gain a clearer insight into their mental life, and to secure a better
idea of the values they attach to certain of their activities than
is afforded us by actual observation or by direct inquiry. It is also
possible that the tales may give us a glimpse of the early conditions
under which this people developed, of their life and culture before
the advent of the European.

It should be noted at the outset that no attempt is here made to
reconstruct an actual historical period. As will appear later, a
part of the material is evidently very old; later introductions--to
which approximate dates may be assigned--have assumed places of great
importance; while the stories doubtless owe much to the creative
imaginations of successive story tellers.

For the purposes of our study, the tales have been roughly divided
into three parts. The first, which deals with the mythical period,
contains thirty-one tales of similar type in which the characters
are for the most part the same, although the last five tales do not
properly fit into the cycle, and the concluding story of Indayo is
evidently a recent account told in the form of the older relations.

In the second division are the ritualistic and explanatory myths,
the object of which seems to be to account for the origin of or way
of conducting various ceremonies; for the belief in certain spirits
and sacred objects; for the existence of the sun, moon, and other
natural phenomena; for the attainment of fire, food plants, birds
and domestic animals, as well as of magical jars and beads. Here it
should be noted that some of the most common and important beliefs
and ceremonies are, so far as is known, unaccompanied by any tales,
yet are known to all the population, and are preserved almost without
change from generation to generation.

Division three contains the ordinary stories with which parents amuse
their children or with which men and women while away the midday
hours as they lounge in the field houses, or when they, stop on the
trail to rest and smoke.

None of the folk-tales are considered as the property of the tellers,
but only those of the third division are well known to the people in
general. Those of the first section are seldom heard except during the
dry season when the people gather around bonfires in various parts of
the village. To these go the men and women, the latter to spin cotton,
the former to make fish nets or to repair their tools and weapons. In
such a gathering there are generally one or more persons who entertain
their fellows with these tales. Such a person is not paid for his
services, but the fact that he knows "the stories of the first times"
makes him a welcome addition to the company and gives him an enviable
position in the estimation of his fellows.

The purely ritualistic tales, called diams, are learned word by word
by the mediums, [2] as a part of their training for their positions,
and are only recited while an animal is being stroked with oil
preparatory to its being sacrificed, or when some other gift is about
to be presented to the superior beings. The writer has recorded these
diams from various mediums in widely separated towns and has found
them quite uniform in text and content. The explanatory tales were
likewise secured from the mediums, or from old men and women who
"know the customs." The stories of the last division are the most
frequently heard and, as already indicated, are told by all. It is
evident even to the casual reader that these show much more evidence
of outside influence than do the others; some, indeed, appear to have
been recently borrowed from the neighboring christianized Ilocano. [3]


TALES OF THE MYTHICAL PERIOD

Reconstruction of the Culture.--In the first division certain actors
occur with great frequency, while others always take the leading
parts. These latter appear under a variety of names, two or more
titles often being used for the same individual in a single tale. To
avoid confusion a list of the fourteen principal actors and their
relationships are given in the accompanying table. It will appear that
there are some conflicts in the use of names, but when it is realized
that the first twenty-six myths which make up the cycle proper were
secured from six story tellers coming from four different towns,
the agreement rather than the disagreement is surprising. As a matter
of fact there is quite as much variation between the accounts of the
same narrator as between those gathered from different towns.


TABLE OF LEADING CHARACTERS [4]

I. Aponitolau. Son of Pagatipánan [male] and Langa-an [female] [5]
of Kadalayapan; is the husband of Aponibolinayen. Appears under the
following names: (a) Ligi, (b) Albaga of Dalaga, (c) Dagdagalisit, (d)
Ingiwan or Kagkagákag, (e) Ini-init, (f) Ling-giwan, (g) Kadayadawan,
(h) Wadagan, (i) Awig (?)

II. Aponigawani. Sister of Aponitolau and wife of Aponibalagen.

III. Aponibolinayen. Daughter of Pagbokásan [6] [male] and Ebang
[female] of Kaodanan. Wife of Aponitolau. Appears as (a) Ayo, (b)
Dolimáman (?).

IV. Aponibalagen. Brother of Aponibolinayen, and husband of
Aponigawani; also appears as Awig.

V. Kanag. Son of Aponitolau and Aponibolinayen. Appears as (a)
Kanag kabagbagowan, (b) Balokanag, (c) Dumanau, (d) Ilwisan, (e)
also at times is identified with Dumalawi, his brother.

VI. Dapilisan, wife of Kanag.

VII. Dagoláyan. Son of Aponibalagen and Aponigawani. Also appears as
Dondonyán of Bagonan--the blood clot child.

VIII. Alokotán. An old woman who acts as a medium. Her home is at
Nagbotobotán, where the rivers empty their waters into the hole at
the edge of the world.

IX. Gawigawen [male]. A giant who owns the orange trees of Adasin.

X. Giambolan [male]. A ten-headed giant.

XI. Gaygayóma. A star maiden who marries Aponitolau. The daughter of
Bagbagak [male], a big star,--and Sinag [female], the moon--.

XII. Tabyayen. Son of Aponitolau and Gaygayóma. Half brother of Kanag.

XIII. Kabkabaga-an. A powerful female spirit who falls in love with
Aponitolau.

XIV. Asibowan. The maiden of Gegenáwan, who is related to the spirit
Kaboniyan. The mistress of Aponitolau.

In consequence of modern rationalism there is a tendency on the
part of a considerable number of the Tinguian to consider these
tales purely as stories and the characters as fictitious, but the
mass of the people hold them to be true and speak of the actors as
"the people who lived in the first times." For the present we shall
take their point of view and shall try to reconstruct the life in
"the first times" as it appears in the tales.

The principal actors live in Kadalayapan and Kaodanan, [7] towns
which our chief story teller--when trying to explain the desire of
Kanag to go down and get fruit--assures us were somewhere in the air,
above the earth (p. 141). [8] At other times these places are referred
to as Sudipan--the term by which spirits are supposed to call the
present earth--while the actors are referred to as Ipogau--the spirit
name for Tinguian. Whatever its location it was a place much like the
present home of this people. The sky, the chief abode of spirits and
celestial bodies, was above the land, and the heroes of the tales
are pictured as ascending to visit the upper realms. The trees,
plants, and animals were for the most part those known to-day. The
ocean appears to have been well known, while mention is made of some
places in Luzon, such as Dagopan and San Fernando in Pangasinan with
which the people of to-day are not at all familiar (p. 89, 168).

We learn that each village is situated near to a river or waterway
by the banks of which shallow wells are dug, and there we find the
women gathering under the shade of the trees, dipping up water to be
carried to their homes, washing and combing their hair, and taking
their baths (p. 48). They seldom go singly, for enemies are apt to
be near, and unless several are in the company it will be impossible
to spread the alarm and secure help in case of attack (p. 43).

Leading up from the spring to the village are bamboo poles on which
the heads of enemies are displayed (p. 43). In cases where the
warriors have been especially successful these trophies may surround
the whole settlement (p. 76). About the town is a defensive wall,
generally of bamboo, but in some cases made up entirely of gigantic
snakes (p. 43). Within this inclosure are many houses. The bamboo
floors are raised high above the ground, while the thatching is of
grass. Ladders lead up to little porches, from which doors open into
the dwellings. At least part of the houses have a cooking room in
addition to that used by the family, while structures containing a
ninth room are several times mentioned (pp. 43, 52, 85).

In one corner of the living room is a box containing blankets, above
which are pillows and mats used by members of the household and guests;
an iron caldron lies on the floor, while numerous Chinese jars stand
about. A hearth, made up of a bed of ashes in which stones are sunk,
is used for cooking. Above it is a bamboo food hanger, while near by
stand jars of water and various cooking pots. Food baskets, coconut
shell cups, and dishes, and a quantity of Chinese plates appear when
the meal is served, while the use of glass is not unknown. Cups of
gold, wonderful jars, and plates appear at times, but seem to be so
rare as to excite comment (pp. 33, 98, 102, 105).

Scattered through the village are numerous small buildings known as
balaua (p. 43), which are erected for the spirits during the greatest
of the ceremonies, and still inside the enclosure are the rice drying
plots and granaries, the latter raised high above the ground so as
to protect their contents from moisture (pp. 150).

About the town pigs and chickens roam at will, while half-starved
hunting dogs prowl about below the kitchens and fight for morsels
which drop from above (p. 99). Carabao are kept and used as food
(p. 101), but in the cycle proper no mention is made of using them as
work animals. [9] Game, especially deer and wild chickens, and fish
are added to the domestic supply of food (p. 80), but the staple
appears to be mountain rice. Beans, coconuts, oranzes, sugar cane,
betel-nuts, and tobacco are also cultivated (pp. 33, 107, 121, 138).

Clothing is scanty but nevertheless receives much attention. The
poorest of the men wear clouts of banana leaf, and the women, when in
danger of capture, don skirts of bark; but on most occasions we find
the man wearing a colored cotton clout, above which is a bright belt
of the same material, while for ceremonies he may add a short coat or
jacket. A headband, sometimes of gold, keeps his long hair in place,
and for very special events he may adorn each hair with a golden bead
(pp. 74, 76, 81)

The cotton skirts of the women reach from the waist to the knees;
the arms are covered with strands above strands of beads, while
strings of agate beads surround the neck or help to hold the hair in
place. To the real hair is often added a switch which appears to be
valued highly (p. 89). Ornaments of gold adorn the ears, and finger
rings of the same metal are several times mentioned (pp. 39, 43, 124).

The tales afford us a glimpse of the daily life. In the early morning
the chilly mountain air drives the people from their mats to the yard,
where they squat about the fires (p. 132). As it becomes light,
part of the women begin pounding out the rice from its straw and
husks (p. 144), while others depart for the springs to secure water
(p. 101). In planting time husband and wife trudge together to the
fields, where the man plants the seeds or cuttings, and his wife
assists by pouring on water (p. 107). In midday, unless it is the busy
season, the village activities are practically suspended, and we see
the balaua filled with men, asleep or lounging, while children may be
playing about with tops or disk-like lipi seeds (p. 139). As it becomes
cooler, the town again takes on life; in the houses the women weave
blankets or prepare food, the older women feed the chickens and pigs
(p. 93), while the workers from the fields, or hunters with their
dogs and game, add to the general din and excitement (p. 80). When
night comes on, if it be in the dry season, bonfires spring up in
different parts of the village, and about them the girls and women
gather to spin. Here also come the men and boys, to lounge and talk
(p. 117). A considerable portion of the man's time is taken up in
preparation for or actual participation in warfare (p. 74). We have
already seen that the constant danger of enemies makes it advisable
for the women to go in parties, even to the village spring. One tale
informs us of a girl who is left alone to guard the rice field and
is promptly killed by the alzado; [10] another states that "all the
tattooed Igorot are enemies" (pp. 43, 155, 161).

Revenge for the loss of relations or townspeople is a potent cause
of hostile raids; old feuds may be revived by taunts; but the chief
incentive appears to be the desire for renown, to be known as "a man
who goes to fight in the enemies' towns" (pp. 90, 59).

Warriors sometimes go in parties, sometimes alone, but generally in
couples (p. 67). At times they lie in ambush and kill young girls
who go for water, or old men and women who pass their hiding place
(p. 97). Again they go out boldly, armed with shield, spear, and
headaxe; they strike their shields as they go and announce their
presence to the enemy (p. 103). In five of the tales the heroes
challenge their opponents and then refuse to be the first to use their
weapons. It is only when their foes have tried in vain to injure them
that they enter the conflict. In such cases whole towns are wiped out
of existence and a great number of heads and a quantity of jars and
other booty is sent back to the towns of the victors (p. 104). Peace
is restored in one instance by the payment of a number of valuable jars
(p. 91).

Upon the return of a successful war party, the relatives meet them at
the gate of the town and compel them to climb the sangap; [11] then
invitations are sent out to friends and relatives in neighboring towns
to come and aid in the celebration of the victory (p. 140). When they
arrive at the entrance of the village they are met by the townspeople,
who offer them liquor and then conduct them to the houses where they
feast and dance to the music of gansas (p. 126).  [12] Finally the
captured heads are stuck on the sagang  [13] and are placed by the
gate, the spring, and, if sufficient in number, surround the town
(p. 140). Taking the heads of one's neighbors does not appear to
be common, yet cases are mentioned where visitors are treacherously
killed at a dance (pp. 78, 83).

The use of poison [14] is twice mentioned. In one case the victims
are killed by drinking liquor furnished by the father of the girl
about whose head they are dancing (pp. 148, 156).

Bamboo spears appear to be used, but we are explicitly told that
they fought with steel weapons, and there are frequent references to
head-axes, spears, and knives (pp. 65, 76, 120).

Marriage appears generally to be negotiated by the mother of the youth
at his suggestion (p. 128). At times both his parents go to the girl's
home, and after many preliminaries broach the subject of their mission
(p. 128). The girl's people discuss the proposition, and if they are
favorable they set a day for the pakálon--a celebration at which the
price to be paid for the bride is decided upon (p. 49). The parents
of the groom then return home after having left some small present,
such as a jar or an agate bead, as a sign of engagement (p. 128). [15]
The pakálon is held a few days later at the girl's home, and for
this event her people prepare a quantity of food (p. 72). On the
agreed day the close friends and relatives of both families will
assemble. Those who accompany the groom carry jars and pigs, either
in part payment for the bride, or to serve as food for the company
(pp. 72, 128). The first hours are spent in bargaining over the
price the girl should bring, but when this is settled a feast is
prepared, and then all indulge in dancing the tadek (p. 59). [16]
When the payment is made a portion is distributed among the girl's
relatives (pp. 72, 74), but her parents retain the greater part for
themselves. [17] The groom cannot yet claim his bride, although in
one case he is allowed to take her immediately after the pakálon by
making a special payment for the privilege (p. 74). A few nights later
the groom goes to the girl's home carrying with him an empty jar with
which he makes the final payment (p. 73). The customary rice ceremony
[18] follows and he is then entitled to his bride (p. 73). Should the
house or anything in it break at this time, it foretells misfortune
for the couple, hence precautions are taken lest such a sign should,
by accident, be given (p. 60).

