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MORGA'S PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

VOLUME I


Of this work five hundred copies are issued separately from "The
Philippine Islands, 1493-1898," in fifty-five volumes.





HISTORY OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

From their discovery by Magellan in 1521 to the beginning of the XVII
Century; with descriptions of Japan, China and adjacent countries, by

Dr. ANTONIO DE MORGA

Alcalde of Criminal Causes, in the Royal Audiencia of Nueva España,
and Counsel for the Holy Office of the Inquisition

Completely translated into English, edited and annotated by

E. H. BLAIR and J. A. ROBERTSON With Facsimiles

[Separate publication from "The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898" in
which series this appears as volumes 15 and 16.]

VOLUME I

Cleveland, Ohio The Arthur H. Clark Company 1907


COPYRIGHT 1907

THE ARTUR H. CLARK COMPANY

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED


CONTENTS OF VOLUME I [xv of series]

Preface

Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas. Dr. Antonio de Morga; Mexico, 1609

Bibliographical Data

Appendix A: Expedition of Thomas Candish

Appendix B: Early years of the Dutch in the East Indies


ILLUSTRATIONS

View of city of Manila; photographic facsimile of engraving in
Mallet's Description de l'univers (Paris, 1683), ii, p. 127, from
copy in Library of Congress.

Title-page of Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, by Dr. Antonio de Morga
(Mexico, 1609); photographic facsimile from copy in Lenox Library.

Map showing first landing-place of Legazpi in the Philippines;
photographic facsimile of original MS. map in the pilots' log-book
of the voyage, in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.

View of Dutch vessels stationed in bay of Albay; from T. de Bry's
Peregrinationes, 1st ed. (Amsterdame, 1602), tome xvi, no. iv. "Voyage
faict entovr de l'univers par Sr. Olivier dv Nort"--p. 36; photographic
facsimile, from copy in Boston Public Library.

Battle with Oliver van Noordt, near Manila, December 14, 1600; ut
supra, p. 44.

Sinking of the Spanish flagship in battle with van Noordt; ut supra,
p. 45.

Capture of van Noordt's admiral's ship; ut supra, p. 46.



PREFACE

In this volume is presented the first installment of Dr. Antonio
de Morga's Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas. Events here described
cover the years 1493-1603, and the history proper of the islands from
1565. Morga's work is important, as being written by a royal official
and a keen observer and participator in affairs. Consequently he
touches more on the practical everyday affairs of the islands, and in
his narrative shows forth the policies of the government, its ideals,
and its strengths and weaknesses. His book is written in the true
historic spirit, and the various threads of the history of the islands
are followed systematically. As being one of the first of published
books regarding the Philippines, it has especial value. Political,
social, and economic phases of life, both among the natives and their
conquerors, are treated. The futility of the Spanish policy in making
external expeditions, and its consequent neglect of internal affairs;
the great Chinese question; the growth of trade; communication with
Japan; missionary movements from the islands to surrounding countries;
the jealous and envious opposition of the Portuguese; the dangers of
sea-voyages: all these are portrayed vividly, yet soberly. Morga's
position in the state allowed him access to many documents, and he
seems to have been on general good terms with all classes, so that he
readily gained a knowledge of facts. The character of Morga's work
and his comprehensive treatment of the history, institutions, and
products of the Philippines, render possible and desirable the copious
annotations of this and the succeeding volume. These annotations are
contributed in part by those of Lord Stanley's translation of Morga,
and those of Rizal's reprint, while the Recopilación de leyes de
Indias furnishes a considerable number of laws.

The book is preceded by the usual licenses and authorizations, followed
by the author's dedication and introduction. In the latter he declares
his purpose in writing his book to be that "the deeds achieved by our
Spaniards in the discovery, conquest, and conversion of the Filipinas
Islands--as well as various fortunes that they have had from time to
time in the great kingdoms and among the pagan peoples surrounding the
islands" may be known. The first seven chapters of the book treat of
"discoveries, conquests, and other events ... until the death of Don
Pedro de Acuña." The eighth chapter treats of the natives, government,
conversion, and other details.

In rapid survey the author passes the line of demarcation of Alexander
VI, and the voyages of Magalhães and Elcano, Loaisa, Villalobos,
and others, down to the expedition of Legazpi. The salient points
of this expedition are briefly outlined, his peaceful reception
by Tupas and the natives, but their later hostility, because the
Spaniards "seized their provisions," their defeat, the Spaniards'
first settlement in Sebu, and the despatching of the advice-boat to
Nueva España to discover the return passage, and inform the viceroy of
the success of the expedition. From Sebu the conquest and settlement
is extended to other islands, and the Spanish capital is finally moved
to Manila. Events come rapidly. The conquest proceeds "by force of
arms or by the efforts of the religious who have sown the good seeds
of the gospel." Land is allotted to the conquerors, and towns are
gradually founded, and the amount of the natives' tribute is fixed.

At Legazpi's death Guido de Lavezaris assumes his responsibilities
by virtue of a royal despatch among Legazpi's papers, and continues
the latter's plans. The pirate Limahon is defeated after having slain
Martin de Goiti. Trade with China is established "and as a consequence
has been growing ever since." The two towns of Betis and Lubao
allotted by Lavezaris to himself are taken from him later by order
of his successor, Dr. Francisco de Sande, but are restored to him by
express order of the king, together with the office of master-of-camp.

Succeeding Lavezaris in 1575, Dr. Francisco de Sande continues "the
pacification of the islands .... especially that of the province
of Camarines." The town of Nueva Cáceres is founded, and Sande's
partially effective campaign to Borneo, and its offshoot--that of
Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa to Mindanao--undertaken. The "San
Juanillo" is despatched to Nueva España, "but it was lost at sea
and never heard of again." Sande is relieved of his governorship
by Gonzalo Ronquillo de Pefialosa, and after his residencia returns
"to Nueva España as auditor of Mexico."

Chapter III details the events of Gonzalo Ronquillo de
Pefialosa's administration and the interim of government of Diego
Ronquillo. Events, with the greater stability constantly given the
islands, follow more quickly. Gonzalo de Peñalosa, by an agreement with
the king, is to take six hundred colonists--married and single--to
the islands, in return for which he is to be governor for life. He
establishes the town of Arevalo in Panay, builds the Chinese Parián,
endeavors, although unsuccessfully, to discover a return passage
to Nueva España, by the South Sea, and despatches "a ship to Peru
with merchandise to trade for certain goods which he said that the
Filipinas needed." He imposes the two per cent export duty on goods
to Nueva España, and the three per cent duty on Chinese merchandise,
and "although he was censured for having done this without his
Majesty's orders" they "remained in force, and continued to be imposed
thenceforward." The first expedition in aid of Tidore is sent for
the conquest of the island of Ternate, but proves a failure. Cagayan
is first pacified, and the town of Nueva Cáceres founded. Gabriel de
Rivera, after an expedition to Borneo, is sent to Spain to consult
the best interests of the islands. Domingo de Salazar receives his
appointment as bishop, and is accompanied to the islands by Antonio
Sedeño and Alonso Sanchez, the first Jesuits in the islands. In 1583
Gonzalo de Peñalosa dies, and is succeeded by his kinsman Diego
Ronquillo. Shortly after occurs Manila's first disastrous fire,
but the city is rebuilt, although with difficulty. In consequence of
Rivera's trip to Spain, the royal Audiencia of Manila is established
with Santiago de Vera as its president and governor of the islands.

In the fourth chapter are related the events of Santiago de Vera's
administration, and the suppression of the Audiencia. Vera reaches
the islands in 1584, whence shortly afterwards he despatches another
expedition to the Malucos which also fails. The pacification continues,
and the islands are freed from a rebellion and insurrection conspired
between Manila and Pampanga chiefs. Fortifications are built and an
artillery foundry established under the charge of natives. During
this term Candish makes his memorable voyage, passing through
some of the islands. Finally the Audiencia is suppressed, through
the representations made by Alonso Sanchez, who is sent to Spain
and Rome with authority to act for all classes of society. On his
return he brings from Rome "many relics, bulls, and letters for the
Filipinas." Through the influence of the Jesuit, Gomez Perez Dasmariñas
receives appointment as governor of the islands; and with his salary
increased to "ten thousand Castilian ducados" and with despatches for
the suppression of the Audiencia, and the establishment of regular
soldiers, he arrives at Manila in May, 1590.

Chapter V deals with the term of Gomez Perez Dasmariñas and the
interims of Pedro de Rojas and Luis Perez Dasmariñas. The term of the
new governor is characterized by his great energy and enthusiasm. The
Manila wall and other fortifications, the building of galleys, the
regulation of trade, various pacifications, the rebuilding of Manila,
and the opening of negotiations with Japan, are all a part of his
administration, and he is the inspirer of them all. The first note
to the future expeditions to, and troubles with, Camboja and Siam is
struck by an embassy from the first country in charge of Diego Belloso
with offers of trade and friendship and requests for aid against Siam,
the latter being at the time deferred. In accordance with his great
desire to conquer Ternate, the governor fits out a great fleet in
1593, sending the advance vessels to the Pintados in care of his
son. Shortly after, leaving the city in charge of Diego Ronquillo,
although with too few troops for defense, Gomez Perez sets out to
join his son, but is assassinated by his Chinese rowers, who mutiny
and make off with the galley. After his death, the contests for his
office begin, for the dead governor had assured various people that
they would be appointed in case of his death. Especially had he done
this with Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa, a wealthy man of the Pintados,
to whom he "had shown an appointment drawn in his favor." In Manila,
Pedro de Rojas, lieutenant-assessor, is chosen governor ad interim,
but after forty days Luis Perez Dasmariñas takes the office by
virtue of an appointment regularly drawn in his favor. The return
of the troops to Manila proves an efficacious relief from fears of
a Chinese invasion. The vessels sent to Nueva España in 1593 fail
to make the voyage because of stormy weather, but the governor's
death is learned in Spain by way of India. The troubles between the
bishop and governor culminate somewhat before the latter's death,
in the departure of the former for Spain, as a result of which an
archbishopric with suffragan bishops is established in the islands,
and the Audiencia is reëstablished. The office of lieutenant-assessor
is given more weight and Morga is sent out to fill it in 1595 under
its changed title of lieutenant-governor. In the administration of
Luis Perez Dasmariñas affairs begin actively with Camboja through
the expedition despatched under Juan Xuarez Gallinato, and Blas Ruiz
de Hernan Gonzalez and Diego Belloso. The governor, completely under
the influence of the Dominicans, although against the advice of the
"majority of people in the city" sends a fleet to Camboja. Gallinato
fails to reach that country until after Blas Ruiz and Belloso have
quarreled with the Chinese there, killed the usurping Cambodian king,
Anacaparan, and thrown the country into confusion. Much to their
displeasure Gallinato refuses to continue the conquest, chides the
others harshly, and departs for Manila by way of Cochinchina. At
Cochinchina Blas Ruiz and Belloso go to the kingdom of Lao to find
the legitimate king of Camboja, Prauncar. On their arrival they find
that he has died, but partly through their efforts and those of
two Malays, the king's younger son, who still survives, is placed
on the throne. Gallinato experiences difficulty in Cochinchina,
where he endeavors to regain the standard and various other articles
from the galley of Gomez Perez that had been stolen by the Chinese,
but finally returns safely to Manila. Meanwhile Estevan Rodriguez de
Figueroa agrees to subdue Mindanao at his own expense, in return for
which he is to have its governorship for two generations. In pursuance
of this he fits out a large expedition, but shortly after reaching
the island is killed in a fight and ambush, whereupon his first
commanding officer Juan de la Xara schemes to continue the expedition,
and establishes his men in a settlement near Tampacan, called Murcia.

The administration of Governor Francisco Tello forms the subject-matter
of chapter VI. At his arrival in 1596, news is received in the island
of the appointment of Fray Ignacio de Santibañez as archbishop,
and of two appointments for bishops. News of the death of Estevan
Rodriguez is brought to Manila, and the machinations of Juan de la
Xara to carry on the expedition independently of Manila learned. His
death shortly after arrest, while on his way to Oton to push his suit
with Rodriguez's widow, frustrates his plans. Juan Ronquillo is sent
to Mindanao and takes over the command there, but being discouraged
by the outlook advises an evacuation of the river of Mindanao and the
fortifying of La Caldera, on the Mindanao coast. However he gains a
complete victory over the combined forces of Mindanaos and Ternatans,
which causes him to send another despatch to Tello. But the latter's
reply to the first despatch having been received, in accordance with
its orders he burns his fort, and after establishing a garrison at
La Caldera, returns to Manila with the rest of his command. There
he is arrested for not awaiting Tello's second despatch, but is
liberated on producing a letter ordering him in any event to return
to Manila. Gallinato, on his return from Cochinchina is accused by
his own men of not following up the victory at Camboja, for had
he done so, "all that had been hoped in that kingdom would have
been attained." An incipient rebellion in Cagayan is checked by the
murder of its leader by his own countrymen "who had offered to do it
for a reward." In the year 1596, the remnants of Alvaro de Mendaña
de Neira's expedition that had set out from Peru to rediscover the
Solomon Islands reaches the Philippines after great sufferings from
famine and disease, and after the death of many men, among them the
commander himself. The voyage is related in detail in a letter from
the chief pilot, Pedro Fernandez de Quiros to Morga; it is full of
stirring adventure, and of keen and appreciative observation. One of
the vessels, the "San Geronymo" despatched to Nueva España in 1596,
is forced to put in at a Japanese port because of storms. There they
receive ill-treatment, and the efforts of the Franciscan missionaries
in Japan in their behalf lead to the edict sentencing them to death,
in accordance with which six Franciscans, three Jesuits, and seventeen
native helpers are crucified in 1597. Taicosama's wrath, intensified by
the accusation that the Spaniards conquered kingdoms "by first sending
their religious to the kingdom" and by entering afterward "with their
arms," is satisfied by the crucifixion of the religious and their
assistants, and the men of the "San Geronymo" are allowed to return to
Manila. The religious write a letter of farewell to Dr. Morga, in which
they inform him that Japan intends to attack the Philippines. Luis
Navarrete Fajardo is sent to Japan to demand satisfaction, but
accomplishes little. Faranda Quiemon, one of Taicosama's vassals,
a man of obscure birth, obtaining permission to make an expedition of
conquest, sets about his preparations, but owing to lack of resources
and initiative fails to complete them. Meanwhile great caution is
exercised in Manila, and the Japanese residing there are sent back
to Japan, while those coming on trading vessels are well treated but
gotten rid of as soon as possible. Cambodian affairs are again set on
foot, although against the advice of some, through the instrumentality
of Father Alonso Ximenez, a Dominican who had accompanied Gallinato
on the former expedition, but who had been left behind at Cochinchina
through his own disobedience of orders. Affairs in Mindanao and Jolo
assume a threatening aspect. One Juan Pacho, commander of La Caldera,
is killed in an incursion into Jolo with twenty of his men, and a new
commander of La Caldera is appointed until a punitive expedition can be
undertaken. In 1598 the archbishop arrives, and the Manila Audiencia
is reëstablished by royal order, and the seal received with great
pomp and ceremony. A letter received that same year by Morga from
Blas Ruiz details events in Camboja since he and Belloso went there
with Gallinato's expedition. Blas Ruiz seeks to excuse their actions
in Camboja and holds out the hope of Spanish conquest and influence
on the mainland, and asks help from the islands. As a consequence
of this letter, Luis Perez Dasmariñas secures permission to attempt
an expedition to the mainland at his own expense to aid the king of
Camboja and then to seize the kingdom of Champan, whose king was a
constant menace to all navigators throughout that region. Negotiations
with China and the granting of an open port to Spaniards called El
Pinal, are opened and secured through the efforts of Juan de Zamudio
who is sent to China for saltpeter and metals, although with great and
vindictive opposition from the Portuguese, who fear the loss of their
own trade at Macao. At El Pinal the survivors of two of Luis Perez's
three ships meet with Juan de Zamudio, after suffering great storms,
hardships, and wrecks. The same favor is extended him by the Chinese
as to Zamudio, but the Portuguese show their hostility to him also,
imprisoning the men sent by him to Macao to ask for help, and even
attempting force against him. Both Zamudio and a messenger from Luis
Perez carry news of the latter's disaster to Manila, whereupon a ship
and supplies are sent him with orders to return to Manila. Hernando
de los Rios Coronel, sent to Canton by Luis Perez to negotiate with
the Chinese, writes from that city to Dr. Morga concerning China and
the possibility, desirability, and advantages of the Chinese trade in
China instead of Manila, and the opposition of the Portuguese. China
he describes as a country "full of rivers and towns, and without
a palmo of ground left lying idle." Meanwhile the third vessel of
Luis Perez's fleet, commanded by Luis Ortiz, reaches Camboja, where
he and his companions join the Spanish, Portuguese, and Japanese
already there. This small force, which is eyed askance by the Malay
leaders and others envious of, and hostile to them on account of their
prowess and their influence with the weak king, is further increased
by Captain Juan de Mendoza Gamboa and Fray Juan Maldonado, a learned
Dominican, and their men. The former, having obtained permission to
go on a trading expedition to Siam, for which he is given letters of
embassy, is also entrusted to convey certain supplies to Don Luis
at Camboja, where he fails to find him. Maldonado is sent by his
order as a companion to Don Luis. This addition to their forces is
welcomed by the Spaniards in Camboja, and they refuse to let them
depart until hearing definite news of Luis Perez. The arrival of
a contingent of Japanese, mestizos, and one Spaniard, who had left
Japan on a piratical expedition, still further increases the force
in Camboja. The leaders Blas Ruiz, Belloso, and Maldonado treat
with the king on their own account, but not so satisfactorily as
they wish. Conflicts and quarrels arising between their forces and
the Malays, the latter finally overpower and kill the Spaniards,
Portuguese, and Japanese, except several who remain in the country
and Mendoza, Maldonado and a few men who escape in the former's
vessel. In Camboja confusion and anarchy again reign and the king is
bullied and finally killed by the Malays. The Joloans and Mindanaos
are emboldened by the final abandonment and dismantling of the fort
at La Caldera--which is decided upon by the governor against the
opinion of the Audiencia--and, joined in self-defense by the peaceful
natives of Mindanao, make an incursion against Spaniards and natives
in the Pintados in 1599, in which they take immense booty and many
captives. The next year they return with a larger force, but are
defeated by the alcalde-mayor of Arevalo, whereupon they resolve to
be revenged. In Japan the death of Taicosama encourages Geronimo de
Jesus, a Franciscan who has escaped crucifixion, to open negotiations
with his successor Daifusama. The latter, desiring trade for his
own northern province of Quanto, requests the governor of Manila,
through the religious, for commerce, and men to build ships for the
Nueva España trade which he wishes to open. He does not negotiate
concerning religion, for "the profit and benefit to be derived from
friendship and commerce with the Spaniards was more to the taste of
Daifusama than what he had heard concerning their religion." However,
the religious writes that freedom is given to evangelize throughout
Japan, although the only concession given is that the religious could
establish a house at their trading station. In October of 1600 news
reaches Manila of the coming and depredations of Oliver van Noordt's
two vessels. The description of the preparations, made by Morga,
the instructions given him by the governor, his instructions to
Juan de Alcega, and the fight and its consequences follow. In the
same year of 1600 the vessels "Santa Margarita" and "San Geronymo"
are both unable to reach Nueva España, and are wrecked--the latter
near Catanduanes, and the former in the Ladrones, where it is
rifled by the natives and the men surviving distributed through
the different villages. In 1600 the "Santo Tomas" on its way to the
islands puts in at the Ladrones, but the commander, fearing storms,
refuses to wait for the Spanish prisoners of the "Santa Margarita,"
although petitioned to do so by the religious and others. Accordingly
a Franciscan, Juan Pobre, full of pity for the unfortunate men, casts
in his lot with them and voluntarily remains behind. The "San Felipe"
is wrecked eighty leguas from Manila, and its cargo taken overland to
that city. Mindanao and Jolo affairs are meanwhile given into command
of Gallinato, and although he is partially successful, the rains,
hunger, and disease work for the natives, and finally in May of 1602,
Gallinato sends to Manila for instructions. Juan de Mendoza and Fray
Juan Maldonado, after leaving Camboja proceed on their journey to
Siam, but are received there coldly by the king, and their trading
is unsatisfactory. Fearing violence they depart one night without
notifying the Siamese, taking with them certain Portuguese held in
Siam as partial prisoners, but are pursued by the Siamese who molest
them until in the open sea. From wounds received during the week's
continual conflict both Mendoza and Maldonado die, the latter first
writing to his Order and advising them "on their consciences not to
again become instruments of a return to Camboja." Troubles in Maluco
between the Dutch and natives on the one side and the Portuguese and
Spanish on the other, render it necessary to send aid several times
from Manila. In March of 1601, a letter is written by the king of
Tidore to Morga requesting aid against Ternate and the Dutch, in
response to which supplies and reënforcements are sent in 1602.

The seventh chapter deals with events during the period of Pedro de
Acuña's administration. With his arrival in May of 1602, new life and
energy are infused in public affairs. The new governor first concerns
himself with home affairs. He constructs galleys but has to postpone
an intended visit to Pintados, in order to attend to Japan and Jolo,
and despatch the vessels to Nueva España. It is determined to open
commerce with Quanto, but to defer the matter of sending workmen to
Japan to show the Japanese how to construct ships, as that will be
detrimental. Religious of the various orders go to Japan, but are
received less warmly than Geronymo de Jesus's letter leads them to
expect. The latter pressed by Daifusama for the performance of his
promises finally asks permission to go to Manila to advocate them
in person, whence he brings back assurance of trade with Quanto. The
vessel despatched there is forced to put in at another port, but is
allowed to trade there and to return. Two vessels despatched to Nueva
España in 1602 are forced to return, putting in on the way--the first
at the Ladrones and the other at Japan. The first brings back most of
the men wrecked at the Ladrones. The second after rough treatment in
Japan finally escapes. As a result of an embassy sent to Daifusama from
this vessel chapas or writs of safety are provided to the Spaniards so
that any vessel putting into Japanese ports will be well treated in
the future. The reënforcements sent to Gallinato at Jolo serve only
to enable him to break camp and return to Manila. While Acuña is on
his way to Pintados to inspect those islands, a raiding expedition of
Moros goes as far as Luzon and Mindoro, committing many depredations,
thus compelling the governor to return, who narrowly escapes capture. A
punitive expedition of Spaniards and Indians sent in pursuit of the
Moros inflicts but slight damage. Shortly before this a fleet prepared
at Goa for the chastisement of the Malucos sets out under Andrea
Furtado de Mendoza, but is separated by storms. Some of the vessels
with the commander reach Amboina, but in so crippled and destitute
a condition that they are forced to ask help from Manila. Acuña,
although arranging independently for an expedition to Maluco, sends
a force there under Gallinato in 1603 to aid the Portuguese. Early
in that year the prelude to the Chinese troubles of that same year
is given by the coming of the Chinese mandarins to see the island of
gold, which causes many, among them the archbishop and some religious,
to counsel watchfulness. In 1603 occurs the second disastrous fire
in Manila, with a loss of over one million pesos.

The victorious Malays in Camboja are finally driven out by a
combination of patriotic mandarins, and make the brother of their old
king sovereign, whereupon relations between Camboja and the Philippines
are again established by sending there a number of religious. In May
of 1603 two ships with reënforcements arrive at Manila, bringing
certain ecclesiastical news. The aid rendered Furtado de Mendoza
by Gallinato does not prove sufficient to subdue the Ternatans, and
Gallinato returns to Manila. The present installment of Morga ends
with the courteous letter written to Acuña by Furtado de Mendoza,
in which he renders praise to Gallinato and his men. The remainder
of the book will appear in the succeeding volume.

The present volume ends with two appendices: the first an abstract
of Thomas Candish's circumnavigation; the second an abstract of Dutch
expeditions to the East Indies.

THE EDITORS

May, 1904.


SUCESOS DE LAS ISLAS FILIPINAS

By Dr. Antonio de Morga. Mexico: at the shop of Geronymo Baili,
in the year 1609; printed by Cornelio Adriano Cesar.

SOURCE: The translation is made from the Harvard copy of the original
printed work.

TRANSLATION: This is made by Alfonso de Salvio, Norman F. Hall,
and James Alexander Robertson.


SVCESOS DE LAS ISLAS FILIPINAS

DIRIGIDO

A DON CRISTOVAL GOMEZ DE

Sandoual y Rojas, Duque de Cea.

POR EL DOCTOR ANTONIO DE MORGA,

Alcaldo del Crimen, de la real Audiencia de la Nueua España, Consultor
del santo Oficio de la Inquisicion.


EN MEXICO.

En casa de Geronymo Balli. Año 1609.

Por Cornelio Adriano Cesar





EVENTS IN THE FILIPINAS ISLANDS.

DEDICATED

TO DON CRISTOVAL GOMEZ DE

Sandoval y Rojas, Duke of Cea.

BY DOCTOR ANTONIO DE MORGA,

Alcalde of Criminal Causes, in the Royal Audiencia of Nuevà España,
and Counsel for the holy Office of the Inquisition.

IN MEXICO.

At the shop of Geronymo Balli, in the year 1609.

By Cornelio Adriano Cesar.





EVENTS IN THE FILIPINAS ISLANDS

By order of the most excellent Don Luis de Velasco, viceroy of this
Nueva España, and of the most illustrious and reverend Don Fray Garcia
Guerra, archbishop of Mexico, and member of his Majesty's council,
I have examined this book of the Events in the Philipinas Islands,
written by Doctor Antonio de Morga, alcalde of the court in the royal
Audiencia of Mexico. In my judgment it is entertaining, profitable,
and worthy of publication. The author has strictly obeyed the laws of
history therein, in the excellent arrangement of his work, in which
he shows his soundness of intellect and a concise style to which
few attain, together with a true exposition of the subject matter,
as it was written by one who was so fully conversant with it, during
the years that he governed those islands. I have accordingly affixed
my signature to this instrument here at the professed house of the
Society of Jesus in Mexico, on the first of April, 1609.

JUAN SANCHEZ

Don Luys de Velasco, knight of the Order of Sanctiago,
viceroy-lieutenant of the king our sovereign, governor and
captain-general of Nueva España, and president of the royal Audiencia
and Chancillería established therein, etc. Whereas Doctor Antonio de
Morga, alcalde of criminal causes in this royal Audiencia, informed me
that he had written a book and treatise on the Events in the Filipinas
Islands, from their earliest discoveries and conquest until the end
of the past year six hundred and seven, and requested me to grant him
permission and privilege to have it printed, to the exclusion of all
others doing the same for a certain period; and whereas I entrusted
Father Juan Sanchez, of the Society of Jesus, with the inspection
of the said book, as my proxy: therefore, I hereby grant permission
to the said Doctor Antonio de Morga, so that, for the period of the
next ten years, he, or his appointee, may freely have the said book
printed by whatever printer he pleases; and I forbid any other person
to do the same within the said time and without the said permission,
under penalty of losing--and he shall lose--the type and accessories
with which the said impression shall be made, and the same shall be
applied in equal shares to his Majesty's exchequer and to the said
Doctor Antonio de Morga. Given in Mexico, on the seventh of the month
of April, one thousand six hundred and nine.

DON LUYS DE VELASCO

By order of the viceroy:

MARTIN LOPEZ GAUNA

Don Fray Garcia Guerra, by the divine grace and that of the holy
apostolic see, archbishop of Mexico, member of his Majesty's Council,
etc. Having seen the opinion expressed by Father Juan Sanchez, of the
Society of Jesus, after he had examined the book presented to us by
Doctor Antonio de Morga, alcalde in this court and Chancillería,
entitled Events in the Filipinas Islands, their Conquest and
Conversion, for which we granted him authority; and since it is
evident, by the above-mentioned opinion, that it contains nothing
against our holy Catholic faith, or good morals, but that, on the
contrary, it is useful and profitable to all persons who may read it:
therefore we do hereby grant permission to the said Doctor Antonio de
Morga, to have the said book of the said conquest and conversion of
the Filipinas Islands printed in any of the printing establishments
of the city. Given in Mexico, on the seventh of April, one thousand
six hundred and nine.

FRAY GARCIA, archbishop of Mexico.

By order of his most illustrious Lordship, the archbishop of Mexico:

DON JUAN DE PORTILLA, secretary.

¶To Don Cristoval Gomez de Sandoval y Rojas, duke of Cea [1]

I offer your Excellency this small work, worthy of a kind reception as
much for its faithful relation as for its freedom from artifice and
adornment. Knowing my poor resources, I began it with fear; but what
encouraged me to proceed was the fact that, if what is given were
to bear an equal proportion to the receiver, there would be no one
worthy of placing his works in your Excellency's hands; and oblivion
would await the deeds achieved in these times by our Spaniards in
the discovery, conquest, and conversion of the Filipinas Islands--as
well as various fortunes which they have had from time to time in the
great kingdoms and among the pagan peoples surrounding the islands:
for, on account of the remoteness of those regions, no account has
been given to the public which purports to treat of them from their
beginnings down to the present condition. I entreat your Excellency to
accept my good will, which is laid prostrate at your feet; and should
this short treatise not afford that pleasure, which self-love--that
infirmity of the human mind--leads me to expect, will your Excellency
deal with me, as you are wont to deal with all, and read this book
and conceal its imperfections with the exercise of your toleration
and gentleness. For you are so richly endowed with these and other
virtues--which, through the divine power, cause lofty things not to
keep aloof from humble ones; and which, in addition to your own natural
greatness, have placed your Excellency in your present office for the
good of these realms, where you reward and favor the good, and correct
and check the opposite. In such rule consists the welfare of the state;
and this made the ancient philosopher, Democritus, say that reward and
punishment were true gods. In order to enjoy this happiness, we need
not crave any bygone time, but, contenting ourselves with the present,
pray that God may preserve your Excellency to us for many years.

DON ANTONIO DE MORGA [2]

To the reader [3]

The greatness of the monarchy of the Spanish kings is due to the zeal
and care with which they have defended, within their own hereditary
kingdoms, the holy Catholic faith taught by the Roman church, against
all enemies who oppose it, or seek by various errors to obscure its
truth which the kings have disseminated throughout the world. Thus,
by the mercy of God, they preserve their kingdoms and subjects in
the purity of the Christian religion, meriting thereby their glorious
title and renown of "Defenders of the Faith." Moreover, by the valor
of their indomitable hearts, and at the expense of their revenues and
possessions, they have ploughed the seas with Spanish fleets and men,
and discovered and conquered vast kingdoms in the most remote and
unknown parts of the world. They have led the inhabitants of these
regions to a knowledge of the true God, and into the fold of the
Christian church, in which those peoples now live, governed in civil
and political matters with peace and justice, under the shelter and
protection of the royal arm and power, which were wanting to them
when weighed down by blind tyrannies and barbarous cruelties, on
which the enemy of the human race had so long reared them for himself.

For this reason the crown and scepter of España have extended
themselves wherever the sun sheds its light, from its rising to its
setting, with the glory and splendor of their power and majesty, and
the Spanish monarchs have excelled the other princes of the earth by
having gained innumerable souls for heaven, which has been España's
principal intention and its wealth. These, together with the great
riches and treasures which España enjoys, and the famous deeds and
victories which it has won, cause the whole world to magnify and
extol its lofty name and the energy and valor of its subjects, who
in accomplishing these deeds have lavished their blood.

Having won America, the fourth part of the earth, of which the
ancients knew naught, they sailed in the course of the sun until
they discovered an archipelago of many islands in the eastern
ocean, adjacent to farther Asia, inhabited by various peoples,
and abounding in rich metals, precious stones, and pearls, and all
manner of fruit. There raising the standard of the Faith, they freed
those peoples from the yoke and power of the demon, and placed them
under the command and government of the Faith. Consequently they may
justly raise in those islands the pillars and trophies of Non plus
ultra which the famous Hercules left on the shore of the Cadiz Sea,
which were afterward cast down by the strong arm of Cárlos V, [4]
our sovereign, who surpassed Hercules in great deeds and enterprises.

After the islands had been conquered by the sovereign light of the
holy gospel which entered therein, the heathen were baptized, the
darkness of their paganism was banished, and they changed their own for
Christian names. The islands also, losing their former name, took--with
the change of religion and the baptism of their inhabitants--that
of Filipinas Islands, in recognition of the great favors received
at the hands of his Majesty Filipo the Second, our sovereign, in
whose fortunate time and reign they were conquered, protected, and
encouraged, as a work and achievement of his royal hands.

Their discovery, conquest, and conversion were not accomplished without
great expenditure, labor, and Spanish blood, with varying success,
and amid dangers: these things render the work more illustrious,
and furnish a spacious field of which historians may treat, for such
is their office. Certainly the subject matter is not scanty, and
contains both serious and pleasant elements sufficient to be worthy
of attention, so that it will not depreciate historians to treat of
Indian occurrences and wars, which those who have not experienced
undervalue. For the people of those regions are valiant and warlike
nations of Asia, who have been reared in continual warfare, both by
sea and by land, and who use artillery and other warlike implements,
which the necessity of defending themselves against great and powerful
neighboring kingdoms, taught them to use skilfully; and--although
somewhat imperfectly--they have gained dexterity and have completed
their education in the school of España, which recently brought war to
their gates--thus sharing the experience of other provinces of Europe,
who also had formerly been ignorant and careless of the use of arms.

Some painstaking persons, to whom--for lack of time and means--I have
given and delivered many papers and relations which I possessed, have
planned to write this history; and I hope that they will publish it
in better shape than the fragmentary histories which we have hitherto
received from some contemporary historians. [5]

I spent eight years in the Filipinas Islands, the best years of
my life, serving continuously as lieutenant of the governor and
captain-general, and, as soon as the royal Audiencia of Manila was
established, in the office of auditor, which I was the first to
fill. [6] And desirous that the affairs of those islands should be
known, especially those which occurred during my connection with
them, I have related these matters in a book of eight chapters,
tracing them from their origin so far as was necessary. The first
seven chapters contain an account of the discoveries, conquests, and
other events in the islands and neighboring kingdoms and provinces,
which occurred during the time of the proprietary governors [7]
until the death of Don Pedro de Acuña. The eighth and last chapter
contains a brief summary and account of the nature of these regions,
their inhabitants, the manner of governing and converting them, and
other details; moreover, it treats of the acquaintance, dealings,
and intercourse which they maintain with their neighboring islands and
pagan communities. As fearful am I for the imperfections which will be
found in this work, as I am persuaded that they deserve forgiveness,
since my design and chief intent has been to give each one his due and
to present the truth without hatred or flattery, which has been injured
in some current narratives. [8] The latter is a fault to be severely
reproved in those who relate the deeds of others, inasmuch as it was
prohibited by a penal law which Cato and Marcius, tribunes of the
Roman people, established for those who, in relating their own deeds,
overstepped the truth--although this seemed less worthy of punishment,
on account of the self-love which intervenes in such a case.

There will not be wanting some person who will point out my oversights,
but I shall have already answered him by confessing them; and should
this not suffice to silence him, I shall stop up my ears like another
Ulysses, and--considering the haste with which I have written--endure
this inconvenience and difficulty, desiring only to please and serve
whomsoever may read it; and this will be sufficient to protect me
from greater dangers.

Notice is given that

In reading this history, one may find certain words--names of
provinces, towns, magistrates, arms, and vessels--which it has seemed
more suitable to write by their usual names in those regions. In
the last chapter, which contains an account of the islands and their
peculiarities, these words will be explained and defined.



¶ Of the first discoveries of the eastern islands; the voyage thither
by Adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legazpi; the conquest and pacification of
the Filipinas during his governorship, and that of Guido de Labazarris,
who afterward held the office.

¶ CHAPTER FIRST

According to ancient and modern cosmographers, that part of the world
called Asia has adjacent to it a multitude of greater and lesser
islands, inhabited by various nations and peoples, and as rich in
precious stones, gold, silver, and other minerals, as they abound in
fruit and grain, flocks, and animals. Some of the islands yield all
kinds of spices which are carried away and distributed throughout
the world. These islands are commonly designated in their books,
descriptions, and sea-charts, as the great archipelago of San Lazaro,
and are located in the eastern ocean. Among the most famous of them
are the islands of Maluco, Céleves, Tendaya, Luzon, Mindanao, and
Borneo, which are now called the Filipinas.

When Pope Alexander the Sixth divided the conquests of the new world
between the kings of Castilla and of Portugal, the kings agreed to
make the division by means of a line drawn across the world by the
cosmographers, so that they might continue their discoveries and
conquests, one toward the west and the other toward the east, and
pacify whatever regions each might gain within his own demarcation.

After the crown of Portugal had conquered the city of Malaca, on
the mainland of Asia, in the kingdom of Jor [Johore]--called by
the ancients Aurea Chersonesus--a Portuguese fleet, in the year one
thousand five hundred and eleven, on hearing of neighboring islands
and especially of those of Maluco and Banda, where cloves and nutmegs
are gathered, went to discover them. After touching at Banda, they
went to Terrenate, one of the islands of Maluco, at the invitation
of its king, to defend him against his neighbor, the king of Tidore,
with whom he was at war. This was the beginning of the Portuguese
settlement in Maluco.

Francisco Serrano, who after this discovery returned to Malaca, and
thence went to India with the purpose of going to Portugal to give
an account of the discovery, died before he had accomplished this
voyage, but not, however, without having communicated in letters to
his friend, Fernando de Magallanes, what he had seen; [9] for they
had been together at the taking of Malaca, although the latter was
then in Portugal. From this relation, Magallanes learned whatever
was necessary for the discovery and navigation of these islands. [10]

At this time, Magallanes, who for certain reasons had entered the
service of the king of Castilla, told the emperor Cárlos V, our
sovereign, that the islands of Maluco fell within the demarcation of
the latter's crown of Castilla, and that their conquest belonged to
him, according to the concessions made by Pope Alexander; moreover,
he offered to make the expedition and navigation to the islands in
the emperor's name, by sailing through that part of the demarcation
belonging to Castilla, and by availing himself of a famous astrologer
and cosmographer, named Ruyfarelo [sic], whom he had with him.

The emperor, moved by the importance of the undertaking, entrusted
Fernando de Magallanes with this expedition and discovery, supplying
him with the necessary ships and provisions therefor. Thus equipped, he
set sail and discovered the strait to which he gave his name. Through
this he entered the southern sea, and sailed to the islands of Tendaya
and Sebu, where he was killed by the natives of Matan, which is one of
these islands. His ships proceeded to Maluco, where the sailors fell
into disputes and contentions with the Portuguese then stationed in the
island of Terrenate. Finally, not being able to maintain themselves
there, the Castilians left Maluco in a ship, called the "Victoria,"
the only remaining vessel of their fleet. As leader and captain,
they chose Juan Sebastian del Caño, who made the voyage to Castilla
by way of India, where he arrived with but few men, and informed his
Majesty of the discovery of the great archipelago, and of his voyage.

The same enterprise was attempted at other times, and was carried
out by Juan Sebastian del Caño, Comendador Loaisa, the Saoneses,
and the bishop of Plasencia. [11] But these did not bear the fruits
expected, on account of the hardships and perils of so long a voyage,
and the opposition received by those who reached Maluco, from the
Portuguese there.

After all these events, as it was thought that this discovery might
be made quicker and better by way of Nueva España, in the year one
thousand five hundred and forty-five, [12] a fleet, under command of
Rui Lopez de Villalobos, was sent by that route. They reached Maluco
by way of Sebu, where they quarreled with the Portuguese, and suffered
misfortunes and hardships, so that they were unable to effect the
desired end; nor could the fleet return to Nueva España whence it
had sailed, but was destroyed. Some of the surviving Castilians left
Maluco by way of Portuguese India and returned to Castilla. There they
related the occurrences of their voyage, and the quality and nature
of the islands of Maluco and of the other islands that they had seen.

Afterward as King Don Felipe II, our sovereign, considered it
inadvisable for him to desist from that same enterprise, and being
informed by Don Luys de Velasco, viceroy of Nueva España, and by Fray
Andres de Urdaneta of the Augustinian order--who had been in Maluco
with the fleet of Comendador Loaisa, while a layman--that this voyage
might be made better and quicker by way of Nueva Españia, he entrusted
the expedition to the viceroy. Fray Andres de Urdaneta left the court
for Nueva Españia, [13] for, as he was so experienced and excellent
a cosmographer, he offered to go with the fleet and to discover the
return voyage. The viceroy equipped a fleet and its crew with the
most necessary things in Puerto de la Navidad, in the southern sea,
under charge of a worthy and reliable man, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi,
a citizen of Mexico and a native of the province of Guipuzcoa. On
account of the viceroy's death, the Audiencia which was governing in
his place completed arrangements for the despatching of Legazpi, and
gave him instructions as to his destination, with orders not to open
them until three hundred leguas at sea; for there were differences
among members of the fleet, some saying that they would better go
to Nueva Guinea, others to the Luzones, and others to Maluco. Miguel
Lopez de Legazpi left Puerto de la Navidad in the year one thousand
five hundred and sixty-four, with five ships and five hundred men,
accompanied by Fray Andres de Urdaneta and four other religious of
the Order of St. Augustine. After sailing westward for several days,
he opened his instructions, and found that he was ordered to go to
the islands of Luzones and there endeavor to pacify them and reduce
them to the obedience of his Majesty, and to make them accept the
holy Catholic faith. [14] He continued his voyage until reaching the
island of Sebu, where he anchored, induced by the convenience of a
good port and by the nature of the land. At first he was received
peacefully by the natives and by their chief Tupas; but later they
tried to kill him and his companions, for the Spaniards having seized
their provisions, the natives took up arms against the latter; but the
opposite to their expectations occurred, for the Spaniards conquered
and subdued them. Seeing what had happened in Sebu, the natives of
other neighboring islands came peacefully before the adelantado,
rendered him homage, and supplied his camp with a few provisions. The
first of the Spanish settlements was made in that port, and was called
the city of Sanctisimo Nombre de Jesus [Most holy name of Jesus],
[15] because a carved image of Jesus had been found in one of the
houses of the natives when the Spaniards conquered the latter, which
was believed to have been left there by the fleet of Magallanes. The
natives held the image in great reverence, and it wrought miracles
for them in times of need. The Spaniards placed it in the monastery
of St. Augustine, in that city.

That same year the adelantado despatched the flagship of his fleet
to Nueva España, with the relation and news of what had happened
during the voyage, and of the settlement in Sebu. He requested men
and supplies in order to continue the pacification of the other
islands. Fray Andres de Urdaneta and his associate, Fray Andres de
Aguirre, sailed in the vessel.

One of the ships which left Puerto de la Navidad in company with the
fleet and under command of Don Alonso de Arellano, carried as pilot
one Lope Martin, a mulatto and a good sailor, although a turbulent
fellow. When the ship neared the islands, it left the fleet and
went among them ahead of the other vessels. There they bartered
for provisions, and, without awaiting the adelantado, returned to
Nueva España by a northerly course--either because of their slight
gratification at having made the voyage to the islands, or to gain
the reward for having discovered the return passage. They soon
arrived and declared that they had seen the islands and discovered
the return voyage. They alleged various reasons for their coming,
but brought no message from the adelantado, or news of what had
happened to him. Don Alonso de Arellano was well received by the
Audiencia which was governing, where the rewarding of him and
his pilot was considered. This would have been done, had not the
adelantado's flagship arrived during this time, after having made
the same voyage. It brought an authentic account of events, of the
actual state of affairs, and of the settlement of Sebu. Moreover, they
related that Don Alonso de Arellano, without receiving any orders,
and without any necessity for it, had preceded the fleet with his
ship at the entrance of the islands, and was seen no more. They said
also that, besides those islands which had peacefully submitted to
his Majesty, there were many others, large and rich, well-inhabited,
and abounding in food and gold. They hoped to pacify and reduce
those islands with the reënforcements requested. They said that the
adelantado had named all the islands Filipinas, [16] in honor of his
Majesty. Reënforcements were immediately sent to the adelantado,
and have been sent every year, as necessity has demanded, so that
the land has been conquered and maintained.

The adelantado heard that there were other islands near Sebu,
abounding in provisions, and accordingly sent some Spaniards thither
to reduce the natives to peace, and bring back rice for the camp. Thus
he relieved his necessity and maintained himself as well as possible
until, having gone to the island of Panay, he sent Martin de Goiti, his
master-of-camp, and other captains thence to the island of Luzon with
what men he deemed sufficient, and under the guidance of a native chief
of the latter island, called Maomat, to try to pacify it and reduce it
to the obedience of his Majesty. When they reached the bay of Manila,
they found its settlement on the seashore, near a large river, and
under the rule and protection of a chief called Rajamora. Opposite,
on the other side of the river, was another large settlement named
Tondo, which was likewise held by another chief named Rajamatanda. [17]
These settlements were fortified with palm-trees and stout arigues [18]
filled in with earth, and very many bronze culverins and other pieces
of larger bore. Martin de Goiti, having begun to treat with the chiefs
and their people concerning the peace and submission which he demanded,
found it necessary to come to blows with them. The Spaniards entered
the land by force of arms, and took it, together with the forts and
artillery, on the day of St. Potenciana, May nineteen, one thousand
five hundred and seventy-one. [19] Upon this the natives and their
chiefs made peace and rendered homage; and many others of the same
island of Luzon did the same. [20]

When the news of the taking of Manila and of the Spanish settlement
there reached Panay, Adelantado Legazpi set in order the affairs of
Sebu and other islands which he had subdued, entrusted their natives
to the most reliable soldiers, and having taken the most necessary
precautions for the government of those provinces, which are commonly
called Bicayas de los Pintados, [21] because the natives of them have
all their bodies marked with fire, went to Manila with the remainder
of his men. He was well received there, and established afresh with
the natives and their chiefs the peace, alliance, and homage, which
had been given. On the very site of Manila, of which Rajamora made a
donation to the Spaniards for their settlement, the adelantado founded
his town and colony, on account of its strength and its situation
in a well-provisioned district, and in the midst of all the other
islands. He left it its name of Manila which it had received from
the natives. [22] Taking sufficient land for the city, the governor
established therein his seat and residence, and fortified it with
special care. He paid more attention to the above, in order to make
this new settlement the seat of government, than to the temperature,
and width of the site, which is hot and narrow from having the river
on one side of the city and the bay on the other, while at the back are
to be found large swamps and marshes, which make the place very strong.

From this post he continued to prosecute the pacification of the
other provinces of this great island of Luzon and of surrounding
districts. Some submitted voluntarily; others were conquered by force
of arms or by the efforts of the religious, who have sown the good
seed of the holy gospel therein. Various of them have labored valiantly
in this, not only in the time and administration of Adelantado Miguel
Lopez de Legazpi, but also in that of the governors that have succeeded
him. The land was apportioned among its conquerors and colonizers. The
capitals of provinces, the ports, and the settlements of cities and
towns which had been founded, and other special encomiendas, were
assigned to the royal crown, for the necessities that arise and the
expenses of the royal exchequer. The affairs of government and the
conversion of the natives were treated as was necessary. Ships were
provided for the annual voyage to Nueva España, which return with the
usual supplies. Thus the condition of the Filipinas Islands has reached
its present known height in both spiritual and temporal matters.

Adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, as above-said, discovered the
islands, colonized them, and made a good beginning in the work of
pacification and subjugation. He founded the city of Sanctisimo Nombre
de Jesus in the provinces of Pintados, and then the city of Manila
in the island of Luzon. In this island he conquered the province
of Ylocos, in whose settlement and port called Vigan, he founded a
Spanish colony, to which he gave the name of Villa Fernandina. [23]
He also pacified the province of Pangasinan and the island of Mindoro,
fixed the amount of tribute that the natives were to pay throughout the
islands, [24] and made many ordinances concerning their government and
conversion, until his death in the year one thousand five hundred and
seventy-four, at Manila, where his body was buried in the monastery
of St. Augustine. [25]

At his death, there was found among his papers a sealed despatch from
the Audiencia of Mexico, which was governing when the fleet left
Nueva Españia, appointing a successor to the government, in case
of the death of the adelantado. By virtue of this despatch, Guido
de Labazarris, formerly a royal official, took the office and was
obeyed. He continued the conversion and pacification of the islands
with great wisdom, valor, and system, and governed them.

During his term the pirate Limahon came from China, and attacked Manila
with a fleet of seventy large war-ships and many soldiers. He entered
the city, and, after killing the master-of-camp, Martin de Goiti,
with other Spaniards who were at his house, marched against the fort,
in which the Spaniards, who were but few, had taken refuge, with
the intention of seizing and subjecting the country. The Spaniards,
reinforced from Vigan by Captain Joan de Salzedo and his soldiers--for
Salzedo saw this pirate pass his coasts, and brought the reinforcement
to Manila--defended themselves so bravely that, after having killed
many of Limahon's men, they forced him to reembark, to leave the bay
in flight, and to take refuge in Pangasinan River. The Spaniards went
thither in search of him and burned his fleet. [26] For many days they
besieged this pirate on land, but he, taking flight in small boats
that he made there secretly, put to sea and abandoned the islands.

During the government of this same Guido de Labazarris, trade and
commerce were established between Great China and Manila. Merchant
ships came every year and the governor received them kindly, and as
a consequence commerce has been growing ever since.

This same governor apportioned all the pacified land in the island of
Luzon and surrounding islands, to the conquerors and settlers there. He
assigned to himself the towns of Betis and Lubao in the province of
Pampanga, besides others of some importance. The succeeding government
dispossessed him of these towns; but afterward his Majesty, on account
of his good services, granted them all to him, and he enjoyed them,
together with the office of master-of-camp of the islands, as long
as he lived.



¶The administration of Doctor Francisco de Sande, and the events of
the Filipinas Islands during his term.

¶CHAPTER SECOND

When the news of the entrance and conquest of the Filipinas Islands
by Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, and of his death, reached Españia, his
Majesty appointed as governor and captain-general of the islands,
Doctor Francisco de Sande, a native of Caceres, and alcalde of the
Audiencia of Mexico. The latter journeyed thither, and took over his
government in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-five.

During this administration, the pacification of the islands was
continued, especially that of the province of Camarines, by Captain
Pedro Chaves, who often came to blows with the natives, until he
conquered them and received their submission. A Spanish colony
was founded there which was called the city of Caceres. Among other
enterprises, the governor made in person the expedition to the island
of Borneo with a fleet of galleys and frigates. [27] With these he
attacked and captured the enemy's fleet, which had come out to meet
him. He captured also the principal settlement, where the king of the
island had his house and residence, but after a few days he abandoned
it and returned to Manila, on account of sickness among the crews,
and his inability to support and care for the Spaniards in that
island. On the way back, and by his orders, Captain Estevan Rodriguez
de Figueroa entered the island of Jólo; he came to blows with the
natives and their chief, whom he conquered, and the latter rendered
him acknowledgment and submission in the name of his Majesty. Thence
he went to the island of Mindanao which he explored, reconnoitering
its river and chief settlements. On his way he reduced other towns and
natives of the same island, who had been pacified, to friendship and
alliance with the Spaniards. The governor despatched the ship "San
Juanillo" to Nueva España, under command of Captain Juan de Ribera,
but it was lost at sea and never heard of again.

Doctor Sande remained until Don Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa came from
Españia as the new governor and captain-general. After his residencia
the doctor returned to Nueva España to fill the office of auditor
of Mexico.



¶ Of the administration of Don Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa, and of
Diego Ronquillo, who filled the office because of the former's death.

¶ CHAPTER THIRD

Because of the many accounts that had reached the court of his
Majesty concerning the affairs of the Filipinas, and because of their
need of being supplied with settlers and soldiers to pacify them,
an arrangement was made with Don Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa, a
native of Arevalo, and chief alguacil of the Audiencia of Mexico,
who was residing at court, so that it might be done better and at
less cost to the royal exchequer. By this arrangement he was to be
governor of the Filipinas for life and was to take six hundred married
and single men from the kingdoms of Castilla to the Filipinas. His
Majesty granted him certain assistance and facilities for this purpose,
together with other favors as a reward for this service.

Don Gonzalo prepared for the voyage, raised his people, and embarked
them in the port of San Lucas Barremeda, but, as the fleet left the
bar, one of his ships was wrecked. He returned in order to repair his
losses, and, although he took less than at first, he made his journey
to the mainland, and at Panama, embarked his people in the South Sea,
and set sail for the Filipinas, where he arrived and took over the
government, in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty.

Don Gonzalo Ronquillo founded a Spanish town in the island of Panay,
in Oton, which he named Arevalo. During his term, the trade with
the Chinese increased, and he built a market-place and Parián for
them within the city, where the Chinese could bring and sell their
merchandise. He tried to discover a return passage from the islands
to Nueva España, by way of the south, for which purpose he sent his
cousin, Captain Don Juan Ronquillo del Castillo. The latter could not
effect this, for after sailing for some time, until finding himself
near Nueva Guinea, he could go no farther, on account of many severe
storms, and returned to the Filipinas. In like manner, Don Gonzalo sent
another ship, under command of Don Gonzalo Ronquillo de Vallesteros,
to Peru, with some merchandise, in order to obtain certain goods from
those provinces which he said that the Filipinas needed. This vessel
returned from Peru after the death of the governor. The latter imposed
the two per cent duty on the merchandise exported to Nueva España,
and the three per cent duty on the goods imported by the Chinese to
the Filipinas. Although he was censured for having done this without
his Majesty's orders, these duties remained in force, and continued
to be imposed thenceforward.

During this same term, as his Majesty had succeeded to the kingdoms
of Portugal, and had ordered the governor of Manila to maintain
good relations with the chief captain of the fortress of the island
of Tidore, in Maluco, and to assist him when necessary, he sent a
fleet and soldiers thither from Manila, under command of Captain Don
Juan Ronquillo del Castillo. This he did at the request of Diego de
Azambuja, chief captain of Tidore, for the expedition and conquest
of the island of Terrenate. But after reaching Maluco, the expedition
did not succeed in its object. [28] Thenceforward supplies of men and
provisions continued to be sent from the Filipinas to the fortress
of Tidore.

During this same administration, the province of Cagayan in the island
of Luzon, opposite China, was first pacified [29] by Captain Joan
Pablos de Carrion, who founded there a Spanish colony, which he named
Nueva Segovia. He also drove a Japanese pirate [30] from that place,
who had seized the port with some ships, and fortified himself there.

A few days after Don Gonzalo Ronquillo had entered into the
government, he sent Captain Gabriel de Ribera with a small fleet,
consisting of one galley and several frigates, to explore the coast
and settlements of the island of Borneo, with orders to proceed
thence to the kingdom of Patan on the mainland, where pepper is
produced. The captain having coasted along and reconnoitered Borneo,
returned with his fleet to Manila, on account of the advanced season
and lack of provisions. Thence the governor sent him to España,
with authority from himself and from the islands, to confer with
his Majesty upon several matters that he desired to see carried out,
and upon others which would prove advantageous to the islands. [31]
The captain found his Majesty in Portugal, gave him a few pieces of
gold and other curiosities which he had brought for that purpose,
and stated the matters of which he had come to treat. The result was
that his Majesty, among other favors, appointed him marshal of Bonbon,
for his hardships during this voyage, and the proper resolution was
made in the matters of which he had come to treat.

It was during the administration of Don Gonzalo Ronquillo, that the
first bishop of the Filipinas was appointed, in the person of Don Fray
Domingo de Salazar, of the Dominican order, a man of great learning and
piety. As soon as he arrived in the islands, he took upon himself the
management and jurisdiction of ecclesiastical affairs, which were at
first in charge of the Augustinian friars who had come at the time of
the conquest, and afterwards of the discalced Franciscan religious,
who had arrived at the time of the conversion. The bishop erected his
cathedral in the city of Manila, by apostolic bulls, with prebends paid
by the royal exchequer, until there should be tithes and ecclesiastical
revenues to maintain themselves. Moreover, he provided whatever else
was necessary for the service and decoration of the church, and for
the divine worship which is celebrated there with great solemnity
and display. Don Fray Domingo de Salazar took Antonio Sedeño and
Alonso Sanchez, both priests and grave members of the Society of
Jesus, with him. They were the first to establish that order in the
Filipinas, which, since that time, has been steadily growing, to the
great profit and fruit of the teaching and conversion of the natives,
consolation of the Spaniards, and the education and teaching of their
children in the studies which they pursue.

Don Gonzalo Ronquillo was in such poor health from the day on which
he entered upon his administration, that he died in the year one
thousand five hundred and eighty-three, and his body was buried in
the monastery of St. Augustine in Manila.

His kinsman, Diego Ronquillo, by virtue of his appointment through
a decree of his Majesty, succeeded him in the governorship; this man
continued what Don Gonzalo had commenced, especially in the assistance
for Maluco and pacification for other islands.

During the same term of Diego Ronquillo, a fire broke out in the city
of Manila, which started at midday in the church of the convent of
St. Augustine, while the doors of the church were closed. The fire
increased so rapidly that all the city was burned in a few hours,
as it was built of wood. There was great loss of goods and property,
and some persons were in danger. The city was rebuilt with great
difficulty and labor, leaving the Spaniards very poor and needy. [32]

The main result of the matters treated at court by Mariscal Gabriel
de Ribera was (although at that time the death of Governor Don
Gonzalo Ronquillo was unknown) to order the establishment of a
royal Audiencia in the city of Manila, whose president was to be
governor and captain-general of all the Filipinas. In view of this,
the necessary instructions were issued, and the presidency given to
Doctor Sanctiago de Vera, alcalde of the Audiencia of Mexico, and a
native of the town of Alcala de Henares. He went to the islands with
the usual reënforcements from Nueva España, taking with him the royal
seal of the Audiencia, the auditors whom his Majesty was sending, the
fiscal, and other officials and assistants of the said Audiencia. The
auditors and fiscal were Licentiates Melchior de Avalos, Pedro de
Rojas, and Gaspar de Ayala--[the latter] as fiscal. At the end of
two years, Don Antonio de Ribera went as third auditor.



¶ Of the administration of Doctor Sanctiago de Vera, and of the
establishment of the Manila Audiencia, and until its suppression;
and of events during his term.

¶ CHAPTER FOURTH

The president and auditors arrived at the Filipinas in the month of
May, in the year 1584, while Diego Ronquillo was governing. Doctor
Sanctiago de Vera entered upon his office, and immediately established
the Audiencia. The royal seal was received and deposited with all
possible solemnity and festivity. Then they began to attend to the
affairs both of justice and of war and government, to the great profit
of the country. At this time new reënforcements were sent to Maluco
for the conquests that the chief captain of Tidore intended to make
of the island of Terrenate. Captain Pedro Sarmiento [33] went from
Manila for this purpose, and on another occasion the captain and
sargento-mayor, Juan de Moron; [34] but neither of these expeditions
met with the desired result.

President Sanctiago de Vera also continued the pacification of
several provinces of the islands, and did many things, which
proved advantageous in every respect. He discovered a rebellion
and insurrection which the native chiefs of Manila and Pampanga had
planned against the Spaniards, and justice was done the guilty. [35]
He built with stone the fortress of Nuestra Señora de Guia [Our Lady
of Guidance], within the city of Manila on the land side, and for
its defense he caused some artillery to be founded by an old Indian,
called Pandapira, a native of the province of Panpanga. The latter
and his sons rendered this service for many years afterward, until
their deaths.

During the administration of President Sanctiago de Vera, the
Englishman Thomas Escander, [36] entered the South Sea through
the Strait of Magallanes; on the coast of Nueva España, close to
California, he had captured the ship "Santa Ana," which was coming
from the Filipinas laden with a quantity of gold and merchandise of
great value. Thence he proceeded to the Filipinas; entering through
the province of Pintados, he came in sight of the town of Arevalo and
of the shipyard where a galleon was being built for the navigation
of the Nueva España line. Wishing to burn this vessel, he made the
attempt, but he was resisted by Manuel Lorenzo de Lemos, who was
supervising its construction. The Englishman passed on, and went
to India, whence he took his course to Inglaterra, having followed
the same route which the Englishman Francisco Draque [Francis Drake]
[37] had taken several years before. The latter had, in like manner,
passed through the Strait of Magallanes to the Peruvian coast, where
he made many prizes.

At this time, the Audiencia and the bishop thought it advisable
that some person of sufficient and satisfactory qualities should be
sent to España, to the court of his Majesty, to give a thorough and
detailed account of the state of affairs in the Filipinas Islands,
and to request that some necessary measures might be taken concerning
them. The court was especially to be informed that, for the time being,
the Audiencia could be dispensed with, for it was a heavy burden to
all estates, because of the newness of the country. The person of
Father Alonso Sanches, of the Society of Jesus, a learned man, and one
well informed concerning the country, and very active in business, was
chosen for this purpose. Instructions were given him, and authority to
act for all estates, religious orders, and communities, as to what he
was to treat and request in España, and at the court of his Holiness
in Roma, where he was also to go. [38] This father reached Madrid,
and after having conferred with his Majesty several times respecting
those things of which he thought fit to treat and to make requests,
went to Roma, where he introduced himself as the ambassador of all
the estates of the Filipinas, and on their behalf he kissed the foot,
and visited the pontiffs who ruled during that time, after the death
of Sixtus the Fifth. Having received from them favors and indulgences
with many relics, bulls, and letters for the Filipinas, he returned to
España, where again he solicited a decision on the business which he
had left under discussion when he went to Roma. His Majesty listened
to the messages that he brought from the pontiffs, and lent him
a favorable ear concerning the affairs of the islands. In private
audiences the father made the king understand his requests, and decide
them to his own satisfaction. But as soon as the despatches reached
the Filipinas, much of their contents appeared outside the intention
and expectation of both bishop and Audiencia, and the city, citizens,
and encomenderos. They appeared even detrimental to the inhabitants
of the islands, and therefore they expressed their displeasure toward
Father Alonso Sanches, who was still in España. The father negotiated
for the suppression of the Audiencia of Manila, and the appointment
of a new governor; and in begging such an one, the same father,
because of his friendly relations with him, proposed one Gomez Perez
Dasmariñas, who had been corregidor of Leon and later of Murcia, and
who was at that time in the court, and corregidor-elect of Logroño
and Calahorra. His Majesty appointed him governor and captain-general
of the Filipinas, and increased the annual salary of his office to ten
thousand Castilian ducados. Moreover, he made him a knight of the Order
of Sanctiago, and gave him a large sum of money with which to meet the
expenses of the voyage. He was provided with the necessary despatches,
both for the exercise of his office, and for the suppression of the
Audiencia of Manila, and the establishment of a camp of four hundred
paid soldiers with their officers, at his Majesty's expense, for the
garrison and defense of the land. His Majesty ordered him to sail
immediately for Nueva España in the ships on which Viceroy Don Luis de
Velasco sailed in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine,
who was going to govern that country.

Gomez Perez Dasmariñas left Mexico as soon as possible, and with what
ships, soldiers, and captains he needed, sailed for the Filipinas,
where he arrived in the month of May, in the year one thousand five
hundred and ninety.



¶ Of the administration of Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, and of Licentiate
Pedro de Rojas, who was elected by the city of Manila to act as
governor, on account of the former's death, until Don Luis Dasmariñas
was received as the successor of Gomez Perez, his father.

¶ CHAPTER FIFTH

As soon as Gomez Perez Dasmariñas reached the Filipinas, he was
received as governor with universal acclaim. He suppressed the
Audiencia, and the residencias of its president, auditors, fiscal,
and other officials were taken by Licentiate Herver del Coral, whom
Viceroy Don Luys de Velasco had sent for that purpose, by virtue of a
royal decree received to that effect. The new governor inaugurated his
rule by establishing the paid garrison, and by executing, with great
enthusiasm and zeal, many and various things, for which he possessed
royal orders and instructions, not shrinking from any kind of labor,
or taking any care of himself. His first labor was the walling of the
city, to which he attended so assiduously, that it was almost completed
before his death. [39] He also built a cavalier on the promontory of
Manila where the old wooden fort, which he called Sanctiago, formerly
stood, and fortified it with some artillery. He razed to the ground
the fort of Nuestra Señora de Guia, which his predecessor had built; he
built of stone the cathedral of Manila, and encouraged the inhabitants
of the city who had shortly before begun to build, to persevere in
building their houses of stone, a work which the bishop was the first
to begin in the building of his house. During his term he increased
trade with China, and regulated better the navigation of Nueva España,
and the despatch of vessels in that line. He built some galleys for
the defense of the coast, pacified the Zambales, who had revolted,
and ordered his son Don Luys Dasmariñas, of the habit of Alcantara,
to make an incursion with troops from Manila into the interior of the
island of Luzon, [40] by crossing the river Ytui and other provinces
not yet explored or seen by Spaniards, until he arrived at Cagayan. He
built also an artillery foundry in Manila, where, for want of expert
founders, but few large pieces were turned out.

In the first year of his administration, he sent the president and
auditors of the suppressed Audiencia to España. Licentiate Pedro de
Rojas, the senior auditor, remained with the governor by order of
his Majesty, as lieutenant-assessor in matters of justice, until some
years later appointed alcalde in Mexico.

During Gomez Perez's administration, the relations and peace existing
between the Japanese and the Spaniards of the Filipinas began to
become strained; for hitherto Japanese vessels had gone from the port
of Nangasaqui to Manila for some years, laden with their flour and
other goods, where they had been kindly received, and despatched. But
Taicosama, [41] lord of all Xapon, was incited through the efforts of
Farandaquiemon--a Japanese of low extraction, one of those who came to
Manila--to write in a barbarous and arrogant manner to the governor,
demanding submission and tribute, and threatening to come with a fleet
and troops to lay waste the country. But, between demands and replies,
several years were spent, until at last Taico died. [42]

While Xapon was causing the governor some anxiety, the king of Camboja
sent him an embassy by the Portuguese Diego Belloso, who brought
a present of two elephants and offers of friendship and trade with
his kingdom, and implored aid against Sian--which was threatening
Camboja. The governor answered the king, and sent him a horse, with
a few emeralds and other objects, but postponed until later what
related to aid, and thanked him for his friendship. This was the
origin of the events and the expeditions made later from Manila to
the kingdoms of Sian and Camboja, on the mainland of Asia.

From the moment that Gomez Perez received his charge in España, he had
cherished the desire to lead an expedition from Manila to conquer the
fort of Terrenate in Maluco, on account of the great importance of this
enterprise, and its outcome, in which no success had been attained on
other occasions. He was constantly making necessary arrangements for
undertaking this expedition, but so secretly that he declared it to no
one, until, in the year ninety-three, seeing that the preparations for
his intention appeared sufficient, he declared his purpose, and made
ready to set out in person, with more than nine hundred Spaniards and
two hundred sail, counting galleys, galliots, frigates, vireys, and
other craft. He left the war affairs of Manila and of the islands, with
a few troops--although insufficient for the city's defense--in charge
of Diego Ronquillo, his master-of-camp; and those of administration
and justice to Licentiate Pedro de Rojas. He also sent his son, Don
Luys Dasmariñas, forward with the rest of the fleet, as his lieutenant
in the office of captain-general, to the provinces of Pintados, whence
they were to sail; while he himself remained in Manila making his final
preparations and arming a galley of twenty-eight benches, in which he
was to sail. This galley he manned with good Chinese rowers, with pay,
[43] whom, in order to win their good will, he would not allow to be
chained, and even winked at their carrying certain weapons. About
forty Spaniards embarked on the galley, and the galley itself was
accompanied by a few frigates and smaller vessels, in which private
individuals embarked. The governor sailed from the port of Cabit,
in the month of October, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three,
for the provinces of Pintados, where they were to join the fleet which
was awaiting them there, and to proceed to Maluco. In the afternoon of
the second day of the voyage, they reached the island of Caça, [44]
twenty-four leguas from Manila, and close to the coast of the same
island of Luzon, at a place called Punta del Açufre [Sulphur Point],
where there is a strong head wind. The galley tried to round this
point by rowing, but being unable to make any headway until the wind
should drop, they anchored and spread an awning, and stayed there that
night. Some of the vessels sailing with the galley went in closer to
the shore in sight of the galley, and awaited it there.

The governor and those who accompanied him passed the night playing
on the poop, until the end of the first watch. After the governor had
gone into his cabin to rest, the other Spaniards went also to their
quarters [45] for the same purpose, leaving the usual guards in the
midship gangway, and at the bow and stern. The Chinese rowers, who
had three days before that conspired to seize the galley whenever a
favorable opportunity presented itself--in order to avoid the labor
of rowing on this expedition, and their covetousness of the money,
jewels, and other articles of value aboard the vessel--thought that
they should not lose their opportunity. Having provided candles, and
white shirts with which to clothe themselves, and appointed chiefs
for its execution, they carried out their plan that same night, in
the last watch before dawn, when they perceived that the Spaniards
were asleep. At a signal which one of them gave they all at the same
time put on their shirts, lit their candles, and catan [46] in hand,
attacked the guards and the men who slept in the quarters [ballesteras]
and in the wales, and wounding and killing them, they seized the
galley. A few of the Spaniards escaped, some by swimming ashore,
others by means of the galley's tender, which was at the stern. When
the governor heard the noise from his cabin, thinking that the galley
was dragging and that the crew were lowering the awning and taking to
the oars, he hurried carelessly out bareheaded through the hatchway of
the cabin. Several Chinese were awaiting him there and split his head
with a catan. Thus wounded he fell down the stairs into his cabin, and
the two servants whom he kept there, carried him to his bed, where he
immediately died. The servants met the same fate from the stabs given
them through the hatch. The only surviving Spaniards in the galley
were Juan de Cuellar, the governor's secretary, and Father Montilla of
the Franciscan order, who were sleeping in the cabin amidships, and
who remained there without coming out; nor did the Chinese, thinking
that there were more Spaniards, dare to go in until next day, when
they took the two men out and later put them ashore on the coast of
Ylocos, in the same island of Luzon, in order that the natives might
allow them to take water on shore, which they badly needed.

Although the Spaniards who were in the other vessels, close to the
land, perceived the lights and heard the noise made in the galley
from their ships, they thought that some work was being done; and when
shortly afterward, they learned what was happening from those who had
escaped by swimming, they could render no assistance and kept still,
as everything was lost, and they were few and not in sufficient force
therefor. They waited for the morning, and when it began to dawn,
they saw that the galley had already set its bastard, and was sailing,
wind astern toward China, and they were unable to pursue it.

The galley sailed with a favorable wind all along the coast of
the island until leaving it. It took some water at Ylocos, where
the secretary and the religious were abandoned. The Chinese tried
to make for China, but not being able to fetch it, they ported in
the kingdom of Cochinchina, where the king of Tunquin seized their
cargo and two large pieces of artillery which were intended for the
expedition of Maluco, the royal standard, and all the jewels, money,
and articles of value; the galley he left to drift ashore, and the
Chinese dispersed and fled to different provinces. Governor Gomez Perez
met this unfortunate death, whereupon the expedition and enterprise
to Maluco, which the governor had undertaken, ceased also. Thus ended
his administration, after he had ruled somewhat more than three years.

Among other despatches which Gomez Perez Dasmariñas brought from España
there was an order from his Majesty which authorized him to appoint
the person whom he thought best to succeed him in case of death,
until such time as his Majesty should appoint his successor. He
showed this order to several of the most important persons of the
island, giving each one to understand that he would be appointed,
especially to Captain Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa, an inhabitant
of Pintados, a rich man of merit, and one of the first conquerors
of the land. To him the governor showed an appointment drawn in his
favor. He made use of the captain on all occasions and had him go with
himself to Maluco. The news of the seizure of the galley was soon
known in Manila. The citizens and soldiers that had remained there,
assembled at the house of Licentiate Pedro de Rojas, to discuss
advisable measures. First of all they elected the latter governor
and captain-general. Then they sent Captain Don Juan Ronquillo del
Castillo and other captains with two frigates (for there were no other
vessels) in pursuit of the galley, a fruitless attempt, for the galley
was nowhere to be seen. The new governor also sent a message to Don
Luis Dasmariñas and to the army and fleet who were awaiting Gomez
Perez in Pintados, informing him of the latter's death and of what
had happened, as well as of his own recent election to affairs of
government. He also ordered them to return with all speed to Manila,
for the city was left almost deserted, and without the necessary
precautions for any emergency.

The news caused great grief in the fleet. Don Luys Dasmariñas and
Captain Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa, each in his own heart, was
certain that he was to become governor, taking it for granted that
the governor had nominated him for the office. With this hope, both
of them with the best ships and crews of the fleet, set sail together
for Manila with the utmost speed.

Licentiate Pedro de Rojas, anxious about this provision, which the
governor would leave among his papers and drawers deposited in the
monastery of St. Augustine in Manila, in the possession of Fray Diego
Muñoz, prior and commissary of the Holy Office, made the effort to
gain possession of them. Although he seized some of them, he did not
find the said provision, for the prior had anticipated him and set
aside one of the drawers, in which the provision was supposed to be
found, to await Don Luys Dasmariñas's arrival in the city. Juan de
Cuellar, who had escaped from the galley, arrived from the province
of Ylocos, and testified that an appointment for the succession to the
governorship had been made by Gomez Perez, but he did not state whom;
or among what papers the nomination could be found. Thereupon the
licentiate Pedro de Rojas and those devoted to him became more anxious.

Forty days passed in this manner, at the end of which Don Luis
appeared in the bay near the city, accompanied by Estevan Rodriguez
and many men; and there he anchored, not choosing to enter the city,
or to disembark. He caused a search to be made for the papers kept
in St. Augustine, and among them was found the royal order and the
nomination of Don Luys Dasmariñas to succeed to the governorship. One
of his partisans announced the fact to the city magistrates, who,
changing their ideas, and notwithstanding some opposition from the
partisans of Licentiate Rojas, summoned Don Luys Dasmariñas to the
municipal house and placed him in possession of the government. The
same was done by the soldiers whom Don Luys had with him, and by the
fleet. Each day brought a new disappointment to Licentiate Rojas,
who returned to his office of lieutenant-assessor, after a rule of
forty days.

If the death of Governor Gomez Perez Dasmariñas was an unfortunate
event, both for the loss of his person and for the loss of a so good
opportunity for the conquest of Terrenate, when all were certain of
success, the return of the fleet and the arrival of the troops in
the city was none the less a fortunate event, for, not many days
after--having anticipated their usual time for the voyage--there
arrived in Manila many Chinese ships which carried many men and
little merchandise, and seven mandarins bearing the insignia of
their office. This gave sufficient motive for suspecting that they
had heard of the departure of the fleet for Maluco and of the city's
lack of defense, and that they had therefore come on this occasion
to try to seize the country. But they desisted from the attempt
when they found the city with more troops than ever. They returned
to China without showing any other particular motive for coming,
and without either side showing that their motives were understood;
except that Governor Don Luys was watchful and on his guard. He
took the proper measures, especially those concerning the Chinese,
and their settlement and Parián.