In all but two cases mentioned the girl and her husband go to live
with his people. In the first instance their failure to do so raises a
protest; in the second, the girl's parents are of much more importance
than those of the groom, and this may explain their ability to retain
their daughter (pp. 138, 159).

When the bride reaches her future home, she sits on the bamboo floor
with her legs stretched out in front of her. The slats which she
covers are counted and a string of agate beads, equal in length to
the combined width of the slats, is given to her. She now becomes
a full member of the family and seems to be under the orders of her
mother-in-law (p. 60).

The tales give constant sanction for the marriage of near
relatives. Dumanau, we are told, marries his cousin, [19] while we
frequently meet with such statements as, "We are relatives and it is
good for us to be married," or "They saw that they were related and
that both possessed magical power, so they were married (p. 35)." It
appears that a man may live with his sweetheart and have children
by her, yet leave her, and, without reproach, marry another better
fitted to be his wife (p. 54). He may also accept payment for a wife
who has deserted him, apparently without loss of prestige (p. 64). No
objection seems to be raised to a man having two wives so long as
one of these is an inhabitant of the upper world (p. 111), but we
find Kanag telling his former sweetheart that he cannot marry her
since he is now married to another (p. 138). Again, when two women
lay claim to Aponitolau, as their husband, they undergo a test and
the loser returns to her former home (p. 94). However, this rule does
not prevent a man from having several concubines (p., 120). Gawigawen,
we are told, is accompanied to a pakálon by eighteen young girls who
are his concubines (p. 59).

Divorce is twice mentioned, but it seems to call out protest only
from the cast off wife (pp. 63, 149).

Closely associated with the celebration of a marriage seems to be a
ceremony known as Sayang, during the progress of which a number of
small structures--the largest known as balaua--are built. Judging by
their names and descriptions, we are justified in considering them
"spirit houses" as they are to-day.

The details of the extended Sayang ceremony are nowhere given, but
so much is made plain:--At its beginning many people pound rice,
for use in the offerings and for food, and da-eng [20] is danced
(p. 40). After the Libon [21] invitations are sent out, by means of
betel-nuts covered with gold, to those whose presence is especially
desired (p. 62). When the guests arrive at the village spring or
gate they are offered food or drink, and then while they dance they
are sprinkled with water or rice, after which all go up to the town
(p. 41 note 2). A medium who knows the customs and desires of the
spirits constructs a bamboo mat, which is known as talapitap, and
on it offers food. To call their attention she frequently strikes
the ground with the dakidak--split sticks of bamboo and lono [22]
(p. 40). The guests are not neglected, so far as regards food, for
feasting and dancing occupy a considerable portion of their time. The
ceremonial dance da-eng is mentioned, but the tadek  [23] seems to
be the one in special favor (pp. 41, 59).

One tale tells us that the Sayang was held immediately following a
head hunt; and another, that Aponitolau went out to get the head of
an old man before he started this ceremony (pp. 69, 76); however,
the evidence is by no means conclusive that it is related to warfare.

On page 105 we are told that Kanag's half sister is a medium, and the
description of her method of summoning the spirits tallies with that
of to-day. At the Sayang ceremony she is called to perform the Dawak,
[24] with the assistance of the old woman Alokotán (p. 106). The Dawak
is also held in order to stop the flow of blood from Aponitolau's
finger (p. 113). The only other ceremony mentioned is that made in
order to find a lost switch (p. 91).

Certain well-known customs are strongly brought out in our
material. The first, and apparently most important, is the necessity
of offering liquor and food, both to strangers and to guests
(p. 58). Refusal is so keenly resented that in one instance a couple
decline to allow their daughter to marry a man whose emissaries
reject this gift (p. 73). Old quarrels are closed by the tender of
food or drink, and friendships are cemented by the drinking of basi
[25] (p. 134). People meeting for the first time, and even friends
who have been separated for a while, chew betel-nut together and
tell their names and places of residence. We are repeatedly told
that it is necessary to chew the nut and make known their names, for
"we cannot tell our names unless we chew," and "it is bad for us if
we do not know each other's names when we talk." A certain etiquette
is followed at this time: old men precede the younger; people of the
home town, the visitors; and men always are before the women (pp. 45,
133). The conduct of Awig when he serves liquor to the alzados [26]
is that of to-day, i.e., the person who serves always drinks before
passing it to others (p. 156).

Certain other rules of etiquette or restrictions on conduct come out
in the tales. We learn that it is not considered proper for a man
to eat with the wife of another during his absence, nor should they
start the meal before he comes in (p. 52). The master of a dance is
deeply chagrined and chides his wife severely, because she insists
on dancing before he has invited all the others to take their turns
(p. 70). Greediness is reproved in children and Aponitolau causes the
death of his concubines whose false tales had led him to maltreat his
wife (p. 116). Unfaithfulness seems to be sufficient justification
for a man to abandon his wife and kill her admirer (p. 78); but Kanag
appears as a hero when he refuses to attack his father who has sought
his life (p. 121).

Of the ceremonies connected with death we learn very little except that
the women discard their arm beads, the mourners don old clothing, and
all wail for the dead (pp. 44, 90). Three times we are told that the
deceased is placed on a tabalang, or raft, on which a live rooster is
fastened before it is set adrift on the river. In the tales the raft
and fowl are of gold, but this is surprising even to the old woman
Alokotán, past whose home in Nagbotobotán all these rafts must go
(p. 131).

Up to this time in our reconstruction of the life of "the first
times" we have mentioned nothing impossible or improbable to the
present day Tinguian, although, as we shall see later, there are some
striking differences in customs and ideas. We have purposely left the
description of the people and their practice of magic to the last,
although their magical practices invade every activity of their lives,
for it is here that the greatest variations from present conditions
apparently occur.

These people had intimate relations with some of the lesser spirits,
especially with the liblibayan, [27] who appear to be little more
than their servants, with the evil spirits known as banbanáyo,
[28] and with the alan [29] (p. 123). The alan, just mentioned,
are to-day considered as deformed spirits who live in the forests:
"They are as large as people but have wings and can fly; their toes
are at the back of their feet and their fingers point backwards from
their wrists." The several references to them in the tales such as
"you alan girls whose toes on your feet turn out" indicate they were
so considered in the first times (p. 161). Some of them are addressed
as "you alan of the springs," and in one instance a man dives down
into the water where the alan live (p. 148), but in general their
homes seem to be similar to but much finer than those of the people
of Kadalayapan and Kaodanan. These spirits appear time after time as
the foster mothers of the leading characters: Generally they secure
a drop of menstrual blood, a miscarriage, or the afterbirth, and all
unknown to the real parents, change them into children and raise them
(p. 83). These foster children are pictured as living in houses of
gold situated near springs, the pebbles of which are of Gold or beads;
[30] the places where the women set the pots while dipping water are
big plates or dishes, while similar dishes form the stepping stones
leading up to the house. Articles of gold are found in the dwellings
and valuable jars are numerous. When the true relationships of these
children are established they always go to their blood parents,
carrying with them these riches, which are a source of wonder and
comment (pp. 43, 64).

The people of Kadalayapan and Kaodanan have many dealings with
the celestial bodies. The big star Bagbagak appears as the husband
of Sinag--the moon--and father of the star maiden Gaygayóma, who,
Aponitolau assures his wife, is a spirit. When this girl comes down
to steal sugar-cane she takes off her star dress and appears as a
beautiful maiden; [31] she becomes enamored with Aponitolau and takes
him to the sky, where he lives with her. They have a child, who later
marries in Kadalayapan and thereafter stays below. Upon the occasion
when Aponitolau visits his first wife and fails to return to the sky
at the appointed time, a great company of stars are sent to fetch him,
with orders to devour him if he refuses to obey (p. 109, ff.).

In the first tale Aponitolau himself appears as "the sun," "the
man who makes the sun," as "a round stone which rolls," but when
it is established that he is the son of a couple in Kadalayapan he
apparently relinquishes his duties in the sky and goes to live in
the village of his people. With him goes his wife Aponibolinayen, who
had been carried above by a vine. While at his post in the heavens,
Aponitolau is closely associated with the big star, whose duty it is to
follow him in the sky. Again we are told that Aponitolau is taken up
by the spirit Kabkabaga-an, whom he marries and by whom he has a son
(p. 114). In some instances this hero and his son Kanag converse with
thunder and lightning, which appear at times not unlike human beings
(p. 100); but in the eighth relation the two kinds of lightning are
pictured as dogs who guard the town of Dona.

These people enjoy unusual relations with inanimate things, and we
find them conversing with spears and with jars. [32] In one case the
latter appear to be pastured like animals, and surround Aponitolau when
he goes to feed them with lawed [33] leaves and salt (p. 51). Weapons
weep blood and oil when taken down for the purpose of injuring certain
persons (p. 43). A nose flute, when played by a youth, tells him of
his mother's plight (p. 152), while a bamboo Jew's harp summons the
brothers of its owner (p. 162). Animals and birds are frequently in
communication with them: The hawk flies away and spreads the news of
the fight at Adasin [34] (p. 90); at the bidding of Dalonágan a spider
spins a web about the town (p. 124); and Aponitolau is enabled to
fulfill the labors assigned him by the ten-headed giant only through
the aid of spiders, ants, and flies (p. 101). [35] During certain
dances the water from the river flows over the town and fish come
up and bite the feet of the dancers (p. 59). Crocodiles are left to
guard the sister of Aponibalagen, and when they fail to explain their
negligence they are whipped and sent away by their master (p. 87). A
great bird is pleased with Aponitolau and carries him away [36] to its
home, where it forces him to marry a woman it had previously captured
(p. 92). In one instance an animal gives birth to a human child; a frog
laps up the spittle of Aponitolau, and as a result becomes pregnant
[37] and gives birth to a maiden who is taken away by the spirits
(p. 105). Another account states that the three sons of Aponitolau
and Aponibolinayen are born as pigs, but later assume human form
(p. 116). Kanag becomes a snake when he tries to secure the perfume
of Baliwán, but is restored to human form when he bathes in a magic
well (p. 137). These and other mysterious happenings, many of which
are not explained as being due to their own volition, befall them;
thus Ingiwan, while walking, is confronted by an impassable hill and
is compelled to cross the ocean, where he finds his future wife, but
upon his return the hill has vanished (p. 86). In other instances the
finger rings of people meeting for the first time exchange themselves
(p. 92). The headband of Ligi flies away without his knowledge and
alights on the skirt of a girl who is bathing in the river. As a
result she becomes pregnant, and when the facts become known Ligi is
recognized as the child's father (p. 144). It seems probable that
the superior powers are responsible for these occurrences, for in
at least one instance the great spirit Kaboniyan steals a maiden and
turns her into a flock of birds, who talk with and assist the owner
of a rice field (p. 151).

While they thus appear to be to a certain extent under the control
of the spirits and to be surrounded by animals and inanimate things
with human intelligence and speech, the people of these "first times"
possess great power over nature: Time and space are annihilated, for
at their will daylight comes at once (p. 150), or they are transported
to a place in an instant (p. 92). At their command people appear:
Kanag creates betel-nut trees, then cuts the fruit into bits, Which he
sows on the ground. From these come many people who are his neighbors,
and one of whom he marries (p. 121). The course of nature is changed:
A field is planted in an instant; the crops mature in a few days, and
the grain and fruits take themselves to the store-house (p. 150). A
strike-a-light turns into a hill which impedes pursuers (p. 75), [38]
while a belt or head-axe serves as a ferry across a body of water
(p. 84). A storm is called upon to carry a person or a building to
a distance (p. 121), and a spring is created by killing an old man
(p. 60). [39] Prepared food appears at a word; a stick when cooked
becomes a fish, and though it is repeatedly broken and served it
always appears ready for service at meal time (p. 33); a small jar
containing a single grain of rice supplies an abundance of food;
another jar no larger than a fist furnishes drink for a company and
still remains a third full; while a single earring fills a pot with
gold [40] (pp. 47, 119, 123).

Quite as easy as the creation of beings is the causing of sleep or
death. All the people of a village are put to sleep at the will of a
single person (p. 145) and Albaga--while still at a distance--causes
the death of Aponibolinayen (p. 44). At a word of command the spears
and head-axes of the people of Kadalayapan and Kaodanan go out
and kill great numbers of the enemy, and the heads and booty take
themselves in orderly fashion to towns of their new owners (pp. 66,
75). Many methods of restoring the dead to life are employed; spittle
is applied to the wounds, or the victim is placed in a magic well,
but the common method is for the hero "to whip his perfume," [41]
whereupon the dead follow his commands (pp. 152, 157).

The birth of a child, to a woman of these times, is generally preceded
by an intense itching between the third and last fingers, and when this
spot is pricked the child pops out "like popped rice." [42] Its growth
is always magical, for at each bath its stature increases by a span
(p. 102). Within a few days the baby is a large child and then begins
deeds of valor worthy of the most renowned warriors (pp. 95, 96).

The power of assuming animal forms appears to be a common possession,
and we find the different characters changing themselves into
fireflies, ants, centipedes, omen birds, and in one case into oil [43]
(pp. 85, 99).

One of the most peculiar yet constantly used powers of these people
is their ability to send betel-nuts on various missions. Whenever
an invitation to a ceremony or celebration is to be extended, nuts
covered with gold are oiled and sent out. They go to the intended
guest, state their errand, and, if refused, forthwith proceed to grow
on his knee, forehead, or pet pig, until pain or pity compels him to
accept (p. 146). In some cases it appears that the nuts themselves
possess the magic properties, for we find Aponitolau demanding that
his conquered foes give him their betel-nuts with magic power (p. 91).

Relationships can be readily ascertained by the chewing of these nuts,
for when the quids are laid down they are transformed into agate and
golden beads and lie in such a manner that the associations are fully
established (pp. 35, 36, 41).

Enough has been mentioned to show how important a part magic and
magical practices play in the life of this people, but one further
reference should be made, since it is found in nearly every tale. When
the marriage price is settled upon, the mother of the groom exercises
her power and at once fills the spirit house with valuable jars and the
like; this is repeated until enough are gathered to meet the demands
of the girl's people (p. 133). Even when the agreed sum has been
delivered we often find the girl's mother herself practicing magic,
to secure additional payment, and by raising her elbows or eyebrows
causing a part of the jars to vanish (pp. 133, 143).