No ships went to Nueva España from the Filipinas that year, because
Governor Gomez Perez, before starting on the expedition to Maluco, had
sent there the vessels "San Felipe" and "San Francisco," both of which,
on account of heavy storms, had to put back, the "San Felipe" to the
port of Sebu and the "San Francisco" to Manila, and they were unable
to resail until the following year. It was suspected in Nueva España
that there were troubles in the islands because of the non-arrival
of the ships, and persons were not wanting to affirm more than had
really happened; nor was it possible at the same time--in the town
of Mexico--to ascertain whence the news had emanated. This was very
shortly known in España, by way of India, letters having been sent
to Venecia [Venice], through Persia; and immediately they set about
appointing a new governor.

In the first year of the government of Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, the need
of an Audiencia began to be felt by many, upon their seeing all the
power vested in one man, and that there was no one to whom they could
apply for remedy for certain cases. [47] He who felt this most keenly
was Bishop Fray Domingo de Salazar, who had had certain differences
and disputes with the governor, which obliged him to start for España,
notwithstanding his advanced age. The governor readily gave him leave
for that year, and a vessel for the voyage, in order to rid himself of
him; but at the same time and with full power from himself, he sent
Fray Francisco de Ortega of the Augustinian order to court, to meet
whatever the bishop might allege and to defend his side. Both reached
España, and each spoke as his interests demanded. The chief thing
insisted upon by the bishop was a request for the reëstablishment
of the Audiencia, and the foundation of other bishoprics in the
Filipinas, besides that of Manila, as well as other things which he
thought beneficial to the spiritual and temporal welfare. In all this
he was opposed by Ortega. But the authority and piety of the bishop
were of such weight, that, although at first the cause that made him,
at his advanced age, leave his church, and travel five thousand leguas
to España, seemed trivial, afterward he was favorably received by his
Majesty and the Council and all his petitions and propositions were
considered and discussed at length, and many consultations were held
with his Majesty, in order to have a decision passed upon them.

In the same year of ninety-three in which Gomez Perez died in the
Filipinas, the Council after consulting with his Majesty, resolved
that the office of lieutenant-assessor in judicial matters, which had
been filled by Licentiate Pedro de Roxas since the suppression of the
Audiencia, should be made more important than formerly in order to
facilitate matters; that the title of the office should thereafter be
that of lieutenant-general; and that in judicial matters the holder
of it should have authority to hear cases of appeal not exceeding
the value of one thousand Castilian ducados. Thereupon Licentiate
Pedro de Rojas was promoted to the office of alcalde of Mexico,
and Doctor Antonio de Morga was appointed by his Majesty to take the
latter's residencia, and to the office of lieutenant-general of the
Filipinas. In the course of his journey the latter arrived at Nueva
España in the beginning of the year ninety-four, and found that the
ships which, as abovesaid, had failed to come from the Filipinas,
had not arrived. Moreover the death of Gomez Perez, and the other
events that had occurred, were unknown until the arrival of Don Juan
de Velasco, in the month of November of the same year, in the galleon
"Sanctiago," which had been sent to the islands the year before by
Viceroy Don Luys de Velasco, with the necessary supplies. He brought
news of the governor's death and of the succession to the office by
the latter's son, Don Luys Dasmariñas. Men and fresh supplies for the
islands were prepared immediately and together with many passengers and
religious from España, Doctor Antonio de Morga embarked in the port of
Acapulco, in the galleons "San Felipe" and "Santiago," with everything
under his charge. He set sail March twenty-two of ninety-five, and
arrived under fair weather in the port of Cabit, June eleven of the
same year. He entered upon his office of lieutenant-general, and began
to occupy himself with his duties and the other matters in his charge.

While Don Luys Dasmariñas was governing, the suspicions and fear
of Xapon continued, which, together with the Chinese trouble, kept
the people in continual anxiety. The governor sent his cousin, Don
Fernando de Castro, with letters and despatches to the viceroy of
Canton and to that of Chincheo, where many of the Chinese who had
seized the galley and killed Governor Gomez Perez, were thought to
be found. Supposing that they had gone there with the galley, the
governor requested the Chinese authorities to deliver the culprits
for punishment, and to restore the royal standard, artillery, and
other things which had been seized. This was not obtained, for as
the galley had gone to Cochinchina, and the Chinese had dispersed in
so many directions, it could not be effected. However, after several
days, some of the guilty Chinese were brought from Malaca to Manila,
having been captured there by the chief captain, Francisco de Silva
de Meneses. From these men more accurate information was derived
concerning what had happened in the seizure of the galley and of the
governor's death, and justice was dealt them.

In the year ninety-four, when Don Luys was governor, a large junk came
to the Filipinas with some Cambodians and Siamese, several Chinese and
three Spaniards--one a Castilian, named Blaz Ruyz de Hernan Gonzalez,
and the other two Portuguese called Pantaleon Carnero and Antonio
Machado. While they were in the city of Chordemuco, [48] in Camboja,
with Prauncar [49] Langara, king of Camboja, the king of Sian attacked
the former king with many soldiers and elephants, conquered the land,
and seized the house and the treasures of the king, who, with his wife,
mother, sister, and his one daughter, and two sons, fled inland to
the kingdom of Lao. The king of Sian leaving some of his captains
to guard Camboja returned to his home with the rest of the army,
sending what booty he could not carry away by land, to Sian by sea
in several junks. He captured the Portuguese and Castilians whom he
found there [i.e., in Camboja], and embarked the above mentioned three
with other Cambodian slaves on board this junk, besides many goods,
and with a Siamese guard and a Chinese crew. While they were at sea,
the three Spaniards, aided by the Chinese, took possession of the
junk, and killed and imprisoned the Siamese guards. After that the
Spaniards and the Chinese came to blows as to who should have the
prize and where it was to be taken. The three Spaniards overcame the
Chinese, and killing most of them, took the junk to Manila with all
its cargo, and the vessel was adjudged to them. Liberty was granted
to the Cambodians as well as to the Chinese who had survived the fray.

The king of Sian reached his court in the city of Odia [50] and
waited for the arrival of the junk; but seeing that it delayed longer
than was necessary, he suspected that it had been seized or lost,
and desired to send someone to bring him news of it and the reason
for the delay. Among the prisoners he had made in Camboja was the
Portuguese, Diego Belloso, who had been sent to Manila in the time
of Gomez Perez Dasmariñas by King Prauncar Langara, to request his
friendship and assistance against Sian which was then threatening him,
as abovesaid. On his return to Camboja with the governor's answer and
present, Belloso found that the Siamese had seized the country and
had occupied it. Accordingly they captured him, and the Siamese king
seized the present which he carried off with the other captures to his
country. This Diego Belloso, getting wind of the king's intention, had
word sent to the latter that, if he were to send him on this business,
he would go as far as Manila, since he knew that archipelago so well,
and find out what had happened to the junk. At the same time he said
that he would establish friendship and commerce in the king's name
with the Spaniards, and would procure many European curiosities for
him, which were to be found in Manila, especially a colored stone
large enough to serve as a hilt for the two-handed sword which the
king used--a thing which the king greatly desired on account of
a smaller one that he had found among the presents, and which he
carried before him when on his elephant. The king agreed to this and
had a junk prepared; he sent in it a Siamese who was in his service,
and all the other men necessary for the voyage, together with Diego
Belloso. He sent two elephants to the governor of Manila, and a
quantity of benzoin, ivory, and other merchandise for sale, with
the proceeds of which they were to buy the curiosities mentioned by
Belloso. Having set sail they encountered a storm, and the junk put in
at Malaca, where they learned that the other junk of the Siamese king,
for which they were looking, had been seized, and that the Spaniards
who had embarked as prisoners at Camboja, had taken it with all its
cargo to Manila, after killing the Siamese guards.

At this news the Siamese king's servant began to look less favorably
upon the journey to Manila, and accordingly, although against Belloso's
desire, began to discharge and sell the goods in Malaca with the
intention of returning immediately to Sian. One morning this servant
of the Siamese king, Aconsi [51] by name, was found dead in the junk,
although he had retired safe and sound the night before. Thereupon
Diego Belloso became master of the situation, and after again embarking
the goods and elephants on the junk, left Malaca, and journeyed to
Manila. There he found Don Luys Dasmariñas acting as governor, because
of his father Gomez Perez's death. To him he gave the present of the
elephants, which he brought from the king, and told him what else had
been sent. The other goods and merchandise were offered for sale by
another Siamese who represented his king's service in the same junk.

Belloso met Blas Ruys de Hernan Gonçales and his two companions in
Manila. Among them all they agreed to persuade Governor Don Luys to
send a fleet to Camboja to aid King Langara who was living in exile and
stripped of his kingdom. They alleged that it would be easy to restore
the king to power, and that at the same time the Spaniards might
gain a foothold on the mainland, where they could settle and fortify
themselves, whence would follow other important and more considerable
results. They called on the religious of the Order of St. Dominic to
support them before the governor in this plan. These easily put the
matter on such good footing--for the governor followed their advice
in everything that it was decided to prepare a fleet with as many
men as possible, under command of the captain and sargento-mayor,
Juan Xuarez Gallinato, himself in a ship of moderate size. He was
to be accompanied by two junks: one under command of Diego Belloso,
and the other under that of Blas Ruyz de Hernan Gonçalez, with one
hundred and twenty Spaniards, some Japanese and native Indians,
and all else that was necessary.

This resolution seemed inexpedient to the majority of people in the
city, both because it took so many men away, and also, because the
success of the expedition seemed very doubtful. Admitting reports
that the country of Camboja was in the hands of the king of Sian,
who held it with sufficient forces--and nothing else was known--the
result of the expedition would be to make the king of Sian--from whom
the governor had just received presents and a friendly embassy in the
person of Belloso--their declared enemy. And without sending the king
an answer they were about to take up arms against him in favor of one
who was unknown to them, and from whom the Spaniards had received
neither pledges nor obligations. Lieutenant-general Don Antonio
de Morga and Master-of-camp Diego Ronquillo, together with other
captains and influential persons, spoke of this matter to Don Luys,
and even requested him in writing to desist from this expedition. But
although he had no reasons on his side to satisfy them, he was so
taken by the expedition, that, inasmuch as the said religious of
St. Dominic upheld him, he would not change his plans. Accordingly
he despatched the fleet to the kingdom of Camboja at the beginning
of the year ninety-six, which is generally one week's voyage. On the
other hand, he dismissed the Siamese who had accompanied Belloso,
without any definite answer to the embassy of the king of Siam,
to whom he sent in return for his presents, some products of the
country, which he thought appropriate. The Siamese, seeing that they
were being sent back to their country, were satisfied, and expected
no other result of their coming.

A storm overtook the fleet, and the flagship which carried Juan
Xuarez Gallinato and the majority of the Spaniards, took refuge
in the strait of Sincapura near Malaca, where it remained for many
days. The other two junks which carried Diego Belloso and Blas Ruyz
with some Spaniards, Japanese, and natives of Manila, reached Camboja
with great difficulty, and Blas Ruyz, preceding Belloso, went up the
river Mecon as far as the city of Chordemuco. There they learned
that the mandarins of Camboja had united against the Siamese whom
they had conquered and driven from the kingdom; and that one of these
mandarins, Anacaparan by name, had taken possession of the country,
and was governing under the title of king, although against the will of
the others. Diego Belloso, Blas Ruyz, and those with them thought that
they had arrived in good season for the furtherance of their designs,
since confusion reigned among the Cambodians, and the Siamese were
out of the country. Expecting Gallinato and the flagship to arrive
directly, they spent several days in Chordemuco with the permission
of Anacaparan, who resided nine leguas away in Sistor. Although the
latter knew of the entry of these ships and their men, and that many
more were coming, whose intentions he knew; and although he thought
that it would not be favorable to him: yet he dissembled with them,
waiting to see what time would bring. At the same time six Chinese
ships with their merchandise arrived in Chordemuco and, while they
were discharging it, the Chinese being many and hating the Spaniards,
behaved towards them with great arrogance and insolence. This obliged
the Spaniards, for the sake of their reputation, and in order to
avenge themselves for injuries received, to take up arms against
the Chinese. This they did, killing many Chinese and seizing their
ships and all their cargo. Anacaparan took offense at this, and was
desirous for the Chinese to avenge themselves by his aid. To remedy
this evil Fray Alonso Ximenez, [52] of the Dominican order, who
accompanied the Spaniards, thought that he, together with Blas Ruys
and Diego Belloso, and about fifty Spaniards, a few Japanese, and men
from Luzon, should leave the rest to guard the ships in Chordemuco,
and should go up in small boats to Sistor, in order to obtain an
interview with Anacaparan and offer him excuses and satisfaction
for the trouble that they had had with the Chinese. And in order to
negotiate with him more easily, they made a letter of embassy in the
name of the governor of Manila, because Gallinato carried with him
the one given them by the governor. This device was of little service
to them, because Anacaparan not only did not grant them audience,
but after having seized their boats, kept them so hard pressed in a
lodging outside the city, and so threatened that he would kill them,
if they did not return the ships and what they had taken from them
to the Chinese, that the Spaniards were quite anxious to return to
Chordemuco and board their vessels for greater security. They decided
to do so as best they could.

Their necessity, and beholding themselves in this danger, encouraged
them, one night, although at great risk, to leave their lodgings, and
find a passage where they could cross the river to the city side. They
crossed the river, arms in hand, late at night, and as silently as
possible. Finding themselves near the city, and their courage and
determination increasing, they entered the city and went as far
as the king's house. They set fire to it, to the magazines, and to
other buildings on their way, and threw the Cambodians into so great
confusion, that that night and the following morning they killed many
people, among them King Anacaparan himself. After this they thought it
unwise to advance or maintain their ground, and accordingly marched
back to their ships as orderly as possible. Meanwhile a great number
of Cambodians, with arms and several elephants, started to pursue the
Spaniards and overtook them before the latter reached their ships. The
Spaniards defended themselves valiantly, and continued their march
until embarking without the loss of a single man, while the Cambodians
returned to the city with some of their men killed and wounded.

Diego Belloso and Bias Ruiz had hardly boarded their ships, when
Captain Gallinato entered Chordemuco with the flagship, by way of the
river. They told him all that happened with the Chinese and Cambodians
and of the favorable condition of affairs for continuing them, alleging
that, since the usurper Anacaparan was dead, many Cambodians would
immediately join the Spaniards in defense of the name and fame of
Langara their legitimate king. But, although some of the Cambodians
themselves came to visit the fleet, and assured Gallinato of the same,
of the death of Anacaparan, and of the deeds of the Spaniards in
Sistor, he appeared to give no credit to any of them, and could not
be induced to believe them, or to continue the enterprise, or even
to consider it. On the contrary he rebuked the Spaniards for what had
taken place in his absence, and after depriving them of all that they
had seized from the Chinese and Cambodians, put to sea in order to
return to Manila. Belloso and Blas Ruiz persuaded him to go at least
to Cochinchina, where the galley seized when Governor Gomez Perez was
killed was said to have been taken, and where were the royal standard
and the artillery carried aboard the galley, and for which he should
ask. They promised, while Gallinato was making these negotiations,
to go overland to the kingdom of Lao, where Langara, king of Camboja,
was living, in order to restore him to his kingdom. Captain Gallinato
consented to this, and sailed along the coast, until he entered the
bay of Cochinchina, where, although he was apparently well received
by the natives of the country, he would not disembark from his ships,
but sent Gregorio de Vargas from them to visit the king of Tunquin,
the chief king of that kingdom, and to treat with him concerning the
galley, the standard, and the artillery. While he was thus engaged,
Gallinato allowed Blas Ruyz and Diego Belloso to go ashore to endeavor
to make the journey to Lao, for he agreed easily to their request
because he thus got rid of them and left them busied in this matter,
so that they could not do him any ill turn in Manila in regard to
leaving Camboja.

Diego Belloso and Blas Ruyz went to the king of Sinua, son of the king
of Tunquin, and begged him to help them in their journey. From him they
received all that was necessary, and were well treated and served until
they reached the city of Alanchan, [53] capital of the kingdom of Lao,
where they were kindly received by the king of the country. They found
that Prauncar Langara, king of Camboja, and his elder son and daughter
had died, and that only his son Prauncar survived, and the latter's
stepmother, grandmother, and aunts. They related the condition of
affairs in Camboja, the arrival of the Spaniards, and the death of
the usurper Anacaparan. The same news was brought by a Cambodian
from Chordemuco, who also added that since the death of Anacaparan,
his younger son Chupinanu was reigning, that the country was entirely
divided into factions, and that many upon seeing their natural and
lawful king would leave Chupinanu and would join him and obey him.

The few difficulties for the departure having been overcome by the
arrival at this time of the mandarin Ocuña de Chu at Lanchan, in Lao
[54] from Camboja, who had been sent by order of other mandarins and
grandees of Camboja with ten praus well equipped with artillery and
weapons to fetch their lawful king, it was decided to go down to
Camboja. Prauncar, his grandmother, aunt, and stepmother--he wife
of Langara--together with Diego Belloso and Blas Ruyz, embarked
and journeyed in the said boats and praus down the rivers flowing
from Lao to Camboja. [55] There they found fresh disturbances in the
provinces. But as soon as Prauncar arrived many went over to his side,
especially two Moro Malays, Acuña La Casamana [56] and Cancona, who
were in the country with a Malay army and a quantity of artillery and
elephants. Prauncar was victorious on various occasions, and Chupinanu
with his brothers and other rebels having died in battle, became master
of almost all the provinces of his kingdom. He made Diego Belloso and
Blas Ruyz chiefs in war affairs, and they managed war matters until
they completely established Prauncar on the throne. When the war was
almost entirely ended, the king made Belloso and Blas Ruyz great chofas
[57] of his kingdom, gave them two provinces, and granted them other
favors, although not so many as they expected, or as he had promised
while still in Lao. The chief reason for this was the stepmother,
grandmother, and aunt of the king, who managed him, on account of
his youth, and of his being addicted to wine, in excess even of his
father Langara. The Moro Malay, Acuña Lacasamana, had great influence
with these women. Being envious of the valor of the Spaniards, he was
continually opposing them, and seeking their destruction, with whom,
on this account, they were always at odds. It must be understood
that this Moro held unlawful relations with the wife of Langara,
the stepmother of King Prauncar.

Captain Gallinato's fleet remained in Cochinchina negotiating with
the king of Tunquin for the royal standard and the artillery of the
galley, as above stated, for the galley was lost upon that coast,
and this king had the rest in his possession. The latter not only did
not restore them, but entertaining Gallinato with flattering speech,
was, on the contrary, planning to take from him his ships and their
contents. Gallinato was secretly warned of this by one of the chief
women of Cochinchina, who came to the fleet to see him, after which
he kept a much more careful watch than before, and allowed no one to
go ashore. But this order was of no avail with Fray Alonso Ximenez,
one of the Dominican religious whom he had with him, and the chief
promoter of the expedition. When the latter went ashore, they seized
and kept him there. The Cochinchinese, imagining that the fleet was
off its guard, sent some fire ships against it, followed by some
galleys and warboats, in order to burn it, while many men armed with
arquebuses annoyed the Spaniards from the neighboring shore. The fleet
succeeded in getting away from the fire and put off from shore, and
resisted the enemy's ships with artillery, musketry, and arquebuses,
thus sinking some of them. After this the Spaniards waited no longer,
but leaving Fray Alonso Ximenez on shore, and two lay companions,
whom he took with him, put to sea and left the bay of Cochinchina,
and ran toward the Filipinas.

While these things were happening in Camboja and Cochinchina, orders
had arrived from España from his Majesty to conclude an agreement
that Captain Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa had made with Gomez Perez
Dasmariñas, under which the former was to pacify and settle the island
of Mindanao at his own expense, and receive the governorship of the
island for two lives [58] and other rewards. The said agreement was
effected, after certain difficulties that arose were settled. Don
Estevan Rodriguez prepared men and ships, and what else was necessary
for the enterprise, and with some galleys, galleots, frigates, vireys,
barangays, and lapis, [59] set out with two hundred and fourteen
Spaniards for the island of Mindanao, in February of the same year,
of ninety-six. He took Captain Juan de la Xara as his master-of-camp,
and some religious of the Society of Jesus to give instruction,
as well as many natives for the service of the camp and fleet.

He reached Mindanao River, after a good voyage, where the first
settlements, named Tancapan and Lumaguan, both hostile to the people
of Buhahayen, received him peacefully and in a friendly manner, and
joined his fleet. They were altogether about six thousand men. Without
delay they advanced about eight leguas farther up the river against
Buhahayen, the principal settlement of the island, where its greatest
chief had fortified himself on many sides. Arrived at the settlement,
the fleet cast anchor, and immediately landed a large proportion of
the troops with their arms. But before reaching the houses and fort,
and while going through some thickets [çacatal] [60] near the shore,
they encountered some of the men of Buhahayen, who were coming to
meet them with their campilans, carazas [61] and other weapons, and
who attacked them on various sides. The latter [i.e., the Spaniards
and their allies], on account of the swampiness of the place and
the denseness of the thickets [çacatal], could not act unitedly as
the occasion demanded, although the master-of-camp and the captains
that led them exerted themselves to keep the troops together and
to encourage them to face the natives. Meanwhile Governor Estevan
Rodriguez de Figueroa was watching events from his flagship, but not
being able to endure the confusion of his men, seized his weapons
and hastened ashore with three or four companions, and a servant who
carried his helmet, in order that he might be less impeded in his
movements. But as he was crossing a part of the thickets [çacatal]
where the fight was waging, a hostile Indian stepped out unseen from
one side, and dealt the governor a blow on the head with his campilan,
that stretched him on the ground badly wounded. [62] The governor's
followers cut the Mindanao to pieces and carried the governor back to
the camp. Shortly after, the master-of-camp, Juan de la Xara, withdrew
his troops to the fleet, leaving behind several Spaniards who had
fallen in the encounter. The governor did not regain consciousness,
for the wound was very severe, and died next day. The fleet after that
loss and failure left that place, and descended the river to Tampacan,
where it anchored among the friendly inhabitants and their settlements.

The master-of-camp, Juan de la Xara, had himself chosen by the fleet
as successor in the government and enterprise. He built a fort with
arigues and palms near Tampacan, and founded a Spanish settlement to
which he gave the name of Murcia. He began to make what arrangements he
deemed best, in order to establish himself and run things independently
of, and without acknowledging the governor of Manila, without whose
intervention and assistance this enterprise could not be continued.



Of the administration of Don Francisco Tello, and of the second
establishment of the Audiencia of Manila; and of occurrences during
the period of this administration.

CHAPTER SIXTH

Governor Don Luis Dasmariñas was awaiting news from Captain Juan
Xuarez Gallinato, and from Governor Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa
concerning the voyage which each had made at the beginning of the year
ninety-six, to Camboja and to Mindanao, when news reached Manila,
in the month of June, that two ships had entered the islands by the
channel of Espiritu Santo, and that they brought a new governor sent
from España, namely, Don Francisco Tello de Guzman, knight of the Order
of Sanctiago, a native of Sevilla, and treasurer of the India House
of Trade. He arrived at Manila in the beginning of July and entered
upon his office. It was also learned that Fray Ygnacio Sanctivañez,
of the Order of St. Francis, a native of Sanctivañez, in the province
of Burgos, had been nominated in Nueva España as archbishop of Manila,
for Bishop Fray Domingo de Salazar had died in Madrid; and that Fray
Miguel de Venavides, a native of Carrion and a religious of the Order
of St. Dominic, who had gone to España with Bishop Fray Domingo de
Salazar, had been appointed bishop of the city of Segovia in the
province of Cagayan; also that Fray Pedro de Agurto, of the Order
of St. Augustine, a native of Mexico, had been appointed in Mexico,
bishop of the city of Sanctisimo Nombre de Jesus, and that these
two bishops with another for the city of Caceres, in the province
of Camarines, who was not yet named, had been lately added to the
Filipinas and appointed as suffragans to the archbishop of Manila,
at the instance of Bishop Fray Domingo. Also it was learned that the
Audiencia which had been suppressed in Manila was to be reëstablished
there, as well as other things which the bishop had presented at court.

Shortly after Don Francisco Tello had taken over the governorship, news
was brought of the death of Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa in Mindanao,
by Brother Gaspar Gomez of the Society of Jesus. The latter brought
the body for burial in the college of Manila, of which Don Estevan
was patron. Juan de la Xara wrote that he had charge of affairs,
that he had settled in Tampacan, that he intended to continue the
pacification and conquest of the island as should seem most advisable,
and that reënforcements of men and other things should be sent him. It
was learned that he intended to make an ill use of the government,
and would not remain dependent on, and subordinate to, the governor
of the Filipinas; and that he was depriving the heirs of Estevan
Rodriguez of what lawfully belonged to them. It was learned that,
in order to make himself safer in this respect, he was sending his
confidants to the town of Arevalo in Oton where Don Estevan had
left his wife, Doña Ana de Osseguera, and his two small daughters,
with his house and property, to persuade Doña Ana to marry him. This
resolution appeared injurious in many respects, and the attempt was
made to rectify matters. But in order not to disturb the affairs
of Mindanao, the matter was left alone for the present, until time
should show the course to be followed. And so it happened that when
Juan de la Xara left the camp and settlements of Mindanao, and came
hurriedly to Oton to negotiate his marriage in person--although the
widow of Don Estevan had never been favorable to it--Don Francisco
Tello sent men to arrest him. He was brought to Manila, where he died
while his trial was being conducted.

After the imprisonment of Juan de La Xara, Don Francisco Tello
immediately sent Captain Toribio de Miranda to Mindanao, with orders
to take command of the camp and to govern, until some one should
agree to continue the enterprise. When he arrived at Mindanao and the
soldiers saw that Juan de La Xara's schemes had been defeated, and
that the latter was a prisoner in Manila, with no hope of returning,
they obeyed Toribio de Miranda and the orders that he brought.

In Manila the governor was considering carefully the necessary
measures for continuing the war, since the island of Mindanao was so
near the other pacified islands, and the island itself contained some
provinces that professed peace and were apportioned as encomiendas,
and had Spanish magistrates, such as the rivers of Butuan, Dapitan,
and Caragan, so that it was desirable to pacify the whole island and
subject it to his Majesty. The royal treasury was spent and could
not bear the expense; and Estevan Rodriguez had bound himself by a
legal writ, to carry the war to entire completion at his own expense,
in accordance with the terms of his agreement. The guardian of his
children and heirs brought the matter before the court, and refused
to fulfil this obligation on account of Estevan Rodriguez's death. In
order not to lose time, for what had been commenced had to be continued
in one way or another, the governor decided to prosecute it, drawing
the necessary funds from the royal treasury, either on its own account
or on the account of Estevan Rodriguez's heirs, if such should be
according to law. The governor then searched for a person to go to
Mindanao, and selected Don Juan Ronquillo, general of the galleys. The
latter was given the necessary reënforcements of men and other things,
with which he reached Mindanao. He took command of the Spanish camp and
fleet which he found in Tampacan. He confirmed the peace and friendship
with the chiefs and people of Tampacan and Lumaguan, restored and set
in better order the Spanish settlement and fort, and began to make
preparation for the war against the people of Buhahayen. He spent
many days in making a few incursions into their land and attacks on
their forts, but without any notable result, for the enemy were many
and all good soldiers, with plenty of arquebuses [63] and artillery,
and had fortified themselves in a strong position. They had many other
fortifications inland and went from one to the other with impunity,
whenever they wished, and greatly harassed the Spaniards, who were
little used to so swampy a country. The latter found themselves short
of provisions without the possibility of getting them in the country
on account of the war, inasmuch as the camp contained many men,
both Spaniards and the native servants and boatmen, and it was not
easy at all times to come and go from one part to another in order
to provide necessities. [64]

Meanwhile Don Juan Ronquillo, seeing that the war was advancing very
slowly and with little result, and that the camp was suffering, drew up
a report of it, and sent letters in all haste to Governor Don Francisco
Tello, informing him of the condition of affairs. He wrote that it
would be better to withdraw the camp from Mindanao River, so that
it might not perish; and that a presidio could be established on the
same island in the port of La Caldera, which could be left fortified,
in order not to abandon this enterprise entirely, and so that their
friends of Tampacan and Lumaguan might be kept hostile to the people
of Buhahayen. Meanwhile he and the rest of the camp and fleet would
return to Manila, if permitted, for which he requested the governor
to send him an order quickly. Upon the receipt of this despatch,
Governor Don Francisco Tello resolved to order Don Juan Ronquillo,
since the above was so and the camp could not be maintained, nor the
war continued advantageously, to withdraw with his whole camp from
Mindanao River. He was first to make a great effort to chastise the
enemy in Buhahayen, and then to burn the Spanish settlement and fort
and to go to La Caldera, fortify it, and leave there a sufficient
garrison with artillery, boats, and provisions for its maintenance and
service. Then he was to return to Manila with the rest of his men,
after telling their friends in Tampacan that the Spaniards would
shortly return to the river better equipped and in greater numbers.

Silonga and other chiefs of Buhahayen were not neglecting their
defense, since, among other measures taken, they had sent a chief to
Terrenate to ask assistance against the Spaniards who had brought
war into their homes. Thereupon the king of Terrenate despatched a
numerous fleet of caracoas and other boats to Mindanao with cachils
[65] and valiant soldiers--more than one thousand fighting men in
all--and a quantity of small artillery, in order to force the Spaniards
to break camp and depart, even could they do nothing else. When the
news reached Buhahayen that this fleet was coming to their defense and
support, they made ready and prepared to attack the Spaniards, who
also having heard the same news were not careless. Consequently the
latter turned their attention more to the main fort, and reduced the
number of men in the smaller forts on Buquil River and other posts,
mouths, and arms of the same river. These served to strengthen the
garrison of the main fort and the armed galleys and other smaller
craft, in order to use the latter to resist the expected attack of
the enemy. The enemy having gallantly advanced to the very fort of
the Spaniards with all their vessels and men, attacked and stormed it
with great courage and resolution, in order to effect an entrance. The
Spaniards within resisted valiantly, and those outside in the galleys
on the river assisted them so effectively that together, with artillery
and arquebuses, and at times in close combat with swords and campilans,
they made a great slaughter and havoc among the men of Terrenate and
those of Buhahayen, who were aiding the former. They killed and wounded
a great number of them and captured almost all the caracoas and vessels
of the enemy, so that very few boats escaped and they were pursued and
burned by the Spaniards, who made many prisoners, and seized immense
booty and many weapons from the enemy. As soon as possible after this,
the Spaniards turned against the settlements and forts of Buhahayen
where some of their results were of so great moment that the enemy,
seeing themselves hard pressed and without anyone to help them, sent
messages and proposals of peace to Don Juan Ronquillo, which were
ended by their rendering recognition and homage, and the renewal
of friendship with the people of Tampacan, their ancient enemy. In
order to strengthen the friendship, they sealed it by the marriage
of the greatest chief and lord of Buhahayen with the daughter of
another chief of Tampacan, called Dongonlibor. Thereupon the war was
apparently completely ended, provisions were now to be had, and the
Spaniards with little precaution crossed and went about the country
wherever they wished. The people of Buhahayen promised to dismantle
all their forts immediately, for that was one of the conditions of
peace. Then the Spaniards returned to their fort and settlement at
Tampacan, whence Don Juan Ronquillo immediately sent despatches to
Governor Don Francisco Tello, informing him of the different turn
that the enterprise had taken. In view of the present condition he
requested the governor to issue new instructions as to his procedure,
saying that he would wait without making any change, notwithstanding
the arrival of the answer which he expected to his first report,
for conditions had now become so much better than before that the
governor's decision would be different.

The governor had already answered Don Joan Ronquillo's first despatch,
as we have said above, when the second despatch arrived with news
of the successes in Mindanao. Suspicious of the men in the camp who
had constantly shown a desire to return to Manila, and little relish
for the hardships of war, and fearing lest they would return at the
arrival of the first order, executing that order and abandoning the
enterprise which had reached such a satisfactory stage; and thinking
that it would be unwise to abandon the river: the governor made haste
to send a second despatch immediately by various roads, ordering them
to pay no attention to his first orders, but to remain in Mindanao, and
that he would soon send them what was necessary for further operations.

It seems that this message traveled slowly; for, the first having
arrived, they obeyed it without any further delay, and camp was
raised and the country abandoned. To their former enemy of Buhahayen
they gave as a reason that the governor of Manila had summoned them;
and to their friends of Tampacan, they said that they would leave men
in La Caldera for their security, and that assistance would be sent
them from Manila. This news caused as much sorrow and sadness to the
latter, as joy to the people of Buhahayen. Then after burning their
fort and settlement, the Spaniards embarked all their forces as soon as
possible, left the river, and went to La Caldera, twenty-four leguas
farther down in the direction of Manila. Having entered port, they
built a fortress and left there a garrison of one hundred Spaniards,
with some artillery, provisions, and boats for their use.

At this juncture, the governor's second message to General Don Joan
Ronquillo arrived, to which the latter replied that he was already
in La Caldera, and could not return to the river. Then, without any
further delay, Don Juan Ronquillo went to Manila with the balance of
his fleet, by way of the provinces of Oton, and Panay. The governor,
having heard of his coming, sent to arrest him on the road before
he entered the city, and proceeded against him by law for having
withdrawn the camp and army from Mindanao River, without awaiting the
orders he should have expected after the favorable turn that affairs
had taken. Don Juan Ronquillo was set at liberty on showing a private
letter from the governor, which the latter had sent him separately
with the first instructions, to the effect that he should return
to Manila with his troops in any event, for they were needed in the
islands for other purposes; and because of this letter Don Juan had
determined not to await the second order.

Captain and Sargento-mayor Gallinato crossed from Cochinchina to Manila
in the flagship of his fleet, and informed Don Francisco Tello whom he
found governing, of the events of his expedition; and that Blas Ruyz
and Diego Belloso had gone by land to Lao from Cochinchina in search
of King Langara of Camboja. Thus by their absence he avoided the blame
of leaving Camboja, although there were not wanting many of his own
followers who angrily gave information of the opportunity that he had
lost by not showing himself or staying in Camboja when he had so good
an opportunity; and they stoutly asserted that if he had done so,
all that had been hoped in that kingdom would have been attained.

The other ship of his convoy, to which the balance of his fleet
had been reduced, of which he made Alférez Luys Ortiz commander,
could not pursue the voyage on account of heavy storms, and put in at
Malaca. Some of the Spaniards remained there, and Ortiz with the rest
of the crew, was able to set sail after a few months, and returned
to Manila.

Coincident with the above, and at the beginning of Don Francisco
Tello's administration, two Indian chiefs of the province of Cagayan,
the more powerful of whom was called Magalat, were detained in Manila,
because they, with their kinsmen, and others who followed their
party and opinion, often incited the settlements of that province to
rebellion; and it had cost no little trouble to subdue them; besides
the daily murder of many Spaniards and other injuries inflicted upon
the peaceful natives and their crops. Magalat was captain and leader
of these men, and since he, with his brother and other natives, was
in Manila, and unable to leave it, that province became more secure.

Some Dominican religious bound for Segovia, the capital of that
province, where they give instruction, moved with pity, persuaded
the governor to let Magalat and his brother return to their country
with them. To such an extent did they importune the governor, that
he granted their request. Having reached Cagayan, the chiefs went
inland by the Lobo River and again incited the whole country to
rebellion. With the help of other chiefs of Tubigarao, and other
settlements, they so stirred up things, that it was impossible to
go to those settlements or a step beyond the city. Magalat was the
leader of the rebels, and he committed cruel murders and injuries
even upon the natives themselves, if they refused to rise against the
Spaniards. This reached such a point that the governor was obliged
to send the master-of-camp, Pedro de Chaves, from Manila with
troops, in order that he might suitably remedy the evil. In spite
of many difficulties, the latter had so good fortune that he seized
many insurgent leaders upon whom he executed justice and public
punishment. As for Magalat himself, the governor caused him to be
killed in his own house and land where he had fortified himself, by
the hand of his own Indians, who had offered to do it for a reward;
for in no other way did it appear possible. Had Magalat not been
killed, the war would have dragged on for many years, but with his
death the province became quiet and the peace secure.

In April of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-five,
Adelantado Alvaro de Mendaña de Neira sailed from Callao de Lima in
Peru, to colonize the Salomon Islands, which he had discovered many
years before in the South Sea, [66] the principal one of which he had
called San Christoval. He took four ships, two large ones--a flagship
and an almiranta--a frigate, and a galliot, with four hundred men
in all. He was also accompanied by his wife, Doña Ysabel Barreto and
his three brothers-in-law. On the way he discovered other islands at
which he did not stop; but not finding those which he had previously
discovered, and as his almiranta had been lost, he anchored with the
other ships at an island near Nueva Guinea, inhabited by blacks,
to which he gave the name of Santa Cruz [Holy Cross]. There he
settled--little to the satisfaction of his men. The adelantado, two of
his brothers-in-law, and many of his people died there. Doña Ysabel
Barreto abandoned the colony, on account of sickness and want, and
embarked the survivors aboard her flagship, frigate, and galliot. But
while they were sailing toward the Filipinas the frigate and galliot
disappeared in another direction. The flagship entered the river of
Butuan, in the island of Mindanao, and reached Manila after great
want and suffering. There Doña Ysabel Barreto married Don Fernando de
Castro, and returned to Nueva España in his ship, the "San Geronymo,"
in the year ninety-six. The events of this voyage have been only
lightly touched upon here, so that it seems fitting to reproduce
literally the relation, to which Don Pedro Fernandez de Quiros,
chief pilot on this voyage, affixed his signature, which is as follows.

Relation of the voyage of Adelantado Alvaro de Mendaña de Neira for
the discovery of the Salomon Islands

On Friday, the ninth of the month of April, one thousand five hundred
and ninety-five, Adelantado Alvaro de Mendaña set sail with his fleet
for the conquest and settlement of the western islands in the South
Sea, sailing from the port of Callao de Lima, which lies in twelve and
one-half degrees south latitude. Laying his course toward the valleys
of Santa, Truxillo, and Saña, and collecting men and provisions, he
went to Paita. [67] There he took in water and numbered his forces,
which amounted to about four hundred persons. Then with his four
vessels,  two large and two small, he left the said port, which is
five degrees higher than the former port, and directed his course
west-southwest in search of the islands that he had discovered. He
took Pedro Merino Manrique as master-of-camp; his brother-in-law,
Lope de la Vega, as admiral; and Pedro Fernandez de Quiros as
chief pilot. Following the above-mentioned course he sailed to the
altitude of nine and one-half degrees, whence he sailed southwest by
west to fourteen degrees, where he changed his course to northwest
by west. On Friday, the twenty-first of the month of July, having
reached an altitude of ten long degrees, we sighted an island to
which the general gave the name of Madalena. [68] From a port of this
island, about seventy canoes came out, each containing three men,
or thereabout, while some came swimming and others on logs. There
were more than four hundred Indians, white and of a very agreeable
appearance, tall and strong, large-limbed, and so well made that
they by far surpassed us. [69] They had fine teeth, eyes, mouth,
hands and feet, and beautiful long flowing hair, while many of them
were very fair. Very handsome youths were to be seen among them;
all were naked and covered no part. Their bodies, legs, arms, hands,
and even some of their faces, were all marked after the fashion of
these Bissayans. And indeed, for a barbarous people, naked, and of
so little reason, one could not restrain himself, at sight of them,
from thanking God for having created them. And do not think this
exaggeration, for it was so. These people invited us to their port,
and were in turn invited to our flagship, and about forty of them
came aboard. In comparison with them we appeared to be men of less
than ordinary size. Among them was one who was thought to be a palmo
taller than the tallest man of our fleet, although we had in the
fleet men of more than average height. The general gave some of them
shirts and other things, which they accepted with much pleasure,
dancing after their fashion and calling others. But being annoyed
at the liberties that they took, for they were great thieves, the
general had a cannon fired, in order to frighten them. When they
heard it they all swam ashore, seized their weapons, and at the sound
of a conch threw a few stones at the ships and threatened us with
their lances, for they had no other weapons. Our men fired their
arquebuses at them from the ships and killed five or six of them,
whereat they stopped. Our fleet sailed on and we discovered three
other islands. This island has a circumference of about six leguas. We
passed it on its southern side. On that side it is high and slopes
precipitously to the sea, and has mountainous ravines where the
Indians dwell. There seemed to be many inhabitants, for we saw them
on the rocks and on the beach. And so we continued our course to the
other three islands. The first, to which was given the name San Pedro,
is about ten leguas from Magdalena, and like it extends northwest by
north. It has a circumference of about three leguas. The island is
beautiful, and rich in woods and fine fields. We did not ascertain
whether it was inhabited or not, for we did not stop there. To the
southeast and about five leguas from it lies another island to which
the general gave the name of Dominica. It is very sightly, and to
all appearances thickly populated, and has a circumference of about
fifteen leguas. To the south and a little more than one legua from
it lies another island with a circumference of about eight leguas,
which received the name of Sancta Cristina. Our fleet passed through
the channel that separates the one island from the other, for all that
we saw of these islands is clear sailing. On the west side of Sancta
Cristina, a good port was found, and there the fleet anchored. [70]
These Indians did not seem to me to resemble the first; but many
beautiful women were seen. I did not see the latter, but some who did
assured me that in their opinion, they are as beautiful as the women
in Lima, but light complexioned and not so tall--and the women in Lima
are very beautiful. The articles of food seen in that port were swine
and fowl, sugar-cane, excellent bananas, cocoanuts, and a fruit that
grows on high trees. Each of the last is as large as a good-sized
pineapple, and is excellent eating. Much of it was eaten green,
roasted, and boiled. When ripe it is indeed so sweet and good that,
in my estimation, there is no other that surpasses it. Scarcely any
of it, except a little husk, has to be thrown away. [71] There was
also another fruit with a flavor like that of chestnuts, but much
larger in size than six chestnuts put together; much of this fruit
was eaten roasted and boiled. Certain nuts with a very hard shell,
and very oily, were also found, which were eaten in great quantities,
and which, according to some, induced diarrhoea. We also saw some
Castilian pumpkins growing. Near the beach there is a fine cascade
of very clear water, which issues from a rock at the height of two
men. Its volume is about the width of four or five fingers. Then
near by there is a stream, from which the boats drew a full supply
of water. The Indians fled to the forests and rocks, where they
fortified themselves and tried to do some mischief, by throwing
stones and rolling down rocks, but they never wounded anyone, for
the master-of-camp restrained them, by placing outposts. The Indians
of this island, on seeing one of our negroes, made signs toward the
south, saying that there were men like him there, and that they were
wont to go there to fight; that the others were armed with arrows; and
that they make the journey thither in certain large canoes which they
possess. Since there was no interpreter, or much curiosity to learn
more, no further investigations were made, although, in my opinion,
this is impossible for Indians so remote, unless there be a chain of
islands; for their boats and their customs in other things show that
they have not come from any great distance.

This port lies in an altitude of nine and one-half degrees. The
adelantado ordered three crosses to be planted, and on Saturday, August
fifth, to weigh anchor and set sail southwest by west. We sailed with
easterly and east southeasterly winds, now southwest by west and now
northwest by west, for about four hundred leguas. One Sunday, August
twenty, we sighted four low islands with sandy beaches, abounding
in palms and other trees. On the southeast side, towards the north,
was seen a great sandbank. All four islands have a circuit of about
twelve leguas. Whether they were inhabited or not, we could not tell,
for we did not go to them. That year appeared to be one of talk, of
which I speak with anger. These islands lie in an altitude of ten and
three-quarters degrees. They were named San Bernardo, [72] because
they were discovered on that saint's day. Thenceforward we began to
meet southeasterly winds, which never failed us, and which seem to
prevail in those regions. With these winds we continued to sail always
in the said direction, never going above eleven or below ten degrees,
until Tuesday, August twenty-nine, when we discovered a round islet,
of about one legua in circumference, surrounded by reefs. We tried
to land there, so that the almiranta could take on wood and water, of
which there was great need, but could find no landing-place. We gave
it the name of La Solitaria [Solitary Island]. It lies in an altitude
of ten and two-thirds degrees, and is about one thousand five hundred
and thirty five leguas from Lima. [73] From this island we continued
to sail in the said course: a thing which drew a variety of opinions
from the men, some saying that we did not know where we were going,
and other things which did not fail to cause some hard feelings; but by
the mercy of God, at midnight on the eve of Nuestra Señora de Setiembre
[Our Lady of September], we sighted an island of about ninety or one
hundred leguas in circumference, which extends almost east southeast
and west northwest, and lies about one thousand eight hundred leguas
from Lima. [74] The whole island is full of dense forests, even to
the highest ridges; and where it was not cleared for the Indians'
fields, not a palmo of earth could be seen. The ships anchored in a
port on the north side of the island, in ten degrees of latitude. About
seven leguas north of that port, there is a volcano with a very well
shaped cone, which ejects much fire from its summit, and from other
parts. The volcano is high and about three leguas in circumference. On
the side toward the sea it is very steep and quite bare, and offers
no landing; and it rumbles frequently and loudly within. Northeast of
this volcano are several small inhabited islets, surrounded by many
shoals. The distance to these islets is seven or eight leguas. The
shoals extend about northwest, and one who saw them said that they
were numerous. Around the large island were several small ones, and
as we sailed around them, we found that they were all inhabited,
even the large one. Within sight of this large island, and to the
southeast of it, we saw another island of no great size. This must
be the connecting link with the other islands. [75] After having put
into port at the great island Sancta Cruz, as it had been named, the
adelantado ordered Captain Don Lorenzo, his brother-in-law, to go with
the frigate in search of the almiranta, of which I have no favorable
conjectures, and which had disappeared on the night that we sighted the
island. It was sought on this and on two other occasions, but nothing
except the shoals above-mentioned were found. What was seen in the
way of food in this bay and port was swine, fowl, bananas, sugar-cane,
some two or three kinds of roots resembling sweet potatoes, which are
eaten boiled or roasted and made into biscuits, buyos [i.e., betel],
two kinds of excellent almonds, two kinds of pine-nuts, ring-doves
and turtle-doves, ducks, gray and white herons, swallows, a great
quantity of amaranth, Castilian pumpkins, the fruit which I mentioned
as being in the first islands, chestnuts, and walnuts. Sweet basil,
of great fragrance, and red flowers, which are kept in the gardens
at that port, and two other kinds of different flowers, also red, are
found. There is another fruit which grows on high trees, and resembles
the pippin in its pleasing smell and savor; a great quantity of ginger
grows wild there, as also of the herb chiquilite, from which indigo
is made. [76] There are agave-trees, abundance of sagia [sago (?)],
[77] and many cocoanuts. Marble is also to be seen, as well as pearl
shells and large snail-shells, like those brought from China. There is
a very copious spring and five or six rivers of small volume. There
we settled close by the spring. The Indians endeavored to prevent
us; but as the arquebus tells at a distance, upon seeing its deadly
effects, their hostility was lukewarm, and they even gave us some of
the things that they possessed. In this matter of procuring provisions,
several cases of not over good treatment happened to the Indians; for
the Indian who was our best friend and lord of that island, Malope
by name, was killed, as well as two or three others, also friendly
to us. No more of all the island than about three leguas about the
camp was explored. The people of this island are black. They have
small single-masted canoes for use about their villages; and some
very large ones to use in the open sea. On Sunday, October eight, the
adelantado had the master-of-camp stabbed. Tomas de Ampuero was also
killed in the same way. Alférez Juan de Buitrago was beheaded; and the
adelantado intended to have two others, friends of the master-of-camp,
killed, but was restrained therefrom at our request. The cause of
this was notorious, for these men tried to induce the adelantado to
leave the land and abandon it. There must have been other reasons
unknown to me; what I saw was much dissoluteness and shamelessness,
and a great deal of improper conduct. On October eighteen, after a
total eclipse of the moon on the seventeenth, the adelantado died;
[78] November two, Don Lorenzo, his brother-in-law, who had succeeded
him as captain-general; the priest Antonio de Serpa, seven or eight
days before; and November eight the vicar, Juan de Espinosa. Disease
was rampant among our men and many died for lack of care, and the
want of an apothecary and doctor. The men begged the governor Doña
Ysabel Barreto to take them out of the country. All agreed to embark,
and by the mercy of God, we left this port on Saturday, the eighteenth
of the said month, and sailed southwest by west toward the island of
San Cristoval or rather in search of it, to see whether we could find
it or the almiranta, in accordance with the governor's orders. For two
days nothing was seen; and at the request of all the men, who cried
out that we were taking them to destruction, she ordered me to steer
from our settlement, located in ten and one-half degrees of latitude,
to Manila. Thence I steered north northwest to avoid meeting islands
on the way, since we were so ill prepared to approach any of them,
with our men so sick that about fifty of them died in the course of
the voyage and about forty there in the island. We continued our course
short of provisions, navigating five degrees south and as many north,
and meeting with many contrary winds and calms. When we reached an
altitude of six long degrees north latitude, we sighted an island,
apparently about twenty-five leguas in circumference, thickly wooded
and inhabited by many people who resembled those of the Ladrones,
and whom we saw coming toward us in canoes. From the southeast
to the north and then to the southwest, it is surrounded by large
reefs. [79] About four leguas west of it are some low islets. There,
although we tried, we failed to find a suitable place to anchor; for
the galliot and frigates which accompanied our ship had disappeared
some days before. [80] From this place we continued the said course
until we reached an altitude of thirteen and three-quarters degrees,
and in the two days that we sailed west in this latitude, we sighted
the islands of Serpana [i.e., Seypan] and Guan in the Ladrones. We
passed between the two and did not anchor there, because we had no
cable for lowering and hauling up the boat. This was the third of the
month of January, one thousand five hundred and ninety-six. On the
fourteenth of the same month we sighted the cape of Espiritu Sancto,
and on the fifteenth we anchored in the bay of Cobos. [81] We reached
there in such a state that only the goodness of God could have taken
us thither; for human strength and resources would hardly have taken
us a tenth of the way. We reached that place so dismantled and the
crew so weak that we were a most piteous sight, and with only nine
or ten jars of water. In this bay of Cobos the ship was repaired and
the men recuperated as much as possible. On Tuesday, February second,
we left the above port and bay, and on the tenth of the same month
we anchored in the port of Cabite, etc.

Besides my desire to serve your Grace, I am moved to leave this brief
relation for you, by the fact that if, perchance, God should dispose of
my life, or other events should cause me or the relation that I carry
to disappear, the truth may be learned from this one, which may prove
a matter of great service to God and to the king our sovereign. [82]
Will your Grace look favorably upon my great desire to serve you,
of which I shall give a better proof, if God permit me to return to
this port. Will your Grace also pardon my brevity, since the fault
lies in the short time at my present disposal. Moreover, since no man
knows what time may bring, I beg your Grace to keep the matter secret,
for on considering it well, it seems only right that nothing be said
about the first islands until his Majesty be informed and order what
is convenient to his service, for, as the islands occupy a position
midway between Peru, Nueva Españia, and this land, the English,
on learning of them, might settle them and do much mischief in this
sea. Your Grace, I consider myself as the faithful servant of your
Grace. May God our Lord preserve you for many years in great joy and
increasing prosperity, etc. Your Grace's servant, PEDRO FERNANDEZ DE
QUIROS To Doctor Antonio de Morga, lieutenant-governor of his Majesty
in the Filipinas.

 When Governor Don Francisco Tello entered upon his office, in the
year ninety-six, he found the "San Geronymo," the ship in which Don
Fernando de Castro and his wife Doña Ysabel Barreto were returning
to Nueva España, preparing for the voyage in the port of Cabite. He
also found there the galleon "San Felipe" laden with Filipinas goods,
preparing to make its voyage to Nueva España. As soon as Governor
Don Francisco Tello entered upon his administration, both ships were
despatched and set sail. Although the "San Geronymo" sailed last,
it made the voyage, reaching Nueva Españia at the end of the said
year of ninety-six. The vessel "San Felipe," which was a large ship
and heavily laden with merchandise and passengers, and whose commander
and general was Don Mathia de Landecho, encountered many storms on the
voyage, so that at one time it became necessary to throw considerable
cargo overboard, and they lost their rudder while in thirty-seven
degrees of latitude, six hundred leguas from the Filipinas, and a
hundred and fifty from Xapon. Seeing themselves unable to continue
their voyage, it was decided to put back to the Filipinas. They set
about this and changed their course, but experienced even greater
difficulties and trials. Many times they gave themselves up as lost,
for the seas ran high, and as the vessel had no rudder, the rigging
and few sails were carried away, and blown into shreds. They could not
hold the vessel to its course, and it worked so often to windward that
they were in great danger of foundering, and lost all hope of reaching
the Filipinas. Xapon was the nearest place, but not sufficiently near
to enable them to reach it or to venture near its coast which is very
wild, and unknown to them even by sight; and even should they have the
good fortune to reach it, they did not know how the Japanese would
receive them. At this juncture arose confusion and a diversity of
opinion among the men aboard. Some said that they should not abandon
the course to Manila, in spite of the great peril and discomfort that
they were experiencing. Others said that it would be a rash act to do
so, and that, since Xapon was much nearer, they should make for it,
and look for the port of Nangasaqui, between which and the Filipinas
trade was carried on. There they would be well received and would find
means to repair their ships, and of resuming the voyage thence. This
opinion prevailed, for some religious in the ship adopted it, and the
rest coincided with them, on the assurance of the pilots that they
would quickly take the ship to Xapon. Accordingly they altered their
course for that country, and after six days sighted the coast and
country of Xapon, at a province called Toça; [83] and although they
tried by day to reach the land, at night, when they lowered the sails,
the tide carried them away from it. Many funeas [84] came to the ship
from a port called Hurando, and the Spaniards, persuaded by the king
of that province, who assured them of harbor, tackle, and repairs,
entered the port, after having sounded and examined the entrance, and
whether the water was deep enough. The Japanese, who were faithless,
and did this with evil intent, towed the ship into the port, leading
and guiding it onto a shoal, where, for lack of water, it touched and
grounded. Therefore the Spaniards were obliged to unload the ship and
take all the cargo ashore close to the town, to a stockade which was
given them for that purpose. For the time being the Japanese gave the
Spaniards a good reception, but as to repairing the ship and leaving
port again, the latter were given to understand that it could not be
done without permission and license from Taicosama, the sovereign of
Japon, who was at his court in Miaco, one hundred leguas from that
port. General Don Matia de Landecho and his companions, in order
to lose no time, resolved to send their ambassadors to court with a
valuable gift from the ship's cargo for Taicosama, to beg him to order
their departure. They sent on this mission Christoval de Mercado,
three other Spaniards, Fray Juan Pobre, of the Franciscan order,
and Fray Juan Tamayo, of the Augustinian order, who were aboard the
vessel. They were to confer concerning this affair with Taico in Miaco,
and were to avail themselves of the Franciscan fathers who were in
Miaco. The latter had gone as ambassadors from the Filipinas to settle
matters between Xapon and Manila, and were residing at court in a
permanent house and hospital, with Taico's sufferance. There they were
making a few converts, although with considerable opposition from the
religious of the Society of Jesus established in the same kingdom. The
latter asserted other religious to be forbidden by apostolic briefs and
royal decrees to undertake or engage in the conversion of Japon. The
king of Hurando, although to all appearances friendly and kind to
the Spaniards in his port, took great care to keep them and their
merchandise secure. He immediately sent word to court that that ship of
foreigners called Nambajies [85] had been wrecked there, and that the
Spaniards had brought great riches. This kindled Taicosama's greed,
who, in order to get possession of them, sent Ximonojo, one of his
favorites and a member of his council, to Hurando. Ximonojo, upon his
arrival, took possession of all the merchandise, and imprisoned the
Spaniards within a well-guarded palisade, after having forced them to
give up all their possessions and what they had hid, under pain of
death. Having exercised great rigor therein, he returned to court,
 after granting permission to the general and others of his suite to go
 to Miaco. The ambassadors who had been sent before to Miaco with the
 present, were unable to see Taico, although the present was accepted;
 nor did they succeed in making any profitable arrangement, although
 father Fray Pedro Baptista, superior of the Franciscan religious
 residing there, employed many methods for the purpose of remedying the
 grievance of the Spaniards. These attempts only served to intensify
 the evil; for the favorites, who were infidels and hated the religious
 for making converts at court, on seeing Taico so bent upon the riches
 of the ship and so unwilling to listen to any restitution, not only
 did not ask him to do so, but in order to make the matter easier, and
 taking advantage of the occasion, set Taicosama against the Spaniards;
 telling him that the religious and the men from the ship were all
 subjects of one sovereign, and conquerors of others' kingdoms. They
 said that the Spaniards did this by first sending their religious
 to the kingdoms, and then entered after with their arms, and that
 they would do this with Xapon. They were aided in this purpose by
 the fact that when the favorite, who went to seize the property of
 the ship, was in Hurando, its pilot, Francisco de Sanda, had shown
 him the sea-chart in which could be seen all the countries which had
 been discovered, and España and the other kingdoms possessed by his
 Majesty, among which were Piru and Nueva España. When the favorite
 asked how those distant kingdoms had been gained, the pilot replied
 that the religious had entered first and preached their religion,
 and then the soldiers had followed and subdued them. It is true that
 the said pilot imprudently gave those reasons, which Ximonojo noted
 well and kept in mind, in order to relate them to Taicosama whenever
 a suitable opportunity should present itself, which he now did.

All this, together with the persistency with which the religious begged
Taico to restore the merchandise to the Spaniards, resulted in angering
him thoroughly, and like the barbarous and so avaricious tyrant that
he was, he gave orders to crucify them all and all the religious
who preached the religion of Namban  [86] in his kingdoms. Five
religious who were in the house at Miaco were immediately seized,
together with another from the "San Felipe" who had joined them, and
all the Japanese preachers and teachers. [87] It was also understood
that the persecution would extend to the other orders and Christians
in Japon, whereupon all received great fear and confusion. But later
Taico's wrath was moderated, for, allowing himself to be entreated,
he declared that only the religious who had been found in the house
at Miaco, and their companions, the Japanese preachers and teachers,
who were arrested, would be crucified; and that all the others,
together with the Spaniards of the ship, would be allowed to return
to Manila. Fonzanbrandono, brother of Taracabadono, governor of
Nangasaqui, was entrusted with the execution of the order. He placed
all those who were taken from the house of the Franciscan religious at
Miaco on ox-carts, under a strong guard; namely, Fray Pedro Baptista,
Fray Martin de Aguirre, Fray Felipe de las Casas, Fray Gonçalo,
Fray Francisco Blanco, Fray Francisco de San Miguel, and twenty-six
[sic] Japanese preachers and teachers with two boys who were in the
service of the religious. Their right ears were cut off, and they were
paraded through the streets of Miaco and through those of the cities
of Fugimen, Usaca, and Sacai, [88] to the great grief and sorrow
of all Christians who saw their sufferings. The sentence and cause
of their martyrdom was written on a tablet in Chinese characters,
which was carried hanging on a spear; and read as follows.

Sentence of the Combaco, [89] lord of Xapon, against the discalced
religious and their teachers, whom he has ordered to be martyred
in Nangasaqui.

Inasmuch as these men came from the Luzones, from the island of Manila,
in the capacity of ambassadors, and were allowed to remain in the city
of Miaco, preaching the Christian religion, which in former years I
have strictly forbidden: I order that they be executed together with
the Japanese who embraced their religion. Therefore these twenty-four
[sic] men will be crucified in the city of Nangasaqui. And whereas
I again forbid the teaching of this religion henceforward: let all
understand this. I command that this decree be carried out; and should
any person dare to violate this order, he shall be punished together
with his whole family. Given on the first of Echo, and second of the
moon. [90]

Thus these holy men were taken to Nangasaqui. There, on a hill sown
with wheat, in sight of the town and port, and near a house and
hospital called San Lazaro, established in Nangasaqui by the said
religious on their first coming from the Filipinas, before going
up to the capital, they were all crucified in a row. The religious
were placed in the middle and the others on either side upon high
crosses, with iron staples at their throats, hands, and feet, and
with long, sharp iron lances thrust up from below and crosswise
through their sides.  [91] Thus did they render their souls to their
Creator for whom they died with great resolution, on the fifth of
February, day of St. Agueda, of the year one thousand five hundred and
ninety-seven. They left behind in that ploughed field, and through it
in all that kingdom, a great quantity of seed sown, which they watered
with their blood, and from which we hope to gather abundant fruit of
a numerous conversion to our holy Catholic faith. Before these holy
men were crucified, they wrote a letter to Doctor Antonio de Morga,
in Manila, by the hand of Fray Martin de Aguirre, which reads word
for word as follows.

To Doctor Morga, lieutenant-governor of Manila, whom may God protect,
etc., Manila.

Farewell, Doctor! farewell! Our Lord, not regarding my sins, has,
in His mercy, been pleased to make me one of a band of twenty-four
[sic] servants of God, who are about to die for love of Him. Six of
us are friars of St. Francis, and eighteen are native Japanese. With
hopes that many more will follow in the same path, may your Grace
receive the last farewell and the last embraces of all this company,
for we all acknowledge the support which you have manifested toward
the affairs of this conversion. And now, in taking leave, we beg
of you--and I especially--to make the protection of this field of
Christendom the object of your special care. Since you are a father,
and look with favor upon all things which may concern the mission of
the religious in this conversion, so may your Grace find one who will
protect and intercede for you before God in time of need. Farewell
sir! Will your Grace give my last adieu to Doña Juana. May our Lord
preserve, etc. From the road to execution, January twenty-eight,
one thousand five hundred and ninety-seven.

This king's greed has been much whetted by what he stole from the
"San Felipe." It is said that next year he will go to Luzon, and that
he does not go this year because of being busy with the Coreans. In
order to gain his end, he intends to take the islands of Lequios [92]
and Hermosa, throw forces from them into Cagayan, and thence to fall
upon Manila, if God does not first put a stop to his advance. Your
Graces will attend to what is fitting and necessary. [93]

FRAY MARTIN DE LA ASCENCION

The bodies of the martyrs, although watched for many days by the
Japanese, were removed by bits (especially those of the monks)
from the crosses as relics by the Christians of the place, who very
reverently distributed them around. Together with the staples and
the wood of the crosses they are now scattered throughout Christendom.

Two other religious of the same band, who were out of the house at
the time of the arrest, did not suffer this martyrdom. One, called
Fray Geronimo de Jesus,  [94] hid himself and went inland, in order
not to leave the country; the other, called Fray Agustin Rodriguez,
was sheltered by the fathers of the Society, who sent him away by way
of Macan. General Don Mathia and the Spaniards of the ship, naked
and stripped, left Japon. They embarked at Nangasaqui and went to
Manila in various ships which make that voyage for the Japanese and
Portuguese. The first news of this event was learned from them in the
month of May of ninety-seven. Great grief and sadness was caused by
the news, in the death of the holy religious, and in the disturbances
which were expected to take place in future dealings between Japon
and the Filipinas; as well as in the loss of the galleon and its
cargo en route to Nueva España. The value of the vessel was over one
million [pesos?], and caused great poverty among the Spaniards. After
considering the advisable measures to take under the circumstances,
it was ultimately decided that, in order not to allow the matter to
pass, a circumspect man should be sent to Japon with letters from the
governor to Taicosama. The letters were to set forth the governor's
anger at the taking of the ship and merchandise from the Spaniards,
and at the killing of the religious; and were also to request Taicosama
to make all the reparation possible, by restoring and returning the
merchandise to the Spaniards, and the artillery, tackle, and spoils of
the vessel that were left, as well as the bodies of the religious whom
he had crucified; and Taicosama was so to arrange matters thenceforth,
that Spaniards should not be so treated in his kingdom.

The governor sent Don Luis Navarrete  [95] Fajardo as bearer of this
message, and a present of some gold and silver ornaments, swords,
and valuable cloth for Taicosama. He also sent him an elephant
well caparisoned and covered with silk, and with its naires [i.e.,
elephant keepers] in the same livery, a thing never before seen in
Xapon. According to the custom of that kingdom, Don Luis was to make
the present to Taico when he presented his embassy, for the Japanese
are wont to give or receive embassies in no other manner. When Don
Luys de Navarrete reached Nangasaqui, Taicosama readily sent from
the court for the ambassador and for the present which had been sent
him from Luzon, for he was anxious to see the gifts, especially the
elephant, with which he was greatly delighted. He heard the embassy
and replied with much ostentation and display, exculpating himself
from the death of the religious upon whom he laid the blame, saying
that after he had forbidden them to christianize, or teach their
religion, they had disregarded his orders in his own court. Likewise,
the seizure of the ship and its merchandise, which entered the port
of Hurando in the province of Toza, had been a justifiable procedure,
according to the laws of Japon, because all ships lost on its coast
belong to the king, with their merchandise. Nevertheless, he added
that he was sorry for all that had happened, and that he would return
the merchandise had it not been distributed. As to the religious,
there was no remedy for it. But he begged the governor of Manila not
to send such persons to Xapon, for he had again passed laws forbidding
the making of Christians under pain of death. He would deliver whatever
had remained of the bodies of the religious and would be glad to have
peace and friendship with the Luzon Islands and the Spaniards, and
for his part, would endeavor to secure it. He said that if any other
vessel came to his kingdom from Manila, he would give orders that it
be well received and well treated. With this reply and a letter of the
same purport for the governor, Don Luys Navarrete was dismissed. He
was given a present for the governor consisting of lances, armor, and
catans, considered rare and valuable by the Japanese. The ambassador
thereupon left Miaco and went to Nangasaqui, whence by the first ship
sailing to Manila, he sent word to Governor Don Francisco concerning
his negotiations. But the message itself was taken later to Manila
by another person, on account of the illness and death of Don Luis in
Nangasaqui. Taicosama rejoiced over his answer to the ambassador, for
he had practically done nothing of what was asked of him. His reply
was more a display of dissembling and compliments than a desire for
friendship with the Spaniards. He boasted and published arrogantly,
and his favorites said in the same manner, that the Spaniards had sent
him that present and embassy through fear, and as an acknowledgment
of tribute and seigniory, so that he might not destroy them as he had
threatened them at other times in the past, when Gomez Perez Dasmariñas
was governor. And even then the Spaniards had sent him a message and
a present by Fray Juan Cobo, the Dominican, and Captain Llanos.

The Japanese Faranda Quiemon sought war with Manila, and the favorites
who aided him did not neglect to beg Taico not to lose the opportunity
of conquering that city. They said that it would be easy, since
there were but few Spaniards there; that a fleet could be sent there
quickly, which Faranda would accompany. The latter assured Taico of
success, as one who knew the country and its resources. They urged
him so continually that Taico entrusted Faranda with the enterprise,
and gave him some supplies and other assistance toward it. Faranda
began to prepare ships and Chinese for the expedition, which he was
never able to carry out; for, being a man naturally low and poor,
he possessed neither the ability nor the means sufficient for the
enterprise. His protectors themselves did not choose to assist him, and
so his preparations were prolonged until the enterprise was abandoned
at the death of Taico, and his own death, as will be stated later.

Meanwhile news was constantly reaching Manila that a fleet was being
equipped in Japon, completely under the supervision of Faranda,
and it naturally caused some anxiety among the people in spite of
their courage and determination to resist him, for the enemy was
arrogant and powerful. Although the city was thoroughly resolved
and determined to resist him, yet the governor and city would never
show openly that they were aware of the change which Taico was about
to make, in order not to precipitate the war or give the other side
any reason for hastening it. Trusting to time for the remedy, they so
disposed affairs in the city, that they might be ready for any future
emergency. They sent the Japanese who had settled in Manila--and they
were not few--back to Xapon, and made those who came in merchant ships
give up their weapons until their return, which they endeavored to
hasten as much as possible; but in all other respects, they treated
them hospitably. And because it was heard that Taico intended to take
possession of the island of Hermosa, a well-provisioned island off the
Chinese coast, very near Luzon, and on the way to Xapon, in order to
make it serve as a way-station for his fleet, and thus carry on more
easily the war with Manila, the governor sent two ships of the fleet
under command of Don Juan de Çamuzio, to reconnoiter that island and
all its ports, and the nature of the place, in order to be the first
to take possession of it. At least, if means and time should fail
him, he was to advise China, and the viceroys of the provinces of
Canton and Chincheo, so that, since the latter were old-time enemies
of Xapon, they might prevent the Japanese from entering the island,
which would prove so harmful to all of them. In these measures and
precautions several days were spent in the matter. However, nothing
was accomplished by this expedition to Hermosa Island beyond advising
Great China of Xapon's designs.

Several days after the imprisonment of Father Alonso Ximenez in
Cochinchina where Captain and Sargento-mayor Juan Xuarez Gallinato
had left him, the kings of Tunquin and Sinua permitted him to return
to Manila. He took passage for Macan in a Portuguese vessel. Not only
did he arrive unwearied by his voyages, hardships, and imprisonment,
but with renewed energy and spirits proposed to set on foot again
the expedition to Camboja. Although little was known of the state
of affairs in that kingdom, and of the restoration of Prauncar to
his throne, he together with other religious of his order, persuaded
Don Luys Dasmariñas, upon whom he exercised great influence, and who
was then living in Manila, taking no part in government affairs, and
inclined him to broach the subject of making this expedition anew and
in person and at his own expense, from which would ensue good results
for the service of God and of his Majesty. Don Luys discussed the
matter with Governor Don Francisco Tello, and offered to bear all
the expense of the expedition. But a final decision was postponed
until the receipt of news from Camboja, for their only information
was that Blas Ruyz and Diego Belloso, leaving Captain Gallinato and
his ships in Cochinchina, had gone to Lao.

At the departure of Don Juan Ronquillo and his camp from Mindanao
River, the people of Tampacan were so disheartened, and the spirit of
those of Buhahayen so increased that, in spite of the friendship that
they had made, and the homage that they had rendered, they became
declared enemies [to the former]. Matters returned to their former
state, so that, not only did the inhabitants of Buhahayen not dismantle
their forts, as they had promised to do, but they repaired them and
committed other excesses against their neighbors of Tampacan. They
would have altogether broken into open war, had they not feared that
the Spaniards would return better prepared and in larger number, as
they had left the garrison at La Caldera with that intention. Thus
they let matters stand, neither declaring themselves fully as rebels,
nor observing the laws of friendship toward the men of Tampacan and
other allies of the Spaniards.

Near the island of Mindanao lies an island called Joló, not very large,
but thickly populated with natives, all Mahometans. They number about
three thousand men, and have their own lord and king. When Governor
Francisco de Sande was returning from his expedition to Borneo,
he sent Captain Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa to Joló. He entered
the island and reduced the natives to his Majesty's rule as above
related. The natives were apportioned to Captain Pedro de Osseguera
for his lifetime, and after his death, to his son and successor,
Don Pedro de Osseguera. He asked and collected for several years
what tribute they chose to give him, which was but slight, without
urging more, in order not to make a general disturbance. While Don
Juan Ronquillo was with his camp in Mindanao, the men of Joló, seeing
Spanish affairs flourishing, were willing to enjoy peace and pay their
tribute; but at the departure of the Spaniards, they became lukewarm
again. Captain Juan Pacho, who commanded the presidio of La Caldera
in Don Juan Ronquillo's absence, having sent some soldiers to barter
for wax, the Joloans maltreated them and killed two of them. Juan
Pacho, with the intention of punishing this excess of the Joloans,
went there in person with several boats and thirty soldiers. As he
landed, a considerable body of Joloans descended from their king's
town, which is situated on a high and strongly-fortified hill, and
attacked the Spaniards. Through the number of the natives and the
Spaniards' inability to make use of their arquebuses, on account of
a heavy shower, the latter were routed, and Captain Juan Pacho and
twenty of his followers killed. The rest wounded and in flight took
to their boats and returned to La Caldera.

This event caused great grief in Manila, especially because of the
reputation lost by it, both among the Joloans, and their neighbors,
the people of Mindanao. Although it was considered necessary to punish
the Joloans in order to erase this disgrace, yet as this should be
done signally and just then there was not sufficient preparation,
it was deferred until a better opportunity. Only Captain Villagra was
sent immediately as commander of the presidio of La Caldera, with some
soldiers. Having arrived there, they spent their time in pleasure,
until their provisions were consumed, and the garrison suffering. They
were maintained and supported because of the slight protection that
the people of Tampacan felt, knowing that there were Spaniards on the
island, and hoped for the arrival of more Spaniards, as Don Juan had
promised them, and for punishment and vengeance upon the men of Jolo.