Despite their great gifts we find that these people are not
all-powerful and that they deem it wise to consult the omens before
starting on a task or a journey. The gall sack and liver of a pig are
eagerly examined, [44] while the calls of birds, actions of animals,
or signs received from the thunder and lightning regulate their
conduct. In cases where these warnings are disregarded misfortune or
death always overtakes the individual (pp. 48, 49, 100 ff).

Death comes to them, but apparently is only a temporary state. The
deceased are often revived by some magical process (p. 152), but if
not the corpse is placed on a raft and is set adrift on the river. [45]
The streams and rivers, we are told, all flow past Nagbotobotán before
they empty into the hole where all streams go. In this place lives the
old woman Alokotán, who is related to the people of Kadalayapan and
Kaodanan. Her duty it is to watch for dead relatives, to secure them,
and make them alive again (p. 132). She is the owner of a magic pool,
the waters of which revive the dead and renew youth.

Comparison of the Reconstructed Culture with Present Day
Conditions.--Before passing to a consideration of the tales in the last
two divisions of our material, it may be well to compare the life and
beliefs of these "people of the first times" with those of the living
Tinguian. Kadalayapan and Kaodanan appear, in a vague way, to have been
located in Abra, for we learn that the Ilocano, Don Carlos, went up the
river from Baygan (Vigan) [46] to Kadalayapan; that the alzados [47]
lived near by; while the tattooed Igorot occupied the land to the south
(pp. 77, 155). The villages were surrounded by defensive walls such as
were to be found about all Tinguian villages until recent times, and
which are still to be seen about Abang and other settlements. Within
the walls were many houses, the descriptions of most of which would
fit the dwellings of to day. The one thing which seems foreign to
present conditions is the so-called "ninth room" which receives rather
frequent mention. There is nothing in the tales referring to buildings
or house construction which lends support to the contention of those
who seek to class the Tinguian as a modified sub-group of Igorot. [48]
The Bontoc type of dwelling with its ground floor sleeping box and
its elevated one room kitchen and storage room is nowhere mentioned,
neither is there any indication that in past or present times the
Tinguian had separate sleeping houses for the unmarried men and boys,
and for the girls, as do their neighbors to the south.

The other structures, such as the spirit houses, rice drying
frames, and granaries were similar to those seen to-day in all the
villages. Likewise the house furnishings, the musical instruments,
and even the games of the children were such as are to be found at
present, while our picture of the village life given on page 6 still
fits nearly any Tinguian settlement in Abra. The animals mentioned
are all familiar to the present people, but it is worthy of note
that in the first twenty-six tales, which make up the cycle proper,
the horse is not mentioned, nor does the carabao appear to be used
as a work animal. Still more important is the fact that the terraced
fields and the rice culture accompanying them, which to-day occupy
a predominant place in the economic life of the people, are nowhere
mentioned. On the other hand, the langpádan, or mountain rice,
assumes a place of great importance. References to the cultivation
of the land all seem to indicate that the "hoe culture," which is
still practiced to a limited extent, took the place of agriculture.

The clothing, hair dressing, and ornaments, worn by these people,
agree closely with those of to-day. Beads seems to have been of
prime importance, but could scarcely have been more prized or more
used than at present. Unless she be in mourning, the hair and neck
of each woman are now ornamented with strings of beads, many of them
of evident antiquity, while strands above strands cover the arms from
the wrist to the elbow or even reach to the shoulder. [49]

The wealth of a person seems to have been, to a large extent,
determined by the number of old jars in his possession. As at the
present time, they formed the basis of settlement for feuds, as payment
for a bride, and even figured in the marriage ceremony itself. The
jars, as judged from their names, were evidently of ancient Chinese
manufacture, and possessed power of speech and motion similar to that
of human beings; but in a lesser measure the same type of jars have
similar powers to-day. [50]

The use of gold and jewels seems to have been common in the old times;
the latter are seldom seen in the district to-day, but the use of bits
of gold in the various ceremonies is still common, while earrings of
gold or copper are among the most prized possessions of the women. [51]
Placer mining is well known to the Igorot of the south, who melt and
cast the metal into various ornaments. So far as I am aware, this is
not practiced by the present Tinguian, but may point back to a time
when the industry was known in this region, or when trade relations
with the south were much freer than in recent years.

The weapons of the warriors, which we are specifically told were of
metal, are identical with those seen at the present time, while the
methods of warfare agree with the accounts still told by the old men
of their youthful exploits.

A survey of the tales brings out boldly the fact that a headhunt was
one of the most important events in Tinguian life. To-day stress of
circumstances has caused the custom to suffer a rapid decline, but
even now heads are occasionally taken, while most of the old men have
vivid recollections of the days when they fought "in the towns of their
enemies." A spirited account of a head celebration seen in the village
of Lagangilang--from which ten of these tales were collected--will
be found in the writings of La Gironiere, already referred to. [52]
It is important to note that this account, as well as those secured
from many warriors of the present generation, offers some striking
differences to the procedure in the olden days, particularly as regards
the disposal of the skulls. The tales tell of the heads being placed
on the sagang [53] at the spring, at the gate, or about the town,
after the celebration. Certain of the present villages make use of
the sagang, but the more common type of head holder is the saloko,
[54] which still figures in many ceremonies. However, the heads only
remain in these receptacles until the day set for the festival. They
are then carried to the centre of the village and there, amid
great rejoicing, are cut open; the brains are removed and to them
are added the lobes of the ears and joints of the little fingers,
and the whole is then placed in the liquor, which is served to the
dancers. Before the guests depart the skulls are broken into small
pieces and a fragment is presented to each male guest, who carries
it home and is thus often reminded of the valor of the takers. [55]
A study of Tinguian beliefs furnishes an additional religious motive
for the taking of heads, but with the people of Kadalayapan and
Kaodanan revenge and the desire for renown were the prime incentives.

Every tale emphasizes the importance of the Sayang ceremony and
the spirit structure known as balaua. [56] The ceremony is nowhere
described in full, but the many details which are supplied show that
it was almost identical with that of to-day. The same is true of the
Dawak, [57] which we find mentioned on three different occasions, and
of the ceremony made to aid in locating lost or stolen articles. The
most noticeable fact, to the person familiar with Tinguian life,
is that these are the only ceremonies mentioned among the many known
and practiced at present. More than a score of different rites are
now well known to this people, and occupy a very considerable portion
of their time and attention during the first four months of the year.

The failure to make mention of these very important events is
explained, it seems to me, not by their absence, but by the fact that
these rites vary in importance and that the privilege of celebrating
them is hereditary in a family. Should one not entitled to hold
such a ceremony desire to do so, he must first give, in order, all
the lesser events, a costly procedure extending over a period of
several years. The people of Kadalayapan and Kaodanan always appear
as being closely related to the spirit Kaboniyan, [58] and exceedingly
powerful. It seems probable that the story teller takes it for granted
that all of them are entitled to hold the most important ceremony
known to the Tinguian.

A prominent figure in these rites is the medium, through whom the
ancient people generally conversed with the spirits, but in exceptional
cases we found the heroes talking direct with the superior beings;
however, this gift is not confined to the men of old, for in such
tales as 55 and 59 people who are believed to have lived recently
have conversed with the spirits and have even been joined to them
in marriage.

The procedure in choosing a bride, the engagement, the pakálon, [59]
and the marriage proper are all those of the present day, but the
rules governing the marriage of relatives differ radically. As already
noted, one of the chief qualifications for marriage, among the people
of the tales, was relationship, and even cousins became husband and
wife. Such a thing is unthinkable among the Tinguian of to-day; first
cousins are absolutely barred from marrying, while even the union of
second cousins would cause a scandal, and it is very doubtful if such a
wife would be allowed to share in her deceased husband's property. [60]

It appears that only one real [61] wife is recognized as legitimate,
but that from "the first times" to the present a man might have as
many concubines as he could secure.

So far as mythology and present day conditions can inform us the bride
has always gone to the home of her husband and, for a time at least,
has been subject to the dictations of her mother-in-law, although the
couple are generally soon established in a home of their own, in the
town of the groom. There is nothing in Tinguian life or tradition to
indicate that they have ever had a clan system or a matriarchal form
of government.

The few references to the procedure immediately after a death indicate
that, in part, the people of to-day follow the old custom; but here
again an important departure occurs. We are thrice told that the
corpse was placed on a little raft called tabalang and set adrift
on the river; and in one case the afterbirth was treated in the same
manner. Nothing of the sort is done to-day, nor does it seem at all
likely that such has been the case in recent generations. The body
is now buried beneath the house, and certain set rules govern the
movements of all persons related to the deceased, as well as the
disposal of the corpse. This procedure is so complex and so uniform
throughout the whole Tinguian belt that it seems improbable that it
has grown up, except through a long period of time. At this point
it is interesting to note that at many ceremonies it is necessary to
construct a small raft called tal-talababong, or talabong, to place
offerings in it, and set it adrift on the stream, in order that any
spirits who have been prevented from attending the ceremony may still
secure their share. [62]

The festivals, the dances, the observances of the proprieties required
by good breeding or custom of to-day, follow closely those given in
the tales. The greatest divergence is in the offering of betel-nuts
and the telling of names, which occupies such an important place in
the narratives. The use of betel-nut for chewing is less common among
the Tinguian people than with most other Philippine tribes, a fact
which may be accounted for by their constant use of tobacco. However,
betel-nuts still occupy a most important place in the various
ceremonies, and many offerings intended for the spirits must be
accompanied with the prepared nut. In nearly every instance when
invitations were sent out, for a ceremony, the people of the tales
intrusted an oiled betel-nut covered with gold with this duty. This
has its counterpart to-day in the small gifts of gold which are
often carried to some friend, in another town, whose presence is
particularly desired. It seems not improbable that the golden colored
husks of the ripe betel-nuts may have suggested the substitution.

Magic was practiced extensively in "the first time," but it is by
no means unknown to the people of the present day. They cannot now
bring a dead person to life, or create human beings out of bits of
betel-nut; but they can and do cause sickness and death to their foes
by performing certain rites or directing actions against garments or
other objects recently in their possession. Even the name of an enemy
can be applied to an animal or inanimate object and action against
it be transferred to the owner.

Like the Tinguian, the people of Kadalayapan and Kaodanan are warned
or encouraged by omens received through the medium of birds, thunder,
lightning, or the condition of the gall and liver of a slaughtered pig;
[63] and like them they suffer for failure to heed these warnings,
or for the infraction of a taboo.

The myths of the first division make it plain that, to the people of
those times, the sun, moon, and stars were animate--either spirits or
human beings. In some cases a similar conception was held for thunder
and lightning, while in others they appear as animals. It will appear
that such ideas are not foreign to the second division of the tales,
which represent present day beliefs. Thus, in the mountain village
of Baay the sky is considered as a male spirit--the husband of the
earth, and father of sun and moon. Again, in Lagangilang and Abang,
the thunderbolt is identified as Kadaklan--the most powerful of all
spirits--who "often eats the ground and releases his wife Agemem."

This brings us to a most interesting question, namely: Are the chief
actors in our tales to be considered as celestial beings and spirits,
or as human heroes? We have already made note of the fact that in the
first tale Aponitolau is identified with Ini-init whom, we are told,
was "the sun," "the man who makes the sun," "a round stone which
rolls." In this tale he marries Aponibolinayen, a maiden whose name
may possibly be construed to mean "the woman in the moon." [64]
However, we find Aponitolau abandoning his place in the sky and
going to reside in Kadalayapan. This tale comes from the town of
Langangilang where, as we have already seen, the celestial beings
are regarded as spirits. Tale fifteen, coming from the same town,
shows us this same Aponitolau going up to the sky, where he marries
the spirit Kabkabaga-an, but as before he returns to his home below. A
further indication of his celestial character is perhaps afforded us
in tale fourteen, which was recorded in Patok, a valley town in which
the sun, moon, and stars are now regarded as "lights" belonging to
the spirit Kadaklan. Here we find that Aponitolau marries the star
maid Gaygayóma, who is the daughter of the big star Bagbagak, and
Sinag--the moon. In this same tale Aponibolinayen appears as the
first wife of Aponitolau, and it is clear that in the mind of the
story teller she is not identified with Sinag. Aponitolau appears in
the other tales without any hint of celestial qualities. Aside from
her name and the fact that she is once pictured as visiting the sky,
there is nothing to indicate that his wife Aponibolinayen is to be
considered as the moon. A careful study of the other characters who
reside in Kadalayapan and Kaodanan fails to yield any evidence that
they are considered as celestial beings.

During the Sayang ceremony held in San Juan, a certain man and woman,
who are then called Iwaginán and Gimbagon, [65] represent the good
spirits and are defended by the people when evil spirits try to
dispossess them of their property. This is the only instance I have
observed in which the names of any of these characters of the tales
appear in the ceremonies, while a list of more than one hundred and
fifty spirits known to the Tinguian fails to reveal more.

While in the practice of magic, and in their communication with nature,
celestial bodies, and spirits, these "people of the first times"
far excelled the present Tinguian, they had a material culture and
ceremonial life much like that still found in Abra.

It seems then that these people, about whom the stories cluster, are
not to be identified as celestial beings or spirits. [66] They appear
rather as generalized heroes whose life and deeds represent that of
an earlier period, magnified and extolled by succeeding generations.


RITUALISTIC AND EXPLANATORY MYTHS

The second division of the tales now assumes a position of importance
to us, for in it we find present day ideas and beliefs of the people
strongly brought out, and are thus in a position to contrast them
with the tenets of the people in "the first times."

The influence of custom is exceedingly strong among the Tinguian of
to-day. The fact that the ancestors did so and so is sufficient
justification for performing any act for which they have no
definite explanation. Nowhere is this influence greater than in the
ceremonies. These, which accompany all the important happenings in
their daily life, are conducted by mediums who are fitted for office
by long training, and each one of whom is a check on the others if
they wilfully or through carelessness deviate from the old forms. The
ritual of these ceremonies is very complex and the reason for doing
many acts now seems to be entirely lost, yet the one explanation
"kadaúyan"--custom--is sufficient to satisfy any Tinguian. Other acts,
as well as the possession of certain things, are explained by myths,
such as we are considering. It seems certain that we are here dealing
not with present day beliefs alone, but with at least relatively old
customs and tales, which while enabling us to understand present day
conceptions also give us a glimpse into the past.

The myths 32-40, which are known to the people as diams, are now
inseparable parts of the various ceremonies. Thus, when a pig is to
be offered in the Sayang ceremony, the medium sits down beside it and
strokes it with oiled fingers while she "talks to the spirits." The
translation of her "talk" shows that this is in no sense a prayer
but is rather an account of how the greatest of the spirits taught
the Tinguian people to perform this ceremony correctly. Likewise,
when she offers food in the Dawak  [67] ceremony, she relates how the
spirit Kaboniyan taught the Tinguian to do this in the same manner
that he performs it. In the Pala-an [68] diam she relates, in story
form, the cause of the sickness, but in this case ends with a direct
invocation to the spirits in Dadáya to "make them well again if you
please." The balance of the diams, 35-40, are in story form, and
seem intended more as an explanation to the people as to the causes
of their troubles than to be directed toward the spirits. However,
the medium seldom has an audience, and rarely ever a single listener,
as she recites the diams she has learned verbatim from her instructors
when preparing for the duties of her office.

Myths 41-54 are of quite a different type. They are generally told
by the mediums or wise old people, during the ceremonies, but always
to a crowd of eager listeners. They are not learned word for word, as
are the diams, but their content is constant and they are thoroughly
believed.

That they exert a great influence on the beliefs and conduct of
both old and young is undoubted. The evil which befalls a person who
molests the guardian stones is thus made known even to the children who
generally keep at a distance from the grove in which they stand. Again,
these tales give sharp warning as to what befalls a person who even
ignorantly breaks the taboos following a death; but at the same time
advance means of thwarting the wrath of the enraged or evil spirits.

Myths 55 to 62 at first glance to not appear to be explanatory
at all, but seem rather to be a series of stories dealing with the
relations between certain persons and the natural spirits or those of
the dead. However, it is the intent and use rather than the form of
these stories which has caused them to be included in this division,
for they give the people authority for certain beliefs and conceptions
which they hold. Tale 56 gives us a glimpse of the prevalent idea of
the abode of the dead, where the spirits lead much the same sort of
life as they did while alive, but we secure quite a different picture
of this realm from the Baluga  [69] tale, in which the home of the
deceased is said to be in the ground while the "life" of the dead
woman is kept in a bamboo cup. This last account was heard in Manabo,
a town near to the Igorot settlements of the Upit river, and may be
influenced by the beliefs held in that section. [70]

Certain individuals appear to have intimate dealings with the natural
spirits, in some instances even being joined to them in marriage. The
afterbirth child, Sayen, is believed to have lived "not very long
ago;" yet we find his life and actions quite similar to those of
the heroes in "the first times," while his foster mother--the alan
[71]--takes the same part as did the alan of old.

Relations 63 to 74 appear as pure explanatory tales, accounting
for the existence and appearance of celestial bodies and animals in
their present state; they also account for the possession of fire and
of many prized objects, such as jars and agate beads. Incidentally
many essential traits and old customs come out, such, for instance,
as those of war and mourning, which appear in connection with the
origin of the kalau. [72]

With few exceptions the myths of this division correspond to present
beliefs; the spirits are those known to-day; the towns mentioned are
now existing or their former locations are well known. They have thus
the appearance of being of more recent origin than those of the first
division, yet it is worthy of note that there is little in them which
seems foreign to or out of keeping with the older tales.


FABLES

The last division may be said to be made up of fables, for the story
tellers without hesitation label them as fictions. The last of these
appears to be only a worked over incident of myth 56, in which the
big bird Banog carries the hero to its nest, from which he escapes
by holding to the wings of the young birds. It is possible that more
of these fables are likewise incidents in tales prevalent among the
Tinguian, but not heard by the writer. Whether or no this be true, it
is certain that most of these stories are well known to the Ilocano
of the coast and the other Christianized natives throughout the
archipelago. Comparison with the folk-lore from other regions shows
that these stories are by no means confined to the Philippines. The
chief incidents in the narrative of the turtle and the monkey have been
recorded from the Kenyah of Borneo [73] and from the northern peninsula
of Celebes; [74] the race between the shell and the carabao is told in
British North Borneo [75] in regard to the plandok and crab, while it
is known to European children as the race between the turtle and the
hare. The threat of the mosquito in 84 is almost identical with that
recorded by Evans in Borneo; [76] while many incidents in the fable
of Dogidog [77] are found in the Iban story of Simpang Impang. [78]

When comparing the Tinguian versions of these fables with those of the
Ilocano, one is impressed with the fact that while the incidents upon
which they are founded are often identical, the stories themselves
have frequently been moulded and changed by the tellers, who have
introduced bits of old customs and beliefs until they reflect, in a
way, the prevalent ideas of the people. Thus in the story of the magic
poncho, [79] which is evidently of Spanish introduction, the owner
is identified as the banbantay--a well-known minor spirit. Again,
the first part of tale 85 is identical with that of the Ilocano,
but ends with the parents of the groom preparing the things used in
the pakálon--a very necessary part of the Tinguian marriage ceremony.

The footnotes have called attention to the many incidents which have
their parallels in other districts. Reference to these shows that
a large percentage are found in the islands toward the south. While
recognizing that similarity of incidents does not necessarily mean
identity of origin, we must still give full credit to the effects
of borrowing, even over great distances. The easy communication
along the coast during the past four hundred years and the contact
with Spanish and Christianized officials and traders will readily
explain the likeness of the tales in Division III to those held in
distant islands, or even in Europe, but, as just noted, these are
now undergoing change. Doubtless a similar inflow had been taking
place, although at a slower rate, long before the Spaniards reached
the Islands, and Tinguian mythology has grown up as the result of
blending of native tales with those of other areas, the whole being
worked over and reshaped until it fitted the social setting.

Previous writers--among them Ratzel and Graebner [80]--have sought
to account for certain resemblances in culture, between Malaysia,
Polynesia, and America, by historical connection. A part of our
material--such as that of the blood-clot child (p. 125), [81] the rape
of the maiden by the vine which carries her to the sky (p. 33), [82]
the magic flight (p. 75), [83] and magic growth (p. 38) [84]--may seem
to lend support to such a theory. These similarities are assuredly
suggestive and interesting, but it appears to the writer that the
material is too scanty and the folklore of intervening lands too
little known to justify us in considering them as convincing proof
of borrowing over such immense distances. [85]



GENERAL RESULTS

Our study has brought out certain general results. We have seen
that Tinguian folklore has much in common with that of other tribes
and lands. While a part of this similarity is doubtless due to
borrowing--a process which can still be seen at work--a considerable
portion of the tales is probably of local and fairly recent origin,
while the balance appears to be very old. These older tales are so
intimately interwoven with the ceremonies, beliefs, and culture of this
people that they may safely be considered as having been developed by
them. They are doubtless much influenced by present day conditions,
for each story teller must, even unconsciously, read into them some
of his own experiences and the current beliefs of the tribe. At the
same time these traditional accounts doubtless exercise a potent
influence on the thoughts, beliefs, and actions of the people. In
Tinguian society, where custom still holds undisputed sway, these
well-known tales of past times must tend to cast into the same mould
any new facts or experiences which come to them.

We believe that we are justified when we take the viewpoint of
the Tinguian and consider "the stories of the first times" as
essentially very old. How old it is impossible to state definitely,
but a careful analysis of our material justifies us in believing that
they reflect a time before the people possessed terraced rice fields,
when domestic work animals were still unknown, and the horse had not
yet been introduced into their land. That these are not recent events
is attested by the great part they all now play in the ceremonial
and economic life. It is evident that outside influences of great
importance were introduced at a period later than the time when the
Chinese first began to trade along the coasts of the Philippines for
the prized jars, which play such an important rôle in the mythology,
are not to be identified as those of native make but are ancient
Chinese vessels dating back at least to the fourteenth and perhaps
even to the tenth century. [86]

It is probable that the glass, porcelain, and agate beads, which
are second only to the jars in importance, are exceedingly old. Many
ancient specimens are still in use and are held for as fabulous prices
as are those found among the interior tribes of Borneo. Nieuwenhuis
has shown that the manufacture of beads had become a great industry
in the middle ages, and had extended even to China and Japan, whence
the products may have spread contemporaneously with the pottery. [87]

We have seen that, for the most part, the life, customs, and beliefs
which appear in our reconstruction of "the first times" agrees
closely with present conditions; certain things which seem formerly
to have been of prime importance--such as the sending of a betel-nut
covered with gold to invite guests to a festival or ceremony--appear
to have their echo in present conditions. The betel-nut which played
such a momentous part in the old times still holds its place in the
rituals of the many ceremonies, although it is not now much used in
daily life. The magic of to-day is less powerful than formerly, but is
still a tremendous force. The communication of the ancient people with
other members of the animate world, as well as with the inanimate and
spiritual, and their metamorphosis into animals and the like, offers
nothing strange or inconsistent to the people of to-day. They even now
talk to jars, they converse with spirits who come to them through the
bodies of their mediums, and people only recently deceased are known to
have had the power of changing themselves, at will, into other forms.

In short, there is no sharp break between the mode of thought of to-day
and that exhibited in the folklore. It is true that the tales give
sanction to some things not in agreement with Tinguian usage--such,
for instance, as the marriage of relatives, or the method of disposing
of the dead--and it may be that we have here a remembrance of customs
which long ago fell into disuse.

In a previous paper  [88] the writer showed that there have been many
migrations into Abra from the north, south, and west. A part of the
emigrants have become thoroughly amalgamated with the Tinguian people
and have doubtless introduced some part of their material culture
and beliefs. This helps us to understand such conflicts as we have
already noted in regard to the place held by thunder and lightning
in the spirit world, as to the future abode of the spirits of the
departed, as well as other discrepancies which the limits of this
paper have prevented us from discussing.

It is not impossible that those customs of "the first times," which
are at variance with those of to-day, may represent older ideas which
have been swamped, or, on the other hand, the memory of the strange
customs once practiced by the emigrants may have caused them to be
attributed to the people of the tales.

Finally, we believe that a study of Tinguian mythology has shown us
that we can gain a real knowledge of the past of a people through
their folklore; that we can secure an insight into their mental life;
and can learn something of the valuation they attach to certain of
their activities and beliefs, which to us may seem at the surface
trite and trivial.



ABSTRACTS


I


1

Two women are gathering greens when a vine wraps around one and
carries her to the sky. She is placed near to spring, the sands of
which are rare beads. Small house near by proves to be home of the
sun. Woman hides until owner goes into sky to shine, then goes to
house and prepares food. Breaks up fish stick and cooks it. It becomes
fish. Single grain of rice cooked in pot the size of a "rooster's egg"
becomes sufficient for her meal. Goes to sleep in house. Sun returns
and sees house which appears to be burning. Investigates and finds
appearance of flames comes from beautiful woman. Starts to prepare
food, but awakens visitor. She vanishes. Each day sun finds food
cooked for him. Gets big star to take his place in sky; returns home
unexpectedly and surprises woman. They chew betel-nut together and
tell their names. The quids turn to agate beads, showing them to be
related, and thus suitable for marriage. Each night sun catches fish,
but woman refuses it, and furnishes meat by cooking fish stick.

Woman decides to go with husband on daily journey through sky. When
in middle of heavens she turns to oil. Husband puts her in a bottle
and drops it to earth. Bottle falls in woman's own town, where she
resumes old form and tells false tale of her absence. She becomes
ill, asks mother to prick her little finger. Mother does so and
child pops out. Child grows each time it is bathed. Girl refuses to
divulge name of child's father. Parents decide to celebrate balaua
and invite all people. Send out oiled betel-nuts covered with gold to
invite guests. When one refuses, nut begins to grow on his knee or
prized animal until invitation is accepted. Child is placed by gate
of town in hopes it will recognize its father. Gives no sign until
sun appears, then goes to it. Sun appears as round stone. Girl's
parents are angry because of her choice of a husband and send her
away without good clothes or ornaments.

Sun, wife and child return home. Sun assumes form of man. They
celebrate balaua and invite all their relatives. Guests chew betel-nuts
and the quid of the sun goes to that of Pagbokásan, so it is known
that the latter is his father. Parents of sun pay marriage price to
girl's people.




2

Aponibolinayen who is very ill expresses a desire for mangoes
which belong to Algaba of Dalaga. Her brother dispatches two men
with presents to secure them. One carries an earring, the other an
egg. On way egg hatches and soon becomes a rooster which crows. They
spread a belt on the water and ride across the river. When they bathe,
the drops of water from their bodies turn to agate beads. Find way
to Algaba's house by following the row of headbaskets, which reaches
from the river to his dwelling. Defensive fence around the town is
made up of boa constrictors, which sleep as they pass. Algaba seizes
his spear and headaxe intending to kill the visitors, but weapons
shed tears of oil. He takes other weapons, but they weep tears of
blood. He then makes friends of the intruders. Learning their mission
he refuses their gifts, but gets fruit and returns with them to their
town. On way he uses magic and causes the death of Aponibolinayen. He
takes her in his arms and restores her to life. While she rests in his
arms, their rings exchange themselves. They chew betel-nuts and tell
their names. The quids turn to agate beads and lie in rows. This is
good sign. They marry and go to Algaba's town. They celebrate Sayang
and send betel-nuts to invite their relatives. When the guests cross
the river, the drops of water which run from their bodies are agate
beads and stones of the river are of gold. Guests all chew betel-nut
and lay down their quids. By arrangement of quids they learn the true
parents of Algaba. His brother-in-law wishes to marry his new found
sister and offers an engagement present. An earring is put in a jar
and it is at once filled with gold, but Algaba lifts his eyebrows and
half of the gold vanishes. Another earring is put in jar, and it is
again full. Marriage price is paid later.


3

Aponitolau falls in love with girl he meets at the spring. They
chew betel-nuts and tell their names. Girl gives false name and
vanishes. Aponitolau sends his mother to arrange for his marriage
with the girl. She wears a hat which is like a bird, and it gives
her a bad sign, but she goes on. She crosses river by using her
belt as a raft. The girl's parents agree to the match and price
to be paid. Girl accepts a little jar and agate beads as engagement
present. When Aponitolau goes to claim bride, he finds he is betrothed
to wrong girl. His parents celebrate Sayang and invite many people,
hoping to learn identity of girl at spring. She does not attend,
but Aponitolau finds her among betel-nuts brought him by the spirit
helpers. They chew betel-nuts and learn they are related and that
both possess magical power.