While affairs in the Filipinas were in this condition, ships from
Nueva España arrived at Manila, in the month of May, one thousand five
hundred and ninety-eight. These ships brought despatches ordering the
reëstablishment of the royal Audiencia, which had been suppressed
in the Filipinas some years before. Don Francisco Tello, who was
governing the country, was named and appointed its president; Doctor
Antonio de Morga and Licentiates Christoval Telles Almaçan and Alvaro
Rodriguez Zambrano, auditors; and Licentiate Geronymo de Salazar,
fiscal; and other officials of the Audiencia were also appointed. By
the same ships arrived the archbishop, Fray Ignacio de Sanctivañes,
who enjoyed the archbishopric only for a short time, for he died of
dysentery in, the month of August of the same year. The bishop of
Sebu, Fray Pedro de Agurto came also. On the eighth of May of this
year-five hundred and ninety-eight, the royal seal of the Audiencia
was received. It was taken from the monastery of San Agustin to the
cathedral upon a horse caparisoned with cloth of gold and crimson,
and under a canopy of the same material. The staves of the canopy were
carried by the regidors of the city, who were clad in robes of crimson
velvet lined with white silver cloth, and in breeches and doublets of
the same material. The horse that carried the seal in a box of cloth
of gold covered with brocade was led on the right by him who held
the office of alguacil-mayor, who was clad in cloth of gold and wore
no cloak. Surrounding the horse walked the president and auditors,
all afoot and bareheaded. In front walked a throng of citizens clad
in costly gala dress; behind followed the whole camp and the soldiers,
with their drums and banners, and their arms in hand, and the captains
and officers at their posts, with the master-of-camp preceding them,
staff in hand. The streets and windows were richly adorned with
quantities of tapestry and finery, and many triumphal arches, and
there was music from flutes, trumpets, and other instruments. When
the seal was taken to the door of the cathedral of Manila, the
archbishop in pontifical robes came out with the cross, accompanied
by the chapter and clergy of the church to receive it. Having lifted
the box containing the seal from the horse under the canopy, the
archbishop placed it in the hands of the president. Then the auditors
went into the church with him, while the band of singers intoned
the Te Deum laudamus. They reached the main altar, upon the steps
of which stood a stool covered with brocade. Upon this they placed
the box with the seal. All knelt and the archbishop chanted certain
prayers to the Holy Spirit for the health and good government of the
king, our sovereign. Then the president took the box with the seal,
and with the same order and music with which it had been brought
into the church it was carried out and replaced upon the horse. The
archbishop and clergy remained at the door of the church, while the
cortége proceeded to the royal buildings. The said box containing the
royal seal was placed and left in a beautifully-adorned apartment,
with a covering of cloth of gold and crimson, on a table covered with
brocade and cushions of the same material, which stood under a canopy
of crimson velvet embroidered with the royal arms. Then the royal
order for the establishment of the Audiencia was publicly read there,
and the nominations for president, auditors, and fiscal. Homage was
done them and the usual oath administered. The president proceeded
to the Audiencia hall, where the court rooms were well arranged
and contained a canopy for the royal arms. There the president,
auditors, and fiscal took their seats and received the ministers and
officials of the Audiencia. Then the ordinances of the Audiencia
were read in the presence of as many citizens as could find room
in the hall. This completed the establishment of the Audiencia
on that day. Thenceforth it has exercised its functions, and has
had charge and disposition in all cases, both civil and criminal,
of its district. The latter includes the Filipinas Islands and all
the mainland, of China discovered or to be discovered. In charge of
the president who acts as governor of the land, were all government
affairs according to royal laws, ordinances, and special orders,
which were acted on and brought before the Audiencia.

A few days after the Chancillería of the Filipinas had been established
in Manila, news arrived of events in the kingdom of Camboja after
the arrival of Prauncar--son and successor of Prauncar Langara, who
died in Laos--together with Diego Belloso and Blas Ruyz de Hernan
Gonzalez, and of his victories and restoration to the throne, as has
already been related. [The news came] in letters from King Prauncar
to Governor Don Francisco Tello and Doctor Antonio de Morga. They
were signed by the king's hand and seal in red ink. The letters were
written in Castilian so that they might be better understood. Since
they were alike in essence, I thought it proper to reproduce here
the letter written by King Prauncar to Doctor Antonio de Morga,
which reads word for word as follows.

Prauncar, King of Camboja, to Doctor Antonio de Morga, greeting;
to whom I send this letter with great love and joy.

I, Prauncar, King of the rich land of Camboja, I, sole lord of it,
the great, cherish an ardent love for Doctor Antonio de Morga, whom
I am unable to keep from my thoughts, because I have learned through
Captain Chofa Don Blas, the Castilian, that he, from the kindness
of his heart, took an active part and has assisted the governor of
Luzon to send to this country Captain Chofa Don Blas, the Castilian,
and Captain Chofa Don Diego, the Portuguese, with soldiers to find
King Prauncar my father. Having searched for him in vain, the two
chofas and the soldiers killed Anacaparan, who was reigning as sole
great lord. Then they went with their ships to Cochinchina, whence the
two chofas went to Lao, to find the king of this land. They brought
me back to my kingdom, and I am here now through their aid. The two
chofas and other Spaniards who have come, have helped me to pacify
what I now hold. I understand that all this has come to me because the
doctor loves this country. Hence I shall act so that Doctor Antonio
de Morga may always love me as he did my father Prauncar, and assist
me now by sending fathers for the two chofas and the other Spaniards
and Christians who dwell in my kingdom. I shall build them churches
and permit them to christianize whatever Cambodians choose to become
Christians. I shall provide them with servants and I shall protect them
as did formerly King Prauncar my father. I shall provide Doctor Antonio
de Morga with whatever will be useful to him from this country. The two
chofas have received the lands which I promised them. To Captain Don
Blas, the Castilian, I gave the province of Tran, and to Captain Chofa
Don Diego, the Portuguese, the province of Bapano. These provinces I
grant and bestow upon them for the services which they have rendered
me and in payment for the property they have spent in my service,
so that they may possess and enjoy them as their own, and do what
they will with them while in my service. [96]

Together with the king's letter Blas Ruis de Hernan Gonzalez wrote
another detailed letter to Doctor Morga, informing him of all the
events of his expeditions. The letter reads as follows.

To Doctor Antonio de Morga, Lieutenant-governor of the Filipinas
Islands of Luzon, in the city of Manila, whom may our Lord preserve.

From Camboja: Your Grace must have already heard of events in this
kingdom of Camboja, from my arrival until the captain withdrew the
fleet. These accounts will undoubtedly vary according to what each man
thought fit to say in order to gild his own affairs: some according to
their bent and opinion, and others according to their passion. Although
the matter has been witnessed and thoroughly known by many persons, I
am about to relate it as well as possible to your Grace, as to a person
who can weld all the facts together and give to each circumstance
the weight which it may possess and deserve. I shall also give an
account among other things of all that happened to Captain Diego
Belloso and myself on the journey to Lao, and the vicissitudes and
wars in this kingdom, from our arrival until the condition of affairs
now in force. Since Spaniards have taken part in all these events it
will please your Grace to know the manner and retirement with which
I have lived in this kingdom ever since my arrival here from Manila,
sustaining the soldiers and other men whom I brought in my ship at
my own expense, keeping them in a state of discipline and honor,
and never allowing them to abandon themselves to sensual pleasures;
although I had no credentials for this, for Gallinato had those which
the governor was to give me. I shall not discuss the why and wherefore
of most of the Chinese matters, because Fray Alonso Ximenez and Fray
Diego [97] witnessed some of the events and heard of others and will
have informed your Grace of everything, including the war against the
usurper, and Gallinato's abandonment of this kingdom when affairs had
practically been settled. Had he continued to follow up matters, half
of the kingdom would today justly belong to his Majesty, and the whole
of it would be in the power and under the rule of the Spaniards; and
perhaps the king himself with most of his people would have embraced
Christianity. As to Chinese matters which require most explanation I
only ask your Grace to consider the kingdom which we came to help,
that the Chinese had no more right there than we had, and that we
had to try to gain reputation, not to lose it. Since we came with
a warlike attitude, and it was the first time that an armed Spanish
force set foot on the mainland, was it right for us to endure insults,
abuse, contempt, and open affronts from a so vile race as they are,
and before all these pagans? [Was it right to endure] the further
action of their arguments before the usurping king, to induce him to
kill us; their many evil and infamous reports to him concerning us,
in order to induce him to grant their request; and above all their
impudence in killing and disarming Spaniards and going out in the
streets to spear them? All this I endured very patiently in order
not to disturb the land by breaking with them, until one day when
they actually tried to kill some of our men in their Parián, and the
numbers being very unequal, they had already wounded and maltreated
them. We came out at the noise and the Chinese drew up in battle
array, armed with many warlike instruments, challenging us to battle,
with insults and expressions of contempt. At this juncture, what would
have become of our reputation had we retired when the advantage was on
their side? Then, too, after attacking and killing many of them what
security had we in this tyrannical kingdom, which showed itself not
at all friendly to us, with only one ship, [98] which was at the time
aground, and with the artillery and provisions ashore; while they had
six ships and many rowboats all provided with one or two culverins
and many men, both in the ships and those living in the port? [99]
Would it have been right, after war had broken out, to have them
with all their resources while we had none? Had they taken our lives,
what reputation would the Spaniards have left in these kingdoms? For
this reason I thought it better for us to overpower them, rather
than to be at their mercy, or at that of the king. Accordingly, in
order to assure our lives we were obliged to seize their ships and
to strengthen ourselves by means of them, since the Chinese began
the war. After this, father Fray Alonso Ximenez and we thought that,
by making an embassy with presents to the king, and by exculpating
ourselves in this matter, before him, everything would turn out well;
and that if we had peace with him, and our persons in safety in a fort,
or under his word and safe-conduct, we would give the Chinese their
ship and property. All this was written out and signed by us. In order
to carry this out, a letter was written in the name of the governor of
that city [i.e., Manila], and we went to deliver it nine leguas away
at the residence of the king, leaving the vessels guarded. But when he
found us there, the king deprived us of the boats in which we had gone,
and refused to receive the letter, which went under form of embassy,
or to hear us unless we first restored the ships. Then he immediately
began to prepare arms and to assemble many men, with the intention,
unless we restored the ships, of killing us, or reducing us by force
to such straits as to compel us to restore them; and after their
restoration, of making an end of us all without trouble or risk to his
own men. For he trusted us in nothing, since we were going in search
of, and bringing help to, him whom he had dispossessed. All this was
told us by some Christians among them, especially by a young mestizo
from Malaca who lived among them and knew their language. Therefore
considering that we were already separated from our companions,
and that, if we restored the ships, they could easily take ours by
means of them and kill the men left in them, and then us who were in
that place; also that if we waited for them to collect and attack us,
they could very easily kill us: we decided to seek the remedy by first
attacking them instead of waiting to be attacked; and try to rejoin
our men and assure our lives or end them by fighting. Accordingly we
attacked them, and such was our good fortune that we killed the king
in the fight. Then we retired to our ships with great difficulty,
without the loss of a single Spaniard. We did not allow the king's
house to be sacked, so that it might not be said that we had done
this to rob him. At this juncture, the captain and sargento-mayor,
our leader, arrived. He belittled and censured what we had done, and
ridiculed our statement and that of some of the Cambodians, namely,
that we had killed the usurper. All that he did was simply to collect
whatever silver and gold certain soldiers seized during these troubles,
and everything valuable in the ships, and then to burn the latter. Then
he drew up a report against us and dispossessed us of our ships and
command, thus formulating suspicion and distrust. After that he gave
orders for the departure from the kingdom, paying no heed to many
Cambodians who came to speak to us when we went ashore, and told
us that we might build a fortress there, for they had a legitimate
king before, but that he who was their king lately had driven him
to Lao, and thus they had no king; that they would gather wherever
the most protection could be found; and that we should continue the
war. Nor did the captain accept any of our suggestions, when we told
him that the usurper had imprisoned a kinsman of the lawful king;
that we should go to his rescue; that the latter would raise men
in favor of the legitimate king; and that with his support we would
take possession of the kingdom, and then go to get the king. But he
was deaf to all this and accordingly abandoned the kingdom, and this
great opportunity was lost. The only thing that we could obtain from
him by great entreaty after putting to sea, was to go to Cochinchina
to inquire about the galley, since they had intended to send from
Manila for that purpose. I also offered to go to Lao by land at my
own expense, in search of the king of Camboja, for I knew that that
way led thither. Accordingly, as soon as we arrived in Cochinchina,
the captain sent Diego Belloso and myself to Lao, and Captain Gregorio
de Vargas to Tunquin. Meanwhile he held an auction among the soldiers
of everything valuable from the Chinese ships, and of what else he
had taken from the soldiers; but the men were all without a real,
and so he had everything bought for himself, at whatever price he was
pleased to give. The king of Sinoa, a province of Cochinchina, equipped
us for the voyage with a good outfit, by giving us an embassy for that
country, and men to accompany us on the road. Thus we made the entire
journey well provided and always highly honored and feared and much
looked at, as the like had never before been seen in those kingdoms.

We were all sick on the road; but in all our troubles we were greatly
comforted by the love which the people showed towards us, and: by the
kind reception that we met at the hands of all. Finally we reached
Lanchan, the capital and the royal seat of the kingdom. This kingdom
has a vast territory, but it is thinly populated because it has been
often devastated by Pegu. It has mines of gold, silver, copper, iron,
brass, [sic] and tin. It produces silk, benzoin, lac, brasil, wax, and
ivory. There are also rhinoceroses, many elephants, and horses larger
than those of China. Lao is bounded on the east by Cochinchina and
on the northeast and north by China and Tartaria, from which places
came the sheep and the asses that were there when I went. Much of
their merchandise is exported by means of these animals. On its west
and southwest lie Pegu and Sian, and on the south and southeast,
it is bounded by Camboja and Champan. [100] It is a rich country,
and everything imported there is very expensive. Before our arrival
at Lanchan, a cousin of the exiled king, on account of the usurper's
death, had fled thither from Camboja, fearing lest the latter's son
who was then ruling would kill him. He related what we had done in
Camboja, in consequence of which the king of Lao received us very
cordially, and showed great respect for us, praising our deeds and
showing amazement that they had been accomplished by so few. When
we arrived the old king of Camboja, together with his elder son and
daughter, had already died, and there was left only the younger
son with his mother, aunt, and grandmother. These women rejoiced
greatly over our deeds and arrival, and more attention was given them
thenceforth. Before our arrival at the city, we met an ambassador,
whom the usurping king, Anacaparan, had sent from Camboja, in order
that he might reach Lanchan before we did, and see what was going
on there. He feigned excuse and pretext of asking for the old queen,
who was the step-mother of the dead king Prauncar, and whom Anacaparan
claimed to be his father's sister. The king of Lao was sending her,
but at our arrival, and on our assuring him of Anacaparan's death, he
ordered her to return, and the ambassador, for fear of being killed,
fled down the river in a boat to Camboja. Then we declared our embassy,
and asked for the heir of the kingdom in order to take him to our
ships and thence to his own country. We were answered that he [i.e.,
the younger son] was the only one, and that they could not allow him
to go, especially through a foreign country, and over such rough roads
and seas. The youth wished to come, but his mothers [101] would not
consent to it. Finally it was decided that we should return to the
fleet and proceed with it to Camboja. We were to send them advices
from there, whereupon they would send him under a large escort. His
mothers gave me letters directed to that city [i.e., Manila], making
great promises to the Spaniards on behalf of the kingdom, if they would
return to Camboja to pacify the land and restore it to them. The king
of Lao entrusted me with another embassy, in which he petitioned for
friendship and requested that the fleet return to Camboja, adding that,
should Gallinato be unwilling to return, he would send large forces
by land to our assistance, under command of the heir himself. Thus we
took leave and went to Cochinchina. While these things were happening
in Lao, the following occurred in Camboja. As soon as the fleet had
departed, the news of Anacaparan's death was published. When it was
heard by Chupinaqueo, kinsman of the lawful king, who was in prison,
he escaped from his prison, incited a province to rise, collected
its men, and having proclaimed Prauncar as the lawful king, came to
get us with about six thousand men, in order to join us and make war
upon the sons of the usurper, who were now ruling. Not finding us in
Chordemuco, where our ships had been lying, he sent boats to look
for us as far as the bar. Seeing that we were nowhere to be found
he seized all the Chinese and other people there, and returned to
his province where he had gathered his forces, and there he fortified
himself. Meanwhile the men at Champan, who had gone thither to take it,
returned, whereupon the commander of the camp, called Ocuña de Chu,
took sides with the sons of the usurper and had one of them--the
second--Chupinanu by name, proclaimed king, because he was the most
warlike. For this reason, the elder brother, called Chupinanon,
and those of his party were angered, and consequently there was
continual strife between them. Then all having united, together with
the army from Chanpan, pursued Chupinaqueo, who came out to meet
them with many of his men. They fought for many days, but at last it
was Chupinaqueo's fate to be conquered and cruelly killed. Thus for
the time being Chupinanu ruled as king, and the camp was disbanded,
each man going to his own home. At this time a ship arrived from
Malaca on an embassy, bringing some Spaniards who came in search
of us, and a number of Japanese. Chupinanu would have liked to have
killed them all, but seeing that they came on an embassy, and from
Malaca, he let them go immediately. A large province, called Tele,
seeing the cruelty with which the king treated them, revolted, and
declaring themselves free, proclaimed a new king; then they marched
against Chupinanu, and defeated and routed him, took from him a large
number of elephants and artillery, and sacked his city. In the battle,
most of the Spaniards and Japanese who had come from Malaca were
killed. Chupinanu retreated with all his brothers, six in number,
to another province, always accompanied by Ocuña de Chu. There they
began to make plans and to collect men. They also invited two Malays,
leaders of all the other Malays on whom Chupinanu relied strongly,
who on the break-up of the camp after Chupinaqueo's death, had gone
to the lands of which they were magistrates. But in order that what
follows may be understood, I will tell who these Malays are. When
this country was being ravaged by Sian, these two went to Chanpan,
taking with them many of their Malays, as well as many Cambodians;
and because the ruler of Champan did not show them all the honors that
they desired, they caused an insurrection in the city when he was
away. They fortified themselves there, and then plundered the city,
after which they returned to this kingdom with all the artillery
and many captives. When they arrived here the usurper Anacaparan
was ruling. Congratulating one another mutually for their deeds,
the usurper gave them a friendly welcome, and they gave him all
the artillery and other things which they had brought. Then the
usurper gave them lands for their maintenance, and made them great
mandarins. These two Malays made it easy for him to capture Champan,
and offered to seize its king. Since the latter had been so great
and long-standing an enemy of the Cambodians, Anacaparan immediately
collected an army, which he sent under command of Ocuña de Chu. When
we killed Anacaparan, these forces were in Chanpan, and, as abovesaid,
they returned after his death. These men presented themselves before
the new king, Chupinanu, with all their Malays and it was at once
decided to attack the insurgents of Tele. At this juncture arrived the
ambassador who had fled from Lao as we reached Lanchan. He said that
we had remained there and that our purpose was to ask for the lawful
heir of Camboja in order to take him to our ships and transport him
to his kingdom; that the king of Cochinchina was going to help us
in this undertaking; that we had entered Lao with that report; and
that the king of Lao was about to send the heir with great forces by
river and by land, while we and the men of Cochinchina would go by
sea and join them in Camboja, where we would declare war and inflict
severe punishment upon whomsoever would not render homage. When the
new king and his followers heard this news they were frightened, and
consequently each thought only of himself. A few days later it was
reported from the bar that four Spanish ships had entered, accompanied
by many galleys from Cochinchina. This report was either a vision that
some had seen, or was a fiction; and we have been unable to clarify
the matter to this very day. At any rate, on hearing this news, these
people confirmed as true the entire report of the ambassador who had
fled. The mandarins of Camboja, taking into consideration the war which
was now waging with the men of Tele, and the new one threatened by the
Spaniards, Cochinchina, and Lao, decided to depose the new king and
render homage to the one who was coming from Lao. For this purpose they
communicated with the two Malays and together with them attacked the
king with his brothers and turned them out of the realm. The two elder
brothers fled separately, each to the province where he thought to find
more friends. After this the mandarins ordered a fleet of row-boats to
proceed toward Lao to receive their king, who they said was already
coming. They sent Ocuña de Chu as leader of the fleet and also his
two sons. Other boats were sent to the bar to receive the Spaniards,
and make friendly terms with them, sending for that purpose certain
Spaniards there. Two Cambodian mandarins and the two Malays were to
remain to guard the kingdom, and to act as governors. The Spaniards
went to the bar, but, finding nothing, returned. Ocuña de Chu took the
road to Lao, but seeing that he did not meet his king, or hear any news
of him, resolved to go to Lanchan and ask for him. He continued his
march, but suffered some pangs of hunger, for he had left the kingdom
unprovided, and the way was long. On account of this some of his men
deserted, but at last he reached Lanchan with ten armed praus. All
the kingdom of Lao was thrown into great confusion. Imagining that he
was coming to make war, they abandoned their villages and property,
and fled to the mountains. But on seeing that he was coming on a
peaceful mission, they lost their apprehension. At his arrival we
were already on the road to Cochinchina, whereupon the king ordered
us to return to Lanchan immediately. The king [of Lao], on learning
what was happening in Camboja, despatched there a large fleet by
sea, and forces by land, and sent for the king of that country. He
despatched me to Cochinchina with news of what was happening, and
to take the ships to Camboja; but, while on the way, I heard of the
battle fought by our fleet, whereupon I returned to Camboja with the
king. When we reached the first village of the kingdom, we learned
from the spies who had preceded us, that, as the news of the ships
had been untrue, and Cuña de Chu was delaying so long, the provinces
where the two brothers sought shelter had proclaimed them kings,
and were at war with one another; that the people of Tele had come
to fight with the governors, who were divided into factions; and that
each man obeyed whom he pleased. But they said that Ocuña Lacasamana,
one of the Malay headmen, had the greatest force of artillery
and praus; and that a Japanese junk--the one that had been in
Cochinchina when our fleet was there--had arrived, and was supporting
Chupinannu. The sea and land forces were collected together at the
point where this news had been received, and it was found that they
were not sufficient to make a warlike entry. A fort was built there,
and a request for more men sent to Lao. In the meantime, secret letters
were despatched to probe the hearts of the leading men. The men from
Lao delayed, and no answers were received to the letters. Feeling
insecure in that place, they deliberated upon returning to Lao,
but at this juncture news arrived from Ocuña Lacasamana, one of the
Malays who had fortified himself in his own land, saying that he was
on their side, although he had rendered homage to Chupinanu--a feigned
promise because he had seen the king's delay--but that as soon as the
king entered the land he would join his party. Soon after news came
from another Cambojan governor, to the effect that, although he had
rendered homage to Chupinanu, yet, if the king would come to him,
he would attack Chupinanu, and depose or kill him. For that he said
that he had four thousand men fortified with himself on a hill. He
sent one of his relatives with this message. All trusted in this man,
and immediately we set out for that place. When the above-mentioned
man learned of the king's approach, he attacked the other king and
routed him; then he came out to receive us, and thus we entered. That
province and many others were delivered to us immediately. Chupinanu
withdrew to some mountains. Immediately the two Malays, each with
his forces, joined us; the Japanese did the same. The king then gave
orders to pursue Chupinanu until he was taken and killed. Then he
seized another man who was acting as judge in another province and
put him to death. Soon after war began against the eldest of the
brothers and against the people of Tele who also refused homage. At
this juncture, a ship arrived from Malaca with fourteen Spaniards of
our fleet, who had put into Malaca. The king was delighted thereat,
and honored and made much of them, when he learned that they were
some of the men who had killed the usurper. They were esteemed and
respected in an extraordinary manner by the whole kingdom. Captain
Diego Belloso tried to assume charge of them by virtue of an old
document from Malaca; this I forbade, alleging that the right of this
jurisdiction should proceed from Manila, since the restoration of this
kingdom proceeded from that place, and that those men were Castilians
and had nothing to do with his document or with Malaca. The king,
before whom this matter was brought, replied that the matter lay
between us two, and refused to mingle in those affairs. Some of the
newcomers coincided with Belloso's opinion, and others with mine;
and thus we have gone on until now. This has been the cause of my
not asking the king for a fort to secure our personal safety. It
would have been a footing for some business, [102] and what I shall
relate later would not have happened to us. After the arrival of the
Castilians, the king sent an embassy to Cochinchina--a Spaniard and a
Cambodian--to get father Fray Alonso Ximenez and certain Spaniards,
who, as we heard, had remained there. The ruler of Chanpan seized
them, and they have not returned. The wars continued, in all of
which the Spaniards and Japanese took part. Whatever we attacked,
we conquered with God's assistance, but where we did not go, losses
always resulted. Consequently we gained great reputation and were
esteemed by our friends and feared by the enemy. While we were making
an incursion, Ocuña de Chu, who was now called manbaray--the highest
title in the kingdom--tried to revolt. In this he was aided by one of
the Malay chiefs called Cancona. The king summoned me and ordered me
to bring with me the Spaniards of my party. He ordered Diego Belloso
to remain, for both of us were leaders and still are, in any war in
which any of us is engaged. I came at his bidding, and he told me that
those men were trying to kill him and deprive him of his kingdom,
and asked me to prevent such a thing. The mambaray was the one who
ruled the kingdom, and since the king was young and addicted to wine,
he held the latter in little esteem and considered himself as king. At
last, I, aided by Spaniards, killed him; then his sons were captured
and killed. Afterward the Malay Cancona was seized and killed, and
the king was extricated from this peril by the Spaniards. Then we
returned to the war. I learned that another grandee who was head of a
province was trying to rebel and join Chupinannon; I captured him and
after trying him, put him to death. Therefore the king showed great
esteem for us, and the kingdom feared us; that province was subdued
and we returned to the king. At this time a vessel arrived from Sian,
and ported here on its way to an embassy at Manila. On board this
vessel were father Fray Pedro Custodio and some Portuguese. The king
was greatly delighted at the arrival of the father and wished to build
him a church. We all united and continued the war. Again we returned,
after having reduced many provinces to the obedience of the king,
and left Chupinanon secluded on some mountains, thus almost ending
the war. Hereupon many Laos arrived under the leadership of one
of their king's relatives, for hitherto they had done nothing nor
uttered any sound. I do not know whether it was from envy at seeing
us so high in the king's favor and that of the people of the kingdom,
or whether they decided the matter beforehand in their own country;
they killed a Spaniard with but slight pretext. When we asked the
king for justice in this matter, the latter ordered his mandarins to
judge the case. Meanwhile we sent for the Japanese who were carrying
on the war in another region, in order to take vengeance if justice
were not done. The Laos, either fearing this, or purposing to make
an end of us, attacked our quarters at night and killed the father
and several Spaniards who had accompanied him and who were sick;
they also killed some Japanese, for their anger was directed against
all. The rest of us escaped and took refuge on the Japanese vessel,
where we defended ourselves until the arrival of the Japanese. The
Laos made a fort and strengthened themselves therein. There were about
six thousand of them. They sent a message to the king saying that
they would not agree to any act of justice which he might order to
be carried out. The king was very angry for the deaths that they had
caused, and for the disrespect with which they treated him; but, in
order not to break with their king, he refused to give us forces with
which to attack them, although we often requested him to do so; nor did
we attack them ourselves, as we were without weapons. The king sent
word of this affair to Lao, and we remained for the time, stripped,
without property, without arms, without justice or revenge, and quite
angry at the king, although he was continually sending us excuses,
saying that if the king of Lao did not do justice in this matter,
he himself would do it, and would not let them leave the country on
that account; he also sent us food, and some clothes and weapons. At
this juncture a ship was despatched on an embassy to Malaca in which
we wished to embark, but neither the king nor his mothers would allow
Diego Belloso or me to leave. Some of the Spaniards embarked in it,
some returned to Sian, and others remained with us; and the king from
that time on made us more presents than ever. The Japanese gathered in
their ship, and refused to continue the war. When the enemy learned
that we were in confusion, they collected large forces and regained
many undefended regions. The king requested the Laos to go to war,
since they had thrown into confusion those who were defending his
country. They went, lost the first battle, and returned completely
routed, leaving many dead and wounded on the field. Chupinanon followed
up the victory and came within sight of the king's residence, only
a river separating them. Thereupon the king quite disregarded the
Laos, and persuaded us and the Japanese to take up arms again and
defend him. By this time we had all reëquipped ourselves with arms
and ammunition, and after much entreaty from him and his mothers, we
went to war and relieved a fortress which Chupinanon was besieging. We
won two battles and forced him to withdraw, thus taking from him all
he had just regained, as well as other lands which had remained in
those regions. We captured a quantity of rice and provisions from
the enemy--with which the king's forces recuperated themselves,
for they were suffering famine--and we went into quarters. This we
did, I, the Spaniards, and the Japanese who were on my side. Diego
Belloso and his men went to Tele, killed its king, and returned after
having conquered part of the province. At this time a Portuguese ship
arrived from Macao, [103] laden with merchandise; on which account,
and on beholding our deeds, the Laos were filled with great fear
of us, and without leave from the king, departed in boats to their
country. Thereupon we went to the king, and requested him not to let
them go without doing justice, unless he wished to break friendship
with Luzon and Malaca. He replied that he did not dare detain them,
but that if we wished to pursue and dared to fight them, he would
secretly give us men. Accordingly we all negotiated for ten praus,
and followed them. But since they were far ahead of us and under
the spell of fear, we could not overtake them for many days. For
this reason Belloso turned back with some Spaniards and Japanese. I
followed with great difficulty--on account of certain strong currents,
for we dragged the praus part way with ropes--although with but few
men, until I overtook many of the Laos, and seized their praus and
possessions, from which we all received compensation and gained
still more in reputation, which at present we enjoy to a higher
degree than was ever enjoyed by any nation in foreign lands. We are
greatly esteemed by the king and his men, and by those native here;
and greatly feared by foreigners. Accordingly we receive great respect
in all parts of the kingdom. They have bestowed upon Captain Diego
Belloso and myself the title of grandee, the highest in their kingdom,
so that we may be more respected and feared, and better obeyed. Two
of the best provinces in the kingdom are entered in our names, and
will be made over to us as soon as the turmoils of war are settled
and assemblies have been held to take the oaths to the king, which
has not yet been done. In the meantime we are making use of other
people whom the king orders to be given us. There is no opportunity
in the kingdom for any one else to possess entire power and command,
beyond Ocuña Lacasamana, leader of the Malays, whom the king favors on
account of his large forces, and because he needs him for the wars in
which he is engaged. The Spaniards have some encounters with his men,
for which reason we hold aloof from one another. I have informed
your Grace so minutely of these wars and affairs, in order that
it may be judged whether his Majesty has any justifiable and legal
right to seize any portion of this kingdom, since his forces killed
the man who was quietly in possession of it; and since its heir, who
was driven away where he had lost hope of ever again possessing it,
has afterward reconquered it through his Majesty's subjects, who have
guarded and defended his person from his enemies. For the hope that the
king will give it up voluntarily will never be realized, as he rather
fears having so many Spaniards in his country, even while he esteems
them; for he dreads lest they deprive him of his kingdom, since he
sees that this only requires the determination therefor. Some of our
enemies impress this fact upon him, especially the Moros. I beg and
entreat your Grace, who can do so much in this matter, to see that we
do not lose our hold on this land, since so much has been accomplished
in it, and it has been brought to a so satisfactory state. Moreover
it is very important to possess a fortress on the mainland, since it
is the beginning of great things. For if a fortress be built here,
and the king see a large force in this land, he would have to do what
he knows to be just, even if ill-disposed. I say this on account of
his mother, aunt, and grandmother, who rule and govern, for he only
does as they tell him. He is a child and is addicted to wine more
than his father; he only thinks of sports and hunting, and cares
nothing for the kingdom. Therefore should he see many Spaniards,
and that nobody could harm them, he would do whatever they wished,
because, as above-said, he loves them; neither would our opponents
dare to offer any opposition. If perchance there should be so few men
in the Filipinas at present that no great number of them can be sent,
at least send as many as possible with the fathers, so as not to
lose this jurisdiction and our share in anything; for Diego Belloso
sent to Malaca for religious, men, and documents, so that by that
means he may become chief justice of this land, and make over this
jurisdiction to Malaca. Since this kingdom has been restored by that
kingdom [i.e., the Philippines], your Grace should not allow others to
reap the fruits of our labors. If some soldiers should come, and the
Cambodians should refuse them the wherewithal to maintain themselves
because of their small number, and not fearing them, I would do here
whatever your Grace bade me, so long as it were reasonable; and until
more soldiers came, I could manage to make the Cambodians give it,
however much against their inclination. These men should come bound
hard and fast by documents, so that, as the country is very vast,
they should not be tempted to avail themselves of license, for lack of
discipline was the cause of our encounter with the Laos. It has been
very difficult for me to despatch this vessel, because little is given
to the king for any purpose, and because there were many opponents to
prevent it--for it is evident that the mandarins, whether native or
foreign, are not pleased to see men set over them in the kingdom--and
as I am poor, for I have lived hitherto by war, and subsisted from
its gains by many wars, for the king also is very poor. The Spaniard
whom I entrust with this mission is poor and an excellent soldier;
and to enable him to go, I have assisted him from my indigence. Will
your Grace please assist both him and the Cambodian, in order that
the latter may become acquainted with some of the grandeur of his
Majesty. I would rejoice to be the bearer of this, so as to give your
Grace a long account of these affairs and of other notable things,
and of the fertility of these kingdoms; but neither the king nor his
mothers have allowed me to go, as the bearer will state, among other
things. Your Grace may believe him, for he is a person disinterested in
all respects, having just arrived from Macan. On account of the many
wars, the king does not possess many things to send your Grace. He
sends two ivory tusks, and a slave. Your Grace will forgive him; he
will send many things next year, if the pacification of his country is
accomplished, for he still has something to do in it. I have spoken to
him and persuaded him to send to that city [i.e., Manila] to request
soldiers, in order to complete the pacification of the country; but
his mothers would not have it on any account, I am sure that they
act thus in order not to promise them lands for their maintenance,
or that they may not seize the land. But when they were in Lao,
they promised very vast lands. But if what is done is not sufficient
to provide for them, let the mercy of God suffice. When this embassy
was despatched, Diego Belloso and myself told the king that if he did
not give us the lands that he had promised us, we intended to go to
Luzon, because we did not now possess the wherewithal with which to
maintain ourselves. Many things occurred with respect to this request,
but finally he gave us the lands, as is stated in the embassy; he
gave them to us on condition of our holding them in his service and
obedience. By this means I shall have more resources for your Grace's
service. I spent all my possessions in meeting the expenses that I
incurred in that city [i.e., Manila], and in maintaining my men in
this kingdom. For that purpose I took the silver of the common seamen
of my vessel, and although I paid the latter with some silver which
we found in the [Chinese] ships, Gallinato would not consent to it,
but took it all for himself. In Malaca they made me pay it out of
the property on my ship, and would not consent to their being paid
out of the prizes, since the war was considered a just one. [104] For
this reason I am now destitute of any property, and therefore do not
possess the means of serving your Grace as I ought and as I should
have desired. Recollecting your Grace's unique armory I send you a
bottle and a small flask of ivory. Your Grace will forgive the trifle
for I promise to compensate for it next year. Your Grace may command
me in any service for I shall take great pleasure therein. Will your
Grace do me the favor to protect my affairs, so that they may gain
some merit by your favor. Trusting to this, may our Lord preserve
your Grace, and give you increase in your dignity, as this servant
of your Grace desires in your affairs. From Camboja, July twenty,
one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight.

Your Grace's servant,

BLAS RUYZ DE HERNAN GONÇALES

Through this news and despatch from Camboja we learned in Manila of
the good result attained by the stay of Diego Belloso and Blas Ruys in
that land. Don Luys Dasmariñas gaining encouragement in the enterprise
that he had proposed, discussed it with greater warmth. But since
difficulties were still raised as to the justification with which an
entrance could be made into Camboja with armed forces for more than
the protection of, and completion of establishing, Prauncar in his
kingdom, and to leave preachers with him--it was said on Don Luys's
behalf that after accomplishing the above, he would, with the necessary
favor of the same king of Camboja, proceed to the neighboring kingdom
of Champan and take possession of it for his Majesty. He would drive
thence a usurper, the common enemy of all those kingdoms, who lorded
over it, and who, from his fortress near the sea, sallied out against
all navigators, plundering and capturing them. He had committed many
other crimes, murders, and thefts, on the Portuguese and other nations,
who were obliged to pass his coasts in their trading with, and voyages
to, China, Macan, Xapon, and other kingdoms, concerning all of which
sufficient testimony had been given. On account of all these reports,
the theologians and jurists decided that the war against the ruler
of Champan and the conquest of his lands was justifiable, and that
this position was of no less importance to the Spaniards than that
of Camboja.

The governor and president, Don Francisco Tello, held a consultation
with the Audiencia and others--religious and captains--as to what in
their opinion was the most advisable measure to take in this matter. It
was resolved that, since Don Luys offered to make this expedition
at his own expense with those men who chose to follow him, the plan
should be carried out. [105] Accordingly, an agreement was made with
him on the above basis. He was to take the men at his own expense,
with commission and papers from the governor for affairs of government
and war, and provisions from the Audiencia for the administration of
justice. He began preparing ships, men, and provisions, in order to
sail as soon as possible.

In the meanwhile, Governor Don Francisco Tello despatched Don Joan
de Çamudio with a moderate-sized ship to Great China to obtain leave
from the viceroy of Canton for the Spaniards to communicate and
trade with his province. He was also to fetch saltpeter and metals
which were wanted for the royal magazines of Manila. Don Joan reached
his destination with good weather, and after stationing himself off
the coast of Canton, sent certain of his company to the city with
despatches for the tuton or viceroy. When the viceroy heard of the
arrival of the Spaniards and the reason thereof, he gave them audience,
and treated them cordially. The Portuguese residing in Macan near the
city of Canton, made many efforts to prevent the viceroy, the conchifu,
and other mandarins from admitting the Castilians of Manila into
their country, alleging that the latter were pirates and evil-doers,
who seized upon whatever kingdom and province they visited. They told
them so many things that it would have sufficed to destroy them, had
not the viceroy and mandarins looked at the matter dispassionately;
for they knew the declaration of the Portuguese to be hate and enmity,
and that these passions moved them to desire that the Castilians
have no trade with China, for their own interests. The affair went so
far, that, having been brought before a court of justice, silence was
imposed upon the Portuguese of Macan, under penalty of severe corporal
punishment; while the Castilians were given and assigned a port on
the same coast, named El Pinal [Pine Grove], twelve leguas from the
city of Canton, where they might then and always enter and make a
settlement of their own; and they were given sufficient chapas [i.e.,
edicts or passports of safety] and provisions therefor. Thereupon
Don Joan de Çamudio, entered El Pinal with his ship and there he was
furnished with everything needful by the Chinese at a moderate price
while the Spaniards went to and fro on the river upon their business
to Canton in lorchas [106] and champans. While the Spaniards were
detained, in the said port they were always well received in the city
and lodged in houses within its walls. They went about the streets
freely and armed, a thing which is new and unique in China in respect
to foreigners. This caused so great wonder and envy to the Portuguese
(who are not so treated) that they tried with might and main to
prevent it, even going so far as to come by night in boats from Macan
to El Pinal to fire the ship of the Castilians. This did not succeed,
however, for, having been heard, the necessary resistance was made,
and after that a good watch was always kept on board, until the ship
having accomplished its business and object departed thence, much to
the satisfaction of the Chinese, who gave the Spaniards chapas and
documents for the future. The ship reached Manila at the beginning
of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine.

After Don Luys Dasmariñas had equipped two moderate-sized ships and
a galliot, and collected two hundred men who chose to follow him
in this enterprise to Camboja--they were part of the unemployed in
Manila--with the necessary provisions, ammunition, and equipment on
his ships; and accompanied by Fray Alonso Ximenez and Fray Aduarte
of the Order of St. Dominic and Fray Joan Bautista of the Order of
St. Francis, some Japanese, and native Indians of Manila: he set sail
with his fleet from the bay, in the middle of July, [107] of the year
ninety-eight. The weather was somewhat contrary as the seasons of
the vendavals had set in, but his desire to accomplish his voyage,
lose no time, and leave Manila, which was the greatest difficulty,
caused him to disregard the weather; he thought that, once at sea,
he would be able to stop on the coast in the port of Bolinao.

This plan did not succeed so well as Don Luis had anticipated, for, as
soon as the fleet of these three ships left the bay it was so buffeted
by the weather that it could not fetch the port of Bolinao or hold
the sea. The flagship sprung a leak, and the ships returned to the
mouth of the bay above Miraveles, [108] where they stayed several days
refitting. When the weather moderated they set sail again, but again
they were buffeted so violently that the ships were separated from
one another, and the galliot--the weakest of them--with difficulty
made the port of Cagayan. Quite dismantled and very necessitous,
it entered by the bar of Camalayuga to the city of Segovia, which is
at the head of the island of Luzon opposite Great China. There the
alcalde-mayor of that province furnished it the necessary provisions
and tackle. Captain Luis Ortiz, who commanded this galliot, together
with twenty-five Spaniards and some Indians, hastened preparations for
their departure and again left that port to rejoin the fleet which
he had to follow, according to his instructions, making for the bar
of the river of Camboja which was their destination. He had scarcely
left Cagayan, when the almiranta entered the port in the same distress
as the galliot. It was also detained some days to refit. Then it left
again to rejoin the flagship and the galliot. The flagship being a
stronger vessel kept the sea with difficulty; and as the storm lasted
a long time, it was compelled to run in the open toward China. The
storm continued to rage so steadily that, without being able to
meliorate its voyage, the ship was obliged to sail, amid high seas
and cloudy weather, to certain small uninhabited islands on the coast
of China below Macan. There it was many times in danger of shipwreck,
and parts of the cargo were thrown away daily. The almiranta, after
having been refitted, left Cagayan, made the same voyage in the same
storm, and anchored near the flagship, where it was lost with some
men and its entire cargo. [109]The flagship did its best to rescue
those who escaped from the almiranta, and although the former kept
afloat several days, at length it grounded near the coast. There
it began to leak so badly that, with that and the strong sea which
struck it broadside, the vessel went to pieces. The ship's boat had
already been lost, and in order to save their lives before the ship
was completely wrecked they were obliged to make rafts and prepare
framework and planks on which Don Luis and the religious and crew--in
all one hundred and twenty Spaniards--went ashore. They brought away
from the said ship a few of the most valuable objects, the weapons,
and the most manageable pieces of artillery, abandoning the rest as
lost. All of the Spaniards were so soaked and in so ill a plight that
some Chinese who came to the coast, from some neighboring towns, both
from compassion felt for their loss and on account of having been given
certain things that had been brought away from the wreck, provided
them with food and with a native vessel of small burden in which to
leave that place and make for Macan and Canton, which were not far.

As soon as Don Luis and his men sighted Macan, the former sent two
soldiers of his company in Chinese vessels to the city and settlement
of the Portuguese to announce their arrival and hardships, in order to
obtain some help from them. He sent two other soldiers to Canton to
ask the viceroy or tuton for assistance and protection, so that they
might equip themselves in, and sail from, China, in prosecution of
their voyage. The people of Macan and their chief captain Don Pablo
of Portugal received the Castilians so ill that they were thrown
into prison and not allowed to return to Don Luis. To the latter they
sent word warning him to leave the coast immediately, as they would
treat them all no less ill. When the Portuguese learned that Captain
Hernando de los Rios [110] and one of his companions had gone to Canton
for the same purpose, they at once sent two Portuguese, members of
their council and magistracy [camara and regimiento] to oppose their
entry into China, by saying that they were robbers and pirates, and
evil-doers, as they had said before of Don Joan de Çamudio, who at
this time was with his ship in the port of El Pinal, as abovesaid.

In Canton, Captain Hernando de los Rios and his companion met Alferez
Domingo de Artacho and other companions belonging to Don Joan's ship,
who, on learning of the disaster of Don Luis's fleet and that it had
been wrecked near by, came together and defended themselves against the
calumnies and pretensions of the Portuguese. The result was that, as
the main difficulty had been already overcome in the case of Don Joan,
and the viceroy and mandarins were informed that all were from Manila,
who Don Luis Dasmariñas was, and that he was going to Camboja with
his fleet, they received him with the same good-will with which they
had received Don Joan de Çamudio, and gave him permission to enter
the port of E1 Pinal with him. There the two met, with much regret
by the one at Don Luis Dasmariñas's loss, and with much satisfaction
by the other at finding there Don Joan de Çamudio and his men, who
provided them with certain things that they needed. With Don Joan's
assistance, Don Luis at once bought a strong, moderate-sized junk,
on which he embarked with some of his men, and the artillery and
goods which had been saved. He enjoyed the same advantages in that
port as the Spaniards of Don Joan de Çamudio's ship. He intended to
remain there until, having sent news to Manila, ships and the other
necessary things for pursuing his voyage thence to Camboja, should
be sent him, in respect to which Don Luis would never allow himself
to show any discouragement or loss of resolution.

Don Joan de Çamudio left El Pinal, leaving Don Luis Dasmariñas and
his men in that port, at the beginning of the year ninety-nine,
and reached Manila in twelve days. After him, Don Luis sent Alférez
Francisco Rodrigues with three companions to Manila in a small champan
to beg the governor and his supporters for help and assistance in
his present emergency, a vessel, and what was needful to continue the
expedition that he had begun. In Manila the news of Don Luis's loss
and of the conditions to which he was reduced, was learned both from
Don Joan de Çamudio and from Alférez Francisco Rodrigues, who reached
Manila after the former. Seeing that it was impossible for Don Luis to
continue the voyage to Camboja, and that there was neither property
nor substance with which to equip him again, nor the time for it,
a moderate-sized ship was purchased and despatched from Manila to
E1 Pinal with provisions and other things, under command of the same
Alférez Francisco Rodrigues, who was accompanied by some soldiers of
whom he was captain and leader. Through them Don Francisco Tello sent
orders to Don Luis to embark his men and return to the Filipinas,
without thinking for the present of the expedition to Camboja or of
anything else.

Captain Hernando de los Rios, who attended to Don Luis's affairs in
Canton, wrote a letter at this time to Doctor Antonio de Morga; and
in order that what happened in this respect may be better understood,
the letter reads word for word as follows.

Fernando de los Rios Coronel, to Doctor Antonio de Morga, of
his Majesty's council, and his auditor in the royal Audiencia
and Chancillería of the Filipinas, whom may our Lord preserve, in
Manila. The hardships which have befallen us within the short time
since we left Manila, have been so many, that, if I were to give your
Grace an account of them all, it would weary you; moreover the short
time in which Don Joan is to depart does not allow of it. And since
he will relate everything fully, I will relate only what occurred to
us after reaching this land; for our Lord was pleased to change our
intentions, which were to remain in Bolinao until the bad weather
which we were having had terminated. In sight of the port we were
overtaken by a storm which greatly endangered our lives and forced
us to come to this kingdom of China, where we expected at least
that the Portuguese would allow us to refit our ship. As it was the
Lord's will that we should lose it, we have suffered hardships enough,
for scarcely anything was saved. I lost my property and a portion of
that of others, because I was not present at the time of the wreck,
as my general ordered myself and a coast-pilot the day before to go
to look for fresh provisions. This coast is so wretchedly laid down
on the charts that we did not know where we were, and on account
of bad weather I could not return to the ship. Consequently I was
obliged to go to Canton, where the Sangleys, who conveyed me and
those who left the ship with me, accused us of having killed three
Sangleys. And had we not found there Alférez Domingo de Artacho
and Marcos de la Cueva, who were pleading against the Portuguese,
we would have fared very ill. It was God's will, that, with their
aid, we settled the case in court; and, although without proofs, and
without taking our depositions, they condemned us to a fine of fifty
taes of silver. There we learned that for one and one-half months they
[i.e., the men of Juan Zamudio's vessel] had been defending themselves
against the Portuguese, who, as soon as the Spaniards had arrived,
went about saying that they were robbers and rebels, and people who
seized the kingdoms into which they entered, and other things not
worth writing. But in the end, all their efforts, good and evil--and
indeed very evil--profited them nothing, because, by means of great
assiduity and a quantity of silver, the Spaniards negotiated a matter
which the Portuguese had never imagined, namely, the opening of a
port in this country, in order that the Spaniards might always come
safely, and the granting of houses in Canton, a privilege which was
never extended to the Portuguese, on account of which the latter are,
or will be, even more angered. Besides, silence was imposed upon the
Portuguese, although this was no part of the negotiations, so that they
might not attempt by other means to do us all the injury possible (as
the Sangleys who were among them tell us). It is impossible to tell
how much the Portuguese abhor the name of Castilians, unless it be
experienced as we have done for our sins, for they have placed us in
great extremity, as Don Joan will relate fully. For, when our general
wrote to them that we had been wrecked, and were dying of hunger among
infidels, and in great peril, and that he was not coming to trade,
but was engaged in the service of his Majesty, the welcome given him
by the Portuguese was to seize his messengers and keep them up to the
present time in a dungeon. Lastly, while we have been in this port,
undergoing the difficulties and perils which Don Joan will relate,
although they are so near, not only do they leave us to suffer, but,
if there are any well-disposed persons, they have forbidden them to
communicate with us or to give us anything, under both temporal and
spiritual penalty. In truth, to reflect upon this cruelty, and still
more to experience it as we are doing, exhausts all patience. May God
in His mercy give us patience and consolation because these infidels
[i.e., the Chinese] are the people who have corrupted the natural
light more than any other people in the world. Hence angels and not men
are required to deal with them. Since there are historians who record
events in these regions, I shall not go into details respecting them. I
only say, in order that you may understand in what a country we are,
that it is the true kingdom of the devil, where he seems to rule with
full power. Hence each Sangley appears to be the devil incarnate,
for there is no malice or deceit which they do not attempt. Although
outwardly the government, with all its order and method, seems good
as far as its preservation is concerned, yet, in practice, it is all
a scheme of the devil. Although here they do not rob or plunder the
foreigners openly, yet they do it by other and worse methods. Don
Joan has worked hard, and gratitude is certainly due him, for he has
accomplished a thing so difficult, that the Portuguese say only the
devil or he could have done it. However, it is true that it has cost
him, as I have heard, about seven thousand pesos, besides the risk to
which he has been exposed; for the Portuguese attempted to burn him in
his ship; and although their schemes came to naught, it is impossible
to describe the bitterness which they feel at seeing us come here to
trade, because of the signal injury they receive thereby. However,
if one considers it thoroughly, the truth is that, if this business
were established on the basis of a fair agreement, the Portuguese
would rather gain by it, because they would dispose of innumerable
articles that they possess, and the majority of them, especially the
poor, would profit by selling the work of their hands, and what they
get from India, for which they always obtain a good price. As far
as raising the price of [Chinese] merchandise to them is concerned,
once established, and if the Sangleys understood that ships would come
every year, they would bring down much more merchandise: and so much
the more as Canton possesses such a large quantity of it, that there
is more than enough for twice as many as are here, as we have seen
with our own eyes. I can testify that, if they wish to load a ship
with only one kind of goods, they can do so, even if it be needles;
the more so, since the greater part of what the Chinese consume is
not included among our articles of purchase, the great bulk of our
purchases being raw silk. Therefore I believe that the continuation
of this would be of great advantage to that city [i.e., Manila] for
the following reasons which present themselves to me. The first is
that, if orders were given for a ship to come authorized to invest
the bulk of the money of that city [i.e., Manila], much more and
better goods could be bought with much less money, and in articles
which would prove more profitable; since, in short, we would save
what the people of Chincheo gain with us [at Manila]--a goodly sum.

The second reason is that that city [i.e., Manila] would be provided
with all necessaries, because one can find in the city of Canton
anything that can be desired.

The third is that by this means we would avoid the excessive commerce
of the Sangleys in that city [i.e., Manila], who cause the harm which
your Grace knows, and even that which we do not know. They are people
who, the less they are admitted, the better will it be for us in every
respect. Hence there is no need of there being more of them than the
number required for the service of the community; and then they would
neither raise the price of provisions, nor retail what remains in the
country, as they do now. Thus many pernicious sins which they commit
and teach to the natives would be avoided. Although there seems to
be some difficulty in establishing this and in smoothing down the
Portuguese, still it might be accomplished.

The fourth reason is that, if the purchase is made here, it will
reach that city [i.e., Manila] by Christmas, and each man would store
his property in his house, and prepare and arrange it; and then, even
should the ships from Castilla arrive early, no loss would be suffered
as at present--when, if those ships arrive before the goods purchased
from China [reach Manila] the merchandise rises a hundred per cent.

The fifth reason is that the ships might easily take in cargo any
time in the month of May, and take advantage of the first vendavals,
which sometimes begin by the middle of June or before. By sailing then,
they run less risk, and will reach Nueva España one month or even two
months earlier. Then, they can leave that country in January and come
here [i.e., to the Filipinas] by April without any of the dangers
which beset them among these islands if they sail late, as we know.

The sixth reason is that the many inconveniences now existing at the
time of the purchase [in Manila] would be avoided--inconveniences
with which your Grace is acquainted--and the citizens would have
less trouble. Also in respect to the lading and its allotment [i.e.,
of shipping room] a better system could certainly be followed,
and it would be known who is to share in it. Things would be better
remedied, because neither the money of Mexico nor that of companies
would be allowed to be employed. The strict prevention of this alone
would be sufficient to assure prosperity to Manila in a short time;
for, if only the inhabitants were to send their invested property,
it is certain that all the machinery of the money of the Mexicans
would have to be employed on the goods sent from here--I mean from
Manila--if they do not allow the Mexicans to purchase in that city
[i.e., Manila]. And if less merchandise is sent from here [i.e.,
China, and consequently Manila] and there are more buyers there [i.e.,
in Mexico], the goods would be worth double. This is self-evident,
and if, as your Graces have already begun to remedy this matter,
the measure be rigorously carried still farther, that city [i.e.,
Manila] must prosper greatly. For, by not sending to Nueva España
any other produce except that from that city [i.e., Manila] mainly
purchased in this country [i.e., China], Manila would prosper as
greatly as one could desire. If we consider the benefit and favor
which his Majesty confers upon us in this matter, we would esteem
it much more than we do now. But I believe that we shall regret it,
when, perchance, we are deprived of it. Perhaps some one would say,
in opposition to what I have said about coming to purchase here,
that his Majesty would be defrauded of the customs and duties
which the Sangleys now pay, and of their tribute. But there is a
remedy for all this, for with the freight duties alone his Majesty
would save much more; as also by buying ammunitions here and other
articles which he needs for the conservation of that country [i.e.,
the islands] twice as cheaply and abundantly, and without depending
on the Chinese to bring them at their leisure, who at times--and
indeed every year--leave us without them, since we are forced to go
to get them. As far as the tribute is concerned, I believe that his
Majesty would be better served if there were no Sangleys there at all,
than by receiving the tribute. And it might happen, through this way,
if our Lord ordered it, that a door might be opened for the preaching
of the gospel and for the conversion of the people, a thing desired so
earnestly by his Majesty, and especially aimed at by him. After all,
things require a beginning, and the road would be opened, although
at present it seems shut; for, if we hope that the Portuguese attempt
this, I do not know when they will do it, considering that they have
not tried to do so, for so long as they have been settled here. Even
the Sangleys say that the Portuguese began like ourselves. At first
they went to and fro; then two sick men remained; the next year they
built four houses; and thus they continued to increase. I know that
there is no other difficulty for us to do likewise than that which
the Portuguese offer. To return to the Portuguese opposition, it is
something amazing, for not only are they vexed at our coming here,
but also at our going to Camboja or to Sian. They assert that those
districts are theirs, but I cannot see why they so designate them--for
it is just the contrary--unless it be because we have allowed them,
through our negligence, to seize our possessions near the strait of
Malaca, and enter the line of demarcation falling to the crown of
Castilla, as I would make them fully understand if an opportunity were
presented. One can read in Historia de las Indias [111] [i.e., History
of the Indias] in the one hundred and second chapter, and before and
after it, that, at the request of the Portuguese, his Holiness drew the
said line from three hundred and seventy leguas west of the islands of
Caboverde, which were called the Espericas. The one hundred and eighty
degrees of longitude falling to the Portuguese terminate and end as
abovesaid, near the above-mentioned strait. All the rest belongs to
us. Furthermore, since we are subjects of one king, how do we suffer
them to forbid us all our trade? Why do they bar us from Maluco, Sian,
Camboja, Cochinchina, China, and all the rest of this archipelago? What
are we to do then, if they wish to seize everything? Surely this is
a very unreasonable proceeding. I have dwelt on this matter in order
to express my feelings. Not until our departure shall I write to
your Grace about the fertility and nature of the country, and of its
greatness. Then I shall endeavor to give a full account of the land,
and to mark out this coast, for nothing is put down correctly.

This is the best coast [112] of all that have been discovered,
and the most suitable for galleys, if God should ordain that they
come hither. I have already discovered where the king keeps his
treasure. The country is very rich, and the city of Canton well
supplied, although there is nothing to be said in regard to its
buildings, of which the whole city possesses few of any importance,
according to the information received from a Theatin [113] Sangley with
whom I found much pleasure in talking--though I was able to do so for
only one afternoon. He was a man of intelligence and reason, and it is
said that he is a scholar. He told me that in Paquien [i.e., Pekin],
where the king resides, and in Lanquien [i.e., Nankin] the fathers
of the Society enjoy the quiet possession of three houses. There
are seven fathers, among whom is one called Father Riçio, [114]
an associate of Father Rugero who went to Roma. He is an excellent
mathematician and has corrected the Chinese calendar which contained
many errors and false opinions, and their fantastic idea of the world,
which they believed to be flat. He made them a globe and a sphere,
and with this and the sound arguments and reasons which they give
them, the fathers are considered as people descended from heaven. He
says that in those regions the people would be very favorable to
conversion, if there were ministers; and that there [i.e., in Pekin]
the foreigners are not looked upon with wonder as they are here
[i.e., in Canton]. He says that the people are much more sensible
and reasonable, so much so that they call the people of this country
barbarians. He adds that Lanquien lies in the latitude of Toledo,
namely thirty and two-thirds degrees, and that from there to Paquien
is a twenty-five days' journey, so that the latter city must lie in
more than fifty degrees of latitude. [115] The above-mentioned brother
comes down annually to collect the stipend given them by the people
here for their three houses. Now they are expecting a great friend of
theirs who is said to be the second person nearest to the king. One
can travel through all this land by water, and therefore it abounds
in everything, for articles are conveyed over the rivers and there
is no need of beasts of burden, which is its special greatness.

He who wishes to depict China without having seen the land, must draw
a country full of rivers and towns, and without a palmo of ground left
lying idle. I wish I had more time in which to describe some of the
things of China which I have observed and inquired about with special
care, and of which, if God please, I shall be the messenger. The
affairs of Camboja are in a good condition, and we shall arrive there
at a seasonable time, if it be our Lord's will that we leave this
place with good auspices. The king sent a ship to Manila at the end
of August to ask for assistance. I do not know whether it has arrived
or whether it returned to put in port, for it left very late. Bias
Ruis sent fifty picos [116] from Camanguian. According to report,
the king has apportioned and given him nine thousand vassals, and as
many more to Belloso.

At present we ourselves are enduring the necessity of which Don Juan
Çamudio will inform you. I entreat your Grace to help us, since it
is of so great importance. I kiss many times the hand of my lady
Doña Joana. May our Lord preserve your Grace for many years in the
prosperity and tranquillity which we your servants desire. From the
port of El Pinal, frozen with cold, the twenty-third of December,
ninety-eight.

If my brother should come before I return, I beseech your Grace,
since it is so natural in your Grace to do good to all--especially
to those of that land--to show him the goodness which your Grace has
always shown me.

FERNANDO DE LOS RIOS CORONEL

After Don Juan de Çamudio's departure from El Pinal, where Don Luis
Dasmariñas remained with his junk awaiting the assistance that he
expected from Manila and which he had requested through Don Joan and
Alférez Francisco Rodrigues, Don Luis thought that, since some time had
passed, the answer was being delayed, while his people were suffering
great want and cold there. Therefore he tried to put out to sea in the
junk, and to make for Manila. But the weather did not permit this,
nor was the vessel large enough to hold all of Don Luis's men for
the voyage. He stopped near the fort where the Portuguese of Macan
again sent him many messages and requests to leave the coast at once,
warning him that they would seize him and his companions, and would
send them to India, where they would be severely punished. Don Luis
always answered them that he had not come to harm or offend them,
but that he was going to the kingdom of Camboja for the service of
God and of his Majesty; that he had been shipwrecked and had suffered
many hardships, the severest of which had been due to the Portuguese
of Macan themselves, subjects of his Majesty; that he was expecting
help from Manila in order that he might return thither; and that he
begged and requested them to aid and protect him, and to free the
two Castilians whom they had seized. Finally he declared that if, in
spite of all this, they should attempt to do him any harm or injury, he
would defend himself to the best of his ability; and he protested that
any losses resulting therefrom would lie at their door. Thenceforward
Don Luis Dasmariñas kept strict watch on his ship. He kept his weapons
ready and the artillery loaded, and was on his guard day and night. And
he was not mistaken, for the people of Macan resolved to attack him in
order to seize him. To this end the chief captain himself came one day,
with some fustas and other vessels, and with men armed with javelins,
guns, and artillery, when they thought the Castilians would be off
their guard, to attack Don Luis Dasmariñas. The latter, suspecting
what was about to happen, awaited them arms in hand; and as he saw
the Portuguese fleet attacking him, he began to play upon them with
his muskets, arquebuses, and a few pieces of artillery, with such
rapidity that he inflicted a very severe loss upon his enemy and
upon the ship which carried the chief captain, killing one of his
pages who stood behind him, and other persons. The chief captain
retired with all the other vessels, and they made for the high sea,
having been defeated by Don Luis, who did not attempt to follow them
but remained on the watch. As the Portuguese did not dare attack him
again they made for Macan, and Don Luis Dasmariñas put into the port
of El Pinal, where he thought he would be in greater security. There
Don Luis remained until Captain Francisco Rodrigues arrived with the
ship from Manila, and joined him. They distributed their men between
the two ships and made some purchases with what this last ship had
brought from Manila, in the very city of Macan, for the Portuguese,
for the sake of their own interests, gave and sold them goods, in
spite of a certain apprehension of the law. They returned to Manila
leaving a few men in El Pinal who had died of sickness, among whom was
Fray Alonso Ximenez, the principal promoter of this enterprise. His
associate, Fray Diego Aduarte, did not choose to return to Manila,
but went to Macan and thence to Goa, in order to go to España. Don
Luis reached Manila with both ships, and his expedition to Camboja
and his conduct of the said enterprise remained in this state.

It has been already related that the galliot, one of the ships of
Don Luis Dasmariñas's fleet, in which Luis Ortiz and twenty-five
Spaniards had sailed, after having put into Cagayan and refitted
there, sailed again during fairly good weather to find the fleet. This
ship although so inadequate to resist storms at sea, was permitted,
through God's mercy, to encounter those which it met without being
wrecked. It made its way along the coast of Cochinchina and Champan,
inside the shoals of Aynao, and reached the bar of Camboja. Expecting
to find all or some of the ships of its convoy within the bar, it
ascended the river as far as the city of Chordemuco. There they
found Diego Belloso and Blas Ruys de Hernan Gonçalez, with some
Castilians who had joined them, and other Portuguese who had come by
way of Malaca, and with whose assistance many battles had been won
in favor of King Prauncar, who had been restored to his kingdom,
although some of his provinces had not been entirely pacified. It
was learned there that neither Don Luis Dasmariñas nor any other of
his fleet had reached Camboja. Those in the galliot said that Don
Luis was coming in person with a large force of ships, men, arms,
and some religious, to accomplish what he had always desired to do
in that kingdom; that he would not be long in coming; and that their
galliot and crew belonged to his fleet. Blas Ruis and his Castilian
companions greatly rejoiced over so opportune news. The former thought
that everything was turning out well, and that now, according to the
present state of affairs, matters would be accomplished and settled as
they wished. Diego Belloso and his party, although they did not show
their regret, were not so pleased, for they much preferred the happy
termination and reward of this expedition to be for the Portuguese and
the government of India. They had had certain quarrels and disputes
with Blas Ruis over this. But seeing that the affair had reached this
state, they conformed to the times. Thereupon all joined together,
Portuguese and Castilians, and informed Prauncar and his mandarins
of the arrival of Alférez Luis Ortiz with his galliot and companions,
saying that they were part of a large fleet which would shortly arrive,
and that Don Luis Dasmariñas was coming in it in person, with religious
and men to aid and serve the king, in conformity to what he himself
had requested in his letter to Manila, several months before. The
king seemed pleased at this, and so did some of his mandarins who
liked the Spaniards, and recognized what benefits they had derived
from them hitherto. These believed that the matter would turn out
as it was represented to them. But the king's stepmother, and other
mandarins of her party, especially the Moro Malay Ocuña Lacasamana,
were vexed at the arrival of the Spaniards, for they thought that
the latter, being valiant men, numerous, and so courageous, as they
already knew, would dominate everything, or at least would take the
best; moreover they alone wished to deal with King Prauncar. Thus
their aversion for Spanish affairs became known to be as great as
the favor with which Prauncar, on the contrary, regarded them. The
latter immediately assigned the Spaniards a position with their ship
near the city, at the place which Blas Ruiz and Diego Belloso occupied.

Before Don Luis Dasmariñas left Manila with his fleet, Captain Joan
de Mendoça Gamboa requested Governor Don Francisco Tello to allow him
to go to the kingdom of Sian with a moderate-sized ship, in order to
trade. For the greater security of his voyage and business, he asked
the governor to give him letters to the king of Sian, in which the
latter should be informed that he was sent as the governor's ambassador
and messenger to continue the peace, friendship, and commerce which
Joan Tello de Aguirre had contracted with Sian the year before. Seeing
that Don Luis Dasmariñas, who was on the way to Camboja, had left in
Manila for another occasion some ammunition and other things of use
to his fleet, Don Joan, in order better to facilitate the granting of
his request, offered to take these stores on board his ship and sail
round by way of Camboja, where he supposed that he would find Don
Luis Dasmariñas, and deliver them to him. The governor thought the
two proposals timely, and having furnished him with the necessary
despatches, Don Joan de Mendoça left Manila with his ship, taking
as pilot Joan Martinez de Chave, who had been Joan Tello's pilot
when the latter went to Sian. He took as companions some sailors and
Indian natives. He had a quantity of siguei [117] and other goods to
barter, and the ammunition and provisions which he was to convey to
Don Luis. With him embarked Fray Joan Maldonado [118] and an associate,
both religious of the Order of St. Dominic. The former was a grave and
learned man and a very intimate friend of Don Luis Dasmariñas, to whom
his order took great pleasure in sending him as a companion. They left
Manila, without knowing of Don Luis's shipwreck two months after the
latter had set sail. Crossing over the shoals they shortly reached
the bar of Camboja and ascended to the capital, where they found
the galliot of the fleet and learned that its other ships had not
arrived. The king received them cordially and lodged them with Diego
Belloso, Blas Ruiz, Luis Ortiz, and their companions. They passed
the time together, and would not let Joan de Mendoça leave Camboja
with his ship until something was heard of Don Luis Dasmariñas. A few
days later, they learned through Chinese ships, and by other means,
that the latter had put into China with difficulty and in distress,
and that he was there preparing to continue his voyage. Although this
event caused them sorrow, they still hoped that in a short time Don
Luis would be in Camboja with the two ships of his fleet.

At this same time, a mestizo, named Govea, son of a Portuguese
and a Japanese woman, who lived in Japon, collected some mestizo
companions, as well as Japanese and Portuguese, on a junk which
he owned in the port of Nangasaqui, with the intention of coasting
along China, Champan, and Camboja, to seek adventures and to barter,
but mainly to make prizes of what they might meet at sea. With them
embarked a Castilian who had lived in Nangasaqui after the wreck of
the galleon "San Felipe," while on its way to Nueva España in the
year ninety-six. His name was Don Antonio Malaver, and he had been
a soldier in Italia. He came to the Filipinas from Nueva España as
captain and sargento-mayor of the troops brought that year by Doctor
Antonio de Morga in the fleet from Nueva España to Manila. Don Antonio
Malaver, who had no wish to return to the Filipinas, thinking that
by that way he could go to India and thence to España, and that on
the road there might fall to him some share of the illgotten gains
of that voyage, embarked with Govea and his company. After they had
run down the coast and heard some news of the entry of Spaniards
into Camboja, Don Antonio persuaded Govea to enter the river of
Camboja, where they would find Spaniards, and affairs in such a
state that they might take some effective action in that kingdom,
and thrive better than at sea. They went up as far as Chordemuco,
joined the Castilians and Portuguese and were received into their
company and list. As they all--and they were a considerable number of
men--saw the delay of Don Luis Dasmariñas, they proclaimed as leaders
Fray Joan Maldonado, Diego Belloso, and Blas Ruis. Then they began
to treat with King Prauncar on their own account concerning their
establishment and comfort, and to request lands and rice for their
maintenance and other things which had been promised them, alleging
that they did not derive the necessary usufruct and profit out of
his concessions to Belloso and Blas Ruis. Although the king gave
them good hopes for everything he brought nothing to a conclusion,
being hindered in this by his stepmother and the mandarins of her
party, who would have liked to see the Spaniards out of the kingdom;
and in this they gained more animus every day by the non-arrival of
Don Luis Dasmariñas. Consequently, the Spaniards spent the time in
going to and fro between their quarters and the city to negotiate
with the king, with whose answers and conversations they sometimes
returned satisfied and at other times not so much so.

Ocuña Lacasamana and his Malays had their quarters near those of the
Spaniards, and since they were Moros, so opposed in religion and
pretension, the two parties had no affinity. Once a quarrel arose
between Spaniards and Malays, and several men were severely wounded on
both sides. Among them Alférez Luys Ortiz, commander of the galliot,
had both legs run through and was in great danger. King Prauncar was
angry at this, but did not dare to inflict any punishment or make
any reparation for these injuries. While matters were at such a heat
and the Malays were ill-disposed toward the Spaniards, one day while
Fray Joan Maldonado, Diego Belloso, and Blas Ruyz were in the city,
and Luys de Villafañe was in command of the quarters, on account of
the wounds and illness of Luys Ortiz, another quarrel arose in the
quarters with the Malays. Luys de Villafañe, taking advantage of this
opportunity, determined, with a few Spaniards who followed him, to
unite with Govea and his men, and attack the Malays, their quarters,
and the goods that they possessed, and sack them. Incited by anger and
still more by covetousness, they carried this out, and after having
killed many Malays and taken a quantity of property from them, they
retired and fortified themselves in their own quarters and in the
Japanese ship. The king and his mandarins were very angry at this,
and not less so were Fray Joan Maldonado, Belloso, and Blas Ruyz,
who were in Chordemuco; but Ocuña Lacasamana was far the angriest,
at seeing the injury and insult done him, and at the breaking of the
peace so recently made in reference to former quarrels. Although Fray
Joan Maldonado, Belloso, and Blas Ruiz went at once to the quarters
to remedy the matter, they found it so complicated that not even
King Prauncar, who tried to intervene, could compose it. The latter
warned the Spaniards to look to their personal safety, for he saw
their party fallen and in great danger, without his being able to
help it. Fray Joan Maldonado and his companion, although facing the
matter in company with Diego Belloso and Bias Ruis, yet took refuge
in Joan de Mendoça's ship for greater security, and some Spaniards
did the same. Diego Belloso, Blas Ruiz, and the others relying on
the king's friendship, and their services in the country, remained
on shore, although they took every precaution and kept the closest
possible guard over their safety. [119]

The Malay Lacasamana, aided by his men and the mandarins of his
party, and supported by the king's step-mother, lost no more
time, nor the present opportunity, but attacked the Castilians,
Portuguese, and Japanese, at once, both by land and sea. Finding them
separated--although some offered as much resistance as possible--he
killed them all, including Diego Belloso and Blas Ruiz de Hernan
Gonçales. Then he burned their quarters and vessels except that of
Joan de Mendoça, who, fearing the danger, descended the river toward
the sea and defended himself against some praus that had followed
him. He took with him Fray Joan Maldonado, the latter's associate, and
some few Spaniards. On shore there remained alive only one Franciscan
religious, five Manila Indians, and a Castilian named Joan Dias, whom
the king, who grieved exceedingly for the deaths of the Spaniards,
had hid carefully in the open country. Although the king advised
the friar not to appear in public until the Malays were appeased,
that religious, imagining that he could escape their fury, emerged
with two Indians in order to escape from the kingdom. But they were
found and killed like the others. Joan Dias and three Indians remained
many days in concealment, and the king maintained them, until, after
other events, they could appear. Thus the cause of the Spaniards in
Camboja came to an end, and was so entirely defeated that the Moro
Malay and his partisans remained complete masters. They managed the
affairs of the kingdom with so little respect for King Prauncar,
that finally they killed him also. Thereupon a fresh insurrection
broke out, the provinces revolted, each man seized whatever he could,
and there was more confusion and disturbance than before.

The Spanish garrison left in La Caldera, at the withdrawal of Don
Joan Ronquillo's camp from the river of Mindanao, passed into command
of Captain Villagra at the death of Captain Joan Pacho in Jolo, and
was suffering for lack of provisions; for neither the people of the
river could give them to the Spaniards, nor would the Joloans furnish
any on account of the war declared upon them. Therefore the garrison
urgently requested Governor Don Francisco Tello either to aid their
presidio with provisions, soldiers, and ammunition, or to allow them
to retire to Manila--a thing of which they were most desirous--since
there they gained no other special result than that of famine, and
of incarceration in that fort, and of no place wherein to seek their
sustenance. The governor, in view of their insistence in the matter;
and having but little money in the royal exchequer, with which to
provide for and maintain the said presidio--and for the same reason
the punishment that was to be inflicted upon the Joloans for their
outrages upon the Spaniards, and their insurrection was deferred--and
thinking that the return to Mindanao matters would be a long question:
he was inclined to excuse the difficulty and anxiety of maintaining
the presidio of La Caldera. In order to do it with a reasonable
excuse he consulted the Audiencia and other intelligent persons, and
requested them to give him their opinion. But he first communicated
his wishes to them and gave them some reasons with which he tried to
persuade them to give him the answer that he desired. The Audiencia
advised him not to remove or raise the garrison of La Caldera, but to
reënforce and maintain it, and to attend to the affairs of Jolo and
the river of Mindanao as soon as possible, even if what was necessary
for those two places should be withdrawn from some other section. They
said that this was the most urgent need, and the one which required
the greatest attention in the islands, both in order to pacify those
provinces and to keep them curbed; lest, seeing the Spaniards totally
withdrawn, they should gain courage and boldly venture still farther,
and come down to make captures among the Pintados and carry the war
to the very doors of the Spaniards. [120] Notwithstanding this reply
the governor resolved to raise and withdraw the garrison, and sent
orders to Captain Villagra immediately to burn the fort which had
been built in La Caldera, to withdraw with all his men and ships,
and return to Manila. This was quickly done, for the captain and the
soldiers of the garrison waited for nothing more than to dismantle
the fort and leave. When the Joloans saw the Spaniards abandoning the
country, they were persuaded that the latter would return to Mindanao
no more, and that they had not sufficient forces to do so. Thereupon
they gained fresh resolution and courage, and united with the people
of Buhahayen on the river, and equipped a number of caracoas and other
craft, in order to descend upon the coast of Pintados to plunder them
and make captives. The people of Tampacan, who lost hope of receiving
further help from the Spaniards, and of the latter's return to the
river, since they had also abandoned the fort of La Caldera and left
the country, came to terms with and joined the people of Buhahayen,
their neighbors, in order to avoid the war and injuries that they
were suffering from the latter. Then all turned their arms against
the Spaniards, promising themselves to make many incursions into their
territory and gain much plunder. Accordingly they prepared their fleet,
and appointed as leaders and commanders of it two of the experienced
chiefs, of the river of Mindanao, called Sali and Silonga. They left
the Mindanao River in the month of July of the year ninety-nine, in
the season of the vendavals, with fifty caracoas, containing more than
three thousand soldiers armed with arquebuses, campilans, carasas,
other weapons with handles, and many culverins, and steered toward
the islands of Oton and Panay, and neighboring islands. They passed
Negros Island and went to the river of Panay, which they ascended
for five leguas to the chief settlement, where the alcalde-mayor and
some Spaniards were living. They sacked the settlement, burned the
houses and churches, captured many native Christians--men, women,
and children--upon whom they committed many murders, cruelties,
and outrages. They pursued these in boats more than ten leguas up
the river, and destroyed all the crops. For the alcalde-mayor, and
those who could, fled inland among the mountains, and accordingly the
enemy had a better opportunity to do what they pleased. After they had
burned all the vessels in the river, they left the river of Panay with
their boats laden with pillaged goods and captive Christians. They
did the same in the other islands and towns which they passed. Then
they returned to Mindanao, without any opposition being offered, with
a quantity of gold and goods and more than eight hundred captives,
besides the people whom they had killed. In Mindanao they divided
the spoil, and agreed to get ready a larger fleet for the next year,
and return to make war better prepared. [121]

This daring attack of the Mindanaos worked great injury to the islands
of Pintados, both on account of their deeds there and also on account
of the fear and terror with which they inspired the natives; because
of the latter being in the power of the Spaniards, who kept them
subject, tributary, and disarmed, and neither protected them from
their enemies, nor left them the means to defend themselves, as they
used to do when there were no Spaniards in the country. Therefore
many towns of peaceful and subjected Indians revolted and withdrew
to the tingues,  [122] and refused to descend to their houses,
magistrates, and encomenderos. As was reported daily, they all
had a great desire to revolt and rebel, but they were appeased and
reduced again to subjection by a few promises and presents from their
encomenderos and religious who showed great pity and sadness over
their injuries. Although in Manila people regretted these injuries,
and still more those which were expected in the future from the enemy,
they did nothing but regret them--since the governor was ill provided
with ship and other necessities for the defense--and reckon them with
the loss which they had suffered for having raised the camp on the
river of Mindanao and dismantled the presidio of La Caldera.