After their marriage Aponitolau goes to his field. There he keeps
many kinds of jars which act like cattle. He feeds them with lawed
leaves and salt. While he is gone, the woman to whom he was first
betrothed kills his new wife. He restores her to life. Takes her and
her parents to the field to see him feed his jars.


4

A bird directs Aponitolau in his search for the maiden Asibowan. Girl
furnishes him with food by cooking a fish stick. They have a daughter
who grows one span each time she is bathed. Aponitolau discovers that
his parents are searching for him, and determines to go home. Asibowan
refuses to accompany him, but uses magic and transfers him and child
to his town.

Aponitolau falls in love with girl he sees bathing, and his mother
goes to consult her parents. She crosses river by using her belt as a
raft; when she bathes, the drops of water from her body become agate
beads. The girl's people agree to the marriage and accept payment
for her.

Aponitolau and his bride celebrate Sayang and send out betel-nuts to
invite the guests. Asibowan refuses to attend, but a betel-nut grows
on her pig until, out of pity, she consents.

After the ceremony the brother of the bride turns himself into a
firefly and follows her new sister-in-law. Later he again assumes
human form and secures her as his wife.


5

The mother of Gawigawen is well received when she goes to seek a
wife for her son. The girl's mother furnishes fish by breaking and
cooking the fish stick. A day is set for payment of the marriage
price. Guests assemble and dance. When bride dances she is so beautiful
that sunshine vanishes, water from the river comes up into the town
and fish bite her heels. When she arrives at her husband's home, she
finds sands and grass of spring are made up of beads, and the walk
and place to set jars are large plates. Her husband cuts off head of
an old man and a new spring appears; his blood becomes beads and his
body a great shade tree. Bride who has not yet seen the face of her
husband is misled by evil tales of jealous women, and believes him
to be a monster. During night she turns to oil, slips through floor
and escapes. In jungle she meets rooster and monkey, who tell her she
is mistaken and advise her to return home. She continues her way and
finally reaches ocean. Is carried across by a carabao which at once
informs its master of the girl's presence.

The master comes and meets girl. They chew betel-nut, and the quids
turn to agate beads, so they marry.

They make Sayang and send betel-nuts to summon relatives. Nuts grow
on pet pigs of those who refuse to go.

Guests are carried across river by betel-nuts. During dance Gawigawen
recognizes his lost wife and seizes her. Is speared to death by the
new husband, but is later brought back to life. In meantime the alan
(spirits) inform the parents of the new groom that he is their child
(from menstrual blood). Parents repay Gawigawen for his lost bride,
and also make payment to the girl's family.


6

The enemies of Aponibolinayen, thinking her without the protection
of a brother, go to fight her. She glances off their spears with
her elbows. Her weapons kill all but Ginambo, who agrees to continue
fight in one month.

Aponigawani has a similar experience with her enemies. A month later
the two women meet as they go to continue the fight against their
foes. They chew betel-nut, and quid of Aponibolinayen is covered with
gold and that of her companion becomes an agate bead. They agree to aid
each other. Go to fight and are hard pressed by foes. Spirit helpers
go to summon aid of two men who turn out to be their brothers--were
miscarriage children who had been raised by the alan. They go to
aid sisters and kill so many people that pig troughs are floating in
blood. One puts girls inside belt. They kill all the enemies and send
their heads and plunder to the girls' homes. Brothers take girls to
their parents. Father and mother of Aponigawani celebrate balaua and
summon guests by means of oiled betel-nuts covered with gold. Guests
chew betel-nut and spittle of children goes to that of parents,
so relationship is established. Alan explain how they raised the
miscarriage children. Heads of enemies are placed around the town
and people dance for one month. Aponibolinayen marries brother of
Aponigawani, who in turn marries the brother of her friend. Usual
celebration and payments made. Relatives receive part of price paid
for brides.


7

Aponitolau dons his best garments, takes his headaxe and spear,
and goes to fight. When he reaches the spring which belongs to the
ten-headed giant Giambólan, he kills all the girls, who are there
getting water, and takes their heads. The giant in vain tries to
injure him. Spear and headaxe of Aponitolau kill the giant and all
the people of his town and cut off their heads. Heads are sent in
order to hero's town--giants' heads first, then men's, and finally
women's. On return journey Aponitolau is followed by enemies. He
commands his flint and steel to become a high bank which prevents
his foes from following. Upon his arrival home a great celebration
is held; people dance, and skulls are placed around the town.


8

Aponitolau and his wife decide to celebrate Sayang, but he goes first
to take the head of old man Ta-odan. He uses magic and arrives at once
where foe lives. They fight and Ta-odan is beheaded. While Aponitolau
is gone, an Ilocano comes to town and tries to visit his wife. She at
first refuses to see him, but when he returns a needle she has dropped
he puts a love charm on it. She then receives him into house. He
remains until Aponitolau returns, then leaves so hastily he forgets
his belt of gold. Woman hides belt in rice granary, but it reveals
self by shining like fire. Aponitolau is suspicious and determines
to find owner. As guests arrive for the celebration, he tries belt
on each until he finds right one. He cuts off his head and it flies
at once to his wife's breasts and hangs there. She flees with her
children. They reach town, which is guarded by two kinds of lightning,
but they are asleep and let them pass. They sleep in the balaua and are
discovered by the owner of the place, who turns out to be an afterbirth
brother of the woman. He removes the head of the dead Ilocano from
her breasts. Betel-nuts are sent to summon their father and mother,
who are surprised to learn of their afterbirth son. He returns home
with them. Aponitolau fails to be reconciled to his faithless wife.


9

Ayo is hidden by her brother, but meets Dagdagalisit, who is fishing,
and becomes pregnant. Child pops out between third and fourth fingers
when Ayo has her hand pricked. Baby objects to first name; so is called
Kanag. Milk from Ayo's breasts falls on her brother's legs while she is
lousing him, and he thus learns of the child. He determines to build a
balaua and invite all people, so he may learn who the father is. Sends
out oiled betel-nuts to invite the guests and when one refuses to
attend they grow on him or his pet pig. Dagdagalisit attends wearing
only a clout of dried banana leaves. Brother of Ayo is enraged at her
match and sends her and the baby away with her poor husband. When
they arrive at her new home, Ayo finds her husband a handsome  man
who lives in a golden house, and whose spring has gravel of gold
and agates. They summon their relatives to celebrate balaua with
them. While Ayo's brother is dancing, her husband cuts off his head,
but he is brought back to life. Ayo's husband pays her parents for her,
but half the payment vanishes when her mother raises eyebrows. Husband
again completes payment. They chew betel-nut and the quids of the
children go to those of their parents. Dagdagalisit's parents learn
he is a miscarriage child who was cared for by the alan (spirits).


10

Aponibalagen uses magic to create a residence in the ocean for his
sister. Takes her and companions there on backs of crocodiles. Returns
home.

Ingiwan who is walking is confronted by high bank and is forced to
cross the ocean. Rides on his headaxe past the sleeping crocodiles
which guard the maiden. Turns self into firefly and reaches
girl. Assumes own form and chews betel-nut with her. Omens are good. He
returns home and soon maiden is troubled with intense itching between
her last fingers. She has place pricked, and baby boy pops out. Child
grows one span at each bath. Aponibalagen learns of child when milk
from sister's breasts falls on him. He takes her home and prepares to
celebrate balaua. Oiled betel-nuts are sent to summon guests. They
grow on knees of those who refuse to attend. Ingiwan, poorly clad,
appears at the ceremony and is recognized by the child but not by its
mother. Girl's brother, in rage, sends her away with the stranger. He
assumes own form and proves to be handsome and wealthy. When they
celebrate balaua, they chew betel-nut and thus learn who are his
true parents.


11

When Aponitolau goes to visit his cousin, he finds him celebrating
Sayang. He is incensed because no invitation has reached him,
so sits in shade of tree near the spring instead of going up to
the village. He finds the switch lost by Aponibolinayen. He is
induced to attend the ceremony, where he meets with an old enemy,
and they fight. The hawk sees the struggle and reports the death
of Aponitolau to his sister. She sends her companions to avenge the
death and they kill many people before they learn that the hawk was
mistaken. Aponitolau restores the slain to life. He agrees to fight
his enemies in two months. Before he goes to battle he summons the old
men and women, and has them examine a pig's liver and gall. The omens
are favorable. During the fight he becomes thirsty and his headaxe
supplies him with water.  He stops the slaughter of his enemies when
they agree to pay him one hundred valuable jars. The jars and heads
of the slain take themselves to his home. A celebration is held over
the heads, and skulls are exhibited around the town.

Aponitolau goes to return the switch of Aponibolinayen. They
chew betel-nuts and tell their names. Their finger rings exchange
themselves, while their betel quids turn to agate beads and arrange
themselves in lines--a sign of relationship. He cooks a stick and
it becomes a fish. The girl vanishes, but Aponitolau turns himself
into a firefly and finds her. They remain together one night, then
he departs. On his way home he is seized by an immense bird which
carries him to an island guarded by crocodiles. He is forced to marry
a woman also captured by the bird.

Aponibolinayen gives birth to a child called Kanag. Child is delivered
when an itching spot on mother's little finger is pricked. Kanag is
kept in ignorance of father's fate until informed by an old woman
whom he has angered. He goes in search of his father. By using power
of the betel-nut he is enabled to cross the water on the backs of
sleeping crocodiles. He kills gigantic snakes and finally the bird
which had carried away his father. He takes father and the captive
woman back home. Both women claim Aponitolau as husband. A test is
held and Aponibolinayen wins.


12

Pregnant woman expresses desire for fruit of bolnay tree. Her husband
asks what it is she wishes, and she falsely tells him fish roe. He
uses magic to catch all fish in the river, and selects one with roe,
releases others. She throws it to the dogs, and tells husband it is
the liver of a deer she needs. He secures it, but when it likewise is
fed to the dogs, he changes self into an ant and hides near wife until
he learns her real wish. He secures the bolnay fruit, but upon his
return allows his sweethearts to get all but a small piece of it. His
wife eats the bit left and desires more. She quarrels with husband,
who in rage drags her to the bolnay tree and places her in a hole. Her
child Kanag is born when an itching spot between her third and fourth
fingers is pricked. Child grows with each bath. He agrees to go with
other boys to fight. Plants a lawed vine which is to keep his mother
informed as to his condition. Child's father is with war party, but
does not recognize son. It rains continually so party cannot cook;
but the spirit helpers of child's mother feed him, and he shares food
with companions. They plan ambush near enemies' town. Kanag cuts off
head of a pretty girl; his companions kill an old man and woman. They
return home  and hold dance around the heads. When Kanag dances, earth
trembles, coconuts fall, water from river enters the town, and the fish
lap his feet. His father is jealous and cuts off his head. His mother
sees lawed vine wilt and knows of son's death. Informs her husband
he has killed son. She restores Kanag to life and they leave. Husband
tries to follow, but magic growth of thorns in trail prevents. He is
finally reconciled to his family and has former sweethearts killed.


13

A pregnant woman desires the fruit of an orange tree which belongs
to the six-headed giant Gawigawen. Her husband asks her what it is
she desires and she replies falsely; first, that she wishes a certain
fruit, then fish roe, and finally deer liver. He secures each, taking
the roe and liver out of the fish and deer without causing their
death. Each of the articles makes the woman vomit, so her husband
knows that she is not satisfied. Transforming self into a centipede he
hides until he learns her real wish. Arms self and starts on perilous
mission, but first plants lawed vine in house. By condition of vine
wife is to know of his safety or death.

On way small dog bites him; he is tested by lightning and by thunder,
and in each case gets a bad sign, but continues journey. Sails over
ocean on his headaxe. Reaches cliff on which the town of the giant
is placed, but is unable to scale it. Chief of spiders spins a web
on which he climbs. Giant promises him the fruit provided he eats
whole carabao. Chiefs of ants and flies calls their followers and eat
animal for him. Is allowed to pick fruit, but branches of tree are
sharp knives on which he is cut. He puts two of oranges on his spear
and it flies away to his home. He dies and lawed vine at his house
withers. Giant uses his skin to cover end of drum, puts his hair on
roof of house and places his head at gate of town. Wife gives birth to
child, which grows one span each time it is bathed. While still very
small child angers old woman who tells him of his father's fate. Child
determines to go in search of father despite mother's protests. On
journey he meets all the tests put to his father, but always receives
good signs. Jumps over cliff father had climbed on the spider web. He
challenges giant to fight and shows valor by refusing to be the first
to use his weapons. Giant unable to injure him, for he first becomes
an ant, then vanishes. He throws his spear and it goes through giant,
while his headaxe cuts off five of adversary's heads. Spares last
head so it can tell him where to find his father. Collects father's
body together and restores it to life. Lawed vine at their home
revives. Father tries to cut off last head of giant, but fails;
son succeeds easily. They send the headaxes to kill all people in
town. Slaughter is so great the father swims in blood, but son stands
on it. Both return home and hold a great celebration over the heads.

The father's spittle is lapped up by a frog which becomes
pregnant. Frog gives birth to baby girl which is carried away by
anitos. Girl is taught to make dawak (the duties of a medium). Her
half brother hears her, changes self into a bird and visits her in
the sky. Is hidden in a caldron to keep anitos from eating him. Tries
to persuade sister to return with him. She promises to go when their
father celebrates balaua. The ceremony is held and girl attends. Is
so beautiful all young men try to obtain her. They are so persistent
that brother returns her to sky where she still lives and aids women
who make dawak.


14

Aponitolau and his wife plant sugar cane, and by use of magic cause
it to grow rapidly. The daughter of the big star sees the cane and
desires to chew it. She goes with her companions and steals some of
the cane, which they chew in the field. Aponitolau hides near by
and sees stars fall into the cane patch. He observes one take off
her dress and become a beautiful woman. He sits on her garment and
refuses to give it up until they chew betel-nut together. The star
girl falls in love with him and compels him to return with her to
the sky. Five months later she has a child which comes out from space
between her last two fingers. Aponitolau persuades her to allow him
to visit the earth. He fails to return at agreed time, and stars are
sent to fetch him. He returns to the sky, but visits the earth again,
eight months later. Earth wife bears him a child and they celebrate
Sayang. Sky child attends and later marries an earth maiden.


15

The wife of Aponitolau refuses to comb his hair; so he has another
woman do it. She, in turn, refuses to cut betel-nut for him to
chew. While doing it for himself he is cut on his headaxe. The blood
flows up into the air, and does not cease until he vanishes. Ceremonies
made  for him are without avail.

Aponitolau finds himself up in the air country. He meets maiden who
is real cause of his plight. They live together and have a child
which grows every time it is bathed. Aponitolau takes boy down to
earth to visit his half brother. While there the tears of the mother
above fall on her son and hurt him. They celebrate Sayang and the sky
mother attends. After it is over the half brothers marry earth girls.





16

Ayo gives birth to three little pigs. Husband is ashamed, and while
wife is at the spring he places the animals in a basket and hangs it in
a tree. Basket is found by old woman, Alokotán, who takes it home. Pigs
soon turn into boys. When grown they go to court the girls while they
spin. Ayo hears of their visits and goes where they are. Milk from her
breasts goes to their mouths and thus proves her to be their mother.

They celebrate balaua. Ayo puts one grain of rice in each of twelve
jars and they are at once filled with rice. Betel-nuts summon the
people to attend the ceremony. The old woman Alokotán attends and the
whole story of the children's birth and change to human form comes out.


17

Dumalawi makes love to his father's concubines who openly show
their preference for the son. The father plans to do away with
the youth. Gets him drunk and has storm carry him away. Dumalawi
awakens in center of a large field. He causes betel trees to grow,
then cuts the nuts into bits and scatters them on the ground. The
pieces of nut become people who are his neighbors. He falls in love
with daughter of one of these people and marries her. They celebrate
Sayang and send out oiled betel-nuts to invite the guests. All
guests, except Dumalawi's father, are carried across river on the
back of a crocodile. Animal at first dives and refuses to carry him,
but finally does so. All drink from a small jar which still remains a
third full. Parents of Dumalawi pay the usual marriage price for girl,
but her mother insists on more. Has spider spin web around the town,
and groom's mother has to cover it with golden beads.


18

While two women are bathing, blood from their bodies is carried
down stream. Two alan secure the drops of blood and place them in
dishes. Each drop turns into a baby boy. Boys go to fight and kill many
people at the spring. They challenge a ten-headed giant. He is unable
to injure them, but their weapons kill him and his neighbors. Heads of
the victors take themselves to homes of the boys. A storm transports
the giant's house. Boys trample on town of the enemy and it becomes
like the ocean. They use magic and reach home in an instant. Hold
celebration over the heads. Some guests bring beautiful girls hidden
in their belts. Alan tell history of lads and restore them to their
people. One of boys falls in love and his parents negotiate match
for him. The payment for the girl is valuable things sufficient to
fill balaua eighteen times, and other gifts in her new home.


19

Kanag is lead by his hunting dog to a small house in the jungle. Girl
who lives there hides, but appears on second day. They chew betel-nuts
and tell their names. The quids turn to agate beads and lie in order,
showing them to be related and hence suitable for marriage. They
remain in forest two years and have children. Kanag uses magical power
and transfers their house to his home town during night. Children
see sugar cane which they wish to chew. Kanag goes to secure it,
and while away his mother visits his wife and abuses her. She becomes
ill and dies. Kanag tries to kill his mother, but fails. Puts body of
wife on a golden raft, places golden rooster on it and sets afloat
on the river. Rooster crows and proclaims ownership whenever raft
passes a village. Old woman Alokotán secures raft before it vanishes
into the hole where river ends. Revives the girl. Kanag and children
reach home of Alokotán, and girl is restored to them. They celebrate
balaua and send betel-nuts covered with gold to invite relatives. When
guests arrive, they chew betel-nut and learn that Kanag and his wife
are cousins. Kanag's parents pay marriage price, which is the balaua
filled nine times with jars. Girl's mother raises eyebrows and half
of jars vanish. Balaua is again filled. Guests dance and feast. Part
of marriage price given to guests.


20

Kanaa's sweetheart desires the perfume of Baliwán and promises to
fulfill his desires if he secures it for her. Gives him arm beads
from left arm in token of her sincerity.

Kanag and a companion set out on mission but are warned, first by a jar
and later by a frog, not to continue. They disregard the advice and go
on. They reach the tree on which perfume grows, and Kanag climbs up and
breaks off a branch. He turns into a great snake, and his companion
flees. Snake appears to Langa-ayan and proves its identity by the
arm beads around its neck. She takes it to a magic well, the waters
of which cause the snake skin to peel off, and the boy is restored
to his own form. Kanag marries Amau, and when they celebrate balaua
he returns the bracelet to his former sweetheart. His parents fill
the balaua nine times with valuable articles, in payment for his bride.




21

Kanag is sent to watch the mountain rice, although it is well
protected from wild pigs. Thinks parents do not care for him,
is despondent. Changes self into an omen bird and accompanies his
father when he goes to fight. Father obeys signs and secures many
heads from his enemies. He holds a great celebration over the heads,
but Kanag refuses to attend. Decides to go down to earth to eat
certain fruits. Parents order their spirit helpers to accompany him
and dissuade him if possible. They show him a beautiful girl with
whom he falls in love. He assumes human form and meets her. They
chew betel-nut and tell their names. Signs are favorable for their
marriage. His parents agree to fill the balaua nine times with various
kinds of jars. They do so, but mother of girl raises eyebrows and half
of jars vanish and have to be replaced. Girl's mother demands that
golden beads be strung on a spider web which surrounds the town. This
is done, but web does not break. Girl's mother hangs on thread which
still holds. She then agrees to the marriage. Guests dance and then
return home, each carrying some of the jars.


22

While Ligi is bathing in river his headband flies away and alights
on the skirt of a maiden who is bathing further down stream. The girl
carries the headband home and soon finds herself pregnant. The child
is born when she has the space between her third and fourth fingers
pricked. With each bath the child grows a span and soon becomes so
active that he hinders mother at her work. She decides to put him with
his father during daytime. Uses magic and causes people of the town to
sleep while she places child beside father. Ligi awakes and finds child
and his headband beside him. Child refuses to answer questions. Mother
secures child at nightfall and repeats acts next day. Child is hidden,
so she fails to get him. Ligi determines to learn who mother of child
is; sends out oiled betel-nuts covered with gold to invite all people
to a Sayang. When summoned, the mother refuses to go until a betel-nut
grows on her knee and compels her. She goes disguised as a Negrito, but
is recognized by the child who nurses from her while she is drunk. Ligi
suspects her, and with a knife cuts off her black skin. Learns she is
child's mother and marries her. He divorces his wife Aponibolinayen,
who marries husband of Gimbagonan. The latter poisons her rival,
but later restores her, when threatened by her husband.



23

A flock of birds offer to cut rice for Ligi. He agrees, and goes
home with a headache. Birds use magic so that the rice cutters work
alone, and the tying bands tie themselves around the bundles. The
birds each take one grain of rice in payment. They use magic again
so that bundles of rice take themselves to the town. Ligi invites
them to a ceremony, and then follows them home. He sees them remove
their feathers and become one girl. They go back to the celebration,
where all chew betel-nut. Girl's quid goes to those of her parents,
from whom she had been stolen by the spirit Kaboniyan. The parents
of Ligi pay the usual marriage price for the girl.


24

When the husband of Dolimáman pricks an itching spot between her third
and fourth fingers, a baby boy pops out. Child who is called Kanag
grows each time he is bathed. While his wife is away the father puts
child on a raft and sets it afloat on the river. Child is rescued
by old woman Alokotán, who is making a pool in which sick and dead
are restored to health. Boy plays on nose flute which tells him
about his mother, but he does not understand. Plays on bunkaka with
same result. Mother who is searching her child passes by while he is
playing. Milk from her breasts goes to his mouth, and she recognizes
him. They stay with old woman despite pleading of husband.


25

Awig sends his daughter to watch the mountain rice. She stays in
a high watch house, but is found by tattooed Igorot, who cut her
body in two and take her head. Father goes to seek her murderers,
but first plants a lawed vine in the house; by its condition his wife
is to know of his safety or death. He climbs high tree and looks in
all directions. Sees Igorot, who are dancing around the head of his
daughter. He takes juice from the poison tree and goes to the dance,
where he is mistaken for a companion. He serves liquor to others and
poisons them. Takes daughter's head and starts home. Is followed by
four enemies. Uses magic and causes cogon field to burn, so foes are
delayed. Repeats this several times and finally escapes. He joins
head and body of his daughter, and old woman Alokotán puts saliva
on cuts and revives her. Old woman places four sticks in the ground
and they become a balaua. Betel-nuts are sent out to invite guests
and many come. When the girl dances with her lover, the water comes
up knee deep into the town and they have to stop. She is engaged and
her lover's parents fill the balaua three times with valuable gifts,
in payment for her. Half of gifts vanish, when her mother raises her
eyebrows, and are replaced.

Her husband discovers the scar on her body where Igorot had cut
her. Takes her to magic well where she bathes. Scars vanish.


26

The mother of Dumanágan negotiates marriage for her son with
Aponibolinayen. Brother of girl puts her in his belt and carries
her to place where agreement is made. When they reach gate of town,
young girls offer them cakes, in order to take away bad signs seen on
road. Boy's parents pay for girl and they marry. She gives birth to son
named Asbinan. He marries Asigowan, but his jealous concubines cause
her to cut her finger and she dies. Her body is placed in a tabalang on
which a rooster sits, and is set afloat on the river. Crowing of the
cock causes old woman Alokotán to rescue the corpse. She places it in
her magic well and the girl is again alive and beautiful. She returns
to her husband as a bird; is caught by him and then resumes own form.


27

Baby of four months hears his father tell of his youthful
exploits. Decides to go on head hunt despite protests of parents. Is
detained on his trip by young alan girls. Finally reaches Igorot town
and by means of magic kills all the people and takes their heads. Heads
take themselves to his home. On way back he plays bamboo jew's harp
and it summons his brothers to come and see him. They chew betel-nut
and make sure of relationship. Continuing his journey, he is twice
lost. Finds an unknown sister hiding among lawed vines. Puts her in
his belt and carries her home. Upon his arrival a celebration is held
and the new found brothers and sister, who had been stolen by alan,
are restored to parents.


28

The mother and caretaker of Asbinan try to arrange for him to marry
Dawinisan, but are refused. Asbinan goes to the girl's home and feigns
sickness. Is cared for by the girl, who becomes infatuated with him
and accepts his suit. His parents pay jars and gold--in the shape of
deer--for her.


29

Asbinan refuses to eat until his father secures fish roe. He then
demands Chinese dishes from the coast town of Vigan. When these are
supplied, he eats, and then demands the love charm which his father
used when a young man. He goes to the place where the maidens are
spinning, and when one offers to give him a light for his pipe,
he blows smoke in her face. The charm acts and she becomes ill. He
convinces her people that the only way she can be cured is by marrying
him. Her parents accept payment for the girl.


30

Tolagan decides to visit certain places in Pangasinan. He rides on
a pinto pony and carries rice cakes as provisions. At the spring in
Kaodanan he meets a beautiful maiden who warns him to return home,
because the birds have given him a bad sign. He returns only to find
that his wife has been stolen by the spirit Kaboniyan. He fails to
find her, but is comforted by winning a new bride (probably the girl
of Kaodanan).


31

Two girls are adopted by a rich man, who treats them as his daughters,
except that he does not offer them bracelets or rings. They dress as
men and go to see a jeweler. Two young men suspect and follow them,
but they succeed in escaping and return home.

The spirit helpers of the youths take the forms of hawks and finally
locate the maidens, whom they carry away. The youths plan to marry
the girls and invite many friends to the celebration. Kanag and
his companion attend, become enamored with the brides and steal
them. Upon chewing betel-nuts they learn that they are related,
so they are married.


II


32

The Ipogau who are trying to celebrate Sayang make errors. The
spirit Kadaklan and his wife instruct them to go and watch the Sayang
at Sayau. They do as bidden and after learning all the details return
home and perform the ceremony. The chief spirits are pleased and
cause the lesser spirits to attend the ceremony when summoned by the
medium. The sick improve.


33

The people who are conducting the Dawak ceremony fail to do it
properly. Kaboniyan (a spirit) goes down and instructs them. After
that they are able to cure the sick.



34

The spirits of Dadaya notice that their feather headdresses have
lost their lustre. They place them on the house of some mortals,
who at once become ill. The spirit Kaboniyan instructs them to make
the Pala-an ceremony. They obey, the feathers regain their brightness
and the people recover.


35

The father who is starting for a head-dance agrees to meet his wife
and baby at sun down. When he reaches the agreed spot, he finds only
their hats; he looks down and sees them in the ground. He tries in
vain to get them out. The spirit Kaboniyan instructs him to perform
the Ibal ceremony. He does so and receives his wife and child.


36

The spirit Ináwen, who lives in the sea, sends her servants to spread
sickness. They kill many people who fail to make the Sangásang
ceremony. A man is disturbed at night by barking of dogs, goes to
door and meets a big spirit which has nine heads. Spirit tells him
how to make the offering in Sangásang. He follows directions and
spirits carry gift to their mistress. She mistakes the blood of a
rooster for that of human beings. Is displeased with the taste and
orders spirits to stop killing.


37

The spirit Maganáwan sends his servants to secure the blood of a
rooster mixed with rice. People see many snakes and birds near gate
of town. They make the ceremony Sangásang and offer blood and
rice. The servants of Maganáwan carry the offering to him. He takes
it in his mouth and spits it out, and in the same way the sickness is
removed from the mortals.


38

The people who are digging holes for house poles get a bad sign from
the omen bird. They abandon the place and dig again. The deer gives a
bad sign, then the snake, then different birds. They change locations
many times, but at last ignore the signs and complete the house. The
family are continually in trouble and are ill.

The spirit Kaboniyan goes to see the sick persons; he lets his spear
drop through the house, and then tells them the cause of the trouble
is that they have failed to make Sangásang. He instructs them what
to do, and when they obey all become well.



39

The different parts of the house quarrel and each insists on its
importance. At last they recognize how necessary each one is for
the other and cease their wrangling; then the people who live in the
house are again in good health.