As soon as the weather permitted, the Mindanaos and Joloans returned
with a large fleet of more than seventy well-equipped ships and more
than four thousand fighting men, led by the same Silonga and Sali,
and other Mindanao and Jolo chiefs, to the same islands of Pintados,
with the determination of taking and sacking the Spanish town of
Arevalo, which is situated in Oton. Captain Joan Garcia de Sierra,
alcalde-mayor of that province, having heard of this expedition and
of the designs entertained by the enemy, took the most necessary
precautions, and, gathering into the town all the Spaniards who
lived there and in its neighborhood, shut himself up in it with all
of them. Then, having repaired, as well as possible, a wooden fort
there, he gathered there the women and their possessions. He and
the Spaniards--about seventy men--armed with arquebuses, awaited the
enemy. The latter, who intended to attack the river of Panay again,
passed Negros Island and made for the town of Arevalo, where they
anchored close to the native settlement. Then they landed one thousand
five hundred men armed with arquebuses, campilans, and carasas, and,
without stopping on the way marched against the Spanish town which
was the object of their attack. The Spaniards, divided into troops,
sallied forth and opened fire with their arquebuses upon the enemy
with such vehemence that they forced them to retreat and take refuge
on board their caracoas. So great was the enemy's confusion that many
Mindanaos were killed before they could embark. Captain Joan Garcia
de Sierra, who was on horseback, pursued the enemy so closely to the
water's edge that the latter cut off the legs of his mount with their
campilans and brought him to the ground where they killed him. The
enemy embarked with a heavy loss of men, and halted at the island of
Guimaraez, [123] in sight of Arevalo. There they counted their men,
including the dead and the wounded, who were not a few, and among whom
was one of the most noted chiefs and leaders. Then they sailed for
Mindanao, making a great show of grief and sorrow, and sounding their
bells and tifas. [124] They made no further delay at the Pintados,
deriving little profit or gain from the expedition, but much injury,
and loss of men and reputation, which was felt more deeply upon their
arrival in Jolo and Mindanao. In order to remedy this disaster, it
was proposed to renew their expedition against the Pintados at the
first monsoon with more ships and men, and it was so decided.

When the affairs of Japon were discussed above, we spoke of the loss
of the ship "San Felipe" in Hurando, in the province of Toca; of the
martyrdom of the discalced Franciscan religious in Nangasaqui; and of
the departure of the Spaniards and religious who had remained there,
with the exception of Fray Geronymo de Jesus, who, changing his habit,
concealed himself in the interior of the country. We related that
Taicosama, after he had given an answer to the governor of Manila,
through his ambassador, Don Luis Navarrete, excusing himself for what
had happened, was induced, at the instigation of Faranda Quiemon and
his supporters, to send a fleet against Manila; that he had supplied
Faranda with rice and other provisions in order to despatch it; and
that the latter had begun preparations, but not having managed to
bring the matter to the point that he had promised, the enterprise
was dragged on and left in that condition. What happened after these
events is that Taicosama was seized with a severe sickness in Miaco and
died, not without having first had time to dispose of the succession
and government of his kingdom, and to see that the empire should be
continued in his only son, who was ten years old at that time. For
this purpose he fixed his choice on the greatest tono in Japon,
called Yeyasudono, lord of Quanto--which are certain provinces in
the north--who had children and grandchildren, and more influence and
power in Japon than any other man in the kingdom. Taicosama summoned
Yeyasudono to court, and told him that he wished to marry his son to
the latter's granddaughter, the daughter of his eldest son, so that
he might succeed to the empire. The marriage was celebrated, and the
government of Japon left, until his son was older, to Yeyasudono,
associated with Guenifuin, Fungen, Ximonojo, and Xicoraju, his special
favorites and counselors, [125] to whose hands the affairs of his
government had passed for some years, in order that thus united they
might continue to administer them after his death, until his son, whom
he left named and accepted by the kingdom as his successor and supreme
lord of Japon, was old enough to rule in person. After the death of
Taicosama in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, [126]
the five governors kept his son carefully watched in the fortress of
Usaca, with the service and pomp due his person, while they remained
at Miaco at the head of the government for some time. Consequently the
pretensions of Faranda Quiemon to make an expedition against Manila
ceased altogether, and nothing more was said about the matter. Since
the affairs of Japon are never settled, but have always been in
a disturbed condition, they could not last many days as Taico left
them. For, with the new administration and the arrival at court, from
other provinces of Japon, of tonos, lords, captains, and soldiers,
whom the combaco in his lifetime had kept busy in the wars with Coray
[i.e., Corea] and the king of China, in order to divert them from
the affairs of his kingdom, the men began to become restless and
corrupt. The result was that the four governors entertained suspicions
of, and quarreled with, Yeyasudono, for they feared from his manner of
governing and procedure that he was preparing, on account of his power,
to seize the empire for himself, and to exclude and take no notice
of Taico's son, who had been married to his granddaughter. The flame
burned still higher, for many tonos and lords of the kingdom felt the
same way about the matter; and now, either because they desired the
succession of Taico's son, or because they liked to see matters in
disorder so that each one might act for his own interest--which was
the most likely motive, and not the affection for Taicosama, who,
being a tyrant, had been feared rather than loved--they persuaded
the governors to oppose Yeyasudono and check his designs. Under this
excitement, the opposition became so lively, that they completely
declared themselves, and Yeyasudono found it convenient to leave the
kingdom of Miaco and go to his lands of Quanto, in order to insure his
own safety and return to the capital with large forces with which to
demand obedience. The governors, understanding his intentions, were
not idle, but collected men and put two hundred thousand soldiers in
the field. They were joined by most of the tonos and lords of Japon,
[127] both Christian and pagan, while the minority remained among
the partisans and followers of Yeyasudono. The latter came down as
speedily as possible from Quanto to meet the governors and their army,
in order to give them battle with one hundred thousand picked men
of his own land. The two armies met, and the battle was fought with
all their forces. [128] In the course of the struggle, there were
various fortunes, which rendered the result doubtful. But, finally,
after a number of men had deserted from the camp of the governors to
that of Yeyasudono, it was perceived that the latter's affairs were
improving. Victory was declared in his favor, after the death of many
soldiers and lords. Those who remained--for but few escaped--including
the four governors, surrendered to Yeyasudono. After he had beheaded
the majority of the tonos, and deprived others of their seigniories
and provinces, which he granted again to men devoted to his party;
and after his return to the capital, triumphant over his enemies,
and master of the whole kingdom: he inflicted special punishment
upon the governors, by having them crucified immediately, and their
ears cut off, and then carried through the streets of the principal
cities of Usaca, Sacay, Fugimen, and Miaco, in carts, until they died
on the crosses in the midst of other tortures. Since these were the
men through whose zeal and advice Taico had, a few years before,
inflicted the same punishment upon the discalced friars whom he
martyred, we may infer that God chose to punish them in this world
also with the same rigor.

Thus Yeyasudono remained the supreme ruler of Japon as Taico had been,
but failed to withdraw the son from the fortress of Usaca; on the
contrary he set more guards over him. Then, changing his own name,
as is usual among the seigniors of Japon, he styled himself Daifusama
for the sake of greater dignity.

Fray Geronymo de Jesus, associate of the martyrs, who kept hidden
in Japon on account of the tyrant Taicosama's persecution,
lived in disguise in the interior of the country among the
Christians. Consequently, although he was carefully sought, he could
not be found, until, after Taicosama's death and Daifu's seizure
of the government, he came to Miaco. He found means to reveal
himself to one of Dayfu's servants, to whom he told many things
about the Filipinas, the king of España, and the latter's kingdoms
and seigniories, especially those of Nueva España and Peru, of which
the Filipinas were a dependency and with whom they had communication,
and the importance to Daifu of gaining the friendship and commerce of
the Spaniards. The servant found an opportunity to relate all these
things to Daifu, who for some time had desired to have the trade and
commerce which the Portuguese had established in Nangasaqui in his
own kingdoms of Quanto, of which he was the natural lord, in order
to give it more importance. Thinking that this could be accomplished
through the means which Fray Geronymo had suggested, he had the latter
summoned. Having asked him his name, Fray Geronymo told the king that
after the martyrdom of his associates, he had remained in Japon,
that he was one of the religious whom the governor of Manila had
sent when Taicosama was alive, to treat of peace and friendship with
the Spaniards, and who had died as was well known, after having made
converts to Christianity and established several hospitals and houses
at the capital and other cities of Japon, where they healed the sick
and performed other works of piety, without asking any other reward or
advantage than to serve God, to teach the souls of that kingdom the
faith and path of salvation, and to serve their neighbors. In this
work, and in works of charity, especially to the poor, as he and his
fellow religious professed, they lived and maintained themselves,
without seeking or holding any goods or property upon the earth,
solely upon the alms which were given them therefor. After this, he
told him who the king of España was, that he was a Christian, and that
he possessed great kingdoms and territories in all parts of the world;
and that Nueva España, Piru, Filipinas, and India, belonged to him;
and that he governed and defended them all, attending above all else
to the growth and conservation of the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ,
the true God, and Creator of the universe. The religious explained to
the king, as well as he could, other things concerning the Christian
religion, and said that if he wished friendship with his Majesty and
the latter's subjects of Manila, as well as with his viceroys of Nueva
España and Piru he [i.e., Fray Geronymo] would be able to compass
it, for it would be very useful and profitable to the king and to
all his Japanese kingdoms and provinces. This last motive, namely,
the profit and benefit to be derived from friendship and commerce
with the Spaniards, was more to the taste of Daifusama than what he
had heard concerning their religion. Although he did not reject the
latter or say anything about it, yet at this interview and at others
with Fray Geronymo--whom Daifu had given permission to appear in
public in his religious habit, and to whom he furnished the necessary
support--he treated only of friendship with the governor of Manila,
of the Spaniards' coming yearly with ships from Manila to trade at
Quanto, where the Japanese had a port, and an established commerce
with the Spaniards. Also his Japanese were to sail thence to Nueva
España, where they were to enjoy the same amity and trade. As he
understood the voyage to be long and Spanish ships necessary for
it, Daifu proposed that the governor of Manila send him masters and
workmen to build them. He also proposed that in the said kingdom and
principal port of Quanto, which, as above-said, lies in the north
of Japon, and is a mountainous country, abounding in silver mines,
which were not worked because no one knew how, Fray Geronymo and
whatever associates he might choose from among the Spaniards who
came there, should establish their house and dwelling, just as the
religious of the Society of Jesus had theirs with the Portuguese
in Nangasaqui. Fray Geronymo, who desired by any means to restore
the cause of his religious, and of the conversion of Japon through
their labor, as they had begun to do when the martyrs were alive--for
this aim alone moved him--did not doubt that he could once and many
times facilitate Daifusama's desires, and even assured him that they
would certainly be realized through his help, and that there would
be no difficulty whatever to prevent this. Thereupon Daifu appeared
favorable and more inclined to the affairs of Manila than Taico,
his predecessor, had been. He assured the religious that he would
give the Spaniards a good reception in Japon, and that the ships,
which should happen to put in there in distress or in any other way,
would be equipped and despatched with all necessities; and that he
would not allow any Japanese to go to plunder or commit any injury
on the coasts of the Filipinas. In fact, because he learned that
six ships of Japanese corsairs had sailed that year from the island
of Zazuma [Satsuma] and other ports of the lower kingdoms, and had
seized and plundered two Chinese merchantmen on the way to Manila, and
had done other mischief on its coast, he immediately had them sought
out in his kingdom. Having imprisoned more than four hundred men,
he had them all crucified. Likewise he ordered that, in the future,
the annual ships from Nangasaqui to Manila laden with flour and other
goods should not be so numerous, but only enough to supply Manila,
and that they should have the permission and sanction of its governor,
so that they might not be the cause of loss or injury to that place.

Since Daifu pressed Fray Geronymo more and more every day for the
fulfilment of what he had taken upon himself, the latter told him
that he had already written and would write again about those matters
to the governor and royal Audiencia of Manila. He requested Daifu to
send a servant of his household with these letters and the message,
in order that they might have more credit and authority. Daifu
approved of this and despatched them through Captain Chiquiro, a
pagan Japanese and a servant of his, who took a present of various
weapons to the governor and the letters of Fray Geronymo. There
was no special letter from Daifu, except that Fray Geronymo said
that he wrote and petitioned in the name of Daifu. He explained the
better condition of peace and friendship now existing between the
Filipinas and Japon, and what Daifu promised and assured. He wrote
that, in order to facilitate the above, Daifu had promised him that
the Spaniards could go with their ships to trade at Quanto, and that
the governor should send him masters and workmen to build ships for
the voyage from Japon to Nueva España. There was also to be commerce
and friendship with the viceroy of that country. He said that Daifu
had already given leave for religious to go to Japon, to christianize
and to found churches and monasteries, and had given him a good site
for a monastery in Miaco, where he was, and that the same would be
done in other parts and regions of Japon in which they might wish to
settle. Fray Geronymo insidiously and cunningly added this last to
Daifu's promise in order that he might incite the religious of the
Filipinas to push the matter more earnestly before the governor and
Audiencia, that they might agree to this more easily, in order not
to lose the great results that Fray Geronymo said were set afoot.

During the same administration of Don Francisco Tello, in the year
one thousand six hundred, toward the end of the month of October,
a ship came from the province of Camarines with news that two ships,
a flagship and its almiranta, well armed and with foreign crews,
had entered and anchored in one of its northern bays, twenty leguas
from the channel and cape of Espiritu Sancto. Under pretense of
being friends of the Spaniards they asked, and bartered with, the
natives for rice and other provisions that they needed. Then they
weighed anchor and went away, making for the channel through which
they entered, after having left certain feigned letters for Governor
Don Francisco Tello, in which they declared themselves friends,
and that they were coming to Manila to trade by permission of his
Majesty. From this, and from a negro who escaped from these ships
by swimming to the island of Capul, and also through an Englishman,
[129] seized by the natives while on shore, we learned that these
ships were from Holanda, whence they had sailed in a convoy of three
other armed vessels, with patents and documents from Count Mauricio de
Nasao who called himself Prince of Orange, in order to make prizes in
the Indias. [130] Having entered the South Sea through the strait of
Magallanes, three of the five ships had been lost, and these two, the
flagship and the almiranta coasted along Chile, where they captured
two vessels. Then, having turned away from the coast of Lima, they
put out to sea and pursued their voyage, without stopping anywhere,
in the direction of the Filipinas, among which they entered with the
intention of plundering whatever might come their way. Having learned
that a galleon, named "Santo Tomas" was expected from Nueva España with
the money derived from the merchandise of two years' cargoes which had
been sent there from Manila; that in a few days merchant ships would
begin to arrive from China, by which they could fill their hands;
and that there were no galleys or armed ships at that season which
could do them any harm: they determined to go as far as the mouth of
Manila Bay, and stay there, supplying themselves with the provisions
and refreshments which might enter the city; and accordingly, they
carried out this resolution. The flagship named "Mauricio," with one
hundred men and twenty-four pieces of bronze artillery with ladles
[131] was under the command of Oliber de Nort [i.e., Oliver van
Noordt] of Amstradam. This ship was one of those which the count of
Leste had several years before at the taking of the city of Cadiz.
[132] The almiranta named "Concordia," with forty men and ten pieces
of artillery, was under command of Captain Lamberto Viesman of
Roterdam. When these ships were seen on the coast of Chile, Viceroy
Don Luis de Velasco, who was governor in Piru, despatched a fleet
of vessels well equipped with artillery and brave soldiers to follow
and pursue them along the coast of Piru and Nueva España, as far as
California. The fleet left Callao de Lima, under command of Don Joan de
Velasco, but was unable to find the enemy, as they had left the coast,
put out to sea, and steered for the Filipinas. Moreover the Piru fleet,
having been overtaken by a storm on its way back from California,
lost its flagship with all hands aboard and was never seen again.

Governor Don Francisco Tello, seeing that this corsair was making
incursions among the islands, according to the information given
him by certain captains and soldiers whom he had sent by land along
the coasts of the island of Luzon, in order to prevent the enemy
from landing men and from injuring the settlements, and from the
information given by certain small single boats which had kept in
sight of the enemy, discussed plans for meeting this necessity. This
it appeared very difficult to do on that occasion, not only because
the governor found himself without any kind of rowing vessels or ships
with high freeboard, with which to put to sea, but also because he had
few soldiers in the camp, for the majority of them were with Captain
and Sargento-mayor Joan Xuarez Gallinato in the Pintados provinces,
together with galleys, galliots, and other craft, for the purpose of
defending the natives against the ships of the Mindanaos and Joloans,
who were continually making plundering expeditions against them, and
of preparing for the expedition which it was thought would be made from
Jolo at the first monsoon, and which could no longer be deferred. When
the governor saw himself hard pressed by this difficulty, and that the
Dutch enemy could cause so much harm, take so many prizes, and then
depart with them, leaving the country ruined, he summoned the Audiencia
and communicated the state of affairs to them, requesting the auditors
to assist him in person in any advisable course. They discussed what
should be done, namely, to put the port of Cabit, which is inside
the bay, into a state of defense, in order to prevent the enemy from
seizing it, together with the magazines, artillery, and shipyard; then
to endeavor to equip several ships with which to put to sea and offer
some resistance to the enemy--even if no more could be done--so that
he might not firmly establish himself in the land, and that he might
be induced to leave the islands. For, if the enemy found everything
so defenseless and if no resistance were offered him, he would remain
there until he attained his designs. The execution of these measures
was entrusted to Doctor Antonio de Morga. Licentiate Telles de Almaçan
was ordered to remain in the city with the governor and president for
its defense, and to supply thence the port of Cabit and Doctor Antonio
de Morga with what was necessary for the latter's commission. On the
same day, the last of October of the year six hundred, Doctor Antonio
de Morga left Manila with some soldiers and ammunition and went to the
port of Cabit, which he put in a state of defense with one hundred and
fifty men, both arquebusiers and musketeers, who kept continual watch
day and night over the port, by means of sentinels and outposts at
the necessary points. He collected at the settlement all the vessels
in port, and stationed them as near as possible to the shipyards,
where a galizabra was being built, and where lay a ship of Sebu with
a small Portuguese patache, the latter of which had come from Malaca
laden with merchandise. For the defense of these he placed and planted
on shore twelve pieces of moderate-sized bronze cannon with ladles,
besides two of greater range, which were placed on a point at the
entrance of the port. These altogether commanded the port and the
vessels in it. Farther on along the beach, a rampart was made with
stakes and planks, filled in with earth, behind which, in case the
enemy should enter, the soldiery could cover and defend themselves
with their artillery. After the auditor had thus put the said port
in a state of defense, he planned to complete the galizabra, although
much work was still needed, to launch it, and fit it with sails, and
at the same time to refit the Sebu ship. He attended to these works
with so great haste that within thirty days he hoisted the yards on
the galizabra and on the Sebu ship, and furnished each of the two with
eleven pieces of artillery, both of large and moderate size, which
had been sent from Manila, in addition to the artillery in the port.

The corsair reached the mouth of the bay, eight leguas from the
port of Cabit, but did not dare to make a dash into the port, as he
had planned, for he learned from some Sangleys who were going out
to sea with their champans, that it was already defended. However,
he was not informed that the Spaniards were arming to attack him,
or that there was any preparation or forces at that season for
that purpose. Accordingly he contented himself with remaining at
the mouth of the bay, moving about with both ships and their boats,
and going from one side to another on various days, in order to seize
the vessels coming to the city with provisions, and not allowing one
to escape him. At night he anchored under shelter of the land. All
this took place four leguas from the mouth of the bay, and he went
no farther from it, in order to be ready for any occasion that might
present itself.

Doctor Antonio de Morga kept several very small and swift vessels
within sight of the enemy, under shelter of the land, which informed
him daily of the enemy's position and doings. They reported that
he had quietly stationed himself, and that every evening he placed
his guard on deck with drums and flags, and firing of musketry. The
corsair's forces could be estimated from that and it could be seen
that the larger and better contingent was aboard the flagship, which
was a good and swift ship. The auditor also took the precaution
not to let any champan or ship leave the bay, in order not to give
the corsair an opportunity to learn what was going on. When affairs
reached this point, he informed the governor of what had been done,
and suggested that, if the latter thought it advisable, the Portuguese
vessel might also be equipped, in order to sally out with the two
ships--the galizabra and the "Sant Antonio" of Sebu--for he had laid
an embargo on it, and had fitted it for that purpose. Ammunition
and some provisions of rice and fish were providedfor the two ships,
and it remained only to man them with sailors and soldiers who were
to go out in them. Of such there was little supply; the sailors were
hiding and feigning sickness, and one and all showed little desire
to undertake an affair of more risk and peril than of personal
profit. The captains and private soldiers of the city, who were
receiving neither pay nor rations from the king, but who could go
on the expedition, did not offer their services to the governor;
and if anyone were ready to do so, he dissembled until knowing who
was to be commander of the fleet. For, although some land captains
might fill the place, the governor was not inclined to appoint any
of them, nor were the others willing to go under their command. Each
one claimed and boasted himself capable of being the leader, and
none other of his neighbors was to have command. The governor was
prevented from going out in person, and learned that all the people
of the city were willing to go with Doctor Antonio de Morga if he
had command of the fleet, and would not mind any dangers that might
present themselves. When the governor learned the desire of those who
were able to embark, and understood that there was no other means
by which to realize the aim in view, and that each day's delay was
of very great detriment, he summoned the auditor to the city and set
the matter before him. In order that the latter might not refuse, the
governor issued an act and had the auditor immediately notified by the
secretary of the government and ordered, on behalf of his Majesty,
to embark as general and commander of the fleet and to follow and
pursue the corsair, because, as matters stood, the suitable result
could not be attained otherwise. The auditor, thinking that, if he
failed to take up the matter, he would receive the blame of losing so
pressing an occasion for the service of God and his Majesty, and for
the welfare of the whole country; and, since war affairs both of sea
and of land had been under his charge and management, that it might
be reckoned ill against him if he turned his back at this juncture,
when he had been sought for it and served especially with papers from
the governor, appointing him to the charge: obeyed for the discharge
of his conscience the orders set forth in the governor's act, which
together with his answer reads word for word as follows.

Edict of Governor Don Francisco Tello, and reply of Doctor Antonio
de Morga

In the city of Manila, on the first of December, one thousand six
hundred, Don Francisco Tello, knight of the Order of Santiago, governor
and captain-general of these Filipinas Islands, and president of the
royal Audiencia resident therein, declared: That, whereas, because
of the coming to these islands of two hostile English [sic] ships,
the preparation of a fleet to attack them was immediately discussed
with the resolution and advice of the royal Audiencia, and for this
effect it was resolved that Antonio de Morga should go to the port of
Cabit to attend to the fitting and despatch of the said war-vessels
and the defense of that port, as appears, by the act and resolution
made thereon, in the book of the government matters pertaining to
this said Audiencia, on the last day of the month of October, of this
present year, and to which we refer; and whereas, in execution of the
said resolution, he has attended until now, to the defense of the said
port, and the fitting and equipping of the said fleet, consisting of
the vessel "San Diego," [133] of Sebu, the galleon "San Bartolome,"
which he caused to be finished in the shipyard and launched, an English
[134] patache from the city of Malaca, a galliot which was fitted up,
and other smaller craft; and whereas, the said fleet, because of his
diligence and care, is in so good condition that it can shortly sail,
and the said enemy is still near this city, on the coast of the island
of Miraveles [i.e., Corregidor]; and whereas, many captains, knights,
and chief men of this community have heard that the said auditor was
to make the said expedition, they have offered to go with him to serve
the king, our sovereign, in it at their own expense; and whereas,
a great preparation of men and provisions has been made with this
intent, which would fail and be of no effect did the said auditor not
sail with the said fleet in pursuit of the said enemy, and would not
have the result aimed at--a matter so greatly to the service of God
our Lord, and the welfare of this country--and whereas, moreover, the
said auditor is (as is a fact) experienced in matters of war, and has
been general of his Majesty's fleets by the latter's own appointment
at other times, and lieutenant of the captain-general in this kingdom
for several years, in which he has fulfilled his duties well; and
whereas he is highly esteemed and liked by the soldiers; and whereas
he is the most suitable man, according to the condition of affairs;
and for other just considerations that move the governor thereto,
so that the said expedition may be effected and not fall through,
or at least, so that it may not be delayed with loss and trouble:
therefore he ordered--and he did so order--the said auditor, since
he has fostered this affair, and has personally put it in its present
good shape, and since all the men--and they are many--who receive no
pay, have prepared in consideration of him, to prepare himself to go
as general and commander of the said fleet in pursuit of the enemy,
with all possible haste. For this the governor said that he would
give him the necessary messages and instructions, for thus is it
advantageous to the service of the king our sovereign. In the name of
the latter, the governor orders him to do and accomplish the above. He
[i.e., the governor] as president of the said royal Audiencia,
grants him leave and absence for the above during the time that he
shall occupy himself therein, from attendance on his duties in the
said royal Audiencia. He gave him the commission in due legal form,
and authority for the said absence. Thus he provided and ordered,
and affixed his signature thereto.

DON FRANCISCO TELLO

Before me:

GASPAR DE AZEBO

In the city of Manila, on the first of December, of the year one
thousand six hundred, I, the government notary, served the above act
upon Doctor Antonio de Morga, auditor of the royal Audiencia. He
declared that, from the first day of the month of November just
expired, by commission of the royal Audiencia of these islands, he
has busied himself in everything mentioned in the said act, and has
done his utmost toward its execution; that the expedition is on the
good footing and in the condition that is known; that if, for its good
result and for what is expected from it, his person and property are
suitable and fitting for the service of the king our sovereign, he
is ready to employ everything in it and to do what has been ordered
and commanded him by the said president; and that consequently he
has no other wish or desire than for what might be to the service of
God and of his Majesty. Thereupon may your Lordship order and provide
what may be found most expedient, and as such he will fulfil it. He
affixed his signature to this writ.

DOCTOR ANTONIO DE MORGA

GASPAR DE AZEBO

Doctor Antonio de Morga provided himself with all that was requisite
for the expedition without asking or taking anything from the
king's exchequer. He aided several needy soldiers who came to offer
their services, and many other persons of importance who had done
the same, so that, within one week, there were already enough men
for the expedition, and an abundance of provisions, ship's stores,
and arms; whereupon all embarked. With the volunteers and regulars
whom the governor had in camp under Captain Augustin de Urdiales, and
whom he gave to the auditor, there were men enough to man both ships
each with about one hundred soldiers in addition to gunners, sailors,
and common seamen, of the last mentioned of whom there was a smaller
supply than was needed. As admiral of this fleet the governor appointed
Captain Joan de Alcega, an old soldier, and one well acquainted with
the islands; as captain of the paid soldiers who were to sail in the
almiranta, Joan Tello y Aguirre; as sargento-mayor of the fleet, Don
Pedro Tello, his kinsman; the necessary other offices and positions;
and the nomination and title of general of the fleet to Doctor Antonio
de Morga. He gave the latter closed and sealed instructions concerning
what he was to do in the course of the voyage and expedition, with
orders not to open them until he had put to sea, outside of the bay
of Manila. The instructions read as follows.

 * * * * *

Instructions given by the governor to Doctor Antonio de Morga

What Doctor Antonio de Morga, auditor of the royal Audiencia of these
Filipinas Islands, and captain-general of the fleet which is about
to pursue the English [sic] enemy, has to do, is as follows.

First, inasmuch as we have been informed that the English [sic] enemy,
against whom this fleet has been prepared, lies in the bay of Maryuma,
[135] it is ordered that, lest perchance the enemy hearing of our
fleet should try to escape without receiving any injury, the fleet
sail as quickly as possible in his pursuit, in order to engage and
fight him until, through the grace of our Lord, he be taken or sunk.

Item: If, in fighting the said enemy both with artillery and in
grappling--and this shall be attempted with all the diligence and
care possible--whichever the weather may better and more conveniently
permit, the latter should take to flight at sight of the fleet,
he shall be pursued until the desired result is attained.

Item: If, at the time that the fleet sails to attack the said enemy he
shall have left this coast and news is received that he has coasted
to any other of these islands, the fleet shall follow and pursue
him until he is taken or sunk. If the enemy has left these islands,
the fleet shall pursue him as far as possible; but this is left to
your own discretion so long as the object be attained.

Item: Inasmuch as the opinion was expressed in a council of war held
on the second day of the present month and year, by the master-of-camp
and the captains who were present, that, if there were no certain
information of the course and direction taken by the enemy, the said
fleet should follow the coast of Ilocos, and make for the strait
of Sincapura, through which it is presumed that the enemy will pass
in order to pursue his voyage: notwithstanding the said council of
war, if the said general should not receive any information as to
the course taken by the enemy, then he shall do what he thinks most
expedient, as the one in charge of the affair, and as the enemy and
the occasion allow, endeavoring to obtain the desired object, namely,
the overtaking and destruction of the enemy.

Item: If the fleet should encounter any other hostile pirates or any
others going about these islands or who shall have left them after
doing them injury, whether they be English, Japanese, Terrenatans,
Mindanaos, or others, it shall endeavor to chastise and injure them, so
that should this occur a good result might also be obtained therefrom.

Item: If the enemy be captured, as is hoped through the grace of God
our Lord, the survivors and ships shall be brought in by the fleet.

Item: Any spoil found in the said ships shall be divided as is
customary, among the victors.

Item: Great care shall be exercised to keep the men of the fleet
peaceable and well disciplined; concerning this, the course taken on
similar occasions shall be followed.

Item: A good system in regard to the provisions and ammunition carried
shall be observed, and the use of them all well moderated, especially
should the fleet leave sight of these islands.

Item: If perchance, after having engaged the said enemy or pursued
him, he should leave these islands, then, the object having been
accomplished, you shall endeavor to return as speedily as possible
to the islands. If the weather do not permit a return until the
monsoon sets in, you shall endeavor to keep the fleet together and
to supply and provide it with everything necessary, at the expense
of his Majesty, so that you may pursue your voyage with the greatest
speed and safety possible. Given in the city of Manila, the tenth of
December of the year one thousand six hundred.

DON FRANCISCO TELLO

By order of the governor and captain-general:

GASPAR DE AZEBO

The auditor went to the port with all his men and put them aboard
the two ships. As flagship he took the "Sant Antonio" of Sebu, on
account of its having more room to accommodate the assistants [gente
de cumplimiento] who embarked with him. He left the Portuguese patache
because the governor had taken off the embargo, in order to allow the
Portuguese to return with it to Malaca without loss of time. Then he
equipped two caracoas for the service of the fleet with Indian crews
and two Spaniards to direct them. After they had confessed and taken
communion, they left the port of Cabit and set sail on the twelfth day
of the month of December of the year one thousand six hundred, with
Alonzo Gomez as chief pilot. They also took Father Diego de Santiago
and a lay brother of the Society of Jesus, and Fray Francisco de Valdes
of the Order of Augustine, aboard the flagship; and Fray Joan Gutierrez
[136] and another associate of the same order aboard the almiranta,
so that they might attend to whatever required their ministry.

At night of the same day both ships of this fleet anchored near the
settlement and anchorage of the island of Miraveles at the mouth of
the bay. Immediately at daybreak a barangai approached the ships from
shore with the sentinels whom the auditor had hastily sent the day
before to obtain some reliable news of the corsair's position. They
told him that, as soon as the fleet sailed from the port of Cabit, the
enemy, who lay in the direction of the port Del Fraile [of the Friar],
[137] had also weighed anchor, and having stowed their small boats,
both ships had crossed to the other and sea side, and that they had
seen him anchor after nightfall opposite the point of Valeitegui,
[138] where he still was. Upon hearing this, the auditor thought that
perhaps the corsair had been informed of the preparation of the fleet
and of its departure, and had consequently weighed anchor from his
position; and that, since he had stowed his small boats aboard the
ships, he was about to put to sea to avoid the fleet. He immediately
sent the same news to the admiral, and opened the instructions given
him by the governor. Seeing that he was ordered thereby to seek the
enemy with all diligence, pursue him, and endeavor to fight him, he
thought best to shorten the work before him, and to lose no time and
not allow the enemy to get farther away. With this object in view,
the fleet spent the thirteenth of December, St. Lucy's day, in making
waist-cloths, arranging the artillery, getting ready the weapons,
alloting men to their posts, and preparing themselves to fight on
the next day, on which it was thought that they would fall in with
the corsair. The auditor sent special instructions in writing to the
admiral concerning what he was to do and observe on his part. These
instructions specified chiefly that upon engaging with the enemy,
both ships were to grapple and fight the corsair's flagship--in which
were carried all the forces--and other things which will be understood
from the instructions given to the admiral. These were as follows.

[These instructions are given in VOL. XI of this series, pp. 145-148.]

At the same time the auditor notified the admiral that the fleet
would weigh anchor from its anchorage shortly after midnight, and
would go out of the bay to sea, crowding all sail possible, so that
at dawn it might be off the point of Baleitigui to windward of the
point where the enemy had anchored on Tuesday night, according to
the sentinels' report.

At the appointed hour both vessels--the flagship and the
almiranta--weighed anchor from Miraveles, and, favored by a light
wind, sailed the rest of the night toward Baleitigui. The two
caracoas used as tenders could not follow because of a choppy sea,
and a fresh northwester; they crossed within the bay, and under
shelter of the land to the other side. At the first streak of light
both vessels of the fleet found themselves off the point; and one
legua to leeward, and seaward, they sighted the corsair's two vessels
riding at anchor. As soon as the latter recognized our ships and saw
that they flung captain's and admiral's colors at the masthead, they
weighed anchor and set sail from their anchorage, after having first
reënforced the flagship with a boatload of men from their almiranta,
which stood to sea, while the flagship hove to, and awaited our fleet,
firing several pieces at long range. The flagship of our fleet being
unable to answer the enemy with its artillery because the gun-ports
were shut, and the vessel was tacking to starboard, determined to
close with him. It grappled his flagship on the port side, sweeping
and clearing the decks of the men on them. Then the colors with thirty
soldiers and a few sailors were thrown aboard. They took possession of
the forecastle and after-cabin and captured their colors at masthead
and quarter, and the white, blue, and orange standard with the arms
of Count Mauricio flung at the stern. The main- and mizzen-mast were
stripped of all the rigging and sails, and a large boat which the
enemy carried on the poop was captured. The enemy, who had retreated
to the bows below the harpings, upon seeing two ships attacking
him with so great resolution, sent to ask the auditor for terms
of surrender. While an answer was being given him, Admiral Joan de
Alcega, who, in accordance with the instructions given him the day
previous by the auditor, ought to have grappled at the same time as
the flagship, and lashed his vessel to the enemy, thinking that the
victory was won, that the corsair's almiranta was escaping, and that it
would be well to capture it, left the flagship and followed astern of
Lamberto Viezman, crowding all sail and chasing him until he overtook
him. Oliber de Nort, seeing himself alone and with a better ship and
artillery than the auditor's, waited no longer for the answer to the
terms for which he had asked at first, and renewed the fight with
musketry and artillery. The combat between the two flagships was so
obstinate and bitter on both sides that it lasted more than six hours,
and many were killed on both sides. But the corsair had the worst of
it all the time, for not more than fifteen of his men were left alive,
and those badly maimed and wounded. [139] Finally the corsair's ship
caught fire, and the flames rose high by the mizzen-mast and in the
stern. The auditor, in order not to endanger his own ship, found it
necessary to recall his colors and men from the enemy's ship, and
to cast loose and separate from it. This he did, only to discover
that his ship, from the pounding of the artillery during so long a
combat, as it was but slightly strengthened, had an opening in the
bows and was filling so rapidly that being unable to overcome the
leak, it was foundering. The corsair seeing his opponent's trouble
and his inability to follow him, made haste with his few remaining
men to extinguish the fire on board his ship. Having quenched it,
he set his foresail, which was still left. Shattered in all parts,
stripped of rigging, and without men he reached Borneo and Sunda,
where he was seen so enfeebled and distressed that it seemed impossible
for him to navigate, or to go farther without shipwreck. The Spanish
flagship, which was fully occupied in trying to remedy the extremity
to which it was reduced, could not be assisted, because it was alone
and far from land, and consequently sank so rapidly that the men
could neither disarm themselves, nor get hold of anything which
might be of help to them. The auditor did not abandon the ship,
although some soldiers, in order to escape therein, seized the boat
at the stern, and asked him also to get into it. Thereupon they made
off and went away, in order to prevent others from taking it away
from them. When the ship sunk, the auditor swam constantly for four
hours, with the quarter colors and the enemy's standard which he took
with him. He reached a very small desert island, two leguas away,
called Fortuna, where a few of the ship's men who had more endurance
in the sea, also arrived in safety. Some perished and were drowned,
for they had not even disarmed themselves, and whom this predicament
had overtaken when exhausted by the long fight with the enemy. Those
who met death on this occasion were fifty in all. The most important
among them were Captains Don Francisco de Mendoça, Gregorio de Vargas,
Francisco Rodriguez, and Gaspar de los Rios, [140] all of whom died
fighting with the enemy. Among those drowned at sea were Captains Don
Joan de Camudio, Augustin de Urdiales, Don Pedro Tello, Don Gabriel
Maldonado, Don Cristoval de Heredia, Don Luis de Belver, Don Alonso
Loçano, Domingo de Arrieta, Melchior de Figueroa, Chief-pilot Alonso
Gomez, father Fray Diego de Santiago, and the brother who went with
him. Admiral Joan de Alcega, having overtaken Lamberto Viezman slightly
after midday, captured him with little resistance; and although he
afterward saw the so battered ship of Oliber del Nort pass by and
escaping at a short distance, he did not pursue him. On the contrary,
without stopping longer, he returned with his almiranta to Miraveles,
leaving the prize with some of his own men, whom he had put aboard
it, to follow him. He neither looked for his flagship nor took any
other step, imagining that if any mishap had occurred, he might be
blamed for leaving the flagship alone with the corsair and pursuing
Lambert Biezman without orders from the auditor, and contrary to
the instructions given him in writing; and fearing lest if he were to
rejoin the auditor after having left him, ill would befall himself. The
auditor took the wounded and the men who had escaped from the islet of
Fortun, at nightfall, in his ship's boat which he found at that port,
as well as the corsair's boat and a caracoa which arrived there. And
on the following day, he landed them in Luzon, at the bar of Anazibu,
in the province of Balayan, [141] thirty leguas from Manila, where
he supplied them with provisions as quickly as possible. Moreover he
explored the coast and neighboring islands with swift boats, in search
of his almiranta and the captured corsair. This prize was taken to
Manila, with twenty-five men alive and the admiral, ten pieces of
artillery, and a quantity of wine, oil, cloth, linen, weapons, and
other goods which it carried. The admiral and the Dutchmen of his
company were garroted by orders of the governor. [142] Thus ended
the expedition. Thereby was averted the injury which it was thought
that the corsair would inflict in these seas, had he been allowed
to remain there with the aim that he cherished, although so much
to the detriment of the Spaniards by the loss of their flagship,
which would not have happened had the orders of the auditor been
observed. Governor Don Francisco Tello presented an attestation of
this event to the auditor, which is as follows.

 * * * * *

Attestation of Governor Don Francisco Tello of events in the expedition
against the Dutch corsair

Don Francisco Tello, knight of the Order of Santiago, governor and
captain-general in these Filipinas Islands, and president of the
Audiencia and royal Chancillería resident therein, etc.: I certify
to whomever may see this present, that last year, one thousand six
hundred, a squadron of Dutch war-vessels under command of Oliber
del Nort, after passing through the strait of Magallanes to the
South Sea, reached these islands, in the month of October of the
said year, with two armed ships. They entered among these islands,
making prizes and committing depredations, and at length stationed
themselves off the entrance of the bay of the city of Manila, with
the design of lying in wait for the merchant ships from China, and
for the galleon "Santo Tomas," expected from Nueva España with the
silver of two years belonging to the merchants of this kingdom. By a
decision of the said royal Audiencia, on the thirty-first of October
of the said year, Doctor Antonio de Morga, senior auditor of the said
Audiencia, was commissioned and charged to go immediately to the
port of Cabit, and place and hold it in a state of defense, and to
prepare and equip a fleet to attack the corsair. In this matter the
said auditor busied himself in person. Having, with great assiduity
and industry, fortified and put the said port in a state of defense,
he completed in the shipyard and then launched, a moderate-sized ship,
armed and equipped another belonging to private persons then in the
port, both of which he equipped with yards and rigging--all inside of
forty days. In order that the expedition might be made more quickly,
and with a supply of soldiers and the most necessary equipment,
inasmuch as affairs were such that it could be done by no one else,
on the first of December of the same year, I nominated and appointed
the said auditor to sail as general of the fleet in pursuit of the
enemy, and to fight him until destroying and driving him from these
islands. The said auditor performed and accomplished this in the
following manner. On the twelfth of the said month of December,
he sailed with the two ships of his fleet from the port of Cabit;
on the fourteenth of the same month, at dawn, he sighted the corsair
outside of the bay of this city, off the promontory of Baleitigui,
with his two ships--flagship and almiranta. He pursued the enemy until
he came close to him; and both fleets having prepared for action,
engaged one another. The said auditor in his flagship attacked the
corsair's flagship with great gallantry and resolution, and grappled
it. The latter was a large and strong ship, carrying a quantity of
artillery and many fighting men. The auditor immediately threw on
board the enemy the infantry colors with thirty arquebusiers and a
few volunteers and sailors, who captured the forecastle, after-cabin,
and the colors of the vessel. At the end of the action, these men
retreated to our ship on account of the violent fire which at the
last began to rage aboard the enemy's ship. Thereupon the action
and fight continued on both sides, and lasted more than six hours,
during which the artillery, musketry, and arquebuses were repeatedly
discharged in all quarters. In another direction the enemy's almiranta,
commanded by Lamberto Viezman, was defeated and captured, with the
crew, artillery and other things aboard it. The two flagships having
cast loose and separated on account of the fire which had broken out,
and the quantity of water that poured in our bows, the enemy took
to flight with only the foremast standing, with nearly all his men
killed, and having lost his boat, the standard and the colors at his
masthead and quarter. Stripped of his yards, sails, and rigging, and
the ship leaking in many places, the enemy ran before the wind. It
has been heard from various sources that he passed Borneo with only
fifteen or sixteen men alive, and most of them maimed and wounded,
and that a few days later, he was entirely wrecked not far from
the Sunda. [143] The said auditor and his companions suffered great
hardship and danger; for besides several men of note who died fighting,
the ship which was leaking at the bows as abovesaid, because of being
weak and not built for a war vessel, and as they were unable to stop
or overcome the leak, foundered that same day, and part of the men
on board were drowned on account of being wearied with fighting and
not even yet having disarmed. When the ship sunk, the said auditor,
who would never leave or abandon it, took to the water with the rest
of the men, and escaped by swimming, with some of the enemy's colors
about him, to an uninhabited islet, called Fortun, two leguas from
the place where the fight had taken place. The next day he took away
the people from that place in several small boats which he found,
and landed them in safety on this island. In all the above, the said
auditor acted with great diligence and valor, exposing himself to all
the risks of the battle and afterward of the sea. He did not receive
any reward for his services, nor any salary, expenses, or any other
recompense. On the contrary, he contributed and spent his own property
to provide all the necessary equipment for the said expedition,
and also assisted some volunteers who went with him. Of the booty
taken from the corsair's almiranta, which was brought to this city,
he refused to take nor did he take anything; on the contrary, the share
which should have fallen to him, he ceded and passed over to the king,
our sovereign, and to his royal exchequer. Thus our aim and object,
namely, the destroying and defeating of the said corsair, has been
accomplished, so much to the service of God and of his Majesty, and to
the welfare of this kingdom, as is more minutely set forth by acts,
depositions, and other inquiries concerning this expedition. At the
request of the said Doctor Antonio de Morga, I gave him the present,
with my signature attached, and sealed with the seal of my arms. Given
in Manila, August twenty-four, one thousand six hundred and one.

DON FRANCISCO TELLO

 * * * * *

In the same year of one thousand six hundred, two merchantships left
Manila for Nueva España: the flagship the "Sancta Margarita," with Juan
Martinez de Guillestigui as general, who had arrived the year before
in the same capacity; and the "San Geronimo," under Don Fernando de
Castro. On their way, both ships met with storms in the latitude of
thirty-eight degrees and at six hundred leguas from the Filipinas,
and suffered great hardship. At the end of nine months at sea, after
many of the men had died and much of the merchandise had been thrown
overboard and lost, the "San Geronimo" put back to the Filipinas, off
the islands of Catenduanes, outside of the channel of Espiritu Santo,
and there was wrecked, although the crew were saved. The flagship
"Sancta Margarita," after the death of the general and most of the
crew, ported at the Ladrones Islands and anchored at Zarpana. There
natives who went to the ships, seeing it so abandoned and battered,
boarded and took possession of it, and of its goods and property. The
few men whom they found alive, they took away to their settlements,
where they killed some and apportioned others to various villages,
where they maintained them and gave them better treatment. The Indians
wore the gold chains and other things of the ship around their necks,
and then hung them to the trees and in their houses, like people who
had no knowledge of their value. [144]

In the month of May of the year six hundred and one, the galleon "Santo
Tomas" arrived at the Filipinas from Nueva España with passengers,
soldiers, and the return proceeds of the merchandise which had been
delayed in Mexico. Its general was Licentiate Don Antonio de Ribera
Maldonado, who had been appointed auditor of Manila. A small patache
had sailed in company with the galleon from the port of Acapulco,
but being unable to sail as rapidly as the "Santo Tomas," after a few
days' voyage, it dropped behind. When they arrived off the Ladrones
Islands, some natives went out, as usual, to meet the ship in their
boats, and brought with them five Spaniards of the crew of the ship
"Sancta Margarita," which had been lost there the year before. The
loss of that vessel was learned from those men; also that as many
as twenty-six Spaniards were living in the towns of those islands;
and that if the ship would wait, the natives would bring them.

The religious and men with the general tried to persuade him, since the
weather was calm, to wait in that place, in order to take these men
from those islands, where they had lingered for a year. Certain more
courageous persons even offered to go ashore to get them either in
the galleon's boat or in the vessels of the Ladrones themselves. But
the general would not allow this, believing that time would be lost,
and his expedition exposed to peril. Without leave from the general,
Fray Juan Pobre, a lay-brother, who was in charge of the discalced
religious of St. Francis, who were coming on that occasion to the
Filipinas, jumped into one of the Ladrones' vessels, and was taken by
the Indians to the island of Guan, where he remained with the Spaniards
whom he found. The galleon "Santo Tomas," without further delay,
pursued its voyage, to the great grief and regret of the Spaniards on
shore, who saw themselves left among those barbarians, where some of
them died later of illness and other hardships. The galleon reached
the Filipinas, making for the cape of Espiritu Santo and the harbor of
Capul, at the conjunction of the moon and change of the weather. The
land was so covered with thick fogs, that the ship was upon it before
it was seen, nor did the pilots and sailors know the country or place
where they were. They ran toward the Catenduanes, and entered a bay,
called Catamban, [145] twenty leguas from the channel, where they
found themselves embayed and with so much wind and sea astern of
them, that the galleon ran upon some rocks near the land and came
very near being wrecked that night with all aboard. At daybreak,
the general went ashore with the small boat and had the ship made
fast to some rocks. As the weather did not improve, and the ship was
hourly in greater danger of being wrecked, and the cables with which
it was made fast had given way, he determined to disembark the cargo
there, and as quickly as possible, by means of the boat. They went
to work immediately and took off the people, the silver, and the
greater part of the goods and property, until, with native boats,
the Spaniards and Indians of that province carried everything to
Manila over a distance of eighty leguas, partly by sea and partly
by land. They left the ship--a new and handsome one--wrecked there,
without being able to derive any profit whatever from it.

The daring and audacity of the Mindanaos and Joloans in making
incursions with their fleets into the islands of Pintados had reached
such a state that it was now expected that they would come as far
as Manila, plundering and devastating. In order to check them, at
the beginning of the year six hundred and two, Governor Don Francisco
Tello, deriving strength from weakness, determined that the expedition
against Jolo should be made at once, without more delay, in order
to punish and pacify it, with the forces and men whom Captain and
Sargento-mayor Joan Xuarez Gallinato held in Sebu and in the Pintados,
together with more men, ships, and provisions, which were sent him,
accompanied by the necessary documents and instructions for him to
enter the island, chastise its king and inhabitants, and pacify and
reduce it to the obedience of his Majesty. By this means, until there
should be an opportunity to settle the affairs of Mindanao, which is
quite near Jolo, the audacity of the enemy would be checked; and by
bringing the war into his own country, he would not come out to commit
depredations. Captain Gallinato set out on this expedition with two
hundred Spanish soldiers, ships, artillery, enough provisions for four
months--the time which it was thought the expedition would last--and
with Indians as rowers for the ships and for other services that might
arise. When he arrived at Jolo, at the bar of the river of this island,
which is two leguas from the principal town and dwellings of the king,
he landed his men, artillery, and the necessary provisions and left
his ships under a sufficient guard. The islanders were all in the town
and dwellings of the king, which are situated on a very high hill
above some cliffs, and have two roads of approach through paths and
roads so narrow that they can be reached only in single file. They had
fortified the whole place, intrenched it with palms and other woods,
and a number of culverins. They had also collected provisions and
water for their sustenance, besides a supply of arquebuses and other
weapons. They had neither women nor children with them, for they had
taken them out of the island. They had requested aid from the people
of Mindanao, Borney, and Terrenate, and were awaiting the same, since
they had been informed of the fleet which was being prepared against
them in the Pintados. Gallinato determined to pitch his camp near the
town, before this aid should arrive, and to attack the fort. After
he had quartered himself at a distance of one-half legua, in a plain
facing the ascent, he sent interpreters with messages to the king and
chiefs of the island, calling on them to surrender, and telling them
that good terms would be given them. While waiting for an answer,
he fortified his quarters in that spot, intrenching himself wherever
necessary. He mounted the artillery in the best position for use,
and kept his men ready for any emergency. A false and deceptive answer
was returned, making excuses for the excesses that had been committed,
and for not complying just then with what had been asked of them, and
making loud promises to do so later. All this was with the object of
detaining the captain in that place, which is very unhealthy, until the
rains should set in, his provisions run short, and the arrival of the
expected aid. After this answer had been received the Joloans, thinking
that the Spaniards had become more careless on account of it, swarmed
down quickly from the said fort in a large body of probably somewhat
over one thousand; and armed with arquebuses and other weapons with
handles, campilans, and caraças, attacked and assaulted the quarters
and camp of the Spaniards. This could not be done so secretly as not
to be seen by the Spaniards, and allow them opportunity to prepare
to receive the Joloans before their arrival. This the Spaniards did,
and having permitted the natives to come all together in a body to
the very inside of the quarters and trenches, as soon as the Joloans
had discharged their arquebuses, the Spaniards opened fire upon them,
first with their artillery, and then with their arquebuses, killing
many, and forcing the rest to retire in flight to the fort. The
Spaniards pursued them, wounding and killing to the middle of the
hill. But seeing that farther on the paths were so narrow and rough,
they retreated before the heavy artillery fire from the heights,
and the large stones hurled down upon them, and returned to their
quarters. Upon many other days, efforts were made to reach the fort,
but without any result. Thereupon Gallinato, in consideration of the
war being prolonged beyond what had been expected, built two forts,
one where he kept his ships in order to defend them and the port;
and the other one-half legua farther on in a suitable place where
they could take refuge and communicate with the camp. The forts were
built of wood and fascines, and fortified with the artillery from the
ships. The Spaniards shut themselves up in these forts, whence from
time to time they sallied, making incursions as far as the enemy's
fort. The latter always remained shut up in their fort without ever
choosing to come down or to yield; for he was convinced that the
Spaniards could not remain long in the island. When Gallinato saw
that the rains were fast setting in, that his men were becoming ill,
and that his provisions were failing, without his having accomplished
the desired task, and that it could not be accomplished with his
remaining resources; and that the enemy from Mindanao with other
allies of theirs were boasting that they were gathering a large fleet
in order to drive the Spaniards from Jolo: he sent news of all that had
occurred to the governor of Manila, with a plan of the island and fort
and a relation of the difficulties which the enterprise presented. He
sent this in a swift vessel, by Captain and Sargento-mayor Pedro
Cotelo de Morales, toward the end of May of the year six hundred
and two, in order to obtain instructions as to his procedure, and
the necessary reënforcements of men and provisions. The captain was
charged to return quickly with the answer.

When the Moro Ocuña Lacasamana and his followers killed Diego Belloso,
Blas Ruyz de Hernan Gonçales, and the Castilians and Portuguese with
them in the kingdom of Camboja, we said that Joan de Mendoça Gamboa
with father Fray Joan Malclonado, and his associate, Don Antonio
Malaver, Luys de Villafañe, and other Spaniards who escaped by
embarking with him in his vessel, descended the river with his vessel
toward the sea, defending themselves against some Cambodian and Malayan
praus which pursued them until they crossed the bar. Joan de Mendoça
pursued his voyage along the coast to Sian, where his main business
lay. Having reached the bar he ascended the river to the city of Odia,
the court of the king, and the latter received the letter and message
of Governor Don Francisco Tello, although with less pomp and courtesy
than Joan de Mendoça wished.

Then he bartered his merchandise, and was so stingy in the regular
custom of making some presents and gifts to the king and his favorites
that he even bargained closely over the presents offered. The king
was even inclined to seize the artillery of his ship, for which he
had a great longing. Joan de Mendoça, fearing this, sunk it in the
river with buoys, so that he could recover it at his departure,
and for appearances left in the ship only one iron gun and some
culverins. There was a Portuguese of the Order of St. Dominic in
Odia, who had been residing in that court for the last two years,
administering to the Portuguese who carried on trade in that
region. Among these Portuguese were some whom the king had brought
from Camboja and Pigu, when at war with both kingdoms. These and other
Portuguese had had some quarrels with Siamese in the city, and had
killed one of the king's servants. The king, being little inclined
to clemency, had fried some of the delinquents and had forbidden
the other Portuguese and the religious to leave the city or kingdom,
although they had urgently asked leave and permission to do so. On
seeing themselves deprived of liberty, less well treated than before,
and threatened daily, they conspired with Fray Joan Maldonado to be
smuggled aboard his vessel at its departure, and taken out of the
kingdom. The religious took the matter upon himself. After Joan de
Mendoça had concluded his business, although not as he had desired,
since the king gave him no answer for the governor, putting it off,
and his merchandise had not yielded much profit, he determined, at the
advice of Fray Joan Maldonado, to recover his artillery some night,
and to descend the river as rapidly as possible. On that same night
the Portuguese religious and his companions, about twelve in number,
were to leave the city secretly and wait eight leguas down the river
in an appointed place, where they would be taken aboard. This plan
was carried out, but when the king heard that Don Joan de Mendoça had
taken his ship and departed without his leave and dismissal, and that
he was carrying away the friar and the Portuguese who had been kept at
his court, he was so angered that he sent forty praus with artillery
and many soldiers in pursuit of him with orders to capture and bring
them back to court or to kill them. Although Joan de Mendoça made all
possible haste to descend the river, the ship, being without oars and
its sails not always to be depended upon, and the distance to cover
more than seventy leguas, he was overtaken by the Siamese in the
river. When they drew near, Joan de Mendoça assumed the defensive,
and gave them so much trouble with his artillery and musketry,
that they did not dare to board him. Nevertheless, they approached
him several times, and managing to break through, tossed artificial
fire aboard, which caused the Spaniards much trouble, for the combat
lasted more than one week, day and night. Finally, when near the bar,
in order that the ship might not escape them, all the praus surviving
the previous engagements attacked with one accord and made the last
effort in their power. Although the Siamese could not carry out their
intentions, and suffered the more killed and wounded, the Spaniards
did not escape without severe losses; for the pilot, Joan Martinez de
Chave, the associate of Fray Joan Maldonado, and eight other Spaniards
died in the conflict. Fray Joan Maldonado was badly wounded by a ball
from a culverin, which shattered his arm, and Captain Joan de Mendoça
also received dangerous wounds. Thereupon the Siamese reascended the
river, and the ship put to sea badly misused. As the weather was not
favorable for crossing by way of the shoals to Manila or Malaca, which
lay nearer to them, they steered for Cochinchina, where they put in
and joined a Portuguese vessel lying there, for which they waited until
it should sail to Malaca, in order to sail in its company. There Fray
Joan Maldonado and Captain Joan de Mendoça grew worse of their wounds,
and both died. Fray Joan Maldonado left a letter, written a few days
before his death, for his superior and the Order of St. Dominic, in
which he related his journeys, hardships and the cause of his death;
and informed them of the nature and condition of the affairs of Camboja
(whither he had been sent), of the slight foundation and motives for
them troubling themselves with that enterprise, and the slight gain
which could be hoped from it. He charged them upon their consciences
not again to become instruments of a return to Camboja. The ship
went to Malaca with its cargo, where everything was sold there by the
probate judge. Some of the Spaniards still living returned to Manila
sick, poor, and needy, from the hardships which they had undergone.

The affairs of Maluco continued to assume a worse appearance,
because the ruler of Terrenate was openly waging war against his
neighbor of Tidore and against the Portuguese who were with the
latter. He had allowed some ships which had come to Terrenate from
the islands of Holanda and Zelanda by way of India to trade with
him, and through them had sent a message to Inglaterra and to the
prince of Orange, concerning peace, trade, and commerce with the
English and the Dutch. To this he had received a favorable answer,
and he expected shortly a large fleet from Inglaterra and the islands,
with whose help he expected to accomplish great things against Tidore
and the Filipinas. Meanwhile, he kept some Flemings and Englishmen
in Terrenate who had remained as pledges, and a factor engaged in
purchasing cloves. These people had brought many fine weapons for this
trade, so that the island of Terrenate was exceedingly well supplied
with them. The king of Tidore and the chief captain wrote yearly to
the governor of the Filipinas, informing him of what was going on,
so that it might be remedied in time, and aid sent to them. Once,
Cachilcota, [146] brother of the king of Tidore, a brave soldier
and one of the most famous of all Maluco, came to Manila for that
purpose. They always received men, provisions, and some ammunition;
but what they most desired was that an expedition should be made
opportunely against Terrenate, before the English and Dutch came
with the expected fleet. This could not be done without an order
from his Majesty, and great preparation and equipment for such an
enterprise. The same message was always sent from Tidore. At last,
during this administration of Don Francisco Tello, Captain Marcos
Dias de Febra returned with this request, and brought letters to the
governor and to the Audiencia from the king [of Tidore], and from
the chief captain, Rui Gonçales de Sequeira, in which were detailed
contemporaneous events, and the necessity of at least sending succor
to Tidore. The king wrote specially about this to the king [of España]
and to Doctor Antonio de Morga, with the latter of whom he used to
correspond, the following letter, which was written in Portuguese
and signed in his own language.

To Doctor Morga, in the Filipinas Islands, from the king of Tidore.

I greatly rejoiced in receiving a letter from your Grace written on
the eighth of November last, because by it I particularly understand
your great sincerity in remembering me and my affairs; for this, may
God reward your Grace with long life and prosperity for the service
of the king, my sovereign. For I understood that he keeps your Grace
in these islands with the hope of their increase, and I am aware that
your being there will serve as a remedy for this fortress and island of
Tidore. I have written to the governor and to the Audiencia in Manila,
concerning the succor for which I beg, for I have asked it so often,
on account of the great necessity of it; for through its means the
injury may be checked; otherwise it may later cost much to the king
our sovereign. I beg your Grace to favor me in this, or at least in
what may be necessary for the future, for thus it will render a great
service to God and to the king, my sovereign. May God preserve your
Grace with life for many years. From this island of Tidore, today,
March eight, one thousand six hundred and one.

THE KING OF TIDORE

The bearer, namely, Marcos Dias, will give your Grace a flagon and a
little flask of Moorish brass workmanship. I send them in order that
your Grace may remember this your friend. [147]

Marcos Dias returned to Tidore at the first monsoon, in the beginning
of the year six hundred and two, bearing an answer to his message,
and taking the reënforcements that had been asked, of provisions,
ammunition, and a few soldiers. He was satisfied therewith, until a
fitting opportunity should offer for making the desired expedition
from Manila.



Of the government of Don Pedro de Acuña, governor and president
of the Filipinas, and of what happened during his administration,
until his death in June of the year six hundred and six, after his
return to Manila from Maluco, where he had completed the conquest of
the islands subject to the king of Terrenate.

CHAPTER SEVENTH

In the month of May of six hundred and two, four ships came to Manila
from Nueva España, with a new governor and president of the Audiencia,
named Don Pedro de Acuña, knight of the Order of St. John, comendador
of Salamanca, and lately governor of Cartagena in Tierra Firme. He was
received into the government to the great satisfaction of the whole
country, on account of the need there of one who would be as skilled
in matters of war as watchful and careful in the government. Don
Francisco Tello, his predecessor, awaiting his residencia which
was to be taken, had to remain in Manila until the following year,
six hundred and three, and in the month of April he died of an acute
illness. The new governor, upon seeing things in so great need of
stability, and so limited resources in the royal treasury for the
purpose, found that his lot was not so good as he had imagined when
he had been appointed; since the state of affairs obliged him to risk
a part of his reputation without his being able to remedy matters
as quickly as was to be desired. He took heart as much as possible,
however, and without sparing himself any personal labor in whatever
presented itself, he began with what was to be done in Manila and
its environs. He began to construct galleys and other vessels in
the shipyard, for there was great need of these, in order to defend
the sea, which was full of enemies and pirates from other islands,
especially from Mindanao. He discussed going immediately in person
to visit the provinces of Pintados, in order to supply more quickly
the needs of that region, which was causing the greatest anxiety. But
he had to postpone that several months to arrange for the despatch of
Japon and Jolo matters, and for the ships which were to make the voyage
to Nueva España, all of which came at once and had to be seen to.

Chiquiro, the Japanese, having arrived in Manila, delivered his
message and present to Governor Don Pedro de Acuña, who had been in
the government but a few days. The matter and its determination,
together with the reply, were immediately considered. It required
the greatest amount of thought to decide how this was to be made,
in the most fitting manner possible. For, although friendship with
Daifusama was held to be a good thing and of great profit, and a
necessity to obtain and conclude, even should certain difficulties
have to be overcome; and although the sailing to Quanto and its
commerce were not of much account to the Spaniards; nevertheless
those things would be fulfilled by sending a ship there with some
goods for exchange. But the rest, namely, the trade and friendship
with Nueva España, and the sending of masters and workmen to build
ships in Japon for that navigation, which Daifu insisted upon, and
which Fray Geronymo had assured him would be done, was a serious
matter and impossible to be carried out, as it was very harmful
and prejudicial to the Filipinas. For their greatest security from
Japon had ever been the Japanese lack of ships and their ignorance
of navigation. As often as the latter had intended to attack Manila,
they had been prevented by this obstacle. Now to send the Japanese
workmen and masters to make Spanish ships for them and show them how
such vessels were made, would be to give them the weapons that they
needed for their own [i.e., the Filipinas'] destruction, while their
navigation to Nueva España, and making long voyages, would cause very
great troubles. [148] Each matter singly was of great importance and
consideration, and such that the governor could not decide them, and
they could not be decided in Manila, without informing his Majesty
and the latter's viceroy of Nueva España, who was so much concerned,
thereof. In order to take measures in the matter, and not to delay the
Japanese from returning with his reply, a moderate present of Spanish
articles was sent to Daifu, in the same ship which had come, in return
for what it had brought. These Fray Geronymo was to give Daifu in
person. The former was written to tell Daifu with what pleasure the
governor received the good-will that he manifested to him, and the
peace and friendship with the Spaniards, and all the other things that
he was doing for them; and that he, the governor, would keep it and
observe it in so far as he was concerned, and that very year he would
send a Spanish ship to trade at Quanto according to Daifu's desire,
and that he would despatch it quickly. As to the navigation which
the latter wished to undertake to Nueva España and his desire to have
masters sent him for that purpose, to build ships for that voyage, that
was a matter which--although the governor would do his best to effect,
and to please him in everything--was not within his control, without
first informing his Majesty and the latter's viceroy in Nueva España
thereof; for he, the governor, had no power or authority outside of
the affairs of his government of the Filipinas. He said that he would
write and would treat of it immediately, and hoped that it would be
properly settled there. Until the reply came from España, which would
necessarily have to be delayed three years, because that country was
so far, he begged Daifu to be patient and suffer it, since it was not
in his control, and nothing else could be done. The governor wrote
Fray Geronymo to humor Daifu in everything, with the best words he
could use to please him, but not to embarrass himself thenceforward by
promising him and expediting such things for him. With this despatch,
Chiquiro sailed for Japon with his ship, but was so unfortunate
on the voyage that he was wrecked off the head of Hermosa Island,
and neither the vessel nor its crew escaped. News thereof was not
received in Manila or in Japon until many days afterward.

Upon the arrival of the letters from Fray Geronymo de Jesus, and the
news of the changed conditions which he wrote existed in Japon, and the
permission which he said that Daifu had given him to make Christians
and build churches, not only the discalced religious of St. Francis
but those of the other orders of St. Dominic and St. Augustine, set
about going to Japon without loss of time; and, in order to be taken,
each one made use of the Japanese ships and captains which were then
at Manila, having come with flour, and which were about to return. In
particular, the Order of St. Dominic sent to the kingdom of Zazuma
four religious, under Fray Francisco de Morales, [149] Prior of Manila,
in a ship about to go to that island and province. They said that they
had been summoned by its king, the only one who had not yet rendered
homage to Daifusama. The Order of St. Augustine sent two religious to
the kingdom of Firando in a ship which had come from that port, under
Fray Diego de Guebara, [150] Prior of Manila, because they had heard
that they would be well received by the king of that province. The
Order of St. Francis, in the ships about to sail to Nangasaqui,
sent Fray Augustin Rodrigues, [151] who had been in Japon before,
in company with the martyrs, and a lay-brother, with orders to go to
Miaco, to become associates of Fray Geronymo de Jesus. Although some
difficulties presented themselves to the governor in regard to the
departure of these religious from Manila, and their going to Japon
so hastily, yet on account of the great pressure which they brought
to bear upon him, these were not sufficient to cause him to refuse
them the permission which they requested. The religious reached the
provinces to which they were going and were received there, although
more coolly than they had expected, and with fewer conveniences than
they needed for their support, and less inclination than they desired
for the matters of the conversion, in which they had imagined that
they were to have great and immediate results, for very few of the
Japanese became Christians. In fact, the kings and tonos of those
provinces kept them in order, by means of them, to open intercourse
and commerce in their lands with the Spaniards--which they desired
for their own interests rather than for the religion, to which they
were not inclined.

The governor, Don Pedro de Acuña, in fulfilment of his letter,
namely, that he would send a ship to Quanto, prepared and then sent
out a medium-sized ship, named "Santiago el Menor" [i.e., St. James
the Less], with a captain and the necessary seamen and officers, and
some goods consisting of red wood, [152] deerskins, raw silk [153]
and other things. This ship set out with orders to go to Quanto,
where it would find discalced Franciscan religious and there to sell
its goods and return with the exchange--and with the permission of
Daifusama--to Manila. Thus Japanese matters were provided for, as
far as seemed necessary, according to the state of affairs.

Daifusama, sovereign of Japon, who was awaiting Chiquiro, his servant,
whom he had sent to Manila with the letters from Fray Geronymo de
Jesus, pressed the latter so closely concerning the things which he
desired and about which he had treated with him, that Fray Geronymo,
seeing that Chiquiro was slow in returning, and that few arguments
were of avail with Daifu, in order to satisfy him the better,
requested permission of him to go to Manila in person, there to
communicate and conclude matters with the governor by word of mouth,
and bring a reply to him. He said that he would leave at the court Fray
Augustin Rodriguez and another companion, who had lately come to him,
as hostages for his return. The king granted the permission and gave
him provision, so that Fray Geronymo came quickly to Manila, where
he learned of the message which Chiquiro had taken. Then he began to
treat with Governor Don Pedro de Acuña, about his business, saying
that Chiquiro had not yet arrived in Xapon, which gave rise to the
suspicion that he had been wrecked. The ship sent by the governor being
unable to double the head of Xapon in order to pass to the north side,
put into the port of Firando, where the religious of St. Augustine
had had a station for a short time, and anchored there. Thence the
captain advised the court of Miaco that he had been unable to reach
Quanto. He sent also the letters for the religious and what was to
be given to Daifu. The religious, Fray Geronymo's associates, gave
Daifu the presents which were for him, and told him that the governor
was sending that ship at his disposition and command, but that the
weather had not allowed it to reach Quanto. Daifusama received the
presents, although he did not believe what they told him, but that
they were compliments to please him. He ordered the ship to get its
trading done immediately, and to return with some things which he gave
them for the governor, and thenceforward to go to Quanto as promised
him. Thereupon it returned to Manila.

Fray Geronymo de Jesus reached the Filipinas so quickly, as has
been said, that he had opportunity to treat with Governor Don Pedro
de Acuña, about the matters under his charge, from whom he received
the promise that ships would continue to be sent to Quanto to please
Daifusama. Taking with him a good present, given him by the governor,
consisting of a very rich and large Venetian mirror, glass, clothes
from Castilla, honey, several tibores, [154] and other things which it
was known would please Daifu, he returned immediately to Japon. He was
well received there by Daifu, to whom he communicated his message, and
that his servant Chiquiro had been well sent off by the new governor,
and that nothing less than shipwreck was possible, since he had not
appeared in so long a time. He gave Daifu what he had brought, which
pleased the latter greatly.

During the first days of the governor's administration he found in
the shipyard of Cabit two large ships which were being finished to
make their voyage that year to Nueva España. One of them, belonging
to Don Luys Dasmariñas, by an agreement which the latter had made
with the governor's predecessor, Don Francisco Tello, was to go with a
cargo of merchandise. The other, called the "Espiritu Santo," built by
Joan Tello de Aguirre and other residents of Manila, was to make the
voyage with the merchandise of that year credited to the builders,
but was to pass into possession of his Majesty on its arrival in
Nueva España, according to an agreement and contract made with the
same governor, Don Francisco Tello. Don Pedro de Acuña made so great
haste in despatching both ships that, with the cargo which they were
to carry, he sent them out of port at the beginning of July of the
aforesaid year six hundred and two, with Don Lope de Ulloa in the
"Espiritu Santo" as general, and Don Pedro Flores in charge of the
"Jesus Maria." Both ships went on their way, and in thirty-eight
degrees met such storms that they were many times on the point of being
wrecked, and threw overboard a quantity of their merchandise. The ship
"Jesus Maria" put back into Manila with difficulty after having been
more than forty days in the island of the Ladrones, whence it was
unable to depart. During this time they had opportunity to pick up
all the surviving Spaniards from among those left by the ship "Santa
Margarita," among them, Fray Joan Pobre, who had jumped into one
of the boats of the natives from the galleon "Santo Tomas," when it
passed that way the year before. Five other Spaniards were in other
islands of the same Ladrones, but although every effort was made to
bring them, they could not come. The natives brought Fray Joan Pobre
and the others to the ship in their own boats, with great friendship
and good will. After they had been entertained on board the ship, which
they entered without fear, and after iron and other presents had been
given to them, they returned without the Spaniards, weeping and showing
great sorrow. The ship "Espiritu Santo," with the same difficulty,
put into Japon, as it could do nothing else, with its mainmast gone,
and entered a port of Firando, twenty leguas from a station of the
religious of St. Augustine, who had gone there the same year from
Manila, and where also the ship bound for Quanto had entered. The
harbor could be sounded [i.e., it formed a good anchorage], but
to enter and leave it were very difficult, because its channel had
many turns, with rocks and high mountains on both sides. However,
as the Japanese natives with their funeas towed and guided the ship
so that it might enter, it had less difficulty. When it was inside,
a Japanese guard was placed on the ship, and those who went ashore
were not allowed to return to the ship. The supplies furnished them
did not suffice for all their necessities, and the price was not
suitable. On this account, and because a large number of soldiers had
assembled quickly at the port from the whole district, and had asked
the general for the sails of the ship, which he had always declined
to give them, he feared that they wished to seize the ship and its
merchandise, as was done in Hurando, with the ship "San Felipe,"
in the year ninety-six. He acted with caution, and kept much closer
watch thenceforward, without leaving his ship or allowing his men
to leave it alone, or any of the merchandise to be unloaded. At the
same time he sent his brother, Don Alonso de Ulloa, and Don Antonio
Maldonado to Miaco with a reasonable present for Daifusama, that he
might have provision given them and permission to go out again from
that harbor. [155] These men made the journey by land. Meanwhile,
those on the ship were greatly troubled by the Japanese who were in the
port, and by their captains, who were not satisfied with the presents
which were given them to make them well disposed, but forcibly seized
whatever they saw, giving out that everything was theirs and that it
would soon be in their power. Fray Diego de Guebara, the Augustinian
superior in Firando, came to the ship and told the general that he had
put into a bad harbor of infidels and wicked people, who would take
his ship and rob it, and that he should endeavor with all his might
to get it out of there and take it to Firando where he [the father]
was living. Meanwhile he told him to be on the watch and guard to the
best of his ability. As the father was returning to his house with
some pieces of silk, given him on the ship for his new church and
monastery at Firando, the Japanese took it away from him and did not
leave him a thing, saying that it was all theirs, and he went away
without it. About a dozen and a half of the Spaniards of the ship
were ashore, where they were kept in confinement and not allowed to
go on board again, and although the general warned them that he had
determined to leave the port as soon as possible, and that they should
make every effort to come to the ship, they could not all do so,
but only four or five of them. Without waiting any longer he drove
the Japanese guard from the ship, bent the foresail and spritsail,
loaded the artillery, and, with weapons in hand, one morning set the
ship in readiness to weigh anchor. The Japanese went to the channel at
the mouth of the harbor with many funeas and arquebusiers, stretched
a thick rattan cable which they had woven, and moored it on both banks
in order that the ship might not be able to sail out. The general sent
a small boat with six arquebusiers to find out what they were doing,
but at their approach, a number of the Japanese funeas attacked them
with the purpose of capturing them. However, by defending themselves
with their arquebuses they returned to the ship and reported to the
general that the Japanese were closing the exit from the harbor with
a cable. Taking this to be a bad sign, the ship immediately set sail
against the cable to break it, and a negro, to whom the general
promised his freedom, offered to be let down over the bow with a
large machete in order to cut the cable when the ship should reach it.

With the artillery and the arquebuses he cleared the channel of the
funeas there, and when he came to the cable, with the impetus of
the vessel and the strenuous efforts of the negro with the machete,
it broke, and the ship passed through. It still remained for it to go
through the many turns which the channel made before coming out to the
sea and it seemed impossible for a ship which was sailing fast to go
through them, but God permitted it to pass out through them as though
it had had a breeze for each turn. But the Japanese, who had assembled
in great numbers on the hills and rocks within range of where the ship
was passing, did not fail to annoy the ship with many volleys, with
which they killed one Spaniard on the ship and wounded others. The
ship did the same, and with their artillery they killed several of
the Japanese. The Japanese failed to obstruct the ship's passage, and
accordingly were left without it. The general, finding himself on the
sea and free from the past danger, and seeing that it was beginning
to blow a little from the north, thought it best to venture on his
voyage to Manila rather than to seek another harbor in Japon. Having
raised a jury-mast [156] in place of the main-mast, and with the wind
freshening daily from the north, he crossed to Luzón in twelve days,
via the cape of Bojeador, and reached the mouth of the bay of Manila,
where he found the ship "Jesus Maria," which was also putting in in
distress through the Capul Channel; and so the two ships together,
as they had gone together out of the port of Cabit five months before,
made harbor there again in distress after having suffered many damages
and losses to the exchequer.

Don Alonso de Ulloa and Don Francisco Maldonado, while this was going
on in the harbor where they had left the ship "Espiritu Santo," reached
Miaco and delivered their message and present to Daifusama. The latter,
upon being informed who they were, that their ship had entered Japon,
and that they were from Manila, received them cordially, and quickly
gave them warrants and chapas [i.e., safe-conducts], in order that the
tonos and governors of the provinces where the ship had entered should
allow it and its crew to depart freely. They were to be allowed to
refit, and to be given what they needed; and whatever had been taken
from them, whether much or little, was to be returned.

While this matter was being attended to, news reached Miaco of the
departure of the ship from the harbor, and the skirmish with the
Japanese over it, and of this they complained anew to Diafu. He showed
that he was troubled at the departure of the ship and the discourtesy
to it, and at the outrages committed by the Japanese. He gave new
chapas for restitution of all the goods to be made; and sent a catan
from his own hand with which justice should be performed upon those
who had offended in this matter, [157] and ordered that the Spaniards
who remained in the port should be set free, and that their goods
be returned to them. With this warrant the Spaniards left that port
and recovered what had been taken from them. The ambassadors and the
others returned to Manila in the first vessels which left, taking with
them eight chapas of the same tenor from Daifusama, in order that in
the future ships coming from Manila to any port whatever of J apon,
might be received courteously and well treated, without having any
harm done them. These, upon their arrival in Manila, they handed over
to the governor, who gives them to the ships sailing to Nueva España,
to provide for any incidents on the voyage.

At the same time that Governor Don Pedro de Acuña entered upon
his administration, the captain and sargento-mayor, Pedro Cotelo de
Morales, arrived from Jolo with the advices and report of Joan Xuarez
Gallinato concerning the state of affairs in that island, whither
he had gone with the fleet at the beginning of that same year. The
governor, on account of the importance of the matter, wished to make
every effort possible, and determined to send him supplies and a
reënforcement of some men, which he did as soon as possible. He was
ordered to at least make an effort to punish that enemy, even if he
could do nothing more, and, whenever the opportunity presented itself,
to go to do the same thing in the river of Mindanao, and return to the
Pintados. When this commission reached Jolo, Gallinato was already so
worn out, and his men so ill, that the reënforcements only made it
possible for him to get away from there; accordingly without seeing
to another thing, he broke camp, burned the forts which he had built,
embarked, and went to Pintados, leaving the people of that island of
Jolo and their neighbors, those of Mindanao, emboldened more than
ever to make raids against the Pintados, and the islands within,
which they did.

The governor, without delaying any longer in Manila, hastily started
for the island of Panay and the town of Arevalo, in a galliot and
other small vessels, to see their needs with his own eyes, in order to
provide for them. He left war matters in Manila, during his absence, in
charge of Licentiate Don Antonio de Ribera, auditor of the Audiencia.

As soon as the governor left Manila, the auditor had plenty to look
after, because a squadron of twenty caracoas and other vessels from
Mindanao entered the islands as far as the island of Luzon and its
coasts, making captures. Having taken some ships bound from Sebu to
Manila, they captured ten Spaniards in them, among them a woman and
a priest and Captain Martin de Mandia, and they took them off with
them. They entered Calilaya, burned the church and all the town,
and captured many persons of all classes among the natives. Thence
they passed to the town of Valayan [Balayán] to do the same, but the
auditor, having received news of the enemy in Manila, had it already
in a state of defense with fifty Spaniards and a captain and some
vessels. Consequently, they did not dare to enter the town or its
bay, but crossed over to Mindoro, where, in the principal town, they
captured many men, women, and children among the natives, seizing their
gold and possessions, and burning their houses and church, where they
captured theprebendary Corral, curate of that doctrina. They filled
their own ships, and others which they seized there, with captives,
gold, and property, staying in the port of Mindoro as leisurely as
though in their own land, notwithstanding that it is but twenty-four
leguas from Manila. Captain Martin de Mendia, prisoner of these
pirates, offered for himself and the other Spanish captives that,
if they would let him go to Manila, he would get the ransom for all,
and would take it, or would send it within six months, to the river
of Mindanao, or otherwise he would return to their power. The chief
in command of the fleet agreed thereto, with certain provisions and
conditions, and caused the other captives to write, to the effect
that what had been agreed upon might be fulfilled, and then he
allowed the captain to leave the fleet. The latter came to the city,
and upon receiving his report, the auditor sent munitions, ships,
and more men to Valayan than there were there already, with orders
to go in pursuit of the enemy without delay, saying that they would
find him in Mindoro. Captain Gaspar Perez, who had charge of this in
Valayan, did not start so quickly as he should have done in order
to find the enemy in Mindoro, for when he arrived he found that he
had left that port six days before, laden with ships and booty, to
return to Mindanao. Then he went in pursuit of him, although somewhat
slowly. The enemy put into the river of a little uninhabited island
to get water and wood. Just at that time Governor Don Pedro de Acuña,
who was hastily returning to Manila, from the town of Arvalo, where
he had learned of the incursion of those pirates, passed. He passed
so near the mouth of this river, in two small champans and a virrey,
with very few men, that it was a wonder that he was not seen and
captured by the enemy. He learned that the enemy was there, from a
boat of natives which was escaping therefrom, and then he met Gaspar
Perez going in search of the enemy with twelve vessels, caracoas and
vireys, and some large champans. The governor made him make more haste
and gave him some of his own men to guide him to where he had left
the pirates the day before, whereupon they went to attack them. But
the latter espied the fleet through their sentinels whom they had
already stationed in the sea, outside the river. Accordingly they
left the river in haste, and took to flight, throwing into the sea
goods and slaves in order to flee more lightly. Their flagship and
almiranta caracoas protected the ships which were dropping behind
and made them throw overboard what they could and work with all
the strength of their paddles, assisted by their sails. The Spanish
fleet, the vessels of which were not so light, could not put forth
enough strength to overtake all of them, because, furthermore,
they went into the open without fear of the heavy seas which were
running, inasmuch as they were fleeing. Yet some of the ships of
Captain Gaspar Perez, being lighter, got among the enemy's fleet,
sunk some caracoas, and captured two, but the rest escaped, although
with great danger of being lost. Without accomplishing anything else,
the fleet returned to Manila where the governor had already entered,
very much disturbed that things should have come to such a pass that
these enemies, who had never dared to leave their houses, should have
been so daring and bold as to come to the very gates of the city,
doing great damage and making captures.

Some years before this his Majesty had ordered an expedition to be
prepared in Portuguese India for the capture of the fort of Terrenate
in Maluco, which was in the power of a Moro who had rebelled and
subjected it in a tyrannical manner, and had driven out the Portuguese
there. The necessary preparations of ships, munitions, and men were
made for this undertaking in India, and a hidalgo, named Andrea Furtado
de Mendoça, [158] was chosen general of this expedition. He was a
soldier skilled in the affairs of India, who had won many victories
of great importance and fame on sea and land in those parts, and had
lately had a very notable one at Jabanapatan.  [159] He sailed from
Goa with six galleons of the kingdom, fourteen galliots and fustas,
and other ships, and one thousand five hundred fighting men, and with
supplies and munitions for the fleet. On account of the storms which
he met, his fleet was so scattered before reaching Amboino that the
galleys and fustas could not keep up with the galleons or follow them,
and only three of them, in convoy of the galleons, reached Amboino. The
other vessels put back into Goa and other forts on the line of that
voyage. The island of Amboino was in rebellion and the Portuguese
fort there was in great need, so that, while the galliots, fustas,
and other vessels of his fleet which had fallen off on the voyage were
gathering, and while help was coming which he had sent to ask of the
fort of Malaca, it seemed best to Andrea Furtado de Mendoça to stop
in Amboino, which is eighty leguas from Maluco, in order to pacify
the island and some towns of the neighborhood, and reduce them to
the crown of Portugal. He was more than six months in this, having
encounters with the enemy and with the rebels, in which he always
came out victorious, and from which he obtained the desired result,
and left everything reduced and pacified. His ships did not arrive,
however, and the help which he had requested did not come from Malaca,
and yet it was necessary for him to go to Terrenate, as that was the
principal purpose for which he had been sent. Considering this, and
yet seeing that he had fewer men than he needed for it, and that the
greater part of the munitions and supplies which he had brought were
spent, he determined to send word to the governor of the Filipinas of
his coming with that fleet, of what he had done in Amboino, that he
was to proceed to attack Terrenate, and that, because a part of his
ships had been scattered, and because he had stopped so many months
for those undertakings, he had fewer men than he wanted and was in need
of some things, especially supplies. He requested the governor, since
this matter was so important and so to the service of his Majesty,
and since so much had been spent on it from the royal treasury of the
crown of Portugal, to favor and help him, by sending him some supplies
and munitions and some Castilians for the undertaking. He asked that
all of this should reach Terrenate by January of six hundred and three,
for he would then be off that fort and the help would come to him very
opportunely. This message and his letters for the governor and the
Audiencia he sent to Manila from Amboino in a light vessel in charge
of Father Andre Pereira of the Society of Jesus, and Captain Antonio
Fogoça, one of his own followers. They found Governor Don Pedro de
Acuña in Manila, and presented the matter to him, making use of the
Audiencia and of the orders, and making many boasts of the Portuguese
fleet and the illustrious men who were in it, and of the valor and
renown of its general in whatever he undertook. They asserted at
the same time the success of the capture of Terrenate at that time,
especially if they received from Manila the succor and help for which
they had come, and which, in justice, should be given them, as it was
given from the Filipinas whenever the king of Tidore and the chief
captain of that fort requested it, and as his Majesty had ordered--and
with more good reason and foundation on such an occasion. [160]

Although Don Pedro de Acuña, from the time of his appointment to
the government, had the intention and desire to make an expedition
against Terrenate, and when he was in Mexico on his way, had treated
of this matter with those there who had any information about Maluco,
and sent Brother Gaspar Gomez of the Society of Jesus from Nueva
Españia to his Majesty's court--who had lived in Manila many years,
and also in Maluco in the time of Governor Gomez Perez Dasmariñas--to
treat of the matter in his name with his Majesty; and although he was
in hopes of making this expedition: nevertheless it seemed to him best,
without declaring his own desires, to aid in what Andrea Furtado asked,
and even more, not only on account of the importance of the matter,
but also because by thus helping, he would keep the general and his
messengers, in case they were unsuccessful, from excusing themselves
by saying that they had asked for help and reënforcement from the
governor of the Filipinas, and the latter had not given it, and so
that it might not be understood that he had failed to do so because
he himself was arranging for the expedition. Don Pedro de Acuñia
consulted about this matter with the Audiencia, which was of the
opinion that the aforesaid reënforcement, and more besides, should
be sent to the Portuguese at the time for which it was asked. When
this was decided upon, they put it into execution, very much to the
satisfaction of Father Andrea Pereira and Captain Fogaça. At the end of
the year six hundred and two they were despatched from the Filipinas,
taking with them the ship "Santa Potenciana" and three large frigates,
with one hundred and fifty well armed Spanish soldiers, ten thousand
fanégas of rice, one thousand five hundred earthen jars of palm wine,
two hundred head of salt beef, twenty hogsheads of sardines, conserves
and medicines, fifty quintals of powder, cannon-balls and bullets,
and cordage and other supplies, the whole in charge of the captain
and sargento-mayor, Joan Xuarez Gallinato--who had now returned from
Jolo and was in Pintados--with orders and instructions as to what he
was to do, namely, to take that help to Terrenate, to the Portuguese
fleet which he would find there, and to place himself at the orders
and command of its general. [161] Thither he made his voyage in a
fortnight, and anchored in the port of Talangame, in the island of
Terrenate, two leguas from the fort, where he found Andrea Furtado
de Mendoça with his galleons at anchor, awaiting what was being sent
from Manila. He and all his men were very much pleased with it.

In the month of March of this year six hundred and three, there
entered Manila Bay a ship from Great China, in which the sentinels
reported that three great mandarins were coming, with their insignia
as such, on business in the service of their king. The governor gave
them permission to leave their ship and enter the city with their
suites. In very curious chairs of ivory and fine gilded woods, borne
on the shoulders of men, they went straight to the royal houses of
the Audiencia, where the governor was awaiting them, with a large
suite of captains and soldiers throughout the house and through the
streets where they passed. When they had reached the doors of the
royal houses they alighted from their chairs and entered on foot,
leaving in the street the banners, plumes, lances and other very showy
insignia which they brought with them. The mandarins went into a large,
finely-decorated hall, where the governor received them standing,
they making many bows and compliments to him after their fashion, and
he replying to them after his. They told him through the interpreters
that their king had sent them, with a Chinaman whom they had with
them in chains, to see with their own eyes an island of gold, called
Cabit, which he had told their king was near Manila, and belonged to no
one. [162] They said that this man had asked for a quantity of ships,
which he said he would bring back laden with gold, and if it were
not so that they could punish him with his life. So they had come
to ascertain and tell their king what there was in the matter. The
governor replied briefly, saying only that they were welcome, and
appointed them quarters in two houses within the city which had been
prepared for them, in which they and their men could lodge. He said
that the business would be discussed afterwards. Thereupon they left
the royal houses again, and at the doors mounted in their chairs on
the shoulders of their servants, who were dressed in red, and were
carried to their lodgings, where the governor ordered them to be
supplied fully with whatever they needed during the days of their stay.

The coming of these mandarins seemed suspicious, and their purpose
to be different from what they said, because it seemed a fiction for
people, of so much understanding as the Chinese, to say that their
king was sending them on this business. Among the Chinese themselves
who came to Manila at the same time in eight merchant ships, and
among those who lived in the city, it was said that these mandarins
were coming to see the land and study its nature, because the king of
China wished to break relations with the Spaniards and send a large
fleet, before the end of the year, with one hundred thousand men to
take the country.

The governor and the Audiencia thought that they ought to be very
careful in guarding the city, and that these mandarins should be well
treated, but that they should not go out of the city nor be allowed to
administer justice, as they were beginning to do among the Sangleys,
at which the mandarins were somewhat angry. He asked them to treat
of their business, and then to return to China quickly, and he warned
the Spaniards not to show that they understood or were suspicious of
anything other than what the mandarins had said. The mandarins had
another interview with the governor, and he told them more clearly,
making some joke of their coming, that he was astonished that their
king should have believed what that Chinaman whom they had with them
had said, and even if it were true that there was so much gold in the
Filipinas, that the Spaniards would not allow it to be carried away,
since the country belonged to his Majesty. The mandarins said that they
understood very well what the governor had communicated to them, but
that their king had ordered them to come and that they must needs obey
and bring him a reply, and that when they had performed their duty,
that was all, and they would return. The governor, to cut short the
business, sent the mandarins, with their servants and the prisoner,
to Cabit, which is the port, two leguas from the city. There they were
received with a great artillery salute, which was fired suddenly as
they landed, at which they were very frightened and fearful. When they
had landed, they asked the prisoner if that was the island of which
he had spoken to the king, and he replied that it was. They asked him
where the gold was, and he replied that everything there was gold and
that he would make his statement good with the king. They asked him
other questions and he always replied the same thing. Everything was
written down in the presence of some Spanish captains who were there
with some confidential interpreters. The mandarins ordered a basketful
of earth to be taken from the ground, to take to the king of China,
and then, having eaten and rested, they returned to Manila the same
day, with the prisoner. The interpreters said that the prisoner,
when hard pressed by the mandarins to make suitable answers to their
questions, had said that what he had meant to tell the king of China
was that there was much gold and wealth in the hands of the natives
and Spaniards of Manila, and that if they gave him a fleet with men,
he offered, as a man who had been in Luzon and knew the country, to
capture it and bring the ships back laden with gold and riches. This,
together with what some Chinamen had said at the beginning, seemed very
much to have more meaning than the mandarins had implied, especially
to Don Fray Miguel de Benavides, archbishop-elect of Manila, who knew
the language. Thereupon the archbishop and other religious warned the
governor and the city, publicly and privately, to look to its defense,
because they felt sure of the coming of the Chinese fleet against it
shortly. Then the governor dismissed the mandarins and embarked them
on their ship, with their prisoner, after giving them some pieces
of silver and other things with which they were pleased. Although,
in the opinion of the majority of those in the city, it seemed that
it was beyond all reason that the Chinese should attack the country,
the governor began covertly to prepare ships and other things suitable
for defense, and made haste to complete extensive repairs which he
had begun to make on the fort of Sanctiago at the point of the river,
and for the defense of the fort he built on the inside a wall of
great strength, with its wings, facing toward the parade ground.

At the end of April of this year six hundred and three, on the
eve of Sts. Philip and James [Santiago] a fire started in a little
field house [casilla de zacate] used by some Indians and negroes of
the native hospital in the city, at three o'clock in the afternoon,
and passed to other houses so quickly, with the force of the rather
fresh wind, that it could not be stopped, and burned houses of wood
and stone, even the monastery of St. Dominic--house and church--the
royal hospital for the Spaniards, and the royal warehouses, without
leaving a building standing among them. Fourteen people died in the
fire, Spaniards, Indians, and negroes, and among them Licentiate Sanz,
canon of the cathedral. In all two hundred and sixty houses were
burned, with much property which was in them, and it was understood
that the damage and loss amounted to more than one million [pesos].

After Ocuña Lacasamanà, the Moro Malay, with the help of the mandarins
of Camboja who sided with him, and of the stepmother of King Prauncar,
had killed and put an end to Bias Ruyz de Hernan Gonçales and Diego
Belloso, and the Castilians, Portuguese, and Japanese on their side
who were in the kingdom, his boldness went so far that he even killed
the king himself, whereby the whole kingdom was divided into factions
and suffered greater disturbances than it had ever known before. God
permitted this for His just judgments, and because Prauncar did
not deserve to enjoy the good fortune which he had had in being
placed on his father's throne, since he lost it at the same time
that he did his life. Nor did Bias Ruiz de Hernan Gonzales and Diego
Belloso, and their companions, deserve the fruit and labor of their
expeditions and victories, since they were converted into disastrous
and cruel death at the time when they seemed most secure and certain,
for perchance their pretensions and claims were not so well adjusted
to the obligations of conscience as they ought to have been. But God
did not wish the Moro Malay to remain unpunished.

When this Malay thought that he was going to get the better part
of the kingdom of Camboja, because he had killed the Castilians and
Portuguese, their captains, and the legitimate and natural king himself
who favored them, he was more mistaken than he thought, because the
disorders and uprisings in the provinces gave opportunity for some
powerful mandarins in the kingdom, who held and maintained the saner
course, to join, and avenge the death of King Prauncar by force of
arms. So they turned against Ocuña Lacasamana and his Malays, and,
meeting them in battle on different occasions, conquered and routed
them, so that the Moro was forced to flee from Camboja, with the
remaining remnant of his men, and pass to the kingdom of Champa,
which bordered on it, with the purpose of disturbing it and making
war on the usurper who held it, and of seizing it all, or as much as
he could. This also did not turn out well for him, for, although he
brought war into Champa, and all the disturbances which it brings,
and caused the usurper and his men a great deal of trouble, at last
he was routed and killed and came to pay wretchedly for his sins at
the usurper's hands.

Seeing themselves rid of the Malay, but finding that the kingdom was
still disturbed, as he had left it, and without a male descendant
in the line of Prauncar Langara, who died in Laos, the mandarins
of Camboja turned their eyes toward a brother of his whom the
king of Sian had captured and taken with him in the war which he
had made against Langara, and whom he held in the city of Odia, as
they thought that he had the best right to the kingdom of Camboja,
by legitimate succession, and that it would be more easily pacified
in his presence. They sent an embassy to Sian, asking him to come to
reign, and asking the king of Sian, who held him captive, to allow
him to go. The king thought well of it, and, with certain provisions
and conditions which he made with his prisoner, gave him his liberty
and six thousand fighting men to serve and accompany him. With these
he came immediately to Camboja and was readily received in Sistor and
other provinces, and placed on the throne, and from those provinces
he went on pacifying and reducing the more distant ones.

This new king of Camboja who, from being a captive of the king of Sian,
came to the throne by such strange events and varying chances--for
God held this good fortune in store for him, and holds still more of
greater worth, if he can carry on what he has begun--caused search
to be made for Joan Diaz, a Castilian soldier, who survived from the
company of Blas Ruyz de Hernan Gonçales. He bade him go to Manila
and, in his behalf, tell the governor that he was on the throne, and
also what had happened in regard to the death of the Spaniards and
of his nephew Prauncar, in which he [the new king] was in no wise to
blame. He said that he recognized the friendship which they--Langara,
his brother, and the latter's son--received from the Spaniards in the
time of their troubles; that he himself was well disposed to continue
this friendship and understanding; and he again asked the governor,
if he were willing, to send him some religious and Castilians to reside
at his court and to make Christians of those who wished to become so.

With this message and embassy, and many promises, Joan Diaz came
to Manila, where he found Don Pedro de Acuña in the government,
and treated of the matter with him. The governor thought it unwise
to close the door to the preaching of the holy gospel in Camboja,
which God had opened again in this way, and he agreed to do what the
king asked. So, at the beginning of the year six hundred and three,
he sent a frigate to Camboja, with four religious of the Order of
St. Dominic with Fray Yñigo de Santa Maria, prior of Manila, at
their head with five soldiers to accompany them, among them Joan
Diaz himself. They were to give the king the reply to his message,
in confirmation of the peace and friendship for which he asked, and,
according to the circumstances which they found there, the religious
were to stay in his court and advise what seemed best to them. This
frigate reached Camboja after a ten days' voyage with favoring winds,
and the religious and the soldiers in their company ascended the river
to Chordemuco, where the king received them with great satisfaction. He
immediately built them a church, and gave them rice for their support,
and granted them liberty to preach and christianize. This seemed
to the religious to be the work of Heaven, and a matter in which a
great many workers could be employed. They sent immediate word of
their good reception and condition to Manila in the same frigate,
after asking permission of the king that it might return. The king
granted it and gave them the necessary supplies for their voyage, and
at the same time sent a servant of his with a present of ivory tusks,
benzoin, and other curious things for the governor, with a letter
thanking him for what he was doing and asking for more religious and
Castilians. Fray Yñigo de Santa Maria [163] with a companion embarked
on this frigate, in order to come to give a better report of what he
had found, but he sickened and died on the voyage. His companion and
those aboard the frigate reached Manila in May of six hundred and
three and gave an account of events in Camboja.

At the end of the same month of May, there came to Manila two ships
from Nueva España, in command of Don Diego de Camudio, with the
regular reënforcements for the Philipinas. It brought news that
Fray Diego de Soria, [164] of the Order of St. Dominic, bishop of
Cagayan, was in Mexico, and was bringing the bulls and pallium to
the archbishop-elect of Manila, and Fray Baltasar de Cobarrubias,
[165] of the Order of St. Augustine, appointed bishop of Camarines
by the death of Fray Francisco de Ortega. In the same ships came two
auditors for the Audiencia of Manila, Licentiates Andres de Alcaraz,
and Manuel de Madrid y Luna.

The captain and sargento-mayor, Joan Xuarez Gallinato, with the ship
"Santa Potenciana" and the men whom he had taken in it to Maluco in aid
of the Portuguese fleet which Andrea Furtado de Mendoça had brought
to assault the fortress of Terrenate, found this fleet in the port
of Talangame. As soon as this help arrived, Andrea Furtado landed
his men, Portuguese and Castilians, with six pieces of artillery,
and marched with them along the shore, toward the fort, to plant the
battery. He took two days to reach the fort, passing through some
narrow places and gullies which the enemy had fortified. When he had
reached the principal fort, he had all that he could do to plant the
artillery, for the enemy sallied out frequently against the camp and
hindered the work. Once they reached the very gate of the quarters,
and would have done a great deal of damage had not the Castilians
nearest the entrance stopped them and pressed the Moros so hard that,
leaving some dead, they turned and fled and shut themselves up in the
fort. At the same time five pieces were placed within cannon-shot
of it. The enemy, who had sufficient men for their defense, with
a great deal of artillery and ammunition, did much damage in the
camp, whereas the pieces of the battery had no considerable effect,
having but a short supply of powder and ammunition. Consequently what
Gallinato and his men had heard, when they joined the Portuguese fleet,
of the scant supply and outfit which Andrea Furtado had brought for so
great an enterprise, was seen and experienced very quickly. That they
might not all be killed, Andrea Furtado, having asked the opinion of
all the officers of his camp and fleet, withdrew his pieces and camp
to the port of Talangame. He embarked his men on his galleons and
returned to the forts and islands of Amboino and Vanda, where he had
first been, taking for the support of the fleet the supplies brought
him by Gallinato, to whom he gave permission to return to Manila,
with the Castilians. The latter did so, in company with Ruy Gonçales
de Sequeira, until recently chief captain of the fort of Tidore, who,
with his household and merchandise, left that fortress in another ship,
and they reached Manila at the beginning of the month of July of this
year six hundred and three, bearing the following letter from Andrea
Furtado de Mendoça to Governor Don Pedro de Acuña.

 * * * * *

A letter which General Andrea Furtado de Mendoça wrote to Don Pedro
de Acuña from Terrenate on the twenty-fifth of March of the year one
thousand six hundred and three.

There are no misfortunes in the world, however great they may be,
from which some good may not be gained. Of all those through which
I have passed in this undertaking, and they have been infinite, the
result has been that I have learned the zeal and courage which your
Lordship shows in the service of his Majesty, on account of which I
envy your Lordship and hold you as master, affirming that the thing
which I would like most in this life would be for your Lordship to hold
the same opinion of me, and, as one that is very particularly your own,
that your Lordship should command me in what is for your service.

The help sent me by your Lordship came in time, by the favor of God,
and was what gave this fleet to his Majesty and our lives to all of
us alive today. By what happened in this expedition, his Majesty will
understand how much he owes to your Lordship and how little to the
captain of Malaca, for the latter was partly the cause that the service
of his Majesty was not accomplished. When the ship sent me by your
Lordship arrived, this fleet was without any supplies because it had
been two years since it had left Goa, and they had all been consumed
and spent on the occasions which had presented themselves. Admitting
this in order that it may not be imagined that it was on my account
that the service of his Majesty was not carried out, I went on shore,
which I gained, inflicting great losses on the enemy, and I placed
my last trenches a hundred paces from the enemy's fortification. I
landed five heavy pieces for battering, and in ten days of bombarding,
knocked to pieces a large part of a bastion where all the enemy's
force was concentrated. In these days all the powder in the fleet
was spent, without a grain being left with which its artillery could
be loaded even once, and if I should happen to run across a Dutch
squadron, of which I have little doubt, I should be forced to fight
with them. This was the principal cause for which I raised the siege,
when I had the enemy in great distress through hunger and also through
having killed many of his captains and other men in the course of the
fighting. From this your Lordship may judge of the state of suffering
and grief in which I must be. God be praised for everything, since
it is His will, and may He permit that His greatest enemies in these
regions may become the vassals of his Majesty.

I am leaving for Amboino to see if I can get help there, and if I
find sufficient, and if there is not elsewhere in the south anything
in such urgent need that I must attend to it, I am going to return to
this undertaking, and I will inform your Lordship of it at length. If
I do not find there the help which I expect, I shall go to Malaca to
refit, and from whatever place I am in, I shall always inform your
Lordship. I am writing to his Majesty, giving him a long account of the
affairs of this enterprise, and stating that it cannot be accomplished
or preserved in the future, unless it is done by the order of your
Lordship, and helped and increased by that government, since India is
so far that it could not receive help from there within two years. In
conformity with this, your Lordship should inform his Majesty, that
he may be undeceived in this regard about Maluco, and I trust to God
that I may be one of your Highness's soldiers.

I do not know with what words I can praise or thank your Lordship for
the kind things which you have done for me. These were made plain
to me by Antonio de Brito Fogaça, as well as by Tomas de Araux, my
servant. These are things which can not be rewarded or paid except by
risking life, honor, and property on every occasion which offers itself
in your service. If such an occasion should be presented to me, it will
be seen that I am not ungrateful for the favors which I have received;
the greatest of which, and the one which I esteem most highly, was
that, with this help, your Lordship sent me Joan Xuarez Gallinato,
Don Tomas de Acuña, and the other captains and soldiers. If I were to
mention to your Lordship the deserts of each and every one of these,
I should never end.

Joan Xuarez Gallinato is a person whom your Lordship should
esteem highly on every occasion, because he deserves it all. In
this expedition and enterprise he conducted himself with so great
satisfaction, courage, and prudence, that it is very clear that
he was sent by your Lordship and had fought under the banners of
so distinguished captains. Consequently, I shall be glad to know
that your Lordship has shown him many kindnesses, on account of his
services to his Majesty in these regions, and on my own account. The
thing which pleased me most in this undertaking, and which is worthy
of being remembered, is that, contrary to the proverb of the old
Portuguese women, in the course of this war there was not one harsh
word between the Spaniards and Portuguese, though they ate together at
one mess. But your Lordship may attribute this to your good fortune,
and to the intelligence and experience of Joan Xuarez Gallinato.

Don Tomas conducted himself in this war, not like a gentleman of
his age, but like an old soldier, full of experience. Your Lordship
should greatly esteem this relative, for I trust that your Lordship
may be a second father to him.

The sargento-mayor conducted himself in this war like an excellent
soldier, and he is a man whom your Lordship should regard favorably,
for I give my word that the Manilas do not contain a better soldier
than he, and I shall be greatly pleased if your Lordship honor him
and show him very particular favors on my account. Captain Villagra
fulfilled his duty well and Don Luys did the same. In short all the
soldiers, to a man, great and small, did likewise in this enterprise,
so that for this reason I am under so great obligations to them that,
if I were now before his Majesty, I would not leave his feet till I
had heaped them all with honors and favors since they also deserve
them. So for this reason I shall always be particularly glad if
your Lordship confers honors and favors on them all in general. May
our Lord preserve your Lordship for many years, as I, your servant,
desire. From the port of Talangame, in the island of Terrenate, on the
twenty-fifth of March, of the year one thousand six hundred and three.

ANDREA FURTADO DE MENDOÇA

(To be concluded)



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA

Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, by Dr. Antonio de Morga.--The
translation is made from the Harvard original. In conjunction with it
have been used the following editions: The Zaragoza reprint (Madrid,
1887) a unique copy (No. 2658, Catálogo de la librería de P. Vindel)
owned by Edward E. Ayer, of Chicago; the Rizal reprint (Paris, 1890);
and Lord Stanley's translation (London, Hakluyt Society edition, 1868).


APPENDIX A: EXPEDITION OF THOMAS CANDISH

Thomas Candish or Cavendish, was a native of "Trimley in the country
of Suffolke." His fleet, consisting of three vessels, "The Desire,"
of 120 tons, "The Content," of 60 tons, and "Hugh Gallant," of 40 tons,
left Plymouth July 21, 1586, with one hundred and twenty-three men in
all, and provisions for two years. Steering a general southwest course
they reached the Strait of Magellan January 6, 1587. In the strait they
found the melancholy remains of a Spanish colony started three years
before--Twenty-three people out of the four hundred settlers, two of
whom were women. One named Hernando they took with them. This place
the Englishmen appropriately named Port Famine. Shortly after leaving
the strait they found at an Indian settlement, under the Spanish,
some "guinie wheat, which is called Maiz." The first capture was
May 1--a boat of three hundred tons from Guaianel laden with timber
and food. Prizes after that were thick and fast, and the vessels
were generally burned after being despoiled of valuables. On July 9,
near the coast of New Spain, a ship of one hundred and twenty tons was
taken, from one of the crew of which, Michael Sancius from Marseilles,
they first heard of "the great shippe called The Santa Anna, vvhich
vve aftervvard tooke comming from the Philippinas." After coasting
along New Spain and California committing various depredations,
among them the defacing of the Spanish churches, and various other
piratical deeds, they met on the fourth of November with the "Santa
Ana." They pursued it for three or four hours and finally overtaking
fought with and captured it. The fight is described as follows:

"In the afternoone we gat vp vnto them, giuing them the broad side
with our great ordnance, and a volee of small shot, and presently
laid the ship aboord, whereof the King of Spaine was owner, which was
Admirall of the South-sea, called the S. Anna, and thought to be seuen
hundred tvnnes in burthen. Now as we were readie on their ships side
to enter her, beeing not past fiftie or sixty men at the vttermost
in our ship, we perceived that the Captain of the said ship had made
fights fore and after, and laid their sailes close on their poope,
their mid-ship, with their fore-castle, and hauing not one man to
be seene, stood close vnder their fights, with Lances, Iauelings,
Rapiers and Targets, and an innumerable sort of great stones, which
they threw ouer boord vpon our heads, and into our ship so fast,
and beeing so many of them, that they put vs off the shippe againe,
with the losse of two of our men which were slaine, and with the
hurting of foure or fiue. But for all this we new trimmed our sailes,
and fitted euery man his furniture, and gaue them a fresh incounter
with our great Ordnance, and also with our small shot, raking them
thorough and thorough, to the killing and maiming of many of their
men. Their Captaine still like a valiant man with his companie, stood
very stoutly vnto his close fights, not yeelding as yet. Our General
incouraging his men afresh with the whole noyse of trumpets, gaue them
the third encounter with our great Ordnance, and all our small shot to
the great discomforting of our enemies, raking them through in diuerse
places, killing and spoyling many. They beeing thus discomforted,
and their shippe beeing in hazard of sinking by reason of the great
shot which were made, whereof some were vnder water, within fiue or
sixe houres fight, set out a flagge of truce, and parled for mercie,
desiring our Generall to saue their liues, and to take their goods,
and that they would presently yeeld. Our Generall promised them
mercy, and willed them to strike their sayles, and to hoyse out their
boat, & to come aboord: which newes they were full glad to heare,
and presently stroke their sailes, hoysed their boat out, and one of
their chiefe marchants came aboord vnto our Generall: and falling downe
vpon his knees, offered to haue kissed his feete, and craued mercie:
the Captaine and their Pilote, at their comming vsed the like duetie
and reuerence as the former did. The Generall promised their liues and
good vsage. They declared what goods they had within boord, to wit,
an hundreth and two and twenty thousand pezos of gold: and the rest
of the riches that the ship was laden with, was in Silkes, Sattens,
Damasks, with Muske and diuers other marchandize, and great store
of all manner of victualls, with the choice of many conserues of all
sorts for to eate, and of sundry sorts of very good wines. These things
beeing made knowne, they were commanded to stay aboord the Desire,
and on the sixt day of Nouember following, we went into an harbour,
which is called by the Spaniards, Aguada Segura, or Puerto Seguro."

During the division of the booty, a mutiny broke out, especially in
the ship "Content," but was quelled. The Spaniards, to the number
of one hundred and ninety men and women, were set ashore. Ammunition
and arms were left them, and the English departed: taking with them
however from the Spanish boat two clever young Japanese, three boys
born in Manila, a Portuguese, and one Thomas de Ersola, a pilot from
Acapulco. The "Santa Ana" was burned on the nineteenth of November,
and the English turned toward home. That same night the "Content"
vanished and was seen no more. January 3, 1588, the Ladrones were
reached. They had the experiences with the natives that are so often
described by the Spaniards, iron being the usual article bartered
by the English. The natives are described as "of a tawny colour, and
maruellous fat, and bigger ordinarily of stature then the most part of
our men in England, wearing their haire maruellous long: yet some of
them haue it made vp, and tyed with a knot on the Crowne and some with
two knots, much like vnto their Images which we faw carued in wood,
and standing in the head of their boats, like vnto the Images of the
deuill." January 14, they reached the Philippines at Cabo del Santo
Espiritu, "which is of very great bignesse and length .... and it is
short of the chiefest Island of the Philippinas called Manilla, about
sixtie leagues. Manilla is vvel planted and inhabited with Spaniards,
to the number of sixe or seuen hundred persons: vvhich dvvell in
a tovvne vnvvalled, which hath three or foure Blocke-houses, part
made of vvood, and part of stone, being indeed of no great strength:
they haue one or tvvo small Gallies belonging to the Tovvne. It is
a very rich place of Gold, and many other commodities; and they haue
yeerely traffique from Alcapulco in Nueva Espanna, and also twenty or
thirtie shippes from China, and from the Sanguelos, which bring them
many sorts of marchandize. They bring great store of gold vvith them,
vvhich they traffique and exchange for siluer, and give vveight for
vveight. These Sanguelos are men of maruellous capacity, in deuising
and making all manner of things, especially in all handiecrafts
and sciences: and euery one is so expert, perfect, and skilfull in
his facultie, as fevv or no Christians are able to go beyond them
in that vvhich they take in hand. For drawing and imbroidering vpon
Satten, Silke, or Lavvne, either beast, fovvle, fish, or vvorme, for
liuelinesse and perfectnesse, both in Silke, Siluer, Gold, and Pearle,
they excell. Also the fourteenth day at night we entred the Straits
between the Island of Luçon, and the Island of Camlaia." The natives
imagining them Spaniards willingly traded their food with them. At
an anchorage Thomas Ersola, the Spanish pilot, was hanged for trying
to inform the Spanish of the English. The following on the customs
of the inhabitants as seen at the island of Capul is interesting,
and accords, with slight differences, with the Spanish records:

"We roade for the space of nine dayes, about this Island of Capul,
where we had diuerse kinds of fresh victualls, with excellent fresh
water in euery bay, and great store of wood. The people of this
Island go almost all naked, and are tawny of colour. The men weare
onely a stroope about their wastes, of some kind of linnen of their
owne weauing, which is made of Plantan-leaues, and another stroope
comming from their backe vnder their twistes, Which couereth their
priuy parts, and is made fast to their girdles at their nauels;
which is this. Euery man and manchild among them, hath a nayle of
Tynne thrust quite through the head of his priuie part, being split
in the lower ende, and riuetted, and on the head of the nayle is as
it were a Crowne: which is driuen through their priuities when they
be yong, and the place groweth vp ag tine [sic], without any great
paine to the child: and they take this nayle out and in as occasion
serueth; and for the truth thereof, we our selues haue taken one of
these nayles from a Sonne of one of the Kings, which was of the age
of tenne yeeres, who did weare the same in his priuy member. This
custome was granted at the request of the women of the Country,
who finding their men to be giuen to the fovvle sinne of Sodomie,
desired fome remedie against that mischiefe, and obtained this before
named of the Magistrates. Moreouer all the males are circumcised,
hauing the fore skinne of their flesh cut avvay. These people vvholly
vvorshippe the Deuill, and oftentimes haue conference vvith him,
vvhich appeareth vnto them in moft vgly and monstrous shape."

In this island Candish, or Cavendish, announced their nationality
to the natives--whom he had made pay tribute in "Hogges, Hennes,
Potatoes, and Cocos"--and their hostility to the Spaniards. The
natives promised "both themselues and all the Islands thereabout,
to ayde him, whensoeuer hee should come againe to ouercome the
Spaniards." Their tribute money was returned to them in token of
the Englishmen's hostility to the Spaniards. January 24 the English
coasted along Luzón, and ran northwest between that island and Masbat.

"The eight and twentieth day, in the morning about seuen of the clocke,
riding at an anchor betwixt two Islands, wee espyed a Frigat vnder
her two Coarses, comming out betweene two other Islands, which (as wee
imagined) came from Manilla, sayling close aboord the shore, along the
maine Island of Panama. Here wee rode at anchor all that night, and
perceiued that certaine Spaniards (which came from Manilla to Ragaun,
to fetch a new shippe of the Kings, there builded) had disperfed their
Band into two or three parts, and kept great Watch in seuerall steedes,
with Fires, and shooting off their Pieces. This Island hath much plaine
Ground in it, in many places, and many faire and straight Trees doe
grow vpon it, fit for to make excellent good Masts for all sorts of
shippes. There are also Mynes of very fine Gold in it, which are in the
custodie of the Indians. And to the South-ward of this place, there
is another very great Island, which is not subdued by the Spaniards,
nor any other Nation. The people which inhabit it, are all Negros,
and the Island is called the Island of Negros; and is almost as bigge
as England, standing in nine degrees: The most part of it seemeth to
be very lowe Land, and by all likelyhood is very fruitfull.

"The nine and twentieth day of January, about six of the clocke in the
morning wee set sayle, sending our Boat before, vntill it was two of
the clocke in the afternoone, passing all this time as it were through
a Strait, betwixt the laid two Islands of Panama, and the Island of
Negros; and about sixteene Leagues off, wee espyed a faire opening,
trending South-west and by South: at which time our Boat came aboord,
and our Generall sent commendations to the Spanish Captaine, which
wee came from the Euening before, by a Spaniard which wee had taken,
and willed him to provide a good store of Gold; for hee meant for to
see him with his company at Manilla within few yeeres; and that hee
did but want a bigger Boat to haue landed his men; or else hee would
haue seene him then; and so caused him to be let on shore."

Thence the expedition passed through the Moluccas. At one of the
islands where they reprovisioned two Portuguese came to inquire of
"Don Antonio their King, then in England." These Portuguese declared
"that if their King Don Antonio, would come vnto them, they would
warrant him to haue all the Malucos at commandment, besides China,
Sangles, and the Isles of the Philippinas, and that he might be assured
to have all the Indians on his side that are in the countrey." The
sixteenth of May the Cape of Good Hope was sighted. August 23,
the Azores Islands hove in sight, and on September 9, they put into
Plymouth. A letter from the commander contains the following:

"The matter of most profit vnto me, was a great ship of the Kings
vvhich I tooke at California, vvhich ship came from the Philippinas,
beeing one of the richest of merchandize that euer passed those
Seas, as the Kings Register and marchants accounts did shew: for
it did amount in value to * in Mexico to be sold. Which goods (for
that my Ships vvere not able to containe the least part of them)
I vvas inforced to set on fire. From the Cape of California, being
the vthermost part of all Nueua Espanna, I nauigated to the Islands
of the Philippinas, hard vpon the Coast of China; of which Countrey
I haue brought such intelligence as hath not been heard of in these
parts. The statlinesse and riches of vvhich Countrey I feare to make
report of, least I should not be credited: for if I had not knovvn
sufficiently the incomparable vvealth of that Countrey, I should
haue beene as incredulous thereof, as others vvill be rhat [sic]
haue not had the like experience." [166]


APPENDIX B: EARLY YEARS OF THE DUTCH IN THE EAST INDIES

The voyages of the Dutch into the East Indies had important results for
both Spain and Portugal. While they concerned themselves principally
with Java and the islands of the Moluccas, they made incursions among
the Philippines, where they were a constant menace for many years. The
first two expeditions--that of Houtman, June 11, 1596-August 14,
1597; and that of van Neck and van Warwyck, May 1, 1598-May 30,
1600--did little but establish the custom and make beginnings in
the East India trade. The first was concerned mainly with Java, but
the second entered (with four of its eight vessels) the Moluccas,
and brought back a load of cloves. These two expeditions also marked
the beginning of troubles with the Portuguese and natives. They were
both by way of the Cape of Good Hope.

VOYAGE OF OLIVER VAN NOORDT

The first voyage of great importance was that of Oliver van
Noordt. In 1598 a commercial company contracted with him to conduct
five vessels through the Strait of Magellan for traffic on South
American coasts. This fleet sailed on September 13, 1598, going
first to Plymouth, England, where an English pilot, who had been with
Candish on his expedition, was engaged. After various fortunes along
the eastern South American coasts, during which about one hundred
men were lost, the fleet entered the Strait of Magellan November 5,
1599. Contentions between van Noordt and his vice-admiral resulted
in the latter's being marooned, and the elevation to his place of
Captain Pierre de Lint, while Lambert Biesman was made captain of
the "Concordia." The vice-admiral and his ship were lost on March 14,
1600, which with other losses, reduced the fleet to but two vessels. On
debouching from the strait the fleet cruised along the Chilean coast,
alternately trading and committing depredations, and seizing prizes,
and finally determined to go to the Philippines by way of the
Ladrones. On September 15, the latter islands were sighted. There
they met the same experience as the Spaniards from the thievishness
of the natives. "These people, both men and women, seem amphibious,
and to be able to live on water as well as on the land, so well do
they swim and dive. Five pieces of iron were thrown into the sea to
them for the pleasure of seeing them exercise themselves. One of them
was skilful enough to get all five of them, and in so short a time
that one can regard it as marvelous.... Their canoes are so well
made ... and are fifteen or twenty feet long. They are quite roomy
and good sailers. They do not turn about to tack, but place the helm
in what was the bow, and leave the sail, which is made of reed mats
and resembles a mizzen-sail, in its same position without changing
it." Thence the route to the Philippines was continued. "They are
called also the Manillas, from the name of the chief port, and the
city built by the Spaniards.

"Some call them the islands of Luçon, because their chief
island is so named. It is said to be quite one hundred leagues in
circumference. There is located the city of Manille or Manilhe, the
capital of all these islands. They were formerly part of the crown
of China, which abandoned them for some slight pretext. After that
their laws and civilization were so poorly observed that they seemed
deadened when the Spaniards landed there. In fact, the inhabitants
there lived like beasts. Each one enslaved his neighbor, if he could,
and their chief occupation was mutual oppression.

"Such a nature gave the Spaniards great facility in subduing them,
which was rendered greater, since these people were simple and very
stupid. As soon as one mentioned baptism to them, they ran to get it
in droves, and became Christians to the extent desired. However the
Ilocos and others, too, who are called Pintados did not cease to give
trouble to their new masters.

"All these islands are densely populated and produce abundance of rice
and wine made from nypa. Deer, buffaloes, bulls, cows, swine, goats,
and other live-stock are found, although formerly they had none. But
now the care exercised by the Spaniards has made them so abundant,
that they yield in no way to Nouvelle Espagne.

"There are also many civet-cats, and all sorts of fruit as in
China. They yield considerable quantities of honey and wax. They
even have gold, but although the islanders pay their tribute to the
Spaniards in gold, the latter have not as yet--that is in the year
1600--been able to ascertain where they get it, notwithstanding their
efforts. They are commencing to sow wheat there. Flour was formerly
brought from Japon. The islands also supplied quantities of ebony
and bamboo.

"The Chinese engage extensively in trade there. They take all kinds
of merchandise there from China, namely, silks, cottons, china-ware,
gunpowder, sulphur, iron, steel, quicksilver, copper, flour, walnuts,
chestnuts, biscuits, dates, all sorts of stuffs, writing-desks,
and other curiosities.

"The Spaniards load all this merchandise in Manila and export it
to Nouvelle Espagne, whence more than one and one-half millions of
silver in money and in bars is taken annually to the Philippines. This
silver is exchanged for gold, giving four livres of silver for one
of gold. But this traffic is not extensive, since there is enough
gold in Pérou and Chili. They prefer to traffic with the Chinese,
for their returns reach one thousand per cent.

"The city of Manille is located in fourteen degrees of north
latitude. There is situated the residence of the Spanish governor,
who rules all the islands. The archbishop also lives there. He has
supreme authority in the ecclesiastical affairs of all the same
islands, where there are also three bishops suffragan to himself."

On October 14, 1600, the Dutch sighted the cape of Espiritu
Santo, whence they steered toward Manila. On the sixteenth
their first encounter with the Spanish in the islands occurred,
but the Dutch reassured the latter by flying a Spanish pennant,
and declaring themselves to be French commissioned by the Spanish
monarch. Consequently they were allowed to buy provisions freely,
in return for which the natives demanded money.

"The majority of these Indians were naked. Some wore a cloth
garment, while some were even clad like Spaniards. The chiefs, who
belong to the former race of commanders of the country, and who yet
remember that fact, have their skin cut or pricked very skilfully
and singularly. These cuts or pricks have been made with iron and
never fade.

"Besides this is a wretched race, who have no weapons, so that the
Spaniards tyrannize over them at will. They make them pay a tribute
of three reals [sic], that is, a trifle less than three Dutch florins,
per head, all men or women above twenty years.

"There are very few Spaniards in each district. They have a priest,
whom the inhabitants of the place revere greatly, so much so that
only lack of priests prevents them from holding all these islands
in servitude; for even in places where there are neither priests nor
Spaniards they have made the people pay tribute."

The Spaniards at last became suspicious of the strangers and
demanded to see their commission, upon which the one given by the
prince of Orange was produced, whereat great consternation reigned,
and the Dutch were forbidden more provisions. The latter continuing
their course entered the Manila strait on October 24, anchoring near
Capul. On landing near here, one of the crew, Jean Caleway [i.e., John
Calleway], an Englishman, and a musician, was somehow left behind,
and it was conjectured that the natives had seized him. November 1,
the vessels left Capul for Manila, sailing among the various islands,
and committing some depredations on Spanish, native, and Chinese
vessels. From a Chinese pilot, van Noordt gained certain information
concerning Manila.

"The houses of the city of Manila are built close together. The city is
surrounded by a rampart supported by a wall. More than fifteen thousand
Chinese live outside its walls. They engage in their business together,
and are given to various industries. In addition more than four hundred
vessels go there annually from China, from the city and province of
Chincheo, laden with silks and all sorts of merchandise. They take back
silver money in return. They come at a certain fixed time, namely,
after the month of December or between Christmas and Easter. At the
beginning of this present month of November ... two Japanese vessels
also generally sail to Manila, laden with iron, flour, bacon, and
other food....

"The walls of the city of Manila and the houses are built of stone, in
the modern fashion. It is so large and extensive that the Spaniards
have had a second wall built inside the city of less size than
the first, within which to retire in case of need.... It was made
especially in consideration of the Japanese, of whom the Spaniards
are very suspicious.

"The governor of all the islands, who resembles a viceroy, lives in
Manille, as does also the archbishop. Besides the cathedral there are
several other beautiful churches. All the inhabitants of these islands
are either Christians or pagans. As for the Moros or Mahometans,
they have all been exterminated."

The Dutch continued their depredations, and sent a letter by an
Indian to the governor, notifying him that they were going to visit
him. Biesman was sent on a scouting expedition, from which he finally
returned, after having been considered lost by some of the Dutch.

"The island of Manille, called Luçon by its inhabitants, is larger
than England and Scotland together. [167] There are other various
islands about it, also very large."

From a Japanese vessel some provisions were obtained, and the vessel
was allowed to continue its course to Manila. The depredations of
the Dutch were called to a sudden halt by the two Spanish vessels
sent out under Dr. Morga on the fourteenth of December, 1600, when
ensued the fight described in Morga. [168] Van Noordt inspired his
men with new courage by threatening to blow up the vessel unless they
fought more bravely. The Dutch found "a little silver box containing
little tickets filled with prayers and devotions to various saints,
to obtain their protection in times of peril," on the dead body of a
Spaniard. "The two Spanish vessels had about five hundred men, both
Spaniards and Indians, and ten pieces of cannon." The Dutch flagship
finally returned to Holland by way of Borneo, and Cape of Good Hope,
reaching Rotterdam August 26, 1601. [169]

 * * * * *

Etienne van der Hagen's expedition (April 6, 1599--July 12, 1601)
reached the island of Amboina, where they besieged the Portuguese
fort there for two months, but were unable to take it. They made an
alliance with the natives before leaving against the Portuguese. The
Dutch fleet consisted of three vessels, and was sent out by the Dutch
East India Company for trading purposes.

The first expedition of Paul van Caerden (the Blancardo of the Spanish
accounts) occupied December 21, 1599--October 11, 1601, and was sent
out by the Nouvelle Compagnie des Brabançons. The fleet--four vessels
in all--left Holland in charge of Admiral Pierre Both. In their
company sailed four vessels of the old company, but they separated
almost immediately. They all went by way of the Cape of Good Hope. At
Bantam in Java two vessels of the four were sent, under command of van
Caerden, to trade for pepper. The two ships coasted the shore of the
island of Sumatra, stopping at various places, without much success,
on account of the tricks of the natives in their trade, until they
reached Achem in the northern part of the island. There they had
trouble with the natives which was instigated by a Portuguese priest,
and after seizing some pepper, which act they justified, returned
to Bantam in Java, where their cargo was completed. Van Caerden lost
twenty-seven men on this voyage, but brought back ten others who had
been held prisoners at Achem.

The second voyage of van Neck, or Nek (June 28, 1600--July 15, 1604),
followed, as the preceding expedition, the African route to Bantam,
where it met two Dutch vessels of the new trading company. The fleet of
six vessels had separated by common consent, October 10, 1600, in order
to facilitate their trade. Van Neck in the vessels with him, skirted
Celebes, and went to Ternate, where he was cordially received by the
natives. There the usual troubles with the Portuguese began, which
ended in an indecisive naval battle. Shortly after, the Dutch left for
China, leaving six men to watch their interests among the natives. "On
the nineteenth [of August] they anchored near the island of Coyo,
one of the Philippines. There they sent a small boat ashore. Its crew
learned that the inhabitants were savages, who paid tribute to the
Spaniards. On the twenty-second they anchored near another large island
of the Philippines, whose name cannot be found on the maps. It was
called Langhairs-eiland, or Longhair Island, because its inhabitants
wore their hair long, and hanging below the shoulders." September 20
they reached the Chinese coast, and on the twenty-seventh sighted "a
large city, built almost like Spanish cities," which they found to be
Macao. There unfortunate encounters with the Portuguese lost the Dutch
some men; and failing in their efforts there, they went to Patane,
where they traded some pepper. Thence the return voyage to Holland by
way of the Cape of Good Hope was made. The other three vessels of his
fleet arrived six weeks later. As consorts to van Neck's six vessels
two other vessels had left Holland on the same date, also sent by
the new trading company. After several mutinies they reached Sumatra,
whence after troubles with the king of Achem, the two vessels left,
leaving twelve of their men prisoners. The efforts of the latter to
escape were fruitless and even the efforts (in 1602) of one of the
vessels of Admiral Heemskerk, commander of a Dutch trading fleet,
were unable to rescue the prisoners.

April 5, 1601, a Dutch fleet of five vessels, under Wolphart Harmansan,
set out with another fleet under Jaques van Heemskerk. On May 8, the
two fleets separated, the former reaching the Bantam channel December
26, 1601. Several naval encounters with the Portuguese fleet under
Andrea Furtado de Mendoza resulted in partial victory for the Dutch,
who, after refitting at Bantam, took their course through the Moluccas,
and then returned to Bantam and Holland, reaching that country,
April 4, 1603.

Georges Spilberg left Holland May 5, 1601, with three vessels. Rounding
the cape, he cruised along until reaching Ceylon, whence he went
to Sumatra in September of 1602. At Sumatra he joined some English
vessels, and all remained together, and opposed the Portuguese. April
3, 1603, the Dutch and English left Sumatra and went to Java. At Bantam
they were joined by Admiral Wybrant Waarwyk with nine vessels. On June
30, Admiral Heemskerk anchored at the same place with a Portuguese
prize. After effecting their trade, the vessels returned to Holland,
and Spilberg reached that country May 24, 1604.

Corneille de Veen, in command of nine vessels, sailed from Holland
June 17, 1602, and was joined at sea by three others. April 15, 1603,
Sumatra was sighted, and the fleet anchored at Bantam in Java on the
twenty-ninth. Thence part of the fleet sailed for China. The fleet
captured near Macao a Portuguese vessel richly laden. They also
fought with a Siamese vessel, mistaking it for an enemy. Leaving
Bantam finally on their homeward trip, on January 27, 1604, they
reached Holland the thirtieth of August.

The expedition under Wybrandt van Waarwyk marked a new progression
in Dutch trading in Eastern seas. His expedition established
Bantam in Java more fully as the chief Dutch trading-post and
base of supplies. The number of vessels at his command (fifteen)
enabled him to despatch them in different directions to pursue their
trade. The hostility to, and competition with, the Portuguese became
more marked, and the entrance into India (through Ceylon), Siam,
and China, more pronounced. This expedition left Holland July 17,
1602, being joined on the nineteenth by other vessels. Near the
Cape of Good Hope three vessels separated with orders to proceed
directly to Achem in Sumatra. At that place they met three vessels,
which had left Holland May 30, 1602, and whose commander Sebald de
Weert received commission from Waarwyk as vice-admiral of the six
vessels. After negotiations at Achem, the six vessels established
relations and promised assistance against the Portuguese, in Ceylon,
but they almost ended by the massacre of the vice-admiral and a number
of his men. Engagements with the Portuguese through these seas,
and more or less successful attempts at trading and establishing
themselves marked the progress of these vessels, until the return of
three of them to Holland in the latter part of 1604. The main body of
the fleet had experiences about similar to the above vessels, singly
and in company, cruising through the East Indian seas, trading for
pepper, cinnamon, silks, and other products. The Moluccas and the
Philippines were generally given a wide berth, the Dutch seeking to
establish themselves fully on portions of the mainland and in Sumatra
and Java. François Wittert, who was later commander of a fleet, was
made chief commissary at Bantam and given detailed instructions. The
admiral finally reached Holland June 4, 1607, with several vessels.

The expedition in charge of Etienne van der Hagen (or Haagen), that
set out from Holland late in 1603 and early in 1604, had also decisive
results that more completely established the Dutch power in the East
Indies. This expedition was destined to come more intimately in contact
with the Portuguese and Spaniards than any former expedition. From
this time and even before, the Dutch expeditions overlapped, and
Dutch vessels in the Eastern seas were by no means rare. This fleet
(the second voyage of van der Hagen) comprised twelve vessels and
twelve hundred men. Its course was by way of Goa, Calicut, Cochin,
and Ceylon, to Sumatra and Java, reaching the post at Bantam December
31, 1604. There, shortly after, some English vessels were met. On
January 17, 1605, the principal vessels of the fleet left for the
Moluccas. February 21, they anchored at Amboina, where they were about
to storm the Portuguese fort, when the commander capitulated. "After
several conferences between the Portuguese commander's deputies
and the admiral, it was resolved that all the unmarried Portuguese
should retire, and that those married could be free to remain, if
they took the oath of allegiance to the States-general and to Prince
Maurice. Each one was allowed to take his gun or musket, but all
the cannon, ammunition, and arms of the king were to remain in the
fort." The admiral and fifty men went to the captured fort, where
they ran up the Dutch colors. The fort and island had contained six
hundred Portuguese. Forty-six Portuguese families remained and took
the oath. "This victory was considerable, not only because of its
slight cost, no blood having been shed, but because this place and
this island were of great importance." Thence five Dutch vessels went
to Tidore, where the Portuguese lost two vessels in a sea fight. Then
the Portuguese fort was attacked, which was taken May 19, 1605, with
a loss of two Dutchmen and seventy-three Portuguese. The Portuguese,
five hundred in number, took the boats offered them and set out for
the Philippines. "By this last victory, the Portuguese were driven
from all the Moluccas, and had nothing more there, except a small
fort in the island of Soler, near Timer." The conquered fort was
destroyed. Meanwhile other vessels of the fleet cruised about Sumatra,
Java, Malacca, and neighboring places, trading and seeking to check
the Portuguese. Shortly after June of 1607, the Spaniards, two hundred
and fifty in number, attacked one of the Dutch and Ternatan forts,
but were repulsed. On the desertion of the Tidore fort by the Dutch,
seven hundred Spaniards returned to it. Thus the Dutch continued to
strengthen their hold throughout the Indies.

The expedition under command of Admiral Corneille Matelief (1605-1608)
was remarkable chiefly for its siege of Malacca, and later its
manipulations in the Moluccas and in China. The fleet was composed of
eleven vessels and one thousand three hundred and fifty-seven men,
and cost 1,952,282 livres. Great trouble was experienced by the
admiral in the intoxication and excesses of his men, which led to
insubordination, during the entire course of the expedition. Also in
all parts he met a great unwillingness among the natives for work and
the coming to definite conclusions, the latter exercising duplicity
and at times treachery in their dealings with the Dutch. On March
22, 1606, the fleet sighted Sumatra, after hearing of the successes
in Amboina and Tidore. Going to the mainland they made agreements
or treaties with the king of Johore, clause ten of which reads:
"Neither of the two parties shall make peace with the king of Spain,
without the consent of the other." The succeeding siege of Malacca
resulted in failure, and on August 24, 1606, the Dutch retired after
losing two of their ships. The Portuguese were in charge of Andrea
Furtado de Mendoza. On the return of the Dutch to Sumatra and Java,
they met the great Portuguese fleet consisting of eighteen galleons,
four galleys, one caravel, and twenty-three fustas, with over three
thousand men--the largest fleet ever seen in the Indias--and in
the combat captured and destroyed four galleons, although with
some considerable loss to themselves. The Portuguese prisoners
taken formed lengthy material for debates between the Portuguese
and Dutch. On December 6, 1606, the admiral determined to go to the
Moluccas with six vessels, and to send the others to Achem to load
cargo for Holland. Reaching those islands after anchoring at Bantam,
the Dutch negotiated with the natives for their aid against the
Spaniards garrisoned in Ternate and Tidore. At Amboina, the admiral
"learned that the soldiers of the garrison were living there in great
debauchery, and that they became intoxicated, and nearly every man had
his concubine. On that account the inhabitants were greatly shocked
and were losing all their affection for the Dutch. They said that the
Portuguese married women among them, by which the two nations were
united. But since there were no marriages with the Dutch, the two races
could not be bound by affection." Besides the natives wished settlers
and not new men continually, whom they did not know. In consequence
the Dutch were permitted to marry the native women. Skirmishes with
the Spaniards resulted in little gain for the Dutch, and finally the
fleet sailed for China, after passing among a few of the Philippines,
where they entered into various relations and had various adventures,
trying ever to establish a fixed trade. Thence the vessels went in
different directions and on different missions toward the Dutch base
at Bantam. At Bantam Admiral Paul van Caerden anchored on January 5,
1608, to whom Matelief communicated the necessity of first attending
to Molucca affairs, giving him also information and advice concerning
those islands and the Dutch and Spaniards there. Shortly after Admiral
Matelief returned to Holland, where he anchored on September 2,
1608. Admiral Matelief drew up while on this expedition a good résumé
of Dutch aspirations in the East Indies that shows the compelling
motive in their expeditions thither. This memorial is as follows.

 * * * * *

Memoir by Admiral C. Matelief, on the subject of the condition and
the commerce of the Indies

When I consider the condition of our country, and the wars that afflict
it, on the part of an enemy so powerful as Albert of Austria, who
is sustained by the house of Austria, and by his own house of Spain,
it seems to me that one cannot be more assured of the prosperity of
affairs in the Indias, than by leaving them solely in the hands of
the directors [of the trading company].

The Spaniards and the Portuguese are our adversaries. More than a
century ago they began to establish themselves there. They have gained
an entrance into several countries, where they have fortresses, many
men, and an established government. Consequently they are enabled to
attend to their business with greater certainty and by more convenient
methods than we, for we have to bring men from Holland, who become
weakened by the fatigues of the voyage, while the subjects of the
Portuguese, who live in the country, are fresh and full of health.

For, although the Portuguese have an insufficient number of men in
the Indias, to attend to all matters that arise, and at the same
time defend themselves against our nation, they can send men there
much easier than we. Vessels from Portugal are obliged to go only as
far as Goa, where their men disembark and rest. Then they form their
fleets from them; and the other Spaniards who come from the Manilles
do the same.

If, then, we would also establish ourselves advantageously and solidly
in the Indias, we must necessarily have some station, where we may
be received and free, on our arrival from Holland. This would be the
means of great profits. Refreshments could be found there ready for the
crews and for the vessels. That would increase our reputation among the
Indian princes, who as yet have not dared repose entire confidence in
us. The natives are sufficiently convinced that the Dutch are a good
race, and more gentle and tractable than the Spaniards. "But," they
say, "what good does that do us? The Dutch come here in passing, and
only while on their journey. As soon as their vessels are laden, they
return. After that we are abandoned to the Spaniards and Portuguese,
against whom we are powerless to defend ourselves. They come to pounce
upon us, because we have traded with the Dutch, their enemies. On the
other hand, if we attach ourselves to the Spanish, they, at least,
protect us in our needs. On the contrary, although the Dutch should
come with forces sufficient to protect us, we fear nothing from
them; they do not treat us as enemies. Even though we trade with the
Portuguese, the Dutch allow us to live quietly, and we have only to
be careful of those who molest us. Consequently our best plan is to
favor the Portuguese, lest they annihilate us."

Such are the reflections of all the Indians. Besides the Portuguese do
their best to persuade them that we have no forces, that we are but
a rabble, who scarcely have fixed habitations in our own country,
and quite far from being able to make lasting settlements in the
Indias. As for them, they are established there with men who wish to
live there. Therefore it is necessary for us to seek means by which
to gain the Indians, and make them understand that we have forces,
and wish also to become established among them. If not, one must
recognize that our affairs will prosper ill.

The commerce of the Indias consists chiefly: 1. In pepper, which
is loaded at Bantam, Jahor, Patane, Queda, and Achin; 2. in cloves,
which are loaded at Amboina and the Moluccas; 3. in nutmeg and mace,
or the rind of the nutmeg, which are loaded at Banda; 4. in the
commerce of Cambaie; 5. in the commerce of the Coromandel coast;
6. in the commerce of both the Chinese and Japanese coasts.

If the commerce of each of these is not managed by one nation, whether
the Portuguese or others, it will happen that one will destroy the
other. It will cause the price of merchandise in the Indias to advance,
and a low price will be paid for them in Europe.

However, in regard to pepper, it is impossible for us to get the
commerce all to ourselves; for, besides the Portuguese, the English
have also undertaken the navigation to Bantam. They have their
trading-posts and houses, and are trading there peacefully, while we
are at war against the Portuguese. We defend Bantam and the English
together, while they enjoy there the profits that cost them neither
defenses, blood, nor any annoyance.

[The king of Bantam is too young to negotiate with, and too much
money would be spent uselessly. For the natives throughout the Indies
would not hesitate to violate any treaty in any peril or to their
own profit.]

Besides we are at peace with the English, and it would be unjust to
try to find means to exclude them from a commerce which they have
already commenced. But measures can easily be taken to prevent them
from entering into the commerce of other spices. In regard to pepper,
we would have to make it serve as a ballast. By this means we could
give it so cheaply that the other nations, finding scarcely any profit
in it longer, would be obliged to cease trading in it themselves,
without counting on our part our profits from the other merchandise.

For, according to my opinion, we could easily attract all the commerce
of nutmegs and mace. For this purpose, instead of seizing Banda,
and building a fort there, which would cost considerable, and give
us a bad reputation among the Indian princes, the following is what
I think that we should do.

As the king of Macassar is a powerful prince, whose country is densely
populated, and well supplied with rice and all manner of food; and as
he furnishes them to Malacca and Banda: it would be necessary to make
a treaty with him, and to send him three vessels with two hundred men
for his country. This number, together with the Macassar men, would be
sufficient to attack Banda, and we would promise the king to deliver
it into his hands, without claiming any recompense for this aid,
except that no other nation but our own could load merchandise there,
and that the nutmegs and mace would be taken annually at a fixed price,
namely, at the selling price at the time of the expedition.

[Matelief is certain that the king of Macassar will acquiesce,
and would also probably be willing to build a trading-house for
the Dutch. Other conditions for the security of Banda might also be
imposed in the treaty.]

Of the clove-trade, it is very difficult for us to render ourselves
masters. We have the product of Amboina, Luho, and Cambelo; but not
that yielded by the Moluccas. The only means of obtaining it is to
drive the Spaniards from Ternate, and it can easily be imagined that
the task is not easy. However I shall not hesitate to write here my
thought concerning the matter.

The thing does not appear impossible to me, if one wishes to build on a
firm foundation. This would require a return to the Malacca affair. For
had the Portuguese lost Malacca, they could not easily go from Goa to
reënforce the Moluccas; and I do not think there would be much trouble
in preventing the sending of supplies to Ternate from the Manilles.

First, we should have to send three or four vessels to the king of
Mindanao, whose country is densely inhabited, and who, as report
runs, can launch fifty caracoas. All this fleet would go to Panama or
Panati [i.e., Panay] which is near the Manilles, and where there is
a place named Otting [i.e., Oton], guarded by but eighteen Spanish
soldiers with about the same number of other inhabitants, so that
in all there are but forty whites. This place would be destroyed,
or if the blacks of Mindanao wished to keep it, it would be given
them, for it is a country abounding in rice and several other foods,
which are transported to Ternate.

Thence I would suggest going directly to the Manilles to destroy
all the vessels in their ports, so that they could not aid
Ternate. Immediately a vessel of one hundred and sixty or two hundred
tons would be sent back to Mindanao, which would cross with the king's
caracoas to the strait of Tagima, to capture the vessels that should
try still to go to Ternate, because there is no other route. After
capturing one or two of them, no other vessels would dare to try it,
so that Ternate would perish from famine. For did we try at present
to overpower the island by force, I believe that the Spaniards could
fortify it so strongly, and have so many men there, that large armies
would be required to drive them out.

It would be difficult for them to provide Ternate with cloth, for the
little taken there now is brought by the Chinese to the Manilles. This
want of cloth would not fail to trouble the inhabitants, and it would
have to be sent from Malacca, and that could not be done easily. If
a galley could also be taken to Ternate, it would greatly annoy the
Spaniards....

The commerce of China depends moreover upon Malacca. If the Portuguese
were driven from that place, the Chinese would have to give up that
traffic....

The commerce of cotton stuffs at Coromandel is of great importance,
for all the inhabitants of the Indias dress in those stuffs, and must
have them at any price. There are different styles for each nation,
according to their taste, and they make them so in different places
... If Malacca were taken from the Portuguese, they would have no
further favorable opportunity for the trade in cloth....

If no means are found to besiege Malacca again, the Portuguese might
make use of their fustas to hinder our trade with Coromandel. For,
since this entire coast is low, and the fustas draw but little
water, they could always station themselves between the shore and our
vessels. Besides it is very dangerous for vessels to anchor there. If
the enemy is spry, he could carry the news to Goa in one week, whence
they could easily despatch their fleets against us.

It is certain that, if the Portuguese could be driven from Malacca,
they would have to renounce trade on the Coromandel coast; for
they would have no safe course, should they wish to get cloth,
and they could gain nothing, for the expense would overbalance the
profit. Consequently, I believe that all the commerce of the Portuguese
in the East Indies depends on Malacca, and that, in order to cut it,
one must take that place.

After that, there is no doubt that the inhabitants of Bantam would
not be reasonable, when they would see us in fixed establishments,
and would understand that since the English had no other commerce in
the Indias than that of pepper, they would not care to make frequent
voyages, or great expenses. The pepper of Jambeo, Andragyri, and
other points, that is taken to Bantam, would be taken to Malacca,
where, also, cloth for the return cargo would be found.

I have not learned whether the Portuguese have any strength at
Bengale. All whom I have heard speak of that country say that a good
commerce can be obtained there....

It would be advisable to send two vessels to Arracan to try to
trade. Besides the king is very anxious for us to go there. A
Portuguese, one Philippe de Britto, has a fort there, with a
garrison of eighty men. This fort is fifty leagues inland, and Britto
holds the entire country in check. Although the king of Arracan is
powerful, he has been unable as yet to find means for driving out
this Portuguese. This alarms all the kingdom of Pegu, especially
since it is annoyed by civil wars. That country has immense wealth,
especially in precious gems.