40

The great spirit sees the people of Bisau celebrating the Ubaya
ceremony, and determines to reward them by increasing their worldly
goods. He appears as a man and rewards them.


41

Dayapán, who has been ill for seven years, goes to bathe. The spirit
Kaboniyan enters her body and instructs her how to perform healing
ceremonies. He also teaches her how to plant and reap, and she in
turn teaches the Tinguian. While she is bathing she ties a cock and
dog by the water side. The dog eats the cock, and thus death comes
into the world.


42

Girl who lacks certain organs is ashamed to marry. She is sent by her
mother to cause lameness to people who pass. A man who falls victim
to her magic is only cured when the girl instructs him how to make
the Bawi ceremony.


43

The spirit Kaboniyan instructs a sick man to make offerings at the
guardian stones. He does as bidden and becomes well. They perform
ceremonies near the stones when they go to fight or celebrate balaua,
and sometimes the spirit of the stones appears as a wild rooster, a
white cock, or a white dog. A man who defiles the stones becomes crazy.


44

Man sees a woman walking at night near the guardian stones. She
refuses to talk and he cuts her in the thigh. She vanishes into the
stones. Next day it is seen that one of the stones is cut. Man dies.


45

The old men of Lagayan see peculiarly shaped stones traveling down the
river, accompanied by a band of blackbirds. They catch the stones and
carry them to the gate of the village, where they have since remained
as guardians.



46

The spirit Ibwa visits a funeral and is given some of the juices,
coming from the dead body, to drink. Since then he always tries to eat
the body of the dead unless prevented. He is accompanied by another
evil spirit whose embrace causes the living to die.


47

A widow leaves the town before the period of mourning for her husband
is past. The spirit appears first to the daughter-in-law and is fed
by her, then asks for his wife. He goes to the place where she is
watching the corn and sleeps with her. She apparently becomes pregnant,
but fails to be delivered, and dies.


48

Two men agree to hunt carabao the following morning. In the night one
dies, but the other not knowing this leaves the town and goes to the
appointed place. He meets the spirit of the dead man, and only saves
his life by running his horse all the way home.


49

A man and his wife are living near to their field when the husband
dies. An evil spirit comes to the door, but is driven away by the
wife w with a headaxe. Several evil spirits attempt to gain entrance;
then the chief comes. He breaks down the door; he cuts off the dead
man's ears and makes the woman chew them with him--like betel-nut. The
signs are propitious. He changes the woman's two breasts into one,
in the center of her chest, and takes her home.


50

A man, whose brother has just died, goes to hunt. He begins to cut
up the game when his brother's spirit appears. He feeds it, but food
comes out of its anus as fast as it eats. He flees and is pursued
by the spirit until, by chance, he runs among alangtin bushes. The
spirit dislikes the bush and leaves.


51

The people fail to put the banal vine and iron on the grave. An evil
spirit notices the omission and steals the body.


52

A man goes to hunt his carabao in the mountains. He fails to plant
branches at his head before he sleeps. A spirit expectorates on him,
and he soon dies.



53

Two men who have to sleep in the mountains make beds of sobosob
leaves. In the night they hear the evil spirits come and express
a desire to get them. Spirits dislike the leaves, so do not molest
the men.


54

Three hunters spend the night in the open. One covers himself with
a red and yellow striped blanket. In the night two spirits come and
think he is a little wild pig, and decide to eat him. The hunter
hears them and exchanges blankets with one of his companions. The
companion is eaten, and hence the kambaya, or striped blanket, is no
longer used on the trail.


55

The spirit Bayon steals a beautiful girl and carries her to the sky,
where he changes her breasts into one and marries her. She drops her
rice pounder to the earth, and thus her people learn of her fate. Both
she and her husband still attend certain ceremonies.


56

A hunter is carried away by a great bird. He is placed in the nest
with its young and aids in feeding them. When they are large, he
holds on to them, and jumps safely to the ground. He goes to fight
against his enemies. While he is gone his wife dies. Upon his return
he sees her spirit driving a cow and two pigs. He follows her to the
spirit's town and is hidden in a rice bin. When spirits try to get
him during the night, he repels them by throwing feathers. Feathers
become exhausted, and he is forced to return home.


57

A man encounters a large being, which, from its odor, he recognizes
as the spirit of a dead man. He runs to get his friends, and they
find the spot trampled like a carabao wallow.


58

The dead wife of Baluga harvests his rice during the nighttime. He
hides and captures her. They go together to the spirit town, in the
ground, and secure her spirit which is kept in a green bamboo cup. As
they are returning to the ground they are pursued, but Baluga cuts
the vine on which their pursuers are climbing. When they reach home,
they hold a great celebration.



59

An alan takes the afterbirth and causes it to become a real child
named Sayen. Afterbirth child marries a servant, thinking he has
married her mistress. Learns he is deceived, and causes death of his
wife; then kills many people in the town of the girl who has deceived
him. She gets him to desist, and after he revives some of the slain
marries him. People of neighboring town are troubled by the komau,
an evil spirit, who always causes the death of as many people as the
hunters have secured deer. Sayen kills the komau. He fights with the
great spirit Kaboniyan. Neither is able to overcome the other, so they
become friends. They fight together against their enemies. Sayen often
changes himself into a fish or chicken, and hides after a fight. This
is observed by people who set a trap and capture him. He is killed.


60

A man while in the woods hears the alan near him. He feigns death and
the spirits weep for him. They put gold and beads on the body. He
springs up and seizes the offerings. They demand the return of one
bead; he refuses, and the spirits burn his house.


61

Two men who have killed a wild pig desire fire. One goes to house of
an alan and tries to secure it while the spirit sleeps. She awakes
and goes with the man to the pig. Man carries liver of the animal back
to the baby alan. He eats the liver and then throws the child into a
caldron of hot water. He tells his companion what he has done, and they
climb a tree near the water. The alan discovers their hiding place by
seeing their reflection in the water. She climbs up, feet first, but
they cut the vine on which she is ascending, and she is killed. They
go to her house and secure a jar of beads and a jar of gold.


62

The flat earth is made by the spirit Kadaklan. He also makes the moon
and sun, which chase each other through the sky. The moon sometimes
nearly catches the sun, but becomes weary too soon. The stars are
stones, the lightning a dog.


63

A flood covers the land. Fire has no place to go, so enters bamboo,
stones and iron. It still lives there and can be driven out by those
who know how.



64

A man finds his rice field disturbed even though well fenced in. He
hides and in middle of night sees some big animals fly into it. He
seizes one and cuts off its wings. The animal turns out to be a mare
which is pregnant and soon has male offspring. The place where the
wings once grew are still to be seen on the legs of all horses.


65

A lazy man, who is planting corn, constantly leans on his planting
stick. It becomes a tail and he turns into a monkey.


66

A boy is too lazy to strip sugar cane for himself. His mother in anger
tells him to stick it up his anus. He does so and becomes a monkey.


67

A lazy girl pretends she does not know how to spin. Her companions,
in disgust, tell her to stick the spinning stick up her anus. She
does so and at once changes into a monkey.


68

A war party are unable to cross a swollen river. They wish to become
birds. Their wish is granted and they are changed to kalau, but they
are not able to resume the human forms. Those who wore the white
mourning bands, now have white heads.


69

A mother puts a basket over her lazy son. When she raises it a bird
flies away crying "sigakók" (lazy).


70

A young man who owns a rice field gets a new wife. He leaves her to
harvest the crop. She is discouraged over the prospect and wishes to
become a bird. Her wish is fulfilled, and she becomes a kakok.


71

The dog of Ganoway chases a deer into a cave. The hunter follows
and in the darkness brushes against shrubs which tinkle. He breaks
off some branches. Cave opens again on the river bank, and he finds
his dog and the dead deer at the entrance. He sees that fruits on
the branches he carries are agate beads. Returns, but fails to find
more. His townspeople go with him to seek the wonderful tree, but
part of the cave is closed by the spirit Kaboniyan who owns it.


72

The jar Magsawi formerly talked softly, but now is cracked and cannot
be understood. In the first times the dogs of some hunters chased the
jar and the men followed, thinking it to be a deer. The jar eluded
them until a voice from the sky informed the pursuers how it might
be caught. The blood of a pig was offered, as the voice directed,
and the jar was captured.


73

The sun and moon fight. Sun throws sand in moon's face and makes the
dark spots which are still visible.


74

A man who went with a war party is away so long that he does not
recognize his daughter when he returns. He embraces her when she meets
him at the town gate. In shame she changes herself into a coconut tree.


75

Two flying snakes once guarded the gap in the mountains by which the
Abra river reaches the sea. Two brave men attack them with banana
trunks. Their wings stick in the banana trees and they are easily
killed. The men are rewarded with gold made in the shape of deer
and horses.


76

A man named Tagápen, of Ilocos Norte, with his wife and child goes up
the Abra river on a raft. They stop at various towns and Tagápen goes
up to each while his wife comforts the child. They finally reached
Patok where they go to live in the balaua. They remain there teaching
the people many songs.


III


77

A turtle and a monkey go to plant bananas. The turtle places his in
the ground, but the monkey hangs his in a tree. Soon the tree of the
turtle has ripe fruit, but the monkey has none. Turtle asks monkey
to climb and secure the fruit. Monkey eats all but one banana, then
sleeps in the tree. Turtle plants sharp shells around the tree and
then frightens monkey which falls and is killed. Turtle sells his
flesh to other monkey and then chides them because they eat their
kind. Monkeys catch turtle and threaten first to cut and then to
burn him. He deceives them by showing them marks on his body. They
tie weight to him and throw him into the water. He reappears with a
fish. Monkeys try to imitate him and are drowned.


78

A turtle and lizard go to steal ginger. The lizard talks so loudly
he attracts the attention of the owner. The turtle hides, but the
lizard runs and is pursued by the man. The turtle enters the house
and hides under a coconut shell. When the man sits on the shell the
turtle calls. He cannot discover source of noise and thinks it comes
from his testicles. He strikes these with a stone and dies. The turtle
and the lizard see a bees' nest. The lizard hastens to get it and is
stung. They see a bird snare and turtle claims it as the necklace of
his father. Lizard runs to get it but is caught and killed.


79

A little bird calls many times for a boy to catch it. He snares it and
places it in a jar. Lad's grandmother eats the bird. He discovers the
theft, leaves home and gets a big stone to swallow him. The grandmother
gets horses to kick the stone, carabao to hook it, and chickens to
peck it, but without result. When thunder and her friends also fail,
she goes home without her grandson.


80

A frog, which is attached to a hook, lures a fish so that it is caught.


81

The five fingers are brothers. The thumb goes to get bamboo. He tries
to kiss the bamboo and his nose sticks. One by one the others go in
search of the missing but are captured in the same manner. The little
finger, which alone remains free, releases the others.


82

A carabao and a shell agree to race along the river. The carabao runs
swiftly, then pauses to call "shell." Another shell replies and the
carabao continues running. This is repeated many times until at last
the carabao falls dead.




83

A crab and a shell go to get wood. The crab pulls the rope on his load
so tightly that he breaks his big legs and dies. The shell finds his
friend dead and cries until he belches his own body out of the shell
and he dies.


84

A mosquito tells a man he would eat him were it not for his ears.


85

A messenger goes to negotiate a marriage. When he arrives he sees the
people nodding their heads as they suck meat out of shells. He returns
home without stating his mission, but reports an acceptance. Girl's
people are surprised when people come for pakálon.


86

A man sees people eating bamboo shoots, and is told they are eating
pagaldanen. He understands them to say aldan--"ladder," so he goes
home and cooks his bamboo ladder. Is ridiculed by his friends.


87

A man with heavily laden horse asks the length of a certain trip. Boy
replies, "If you go slowly, very soon; if you go fast, all day." The
man hurries so that coconuts keep falling off the load and have to
be replaced. It is dark when he arrives.


88

A woman eats the fruit belonging to crocodile and throws away the
rind. Crocodile sees her tooth marks and recognizes the offender. He
demands that she be given him to eat. Her people agree, but first
feed him a hot iron. He swallows it and dies.


89

A lazy man goes to cut bamboo, and a cat steals his cooked rice. He
catches the cat in a trap and takes it home. It becomes a fighting
cock. The man starts for a cock fight, and on the way is joined by a
crocodile, a deer, a mound of earth and a monkey. The rooster kills
all the other birds at the fight, then the crocodile wins a diving
contest, the deer a race, the mound of earth a wrestling match, and
the monkey excels all in climbing. The man wins much money in wagers
and buys a good house.




90

A spirit lets a man take his poncho which makes him invisible. He
goes to his wife who recognizes his voice and thinks him dead. He
takes off poncho and appears before her.


91

A fisherman is seized by a big bird which carries him to its nest. The
small birds try to eat him, but he seizes one in each hand and jumps
from the tree. He reaches the ground unhurt and returns home.






VITA


Fay-Cooper Cole

Born Plainwell, Michigan, August 8, 1881. Educated at University of
Southern California, Northwestern University, Chicago University,
Berlin University, Columbia University. B.S. Northwestern University,
1903.


Publications:

The Tinguian. Philippine Journal of Science, Vol. III, No. 4. 1908.

Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes of Northwestern
Luzon. Am. Anthro., Vol. II, No. 3. 1909.

The Bagobo of Davao Gulf. Philippine Journal of Science, Vol. VI,
No. 3. 1911.

Chinese Pottery in the Philippines. Pub. Field Mus. Nat. Hist.,
Vol. XII, No. 1. Chicago, 1912.

Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao. Pub. Field Mus. Nat. Hist.,
Vol. XII, No. 2. Chicago, 1913.

Traditions of the Tinguian. Pub. Field Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. XIV,
No. 1. Chicago, 1915.





NOTES

[1] Traditions of the Tinguian. (Pub. Field Museum of Natural
History. Anthro. Series, Vol. No. I. Chicago, 1915.)

[2] Men or women through whom the superior beings talk to
mortals. During ceremonies the spirits possess their bodies and govern
their language and actions. When not engaged in their calling, the
mediums take part in the daily activities of the village.

[3] See page 26.