I do not believe that anything can be done with Cambaie while the
Portuguese have forts on the Malabar coast, and while the king is not
better disposed toward us. We must wait until he knows us better,
and until his mind is disabused concerning the Spaniards. For,
until he gives us permission to trade in his ports, we would always
encounter great danger, since large vessels can not enter. Besides
that country is so near Goa, that the Portuguese would be notified as
soon as we arrived there, and would pounce upon us with their forces,
so that we could hope for neither help nor protection.

All the above points to Malacca's importance, for the establishment
that we wish to make in the Indias. Therefore, for that reason, we
should reflect on it well. For, in short, it is time now for us to
assure ourselves of a fixed place and of a retreat. And this place
or that place that one might select, would cost immense sums before
it could reach the present condition of Malacca. Besides it will be
very difficult to find a place so advantageous.

 * * * * *

The second expedition of Paul van Caerden (1606-1609) consisted of
eight vessels, equipped at a cost of 1,825,135 livres. Its chief
result was the capture of the Spanish fort at Machian and the two
captures of the commander, who finally died in prison at Manila. The
expedition sailed April 20, 1606, and shortly afterward began to have
trouble with the Portuguese. After rounding the cape they besieged
and took a Portuguese trading-post, after which they cruised past
Goa, Calcutta, and other places, finally sighting Sumatra, January 5,
1607, and anchoring at Bantam, January 6. There they met the Matelief
expedition. With a half-hearted following of Matelief's advice, van
Caerden anchored at Amboina in March, whence on May 10, he started
for Ternate. His capture by the Spanish of Ternate, the taking of the
Spanish fort at Machian--the place "most abounding in cloves of all
the Moluccas"--and other operations on land and sea followed. The
expedition finally left Ternate on August 3, 1608, and by way of
Bantam, reached Holland August 6, 1609, with a portion of its vessels.

The few years succeeding, events came thick and fast. Dutch
interests in the Indias multiplied. The taking of Malacca was
again considered. Resistance to Portuguese and Spanish interests
became even more pronounced, while the English and the Dutch came
to definite agreements, between their respective trading companies
as to trade in the Indias. The Dutch opened trade communication with
Japan. They became thoroughly established in the Moluccas, in Amboina,
and in the islands of Banda. The Spanish under Governor Juan de Silva
of Manila, took the offensive, and opposed the Dutch vigorously,
maintaining certain forts in Ternate, from which the efforts of the
Dutch failed to dislodge them. A Dutch fleet of thirteen vessels, with
Pierre Verhoeven as Admiral, and Francois Wittert as vice-admiral,
left Holland in 1607. Their course carried them along the shores of
India, before Malacca, and among the islands of Sumatra, Java, and
others. They had communication with vessels of other Dutch commanders,
among them those of the ill-fated van Caerden, who was exchanged by the
Spaniards March 23, 1610, proclaimed general of all the Moluccas July
1, 1610, and shortly after captured again by the Spaniards. They had
certain negotiations also with the English. At Borneo, Amboina, Banda,
Ternate, and their neighboring islands many important negotiations
were carried on, looking ever to the strengthening and prepetuation
of Dutch power. The war with the Banda islanders was at length
settled satisfactorily, although it required a number of years. In
this period came the twelve years' truce between Spain and Holland,
or the States-general, but notwithstanding active hostilities between
the two nations occurred afterward, the defeat and capture of Wittert's
vessels near Manila Bay occurring after news of the truce had reached
the Indias. In September of 1610 two vessels returning to Holland met
seven vessels under Admiral Both, in which were the first Dutch women
sent to the Indias. About 1613 the Spanish force in the Moluccas is
stated as follows:

"... The Spaniards have control of the city of Gammalamma, in the
island of Ternate, which they took from the inhabitants. They call
it Nuestra Signora di Rosario. It has a wall and bastions built of
stone. It is abundantly provided with cannon and war-supplies, which
are sent from the Manilles.

"It is at present garrisoned by 200 Spaniards and 90 Papaugos [i.e.,
Pampangos (?)] who are inhabitants of the Philippines, who are well
disciplined in arms, and serve as Spanish soldiers. There are also
30 Portuguese families, 60 or 80 Chinese families, who engage in
different trades, and 50 or 60 Christian Molucca families.

"They have another fort between Gammalamma and Malaia, called
Sts. Peter and Paul, located on an elevation, and mounted with six
pieces of cannon. There are thirty-three cast-iron cannon in the first
fort. The garrison of the latter consists generally of 27 Spaniards,
20 Papaugos, and some other people from the Manilles.

"They possess all the island of Tidore, where they have three forts,
namely, that of Taroula, located in the large city where the king
lives. It is stronger than the other two by its situation, which is
on an elevation. Its garrison is usually 50 Spaniards, and 8 or 10
Papaugos. It has ten large cast-iron cannon.

"The second fort is the old Portuguese castle taken by Corneille
Bastiaansz, which the Spaniards have retaken. It has 13 Spaniards,
with several islanders, and 2 pieces of cannon.

"The third is named Marieco, and is in sight of Gammalamma....Its
garrison consists of 14 Castilians and a few Papaugos, and it has two
pieces of cannon....The wars have somewhat depopulated the country...."

[The Spaniards also possessed several forts in Gilolo: Sabougo, taken
from the Dutch by Juan de Silva in 1611; Gilolo, also taken from the
Dutch by the same governor; and Aquilamo. All these forts contained
light garrisons. On the island of Moro, the Spaniards had the forts
Jolo, Isiau, and Joffougho. They usually maintained in the sea a
number of vessels. Juan de Silva is described as a brave, energetic,
and diplomatic man. The second capture of van Caerden proved a decided
blow to the Dutch, because of the loss of certain important papers.]

The Dutch power in the Moluccas was as follows:

"We have three forts at Ternate: that of Malaia, or Orange, commenced
by Admiral Matelief, where the king of Ternate lives; that of Toluco,
or Hollande, lying at the east end of the island, on an elevation,
one-half legua north of that of Malaia, built of stone; for fear lest
the Spaniards occupy this post, and for the same reason to send there
to live a portion of the superfluous men at Malaïa.

"Our third fort is that of Tacomma or Willemstad, lying at the
northwest. It was constructed by Admiral Simon Jansz Hoen...."

[In the island of Machian, they possessed the fort of Taffalo and
Tabillola. In Bachian they had a fort called Gammedource. All these
forts were adequately garrisoned.]

By 1627 affairs were still more flourishing and Batavia in Bantam,
on the island of Java, had already been made a base of supplies. Spain
still maintained forts at Ternate in that year. Signs of a desire to
attack the Spaniards in the Philippines began to be manifest.

In regard to Wittert's expedition, defeat, and death, the following
has been translated and condensed from Journal de l'amiral Wittert,
1607-10 (Liége, 1875), a small pamphlet in the library of Columbia
University, New York.

"In the year 1607, the Company of the East Indies despatched thirteen
vessels to find the Portuguese fleet, and probably to attack it, off
Mosambique or in neighboring waters. Pierre Willemsz, of Amsterdam,
was appointed admiral of this fleet; and François de Wittert, of the
ancient baronial family of that name--seignior of Hoogeland, Emeeclaar,
etc.--was made vice-admiral and president of the council-in-ordinary,
with full power to take the place of the admiral, who was very old
and infirm." The flagships of these officers were of eight hundred
and one thousand tons, respectively. The entire fleet carried two
thousand eight hundred to two thousand nine hundred men, forty-two
pieces of brass artillery and two hundred and eighty-three of
iron, one hundred stone-mortars, with the necessary munitions, and
provisions for more than three years. This armament cost ten million
eight hundred livres. The fleet set sail from the Texel on December
22, 1607, and reached "the fort of Mosambique" on the twenty-eighth
of July following. The Dutch besieged the fort, but were obliged to
retreat (August 13). "In this siege 30 of our men were killed, and 85
wounded. We fired 2,250 cannon-shots at this fortress, which is the
most important one possessed by the Portuguese in the East Indies;
it has four bastions and three ramparts. But after this siege, it
was almost entirely ruined, and the Portuguese power is destroyed,
especially as regards the puissant empire of the Abissinians, whose
emperor is named Preter-Jan [i.e., Prester John]." On November 5,
1608, the Dutch fleet reached Sumatra, where a naval battle with
some Portuguese vessels ensued. In January, 1609, Wittert went,
with some of the ships, to Johor, and aided the king of that state
to resist the Portuguese. On February 15, the fleet anchored at
Bantam, and on April 8, at Nera, one of the isles of Banda, where
they built a fort. Here, on May 22, the admiral and many of his
officers were treacherously assassinated by the natives. Here the
journal ends. Another and later entry reads: "Letters from Moluque
[Maluco] bring the news that on June 12, 1610, the admiral François
Wittert, while having some junks unloaded at Manila, was surprised by
the Spanish and slain in the combat. He was attacked by more than 12
vessels at once, but defended himself for a long time. The 'Amsterdam'
was finally captured by four ships which attacked it at once--one of
which, however, the Dutch blew up--and was taken to Manila with 51
dead on board, including the admiral; the yacht 'Faucon' had 34 dead,
and all its officers were slain except two--Piérre Gervits, master
of the yacht, and Piérre Hertsing--who were wounded. The 'Faucon'
also was carried away, with 22 dead. [170] The Spaniards made 120
prisoners on the two ships. As for the other vessels in their company
the yacht 'Aigle' was blown up; the 'Paon' and the shallop 'Delft'
escaped. It is not exactly known whither these vessels have gone;
but it is believed that they went to Patan."

With the increase of Dutch power in the Indias, complications
naturally multiplied. The year spent by Pierre van den Broeck
in the eastern seas, saw conflicts on the Indian coast, in Java,
against the English and Javanese, and also with the Portuguese. Van
den Broeck was in the service of the Dutch Trading Company for over
seventeen years. He went first to the Indias in the expedition under
Gerard Reyust, which left Holland May 3, 1613. On June 1, 1615,
he embarked with Admiral Verhagen for the Moluccas. He played an
important part in the establishment of Batavia in 1619, and in the
troubles with the English and Javanese. The truth of the inadequacy
of the natives against the more progressive races was proved again,
as it had previously been proved by the experiences of Portuguese
and Spanish. A siege of Batavia in 1629, by the Javanese failed in
its purpose. Van den Broeck returned to Holland June 6, 1630.

The second Dutch voyage to the East Indies under command of Georges
Spilberg sailed from Holland August 8, 1614, with six vessels. Its
object was chastisement of the Spanish. Reaching the Strait of
Magellan, March 28, 1615, after many adventures with the Portuguese
along the Brazilian coast, the fleet made the passage, and debouched
into the South Sea on May 6. Thence they coasted the western shores of
South America, and as far as Acapulco in New Spain. Near Lima a sea
fight with the Spanish occurred, in which the latter were worsted,
and three ships destroyed. When some of the Spanish who were in the
water called piteously for help, after saving the first and second
pilot, and a few sailors, "we left the remainder to the mercy of the
waves." The chronicle adds "Nevertheless some of the sailors killed
several who were swimming, and struggling against death--which they did
in disobedience to their orders." At Acapulco, the Spanish received the
Dutch well and some change of prisoners was effected. On November 18,
1615, the fleet turned westward, and sighted the Ladrones by January
1, 1616. On February 9, the cape of Espiritu Santo was sighted, and
on the 19th, under the guidance of native pilots, they sailed toward
Manila Bay, and anchored that same day near Luzón. "Our intention
was to make some Spaniard prisoner, in order to gain more detailed
information of what had been told us at Capul, namely, that a fleet had
been awaiting us for many days at the Manilles, and we wished eagerly
to learn more particular news of it." It was learned that the Spanish
fleet under Juan de Silva had gone to the Moluccas to aid the Spanish
there. Consequently, the Dutch fleet, after an ineffectual attempt
to exchange prisoners at Manila, went (March 10) to the Moluccas. On
the way they received assurance of the hatred in and about Mindanao
for the Spaniards, and their willingness to join the Dutch.

Reaching the Moluccas they cruised about for some time, and finally
two of the vessels were sent back to Holland, reaching that country,
July 1, 1617. With them they took the celebrated Jacques le Maire
who had attempted to find a new passage to the South Sea, below the
Strait of Magellan. As his voyage was not for the trading company
which enjoyed the monopoly of trade in the Indias, his ship was
confiscated. He died on the passage home. [171]

Although the Dutch were later in their explorations and conquests
throughout the Indias and neighboring regions than other nations,
their activity carried them to all the places visited or conquered by
the latter. As years went on the contests of the Dutch with the Spanish
tended to lessen, while those with the natives increased. Women went
to the new colonies in greater number, and life gradually assumed
a more settled aspect. The strenuous efforts of the Dutch sent
them into Formosa, China, Japan, and other countries. Expeditions
of more or less ships multiplied. The names of the Dutch famous in
the annals of the eastern seas are numerous. Their efforts, first
and foremost, were the establishment of a sound commerce. The above,
with the exception of the extract concerning François de Wittert, is
translated and condensed from Recueil des voyages ... de la Compagnie
des Indes Orientales (Amsterdam, 1725). See also, Histoire des voyages
(Paris, 1750); Isabelo de los Reyes y Florentino: Articulos varios,
(Manila, 1887), pp. 71-86, "Triunfos del Rosario ó Los Holandeses en
Filipinas;" and Ferdinand Blumentritt: Hollændische Angriffe auf die
Philippinen (Leitmeritz, 1880).















Morga's Philippine Islands

Volume II




HISTORY OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS


From their discovery by Magellan in 1521 to the beginning of the XVII
Century; with descriptions of Japan, China and adjacent countries, by

Dr. ANTONIO DE MORGA

Alcalde of Criminal Causes, in the Royal Audiencia of Nueva España,
and Counsel for the Holy Office of the Inquisition

Completely translated into English, edited and annotated by

E. H. BLAIR and J. A. ROBERTSON

With Facsimiles

[Separate publication from "The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898" in
which series this appears as volumes 15 and 16.]

VOLUME II



CONTENTS OF VOLUME II [xvi of series]

Preface

Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas. Dr. Antonio de Morga; Mexico, 1609

ILLUSTRATIONS

View of Mallaca-Levinus Hulsius (Franckfurt am Mayn, 1612)

Weapons of the Moros; photograph of weapons in the Museo-Biblioteca
de Ultramar, Madrid

"Incola ex Insulis Moluco," from Voyage ofte Schipvaert, by Jan Huygen
van Linschoten; from original in Boston Public Library

View of corcoa (the vessel known as "caracoa"); photographic facsimile
of engraving in John Stevens's Collection of Voyages and Travels
(London, 1711), i.--in Argensola's "Discovery and conquest of the
Molucco and Philippine Islands," p. 61; from copy in library of
Wisconsin Historical Society

Map of the Philippine Islands, showing province of the Order of the
Hermits of St. Augustine; from Lubin's Orbis Augustianus ... (Paris,
1639); from copy in the Library of Congress

View of Acapulco Harbor, in Mexico; from Valentyn's Oud en Nieuw
Oost Indien (Dordrecht and Amsterdam, 1724); from copy in library of
Wisconsin State Historical Society

Autograph signature of Antonio de Morga; photographic facsimile from
MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla


PREFACE

In the present volume is concluded the notable work by Morga, Sucesos
de las Islas Filipinas, which was begun in VOL. I. The reader is
referred to the preface of that volume for some account of the book,
and of the manner in which it is presented in this series.

Continuing his narrative, Morga describes his voyage to Mexico,
whither he goes (1603) to be a member of the Audiencia there. He then
relates the events of the Chinese uprising in Luzón in that year,
which has been fully described in previous volumes of this series;
and his picturesque although plain narrative casts new light upon that
episode. Many Spaniards in Manila are so alarmed by this danger that
they remove, with all their households and property, to Nueva España;
but one of the ships carrying them is lost at sea, and the other is
compelled, after great injury and loss, to return to Manila--a serious
calamity for the colony there. The governor does his best to fortify
the city, and reënforcements and supplies are provided for him from
Nueva España. Bishop Benavides dies (1605). Friars from the islands
go to Japan, but the emperor of that country is offended at their
preaching, and advises Acuña to restrain them. In the summer of 1605
arrive supplies and men from Nueva España, and Acuña proceeds with his
preparations for the expedition against the Dutch in the Moluccas. In
the following spring he sets out on this enterprise, conducting it
in person; Morga describes this naval campaign in detail. Ternate is
captured by the Spaniards without bombardment, and with little loss to
themselves. The fugitive king of the island is persuaded to surrender
to the Spaniards and become a vassal of Felipe. Several other petty
rulers follow his example and promise not to allow the Dutch to engage
in the clove trade. Acuña builds a new fort there, and another in
Tidore, leaving Juan de Esquivel as governor of the Moluccas, with
a garrison and several vessels for their defense, and carrying to
Manila the king of Ternate and many of his nobles, as hostages. During
Acuña's absence a mutiny occurs among the Japanese near Manila, which
is quelled mainly by the influence of the friars. The governor dies,
apparently from poison, soon after his return to Manila. The trade
of the islands is injured by the restrictions laid upon it by the
home government; and the reduction of Ternate has not sufficed to
restrain the Moro pirates. The natives of the Moluccas are uneasy and
rebellious, especially as they have a prospect of aid from the Dutch,
who are endeavoring to regain their lost possessions there. Morga cites
a letter from a Spanish officer at La Palma, recounting the purpose
and outcome of van Noordt's expedition to the Indian archipelago.

The historical part of Morga's account ends here; and the final
chapter is devoted to a description of the islands and their people,
the customs and religious beliefs of the natives, and the condition at
that time of the Spanish colony and the city of Manila. He describes
the principal islands of the Philippine group, beginning with Luzón;
the various races of inhabitants--Moros, Negritos, and Visayans:
their mode of dress, their occupations and industries, their habits
of life; their weapons, their ships and boats; the trees and fruits of
the islands; the animals and birds, both wild and tame; the reptiles,
fishes, and other creatures; and various plants. Among these is the
buyo (or betel); the habit of chewing it has become universal among the
Spaniards, of all classes, and poison is often administered through
its medium. Various means and methods of poisoning are described,
as well as some antidotes therefor. Some account is given of the
gold mines and pearl fisheries, and of other products of the country
which form articles of commerce. Morga describes the two great lakes
of Luzón (Bombon and Bai), Manila and its harbor and approaches, and
other principal ports, with some neighboring islands; and gives some
account of the Visayan people and the larger islands inhabited by them,
and of the tides in the archipelago. Then follows an interesting and
detailed account of the Filipino peoples, their language, customs,
beliefs, etc. The language used in Luzón and other northern islands
is different from that of the Visayas; but all the natives write,
expressing themselves fluently and correctly, and using a simple
alphabet which resembles the Arabic. Their houses, and their mode
of life therein, are fully described; also their government, social
organization, and administration of justice. The classes and status
of slaves, and the causes of enslavement are recounted. Their customs
in marriages and dowries, divorces, adoption, and inheritance are
described; also in usury, trading, and punishment for crimes. The
standard of social purity is described by Morga as being very low;
yet infamous vices were not indigenous with them, but communicated by
foreigners, especially by the Chinese. The natives of Luzón appear
to be superior, both intellectually and morally, to the Visayan
peoples. Their religious beliefs and practices are recounted by Morga,
who naturally ascribes these to the influence of the devil. He also
narrates the entrance of Mahometanism into the islands, and how it
was checked by the coming of the Spaniards.

Morga next sketches the condition at that time of Spanish colonies
in the islands. He describes the city of Manila in detail, with
its fortifications, arsenals, government and municipal buildings,
cathedral, and convents; also the seminary of Santa Potenciana, and
the hospitals. There are six hundred houses, mostly built of stone,
within the walls, and even more in the suburbs; "and all are the
habitations and homes of Spaniards." All the people, both men and
women, are clad and gorgeously adorned in silks; and nowhere is there
greater abundance of food, and of other necessaries of human life,
than in Manila. Morga enumerates the dignitaries, ecclesiastical
and civil, who reside in the city; and mentions it as the center
and metropolis of the archipelago. He then briefly describes the
other Spanish settlements in the Philippines; and mentions in their
turn the various orders and their work there, with the number of
laborers in each. He praises their efforts for the conversion,
education, and social improvement of the Indians. He defines the
functions of both the civil and the ecclesiastical authorities,
and the policy of the government toward the natives; and describes
the application and results in the Philippines of the encomienda
system imported thither from America. He deprecates the permission
given to the Indians for paying their tributes in kind or in money,
at their option; for it has led to their neglecting their former
industries, and thus to the general damage of the country. Slavery
still exists among them, but the Spaniards have been forbidden to
enslave the natives. Personal services of various sorts are due
from the latter, however, to their encomenderos, to the religious,
and to the king, for all of which they receive a moderate wage; and
all other services for the Spaniards are voluntary and paid. Close
restrictions are laid upon the intercourse of the Spaniards with
natives. Various information is given regarding appointments to
office, residencias, elections, town government, and finances; also
of the ecclesiastical organization, expenses, and administration,
as well as of the incomes of the religious orders. Morga recounts
the numbers, character, pay, and organization of the military and
naval forces in the islands. The bulk of the citizens are merchants
and traders, commerce being the chief occupation and support of the
Spanish colony. Manila is a market for all the countries of Eastern
Asia, from Japan to Borneo. The China trade is restricted to the
inhabitants of the Philippines; Morga describes its nature and extent,
and the manner in which it is conducted, as well as the character
and methods of the Chinese traders. A similar account is given of the
trade carried on with the Philippines by the Japanese, Borneans, and
other neighboring peoples, and of the shipment to Nueva España of the
goods thus procured. This last commerce is "so great and profitable,
and easy to control, that the Spaniards do not apply themselves to,
or engage in, any other industry," and thus not only they neglect to
avail themselves of and develop the natural resources of the country,
but the natives are neglecting and forgetting their former industries;
and the supply of silver in the country steadily flows out of it and
into the hands of infidels. Morga enumerates the officials, revenues,
and expenditures of the colonial government. As its income is too small
for its necessary expenses, the annual deficit is made up from the
royal treasury of Nueva España. But this great expense is incurred
"only for the Christianization and conversion of the natives, for
the hopes of greater fruits in other kingdoms and provinces of Asia."

The large extent of the Chinese immigration to the islands is
disapproved by Morga, as unsafe to the Spaniards and injurious to the
natives. Some Chinese are needed for the service of the Spaniards,
for all the trades are carried on by them; but the number of Chinese
allowed to live in the islands should be restricted to those who are
thus needed. Morga describes the character, dress, mode of life,
and settlements of the Chinese near Manila; they are cared for in
religious matters by the Dominican friars. The Christian Chinese live
apart from the heathens, in a settlement of some five hundred people;
Morga has but a poor opinion of even these converts. Some account is
also given of the Japanese who have settled in Manila; Morga commends
them, and states that they prove to be good Christians.

He ends his work by a detailed account of the navigation and voyage
to and from the Philippines. The Mexican port of departure for this
route has been removed from Navidad to Acapulco. Morga describes the
westward voyage; the stop at the Ladrone Islands, and the traffic
of the natives with the ships; and the route thence, and among the
Philippine Islands. The return route to Mexico is much more difficult
and dangerous; for the winds are varying and not always favorable,
and the ship must change its course more frequently, and go far north
to secure favoring winds, there encountering cold weather. These severe
changes cause much suffering, and even death; and the vessel makes this
voyage without once touching land until it reaches Acapulco, a period
of five or six months. Morga also describes the voyage to Spain by
way of Goa and the Cape of Good Hope, which also is long and dangerous.

THE EDITORS

January, 1907.




SUCESOS DE LAS ISLAS FILIPINAS

(concluded)

By Dr. Antonio de Morga. Mexico: at the shop of Geronymo Balli in
the year 1609; printed by Cornelio Adriano Cesar.

Source: The translation is made from the Harvard copy of the original
printed work.

TRANSLATION: This is made by Alfonso de Salvio, Norman F. Hall,
and James Alexander Robertson.




EVENTS IN THE FILIPINAS ISLANDS. [172]

CHAPTER SEVENTH (concluded)

On the tenth [of July] [173] of the same year, the vessels
"Espiritu-Santo" and "Jesus Maria" left the port of Cabit en route
for Nueva España--in the wake of two smaller vessels, which had been
despatched a fortnight before--with the Filipinas merchandise. Don Lope
de Ulloa was their commander, while Doctor Antonio de Morga left those
islands in the almiranta, the "Santo Espiritu," to fill the office of
alcalde of the court of Mexico. Before leaving the bay, both vessels
were struck head on by a storm, and went dragging upon the coast,
buffeted by the heavy seas and winds, and amid dark and tempestuous
weather, from three in the afternoon until morning of the next day,
notwithstanding that they were anchored with two heavy cables in the
shelter of the land, and their topmasts struck. Then they grounded
upon the coast, in La Pampanga, ten leguas from Manila. The storm
lasted for three more consecutive days. Consequently it was regarded
as impossible for those vessels to sail and make their voyage,
inasmuch as the season was now well advanced, and the vessels
were very large and heavily laden, and were deeply imbedded in the
sand. Advice was immediately sent overland to Manila, whence were
brought several Chinese ships, cables, and anchors. By dint of the
great efforts exerted, both vessels, each singly, were fitted with
tackle and cables, which were rigged at the stern. There awaiting the
high tide, the ships were drawn, by force of capstan and men, stern
first for more than one legua through a bank of sand, upon which
they had struck, until they were set afloat, on the twenty-second
of July, St. Magdelen's day. Immediately they set sail again,
as the vessels had sustained no injury, nor sprung any leak; and
they made their voyage and navigation, under light winds, to the
coast of Nueva España. A violent south-southwest gale, accompanied
by heavy showers, hail, and cold, struck the ship "Espiritu Sancto"
on the tenth of November, in forty-two degrees, and within sight of
land. The wind was blowing obliquely toward the shore, upon which the
vessel was almost wrecked several times. The vessel suffered distress
and lost its rigging, while the crew was worn out by the voyage and
with the cold. The storm lasted until November twenty-second. On the
morning of that day, while the ship was in the trough of the waves,
and with topmasts shipped, it was struck by a squall of rain and hail,
accompanied by great darkness. A thunderbolt, descending the mainmast,
struck the vessel amidships. It killed three men besides wounding and
maiming eight others; it had entered the hatches, and torn open the
mainhatch, with a blaze of light, so that the interior of the ship
could be seen. Another thunderbolt fell down along the same mast
among the entire crew, and stunned sixteen persons, some of whom
were speechless and unconscious all that day. It left the vessel
by the pump-dale. The next day, the wind veered to north-northeast,
whereupon the ship set sail, and went coasting along the land, with
sufficient winds until the nineteenth of the month of December,
when it made port at Acapulco. There were found the two smaller
vessels that had sailed first from Manila. Three days later, General
Don Lope de Ulloa entered the same port of Acapulco, in the ship
"Jesus Maria." That vessel had sustained the same storms as the ship
"Espiritu Sancto." From the time when the two vessels had separated,
on sailing out of the channel of Capul, in the Filipinas Islands,
they had not sighted one another again during the entire voyage.

In the same year six hundred and three, Governor Don Pedro de Acuña
sent the ship "Sanctiago" from Manila to Japon, with merchandise. It
was ordered to make its voyage to Quanto, in order to comply with
the desire and wish of Daifusama. As news had been already received
of the death of Fray Geronimo de Jesus, four of the most important
religious of his order in Manila--namely, Fray Diego de Bermeo	[174]
(who had been provincial), Fray Alonso de la Madre de Dios, Fray
Luys Sotello, [175] and one other associate--sailed on that vessel
for the said kingdom.

As soon as the ships "Jesus Maria" and "Espiritu Sancto" sailed for
Nueva España, and the ship "Sanctiago" with the religious for Japon,
there was more time to discuss further the matter started by the
coming of the Chinese mandarins. For finding themselves unoccupied
with other matters, fear of the Sangleys became universal, and the
suspicions that were current that the Sangleys were about to commit
some mischievous outbreak. This the archbishop and some religious
affirmed and told, publicly and privately. At this time, a considerable
number of Chinese were living in Manila and its environs. Some of
them were baptized Christians living in the settlements of Baibai
and Minondoc, [176] on the other side of the river, opposite the
city. Most of them were infidels, occupied and living in these same
settlements and in the shops of the parián in the city; [they were
employed] as merchants and in all other occupations. The majority of
them were fishermen, stonecutters, charcoal-burners, porters, masons,
and day-laborers. Greater security was always felt in regard to the
merchants, for they are the better class of people, and those who are
most interested, because of their property. So great security was not
felt about the others, even though they were Christians; because, as
they are a poor and covetous people, they would be inclined to any act
of meanness. However, it was always thought that it would be difficult
for them to cause any commotion, unless a strong fleet came from China,
on which they could rely. Talk continued to increase daily, and with
it suspicion; for some of the Chinese themselves, both infidels and
Christians, in order to prove themselves friends of the Spaniards,
and clean from all guilt, even told the Spaniards that there was
to be an insurrection shortly, and other similar things. Although
the governor always considered these statements as fictions and the
exaggerations of that nation, and did not credit them, yet he was
not so heedless that he did not act cautiously and watch, although
with dissembling, for whatever might happen. He took pains to have
the city guarded and the soldiers armed, besides flattering the most
prominent of the Chinese and the merchants, whom he assured of their
lives and property. The natives of La Pampanga and other provinces
near by were instructed beforehand to supply the city with rice and
other provisions, and to come to reënforce it with their persons and
arms, should necessity arise. The same was done with some Japanese in
the city. As all this was done with some publicity, since it could
not be done secretly, as so many were concerned, one and all became
convinced of the certainty of the danger. Many even desired it,
in order to see the peace disturbed, and to have the opportunity
to seize something. [177] From that time, both in the city and its
environs, where the Sangleys were living scattered, these people began
to persecute the Sangleys by word and deed. The natives, Japanese and
soldiers of the camp took from them their possessions and inflicted on
them other ill-treatment, calling them dogs and traitors, and saying
that they knew well that they meant to rebel. But they said they would
kill all the Sangleys first, and that very soon, for the governor was
preparing for it. This alone was sufficient to make it necessary for
the Sangleys to do what they had no intention of doing. [178] Some
of the most clever and covetous set themselves to rouse the courage
of the others, and to make themselves leaders, telling the Sangleys
that their destruction was sure, according to the determination which
they saw in the Spaniards, unless they should anticipate the latter,
since they [the Sangleys] were so numerous, and attack and capture the
city. They said that it would not be difficult for them to kill the
Spaniards, seize their possessions, and become masters of the country,
with the aid and reënforcements that would immediately come to them
from China, as soon as the auspicious beginning that they would have
made in the matter should be known. In order to do this when the time
came, it was advisable to build a fort and quarters in some retired and
strong place near the city, where the people could gather and unite,
and where arms and supplies could be provided for the war. At least
such a fort would be sufficient to assure there their lives from the
outrages that they were expecting from the Spaniards. It was learned
that the chief mover in this matter was a Christian Sangley, an
old-time resident in the country, named Joan Bautista de Vera. [179]
He was rich and highly esteemed by the Spaniards, and feared and
respected by the Sangleys. He had often been governor of the latter,
and had many godchildren and dependents. He had become an excellent
Spaniard, and was courageous. He himself, exercising duplicity and
cunning, did not leave the city, or the houses of the Spanish during
this time, in order to arouse less suspicion of himself. From there
he managed the affair through his confidants; and in order to assure
himself better of the result, and to ascertain the number of men of
his race, and to make a census and list of them, he cunningly had
each of them ordered to bring him a needle, which he pretended to
be necessary for a certain work that he had to do. These needles he
placed, as he received them, in a little box; and when he took them
out of it, he found that he had sufficient men for his purpose. They
began to construct the fort or quarters immediately at a distance of
slightly more than one-half legua from the village of Tondo, among some
estuaries and swamps, and in a hidden location. [180] They stored there
some rice and other provisions, and weapons of little importance. The
Sangleys began to gather there, especially the masses--the common
people and day-laborers; for those of the parián, and the mechanics,
although urged to do the same, did not resolve to do it, and remained
quiet, guarding their houses and property. The restlessness of the
Sangleys daily continued to become more inflamed. This, and the
advices given to the governor and the Spaniards, kept the latter
more anxious and apprehensive, and made them talk more openly of the
matter. The Sangleys, seeing that their intention was discovered, and
that delay might be of so great harm to them, determined, although the
insurrection was planned for St. Andrew's day, the last of November,
to anticipate that day, and to lose no more time. On Friday, the third
day of the month of October, the eve of St. Francis, they collected
very hurriedly in the above-mentioned fort; consequently, by nightfall,
there were two thousand men in it. Joan Bautista de Vera--a thief in
the rôle of an honest man, since he was the leader and organizer of the
treason--went immediately to the city and told the governor that the
Sangleys had risen, and that they were collecting on the other side of
the river. The governor, suspecting the mischief, had him immediately
arrested and carefully guarded; and he was afterward executed. Then,
without tap of drum, the governor ordered the companies, both of
the camp and the city, to be notified, and all to hold their arms in
readiness. Very shortly after nightfall, Don Luys Dasmariñas, who was
living near the monastery and church of Minondoc, on the other side of
the river, came hurriedly to the city to advise the governor that the
Sangleys had revolted. He asked for twenty soldiers to go to the other
side [of the river], where he would guard the said monastery. Cristoval
de Axqueta, sargento-mayor of the camp, went with these men, together
with Don Luys. As the silence of night deepened, the noise made by the
Sangleys grew louder, for they were continuing to assemble and were
sounding horns and other instruments, after their fashion. Don Luys
remained to guard the monastery, with the men brought from Manila,
where he had placed in shelter many women and children of Christian
Sangleys, with the religious. The sargento-mayor returned immediately
to the city, where he told of what was being done. The call to arms
was sounded, for the noise and shouts of the Sangleys, who had sallied
out to set fire to some houses in the country, was so great that it
was thought that they were devastating that district. The Sangleys
burned, first, a stone country-house belonging to Captain Estevan
de Marquina. The latter was living there with his wife and children;
and none of them escaped, except a little girl, who was wounded, but
who was hidden in a thicket. [181] Thence the Sangleys went to the
settlement of Laguio, [182] situated on the shore of the river, and
burned it. They killed several Indians of that settlement, and the rest
fled to the city. There the gates were already shut and all the people,
with arms in hand, manned the walls and other suitable posts, ready
for any emergency, until dawn. The enemy, who now had a greater number
of men, retired to their fort, to make another sally thence with more
force. Don Luys Dasmariñas, who was guarding the church and monastery
of Minondoc, expected hourly that the enemy was about to attack him,
and sent a messenger to the governor to beg for more men. These were
sent him, and consisted of regulars and inhabitants of the city,
under Captains Don Tomas Brabo de Acuña (the governor's nephew),
Joan de Alcega, Pedro de Arzeo, and Gaspar Perez, by whose counsel and
advice Don Luys was to be guided on this occasion. All was confusion,
shouting, and outcry in the city, particularly among the Indians, and
the women and children, who were coming thither for safety. Although,
to make certain of the Sangleys of the parián, their merchants had
been asked to come into the city, and bring their property, they did
not dare to do so; for they always thought that the enemy would take
the city because of their great force of numbers, and annihilate the
Spaniards, and they would all be in danger. Consequently they preferred
to remain in their parián, in order to join the victorious side. Don
Luys Dasmariñas thought it advisable to go in search of the enemy
immediately with the reënforcements sent him by the governor, before
they should all assemble and present a strong front. He left seventy
soldiers in Minondoc, in charge of Gaspar Perez; while with the rest,
about one hundred and forty of the best picked arquebusiers, he
went to the village of Tondo, in order to fortify himself in the
church, a stone building. He arrived there at eleven o'clock in the
morning. The Chinese, in number one thousand five hundred, arrived
at the same place at the same time, bent on the same purpose. An
hour's skirmish took place between the two sides, as to which one
would gain the monastery. Captain Gaspar Perez came up with the
reënforcement of the men left at Minondoc. The enemy retired to his
fort, with a loss of five hundred men. Gaspar Perez returned to his
post, where Pedro de Arzeo was also stationed. Don Luys Dasmariñas,
exultant over this fortunate engagement, determined immediately to
press forward in pursuit of the enemy with his men, notwithstanding
the heat of the sun and without waiting to rest his followers. He sent
Alferez Luys de Ybarren to reconnoiter. The latter brought word that
the enemy was in great force, and near by. Although Juan de Alcega
and others requested Don Luys to halt and rest his men, and await
the governor's orders as to what was to be done, his desire not to
lose the opportunity was so great that, rousing his men with harsh
words, in order to make them follow him, he marched forward until
they reached a swamp. After leaving the swamp, they came suddenly
into a large clearing, where the enemy was stationed. The latter,
upon seeing the Spaniards, surrounded them in force on all sides,
armed with clubs, some with catans, and a few with battle-axes. Don
Luys and his men, not being able to retreat, fought valiantly, and
killed a number of Sangleys. But finally, as the latter were in so
great force, they cut all the Spaniards to pieces, only four of whom
escaped, badly wounded; and these carried the news to Manila. [183]
This result was of great importance to the Sangleys, both because so
many and the best Spanish soldiers were killed in this place, and
because of the weapons that the Sangleys took from them, and which
they needed. With these arms they flattered themselves that their
object was more certain of accomplishment. Next day, October five,
the Sangleys sent the heads of Don Luys, Don Tomas, Joan de Alcega,
and other captains to the parián; and they told the Sangleys there
that, since the flower of Manila had been killed, they should revolt
and join them, or they would immediately come to kill them. The
confusion and grief of the Spaniards in the city was so great that
it prevented them from taking the precautions and exercising the
diligence demanded by the affair. But the sight of their necessity,
and the spirit of their governor and officials made them all remain
at their posts on the walls, arms in hand. They fortified as strongly
as possible the gates of the parián and of Dilao, and all that part of
the wall where the enemy might make an assault. They mounted a piece of
artillery above each gate, and stationed there the best men, among whom
were religious of all the orders. Upon that day, Sunday, the enemy,
flushed with the victory of the preceding day and their army swelled
by the additional men that joined them, attacked the city. Burning
and destroying everything in their path, they went to the river, for
there was no vessel with which to resist them, as all those of the
fleet were in the provinces of the Pintados. They entered the parián,
[184] and furiously assaulted the city gate, but were driven back
by the arquebuses and muskets, with the loss of many Sangleys. They
went to the church of Dilao, and there assaulted the gate and walls
(which were there lower), by means of scaling-ladders, with the same
determination. But they experienced the same resistance and loss,
which compelled them, on the approach of night, to retire with great
loss to the parián and to Dilao. That whole night the Spaniards
spent in guarding their wall, and in preparing for the morrow. The
enemy passed the night in the parián and at Dilao, making carts,
mantelets, scaling-ladders, artificial fire, and other contrivances,
for approaching and assaulting the wall, and for burning the gates,
and setting fire to everything. At dawn of the next day, Monday, the
Sangleys came together with these arms and tools, and having reached
the wall with their bravest and best-armed men, attacked it with
great fury and resolution. The artillery destroyed their machines, and
caused them so great injury and resistance with it and the arquebuses,
that the Sangleys were forced to retire again to the parián and
to Dilao, with heavy loss. Joan Xuarez Gallinato, accompanied by
some soldiers and a Japanese troop, made a sally from the Dilao gate
upon the Sangleys. They reached the church, when the Sangleys turned
upon them and threw the Japanese into disorder. The latter were the
cause of all retreating again to seek the protection of the walls,
whither the Sangleys pursued them. At this juncture Captain Don Luys de
Velasco entered Manila. He came from the Pintados in a stout caracoa,
manned by some good arquebusiers, while others manned some bancas that
sailed in the shelter of the caracoa. They approached the parián and
Dilao by the river, and harassed the enemy quartered there on that and
the two following days, so that they were compelled to abandon those
positions. These vessels set fire to the parián, and burned everything,
and pursued the enemy wherever they could penetrate. The Sangleys,
upon beholding their cause waning, and their inability to attain the
end desired, resolved to retire from the city, after having lost more
than four thousand men; to advise China, so that that country would
reënforce them; and for their support to divide their men into three
divisions in different districts--one among the Tingues of Passic, the
second among those of Ayonbon, and the third at La Laguna de Bay, San
Pablo, and Batangas. On Wednesday they abandoned the city completely,
and, divided as above stated, marched inland. Don Luys de Velasco,
with some soldiers and armed Indians who came from all sides to the
relief of Manila, accompanied by some Spaniards who guided them, and
the religious from their missions, went by way of the river in pursuit
of them, and pressed them, so that they killed and annihilated the
bands bound for the Tingues of Passic and for Ayombon. The majority
and main body of the Sangleys went to La Laguna de Bay, the mountains
of San Pablo, and Batangas, where they considered themselves more
secure. Burning towns and churches, and everything in their path, they
fortified themselves in the above-mentioned sites. Don Luys de Velasco,
with seventy soldiers, continued to pursue them, killing each day a
great number of them. On one occasion Don Luys was so closely engaged
with the enemy, that the latter killed him and ten soldiers of his
company, and fortified themselves again in San Pablo and Batangas,
where they hoped to be able to sustain themselves until the arrival
of reënforcements from China. [185]

The governor, fearful of this danger, and desirous of finishing
the enemy, and giving entire peace to the country, sent Captain
and Sargento-mayor Cristoval de Axqueta Menchaca with soldiers
to pursue and finish the enemy. This man left with two hundred
Spaniards--soldiers and volunteers--three hundred Japanese, and
one thousand five hundred Pampanga and Tagál Indians, [186] on the
twentieth of October. He was so expeditious, that with little or no
loss of men, he found the Sangleys fortified in San Pablo and Batangas,
and, after fighting with them, killed and destroyed them all. None
escaped, except two hundred, who were taken alive to Manila for the
galleys. The captain was occupied in this for twenty days, and with it
the war was ended. Very few merchants were left in Manila, and they had
taken the good counsel to betake themselves, with their possessions,
among the Spaniards in the city. At the beginning of the war there were
not seven hundred Spaniards in the city capable of bearing arms. [187]

After the end of the war, the need of the city began, for, because
of not having Sangleys who worked at the trades, and brought in
all the provisions, there was no food, nor any shoes to wear,
not even at excessive prices. The native Indians are very far from
exercising those trades, and have even forgotten much of farming, and
the raising of fowls, cattle, and cotton, and the weaving of cloth,
which they used to do in the days of their paganism and for a long
time after the conquest of the country. [188] In addition to this,
people thought that Chinese vessels would not come to the islands
with food and merchandise, on account of the late revolution. Above
all, they lived not without fear and suspicion that, instead of
the merchant vessels, an armed fleet would attack Manila, in order
to avenge the death of their Sangleys. All conspired to sadden the
minds of the Spaniards. After having sent Fray Diego de Guevara,
prior of the monastery of St. Augustine in Manila, to the court of
España by way of India, with news of this event--but who was unable
to reach Madrid for three years, because of his various fortunes
in India, Persia, and Italia, through which countries he went--they
immediately sent Captain Marco de la Cueva, together with Fray Luys
Gandullo of the Order of St. Dominic, to the city of Macao in China,
where the Portuguese were living, with letters for the chief captain
and the council of that city. These letters advised the latter of
the revolt of the Sangleys, and of the result of the war, so that,
if they should hear any rumors of a Chinese fleet, they could send
word. At the same time letters were taken from the governor to the
Tutons, Aytaos, and visitors of the provinces of Canton and Chincheo,
recounting the outbreak of the Chinese, which obliged the Spaniards
to kill them. Upon their arrival at Macao, Marcos de la Cueva and
Fray Luys Gandullo found no news of a fleet, but that everything was
quiet--although the Chinese had already heard of the insurrection and
much of the result, from some Sangleys who had fled from Manila in
champans, upon that occasion. It was immediately learned in Chincheo
that these Spaniards were in Macao, whereupon Captains Guansan Sinu
and Guachan, wealthy men and usually engaged in trade with Manila,
went to look for them. Having learned the truth of the event, they
took the letters for the mandarins and promised to deliver them. They
urged other merchants and vessels of Chincheo, who were afraid, to go
to Manila that year. This was very useful, for through them much of the
necessity that the city [of Manila] was suffering was supplied. With
this result and with some powder, saltpeter, and lead which Marcos
de la Cueva had provided for the magazines, the latter left Macao,
and sailed to Manila, which he reached in May, to the universal joy
of the city over the news that he brought--which began to be verified
immediately by the coming of the fleet of thirteen Chinese vessels
bearing food and merchandise.

In the month of June of this year six hundred and three, [189] two
vessels were despatched from Manila to Nueva España, under command
of Don Diego de Mendoça who had been sent that year by the viceroy,
Marques de Montesclaros, with the usual reënforcements for the
islands. The flagship was "Nuestra Señora de los Remedios" and the
almiranta "Sant Antonio."

Many rich men of Manila, warned by the past troubles, took passage
in these vessels with their households and property, for Nueva
España--especially in the almiranta--with the greatest wealth that
has ever left the Filipinas. Both vessels experienced so severe
storms during the voyage, in the altitude of thirty-four degrees,
and before having passed Japon, that the flagship, without masts and
greatly lightened and damaged, put back in distress to Manila. The
almiranta was swallowed up in the sea, and no one was saved. This was
one of the greatest shipwrecks and calamities that the Filipinas have
suffered since the past ones.

During the rest of that year and that of six hundred and five, until
the sailing of the vessels which were to go to Castilla, [190] the
governor occupied himself in repairing the city, and supplying it with
provisions and ammunition, with the special object and care that the
decision which he was awaiting from the court for making an expedition
to Maluco--of which he had been advised and warned--should not find
him so unprepared as to cause him to delay the expedition. In this
he was very successful, for at that same time, the master-of-camp,
Joan de Esquivel, had arrived in Mexico with six hundred soldiers
from España. In Mexico more men were being enrolled, and a great
preparation was made of ammunition, food, money, and arms, which the
viceroy sent to the governor from Nueva España in March of that year,
by order of his Majesty, in order that he might go to Maluco. All
this arrived safely and in due season at Manila.

Shortly after the ships had left Manila for Nueva España, and those
despatched thence by the viceroy had entered, Archbishop Don Fray
Miguel de Benavides died of a long illness. His body was buried
amid the universal devotion and grief of the city. [191] At this
same time, Don Pedro de Acuña received three letters, by the ships
that continued to come from China that year, with the merchandise and
with their principal captains. They were all of the same tenor--when
translated into Castilian--from the Tuton and Haytao, and from the
inspector-general of the province of Chincheo, and were on the matter
of the insurrection of the Sangleys and their punishment. They were
as follows:

[This letter occupies folios 113b-115a of the original edition of
Morga. We have already presented that document in our V0L. XIII,
p. 287, which is translated from a copy of the original manuscript. The
answer of Acuña to this letter will be found in V0L. XIV, in the
second document of that volume.]

The letter of the inspector-general was written on the twelfth of
the second month--which according to our reckoning is March of the
twenty-third year of the reign of Vandel [i.e., Wanleh]. The eunuch's
[192] letter was written on the sixteenth of the said month and year;
and that of the viceroy, on the twenty-second of the month.

The governor answered these letters through the same messengers,
civilly and authoritatively. He gave an explanation of the deed and
justified the Spaniards, and offered friendship and trade anew with the
Chinese. He said that their property, which had remained in Manila,
would be restored to the owners, and that those imprisoned in the
galleys would be freed in due season. First, however, he intended to
use them for the Maluco expedition, which he was undertaking.

The entrances into various provinces of Japon by the discalced
religious of St. Francis and those of St. Dominic and St. Augustine,
continued to be made, both in the Castilian vessel itself which was
despatched that year to the kingdoms of Quanto,  [193] and in other
Japanese vessels which came to Manila with the silver and flour of the
Japanese, in order to trade. This was permitted and allowed by Daifu,
now called Cubosama, who that year sent the governor, through one of
his servants, certain weapons and presents, in return for others which
the governor had sent him. He answered the latter's letter as follows:

Letter from Daifusama, lord of Japon, to governor Don Pedro de Acuña,
in the year one thousand six hundred and five.

I received two letters from your Lordship, and all the gifts and
presents mentioned in the memorandum. Among them, when I received them,
the wine made from grapes pleased me greatly. During former years,
your Lordship requested permission for six vessels, and last year for
four, and I always granted your request. But, what angers me greatly is
that among the four vessels that your Lordship requested was that one
called "Antonio," which made the voyage without my orders. This was a
very lawless act, and in contempt of me. Can it be, perhaps, that your
Lordship would send to Japon without my permission any vessel that you
wished? Besides this, your Lordship and others have often negotiated
about the sects of Japon, and requested many things in regard to
them. This likewise I cannot concede; for this region is called Xincoco
[Shinkoku], or "dedicated to the idols." These have been honored with
the highest adoration from the time of our ancestors until now, and
their acts I alone cannot undo or destroy. Consequently, it is not at
all advisable that your religion be promulgated or preached in Japon;
and if your Lordship wish to preserve friendship with these kingdoms of
Japon and with me, do what I wish, and never do what is displeasing to
me. Lastly, many have told me that many wicked and perverse Japanese,
who go to that kingdom and live there for many years, afterward return
to Japon. This makes me very angry. Consequently, your Lordship will,
in the future, allow no one of the Japanese to come here in the
vessels that come from your country. In other matters, your Lordship
shall act advisedly and prudently, and shall so conduct affairs,
that henceforth I may not be angered on account of them.

The governor, carrying out his dearest wish, was to make the
expedition to Terrenate in the Malucos, which should be done quickly,
before the enemy could gather more strength than he had then; for
he had been informed that the Dutch, who had seized the island
and fortress of Amboino, had done the same with that of Tidore,
whence they had driven the Portuguese who had settled therein, and
had entered Terrenate, where they had established a trading-post for
the clove-trade. Accordingly, as soon as the despatches in regard to
this undertaking arrived from España, in June of six hundred and five,
and the men and supplies from Nueva España, which were brought at the
same time by the master-of-camp, Joan de Esquivel, the governor spent
the balance of this year in preparing the ships, men, and provisions
that he deemed necessary for the undertaking. Leaving behind in
Manila sufficient force for its defense, he went to the provinces of
Pintados, where the fleet was collected, in the beginning of the year
six hundred and six.

By the fifteenth day of the month of March, the governor had thoroughly
prepared the fleet--which consisted of five ships, four galleys with
poop-lanterns [galeras de fanal], three galliots, four champans, three
funeas, two English lanchas, two brigantines, one barca chata [194]
for the artillery, and thirteen fragatas with high freeboard. There
were one thousand three hundred Spaniards, counting regulars, captains
and officers, substitutes [entretenidos], and volunteers. Among
them were some Portuguese captains and soldiers, under charge of
the chief captain of Tidore, [195] who was at that island when the
Dutch seized it. These Portuguese came from Malaca to serve in the
expedition. There were also four hundred Indian pioneers--Tagáls and
Pampangos of Manila--who went to serve at their own cost, under their
own officers, and with their own weapons. There was a quantity of
artillery of all kinds, ammunition, tools, and provisions for nine
months. [196] Don Pedro de Acuña left the point of Hilohilo, which
is near the town of Arevalo in the island of Panai, [on the above
day] with all this equipment, and coasting the island of Mindanao,
made port at La Caldera, in order to replenish his water, wood,
and other necessaries.

The governor embarked in the galley "Santiago" and took under
his charge the other galleys and oared vessels. The ship "Jesus
Maria" acted as flagship of the other vessels, and was commanded
by the master-of-camp, Joan de Esquivel. Captain and Sargento-mayor
Cristoval de Azcueta Menchaca acted as admiral of the fleet, which,
after attending to its necessities at La Caldera, left that port. On
setting sail, the flagship, which was a heavy vessel, was unable to
leave port, and the currents drove it shoreward so that, without the
others being able to help it, it grounded. It was wrecked there, but
the crew, artillery, and a portion of its ammunition and clothing,
were saved. After setting fire to the ship, and taking what nails and
bolts they could, so that the Mindanaos could not make use of them,
the fleet continued its voyage. The galleys coasted along the island
of Mindanao, and the ships and other deep-draught vessels sailed in
the open sea, all making for the port of Talangame, in the island of
Terrenate. The vessels, although experiencing some changes of weather,
first sighted the islands of Maluco, after they had been reconnoitered
by a large Dutch ship, well equipped with artillery, which was anchored
at Terrenate. This vessel fired some heavy artillery at our vessels,
and then immediately entered the port, where it fortified itself under
shelter of the land, and with its artillery and crew and the people
of Terrenate. The master-of-camp went with his vessels to the island
of Tidore, where he was well received by the Moro chiefs and cachils;
for the king was away, as he had gone to the island of Bachan to be
married. The master-of-camp found four Dutch factors there, who were
trading for cloves. He learned from them that the ship at Terrenate
was from Holland, and was one of those which had sailed from Amboino
and seized Tidore, whence it had driven the Portuguese, and that it was
being laden with cloves. It was awaiting other vessels of its convoy,
for they had made friendship and treaties with Tidore and Terrenate,
in order to be protected against the Castilians and Portuguese. The
master-of-camp had the king of Tidore summoned immediately, and,
while awaiting Don Pedro de Acuña, rested his men and cleaned the
ships, and made gabions and other things necessary for the war. Don
Pedro de Acuña, through his pilots' fault, had gone thirty leguas
to leeward of the island of Terrenate toward the island of Celebes,
otherwise called Mateo. Recognizing that island, he returned to
Terrenate, and passing in sight of Talangame, discovered the Dutch
vessel. He tried to reconnoiter it, but after seeing that it was
harming his galleys with its artillery, and that the master-of-camp
was not there, he proceeded to Tidore, where he found the latter,
to the great joy of all. There they spent the remainder of the month
of March. At this juncture the king of Tidore arrived, with twelve
well-armed caracoas. He expressed joy at the governor's coming, to
whom he complained at length of the tyranny and subjection in which
he was kept by Sultan Zayde, [197] king of Terrenate, who was aided
by the Dutch. He offered to go in person to serve his Majesty in the
fleet, with six hundred men of Tidore. Don Pedro received him and
feasted him. Then, without any further delay at Tidore, or any more
concern about the ship at Talangame, he set about the chief purpose
for which they had come. On the last of March he started to return to
Terrenate. On that day he anchored in a harbor between the settlement
and the port, as did also the king of Tidore with his caracoas. That
same night the Dutch ship weighed anchor and went to Amboino. At dawn
of next day, April first, soldiers were landed with some difficulty,
with the intention of marching along the shore (which was a very close
and narrow stretch) to the fort, in order to plant the artillery,
with which to bombard it. As the governor thought that mischief would
ensue because of the narrowness and closeness of the pass, he landed
a number of pioneers on the high ground, to open another road, so
that the remainder of the army might pass, and the enemy be diverted
in several directions. By these efforts, he placed his camp under
the walls, although a great number of Terenatans came from various
directions to prevent him. The vanguard of the camp was in charge
of Joan Xuarez Gallinato and Captains Joan de Cuevas, Don Rodrigo
de Mendoça, Pasqual de Alarcon, Joan de Cervantes, Captain Vergara,
and Cristoval de Villagra, with their companies. The other captains
were in the body of the squadron. The rearguard was under command of
Captain Delgado, while the master-of-camp aided in all parts. The
army came up within range of the enemy's artillery, which suddenly
began to play. The governor came to see how the troops were formed,
and, leaving them at their post, returned to the fleet to have the
pieces brought out for bombarding, and to obtain refreshment for
the soldiers. Some high trees intervened between the troops and the
wall, in which the enemy had posted some scouts to reconnoiter the
field. They were driven down, and our own scouts posted there, who gave
advice from above of what was being done in the fort. Captain Vergara,
and after him, Don Rodrigo de Mendoça and Alarcon, went to reconnoiter
the walls, the bastion of Nuestra Señora, and the pieces mounted on
the ground there, and a low wall of rough stone which extended to
the mountain, where there was a bastion in which the wall ended. It
was called Cachiltulo, and was defended with pieces of artillery and
a number of culverins, muskets, arquebuses, and pikes; while many
other weapons peculiar to the Terenatans were placed along the wall
for its defense. Having seen and reconnoitered all this, although not
with impunity, because the enemy had killed six soldiers with the
artillery and wounded Alferez Joan de la Rambla in the knee with a
musket-ball, the Spaniards returned to the army. A trifle past noon,
a lofty site was reconnoitered, in the direction of the bastion of
Cachiltulo, whence the enemy could be attacked and driven from the
wall; and Captain Cuevas was ordered to occupy it with twenty-five
musketeers. Having done this, the enemy sent out a crowd of men
to prevent him from occupying it. A skirmish ensued, and the Moros
turned and retreated to their wall. Cuevas followed them so closely
and persisted so long, that he needed reënforcement. The scouts in
the trees gave information of what was being done, whereupon Captains
Don Rodrigo de Mendoça, Alarcon, Cervantes, and Vergara reënforced
him with their light-armed pikemen and halberdiers. They pursued the
enemy with so great rapidity and resolution that they entered the
walls behind them. However, some of the Spaniards were wounded, and
Captain Cervantes was pushed down from the wall and his legs broken,
which caused his death. Captain Don Rodrigo de Mendoça, pursuing the
enemy, who were retiring, ran inside the wall as far as the cavalier
of Nuestra Señora, while Vergara ran in the opposite direction along
the curtain of the wall to the bastion of Cachiltulo, and went on
as far as the mountain. By this time the main body of the army had
already assaulted the wall. Mutually aiding one another, they mounted
the wall and entered the place on all sides, although with the loss of
some dead and wounded soldiers. The soldiers were stopped by a trench
beyond the fort of Nuestra Señora, for the enemy had retreated to a
shed, which was fortified with a considerable number of musketeers and
arquebusiers, and four light pieces. They discharged their arquebuses
and muskets at the Spaniards, and threw cane spears hardened in fire,
and bacacaes,  [198] after their fashion. The Spaniards assaulted the
shed, whereupon a Dutch artilleryman trying to fire a large swivel-gun,
with which he would have done great damage, being confused did not
succeed, and threw down the linstock, turned, and fled. The enemy
did the same after him, and abandoned the shed, fleeing in all
directions. Those who would do so embarked with the king and some
of his wives and the Dutch in one caracoa and four juangas  [199]
which they had armed near the king's fort. Captain Vergara entered the
fort immediately, but found it deserted. Don Rodrigo de Mendoça and
Villagra pursued the enemy toward the mountain for a long distance,
and killed many Moros. With this, at two o'clock in the afternoon,
the settlement and fort of Terrenate was completely gained. The
Spanish banners and standards were flung from it, without it having
been necessary for them to bombard the walls, as they had expected;
and the fort was taken at so slight cost to the Spaniards. Their dead
numbered fifteen men, and the wounded twenty more. The whole town was
reconnoitered, even its extremity--a small fort, called Limataen--which
contained two pieces of artillery, and two other pieces near the
mosque on the seashore. The loot of the place was of small importance,
for already the things of most value, and the women and children,
had been removed to the island of Moro, whither the king fled and
took refuge in a fort that he had there. Some products of that land
were found, and a great quantity of cloves. In the factory of the
Dutch were found two thousand ducados, some cloth goods and linens,
and many weapons, while in many places were excellent Portuguese and
Dutch artillery, a number of culverins and a quantity of ammunition,
of which possession was taken for his Majesty.	[200] A guard was
placed over what was gained, and the place was put in a condition
for defense with some pieces taken from the fleet, while the governor
ordered and provided whatever else was advisable.

Cachil Amuxa, the king's nephew and the greatest chief of Terrenate,
came with other cachils to make peace with the governor. He said
that he and all the Terenatans wished to be vassals of his Majesty,
and that they would have rendered homage long before, but the king
prevented them. The latter as a proud man, and, confident in his
own opinion, although he had been advised to surrender the fort to
his Majesty and render him homage, had steadily refused to do so,
having been encouraged and emboldened by the success that he had
gained upon other occasions. That was the reason that he found himself
in his present wretched condition. He offered to induce the king to
leave the fort of Moro if given assurance of life. Don Pedro de Acuña
received this Moro well, and as a Portuguese, Pablo de Lima--one of
those whom the Dutch had driven from Tidore, a man of high standing,
and well acquainted with the king--offered to accompany him, the
governor despatched them with a written passport as follows:

Passport from Don Pedro de Acuña to the king of Terrenate

I, Don Pedro de Acuña, governor, captain-general, and president of
the Filipinas Islands, and general of this army and fleet, declare
that, over my signature, I hereby give security of life to the king
of Terrenate, in order that he may come to talk with me--both to him
and those whom he may bring with him--reserving to myself the disposal
of all the others as I may see fit. I certify this in his Majesty's
name. And I order that no person of this fleet molest him or any of
his possessions, and that all observe what is herein contained. Given
in Terrenate, April six, one thousand six hundred and six.

DON PEDRO DE ACUÑA

Within nine days Cachilamuja and Pablo de Lima returned to Terrenate
with the king, the prince, his son, [201] and others of his relatives,
cachils and sangajes, [202] under the said passport. They placed
themselves under the governor's power, and he received them with
great affection and respect. He lodged the king and his son in a
good house in the settlement, under guard of a company. The king
restored the villages of Christians that his Majesty had possessed
in the island of Moro, when the fort of Terrenate was lost by the
Portuguese. He placed his person and kingdom in his Majesty's power,
and surrendered a quantity of muskets and heavy artillery that he had
in some forts of the said island. The governor did not despoil him
of his kingdom, but on the contrary allowed him to appoint two of his
men to govern, whose choice was to be ratified by himself. The king,
his son the prince, and their cachils and sangajes swore homage to his
Majesty. The kings of Tidore and Bachan, and the sangaje of La Bua did
the same, and covenanted and promised not to admit either the Dutch
or other nations into Maluco for the clove-trade. They promised, as
his Majesty's vassals, to go on all occasions to serve him with their
persons, men, and ships, whenever summoned by whomever commanded the
fort of Terrenate; that they would oppose no obstacles to the Moros
who wished to become Christians; that if any wicked Christian went
to their lands to turn renegade, they would surrender him; and other
suitable things. Therewith great and small were content and pleased,
since they were freed from the tyranny of the king of Terrenate. The
governor remitted to them the third part of the tributes which they
were wont to pay their king, and gave the Moros other advantages. Then
he planned a new and modern fort, in a very conspicuous and suitable
location, and began to build it. In order that the old fort might be
better defended while the new one was being completed, he reduced it
to a less size, by making new cavaliers and bastions, which he finished
and furnished with ramparts and stout gates. He commenced another fort
in the island of Tidore, on a good location near the settlement. After
placing in order whatever he judged necessary in Terrenate and Tidore,
and in the other towns and fortresses of Maluco, he returned with
his fleet to the Filipinas. He left the master-of-camp, Joan de
Esquivel, with a garrison of six hundred soldier--five hundred,
in five companies, for Terrenate--in the fort of Terrenate to act
as his assistant and as governor of Maluco; he also left there one
large forge and a number of smiths, sixty-five pioneers, thirty-five
stonecutters, two galliots, two well-armed brigantines, and crews of
rowers. The other company of soldiers [was to be stationed] in Tidore
under command of Captain Alarcon; while ammunition and provisions for
one year were left in both forts. In order to be more assured of the
[peaceful] condition of the country, he took the king of Terrenate
from it and carried him to Manila, as well as his son the prince, and
twenty-four cachils and sangajes, most of them the king's relatives,
to whom he showed every honor and good treatment. He explained to
them why he took them, and that their return to Maluco depended upon
the security and tranquillity with which the Moros should conduct
themselves in their obedience and service to his Majesty. [203] The
three Portuguese galliots returned to Malaca, taking with them the
Dutch who were in Maluco and the Portuguese captains and soldiers who
had come to take part in this expedition. The governor entered Manila
in triumph with the remainder of the fleet, on the last day of May,
six hundred and six. He was received there with acclamations of joy
and praise from the city, who gave thanks to God for so happy and
prompt result in an undertaking of so great weight and importance.

During the governor's absence in Maluco, the royal Audiencia of
the islands governed the Filipinas. The Audiencia wished to drive
a number of Japanese from the city, for they were a turbulent
people and promised little security for the country. When this
was attempted and force employed, the Japanese resisted, and the
matter came to such a pass that they took arms to oppose it, and
it was necessary for the Spaniards to take their arms also. The
affair assumed definite proportions, and some on either side wished
to give battle. However, it was postponed by various means until,
through the efforts of certain religious, the Japanese were quieted;
and afterward as many as possible were embarked in vessels, although
they resented it greatly. This was one of the greatest dangers that
has threatened Manila, for the Spaniards were few in number, and the
Japanese more than one thousand five hundred, and they are a spirited
and very mettlesome race. Had they come to blows on this occasion,
the Spaniards would have fared ill.  [204]

The governor, upon entering Manila, took over immediately the affairs
of his government, especially the despatching of two vessels about to
sail to Nueva España. He was present in person in the port of Cabit
at the equipment and lading of the ships, and the embarcation of the
passengers. He was seized by some indisposition of the stomach which
compelled him to return to Manila and take to his bed. His pain and
vomiting increased so rapidly that, without its being possible to
relieve him, he died in great anguish on St. John's day, to the great
sorrow and grief of the country. Especially did the king of Terrenate
show and express his grief, for he had always received great honor
and kind treatment from the governor. It was suspected that his death
had been violent, because of the severity and the symptoms of his
illness. The suspicion increased, because the physicians and surgeons,
having opened his body, declared, from the signs that they found, that
he had been poisoned, which made his death more regrettable. [205]
The Audiencia buried the governor in the monastery of St. Augustine
at Manila, with the pomp and ostentation due to his person and
offices. Then, again taking charge of the government, the Audiencia
despatched the vessels to Nueva España, whence advice was sent to
his Majesty of the taking of Maluco and the death of the governor.

The flagship, in which Don Rodrigo de Mendoça was sailing as general
and captain, reached Nueva España quickly with this news. The
almiranta, notwithstanding that it left the islands at the same
time, delayed more than six months. Eighty persons who perished
from disease were buried in the sea, while many others stricken by
the disease died of it upon landing at the port of Acapulco. Among
these was the licentiate Don Antonio de Ribera, auditor of Manila,
who had been appointed auditor of Mexico.

At the arrival of these vessels, it was learned that since the death
of Don Pedro de Acuña, and the taking over of the government by the
Audiencia, no change had occurred in the affairs of the islands;
but that their commerce was restricted because of the prohibition
which forbade sending to the islands more than five hundred thousand
pesos each year of the proceeds from the sale of the merchandise in
Nueva España. On account of this the people were in need, as this
amount appeared little for the many Spaniards and for the extent
of the trade--by which all classes are sustained, as they have no
other resources or capital. Also, although the gaining of Maluco had
been so important for affairs in those islands themselves, and their
punishment for the reduction of the other rebels--especially those
of Mindanao and Jolo, from whom the Filipinas had received so great
injury--the desirable quiet and stability had not been secured. For
the Mindanaos and the Joloans were not yet discontinuing their
descents upon the provinces of the Pintados in their war-vessels, to
seize booty according to their custom--and this will continue until
a suitable expedition be sent against them--and Maluco affairs were
not failing to give Joan de Esquivel, the master-of-camp, sufficient
to do. He was acting as governor there and had but little security
from the natives, who, being a Mahometan people, and by nature easily
persuaded and fickle, are restless, and ready for disturbances and
wars. Daily and in different parts the natives were being incited
and aroused to rebellion; and although the master-of-camp and his
captains were endeavoring to punish and pacify them, they could not
do what was necessary to quiet so many disturbances as arose. The
soldiers were dying, and the food giving out; and the aid sent from
Manila could not arrive at the time or in so great quantity as was
requested, because of the perils of the voyage and the straits of
the royal treasury. [206] The coming of vessels to Maluco at this
time from Holanda and Zelanda was not less prejudicial to all our
interests; for the Dutch, having so great interests in the islands,
and having established their interests there so firmly, were coming
in squadrons by the India route, to recover what they had lost in
Amboino, Terrenate, and other islands. With their countenance, the
Moros were revolting against the Spaniards, who had their hands full
with them, and more so with the Dutch, for the latter were numerous,
and more dangerous enemies than the natives.

The Dutch interest in these regions is so vast--both in the clove-trade
and that of other drugs and spices, and because they think that
they will have a gateway there for the subjugation of the whole
Orient--that, overcoming all the toil and dangers of the voyage,
they are continually coming to these islands in greater numbers and
with larger fleets. If a very fundamental and timely remedy be not
administered in this matter, it will increase to such an extent in
a short time that afterward no remedy can be applied.

The English and Flemish usually make this voyage by way of the strait
of Magallanes. Francisco Draque [Drake] was the first to make it,
and some years later Tomas Liscander [Candish or Cavendish], who
passed by Maluco.

Lately Oliver del Nort, a Fleming, made the voyage. The Spanish fleet
fought with his fleet amid the Filipinas Islands, at the end of the
year one thousand six hundred. In this fight, after the capture of
his almiranta (which was commanded by Lamberto Biezman) the flagship,
having lost nearly all its crew, and being much disabled, took to
flight. And as it afterward left the Filipinas, and was seen in Sunda
and the Java channels, so disabled, it seemed impossible for it to
navigate, and that it would surely be lost, as was recounted above
when treating of this.

This pirate, although so crippled, had the good fortune to escape from
the Spaniards, and, after great troubles and hardships, he returned
to Amstradam with his ship "Mauricio," with only nine men alive,
reaching it on the twenty-sixth of August in the year six hundred
and one. He wrote the relation and the events of his voyage, and gave
plates of the battle and of the ships. This was afterward translated
into Latin and printed by Teodoro de Bri, a German, at Francfort, in
the year six hundred and two. Both relations are going the rounds,
and the voyage is regarded as a most prodigious feat and one of so
great hardships and perils.  [207]

Bartolome Perez, a pilot, gave the same news from the island of La
Palma. He, having come from England by way of Holanda, conversed
with Oliver del Nort, and the latter narrated to him his voyage and
sufferings, as mentioned by Licentiate Fernando de la Cueva in a
letter from the island of La Palma, [208] on the last of July, of
the year six hundred and four, to Marcos de la Cueva, his brother,
who was a resident of Manila, and one of the volunteers who embarked
on the Spanish flagship which fought with the pirate. This letter is
as follows.

I answer two of your Grace's letters in this: one dated July, six
hundred and one, and the other July, six hundred and two. In both
of them your Grace relates to me the shipwreck that befell you and
how you saved yourself by swimming. Long before I saw your Grace's
letters, I had learned of your mishap, whereat I was very anxious and
even quite grieved; because of what was reported here, I imagined
that your Grace had a part in it. Consequently, I was singularly
overjoyed at the assurance that your Grace still possessed life and
health. Having them, one can conquer other things; and without them
human treasure has no value. By way of Flandes (whence ships come
daily to this island), I learned much, nay, all the event, although
not so minutely. For Oliver de Nort, who was the Dutch general, with
whom the engagement occurred, arrived safely in Holanda, with eight
men--and he made nine--and without money. His purpose when he left
the rebellious states of Holanda and Zelanda, with five armed vessels
laden with merchandise--which were worth, principal and merchandise,
one hundred and fifty or two hundred thousand ducados--was to trade
and carry on commerce through the strait (and such were his orders),
in whatever parts he should be, with friends or enemies. He was not to
attack anyone, but only to defend himself and to incline the Indians to
trade and exchange with him. All the vessels having reached the strait
together, three of them became separated there because of storms,
and must have been wrecked; for up to the present nothing has been
heard of them. Having seen himself so abandoned, and that he could
not restore his loss by trade, or else because he did not receive a
hospitable reception from the inhabitants of Piru, he determined to
exceed his orders, and make that voyage one of plundering. Accordingly
he stationed himself at the mouth of the river to await ships. The
rest that befell, your Grace knows. Oliver de Nort is a native of the
city of Roterdam, and he reached it with an anchor of wood. [209]
He had no other with which to anchor, nor indeed had he any other
left. It is said that this is a very heavy wood of the Indias, and he
has placed it at the door of his house, as a mark of distinction. He
arrived, as I say, with nine men, all told, very much worn out, and as
by a miracle. He has printed a book of his voyage, with engravings of
his vessels, and many other details of what happened to him, and the
hardships that they endured in the fight and throughout the voyage,
both to show his own glory and to incite others to similar deeds.

A pilot of this island, one Bartolome Perez, was seized and taken to
Inglaterra before the peace or truce. He came through Holanda, where
he conversed at great length with Oliver. The latter told him all that
had happened to him, which is known to all, and was discussed in this
island before that voyage. Bartolome Perez says that Oliver de Nort
praised the Spaniards greatly, and said they were the bravest men he
had seen in his life. They had gained the deck of his ship, and all
the upper works, when he cried out from below deck to set fire to
the powder, whereupon he believes that the Spaniards left for fear
of being blown up. The Dutch then had an opportunity to escape, but
so crippled were they that their reaching port seems a miracle. The
pilot says that he saw the anchor and the book, and what pertains to
the book is stated here. I have recounted this to your Grace, because
of the statements in your letter, namely, that people considered them
as lost, and so that so singular a case may be known there.

Now the Dutch make the voyage more quickly and more safely, going
and coming, by way of India, but not touching at its ports or coasts,
until they reach the islands of the Javas [210]--Java major and Java
minor--and Samatra, Amboino, and the Malucas. Since they know the
district so well, and have experienced the immense profits ensuing to
them therefrom, it will be difficult to drive them from the Orient,
where they have inflicted so many losses in both spiritual and
temporal affairs.



¶ Relation of the Filipinas Islands and of their natives, antiquity,
customs, and government, both during the period of their paganism
and after their conquest by the Spaniards, and other details.

¶ CHAPTER EIGHTH

The islands of the eastern Ocean Sea, adjacent to farther Asia,
belonging to the crown of España, are generally called, by those who
navigate thither by way of the demarcation of Castilla and Castilla's
seas and lands of America, "the Western Islands;" for from the time
that one leaves España, he sails in the course of the sun from east
to west, until he reaches them. For the same reason they are called
"Eastern Islands" by those who sail from west to east by way of
Portuguese India, each of them circumscribing the world by voyaging
in opposite directions, until they meet at these islands, which are
numerous and of varying size; they are properly called Filipinas,
and are subject to the crown of Castilla. They lie within the tropic
of Cancer, and extend from twenty-four degrees north latitude to the
equinoctial line, which cuts the islands of Maluco. There are many
others on the other side of the line, in the tropic of Capricorn,
which extend for twelve degrees in south latitude. [211] The ancients
affirmed that each and all of them were desert and uninhabitable, [212]
but now experience has demonstrated that they deceived themselves;
for good climates, many people, and food and other things necessary
for human life are found there, besides many mines of rich metals,
with precious gems and pearls, and animals and plants, which nature
has not stinted.

It is impossible to number all the islands--counting larger and
smaller--of this vast archipelago. Those comprised in the name and
government of Filipinas, number about forty large islands, besides
other smaller ones, all consecutive. The chiefest and best known are
Luzon, Mindoro, Tendaya, [213] Capul, Burias, Mazbate, Marinduque,
Leite, Camar, Ybabao, Sebu, Panay, Bohol, Catenduanes, Calamianes,
Mindanao, and others of less renown.

The first island conquered and colonized by the Spaniards was
Sebu. [214] From there the conquest was started and continued in
all the neighboring islands. Those islands are inhabited by people,
natives of the same islands, called Viçayas; or by another name,
Pintados--for the more prominent of the men, from their youth, tattoo
their whole bodies, by pricking them wherever they are marked and then
throwing certain black powders over the bleeding surface, the figures
becoming indelible. But, as the chief seat of the government, and the
principal Spanish settlement, was moved to the island of Luzon--the
largest island, and that one nearest and opposite to Great China and
Japon--I shall treat of it first; for much that will be said of it is
similar in the others, to each of whose particulars and distinctive
details I shall pass in due time.

This island of Luzon extends lengthwise, from the point and head where
one enters the Filipinas Islands (by the channel of Capul, which
lies in thirteen and one-half degrees north latitude) to the other
point in the province of Cagayan, called Cape Bojeador (and located
opposite China, in twenty degrees), more than two hundred leguas. In
some parts its width is more constricted than in others, especially in
the middle of the island, where it is so narrow that it is less than
thirty leguas from sea to sea, or from one coast to the other. The
whole island is more than four hundred leguas in circumference.

The climates of this island are not harmonious; on the contrary, they
present a great diversity in its different districts and provinces. The
head and beginning of the island, in the region of the channel, is more
temperate in the interior, although the coasts are hot. The site of
the city of Manila is hot, for it is on the coast and is low; but in
its vicinity, quite near the city, there are districts and settlements
much cooler, where the heat is not oppressive. The same is true of the
other head of the island, opposite China, named Cagayan. The seasons
of the year--winter and summer--are contrary to those in Europe; for
the rains generally last in all these islands from the month of June
until the month of September, and are accompanied by heavy showers,
whirlwinds, and storms on sea and land. The summer lasts from October
to the end of May, with clear skies and fair winds at sea. However,
the winter and rainy season begins earlier in some provinces than
in others.  [215] In Cagayan winter and summer almost coincide with
those of España, and come at the same seasons.

The people inhabiting the province of Camarines and almost as far as
the provinces of Manila, in this great island of Luzon, both along
the coast and in the interior, are natives of this island. They are
of medium height, with a complexion like stewed quinces; and both
men and women are well-featured. They have very black hair, and
thin beards; and are very clever at anything that they undertake,
keen and passionate, and of great resolution. All live from their
labor and gains in the field, their fishing, and trade, going from
island to island by sea, and from province to province by land.

The natives of the other provinces of this island as far as Cagayan are
of the same nature and disposition, except that it has been learned
by tradition that those of Manila and its vicinity were not natives
of this island, but came thither in the past and colonized it; and
that they are Malay natives, and come from other islands and remote
provinces. [216]

In various parts of this island of Luzon are found a number of
natives black in color. Both men and women have woolly hair, and their
stature is not very great, although they are strong and robust. These
people are barbarians, and have but little capacity. They possess no
fixed houses or settlements, but wander in bands and hordes through
the mountains and rough country, changing from one site to another
according to the season. They support themselves in certain clearings,
and by planting rice, which they do temporarily, and by means of the
game that they bring down with their bows, in the use of which they
are very skilful and certain. [217] They live also on honey from the
mountains, and roots produced by the ground. They are a barbarous
people, in whom one cannot place confidence. They are much given to
killing and to attacking the settlements of the other natives, in which
they commit many depredations; and there is nothing that can be done
to stop them, or to subdue or pacify them, although this is always
attempted by fair or foul means, as opportunity and necessity demand.

The province of Cagayan is inhabited by natives of the same complexion
as the others of the island, although they are better built, and more
valiant and warlike than the others. They wear their hair long and
hanging down the back. They have been in revolt and rebellion twice
since the first time when they were pacified; and there has been plenty
to do, on different occasions, in subduing them and repacifying them.

The apparel and clothing of these natives of Luzon before the
entrance of the Spaniards into the country were generally, for the
men, certain short collarless garments of cangan, sewed together
in the front, and with short sleeves, and reaching slightly below
the waist; some were blue and others black, while the chiefs had
some red ones, called chinanas. [218] They also wore a strip of
colored cloth wrapped about the waist, and passed between the legs,
so that it covered the privy parts, reaching half-way down the thigh;
these are called bahaques. [219] They go with legs bare, feet unshod,
and the head uncovered, wrapping a narrow cloth, called potong [220]
just below it, with which they bind the forehead and temples. About
their necks they wear gold necklaces, wrought like spun wax, [221]
and with links in our fashion, some larger than others. On their
arms they wear armlets of wrought gold, which they call calombigas,
and which are very large and made in different patterns. Some wear
strings of precious stones--cornelians and agates; and other blue
and white stones, which they esteem highly. [222] They wear around
the legs some strings of these stones, and certain cords, covered
with black pitch in many foldings, as garters. [223]

In a province called Zambales, they wear the head shaved from
the middle forward. On the skull they have a huge lock of loose
hair. [224] The women throughout this island wear small jackets
[sayuelos] with sleeves of the same kinds of cloth and of all colors,
called varos. [225] They wear no shifts, but certain white cotton
garments which are wrapped about the waist and fall to the feet,
while other dyed cloths are wrapped about the body, like kirtles, and
are very graceful. The principal women have crimson ones, and some
of silk, while others are woven with gold, and adorned with fringe
and other ornaments. They wear many gold necklaces about the neck,
calumbigas on the wrists, large earrings of wrought gold in the ears,
and rings of gold and precious stones. Their black hair is done up
in a very graceful knot on the head. Since the Spaniards came to the
country many Indians do not wear bahaques, but wide drawers of the
same cloths and materials, and hats on their heads. The chiefs wear
braids of wrought gold containing many designs, while many of them wear
shoes. The chief women also wear beautiful shoes, many of them having
shoes of velvet adorned with gold, and white garments like petticoats.

Men and women, and especially the chief people, are very clean and neat
in their persons and clothing, and of pleasing address and grace. They
dress their hair carefully, and regard it as being more ornamental when
it is very black. They wash it with water in which has been boiled
the bark of a tree called gogo. [226] They anoint it with aljonjoli
oil, prepared with musk, and other perfumes. All are very careful of
their teeth, which from a very early age they file and render even,
with stones and iron. [227] They dye them a black color, which is
lasting, and which preserves their teeth until they are very old,
although it is ugly to look at. [228]

They quite generally bathe the entire body in the rivers and creeks,
both young and old, without reflecting that it could at any time be
injurious to them; [229] for in their baths do they find their best
medicines. When an infant is born, they immediately bathe it, and
the mother likewise. The women have needlework as their employment
and occupation, and they are very clever at it, and at all kinds of
sewing. They weave cloth and spin cotton, and serve in the houses
of their husbands and fathers. They pound the rice for eating,
[230] and prepare the other food. They raise fowls and swine, and
keep the houses, while the men are engaged in the labors of the
field, and in their fishing, navigation, and trading. They are not
very chaste, either single or married women; while their husbands,
fathers, or brothers are not very jealous or anxious about it. Both
men and women are so selfish and greedy that, if they are paid, they
are easily won over. When the husband finds his wife in adultery,
he is smoothed and pacified without any trouble--although, since they
have known Spaniards, some of those who assume to be more enlightened
among them have sometimes killed the adulterers. Both men and women,
especially the chiefs, walk slowly and sedately when upon their
visits, and when going through the streets and to the temples; and
are accompanied by many slaves, both male and female, with parasols
of silk which they carry to protect them from the sun and rain. The
women walk ahead and their female servants and slaves follow them;
behind these walk their husbands, fathers, or brothers, with their
man-servants and slaves. [231]

Their ordinary food is rice pounded in wooden mortars, and cooked--this
is called morisqueta, [232] and is the ordinary bread of the whole
country--boiled fish (which is very abundant), the flesh of swine,
deer, and wild buffaloes (which they call carabaos). Meat and fish they
relish better when it has begun to spoil and when it stinks. [233] They
also eat boiled camotes (which are sweet potatoes), beans, quilites
[234] and other vegetables; all kinds of bananas, guavas, pineapples,
custard apples, many varieties of oranges, and other varieties of
fruits and herbs, with which the country teems. Their drink is a wine
made from the tops of cocoa and nipa palm, of which there is a great
abundance. They are grown and tended like vineyards, although without
so much toil and labor. Drawing off the tuba, [235] they distil it,
using for alembics their own little furnaces and utensils, to a greater
or less strength, and it becomes brandy. This is drunk throughout the
islands. It is a wine of the clarity of water, but strong and dry. If
it be used with moderation, it acts as a medicine for the stomach,
and is a protection against humors and all sorts of rheums. Mixed
with Spanish wine, it makes a mild liquor, and one very palatable
and healthful.

In the assemblies, marriages, and feasts of the natives of these
islands, the chief thing consists in drinking this wine, day and night,
without ceasing, when the turn of each comes, some singing and others
drinking. As a consequence, they generally become intoxicated without
this vice being regarded as a dishonor or disgrace. [236]

The weapons of this people are, in some provinces, bow and arrows. But
those generally used throughout the islands are moderate-sized spears
with well-made points; and certain shields of light wood, with their
armholes fastened on the inside. These cover them from top to toe,
and are called carasas [kalasag]. At the waist they carry a dagger four
fingers in breadth, the blade pointed, and a third of a vara in length;
the hilt is of gold or ivory. The pommel is open and has two cross bars
or projections, without any other guard. They are called bararaos. They
have two cutting edges, and are kept in wooden scabbards, or those
of buffalo-horn, admirably wrought. [237] With these they strike
with the point, but more generally with the edge. When they go in
pursuit of their opponent, they show great dexterity in seizing his
hair with one hand, while with the other they cut off his head with
one stroke of the bararao, and carry it away. They afterward keep
the heads suspended in their houses, where they may be seen; and of
these they make a display, in order to be considered as valiant, and
avengers of their enemies and of the injuries committed by them. [238]

Since they have seen the Spaniards use their weapons, many of the
natives handle the arquebuses and muskets quite skilfully. Before the
arrival of the Spaniards they had bronze culverins and other pieces
of cast iron, with which they defended their forts and settlements,
although their powder is not so well refined as that of the Spaniards.

Their ships and boats are of many kinds; for on the rivers and creeks
inland they use certain very large canoes, each made from one log,
and others fitted with benches and made from planks, and built up
on keels. They have vireys and barangays, which are certain quick
and light vessels that lie low in the water, put together with little
wooden nails. These are as slender at the stern as at the bow, and they
can hold a number of rowers on both sides, who propel their vessels
with bucçeyes or paddles, and with gaones [239] on the outside of the
vessel; and they time their rowing to the accompaniment of some who
sing in their language refrains by which they understand whether to
hasten or retard their rowing. [240] Above the rowers is a platform or
gangway, built of bamboo, upon which the fighting-men stand, in order
not to interfere with the rowing of the oarsmen. In accordance with the
capacity of the vessels is the number of men on these gangways. From
that place they manage the sail, which is square and made of linen,
and hoisted on a support or yard made of two thick bamboos, which
serves as a mast. When the vessel is large, it also has a foresail of
the same form. Both yards, with their tackle, can be lowered upon the
gangway when the weather is rough. The helmsmen are stationed in the
stern to steer. It carries another bamboo framework on the gangway
itself; and upon this, when the sun shines hot, or it rains, they
stretch an awning made from some mats, woven from palm-leaves. These
are very bulky and close, and are called cayanes [241] Thus all the
ship and its crew are covered and protected. There are also other
bamboo frameworks for each side of the vessel, which are so long as
the vessel, and securely fastened on. They skim the water, without
hindering the rowing, and serve as a counterpoise, so that the ship
cannot overturn nor upset, however heavy the sea, or strong the wind
against the sail. It may happen that the entire hull of these vessels,
which have no decks, may fill with water and remain between wind and
water, even until it is destroyed and broken up, without sinking,
because of these counterpoises. These vessels have been used commonly
throughout the islands since olden times. They have other larger
vessels called caracoas, lapis, and tapaques, which are used to carry
their merchandise, and which are very suitable, as they are roomy and
draw but little water. They generally drag them ashore every night,
at the mouths of rivers and creeks, among which they always navigate
without going into the open sea or leaving the shore. All the natives
can row and manage these boats. Some are so long that they can carry
one hundred rowers on a side and thirty soldiers above to fight. The
boats commonly used are barangays and vireys, which carry a less
crew and fighting force. Now they put many of them together with
iron nails instead of the wooden pegs and the joints in the planks,
while the helms and bows have beaks like Castilian boats. [242]

The land is well shaded in all parts by trees of different kinds,
and fruit-trees which beautify it throughout the year, both along
the shore and inland among the plains and mountains. It is very full
of large and small rivers, of good fresh water, which flow into the
sea. All of them are navigable, and abound in all kinds of fish,
which are very pleasant to the taste. For the above reason there
is a large supply of lumber, which is cut and sawed, dragged to the
rivers, and brought down, by the natives. This lumber is very useful
for houses and buildings, and for the construction of small and large
vessels. Many very straight thick trees, light and pliable, are found,
which are used as masts for ships and galleons. Consequently, vessels
of any size may be fitted with masts from these trees, made of one
piece of timber, without its being necessary to splice them or make
them of different pieces. For the hulls of the ships, the keels,
futtock-timbers, top-timbers, and any other kinds of supports and
braces, compass-timbers, transoms, knees small and large, and rudders,
all sorts of good timber are easily found; as well as good planking
for the sides, decks, and upper-works, from very suitable woods. [243]

There are many native fruit-trees, such as the sanctors, mabolos,
tamarinds, nancas, custard-apples, papaws, guavas, and everywhere
many oranges, of all kinds--large and small, sweet and sour;
citrons, lemons, and ten or twelve varieties of very healthful and
palatable bananas. [244] There are many cocoa-palms bearing fruit
of pleasant taste--from which is made wine and common oil, which
is a very healing remedy for wounds; and other wild palms of the
forests--that do not yield cocoa-nuts, but serve as wood, and from
whose bark is made bonote, a tow for rigging and cables, and also for
calking ships. Efforts have been made to plant olives and quinces,
and other fruit-trees of España, but as yet they have had no success,
except with pomegranates and grapevines, which bear fruit the second
year. These bear abundance of exceedingly good grapes three times a
year; and some fig-trees have succeeded. Vegetables of every kind
grow well and very abundantly, but do not seed, and it is always
necessary to bring the seeds from Castilla, China, or Japon.

In the Cagayan provinces are found chestnut-trees, which produce
fruit. In other districts are found pines and other trees which yield
certain very large pine-nuts, with a hard shell and a pleasant taste,
which are called piles. [245] There is abundance of cedar which is
called calanta, a beautiful red wood called asana, [246] ebony of
various qualities, and many other precious woods for all uses. The meat
generally eaten is that of swine, of which there is a great abundance,
and it is very palatable and wholesome.

Beef is eaten, cattle being raised abundantly in stock-farms in
many different parts of the islands. The cattle are bred from those
of China and Nueva España. [247] The Chinese cattle are small, and
excellent breeders. Their horns are very small and twisted, and some
cattle can move them. They have a large hump upon the shoulders, and
are very manageable beasts. There are plenty of fowls like those of
Castilla, and others very large, which are bred from fowls brought
from China. They are very palatable, and make fine capons. Some of
these fowls are black in feather, skin, flesh, and bones, and are
pleasant to the taste. [248] Many geese are raised, as well as swans,
ducks, and tame pigeons brought from China. There is abundance of
flesh of wild game, such as venison, and wild boars, and in some parts
porcupines. There are many buffaloes, which are called carabaos, which
are raised in the fields and are very spirited; others are brought
tame from China; these are very numerous, and very handsome. These
last are used only for milking, and their milk is thicker and more
palatable than that of cows.

Goats and kids are raised, although their flesh is not savory, because
of the humidity of the country. These animals sicken and die for that
reason, and because they eat certain poisonous herbs. Ewes and rams,
although often brought from Nueva España, never multiply. Consequently
there are none of these animals, for the climate and pasturage has not
as yet seemed suitable for them. [249] There were no horses, mares, or
asses in the islands, until the Spaniards had them brought from China
and brought them from Nueva España. Asses and mules are very rare,
but there are many horses and mares. Some farms are being stocked with
them, and those born there (mixed breeds for the most part) turn out
well, and have good colors, are good tempered and willing to work, and
are of medium size. Those brought from China are small, very strong,
good goers, treacherous, quarrelsome, and bad-tempered. Some horses
of good colors are brought from Japon. They have well-shaped bodies,
thick hair, large fetlocks, large legs and front hoofs, which makes
them look like draft-horses. Their heads are rather large, and their
mouths hard. They run but slowly, but walk well, and are spirited,
and of much mettle. The daily feed of the horses consists throughout
the year of green provender, [250] besides rice in the husk, which
keeps them very fat. [251]

There are many fowls and field birds, and wild birds of wonderful
colors and very beautiful. There are no singing birds suitable for
keeping in cages, although some calendar larks [Calandrias] called
fimbaros, [252] smaller than those of España, are brought from Japon,
whose song is most sweet. There are many turtle-doves, ring-doves;
other doves with an extremely green plumage, and red feet and beaks;
and others that are white with a red spot on the breast, like a
pelican. Instead of quail, there are certain birds resembling them,
but smaller, which are called povos [253] and other smaller birds
called mayuelas. [254] There are many wild chickens and cocks, which
are very small, and taste like partridge. There are royal, white, and
grey herons, flycatchers, and other shore birds, ducks, lavancos, [255]
crested cranes, sea-crows, eagles, eagle-owls, and other birds of prey,
although none are used for hawking. There are jays and thrushes as in
España, and white storks and cranes. [256] They do not rear peacocks,
rabbits, or hares, although they have tried to do so. It is believed
that the wild animals in the forests and fields eat and destroy them,
namely, the cats, foxes, badgers, and large and small rats, which
are very numerous, and other land animals. [257]

Throughout these islands are found a great number of monkeys, of
various sizes, with which at times the trees are covered. There are
green and white parrots, but they are stupid in talking; and very
small parroquets, of beautiful green and red colors, which talk as
little. The forests and settlements have many serpents, of various
colors, which are generally larger than those of Castilla. Some
have been seen in the forests of unusual size, and wonderful to
behold. [258] The most harmful are certain slender snakes, of less
than one vara in length, which dart down upon passersby from the trees
(where they generally hang), and sting them; their venom is so powerful
that within twenty-four hours the person dies raving.

There are many very large scorpions in the rivers and creeks,
and a great number of crocodiles, which are very bloodthirsty and
cruel. They quite commonly pull from their bancas the natives who go
in those boats, and cause many injuries among the horned cattle and
the horses of the stock-farms, when they go to drink. And although the
people fish for them often and kill them, they are never diminished
in number. For that reason, the natives set closely-grated divisions
and enclosures in the rivers and creeks of their settlements, where
they bathe. There they enter the water to bathe, secure from those
monsters, which they fear so greatly that they venerate and adore
them, as if they were beings superior to themselves. All their oaths
and execrations, and those which are of any weight with them (even
among the Christians) are, thus expressed: "So may the crocodile kill
him!" They call the crocodile buhaya in their language. It has happened
when some one has sworn falsely, or when he has broken his word, that
then some accident has occurred to him with the crocodile, which God,
whom he offends, has so permitted for the sake of the authority and
purity of the truth, and the promise of it. [259]

The fisheries of sea and rivers are most abundant, and include all
kinds of fish; both of fresh and salt water. These are generally
used as food throughout the entire country. There are many good
sardines, sea-eels, sea-breams (which they call bacocos), daces,
skates, bicudas, tanguingues, soles, plantanos, [260] taraquitos,
needle-fish, gilt-heads, and eels; large oysters, mussels, [261]
porçebes, crawfish, shrimp, sea-spiders, center-fish, and all kinds
of cockles, shad, white fish, and in the Tajo River of Cagayan, [262]
during their season, a great number of bobos, which come down to spawn
at the bar. In the lake of Bonbon, a quantity of tunny-fish, not so
large as those of España, but of the same shape, flesh, and taste, are
caught. Many sea-fish are found in the sea, such as whales, sharks,
caellas, marajos, bufeos, and other unknown species of extraordinary
forms and size. In the year of five hundred and ninety-six, during a
furious storm in the islands, a fish was flung into shallow water on
one of the Luzon coasts near the province of Camarines. It was so huge
and misshapen, that although it lay in more than three and one-half
braças of water, it could not again get afloat, and died there. The
natives said that they had never seen anything like it, nor another
shaped like it. Its head was of wonderful size and fierce aspect. On
its frontal it bore two horns, which pointed toward its back. One of
them was taken to Manila. It was covered with its skin or hide, but
had no hair or scales. It was white, and twenty feet long. Where it
joined the head it was as thick as the thigh, and gradually tapered
proportionally to the tip. It was somewhat curved and not very round;
and to all appearances, quite solid. It caused great wonder in all
beholders. [263]

There is a fresh-water lake in the island of Luzon, five leguas from
Manila, which contains a quantity of fish. Many rivers flow into this
lake, and it empties into the sea through the river flowing from it
to Manila. It is called La Laguna de Bay ["Bay Lake"]. It is thirty
leguas in circumference, and has an uninhabited island in its middle,
where game abounds. [264] Its shores are lined with many native
villages. The natives navigate the lake, and commonly cross it in
their skiffs. At times it is quite stormy and dangerous to navigate,
when the north winds blow, for these winds make it very boisterous,
although it is very deep.

Twenty leguas from Manila, in the province of Bonbon, is another lake
of the same name [Bonbon], not so extensive as the former, but with
a great abundance of fish. The natives' method of catching them is
by making corrals [265] of bejucos, which are certain slender canes
or rushes, solid and very pliant and strong; these are employed
for making cables for the natives' boats, as well as other kinds
of ropes. They catch the fish inside these corrals, having made the
enclosures fast by means of stakes. They also catch the fish in wicker
baskets made from the bejucos, but most generally with atarrayas,
[266] esparaveles, other small barrederas, [267] and with hand lines
and hooks. [268] The most usual food of the natives is a fish as small
as pejerreyes. [269] They dry and cure these fish in the sun and air,
and cook them in many styles. They like them better than large fish. It
is called laulau among them. [270]

Instead of olives and other pickled fruit, they have a green fruit,
like walnuts, which they call paos. [271] Some are small, and others
larger in size, and when prepared they have a pleasant taste. They
also prepare charas [272] in pickle brine, and all sorts of vegetables
and greens, which are very appetizing. There is much ginger, and it
is eaten green, pickled, and preserved. There are also quantities of
cachumba [273] instead of saffron and other condiments. The ordinary
dainty throughout these islands, and in many kingdoms of the mainland
of those regions, is buyo [betel]. This is made from a tree, [274]
whose leaf is shaped like that of the mulberry. The fruit resembles
an oak acorn, and is white inside. [275] This fruit, which is called
bonga, is cut lengthwise in strips, and each strip is put into an
envelope or covering made from the leaf. With the bonga is thrown
in a powder of quick lime. [276] This compound is placed in the
mouth and chewed. It is so strong a mixture, and burns so much,
that it induces sleep and intoxication. It burns the mouths of
those not used to it, and causes them to smart. The saliva and all
the mouth are made as red as blood. It does not taste bad. After
having been chewed [277] for a considerable time it is spit out,
when it no longer has any juice, which is called çapa [sapá]. They
consider very beneficial that quantity of the juice which has gone
into the stomach, for strengthening it, and for various diseases. It
strengthens and preserves the teeth and gums from all inflammations,
decay, and aches. They tell other wonderful effects of it. What has
been seen is that the natives and Spaniards--laymen and religious,
men and women--use it so commonly and generally that mornings and
afternoons, at parties and visits, and even alone in their houses,
all their refreshments and luxuries consist of buyos served on
heavily-gilded and handsomely adorned plates and trays like chocolate
in Nueva España. In these poison has been often administered from
which the persons eating them have died, and that quite commonly.

The natives (especially the chiefs) take whenever they leave their
houses, for show and entertainment, their boxes of buyos--which they
call buccetas [278]--ready to use, and the leaf, bonga, and quick lime,
separately. With these handsome boxes, which are made of metal and of
other materials, they carry the scissors and other tools for making
the buyo with cleanliness and neatness. Wherever they may stop, they
make and use their buyo. In the pariáns, or bazars, buyos are sold
ready made, and the outfit for making them. [279]

The natives of these islands quite commonly use as venoms and poisons
the herbs of that class found throughout the islands. They are so
efficacious and deadly that they produce wonderful effects. There
is a lizard, commonly found in the houses, somewhat dark-green in
color, one palmo long, and as thick as three fingers, which is called
chacon. [280] They put this in a joint of bamboo, and cover it up. The
slaver of this animal during its imprisonment is gathered. It is an
exceedingly strong poison, when introduced as above stated, in the
food or drink, in however minute quantities. There are various herbs
known and gathered by the natives for the same use. Some of them are
used dry, and others green; some are to be mixed in food, and others
inhaled. Some kill by simply touching them with the hands or feet, or
by sleeping upon them. The natives are so skilful in making compounds
from these substances, that they mix and apply them in such a manner
that they take effect at once, or at a set time--long or short, as
they wish, even after a year. Many persons usually die wretchedly by
these means--especially Spaniards, who lack foresight, and who are
tactless and hated because of the ill-treatment that they inflict upon
the natives with whom they deal, either in the collection of their
tributes, or in other matters in which they employ them, without
there being any remedy for it. There are certain poisonous herbs,
with which, when the natives gather them, they carry, all ready, other
herbs which act as antidotes. In the island of Bohol is one herb of
such nature that the natives approach it from windward when they cut
it from the shrub on which it grows; for the very air alone that blows
over the herb is deadly. Nature did not leave this danger without a
remedy, for other herbs and roots are found in the same islands, of
so great efficacy and virtue that they destroy and correct the poison
and mischief of the others, and are used when needed. Accordingly,
when one knows what poison has been given him, it is not difficult,
if recourse be had in time, to cure it, by giving the herb that is
antidotal to such poison. At times it has happened that pressure has
been put upon the person suspected of having committed the evil to
make him bring the antidote, by which it has been remedied. There are
also other general antidotes, both for preservation against poison and
for mitigating the effects of poison that has been administered. But
the most certain and efficacious antidotes are certain small flies or
insects, of a violet color, found on certain bushes in the islands
of Pintados. These are shut up in a clean bamboo joint, and covered
over. There they breed and multiply. Ground rice is put in with them,
and they exist thereon. Every week they are visited [281] and the old
rice removed and new rice put in, and they are kept alive by this
means. If six of these insects are taken in a spoonful of wine or
water--for they emit no bad odor, and taste like cress--they produce
a wonderful effect. Even when people go to banquets or dinners where
there is any suspicion, they are wont to take with them these insects,
in order to preserve and assure themselves from any danger of poison
and venom.

All these islands are, in many districts, rich in placers and mines
of gold, a metal which the natives dig and work. However, since the
advent of the Spaniards in the land, the natives proceed more slowly
in this, and content themselves with what they already possess in
jewels and gold ingots, handed down from antiquity and inherited from
their ancestors. [282] This is considerable, for he must be poor and
wretched who has no gold chains, calombigas [bracelets], and earrings.

Some placers and mines were worked at Paracali in the province of
Camarines, where there is good gold mixed with copper. This commodity
is also traded in the Ylocos, for at the rear of this province,
which borders the seacoast, are certain lofty and rugged mountains
which extend as far as Cagayan. On the slopes of these mountains,
in the interior, live many natives, as yet unsubdued, and among whom
no incursion has been made, who are called Ygolotes. These natives
possess rich mines, many of gold and silver mixed. They are wont to
dig from them only the amount necessary for their wants. They descend
to certain places to trade this gold (without completing its refining
or preparation), with the Ylocos; there they exchange it for rice,
swine, carabaos, cloth, and other things that they need. [283] The
Ylocos complete its refining and preparation, and by their medium it
is distributed throughout the country. Although an effort has been
made with these Ygolotes to discover their mines, and how they work
them, and their method of working the metal, nothing definite has
been learned, for the Ygolotes fear that the Spaniards will go to
seek them for their gold, and say that they keep the gold better in
the earth than in their houses. [284]

There are also many gold mines and placers in the other islands,
especially among the Pintados, on the Botuan River in Mindanao,
and in Sebu, where a mine of good gold is worked, called Taribon. If
the industry and efforts of the Spaniards were to be converted into
the working of the gold, as much would be obtained from any one of
these islands as from those provinces which produce the most in the
world. But since they attend to other means of gain rather than
to this, as will be told in due time, they do not pay the proper
attention to this matter.

In some of these islands pearl oysters are found, especially in
the Calamianes, where some have been obtained that are large and
exceedingly clear and lustrous. [285] Neither is this means of profit
utilized. In all parts, seed pearls are found in the ordinary oysters,
and there are oysters as large as a buckler. From the [shells of the]
latter the natives manufacture beautiful articles. There are also
very large sea turtles in all the islands. Their shells are utilized
by the natives, and sold as an article of commerce to the Chinese
and Portuguese, and other nations who go after them and esteem them
highly, because of the beautiful things made from them.

On the coasts of any of these islands are found many small white
snail shells, called siguei. The natives gather them and sell them by
measure to the Siamese, Cambodians, Pantanes, and other peoples of the
mainland. It serves there as money, and those nations trade with it,
as they do with cacao-beans in Nueva España. [286]

Carabao horns are used as merchandise in trading with China; and
deerskins and dye-wood with Japon. The natives make use of everything
in trading with those nations and derive much profit therefrom.

In this island of Luzon, especially in the provinces of Manila,
Panpanga, Pangasinan, and Ylocos, certain earthenware jars [tibores]
are found among the natives. They are very old, of a brownish color,
and not handsome. Some are of medium size, and others are smaller,
and they have certain marks and stamps. The natives are unable to
give any explanation of where or when they got them, for now they are
not brought to the islands or made there. The Japanese seek them and
esteem them, for they have found that the root of a plant called cha
[tea]--which is drunk hot, as a great refreshment and medicine, among
the kings and lords of Japon--is preserved and keeps only in these
tibors. These are so highly valued throughout Japon, that they are
regarded as the most precious jewels of their closets and household
furniture. A tibor is worth a great sum, and the Japanese adorn them
outside with fine gold beautifully chased, and keep them in brocade
cases. Some tibors are valued and sold for two thousand taes of
eleven reals to the tae, or for less, according to the quality of
the tibor. It makes no difference if they are cracked or chipped,
for that does not hinder them from holding the tea. The natives of
these islands sell them to the Japanese for the best price possible,
and seek them carefully for this profit. However, few are found now,
because of the assiduity with which the natives have applied themselves
to that search. [287]

At times the natives have found large pieces of ambergris on the
coasts. When they discovered that the Spaniards value it, they gathered
it, and have made profit from it. The past year of six hundred and
two, some natives found in the island of Sebu a good-sized piece of
ambergris, and when their encomendero heard of it, he took it, and
traded with them secretly for it, on the account of their tribute. It
is said that it weighed a good number of libras. Afterward he brought
it out and sold it by the ounce at a higher rate. [288]

In the province and river of Butuan--which is pacified and assigned
to Spaniards, and is located in the island of Mindanao--the natives
practice another industry, which is very useful. As they possess
many civet cats, although smaller than those of Guinea, they make
use of the civet and trade it. This they do easily, for, when the
moon is in the crescent, they hunt the cats with nets, and capture
many of them. Then when they have obtained the civet, they loose the
cats. They also capture and cage some of them, which are sold in the
islands at very low prices. [289]

Cotton is raised abundantly throughout the islands. It is spun and
sold in the skein to the Chinese and other nations, who come to
get it. Cloth of different patterns is also woven from it, and the
natives also trade that. Other cloths, called medriñaques, are woven
from the banana leaf. [290]

The islands of Babuytanes [291] consist of many small islands lying
off the upper coast of the province of Cagayan. They are inhabited
by natives, whose chief industry consists in going to Cagayan, in
their tapaques, with swine, fowls, and other food, and ebony spears,
for exchange. The islands are not assigned as encomiendas, nor is
any tribute collected from them. There are no Spaniards among them,
as those natives are of less understanding and less civilized [than
the others]. Accordingly no Christians have been made among them,
and they have no justices.

Other islands, called the Catenduanes, lie off the other head of
the island of Luzon, opposite the province of Camarines, in fourteen
degrees of north latitude, near the strait of Espiritu Santo. They
are islands densely populated with natives of good disposition, who
are all assigned to Spaniards. They possess instruction and churches,
and have an alcalde-mayor who administers justice to them. Most of
them cultivate the soil, but some are engaged in gold-washing, and
in trading between various islands, and with the mainland of Luzon,
very near those islands. [292]

The island of Luzon has a bay thirty leguas in circumference on
its southern coast, situated about one hundred leguas from the cape
of Espiritu Santo, which is the entrance to the Capul channel. Its
entrance is narrow, and midway contains an island called Miraveles
[i.e., Corregidor] lying obliquely across it, which makes the
entrance narrow. This island is about two leguas long and one-half
legua wide. It is high land and well shaded by its many trees. It
contains a native settlement of fifty persons, and there the watchman
of the bay has his fixed abode and residence. There are channels at
both ends of the island, where one may enter the bay. The one at the
south is one-half legua wide, and has a rock in its middle called El
Fraile ["the friar"]. The one on the north is much narrower, but any
ships of any draft whatever can enter and go out by both channels. The
entire bay is of good depth, and clean, and has good anchorages in all
parts. It is eight leguas from these entrances to the colony of Manila
and the bar of the river. A large harbor is formed two leguas south
of Manila, with a point of land that shelters it. That point has a
native settlement called Cabit,  [293] and it gives name to the harbor,
which is used as a port for the vessels. It is very capacious and well
sheltered from the vendavals--whether the southeast, and southwest, the
west, and west-southwest, or the north-northeast and north winds. It
has a good anchorage, with a clean and good bottom. There is a good
entrance quite near the land, more than one and one-half leguas wide,
for the ingress and egress of vessels. All the shores of this bay are
well provided with abundant fisheries, of all kinds. They are densely
inhabited by natives. Above Manila there is a province of more than
twenty leguas in extent called La Pampanga. This province possesses
many rivers and creeks that irrigate it. They all flow and empty
into the bay. This province contains many settlements of natives, and
considerable quantities of rice, fruits, fish, meat, and other foods.
[294]

The bar of the river of Manila, which is in the same bay, near the
colony of Manila on one side and Tondo on the other, is not very deep
because of certain sand shoals on it, which change their position at
the time of the freshets and obstruct it. Consequently, although the
water is deep enough for any vessel past the bar, still, unless they
are fragatas, vireys, or other small vessels, they cannot pass the bar
to enter the river. In respect to galleys, galliots, and the vessels
from China, which draw but little water, they must enter empty, and
at high tide, and by towing. Such vessels anchor in the bay outside
the bar, and, for greater security enter the port of Cabit.

There is another good port called Ybalon, [295] twenty leguas from
the channel of the same island of Luzon, which is sheltered from the
vendavals, and has a good entrance and anchorage. There the vessels
that enter to escape the vendaval find shelter, and wait until the
brisa returns, by which to go to Manila, eighty leguas away.

On the coasts of Pangasinan, Ylocos, and Cagayan, there are some
ports and bars, where ships can enter and remain, such as the harbor
of Marihuma, [296] the port E1 Frayle ["the friar"], [297] that of
Bolinao, the bar of Pangasinan, that of Bigan, the bar of Camalayuga,
at the mouth of the Tajo River (which goes up two leguas to the
chief settlement of Cagayan)--besides other rivers, bars, harbors,
and shelters of less account for smaller vessels throughout the coasts
of this island.

Quite near this large island of Luzon, many other islands, large
and small, are located; they are inhabited by the same natives as
Luzon, who have gold placers, sowed fields, and their trading. Such
are Marinduque, Tablas Island, Mazbate, Burias, Banton, Bantonillo,
and others of less importance. The nearest of them to Manila is the
island of Mindoro. It is more than eighty leguas long and about two
hundred in circumference. It has many settlements of the same natives,
and the side lying next the provinces of Balayan and Calilaya is so
near and close to the island of Luzon, that it forms a strait which
contains powerful currents and races, through which the ships going
to and from Manila enter and leave. The winds and currents there are
very strong. It is about one-half a legua wide. In that part is the
chief town of this island of Mindoro. It has a port that is called El
Varadero ["the place for laying up ships"] for large vessels. There
are also other anchorages and bars throughout this island for smaller
vessels; and many settlements and natives on all the coasts of this
island. All of the settlements abound in rice, food, and gold-placers,
and all kinds of game and timber. [298]

The cape of Espiritu Santo, which is sighted by ships entering the
Filipinas Islands on the way from Nueva España, is in an island called
Tendaya, [299] in about thirteen degrees. Twenty leguas south after
turning this cape of Espiritu Santo lie the island of Viri, and many
others which are sighted. Through them an entrance opens to the island
of Sebu by a strait called San Juanillo, which is formed by these
islands. It is not very good or safe for the larger ships. But toward
the north after leaving this course, one reaches the island of Capul,
which forms a strait and channel of many currents and rough waves,
through which the ships enter. Before reaching the strait there is a
rock, or barren islet, called San Bernardino; this strait is formed by
the coast of the island of Luzon and that of the island of Capul. Its
channel is about one legua long and less wide.

On leaving this strait, after having entered by it, three small islets
form a triangle. They are called the islands of Naranjos ["Oranges"],
and are lofty and inaccessible with steep rocks. Upon them ships are
wont to be driven by the powerful currents, even though they try to
escape them. These are not inhabited, but the others [Capul, Viri,
etc.] are large islands containing many settlements of natives and
all kinds of provisions and food.

South of this district lie the islands of Biçayas, or, as they are
also called, Pintados. They are many in number, thickly populated with
natives. Those of most renown are Leite, Ybabao, [300] Camar [Samar],
Bohol, island of Negros, Sebu, Panay, Cuyo, and the Calamianes. All
the natives of these islands, both men and women, are well-featured,
of a good disposition, and of better nature, and more noble in their
actions than the inhabitants of the islands of Luzon and its vicinity.

They differ from them in their hair, which the men wear cut in a cue,
like the ancient style in España. Their bodies are tattooed with many
designs, but the face is not touched. [301] They wear large earrings
of gold and ivory in their ears, and bracelets of the same; certain
scarfs wrapped round the head, very showy, which resemble turbans,
and knotted very gracefully and edged with gold. They wear also a
loose collarless jacket with tight sleeves, whose skirts reach half
way down the leg. These garments are fastened in front and are made
of medriñaque and colored silks. They wear no shirts or drawers, but
bahaques [i.e., breech-clouts] of many wrappings, which cover their
privy parts, when they remove their skirts and jackets. The women are
good-looking and graceful. They are very neat, and walk slowly. Their
hair is black, long, and drawn into a knot on the head. Their robes
are wrapped about the waist and fall downward. These are made of all
colors, and they wear collarless jackets of the same material. Both
men and women go naked and without any coverings, [302] and barefoot,
and with many gold chains, earrings, and wrought bracelets.

Their weapons consist of large knives curved like cutlasses, spears,
and caraças [i.e., shields]. They employ the same kinds of boats as
the inhabitants of Luzon. They have the same occupations, products,
and means of gain as the inhabitants of all the other islands. These
Visayans are a race less inclined to agriculture, and are skilful
in navigation, and eager for war and raids for pillage and booty,
which they call mangubas. [303] This means "to go out for plunder."

Near the principal settlement of the island of Sebu, there is a fine
port for all manner of vessels. It has a good entrance and furnishes
shelter at all times. It has a good bottom and is an excellent
anchorage. There are also other ports and bars of less importance
and consideration, as in all these islands, for smaller vessels.

This island of Sebu is an island of more than one hundred leguas in
circumference. It has abundance of provisions, and gold mines and
placers, and is inhabited by natives.

Beyond it lie other islands, very pleasant and well populated,
especially the island of Panay. Panay is a large island, more
than one hundred leguas in circumference, containing many native
settlements. [304] It produces considerable quantities of rice,
palm-wine, and all manner of provisions. It has flourishing and
wealthy settlements, on what is called the river of Panay. The
chief one is Oton, which has a bar and port for galleys and ships,
shipyards for building large ships, and a great amount of timber for
their construction. There are many natives, who are masters of all
kinds of shipbuilding. Near this island lies an islet eight leguas
in circumference, which is densely populated by natives who are all
carpenters. They are excellent workmen, and practice no other trade
or occupation; and, without a single tree of any size on this whole
islet, they practice this art with great ability. From there all the
islands are furnished with workmen for carpentry. The island is called
that of the Cagayanes.

After the island of Sebu follow immediately the island of Mindanao,
an island of more than three hundred leguas in circumference, and
Joló, which is small. Lower down is the island of Borneo, a very
large island, more than five hundred leguas in circumference. All of
these islands are densely populated, although that of Borneo is not
subdued. Neither is that of Mindanao in entirety, but only the river
of Botuan, Dapitan, and the province and coast of Caragan.

Below this island [Mindanao], before reaching that of Borneo, lie
the islands of the Calamianes. They are very numerous, and consist of
islands of various sizes, which are densely inhabited with natives;
they have some supply of provisions and engage in certain kinds
of husbandry. However the most usual occupation is that of their
navigations from island to island in pursuit of their trading and
exchange, and their fisheries; while those who live nearest the island
of Borneo are wont to go on piratical raids and pillage the natives
in other islands.

The flow- and ebb-tides, and the high and low tides among these
islands are so diverse in them that they have no fixed rule,
either because of the powerful currents among these islands, or
by some other natural secret of the flux and reflux which the moon
causes. No definite knowledge has been arrived at in this regard,
for although the tides are highest during the opposition of the moon,
and are higher in the month of March than throughout the rest of the
year, there is so great variation in the daily tides that it causes
surprise. Some days there are two equal tides between day and night,
while other days there is but one. At other times the flow during the
day is low, and that of the night greater. They usually have no fixed
hour, for it may happen to be high-tide one day at noon, while next day
high-tide may be anticipated or postponed many hours. Or the tide of
one day may be low, and when a smaller one is expected for next day,
it may be much greater.

The language of all the Pintados and Biçayas is one and the same,
by which they understand one another when talking, or when writing
with the letters and characters of their own which they possess. These
resemble those of the Arabs. The common manner of writing among the
natives is on leaves of trees, and on bamboo bark. Throughout the
islands the bamboo is abundant; it has huge and misshapen joints,
and lower part is a very thick and solid tree. [305]

The language of Luzon and those islands in its vicinity differs widely
from that of the Bicayas. [306] The language of the island of Luzon
is not uniform, for the Cagayans have one language and the Ylocos
another. The Zambales have their own particular language, while the
Pampangos also have one different from the others. The inhabitants of
the province of Manila, the Tagáls, have their own language, which
is very rich and copious. By means of it one can express elegantly
whatever he wishes, and in many modes and manners. It is not difficult,
either to learn or to pronounce.

The natives throughout the islands can write excellently with certain
characters, almost like the Greek or Arabic. These characters are
fifteen in all. Three are vowels, which are used as are our five. The
consonants number twelve, and each and all of them combine with
certain dots or commas, and so signify whatever one wishes to write,
as fluently and easily as is done with our Spanish alphabet. The method
of writing was on bamboo, but is now on paper, commencing the lines
at the right and running to the left, in the Arabic fashion. Almost
all the natives, both men and women, write in this language. There
are very few who do not write it excellently and correctly.

This language of the province of Manila [i.e., the Tagál] extends
throughout the province of Camarines, and other islands not contiguous
to Luzon. There is but little difference in that spoken in the various
districts, except that it is spoken more elegantly in some provinces
than in others. [307]

The edifices and houses of the natives of all these Filipinas
Islands are built in a uniform manner, as are their settlements;
for they always build them on the shores of the sea, between rivers
and creeks. The natives generally gather in districts or settlements
where they sow their rice, and possess their palm trees, nipa and
banana groves, and other trees, and implements for their fishing
and sailing. A small number inhabit the interior, and are called
tinguianes; they also seek sites on rivers and creeks, on which they
settle for the same reasons.

The houses and dwellings of all these natives are universally set
upon stakes and arigues [i.e., columns] high above the ground. Their
rooms are small and the roofs low. They are built and tiled with wood
and bamboos, [308] and covered and roofed with nipa-palm leaves. Each
house is separate, and is not built adjoining another. In the lower
part are enclosures made by stakes and bamboos, where their fowls
and cattle are reared, and the rice pounded and cleaned. One ascends
into the houses by means of ladders that can be drawn up, which are
made from two bamboos. Above are their open batalanes [galleries]
used for household duties; the parents and [grown] children live
together. There is little adornment and finery in the houses, which
are called bahandin. [309]

Besides these houses, which are those of the common people and those
of less importance, there are the chiefs' houses. They are built
upon trees and thick arigues, with many rooms and comforts. They are
well constructed of timber and planks, and are strong and large. They
are furnished and supplied with all that is necessary, and are much
finer and more substantial than the others. They are roofed, however,
as are the others, with the palm-leaves called nipa. These keep out
the water and the sun more than do shingles or tiles, although the
danger from fires is greater.

The natives do not inhabit the lower part of their houses, because
they raise their fowls and cattle there, and because of the damp
and heat of the earth, and the many rats, which are enormous and
destructive both in the houses and sowed fields; and because, as
their houses are generally built on the sea shore, or on the banks of
rivers and creeks, the waters bathe the lower parts, and the latter
are consequently left open.

There were no kings or lords throughout these islands who ruled over
them as in the manner of our kingdoms and provinces; but in every
island, and in each province of it, many chiefs were recognized by
the natives themselves. Some were more powerful than others, and
each one had his followers and subjects, by districts and families;
and these obeyed and respected the chief. Some chiefs had friendship
and communication with others, and at times wars and quarrels. [310]

These principalities and lordships were inherited in the male
line and by succession of father and son and their descendants. If
these were lacking, then their brothers and collateral relatives
succeeded. Their duty was to rule and govern their subjects and
followers, and to assist them in their interests and necessities. What
the chiefs received from their followers was to be held by them in
great veneration and respect; and they were served in their wars and
voyages, and in their tilling, sowing, fishing, and the building of
their houses. To these duties the natives attended very promptly,
whenever summoned by their chief. They also paid the chiefs tribute
(which they called buiz), in varying quantities, in the crops that
they gathered. The descendants of such chiefs, and their relatives,
even though they did not inherit the lordship, were held in the
same respect and consideration. Such were all regarded as nobles,
and as persons exempt from the services rendered by the others,
or the plebeians, who were called timaguas. [311] The same right of
nobility and chieftainship was preserved for the women, just as for
the men. When any of these chiefs was more courageous than others
in war and upon other occasions, such a one enjoyed more followers
and men; and the others were under his leadership, even if they
were chiefs. These latter retained to themselves the lordship and
particular government of their own following, which is called barangai
among them. They had datos and other special leaders [mandadores]
who attended to the interests of the barangay.

The superiority of these chiefs over those of their barangai was so
great that they held the latter as subjects; they treated these well
or ill, and disposed of their persons, their children, and their
possessions, at will, without any resistance, or rendering account
to anyone. For very slight annoyances and for slight occasions, they
were wont to kill and wound them, and to enslave them. It has happened
that the chiefs have made perpetual slaves of persons who have gone
by them, while bathing in the river, or who have raised their eyes
to look at them less respectfully and for other similar causes. [312]

When some natives had suits or disputes with others over matters of
property and interest, or over personal injuries and wrongs received,
they appointed old men of the same district, to try them, the parties
being present. If they had to present proofs, they brought their
witnesses there, and the case was immediately judged according to
what was found, according to the usages of their ancestors on like
occasions; and that sentence was observed and executed without any
further objection or delay. [313]

The natives' laws throughout the islands were made in the same manner,
and they followed the traditions and customs of their ancestors,
without anything being written. Some provinces had different customs
than others in some respects. However, they agreed in most, and in
all the islands generally the same usages were followed. [314]

There are three conditions of persons among the natives of these
islands, and into which their government is divided: the chiefs,
of whom we have already treated; the timaguas, who are equivalent to
plebeians; and slaves, those of both chiefs and timaguas.

The slaves were of several classes. Some were for all kinds of work
and slavery, like those which we ourselves hold. Such are called
saguiguilires; [315] they served inside the house, as did likewise the
children born of them. There are others who live in their own houses
with their families, outside the house of their lord; and come, at the
season, to aid him in his sowings and harvests, among his rowers when
he embarks, in the construction of his house when it is being built,
and to serve in his house when there are guests of distinction. These
are bound to come to their lord's house whenever he summons them, and
to serve in these offices without any pay or stipend. These slaves are
called namamahays, [316] and their children and descendants are slaves
of the same class. From these slaves--saguiguilirs and namamahays--are
issue, some of whom are whole slaves, some of whom are half slaves,
and still others one-fourth slaves. It happens thus: if either the
father or the mother was free, and they had an only child, he was
half free and half slave. If they had more than one child, they were
divided as follows: the first follows the condition of the father,
free or slave; the second that of the mother. If there were an odd
number of children, the last was half free and half slave. Those who
descended from these, if children of a free mother or father, were
only one-fourth slaves, because of being children of a free father or
mother and of a half-slave. These half slaves or one-fourth slaves,
whether saguiguilirs or namamahays, served their masters during every
other moon; and in this respect so is such condition slavery.

In the same way, it may happen in divisions between heirs that a slave
will fall to several, and serves each one for the time that is due
him. When the slave is not wholly slave, but half or fourth, he has
the right, because of that part that is free, to compel his master to
emancipate him for a just price. This price is appraised and regulated
for persons according to the quality of their slavery, whether it be
saguiguilir or namamahay, half slave or quarter slave. But, if he is
wholly slave, the master cannot be compelled to ransom or emancipate
him for any price.

The usual price of a sanguiguilir slave among the natives is, at most,
generally ten taes of good gold, or eighty pesos; if he is namamahay,
half of that sum. The others are in the same proportion, taking into
consideration the person and his age.

No fixed beginning can be assigned as the origin of these kinds of
slavery among these natives, because all the slaves are natives of
the islands, and not strangers. It is thought that they were made in
their wars and quarrels. The most certain knowledge is that the most
powerful made the others slaves, and seized them for slight cause or
occasion, and many times for loans and usurious contracts which were
current among them. The interest, capital, and debt, increased so much
with delay that the borrowers became slaves. Consequently all these
slaveries have violent and unjust beginnings; and most of the suits
among the natives are over these, and they occupy the judges in the
exterior court with them, and their confessors in that of conscience.
[317]

These slaves comprise the greatest wealth and capital of the natives
of these islands, for they are very useful to them and necessary
for the cultivation of their property. They are sold, traded, and
exchanged among them, just as any other mercantile article, from one
village to another, from one province to another, and likewise from
one island to another. Therefore, and to avoid so many suits as would
occur if these slaveries were examined, and their origin and source
ascertained, they are preserved and held as they were formerly.

The marriages of these natives, commonly and generally were, and
are: Chiefs with women chiefs; timaguas with those of that rank; and
slaves with those of their own class. But sometimes these classes
intermarry with one another. They considered one woman, whom they
married, as the legitimate wife and the mistress of the house;
and she was styled ynasaba. [318] Those whom they kept besides her
they considered as friends. The children of the first were regarded
as legitimate and whole heirs of their parents; the children of the
others were not so regarded, and were left something by assignment,
but they did not inherit.

The dowry was furnished by the man, being given by his parents. The
wife furnished nothing for the marriage, until she had inherited
it from her parents. The solemnity of the marriage consisted in
nothing more than the agreement between the parents and relatives of
the contracting parties, the payment of the dowry agreed upon to the
father of the bride, [319] and the assembling at the wife's parents'
house of all the relatives to eat and drink until they would fall
down. At night the man took the woman to his house and into his
power, and there she remained. These marriages were annulled and
dissolved for slight cause, with the examination and judgment of the
relatives of both parties, and of the old men, who acted as mediators
in the affairs. At such a time the man took the dowry (which they call
vigadicaya), [320] unless it happened that they separated through the
husband's fault; for then it was not returned to him, and the wife's
parents kept it. The property that they had acquired together was
divided into halves, and each one disposed of his own. If one made
any profits in which the other did not have a share or participate,
he acquired it for himself alone.

The Indians were adopted one by another, in presence of the
relatives. The adopted person gave and delivered all his actual
possessions to the one who adopted him. Thereupon he remained
in his house and care, and had a right to inherit with the other
children. [321]

Adulteries were not punishable corporally. If the adulterer paid the
aggrieved party the amount adjudged by the old men and agreed upon
by them, then the injury was pardoned, and the husband was appeased
and retained his honor. He would still live with his wife and there
would be no further talk about the matter.

In inheritances all the legitimate children inherited equally from
their parents whatever property they had acquired. If there were any
movable or landed property which they had received from their parents,
such went to the nearest relatives and the collateral side of that
stock, if there were no legitimate children by an ynasaba. This was
the case either with or without a will. In the act of drawing a will,
there was no further ceremony than to have written it or to have
stated it orally before acquaintances.

If any chief was lord of a barangai, then in that case, the eldest son
of an ynasaba succeeded him. If he died, the second son succeeded. If
there were no sons, then the daughters succeeded in the same order. If
there were no legitimate successors, the succession went to the
nearest relative belonging to the lineage and relationship of the
chief who had been the last possessor of it.

If any native who had slave women made concubines of any of them,
and such slave woman had children, those children were free, as was
the slave. But if she had no children, she remained a slave. [322]

These children by a slave woman, and those borne by a married woman,
were regarded as illegitimate, and did not succeed to the inheritance
with the other children, neither were the parents obliged to leave
them anything. Even if they were the sons of chiefs, they did not
succeed to the nobility or chieftainship of the parents, nor to their
privileges, but they remained and were reckoned as plebeians and in
the number and rank of the other timaguas.

The contracts and negotiations of these natives were generally illegal,
each one paying attention to how he might better his own business
and interest.

Loans with interest were very common and much practiced, and the
interest incurred was excessive. The debt doubled and increased all
the time while payment was delayed, until it stripped the debtor of
all his possessions, and he and his children, when all their property
was gone, became slaves. [323]

Their customary method of trading was by bartering one thing for
another, such as food, cloth, cattle, fowls, lands, houses, fields,
slaves, fishing-grounds, and palm-trees (both nipa and wild). Sometimes
a price intervened, which was paid in gold, as agreed upon, or in metal
bells brought from China. These bells they regard as precious jewels;
they resemble large pans and are very sonorous. [324] They play upon
these at their feasts, and carry them to the war in their boats instead
of drums and other instruments. There are often delays and terms for
certain payments, and bondsmen who intervene and bind themselves,
but always with very usurious and excessive profits and interests.

Crimes were punished by request of the aggrieved parties. Especially
were thefts punished with greater severity, the robbers being enslaved
or sometimes put to death. [325] The same was true of insulting words,
especially when spoken to chiefs. They had among themselves many
expressions and words which they regarded as the highest insult,
when said to men and women. These were pardoned less willingly and
with greater difficulty than was personal violence, such as wounding
and assaulting. [326]

Concubinage, rape, and incest, were not regarded at all, unless
committed by a timagua on the person of a woman chief. It was
a quite ordinary practice for a married man to have lived a long
time in concubinage with the sister of his wife. Even before having
communication with his wife he could have had access for a long
time to his mother-in-law, especially if the bride were very young,
and until she were of sufficient age. This was done in sight of all
the relatives.

Single men are called bagontaos, [327] and girls of marriageable age,
dalagas. Both classes are people of little restraint, and from early
childhood they have communication with one another, and mingle with
facility and little secrecy, and without this being regarded among
the natives as a cause for anger. Neither do the parents, brothers,
or relatives, show any anger, especially if there is any material
interest in it, and but little is sufficient with each and all.

As long as these natives lived in their paganism, it was not known
that they had fallen into the abominable sin against nature. But after
the Spaniards had entered their country, through communication with
them--and still more, through that with the Sangleys, who have come
from China, and are much given to that vice--it has been communicated
to them somewhat, both to men and to women. In this matter it has
been necessary to take action.

The natives of the islands of Pintados, especially the women, are very
vicious and sensual. Their perverseness has discovered lascivious
methods of communication between men and women; and there is one to
which they are accustomed from their youth. The men skilfully make
a hole in their virile member near its head, and insert therein a
serpent's head, either of metal or ivory, and fasten it with a peg of
the same material passed through the hole, so that it cannot become
unfastened. With this device, they have communication with their wives,
and are unable to withdraw until a long time after copulation. They are
very fond of this and receive much pleasure from it, so that, although
they shed a quantity of blood, and receive other harm, it is current
among them. These devices are called sagras, and there are very few
of them, because since they have become Christians, strenuous efforts
are being made to do away with these, and not consent to their use;
and consequently the practice has been checked in great part. [328]

Herbalists and witches are common among these natives, but are not
punished or prohibited among them, so long as they do not cause any
special harm. But seldom could that be ascertained or known.

There were also men whose business was to ravish and take away
virginity from young girls. These girls were taken to such men, and
the latter were paid for ravishing them, for the natives considered it
a hindrance and impediment if the girls were virgins when they married.

In matters of religion, the natives proceeded more barbarously and
with greater blindness than in all the rest. For besides being pagans,
without any knowledge of the true God, they neither strove to discover
Him by way of reason, nor had any fixed belief. The devil usually
deceived them with a thousand errors and blindnesses. He appeared to
them in various horrible and frightful forms, and as fierce animals,
so that they feared him and trembled before him. They generally
worshiped him, and made images of him in the said forms. These they
kept in caves and private houses, where they offered them perfumes
and odors, and food and fruit, calling them anitos. [329]

Others worshiped the sun and the moon, and made feasts and
drunken revels at the conjunction of those bodies. Some worshiped a
yellow-colored bird that dwells in their woods, called batala. They
generally worship and adore the crocodiles when they see them, by
kneeling down and clasping their hands, because of the harm that
they receive from those reptiles; they believe that by so doing
the crocodiles will become appeased and leave them. Their oaths,
execrations, and promises are all as above mentioned, namely, "May
buhayan eat thee, if thou dost not speak truth, or fulfil what thou
hast promised," and similar things.

There were no temples throughout those islands, nor houses generally
used for the worship of idols; but each person possessed and
made in his house his own anitos, [330] without any fixed rite or
ceremony. They had no priests or religious to attend to religious
affairs, except certain old men and women called catalonas. These
were experienced witches and sorcerers, who kept the other people
deceived. The latter communicated to these sorcerers their desires
and needs, and the catalonas told them innumerable extravagancies and
lies. The catalonas uttered prayers and performed other ceremonies to
the idols for the sick; and they believed in omens and superstitions,
with which the devil inspired them, whereby they declared whether the
patient would recover or die. Such were their cures and methods, and
they used various kinds of divinations for all things. All this was
with so little aid, apparatus, or foundation--which God permitted, so
that the preaching of the holy gospel should find those of that region
better prepared for it, and so that those natives would confess the
truth more easily, and it would be less difficult to withdraw them
from their darkness, and the errors in which the devil kept them for
so many years. They never sacrificed human beings as is done in other
kingdoms. They believed that there was a future life where those
who had been brave and performed valiant feats would be rewarded;
while those who had done evil would be punished. But they did not
know how or where this would be. [331]

They buried their dead in their own houses, and kept their bodies
and bones for a long time in chests. They venerated the skulls of the
dead as if they were living and present. Their funeral rites did not
consist of pomp or assemblages, beyond those of their own house--where,
after bewailing the dead, all was changed into feasting and drunken
revelry among all the relatives and friends. [332]

A few years before the Spaniards subdued the island of Luzon,
certain natives of the island of Borneo began to go thither to trade,
especially to the settlement of Manila and Tondo; and the inhabitants
of the one island intermarried with those of the other. These Borneans
are Mahometans, and were already introducing their religion among
the natives of Luzon, and were giving them instructions, ceremonies,
and the form of observing their religion, by means of certain gazizes
[333] whom they brought with them. Already a considerable number,
and those the chiefest men, were commencing, although by piecemeal,
to become Moros, and were being circumcised [334] and taking the names
of Moros. Had the Spaniards' coming been delayed longer, that religion
would have spread throughout the island, and even through the others,
and it would have been difficult to extirpate it. The mercy of God
checked it in time; for, because of being in so early stages, it was
uprooted from the islands, and they were freed from it, that is, in all
that the Spaniards have pacified, and that are under the government of
the Filipinas. That religion has spread and extended very widely in
the other islands outside of this government, so that now almost all
of their natives are Mahometan Moros, and are ruled and instructed by
their gaçizes and other morabitos; [335] these often come to preach
to and teach them by way of the strait of Ma[la]ca and the Red Sea,
through which they navigate to reach these islands.

The arrival of the Spaniards in these Filipinas Islands, since the
year one thousand five hundred and sixty-four, the pacification and
conversion that has been made therein, their mode of governing, and
the provisions of his Majesty during these years for their welfare,
have caused innovations in many things, such as are usual to kingdoms
and provinces that change their religion and sovereign. The foremost
has been that, besides the name of Filipinas which all the islands
took and received from the beginning of their conquest, they belong
to a new kingdom and seigniory to which his Majesty, Filipo Second,
our sovereign, gave the name of Nuevo Reyno de Castilla ["New Kingdom
of Castilla"]. By his royal concession, he made the city of Manila
capital of it, and gave to it as a special favor, among other things,
a crowned coat-of-arms which was chosen and assigned by his royal
person. This is an escutcheon divided across. In the upper part is a
castle on a red field, and in the lower a lion of gold, crowned and
rampant, holding a naked sword in its right paw. One-half of the body
is in the form of a dolphin upon the waters of the sea, to signify
that the Spaniards crossed the sea with their arms to conquer this
kingdom for the crown of Castilla. [336]

The city of Manila was founded by the adelantado Miguel Lopez de
Legazpi, first governor of the Filipinas, in the island of Luzon. It
occupies the same site where Rajamora had his settlement and fort--as
has been related more at length--at the mouth of the river which
empties into the bay, on a point between the river and the sea. The
whole site was occupied by this new settlement, and Legazpi apportioned
it to the Spaniards in equal building-lots. It was laid out with
well-arranged streets and squares, straight and level. A sufficiently
large main square [Plaza mayor] was left, fronting which were erected
the cathedral church and municipal buildings. He left another square,
that of arms [Plaza de armas], fronting which was built the fort, as
well as the royal buildings. He gave sites for the monasteries, [337]
hospital, and chapels which were to be built, as being a city which
was to grow and increase continually--as already it has done; for,
in the course of the time that has passed, that city has flourished
as much as the best of all the cities in those regions.

The city is completely surrounded with a stone wall, which is more
than two and one-half varas wide, and in places more than three. It
has small towers and traverses at intervals.  [338] It has a fortress
of hewn stone at the point that guards the bar and the river, with a
ravelin close to the water, upon which are mounted some large pieces
of artillery. This artillery commands the sea and river, while other
pieces are mounted farther up to defend the bar, besides some other
moderate-sized field-pieces and swivel-guns. These fortifications
have their vaults for storing supplies and munitions, and a magazine
for the powder, which is well guarded and situated in the inner
part; and a copious well of fresh water. There are also quarters
for the soldiers and artillerymen, and the house of the commandant
[alcayde]. The city has been lately fortified on the land side at the
Plaza de armas, where it is entered by a strong wall and two salient
towers, defended with artillery, which command the wall and gate. This
fortress is called Santiago, and has a company of thirty soldiers
with their officers, and eight artillerymen who guard the gate and
entrance by watches--all in charge of a commandant who lives inside,
and has the guard and custody of the fort.

There is another fortress, also of stone, in the same wall, within
culverin range, located at the end [339] of the curtain, which extends
along the shore of the bay. It is called Nuestra Señora de Guia, and
is a very large round tower. It has its own court, well, and quarters
inside, as well as the magazine, and other rooms for work. It has a
traverse extending to the beach, on which are mounted a dozen large and
moderate-sized pieces, which command the bay and sweep the wall, which
extends along the shore to the gate and to the fort of Santiago. On
the other side the fortress has a large salient tower, mounted with
four large pieces, which command the shore ahead in the direction of
the chapel of Nuestra Señora de Guia. The gate and entrance is within
the city and is guarded by a company of twenty soldiers and their
officers, six artillerymen, and one commandant and his lieutenant,
who live inside.

On the land side, where the wall extends, there is a rampart called
Sant Andres, which mounts six pieces of artillery that command in
all directions, and some swivel-guns. Farther on is another traverse
called San Gabriel, opposite the parián of the Sangleys, with a like
amount of artillery. Both have some soldiers and an ordinary guard.

The wall has a sufficient height, and is furnished with battlements and
turrets, built in the modern style, for its defense. It has a circuit
of about one legua, which can be made entirely on top. It has many
broad steps of the same hewn stone, at intervals inside. There are
three principal city gates on the land side, and many other posterns
opening at convenient places on the river and beach, for the service
of the city. Each and all of them are locked before nightfall by
the ordinary patrols. These carry the keys to the guard-room of the
royal buildings. In the morning when day comes, the patrols return
with the keys and open the city. [340]

The royal arsenals front on the Plaza de armas. In them are kept and
guarded all the supplies of ammunition, food, rigging, iron, copper,
lead, artillery, arquebuses, and other things belonging to the royal
estate. They have their own officers and workmen, and are placed in
charge of the royal officials.

Near these arsenals is located the powder-house, with its master,
workmen, and convicts, where powder is generally ground in thirty
mortars, and that which is spoiled is refined. [341]

The building for the founding of artillery is located on a suitable
site in another part of the city. It has its molds, ovens, and tools,
founders, and workmen who work it. [342]

The royal buildings are very beautiful and sightly, and contain many
rooms. They have many windows opening toward the sea and the Plaza
de armas. They are all built of stone and have two courts, with
upper and lower galleries raised on stout pillars. The governor and
president lives inside with his family. There is a hall for the royal
Audiencia, which is very large and stately; also a separate chapel,
a room for the royal seal, [343] and offices for the scriveners of the
Audiencia, and the government. There are also other apartments for the
royal treasury and the administration of the royal officials, while a
large porch opens on the street with two principal doors, where the
guardroom is located. There is one company of regular arquebusiers,
who come in daily with their banners to stand guard. Opposite, on the
other side of the street, is another edifice for the royal treasury
and those in charge of it. [344]

The houses of the cabildo, located on the square, are built of
stone. They are very sightly and have handsome halls. On the ground
floor is the prison, and the court of the alcaldes-in-ordinary. [345]

On the same square is situated the cathedral church. It is built
of hewn stone, and has three naves, and its main chapel, and choir,
with high and low seats. The choir is shut in by railings, and has
its organ, missal-stands, and other necessary things. The cathedral
has also its sacristan [346] and his apartments and offices.

Within the city is the monastery of St. Augustine. It is very large
and has many dormitories, a refectory and kitchens. They are now
completing a church, which is one of the most sumptuous in those
districts. This convent has generally fifty religious. [347]

The monastery of St. Dominic is inside the walls. It contains
about forty religious. It was built of stone, and was very well
constructed. It has a church, house, and all offices. It has lately
been rebuilt, and much better; for it was completely destroyed in
the burning of the city in the year six hundred and three.

The monastery of St. Francis is farther on. It is well constructed
of stone, and its church is being rebuilt. It contains about forty
discalced religious.

The residence [colegio] of the Society of Jesus is established near
the fortress of Nuestra Señora de Guia. It contains twenty religious
of their order, and is an excellent stone house and church. There
they study Latin, the arts, and cases of conscience. Connected with
them is a seminary and convictorio [348] for Spanish scholars, with
their rector. These students wear gowns of tawny-colored frieze with
red facings. [349]

In another part of the city stands a handsome house, walled in, with
its stone church, called San Andres and Santa Potenciana. It is a royal
foundation, and a rectoress lives there. It has a revolving entrance
and a parlor, and the rectoress has other confidential assistants;
and there shelter is given to needy women and girls of the city,
in the form of religious retirement. Some of the girls leave the
house to be married, while others remain there permanently. It has
its own house for work, and its choir. His Majesty assists them with
a portion of their maintenance; the rest is provided by their own
industry and property. They have their own steward and their priest,
who administers the sacraments to them. [350]

In another part is the royal hospital for Spaniards, with its
physician, apothecary, surgeons, managers, and servants. It and its
church are built of stone; and it has its sick rooms and the bed
service. In it all the Spaniards are treated. It is usually quite
full; it is under the royal patronage. His Majesty provides the most
necessary things for it. Three discalced religious of St. Francis
act there as superintendents, and they prove very advantageous for
the corporal and spiritual relief of the sick. It was burned in the
conflagration of the former year six hundred and three, and is now
being rebuilt.

There is another charitable hospital in charge of the Confraternity of
that name. It was founded in the city of Manila by the Confraternity
of La Misericordia of Lisboa, and by the other confraternities of
India. [351] It has apostolic bulls for works of charity, such as
burying the dead, supporting the modest poor, marrying orphans, and
relieving many necessities. There the slaves of the city are treated,
and lodgings are likewise provided for poor women.

Next to the monastery of St. Francis is located the hospital for
natives, [352] which is under royal patronage. It was founded with
alms, by a holy lay-brother of St. Francis, one Fray Joan Clemente. A
great many natives, suffering from all diseases, are treated there
with great care and attention. It has a good edifice and workrooms
built of stone. The discalced religious of St. Francis manage it;
and three priests and four lay-brothers, of exemplary life, live
there. These are the physicians, surgeons, and apothecaries of the
hospital, and are so skilful and useful, that they cause many marvelous
cures, both in medicine and in surgery.

The streets of the city are compactly built up with houses, mostly of
stone, although some are of wood. Many are roofed with clay tiling, and
others with nipa. They are excellent edifices, lofty and spacious, and
have large rooms and many windows, and balconies, with iron gratings,
that embellish them. More are daily being built and finished. There
are about six hundred houses within the walls, and a greater number,
built of wood, in the suburbs; and all are the habitations and homes
of Spaniards.

The streets, squares, and churches are generally filled with people
of all classes, especially Spaniards--all, both men and women,
clad and gorgeously adorned in silks. They wear many ornaments and
all kinds of fine clothes, because of the ease with which these are
obtained. Consequently this is one of the settlements most highly
praised, by the foreigners who resort to it, of all in the world,
both for the above reason, and for the great provision and abundance
of food and other necessaries for human life found there, and sold
at moderate prices.

Manila has two drives for recreation. One is by land, along the point
called Nuestra Señora de Guia. It extends for about a legua along
the shore, and is very clean and level. Thence it passes through a
native street and settlement, called Bagunbayan, to a chapel, much
frequented by the devout, called Nuestra Señora de Guia, and continues
for a goodly distance further to a monastery and mission-house of
the Augustinians, called Mahalat. [353]

The other drive extends through one of the city gates to a native
settlement, called Laguio, by which one may go to a chapel of San
Anton, and to a monastery and mission-house of discalced Franciscans,
a place of great devotion, near the city, called La Candelaria. [354]

This city is the capital of the kingdom and the head of the
government of all the islands. It is the metropolis of the other
cities and settlements of the islands. In it reside the Audiencia and
Chancillería of his Majesty, and the governor and captain-general of
the islands. [355]

Manila has a city cabildo with two alcaldes-in-ordinary, twelve
perpetual regidors, an alguaçil-mayor [i.e., chief constable], a royal
standard-bearer, the scrivener of the cabildo, and other officials.

The archbishop of the Filipinas Islands resides in this city. He has
his metropolitan church, and all the cathedral dignitaries--canons,
racioneros, medias racioneros, [356] chaplains, and sacristans--and a
music-choir, who chant to the accompaniment of the organ and of flutes
[ministriles]. The cathedral is quite ornate and well decorated,
and the Divine offices are celebrated there with the utmost gravity
and ceremony. As suffragans the cathedral has three bishops--namely,
in the island of Sebu, and in Cagayan and Camarines. [357]

There is a royal treasury with three royal officials--factor,
accountant, and treasurer--by whom the royal revenue of all the
islands is managed. [358]

The vessels sailing annually to Nueva España with the merchandise and
investments of all the islands are despatched from the city of Manila;
and they return thither from Nueva España with the proceeds of this
merchandise, and the usual reënforcements.

In the city is established the camp of the regular soldiers whom his
Majesty has had stationed in the islands.

Several galleys are also stationed at Manila with their general and
captains, as well as other war-vessels, of deep draft, and smaller
ones built like those used by the natives, to attend to the needs of
all the islands.

The majority of the vessels from China, Japon, Maluco, Borney, Sian,
Malaca, and India, that come to the Filipinas with their merchandise
and articles of trade, gather in the bay and river of Manila. In that
city they sell and trade for all the islands and their settlements.

In the province [of Cagayán] of this same island of Luzon was founded
the city of Segovia, [359] during the term of Don Gonçalo Ronquillo,
the third governor. It has two hundred Spanish inhabitants who live in
wooden houses on the shore of the Tajo River, two leguas from the sea
and port of Camalayuga. There is a stone fort near the city for the
defense of it and of the river. This fort mounts some artillery, and
has its own commandant. Besides the inhabitants, there are generally
one hundred regular soldiers, arquebusiers, and their officers. They
are all in charge and under command of the alcalde-mayor of the
province, who is its military commander.

In that city is established a bishop and his church, although at
present the latter has no dignitaries or prebendaries. [360] There
is a city cabildo consisting of two alcaldes, six regidors, and an
alguacil-mayor. The city abounds in all kinds of food and refreshment
at very cheap prices.