[4] The initial portion of some of these names is derived from the
respectful term apo--"sir," and the attributive copulate ni; thus
the original form of Aponitolau probably was Apo ni Tolau, literally
"Sir, who is Tolau." However, the storytellers do not now appear to
divide the names into their component parts, and they frequently
corrected the writer when he did so, for this reason such names
appear in the text as single words. Following this explanation it
is possible that the name Aponibolinayen may be derived from Apo ni
bolan yan, literally "Sir (mistress) who is place where the moon";
but bolan generally refers to the space of time between the phases
of the moon rather than to the moon itself. The proper term for moon
is sinag, which we have seen is the mother of Gaygayóma--a star,--and
is clearly differentiated from Aponibolinayen.

[5] [male]--male. [female]--female.

[6] Occasionally the storytellers become confused and give Pagbokásan
as the father of Aponitolau.

[7] The town of Natpangán is several times mentioned as though it
was the same as Kaodanan.

[8] The figures in parentheses refer to pages in the volume Traditions
of the Tinguian, Pub. Field Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. XIV, No. I. Chicago,
1915.

[9] The only possible exception to this statement is the mention of a
carabao sled on p. 150, and of Aponitolau and Aponibolinayen riding
on a carabao p.51. Traditions of the Tinguian. (Pub. Field Museum,
vol. xiv, No. I; Chicago, 1915.)

[10] A term applied to any of the wilder head-hunting tribes.

[11] Ladders are placed on each side of the town gate and are inclined
toward one another until they meet at the top. Returning warriors
enter the village by climbing up the one and descending the other,
never through the gate.

[12] Copper gongs.

[13] Sharpened bamboo poles which pass through the foramen magnum.

[14] This poison is placed in the food or drink. The use of poisoned
darts or arrows seems never to have been known to this people.

[15] A similar custom is found among the Kayan of Borneo. See Hose
and McDougall, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 171 (London, 1912).

[16] In this dance a man and a woman enter the circle, each holding a
cloth. Keeping time to the music, they approach each other with almost
imperceptible movements of feet and toes, and a bending at the knees,
meanwhile changing the position of the cloths. This is varied from
time to time by a few quick, high steps. For fuller description see
article by author in Philippine Journal of Science, Vol. III, No. 4,
1908, p. 208.

[17] The custom was formerly practised by the Ilocano. See Reves,
Folklore Filipino, p. 126 (Manila, 1899).

[18] See Philippine Journal of Science, Vol. III, No. 4, 1908,
pp. 206, ff.

[19] The Tinguian do not have a classificatory system of relationship
terms. The term kasinsiu is applied alike to the children of mother's
and father's brothers and sisters.

[20] A sacred dance in which a number of men and women take part. It
takes place only at night and is accompanied by the singing of the
participants.

[21] The night preceding the greatest day of the Sayang ceremony.

[22] Runo, a reed.

[23] See p. 8, note 2.

[24] A short ceremony held for the cure of fever and minor ills. It
also forms a part of the more extensive rites.

[25] A sugar-cane rum.

[26] See p. 7, note 1.

[27] Lesser spirits.

[28] Lesser spirits.

[29] Lesser spirits.

[30] Like ideas occur in the folk-tales of British North Borneo. See
Evans, Journal Royal Anthro. Inst., Vol. XLIII, 1913, p. 444.

[31] In various guises the same conception is found in Europe, Asia,
Africa, and Malaysia. See Cox, An Introduction to Folklore, p. 121
(London, 1904).--In an Igorot tale the owner captures and marries
the star maiden, who is stealing his rice. Seidenadel, The Language
of the Bontoc Igorot, p. 491 ff. (Chicago, 1909).

[32] The Dusun of Borneo have tales of talking jars. Evans, Journal
Royal Anthro. Inst., Vol. XLIII, 1913, pp. 426-427. See also Cole
and Laufer, Chinese Pottery in the Philippines (Pub. Field Museum of
Nat. Hist., Vol. XII, No. I, p. 11 ff., 1912).

[33] Piper sp.

[34] Bagobo tales relate that in the beginning plants, animals,
and rocks could talk with mortals. See Benedict, Journal American
Folklore, Vol. XXVI, 1913, p. 21.

[35] Tales of animals who assist mortals are found in all lands;
perhaps the best known to European readers is that of the ants
which sorted the grain for Cinderella. See also Evans, Jour. Royal
Anthro. Inst., Vol. XLIII, 1913, p. 467, for Borneo; Tawney's Kathá
Sarit Ságara, pp. 361 ff., Calcutta, 1880, for India.

[36] Fabulous birds of gigantic size, often known under the Indian term
garuda, play an important part in the beliefs of the Peninsular Malays.

[37] A similiar incident is cited by Bezemer (Volksdichtung aus
Indonesien). See also the Bagobo tale of the Kingfisher (Benedict,
Jour. American Folklore, Vol. XXVI, 1913, p. 53).

[38] The magic flight has been encountered in the most widely separated
parts of the globe, as, for instance, India and America. See Tawney,
Kathá Sarit Ságara, pp. 361, 367 ff. and notes, (Calcutta, 1880);
Waterman, Jour. American Folklore, Vol. XXVII, 1914, p. 46; Reinhold
Köhler, Kleinere Schriften, Vol. I, pp. 171, 388.

[39] In the Dayak legend of Limbang, a tree springs from the head
of a dead giant; its flowers turn to beads; its leaves to cloth;
the ripe fruit to jars. See H. Ling Roth, The Natives of Sarawak and
British North Borneo, Vol. I, p. 372.

[40] Similar incidents are to be found among the Ilocano and Igorot
in Borneo; in Java and India. See Reyes, Folklore Filipino, p. 34,
(Manila, 1889); Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 202, (Manila, 1905);
Seidenadel, The Language of the Bontoc Igorot. p. 491, 541, ff,
(Chicago, 1909); Evans, Journal Royal Anthro. Inst., Vol. XLIII,
1913, p. 462; Ling Roth, Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo,
Vol. I, p. 319; Tawney, Kathá Sarit Ságara, Vol. II, p. 3, (Calcutta,
1880); Bezemer, Volksdichtung aus Indonesien, p. 49, (Haag, 1904).

[41] This peculiar expression while frequently used is not fully
understood by the story tellers who in place of the word "whip"
occasionally use "make." In one text which describes the Sayang
ceremony, I find the following sentence, which may help us to
understand the foregoing: "We go to make perfume at the edge of the
town, and the things which we take, which are our perfume, are the
leaves of trees and some others; it is the perfume for the people,
which we give to them, which we go to break off the trees at the edge
of the town." Again in tale 20, Kanag breaks the perfume of Baliwán
off a tree.--The use of sweetly scented oil, in raising the dead,
is found in Dayak legends. See Ling Roth, The Natives of Sarawak and
British North Borneo, Vol. I, p. 314.

[42] According to a Jakun legend, the first children were produced
out of the calves of their mothers' legs. Skeat and Bladgen, Pagan
Races of the Malay Peninsula, Vol. II, p. 185.--A creation tale from
Mangaia relates that the boy Rongo came from a boil on his mother's
arm when it was pressed. Gill, Myths and Songs of the South Pacific,
p. 10 (London, 1876).

[43] This power of transforming themselves into animals and the like
is a common possession among the heroes of Dayak and Malay tales. See
Ling Roth, The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo, Vol. I,
p. 312; Perham, Journal Straits Branch R., Asiatic Society, No. 16,
1886; Wilkinson, Malay Beliefs, pp. 32, 59 (London, 1906).

[44] The present day Tinguian attach much importance to these
omens. The gall and liver of the slaughtered animal are carefully
examined. If the fluid in the gall sack is exceedingly bitter, the
inquirer is certain to be successful; if it is mild he had best defer
his project. Certain lines and spots found on the liver foretell
disaster, while a normal organ assures success. See also Hose and
McDougall, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 60 ff.

[45] See p. 21, note 1.

[46] The present capital of Ilocos Sur.

[47] See p. 7, note 1.

[48] Barrows, Census of the Philippine Islands, Vol. I, pp. 456
ff., 1903.

[49] Paul P. de La Gironiere, who visited the Tinguian in the early
part of the nineteenth century, describes these ornaments as follows:
"Their heads were ornamented with pearls, coral beads, and pieces
of gold twisted among their hair; the upper parts of the hands were
painted blue; wrists adorned with interwoven bracelets, spangled with
glass beads; these bracelets reached the elbow and formed a kind of
half-plaited sleeve. La Gironiere, Twenty Years in the Philippines,
pp. 108 ff.

[50] See Cole and Laufer, Chinese Pottery in the Philippines
(Pub. Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 1).

[51] This is entirely in agreement with Chinese records. The Islands
always appeared to the Chinese as an Eldorado desirable for its gold
and pearls.

[52] See p. 17, note 2.

[53] See p. 7, note 4.

[54] A bamboo pole, about ten feet long, one end of which is slit
into several strips; these are forced apart and are interwoven with
other strips, thus forming a sort of basket.

[55] See Cole, Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes of Northwestern
Luzon (American Anthropologist, Vol. II, No. 3, 1909, pp. 340, 341).

[56] See p. 9.

[57] See p. 10, note 3.

[58] Among the Ifugao, the lowest of the four layers or strata which
overhang the earth is known as Kabuniyan. See Beyer, Philippine
Journal of Science, Vol. VIII, 1913, No. 2, p. 98.

[59] See p. 8.

[60] An Ifugao myth gives sanction to the marriage of brother and
sister under certain circumstances, although it is prohibited in
every day life. Beyer, Philippine Journal of Science, Vol. VIII,
1913, No. 2, pp. 100 ff.

[61] As opposed to the spirit mate of Aponitolau.

[62] According to Ling Roth, the Malanaus of Borneo bury small
boats near the graves of the deceased, for the use of the departed
spirits. It was formerly the custom to put jars, weapons, clothes,
food, and in some cases a female slave aboard a raft, and send it out
to sea on the ebb tide "in order that the deceased might meet with
these necessaries in his upward flight." Natives of Sarawak and British
North Borneo, Vol. I, p. 145, (London, 1896). For notes on the funeral
boat of the Kayan, see Hose and McDougall, Pagan Tribes of Borneo,
Vol. II, p. 35.--Among the Kulaman of southern Mindanao an important
man is sometimes placed in a coffin resembling a small boat, which
is then fastened on high poles near to the beach. Cole, Wild Tribes
of Davao District, Mindanao (Pub. Field Museum of Natural History,
Vol. XII, No. 2, 1913).--The supreme being, Lumawig, of the Bontoc
Igorot is said to have placed his living wife and children in a log
coffin; at one end he tied a dog, at the other a cock, and set them
adrift on the river. See Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 203, (Manila,
1905); Seidenadel, The Language of the Bontoc Igorot, p. 502 ff.,
(Chicago, 1909).

[63] For similar omens observed by the Ifugao of Northern Luzon,
see Beyer, Origin Myths of the Mountain peoples of the Philippines
(Philippine Journal of Science, Vol. VIII, 1913, No. 2, p. 103).

[64] Page 3, note 2.

[65] See tale 22.

[66] For a discussion of this class of myths, see Waterman,
Jour. Am. Folklore, Vol. XXVII, 1914, p. 13 ff.; Lowie, ibid.,
Vol. XXI, p. 101 ff., 1908; P. W. Schmidt, Grundlinien einer
Vergleichung der Religionen und Mythologien der austronesischen Völker,
(Wien, 1910).

[67] See p. 10, note 3.

[68] The Pala-an is third in importance among Tinguian ceremonies.

[69] Tale 58.

[70] This is offered only as a possible explanation, for little is
known of the beliefs of this group of Igorot.

[71] See p. 11, note 1.

[72] Tale 68.

[73] Hose and McDougall, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 148,
(London, 1912).

[74] Bezemer, Volksdichtung aus Indonesien, p. 304, Haag, 1904. For
the Tagalog version of this tale see Bayliss, (Jour. Am. Folk-lore,
Vol. XXI, 1908, p. 46).

[75] Evans, Folk Stories of British North Borneo. (Journal Royal
Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLIII, 1913, p. 475).

[76] Folk Stories of British North Borneo (Journal Royal
Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLIII, p. 447, 1913).

[77] Tale No. 89.

[78] Hose and McDougall, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II,
pp. 144-146.

[79] Tale 91. The cloak which causes invisibility is found in Grimm's
tale of the raven. See Grimm's Fairy Tales, Columbus Series, p. 30. In
a Pampanga tale the possessor of a magic stone becomes invisible when
squeezes it. See Bayliss, (Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, Vol. XXI, 1908, p. 48).

[80] Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. I, Book II. Graebner, Methode
der Ethnologie, Heidelberg, 1911; Die melanesische Bogenkultur und
ihre Verwandten (Anthropos, Vol. IV, pp. 726, 998, 1909).

[81] See Waterman, Journal American Folklore, Vol. XXVII, 1914,
pp. 45-46.

[82] See Waterman, Journal American Folklore, Vol. XXVII, 1914,
pp. 45-46.

[83] See Waterman, Journal American Folklore, Vol. XXVII, 1914,
pp. 45-46.

[84] Stories of magic growth are frequently found in North America. See
Kroeber, Gross Ventre Myths and Tales (Anthropological Papers of the
Am. Mus. of Nat. Hist., Vol. I, p. 82); also Lowie, The Assiniboin
(ibid., Vol. IV, Pt. 1, p. 136).

[85] Other examples of equally widespread tales are noted by Boas,
Indianische Sagen, p. 852, (Berlin, 1895); L. Roth, Custom and Myth,
pp. 87 ff., (New York, 1885); and others. A discussion of the spread of
similar material will be found in Graebner, Methode der Ethnologie,
p. 115; Ehrenreich, Mythen und Legenden der südamerikanischen
Urvölker, pp. 77 ff.; Ehrenreich, Die allgemeine Mythologie und ihre
ethnologischen Grundlagen, p. 270.

[86] Cole and Laufer, Chinese Pottery in the Philippines (Publication
Field Museum of Natural History, Anthropological Series, Vol. XII,
No. 1, Chicago, 1913).

[87] Nieuwenhuis, Kunstperlen und ihre kulturelle Bedeutung
(Int. Arch. für Ethnographie, Vol. XVI, 1903, pp. 136-154).

[88] Philippine Journal of Science, Vol. III, No. 4, 1908, pp. 197-211.






End of Project Gutenberg's A Study in Tinguian Folk-Lore, by Fay-Cooper Cole