The city of Caçeres was founded in the province of Camarines of the
same island of Luzon, during the term of Doctor Sande, governor of
the Filipinas. It has about one hundred Spanish inhabitants; and
has its cabildo, consisting of alcaldes, regidors, and officials. A
bishop of that province is established there and has his church,
although without dignitaries or prebendaries. A monastery of discalced
Franciscans is located there. The government and military affairs of
that province are under one alcalde-mayor and war-captain, who resides
in Caçeres. The latter is a place abounding in and furnished with all
kinds of provisions, at very low rates. It is founded on the bank of
a river, four leguas inland from the sea, and its houses are of wood.

The fourth city is that called Santisimo Nombre de Jesus; it is located
in the island of Sebu, in the province of Bicayas or Pintados. It was
the first Spanish settlement and was founded by the adelantado Miguel
Lopez de Legazpi, the first governor. It is a fine seaport, whose water
is very clear and deep, and capable of holding many vessels. The city
has an excellent stone fort, which mounts a considerable quantity of
artillery, and which has its commandant and officers for the guard
and defense of the port and of the city. It is sufficiently garrisoned
with regulars, and is under command of the alcalde-mayor, the military
commander of the province, who lives in the city. The settlement
contains about two hundred Spanish inhabitants who live in houses
of wood. It has a cabildo, consisting of two alcaldes-in-ordinary,
eight regidors, and an alguacil-mayor and his officers. It has a
bishop and his church, like those of other cities of these islands,
without prebendaries. [361]

The city is provided with food by, and is a station for, the ships
going from Maluco to Manila. Through his Majesty's concession they keep
there a deep-draft merchant vessel, which generally leaves its port
for Nueva España, laden with the merchandise of the products gathered
in those provinces. It has a monastery of Augustinian religious and
a seminary of the Society of Jesus.

The town of Arevalo was founded on the island of Oton [Panay], during
the term of Don Gonçalo Ronquillo. [362] It contains about eighty
Spanish inhabitants, and is located close to the sea. It has a wooden
fort, which mounts some artillery, and a monastery of the Order of
St. Augustine; also a parish church, with its own vicar and secular
priest. This church belongs to the diocese of the Sebu bishopric.

It has a cabildo, consisting of alcaldes, regidors, and other
officials. There is one alcalde-mayor and military leader in those
provinces. The town is well supplied with all kinds of provisions,
sold at very low rates.

The settlement of Villa Fernandina, [363] which was founded in the
province of the Ilocos on the island of Luzon, is settled by Spaniards,
but very few of them remain there. It has a church, with its own vicar
and secular priest. Now no mention will be made of it, on account of
what has been said. The alcalde-mayor of the province resides there,
and the town is situated in the diocese of the Cagayan bishopric.

From the earliest beginning of the conquest and pacification of
the Filipinas Islands, the preaching of the holy gospel therein
and the conversion of the natives to our holy Catholic faith were
undertaken. The first to set hand to this task were the religious
of the Order of St. Augustine, who went there with the adelantado
Legazpi in the fleet of discovery, and those of the same order who
went afterward to labor in this work, and toiled therein with great
fervor and zeal. Thus, finding the harvest in good season, they
gathered the first fruits of it, and converted and baptized many
infidels throughout the said islands. [364]

Next to them in the fame of this conversion, the discalced religious
of the Order of St. Francis went to the islands by way of Nueva
España; then those of the Order of St. Dominic, and of the Society of
Jesus. [365] Lastly, the discalced Augustinian Recollects went. One and
all, after being established in the islands, worked in the conversion
and instruction of the natives. Consequently they have made--and
there are now in all the islands--a great number of baptized natives,
besides many others in many parts, who, for want of laborers, have been
put off, and are awaiting this blessing and priests to minister to
them. Hitherto there have been but few missions in charge of secular
priests, as not many of these have gone to the islands; and as very
few have been ordained there, for lack of students.

The Order of St. Augustine has many missions in the islands of Pintados
and has established and occupied monasteries and various visitas. [366]
In the island of Luzon, they have those of the province of Ylocos,
some in Pangasinan, and all those of La Pampanga--a large number of
monasteries; while in the province of Manila and its vicinity they
have others, which are flourishing.

The Order of St. Dominic has the missions of the province of Cagayan,
and others in the province of Pangasinan, where are many monasteries
and visitas. They also administer others about the city.

The Order of St. Francis has some missions and monasteries about
Manila, all the province of Camarines and the coast opposite, and La
Laguna de Bay. These include many missions.

The Society of Jesus has three large missions in the neighborhood
of Manila, which have many visitas. In the Pintados it has many
others on the islands of Sebu, Leite, Ybabao, Camar [Samar], Bohol,
and others near by. They have good men, who are solicitous for the
conversion of the natives.

These four orders have produced many good results in the conversion
of these islands, as above stated; and in good sooth the people
have taken firm hold of the faith, as they are a people of so good
understanding. They have recognized the errors of their paganism
and the truths of the Christian religion; and they possess good and
well-built churches and monasteries of wood with their reredoses and
beautiful ornaments, and all the utensils, crosses, candlesticks,
and chalices of silver and gold. Many devotions are offered, and there
are many confraternities. There is assiduity in taking the sacraments
and in attendance on the Divine services; and the people are careful
to entertain and support their religious (to whom they show great
obedience and respect) by the many alms that they give them, as well
as by those that they give for the suffrages and the burial of their
dead, which they provide with all punctuality and liberality.

At the same time that the religious undertook to teach the natives
the precepts of religion, they labored to instruct them in matters
of their own improvement, and established schools for the reading
and writing of Spanish among the boys. They taught them to serve in
the church, to sing the plain-song, and to the accompaniment of the
organ; to play the flute, to dance, and to sing; and to play the
harp, guitar, and other instruments. In this they show very great
adaptability, especially about Manila; where there are many fine
choirs of chanters and musicians composed of natives, who are skilful
and have good voices. There are many dancers, and musicians on the
other instruments which solemnize and adorn the feasts of the most
holy sacrament, and many other feasts during the year. The native
boys present dramas and comedies, both in Spanish and in their own
language, very charmingly. This is due to the care and interest of
the religious, who work tirelessly for the natives' advancement. [367]

In these islands there is no native province or settlement which
resists conversion or does not desire it. But, as above stated,
baptism has been postponed in some districts, for lack of workers
to remain with the people, in order that they may not retrograde and
return to their idolatries. In this work, the best that is possible
is done, for the mission-fields are very large and extensive. In many
districts the religious make use, in their visitas, of certain of the
natives who are clever and well instructed, so that these may teach
the others to pray daily, instruct them in other matters touching
religion, and see that they come to mass at the central missions; and
in this way they succeed in preserving and maintaining their converts.

Hitherto, the orders who control these missions in virtue of the
omnimodo and other apostolic concessions [368] have attended to the
conversion of the natives, administered the sacraments, looked after
the spiritual and temporal and ecclesiastical affairs of the natives,
and absolved them in cases of difficulty. But now that there are an
archbishop and bishops, this is being curtailed, and the management
of these affairs is being given to the bishops, as the archbishop's
vicars--although not to such an extent, nor has the administration
of these natives been placed in their charge, in matters of justice,
and under the inspection and superintendence of the bishops, as they
have endeavored to obtain. [369]

The governor and royal Audiencia of Manila attend to what it is
advisable to provide and direct for the greatest accomplishment and
advancement of this conversion, and the administration of the natives
and their missions--both by causing the encomenderos to assist
the religious and churches, in the encomiendas that they enjoy,
with the stipends and necessary expenses of the missions; and by
furnishing from the royal revenues what pertains to it, which is no
less a sum. [370] They also ordain whatever else is required to be
provided and remedied for the said missions and for the advancement
of the natives. This also is attended to by the archbishop and the
bishops in what pertains to them in their duty and charge as pastors.

The Holy Office of the Inquisition, residing in Mexico of Nueva
España, has its commissaries, servants, and helpers in Manila and
in the bishoprics of the islands, who attend to matters touching
the Holy Office. They never fail to have plenty to do there because
of the entrance of so many strangers into those districts. However,
this holy tribunal does not have jurisdiction of the causes pertaining
to the natives, as the latter are so recently converted.

All these islands are subdued, and are governed from Manila by means
of alcaldes-mayor, corregidors, and lieutenants, each of whom rules
and administers justice in his own district and province. Appeals from
their acts and sentences go to the royal Audiencia. The governor and
captain-general provides what pertains to government and war.

The chiefs, who formerly held the other natives in subjection,
now have no power over them in the tyrannical manner of former
days. This was not the least benefit received by these natives in
having been freed from such servitude. However, it is true that
matters touching the slavery of former days have remained on the
same footing as before. The king our sovereign has ordered by his
decrees that the honors of the chiefs be preserved to them as such;
and that the other natives recognize them and assist them with certain
of the labors that they used to give when pagans. This is done with
the lords and possessors of barangays, and those belonging to such and
such a barangay are under that chief's control. When he harvests his
rice, they go one day to help him; and the same if he builds a house,
or rebuilds one. This chief lord of a barangay collects tribute from
his adherents, and takes charge of these collections, to pay them to
the encomendero. [371]

Besides the above, each village has a governor [372] who is elected. He
and his constables who are called vilangos [373] comprise the
usual magistracy among the natives. The governor hears civil suits
where a moderate sum is involved; in appeal, the case goes to the
corregidor or alcalde-mayor of the province. These governors are
elected annually by the votes of all the married natives of such
and such a village. The governor of Manila confirms the election,
and gives the title of governor to the one elected, and orders him to
take the residencia of the outgoing governor. [374] This governor,
in addition to the vilangos and scrivener (before whom he makes his
acts in writing, in the language of the natives of that province),
[375] holds also the chiefs--lords of barangays, and those who are
not so--under his rule and government, and, for any special service,
such as collections of tributes, and assignments of personal services,
as his datos and mandones. [376] They do not allow the chiefs to
oppress the timaguas or slaves under their control.

The same customs observed by these natives in their paganism, are
observed by them since they have become Christians, in so far as
they are not contrary to natural law, especially as to their slavery,
successions, inheritances, adoptions, wills, and lawful trading. In
their suits, they always allege and prove the custom, and are judged
by it, according to royal decrees to that effect. In other causes
which do not involve their customs, and in criminal cases, the matter
is determined by law as among Spaniards.

All of these islands and their natives, so far as they were pacified,
were apportioned into encomiendas from the beginning. To the royal
crown were allotted those which were chief towns and ports, and the
dwellers of the cities and towns; and also other special encomiendas
and villages in all the provinces, for the necessities and expenses
of the royal estate. All the rest was assigned to the conquerors and
settlers who have served and labored for the conquest and pacification,
and in the war. This matter is in charge of the governor, who takes
into consideration the merits and services of the claimants. [377]
In like manner the villages that become vacant are assigned. There
are many very excellent encomiendas throughout the islands, and they
offer many profits, both by the amount of their tributes and by the
nature and value of what is paid as tribute. [378] The encomienda
lasts, according to the royal laws and decrees, and by the regular
order and manner of succession to them, for two lives; but it may
be extended to a third life, by permission. After it becomes vacant,
it is again assigned and granted anew.

The tributes paid to their encomenderos by the natives were assigned
by the first governor, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, in the provinces of
Vicayas and Pintados, and in the islands of Luzon and its vicinity;
they were equal to the sum of eight reals annually for an entire
tribute from each tributario. The natives were to pay it in their
products--in gold, cloth, cotton, rice, bells, fowls, and whatever
else they possessed or harvested. The fixed price and value of each
article was assigned so that, when the tribute was paid in any one
of them, or in all of them, it should not exceed the value of the
eight reals. So it has continued until now, and the governors have
increased the appraisements and values of the products at different
times, as they have deemed advisable.

The encomenderos have made great profits in collecting in kind, for,
after they acquired possession of the products, they sold them at
higher prices. By this they increased their incomes and the proceeds
of their encomiendas considerably; until a few years ago his Majesty,
by petition of the religious and the pressure that they brought to
bear on him in this matter, ordered for this region that the natives
should pay their tribute in whatever they wished--in kind or in
money--without being compelled to do otherwise. Consequently, when
they should have paid their eight reals, they would have fulfilled
their obligation. Accordingly this rule was initiated; but experience
demonstrates that, although it seemed a merciful measure, and one
favorable to the natives, it is doing them great injury. For, since
they naturally dislike to work, they do not sow, spin, dig gold,
rear fowls, or raise other food supplies, as they did before, when
they had to pay the tribute in those articles. They easily obtain,
without so much work, the peso of money which is the amount of their
tribute. Consequently it follows that the natives have less capital
and wealth, because they do not work; and the country, which was
formerly very well provided and well-supplied with all products,
is now suffering want and deprivation of them. The owners of the
encomiendas, both those of his Majesty and those of private persons
who possess them, have sustained considerable loss and reduction in
the value of the encomiendas.

When Gomez Perez Dasmariñas was appointed governor of the Filipinas,
he brought royal decrees ordering the formation of the camp in Manila,
with an enrollment of four hundred paid soldiers, with their officers,
galleys, and other military supplies, for the defense and security
of the country. Before that time all the Spanish inhabitants had
attended to that without any pay. Then an increase of two reals to
each tributario over the eight reals was ordered. This was to be
collected by the encomenderos at the same time when they collected
the eight reals of the tribute, and was to be delivered and placed
in the royal treasury. There this amount was to be entered on an
account separate from that of the other revenue of his Majesty, and
was to be applied in the following manner: one and one-half reals for
the expenses of the said camp and war stores; and the remaining half
real for the pay of the prebendaries of the Manila church, which his
Majesty pays from his treasury, until such time as their tithes and
incomes suffice for their sustenance. [379]

These tributes are collected from all the natives, Christians and
infidels, in their entirety--except that in those encomiendas without
instruction the encomendero does not take the fourth part of the eight
reals (which equals two reals) for himself, since that encomienda has
no instruction or expenses for it; but he takes them and deposits
them in Manila, in a fund called "the fourths." [380] The money
obtained from this source is applied to and spent in hospitals for
the natives, and in other works beneficial to them, at the option of
the governor. As fast as the encomiendas are supplied with instruction
and religious, the collection of these fourths and their expenditure
in these special works cease.

Some provinces have taken the census of their natives; and according to
these the tributes and the assignment of the two reals are collected.

In most of the provinces no census has been taken, and the tributes
are collected when due by the encomenderos and their collectors,
through the chiefs of their encomiendas, by means of the lists and
memoranda of former years. From them the names of the deceased and of
those who have changed their residence are erased, and the names of
those who have grown up, and of those who have recently moved into the
encomienda, are added. When any shortage is perceived in the accounts,
a new count is requested and made.

The natives are free to move from one island to another, and from
one province to another, and pay their tribute for that year in which
they move and change their residence in the place to which they move;
and to move from a Christian village that has instruction to another
village possessing it. But, on the other hand, they may not move from
a place having instruction to one without it, nor in the same village
from one barangay to another, nor from one faction to another. In
this respect, the necessary precautions are made by the government,
and the necessary provisions by the Audiencia, so that this system
may be kept, and so that all annoyances resulting from the moving of
the settled natives of one place to another place may be avoided.

Neither are the natives allowed to go out of their villages for
trade, except by permission of the governor, or of his alcaldes-mayor
and justices, or even of the religious, who most often have been
embarrassed by this, because of the instruction. This is done so that
the natives may not wander about aimlessly when there is no need of
it, away from their homes and settlements.

Those natives who possess slaves pay their tributes for them if the
slaves are saguiguilirs. If the slaves are namamahays living outside
their owners' houses, they pay their own tributes, inasmuch as they
possess their own houses and means of gain.

The Spaniards used to have slaves from these natives, whom they had
bought from them, and others whom they obtained in certain expeditions
during the conquest and pacification of the islands. This was stopped
by a brief of his Holiness [381] and by royal decrees. Consequently,
all of these slaves who were then in the possession of the Spanish,
and who were natives of these islands, in whatever manner they had
been acquired, were freed; and the Spaniards were forever prohibited
from holding them as slaves, or from capturing them for any reason, or
under pretext of war, or in any other manner. The service rendered by
these natives is in return for pay and daily wages. The other slaves
and captives that the Spaniards possess are Cafres and blacks brought
by the Portuguese by way of India, and are held in slavery justifiably,
in accordance with the provincial councils and the permissions of
the prelates and justices of those districts.

The natives of these islands have also their personal services, which
they are obliged to render--in some parts more than in others--to the
Spaniards. These are done in different ways, and are commonly called
the polo. [382] For, where there are alcaldes-mayor and justices, they
assign and distribute certain natives by the week for the service of
their houses. They pay these servants a moderate wage, which generally
amounts to one-fourth real per day, and rice for their food. The same
is done by the religious for the mission, and for their monasteries
and churches, and for their works, and for public works. [383]

The Indians also furnish rice, and food of all kinds, at the prices
at which they are valued and sold among the natives. These prices
are always very moderate. The datos, vilangos, and fiscals make the
division, collect, and take these supplies from the natives; and in
the same manner they supply their encomenderos when these go to make
the collections.

The greatest service rendered by these natives is on occasions of war,
when they act as rowers and crews for the vireys and vessels that go
on the expeditions, and as pioneers for any service that arises in
the course of the war, although their pay and wages are given them.

In the same way natives are assigned and apportioned for the king's
works, such as the building of ships, the cutting of wood, the trade
of making the rigging, [384] the work in the artillery foundry, and
the service in the royal [385] magazines; and they are paid their
stipend and daily wage.

In other things pertaining to the service of the Spaniards and their
expeditions, works, and any other service, performed by the natives,
the service is voluntary, and paid by mutual agreement; [386] for,
as hitherto, the Spaniards have worked no mines, nor have they given
themselves to the gains to be derived from field labors, there is no
occasion for employing the natives in anything of that sort.

Most of the Spaniards of the Filipinas Islands reside in the city
of Manila, the capital of the kingdom, and where the chief trade
and commerce is carried on. Some encomenderos live in provinces or
districts adjacent to Manila, while other Spaniards live in the
cities of Segovia, Caçeres, Santisimo Nombre de Jesus (in Sebu),
and in the town of Arevalo, where they are settled, and where most
of them have their encomiendas.

Spaniards may not go to the Indian villages, [387] except for the
collection of the tributes when they are due; and then only the
alcaldes-mayor, corregidors, and justices. It is not permitted these
to remain continually in one settlement of their district, but they
must visit as much of it as possible. They must change their residence
and place of abode every four months to another chief village and
settlement, where all the natives may obtain the benefit of their
presence; and so that the natives may receive as slight annoyance
as possible in supporting them and in the ordinary service that they
render them. [388]

The governor makes appointments to all offices. When the term of office
expires, the royal Aurdiencia orders the residencia of each official
to be taken, and his case is decided in accordance therewith; and
until the residencia is completed, the incumbent cannot be appointed
to any other duty or office. The governor also appoints commandants
of forts, companies, and other military officials, in all the cities,
towns, and hamlets of the islands. [389]

Certain offices of regidors and notaries have been sold by royal decree
for one life. But the sale of these offices has been superseded,
as it is now considered that the price paid for them is of little
consideration, while the disadvantage of perpetuating the purchasers
in office by this method is greater.

Elections of alcaldes-in-ordinary for all the Spanish towns are held
on New Year's day by the cabildo and magistracy. The residencias
of these alcaldes-in-ordinary and their cabildos are ordered by
his Majesty to be taken at the same time as that of the governor
and captain-general of the islands is taken; and they give account
of the administration of the revenues and the estates under their
care. However, the governor may take it before this, every year,
or whenever he thinks it expedient and cause the balances of their
accounts to be collected. With the governor's advice and permission
the expenses desired by the towns are made.

The city of Manila has sufficient public funds for certain years,
through the fines imposed by its judges; in its own particular
possessions, inside and outside the city; in the reweighing of the
merchandise and the rents of all the shops and sites of the Sangleys
in the parián; and in the monopoly on playing cards. All this was
conceded to the city by his Majesty, especially for the expenses of
its fortification. [390] These revenues are spent for that purpose; for
the salaries of its officials, and those of the agents sent to España;
and for the feasts of the city, chief of which are St. Potenciana's
day, May nineteen, when the Spaniards entered and seized the city,
and the day of St. Andrew, November 30, the date on which the pirate
Limahon was conquered and driven from the city. On that day the city
officials take out the municipal standard, and to the sound of music go
to vespers and mass at the church of San Andres, where the entire city,
with the magistracy and cabildo and the royal Audiencia, assemble
with all solemnity. The above revenues are also used in receiving
the governors at their first arrival in the country, in the kings'
marriage feasts, and the births of princes, and in the honors and
funeral celebrations for the kings and princes who die. In all the
above the greatest possible display is made.

The other cities and settlements do not possess as yet so many
sources of wealth or revenue, or the occasions on which to spend
them--although, as far as possible, they take part in them, in all
celebrations of the same kind.

The Spaniards living in the islands are divided into five classes of
people: namely, prelates, religious, and ecclesiastical ministers,
both secular and regular; encomenderos, settlers, and conquerors;
soldiers, officers, and officials of war (both on land and sea),
and those for navigation; merchants, business men, and traders; and
his Majesty's agents for government, justice, and administration of
his royal revenue.

The ecclesiastical prelates have already been stated, and are as
follows: The archbishop of Manila, who resides in the city, as
metropolitan, in charge of his cathedral church; he has a salary
of four thousand pesos, [391] which is paid from the royal treasury
annually. Likewise the salaries paid to the holders of the dignidades,
[392] canonries, and other prebends, and those performing other
services, are paid in the same manner. They are all under royal
patronage, and are provided in accordance with the king's orders. The
archbishop's office and jurisdiction consists of and extends to all,
both the spiritual and temporal, that is ecclesiastic, and to its
management. [393]

The bishop of the city of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus in Sibu, that
of Segovia in Cagayan, and that of Caceres in Camarines, have the
same rights of jurisdiction and enjoy the same privileges in their
dioceses, since they are suffragans of the archbishop of Manila;
appeal from their judgments is made to the latter, and he summons and
convokes them to his provincial councils whenever necessary. They
receive each an annual salary of five hundred thousand maravedis
for their support, which is paid from the royal treasury of Manila,
besides their offerings and pontifical dues. All together it is quite
sufficient for their support, according to the convenience of things
and the cheapness of the country. At present the bishops do not possess
churches with prebendaries nor is any money set aside for that. [394]

The regular prelates are the provincials of the four mendicant orders,
namely, St. Dominic, St. Augustine, St. Francis, the Society of
Jesus, and the discalced Augustinians. [395] Each prelate governs
his own order and visits the houses. The orders have nearly all the
missions to the natives under their charge, in whatever pertains to
the administration of the sacraments and conversion--by favor of,
and in accordance with, their privileges and the apostolic bulls, in
which until now they have maintained themselves--and in what pertains
to judicial matters, as vicars of the bishops, and through appointment
and authorization of the latter. The discalced Augustinians as yet
have no missions, as they have but recently entered the islands.

The monasteries are supported by certain special incomes that they
possess and have acquired--especially those of the Augustinians
and those of the Society--and by help and concessions granted by
his Majesty. The Dominicans and Franciscans do not possess or allow
incomes or properties; [396] and for them, as for the other orders,
the principal source of revenue is in the alms, offerings, and aid
given by the districts where they are established and where they have
charge. This help is given by both Spaniards and natives, very piously
and generously. They are aided also by the stipend given them from
the encomiendas for the instruction that they give there. Consequently
the religious of the orders live well and with the comfort necessary.

The first encomenderos, conquerors, and settlers of the islands,
and their issue, are honorably supported by the products of their
encomiendas, and by certain means of gain and trading interests that
they possess, as do the rest of the people. There are a great number of
them, each one of whom lives and possesses his house in the city and
settlement of Spaniards in whose province he has his encomienda. This
they do in order not to abandon their encomiendas, and thus they are
nearer the latter for their needs and for collections.

Now but few of the first conquerors who gained the country and went
there for its conquest with the adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legaspi
remain alive.

The soldiers and officers of war and of naval expeditions formerly
consisted of all the dwellers and inhabitants of the islands, who
rendered military service without any pay or salary. They went on all
the expeditions and pacifications that arose, and guarded the forts
and presidios, and cities and settlements. This was their principal
exercise and occupation. They were rewarded by the governor, who
provided them with encomiendas, offices, and profits of the country
according to their merits and services. [397]

At that time the soldiers of the islands were the best in the
Indias. They were very skilful and well-disciplined by both land
and sea, and were esteemed and respected by all those nations. They
gloried in their arms, and in acquitting themselves valiantly.

Afterward, when Gomez Perez Das Mariñas entered upon the government of
the Filipinas, he founded the regular camp of four hundred soldiers:
the arquebusiers, with pay of six pesos per month; the musketeers,
with eight pesos; six captains, with annual pay of four hundred
and twenty pesos apiece; their alféreces, sergeants, corporals,
standard-bearers, and drummers, with pay in proportion to their
duties; one master-of-camp, with annual pay of one thousand four
hundred pesos; one sargento-mayor with captain's pay; one adjutant of
the sargento-mayor and field-captain, with monthly pay of ten pesos;
two castellans; commandants of the two fortresses of Manila, with
four hundred pesos apiece annually; their lieutenants; squads of
soldiers and artillerymen; one general of galleys, with annual pay
of eight hundred pesos; each galley one captain, with annual pay of
three hundred pesos; their boatswains, boatswains' mates, coxswains,
alguacils of the galleys, soldiers, artillerymen, master-carpenters,
riggers, sailors, conscripts, [398] galley-crews of Spanish, Sangley,
and native convicts, condemned for crimes; and, when there is lack
of convicts, good rowers are obtained from the natives for pay,
for the period of the expedition and the occasion of the voyage. [399]

In the vessels and fleets of large vessels for the Nueva España line,
the ships that are sent carry a general, admiral, masters, boatswains,
commissaries, stewards, alguacils, sergeants of marine artillery
[condestables], artillerymen, sailors, pilots and their assistants,
common seamen, carpenters, calkers, and coopers, all in his Majesty's
pay, on the account of Nueva España, from whose royal treasury they
are paid. All that is necessary for this navigation is supplied
there. Their provisions and appointments are made by the viceroy;
and this has hitherto pertained to him, even though the ships may have
been constructed in the Filipinas. They sail thence with their cargo
of merchandise for Nueva España, and return thence to the Filipinas
with the reënforcements of soldiers and supplies, and whatever else
is necessary for the camp, besides passengers and religious, and the
money proceeding from the investments and merchandise. [400]

After the establishment of a regular camp for guard and expeditions,
the other inhabitants, dwellers, and residents were enrolled without
pay under the banners of six captains of the Filipinas, for special
occasions requiring the defense of the city. But they were relieved
of all other duties pertaining to the troops, unless they should
offer of their own accord to go upon any expedition, or volunteer
for any special occasion, in order to acquire merits and benefits, so
that they may be given encomiendas that become vacant, and offices,
and the means of profit of the country. They are not compelled or
obliged to do this, unless they are encomenderos. Consequently all
have given themselves to trading, as there is no other occupation,
but they are not unmindful of military service.

His Majesty prohibits all who are in his pay in the military forces
of the islands from engaging in commerce; and orders the governor
not to allow this, or permit them to export goods to Nueva España. If
the governors would observe that order, it would not be amiss. [401]

The merchants and business men form the bulk of the residents of
the islands, because of the great amount of merchandise brought
there--outside of native products--from China, Japon, Maluco, Malaca,
Sian, Camboja, Borneo, and other districts. They invest in this
merchandise and export it annually in the vessels that sail to Nueva
España, and at times to Japon, where great profits are made from
raw silk. Thence on the return to Manila are brought the proceeds,
which hitherto have resulted in large and splendid profits.

Through the very great increase of this trade--which was harmful
and prejudicial to the Spanish merchants who shipped goods to Peru
and Nueva España, and to the royal duties collected on the shipments
from España--and through the business men of Mexico and Peru having
become greedy of trade and commerce with the Filipinas, by means of
their agents and factors, so that the trade with España was ceasing
in great measure, and the merchants were sending to the Filipinas for
their investments great consignments of silver, which by that means
flowed yearly from his Majesty's kingdoms, to fall into the possession
of infidels: all persons of Nueva España and Peru were prohibited from
trading and engaging in commerce in the Filipinas, and from taking the
Chinese merchandise to those regions. [402] Permission was given to
the inhabitants and residents of the Filipinas that they alone might
trade in the said merchandise, and export it. They are to take these
goods themselves, or send them with persons who belong to the islands,
so that they may sell them. From the proceeds of the said merchandise,
they may not carry to the Filipinas more than five hundred thousand
pesos each year. [403]

A considerable number of somas and junks (which are large
vessels) generally come from Great China to Manila, laden with
merchandise. Every year thirty or even forty ships are wont to come,
and although they do not come together, in the form of a trading
and war fleet, still they do come in groups with the monsoon and
settled weather, which is generally at the new moon in March. They
belong to the provinces of Canton, Chincheo, and Ucheo [Fo-Kien],
and sail from those provinces. They make their voyage to the city of
Manila in fifteen or twenty days, sell their merchandise, and return
in good season, before the vendavals set in--the end of May and a
few days of June--in order not to endanger their voyage.

These vessels come laden with merchandise, and bring wealthy merchants
who own the ships, and servants and factors of other merchants who
remain in China. They leave China with the permission and license of
the Chinese viceroys and mandarins. The merchandise that they generally
bring and sell to the Spaniards consists of raw silk in bundles, of
the fineness of two strands [dos cabeças], and other silk of poorer
quality; fine untwisted silk, white and of all colors, wound in small
skeins; quantities of velvets, some plain, and some embroidered in
all sorts of figures, colors, and fashions--others with body of gold,
and embroidered with gold; woven stuffs and brocades, of gold and
silver upon silk of various colors and patterns; quantities of gold
and silver thread in skeins over thread and silk--but the glitter of
all the gold and silver is false, and only on paper; damasks, satins,
taffetans, gorvaranes, picotes, [404] and other cloths of all colors,
some finer and better than others; a quantity of linen made from grass,
called lençesuelo [handkerchief]; [405] and white cotton cloth of
different kinds and qualities, for all uses. They also bring musk,
benzoin, and ivory; many bed ornaments, hangings, coverlets, and
tapestries of embroidered velvet; damask and gorvaran of different
shades; tablecloths, cushions, and carpets; horse-trappings of the
same stuff, and embroidered with glass beads and seed-pearls; also
some pearls and rubies, sapphires and crystal-stones; metal basins,
copper kettles, and other copper and cast-iron pots; quantities
of all sorts of nails, sheet-iron, tin and lead; saltpetre and
gunpowder. They supply the Spaniards with wheat flour; preserves
made of orange, peach, scorzonera, [406] pear, nutmeg, and ginger,
and other fruits of China; salt pork and other salt meats; live fowls
of good breed, and very fine capons; quantities of green fruit, oranges
of all kinds; excellent chestnuts, walnuts, pears, and chicueyes [407]
(both green and dried, a delicious fruit); quantities of fine thread of
all kinds, needles, and knick-knacks; little boxes and writing-cases;
beds, tables, chairs, and gilded benches, painted in many figures and
patterns. They bring domestic buffaloes; geese that resemble swans;
horses, some mules and asses; even caged birds, some of which talk,
while others sing, and they make them play innumerable tricks. The
Chinese furnish numberless other gewgaws and ornaments of little
value and worth, which are esteemed among the Spaniards; besides a
quantity of fine crockery of all kinds; canganes, [408] sines, and
black and blue robes; tacley, which are beads of all kinds; strings
of cornelians, and other beads and precious stones of all colors;
pepper and other spices; and rarities--which, did I refer to them all,
I would never finish, nor have sufficient paper for it.

As soon as the ship reaches the mouth of the bay of Manila, the
watchman stationed at the island of Miraveles goes out to it in a
light vessel. Having examined the ship, he puts a guard of two or three
soldiers on it, so that it may anchor upon the bar, near the city, and
to see that no one shall disembark from the vessel, or anyone enter it
from outside, until the vessel has been inspected. By the signal made
with fire by the watchman from the said island, and the advice that he
sends in all haste to the city--of what ship it is, whence it has come,
what merchandise and people it brings--before the vessel has finished
anchoring, the governor and the city generally know all about it. [409]

When the vessel has arrived and anchored, the royal officials go to
inspect it and the register of the merchandise aboard it. At the
same time the valuation of the cargo is made according to law, of
what it is worth in Manila; for the vessel immediately pays three per
cent on everything to his Majesty. [410] After the register has been
inspected and the valuation made, then the merchandise is immediately
unloaded by another official into champans, and taken to the Parián,
or to other houses and magazines, outside of the city. There the
goods are freely sold.

No Spaniard, Sangley, or other person is allowed to go to the ship
to buy or trade merchandise, food, or anything else. Neither is it
allowed, when the merchandise is ashore, to take it from them or
buy it with force and violence; but the trade must be free, and the
Sangleys can do what they like with their property.

The ordinary price of the silks (both raw and woven) and the
cloths--which form the bulk of the cargo--is settled leisurely, and
by persons who understand it, both on the part of the Spaniards and
that of the Sangleys. The purchase price is paid in silver and reals,
for the Sangleys do not want gold, or any other articles, and will not
take other things to China. All the trading must be completed by the
end of the month of May, or thereabout, in order that the Sangleys
may return and the Spaniards have the goods ready to lade upon the
vessels that go to Nueva España by the end of June. However, the
larger dealers and those who have most money usually do their trading
after that time, at lower rates, and keep the merchandise until the
following year. Certain Sangleys remain in Manila with a portion of
their merchandise for the same purpose, when they have not had a good
sale for it, in order to go on selling it more leisurely. The Sangleys
are very skilful and intelligent traders, and of great coolness and
moderation, in order to carry on their business better. They are ready
to trust and accommodate freely whoever they know treats them fairly,
and does not fail in his payments to them when these are due. On
the other hand, as they are a people without religion or conscience,
and so greedy, they commit innumerable frauds and deceits in their
merchandise. The purchaser must watch them very closely, and know
them, in order not to be cheated by them. The purchasers, however,
acquit themselves by their poor payments and the debts that they incur;
and both sides generally keep the judges and Audiencia quite busy.

Some Japanese and Portuguese merchantmen also come every year from
the port of Nangasaque in Japon, at the end of October with the north
winds, and at the end of March. They enter and anchor at Manila
in the same way. The bulk of their cargo is excellent wheat-flour
for the provisioning of Manila, and highly prized salt meats. They
also bring some fine woven silk goods of mixed colors; beautiful and
finely-decorated screens done in oil and gilt; all kinds of cutlery;
many suits of armor, spears, catans, and other weapons, all finely
wrought; writing-cases, boxes and small cases of wood, japanned
and curiously marked; other pretty gewgaws; excellent fresh pears;
barrels and casks of good salt tunny; cages of sweet-voiced larks,
called fimbaros; and other trifles. In this trading, some purchases
are also made, without royal duties being collected from those
vessels. The bulk of the merchandise is used in the country, but
some goods are exported to Nueva España. The price is generally paid
in reals, although they are not so greedy for them as the Chinese,
for there is silver in Japon. They generally bring a quantity of it
as merchandise in plates, and it is sold at moderate rates.

These vessels return to Japon at the season of the vendavals, during
the months of June and July. They carry from Manila their purchases,
which are composed of raw Chinese silk, gold, deerskin, and brazil-wood
for their dyes. They take honey, manufactured wax, palm and Castilian
wine, civet-cats, large tibors in which to store their tea, glass,
cloth, and other curiosities from España.

Some Portuguese vessels sail to Manila annually during the monsoon
of the vendavals, from Maluco, Malaca, and India. They take
merchandise consisting of spices--cloves, cinnamon, and pepper;
slaves, both blacks and Cafres; cotton cloth of all sorts, fine
muslins [caniquies], linens, gauzes, rambuties, and other delicate
and precious cloths; amber, and ivory; cloths edged with pita,
[411] for use as bed-covers; hangings, and rich counterpanes from
Vengala [Bengal], Cochin, and other countries; many gilt articles
and curiosities; jewels of diamonds, rubies, sapphires, topazes,
balas-rubies, and other precious stones, both set and loose; many
trinkets and ornaments from India; wine, raisins, and almonds;
delicious preserves, and other fruits brought from Portugal and
prepared in Goa; carpets and tapestries from Persia and Turquia,
made of fine silks and wools; beds, writing-cases, parlor-chairs,
and other finely-gilded furniture, made in Macao; needle-work in
colors and in white, of chain-lace and royal point lace, and other
fancy-work of great beauty and perfection. Purchases of all the above
are made in Manila, and paid in reals and gold. The vessels return
in January with the brisas, which is their favorable monsoon. They
carry to Maluco provisions of rice and wine, crockery-ware, and
other wares needed there; while to Malaca they take only the gold or
money, besides a few special trinkets and curiosities from España,
and emeralds. The royal duties are not collected from these vessels.

A few smaller vessels also sail from Borneo, during the vendavals. They
belong to the natives of that island, and return during the first part
of the brisas. They enter the river of Manila and sell their cargoes
in their vessels. These consist of fine and well-made palm-mats, a few
slaves for the natives, sago--a certain food of theirs prepared from
the pith of palms--and tibors; large and small jars, glazed black and
very fine, which are of great service and use; and excellent camphor,
which is produced on that island. Although beautiful diamonds are found
on the opposite coast, they are not taken to Manila by those vessels,
for the Portuguese of Malaca trade for them on that coast. These
articles from Borneo are bought more largely by the natives than by
the Spaniards. The articles taken back by the Borneans are provisions
of wine and rice, cotton cloth, and other wares of the islands,
which are wanting in Borneo.

Very seldom a few vessels sail to Manila from Sian and Camboja. They
carry some benzoin, pepper, ivory, and cotton cloth; rubies and
sapphires, badly cut and set; a few slaves; rhinoceros horns, and the
hides, hoofs, and teeth of this animal; and other goods. In return they
take the wares found in Manila. Their coming and return is between the
brisas and the vendavals, during the months of April, May, and June.

In these classes of merchandise, and in the products of the
islands--namely, gold, cotton cloth, mendriñaque, and cakes of white
and yellow wax--do the Spaniards effect their purchases, investments,
and exports for Nueva España. They make these as is most suitable
for each person, and lade them on the vessels that are to make the
voyage. They value and register these goods, for they pay into the
royal treasury of Manila, before the voyage, the two per cent royal
duties on exports, besides the freight charges of the vessel, which
amount to forty Castilian ducados [412] per tonelada. This latter is
paid at the port of Acapulco in Nueva España, into the royal treasury
of the said port, in addition to the ten per cent duties for entrance
and first sale in Nueva España.  [413]

Inasmuch as the ships which are despatched with the said merchandise
are at his Majesty's account, and other ships cannot be sent, there
is generally too small a place in the cargo for all the purchases. For
that reason the governor divides the cargo-room among all the shippers,
according to their wealth and merits, after they have been examined
by intelligent men, appointed for that purpose. Consequently every
man knows from his share how much he can export, and only that amount
is received in the vessel; and careful and exact account is taken of
it. Trustworthy persons are appointed who are present at the lading;
and space is left for the provisions and passengers that are to go
in the vessels. When the ships are laden and ready to sail, they
are delivered to the general and the officials who have them in
charge. Then they start on their voyage at the end of the month of
June, with the first vendavals.

This trade and commerce is so great and profitable, and easy to
control--for it only lasts three months in the year, from the
time of the arrival of the ships with their merchandise, until
those vessels that go to Nueva España take that merchandise--that
the Spaniards do not apply themselves to, or engage in, any other
industry. Consequently, there is no husbandry or field-labor worthy of
consideration. Neither do the Spaniards work the gold mines or placers,
which are numerous. They do not engage in many other industries that
they could turn to with great profit, if the Chinese trade should
fail them. That trade has been very hurtful and prejudicial in
this respect, as well as for the occupations and farm industries in
which the natives used to engage. Now the latter are abandoning and
forgetting those labors. Besides, there is the great harm and loss
resulting from the immense amount of silver that passes annually by
this way [of the trade], into the possession of infidels, which can
never, by any way, return into the possession of the Spaniards.

His Majesty's agents for the government and justice, and the royal
officials for the management of his Majesty's revenue, are as follows:
First, the governor and captain-general of all the islands, who
is at the same time president of the royal Audiencia of Manila. He
has a salary of eight thousand pesos de minas per year for all his
offices. [414] He possesses his own body-guard of twelve halberdiers,
whose captain receives three hundred pesos per year. The governor alone
provides and regulates all that pertains to war and government, with
the advice of the auditors of the Audiencia in difficult matters. He
tries in the first instance the criminal cases of the regular soldiers,
and any appeals from his decisions go to the Audiencia. [415] The
governor appoints many alcaldes-mayor, corregidors, deputies, and
other magistrates, throughout the islands and their provinces, for
carrying on the government and justice, and for military matters. These
appointments are made before a government chief scrivener appointed
by his Majesty, who helps the governor.

The governor likewise takes part with the royal Audiencia, as
its president, in whatever pertains to its duties. The Audiencia
consists of four auditors and one fiscal--each of whom receives an
annual salary of two thousand pesos de minas [416]--one reporter,
one court scrivener, one alguacil-mayor, with his assistants, one
governor of the prison of the court, one chancellor, one registrar,
two bailiffs, one chaplain and sacristan, one executioner, attorneys,
and receivers. The Audiencia tries all causes, civil and criminal,
taken to it from all the provinces of its district. [417] These
include the Filipinas Islands and the mainland of China, already
discovered or to be discovered. The Audiencia has the same authority
as the chancillerías of Valladolid and Granada in España. At the same
time, the Audiencia provides whatever is advisable for the proper
and systematic management of the royal exchequer.

His Majesty's revenues in the Filipinas Islands are in charge
of and their tribunal consists of three royal officials. They are
appointed by his Majesty, and consist of a factor, an accountant, and
a treasurer. They each receive an annual salary of five hundred and
ten thousand maravedis. They have their clerk of mines, and registrars
of the royal revenues, and their executive and other officials, all
of whom reside in Manila. From that city they manage and attend to
everything pertaining to the royal revenues throughout the islands.

His Majesty has a number of encomiendas apportioned to his royal crown
throughout the provinces of the Filipinas Islands. The tributes of
those encomiendas are collected for his royal treasury by his royal
officials and the collectors engaged for that purpose by the royal
officials. From year to year these amount to thirty thousand pesos,
after deducting costs and expenses. They collect, from one year to
another, eight thousand pesos in tributes from the Sangleys--both
Christians and infidels. [418]

They also collect the fifth of all gold dug in the islands. By
special concession for a limited period, the tenth is collected
instead of the fifth. There is a declaration concerning it, to the
effect that the natives shall pay no fifths or other duties on the
jewels and gold inherited by them from their ancestors before his
Majesty owned the country. Sufficient measures have been taken for
the clear understanding of this concession and its investigation,
for that on which the tenth has once been paid, and the steps to
be taken in the matter. From one year to another they collect ten
thousand pesos from these fifths, for much is concealed. [419]

The assignment of two reals from each tributario inures to the royal
treasury and is paid into it, for the pay of the soldiers and the
stipend of the prebendaries. These are collected from the encomenderos,
in proportion to, and on the account of, their tributes, and amount
annually to thirty-four thousand pesos.

The fines and expenses of justice are committed to the care of the
treasurer of the royal revenues, and are kept in the treasury. They
amount annually to three thousand pesos.

The three per cent duties on the Chinese merchandise of the Sangley
vessels average forty thousand pesos annually. [420]

The two per cent duties paid by the Spaniards for exporting merchandise
to Nueva España amount annually to twenty thousand pesos. On the
merchandise and money sent from Nueva España to the Filipinas,
result eight thousand pesos more. Consequently, in these things and
in other dues of less importance that belong to the royal treasury,
his Majesty receives about one hundred and fifty thousand pesos,
or thereabout, annually in the Filipinas. [421]

Inasmuch as this amount does not suffice for the expenses that are
incurred, the royal treasury of Nueva España sends annually to that of
the Filipinas, in addition to the above revenues, some assistance in
money--a greater or less sum, as necessity requires. For his Majesty
has thus provided for it from the proceeds of the ten per cent duties
on the Chinese merchandise that are collected at the port of Acapulco
in Nueva España. This assistance is given into the keeping of the
royal officials in Manila, and they take charge of it, with the rest
of the revenues that they manage and collect.

From all this gross sum of his Majesty's revenue, the salaries of
the governor and royal Audiencia are paid, as well as the stipends
of prelates and ecclesiastical prebendaries, the salaries of the
magistrates, and of the royal officials and their assistants; the
pay of all the military officers and regular soldiers; his Majesty's
share of the stipends for instruction, and the building of churches
and their ornaments; the concessions and gratifications that he has
allowed to certain monasteries, and private persons; the building
of large vessels for the navigation to Nueva España, and of galleys
and other vessels for the defense of the islands; expenses for
gunpowder and ammunition; the casting of artillery, and its care;
the expense arising for expeditions and individual undertakings
in the islands, and in their defense; that of navigations to, and
negotiations with, the kingdoms in their vicinity, which are quite
common and necessary. Consequently, since his Majesty's revenues in
these islands are so limited, and his expenses so great, the royal
treasury falls short, and suffers poverty and need. [422]

The proceeds from the ten per cent duties and the freight charges of
the ships, which are collected at Acapulco in Nueva España, on the
merchandise sent there from the Filipinas, although considerable, are
also not always sufficient for the expenses incurred in Nueva España
with the ships, soldiers, ammunition, and other supplies sent annually
to the Filipinas. These expenses are generally greatly in excess
of those duties, and the amount is made up from the royal treasury
of Mexico. Consequently, the king our sovereign derives as yet no
profit from any revenues of the Filipinas, but rather an expenditure,
by no means small, from his revenues in Nueva España. He sustains the
Filipinas only for the christianization and conversion of the natives,
and for the hopes of greater fruits in other kingdoms and provinces of
Asia, which are expected through this gateway, at God's good pleasure.

Every year the Audiencia audits the accounts of the royal officials of
his Majesty's revenues, strikes the balances, and sends the accounts
to the tribunal of accounts in Mexico. [423]

In the city of Manila, and in all those Spanish settlements of the
islands, reside Sangleys, who have come from Great China, besides
the merchants. They have appointed settlements and are engaged in
various trades, and go to the islands for their livelihood. Some
possess their pariáns and shops. Some engage in fishing and farming
among the natives, throughout the country; and go from one island to
another to trade, in large or small champans. [424]

The annual vessels from Great China bring these Sangleys in great
numbers, especially to the city of Manila, for the sake of the profits
that are gained from their fares. As there is a superabundance of
population in China, and the wages and profits there are little,
they regard as of importance whatever they get in the Filipinas.

Very great annoyances result from this; for, not only can there be
little security to the country with so many infidels, but the Sangleys
are a wicked and vicious race. Through intercourse and communication
with them, the natives improve little in Christianity and morals. And
since they come in such numbers and are so great eaters, they raise
the price of provisions, and consume them.

It is true that the city could not be maintained or preserved without
these Sangleys; for they are the mechanics in all trades, and are
excellent workmen and work for suitable prices. But a less number of
them would suffice for this, and would avoid the inconvenience of so
many people as are usually in Manila when the ships arrive--to say
nothing of the many Chinese who go about among the islands, under
pretext of trading with the natives, and there commit innumerable
crimes and offenses. At the least, they explore all the country, the
rivers, creeks, and ports, and know them better than the Spaniards
do; and they will be of great harm and injury in case of any revolt
or hostile invasion of the islands.

In order to remedy all the above, it was ordered that the vessels
should not bring so many people of this kind, under penalties that
are executed; that, when the vessels return to China, they take
these Sangleys back with them; that only a convenient number of
merchants remain in Manila, in the Parián, and the mechanics of
all necessary trades; and that these must have written license,
under severe penalties. In the execution of this, an auditor of the
Audiencia is engaged by special commission every year, together with
some assistants. On petition of the city cabildo, he usually allows
as many Sangleys to remain as are necessary for the service of all
trades and occupations. The rest are embarked and compelled to return
in the vessels going to China, and a great deal of force and violence
[425] is necessary to accomplish it.

Those merchants and artisans who remained in Manila before the revolt
of the year six hundred and three had settled the Parián and its
shops. The Parián is a large enclosed alcaicería of many streets,
at some distance from the city walls. It is near the river, and its
location is called San Graviel. There they have their own governor,
who has his tribunal and prison, and his assistants; these administer
justice to them, and watch them day and night, so that they may live
in security, and not commit disorders.

Those who cannot find room in this Parián live opposite, on the other
side of the river, where Tondo is, in two settlements called Baybay
and Minondoc. They are in charge of the alcalde-mayor of Tondo, and
under the ministry of the religious of St. Dominic, who labor for their
conversion, and for that purpose have learned the Chinese language.

The Dominicans have two monasteries with the requisite assistants,
and a good hospital for the treatment of Sangleys. In a district
kept separate from the infidels, they have a settlement of baptized
Sangleys, with their wives, households, and families, numbering five
hundred inhabitants; and the religious are continually baptizing
others and settling them in that village. But few of them turn out
well, for they are a vile and restless race, with many vices and bad
customs. Their having become Christians is not through the desire
or wish for salvation, but for the temporal conveniences that they
have there, and because some are unable to return to China because
of debts incurred and crimes committed there.

Each and all, both Christians and infidels, go unarmed and in their
national garb. This consists of long garments with wide sleeves, made
of blue cangan (but white for mourning, while the chief men wear them
of black and colored silks); wide drawers of the same material; half
hose of felt; very broad shoes, according to their fashion, made of
blue silk embroidered with braid--with several soles, well-sewed--and
of other stuffs. Their hair is long and very black, and they take
good care of it. They do it up on the head in a high knot, [426]
under a very close-fitting hood or coif of horsehair, which reaches
to the middle of the forehead. They wear above all a high round cap
made of the same horsehair, in different fashions, by which their
different occupations, and each man's rank, are distinguished. The
Christians differ only in that they cut their hair short, and wear
hats, as do the Spaniards.

They are a light-complexioned people and tall of body. They have
scant beards, are very stout-limbed, and of great strength. They
are excellent workmen, and skilful in all arts and trades. They are
phlegmatic, of little courage, treacherous and cruel when opportunity
offers, and very covetous. They are heavy eaters of all kinds of meat,
fish, and fruits; but they drink sparingly, and then of hot beverages.

They have a governor of their own race, a Christian, who has his
officials and assistants. He hears their cases in affairs of justice,
in their domestic and business affairs. Appeals from him go to the
alcalde-mayor of Tondo or of the Parián, and from all these to the
Audiencia, which also gives especial attention to this nation and
whatever pertains to it.

No Sangley can live or own a house outside these settlements of
the Parián, and of Baybay and Minondoc. Native settlements are not
allowed in Sangley settlements, or even near them. No Sangley can go
among the islands, or as much as two leguas from the city, without
special permission. Much less can he remain in the city at night,
after the gates are shut, under penalty of death.

There are generally some Japanese, both Christian and infidel, in
Manila. These are left by the vessels from Japon, although they are
not so numerous as the Chinese. They have their special settlement and
location outside the city, between the Sangley Parián and the suburb of
Laguio, near the monastery of La Candelaria. There they are directed
by discalced religious of St. Francis, by means of interpreters
whom the fathers keep for that purpose. They are a spirited race,
of good disposition, and brave. They wear their own costume, namely,
kimonos of colored silks and cotton, reaching half way down the leg,
and open in front; wide, short drawers; close-fitting half-boots of
leather, [427] and shoes like sandals, with the soles of well-woven
straw. They go bare-headed, and shave the top of the head as far
back as the crown. Their back hair is long, and fastened upon the
skull in a graceful knot. They carry their catans, large and small,
in the belt. They have scant beards, and are a race of noble bearing
and behavior. They employ many ceremonies and courtesies, and attach
much importance to honor and social standing. They are resolute in
any necessity or danger.

Those who become Christians prove very good, and are very devout
and observant in their religion; for only the desire for salvation
incites them to adopt our religion, so that there are many Christians
in Japon. Accordingly they return freely, and without opposition,
to their own country. At most there are about five hundred Japanese
of this nation in Manila, for they do not go to other parts of the
islands, and such is their disposition that they return to Japon, and
do not tarry in the islands; consequently very few of them usually
remain in the islands. They are treated very cordially, as they are
a race that demand good treatment, and it is advisable to do so for
the friendly relations between the islands and Japon. [428]

Few people come from the other nations--Sian, Camboja, Borneo, Patan,
and other islands--outside our government; and they immediately return
in their vessels. Consequently, there is nothing special to be said
of them, except that care is exercised in receiving and despatching
them well, and seeing that they return quickly to their own countries.

Since I have told, in the short time at my disposal, the
characteristics of the Filipinas Islands, and their customs and
practices, it will not be inappropriate to discuss the navigation to
them since it is made thither from Nueva España; the return voyage,
which is not short, or without great dangers and hardships; and that
made in the eastern direction.

When the islands were conquered in the year of one thousand five
hundred and seventy-four [sic; sc. 1564], the Spanish fleet sailed
under command of the adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, from Puerto
de la Navidad [429] situated in the South Sea, on the coast of Nueva
España, in the province and district of Xalisco and Galicia, where
resides the royal Audiencia of Guadalajara. A few later voyages
were made also from the same port, until the point for the sending
of these vessels was removed, for better and greater convenience,
to the port of Acapulco, located farther south on the same coast,
in sixteen and one-half degrees of latitude; it is eighty leguas from
Mexico, and in its district. It is an excellent port, sheltered from
all weather; and has a good entrance and good anchorages. Its vicinity
is advantageous, being better provisioned and more populous than that
of La Navidad. There a large Spanish colony has been established,
with its alcalde-mayor, and royal officials who have charge of his
Majesty's treasury; and these attend to the despatch of the vessels.

The vessels that sail to the Filipinas, as they are despatched annually
on his Majesty's account, must necessarily leave in the certain season
of the brisas, which begin in the month of November and last until the
end of March. This navigation should not be made at any other season,
for from June the vendavals blow, and they are contrary to the voyage.

As a rule, these ships sail and are despatched at the end of February,
or at the latest by the twentieth of March. They sail west toward the
islands of Las Velas, [430] otherwise called the Ladrones. The island
of Guan, one of them, lies in thirteen degrees of latitude. Inasmuch
as the vessels on leaving Acapulco are wont sometimes to encounter
calms, they sail south from sixteen and one-half degrees, in which
the port is situated, until they strike the brisas, which is generally
at ten or eleven degrees. By this route they sail continually before
the wind, and without changing the sails, with fresh and fair brisas,
and in other moderate weather, for one thousand eight hundred leguas,
without sighting any mainland or island. Then leaving to the south
the Barbudos and other islands, and advancing gradually to a latitude
of thirteen degrees, they sail until they sight the island of Guan;
and above it, in fourteen degrees, that of La Çarpana [Seypan]. This
voyage to those Ladrones Islands lasts generally seventy days.

The natives of those islands, who go naked, and are a very robust
and barbarous race, go out to sea to meet the ships as soon as they
discover them, at a distance of four to six leguas, with many vessels;
these are one-masted, and are very slender and light. These vessels
have a counterpoise of bamboo to leeward, and their sails are made
of palm-leaves and are lateen-sails. Two or three men go in each one
with oars and paddles. They carry loads of flying-fish, dorados,
[431] cocoa-nuts, bananas, sweet potatoes, bamboos full of water,
and certain mats; and when they reach the ships, they trade these for
iron from the hoops of casks, and bundles of nails, which they use
in their industries, and in the building of their ships. Since some
Spaniards and religious have lived among them, because of Spanish
ships being wrecked or obliged to take refuge there, they come more
freely to our ships and enter them.

Our ships sail between the two islands of Guan and Çarpana toward the
Filipinas and the cape of Espiritu Santo, a distance of three hundred
leguas farther on, in the latitude of about thirteen degrees. This
distance is made in ten or twelve days with the brisas; but it may
happen, if the ships sail somewhat late, that they encounter vendavals,
which endanger their navigation, and they enter the islands after
great trouble and stormy weather.

From the cape of Espiritu Santo, the ships enter the strait of Capul
at the islands of Mazbate and Burias; thence they sail to Marinduque
and the coast of Calilaya, the strait of Mindoro, the shoals of
Tuley, and the mouth of Manila Bay. Thence, they go to the port of
Cabit. This is a voyage of one hundred leguas from the entrance to
the islands and is made in one week. This is the end of the voyage,
which is good and generally without storms, if made in the proper time.

These vessels now make the return voyage from the Filipinas to Nueva
España with great difficulty and danger, for the course is a long one
and there are many storms and various temperatures. The ships depart,
on this account, very well supplied with provisions, and suitably
equipped. Each one sails alone, hoisting as much sail as possible,
and one does not wait for the other, nor do they sight one another
during the voyage.

They leave the bay and port of Cabit at the first setting-in of
the vendavals, between the same islands and by the same straits,
by the twentieth of June and later. As they set out amid showers,
and are among islands, they sail with difficulty until they leave
the channel at Capul. Once in the open sea, they catch the vendaval,
and voyage east, making more progress when they reach the latitude
of fourteen or fifteen degrees.

Then the brisa starts. This wind is the ordinary one in the South Sea,
especially in low latitudes. Since it is a head wind, the course is
changed, and the bow is pointed betwen the north and east, as much
as the wind will allow. With this they reach a higher latitude, and
the ship is kept in this course until the vendaval returns. Then,
by means of it, the ship again takes an eastern course in that
latitude where it happens to be, and keeps that direction as long
as that wind lasts. When the vendaval dies, the ship takes the best
course that the winds allow, by the winds then blowing between north
and east. If the wind is so contrary that it is north or northwest,
so that the ship cannot take that course, the other course is taken
so that they may continue to maintain their voyage without losing
time. At four hundred leguas from the islands they sight certain
volcanoes and ridges of the islands of Ladrones, which run north as
far as twenty-four degrees. [432] Among these they generally encounter
severe storms and whirl-winds. At thirty-four degrees is the cape of
Sestos, [433] at the northern head of Japon, six hundred leguas from
the Filipinas. They sail among other islands, which are rarely seen,
in thirty-eight degrees, encountering the same dangers and storms,
and in a cold climate, in the neighborhood of the islands Rica de
Oro ["rich in gold"] and Rica de Plata ["rich in silver"], which are
but seldom seen. [434] After passing them the sea and open expanse
of water is immense, and the ship can run free in any weather. This
gulf is traversed for many leguas with such winds as are encountered,
until a latitude of forty-two degrees is reached, toward the coast of
Nueva España. They seek the winds that generally prevail at so high a
latitude, which are usually northwest. After a long voyage the coast
of Nueva España is sighted, and from Cape Mendoçino (which lies in
forty-two and one-half degrees) the coast extends nine hundred leguas
to the port of Acapulco, which lies in sixteen and one-half degrees.

When the ships near the coast, which they generally sight betwen forty
and thirty-six degrees, the cold is very severe, and the people suffer
and die. Three hundred leguas before reaching land, signs of it are
seen, by certain aguas malas, [435] as large as the hand, round and
violet colored, with a crest in the middle like a lateen sail, which
are called caravelas ["caravels"]. This sign lasts until the ship is
one hundred leguas from land; and then are discovered certain fish,
with half the body in the form of a dog; [436] these frolic with
one another near the ship. After these perrillos ["little dogs"] are
seen the porras ["knobsticks"], which are certain very long, hollow
shoots of a yellow herb with a ball at the top, and which float on the
water. At thirty leguas from the coast are seen many great bunches of
grass which are carried down to the sea by the great rivers of the
country. These grasses are called balsas ["rafts or floats"]. Also
many perrillos are seen, and, in turn, all the various signs. Then
the coast is discovered, and it is very high and clear land. Without
losing sight of land, the ship coasts along it with the northwest,
north-northwest, and north winds, which generally prevail on that
coast, blowing by day toward the land, and by night toward the sea
again. With the decrease of the latitude and the entrance into a
warm climate the island of Cenizas [ashes] is seen, and afterward
that of Cedros [cedars]. Thence one sails until the cape of San Lucas
is sighted, which is the entrance of [the gulf of] California. From
that one traverses the eighty leguas intervening to the islands of
Las Marias and the cape of Corrientes ["currents"], which is on the
other side of California in Val de Vanderas ["valley of banners"],
and the provinces of Chametla. Thence one passes the coast of Colima,
Sacatul, Los Motines ["the mutinies"], and Ciguatanejo, and enters the
port of Acapulco--without having made a way-station or touched land
from the channel of Capul in the Filipinas throughout the voyage. The
voyage usually lasts five months or thereabout, but often six and
even more. [437]

By way of India, one may sail from the Filipinas to España, by making
the voyage to Malaca, and thence to Cochin and Goa, a distance of
one thousand two hundred leguas. This voyage must be made with the
brisas. From Goa one sails by way of India to the cape of Buena
Esperança [Good Hope], and to the Terceras [i.e., Azores] Islands,
and thence to Portugal and the port of Lisboa. This is a very long
and dangerous voyage, as is experienced by the Portuguese who make
it every year. From India they usually send letters and despatches to
España by way of the Bermejo ["Red"] Sea, by means of Indians. These
send them through Arabia to Alexandria, and thence by sea to Venecia
[Venice] and thence to España.

A galleon bound for Portugal sails and is despatched from the fort of
Malaca, in certain years, by the open sea, without touching at India
or on its coasts. It reaches Lisboa much more quickly than do the Goa
vessels. It generally sails on the fifth of January, and does not leave
later than that; nor does it usually anticipate that date. However,
not any of these voyages are practiced by the Castilians--who are
prohibited from making them--except the one made by way of Nueva
España, both going and coming, as above described. And although the
effort has been made, no better or shorter course has been found by
way of the South Sea. [438]

Laus Deo




NOTES

[1] Cea is a small town situated in the old kingdom of Léon, on a
river of the same name. It was a seat of a chateau and a duchy. The
name of the first duke of Lerma was Francisco Gomez de Sandoval y
Rojas. Hume's Spain (Cambridge, 1898), mentions one of his sons as
duke of Cea, who is probably the Cristoval Gomez de Sandoval y Rojas
of Morga's dedication.

[2] The facts of Doctor Antonio de Morga's life are meager. He must
have been born in Sevilla, as his birth register is said to exist in
the cathedral of that city. He sailed from Acapulco for the Philippines
in 1595 in charge of the vessels sent with reënforcements that year. He
remained there eight years, during which time he was continually in
office. In 1598, upon the reëstablishment of the Manila Audiencia he
was appointed senior auditor. In 1600 he took charge of the operations
against the Dutch and commanded in the naval battle with them. He left
the islands July 10, 1603, in charge of the ships sailing that year
to Mexico. After that period he served in the Mexico Audiencia; and
as late as 1616 was president of the Quito Audiencia, as appears from
a manuscript in the British Museum. His book circulated, at least,
in part, in manuscript before being published. Torrubía mentions a
manuscript called Descubrimiento, conquista, pacificación y población
de ias Islas Philipinas, which was dated 1607, and dedicated to
"his Catholic Majesty, King Don Phelipe III, our sovereign." Morga
combined the three functions of historian, politician, and soldier,
and his character is many sided and complex. He is spoken of in high
terms as an historian, and Rizal, as well as Blumentritt, exalts him
above all other historians of the Philippines.

[3] Throughout this work, all notes taken entire or condensed from
José Rizal's edition of Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas por el Doctor
Antonio de Morga (Paris, 1890), will be signed Rizal, unless Rizal
is given as authority for the note or a portion of it in the body of
the note. Similarly those notes taken or condensed from Lord Henry
E. J. Stanley's translation of Morga, The Philippine Islands.... by
Antonio de Morga (Hakluyt Soc. ed., London, 1868), will be signed
Stanley, unless Stanley is elsewhere given as authority as above.

Dr. José Rizal, the Filipino patriot, was born in 1861 at Calamba in
Luzón, of pure Tagál stock, although some say that it was mixed with
Chinese blood. Through the advice of Father Leontio, a Tagál priest,
he was sent to Manila to the Jesuit institution Ateneo Municipal--where
he was the pupil of Rev. Pablo Pastells, now of Barcelona. His family
name was Mercado, but at the advice of his brother, who had become
involved in the liberal movement, he took that of Rizal. After taking
his degree at Manila, he studied in Spain, France, and Germany. He
founded the Liga Filipina, whose principal tenet was "Expulsion of
the friars and the confiscation of their property," and which was
the basis of the revolutionary society of the Sons of the Nation. On
Rizal's return to Manila, after several years of travel, in 1892,
he was arrested and exiled to Dapitan. In 1895, he was allowed to
volunteer for hospital service in Cuba, but was arrested in Barcelona,
because of the breaking out of the Filipino insurrection, and sent
back to Manila, where he was shot on December 30, 1896, by native
soldiers. Besides being a skilled physician, Dr. Rizal was a poet,
novelist, and sculptor, and had exhibited in the salon. His first novel
Noli me tangere appeared in Berlin in 1887, and was, as Dr. T. H. Pardo
de Tavera remarks, the first book to treat of Filipino manners and
customs in a true and friendly spirit. It was put under the ban by
the Church. Its sequel El Filibusterismo appeared in 1891.

Sir Henry Edward John Stanley, third Baron of Alderley, and second
Baron Eddisbury of Sinnington, a member of the peerage of the United
Kingdom, and a baronet, died on December 10, 1903, at the age of
seventy-six. He was married in 1862 to Fabia, daughter of Señor Don
Santiago Federico San Roman of Sevilla, but had no issue. He spent
many years in the East, having been first attaché at Constantinople
and Secretary of Legation at Athens. He embraced the Mahometan
religion and was buried by its rites privately by Ridjag Effendi,
Imaum of the Turkish embassy.

[4] Charles chose as his motto Plus ultra, being led thereto by the
recent world discoveries and the extension of Spanish dominions. This
motto is seen on his coins, medals, and other works.

[5] Perhaps Morga alludes to Argensola, who published his Historia
de la conquista de las Molucas this same year of 1609.--Rizal.

[6] This was the second establishment of the Audiencia, in 1598.

[7] The term "proprietary governor" refers to the regularly appointed
(hence governor in his own right) royal representative who governed the
islands; all others were governors ad interim, and were appointed in
different manners at different periods. The choice of governors showed
a gradual political evolution. In the earliest period, the successor
in case of death or removal was fixed by the king or the Audiencia of
Mexico (e.g., in the case of Legazpi). Some governors (e.g., Gomez
Perez Dasmariñas) were allowed to name their own successor. After
the establishment of the Audiencia, the choice fell upon the senior
auditor. The latest development was the appointment of a segundo
cabo, or second head (about the equivalent of lieutenant-governor),
who took the office ad interim in case of the governor's death or
removal, or a vacancy arising from any other cause.

[8] Morga may refer to accounts of the battle with Oliver van
Noordt, or the manuscripts of Juan de Plasencia, Martin de Rada,
and others.--Rizal.

[9] Magalhães and Serrano died on the same day. Argensola commenting on
this fact says: "At this time his friend Serrano was going to India;
and although in different parts, the two navigators died on the same
day, almost under like circumstances."

[10] This is too strong a statement, and Morga's knowledge is inexact,
as Magalhães had sailed the eastern seas while in the service of the
Portuguese monarch.

[11] Argensola (Conquistas de las Islas Malucas, Madrid, 1609)
mentions the expedition sent out by the bishop of Plasencia, Don
Gutierre de Vargas.

[12] An error for 1542.

[13] Urdaneta received Felipe II's order to accompany the expedition
while in Mexico.--Rizal.

See VOL. II of this series for Urdaneta's connection with this
expedition.

[14] See abstract of these instructions, VOL. II, pp. 89-100.

[15] Called Villa de San Miguel at first, according to San
Agustín.--Rizal.

[16] Ruy Lopez de Villalobos, not Legazpi, first gave the name
Filipinas to the archipelago.

[17] Rizal identifies Rajamora with Soliman, and says that he was
called Rajamora or Rahang murã in opposition to Rajamatanda or Rahang
matanda, signifying, as Isabelo de los Reyes y Florentino partially
points out in an article entitled "Los Regulos de Manila," pp. 87-111
of Artículos varios (Manila, 1887), the young raja and the old raja. In
the above article, the latter seeks to identify Rajamora or Soliman
with the Raxobago of San Agustín, and declares that Rajamatanda and
Lacandola are identical. The confusion existing in later writers
regarding these names is lacking in Morga, and Rizal's conjecture
appears correct.

[18] Arigues comes from the Tagál word haligi, which are stout wooden
posts, used to support the frames of buildings. The word is in quite
common use in the Philippines among the Spanish speaking people. It
is sometimes used to denote simply a column.--Rizal (in part).

[19] This was the date of Legazpi's arrival at Manila and not of the
assault, which occurred in 1570.--Rizal.

Goiti took possession of Manila for the king, June 6, 1570. See
various documents in VOL. III of this series.

[20] The inhabitants of Sebu aided the Spaniards on this expedition,
and consequently were exempted from tribute for a considerable
period.--Rizal.

[21] Rizal conjectures that this is a typographical error and should
read de Bisayas ò de los Pintados, i.e., Bisayas or Los Pintados.

[22] The Tagáls called it Maynila.--Rizal.

For the meaning of this name, see VOL. III, p. 148, note 41.

[23] Rather it was his grandson Salcedo. This hero, called the Hernán
Córtes of the Filipinas, was truly the intelligent arm of Legazpi. By
his prudence, his fine qualities, his talent, and personal worth,
the sympathies of the Filipinos were captured, and they submitted
to their enemies. He inclined them to peace and friendship with the
Spaniards. He likewise saved Manila from Limahon. He died at the age
of twenty-seven, and is the only one to our knowledge who named the
Indians as his heirs to a large portion of his possessions, namely
his encomienda of Bigan. (San Agustín).--Rizal.

See also VOL. III, p. 73, note 21.

[24] "He assigned the tribute that the natives were to pay to their
encomenderos," says San Agustín. "This was one piece of cotton cloth,
in the provinces where cloth was woven, of the value of four reals;
two fanégas of rice; and one fowl. This was to be given once each
year. Those who did not possess cloth were to give its value in kind
of another product of their own harvest in that town; and where there
was no rice harvested, they were to give two reals, and one-half real
for the fowl, estimated in money."--Rizal.

[25] Legazpi dies August 20, 1572.

[26] "One thousand five hundred friendly Indians from the islands
of Zebu, Bohol, Leyte, and Panay, besides the many other Indians
of service, for use as pioneers and boat-crews, accompanied the
Spaniards..." Lacandola and his sons and relatives, besides two hundred
Bissayans and many other Indians who were enrolled in Pangasinan,
aided them. (San Agustín).--Rizal.

[27] According to San Agustín, more than one thousand five hundred
Indian bowmen from the provinces of Pangasinan, Cagayan, and Pintados
accompanied this expedition. Its apparent motive was to place on the
throne Sirela, or Malaela, as Colin calls him, who had been dethroned
by his brother.--Rizal.

See the relation of this expedition in VOL. IV, pp. 148-303.

[28] This expedition did not succeed because of the development
of the disease beriberi among the Spanish forces, from which more
than four-fifths of the soldiers died. More than one thousand five
hundred of the most warlike natives, mostly from Cagayan and Pampanga,
accompanied the expedition.--Rizal.

[29] By making use of the strife among the natives themselves, because
of the rivalry of two brothers, as is recounted by San Agustín.--Rizal.

[30] His name was Zaizufa.--Rizal.

La Concepción, vol. ii, p. 33, gives the founding of the city of Nueva
Segovia as the resultant effect of this Japanese pirate. He says:
"He [i.e., Joan Pablos de Carrion] found a brave and intrepid Japanese
pirate in possession of the port, who was intending to conquer it and
subdue the country. He attacked the pirate boldly, conquered him,
and frustrated his lofty designs. For greater security he founded
the city of Nueva Segovia, and fortified it with a presidio."

[31] Captain Ribera was the first envoy from the Philippines to confer
with the king on the needs of the country.--Rizal.

See VOL. V of this series, pp. 207-209, for his complaints against
the governor.

[32] The fire caught from the candles placed about the catafalque of
Governor Gonzalo Ronquillo.--Rizal.

[33] This Pedro Sarmiento was probably the one who accompanied Fathers
Rada and Marin, and Miguel Loarca to China in 1575; see this series,
VOL. IV, p. 46, and VOL. VI, p. 116. The celebrated mathematician and
navigator, Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa doubtless belonged to a different
branch of the same family. The latter was born in Alcahl de Henares,
in 1532, and died toward the end of the century. Entering the Spanish
army he went to America, perhaps in 1555. As early as 1557 he sailed
in the south seas, and being led to the belief of undiscovered islands
there, several times proposed expeditions for their discovery to the
viceroy of Peru. He was captain of Mendaña's ship in the expedition
that discovered the Solomon Islands. Shortly after, at the instance of
the viceroy, Francisco de Toledo, he visited Cuzco, and wrote a full
description of that country. He was the first to study the ancient
history and institutions of the Incas in detail. When Drake made his
memorable expedition into the South Sea, Sarmiento was sent in his
pursuit, and he wrote a detailed account of the Strait of Magellan and
his voyage through it. He later founded a Spanish colony in the strait,
but it was a failure, and was known afterward as Famine Port. He was
a prisoner, both in England and France, being ransomed by Felipe II
from the latter country. In navigation he was ahead of his times,
as his writings attest. He was persecuted for many years by the Holy
Inquisition on various charges. See Lord Amherst's Discovery of the
Solomon Islands (Hakluyt Soc. ed., London, 1901), vol. i, pp. 83-94;
and Clements R. Markham's Narratives of the voyages of Pedro Sarmiento
de Gamboa (Hakluyt Soc. ed., 1895). Argensola gives (Conquistas de
las islas Malucas), some account of Sarmiento's expedition to the
strait in pursuit of Drake. He seems (pp. 167-168) when speaking of
the incident in our text to confuse these two men. An excellent atlas
containing fourteen illuminated and colored maps is also attributed to
Sarmiento the navigator, number five being a map of India, including
the Moluccas and the Philippines.

[34] See letter by Juan de Moron, VOL. VI, of this series, pp. 275-278.

[35] It was divulged by a Filipino woman, the wife of a soldier
(Sinibaldo de Mas).--Rizal.

[36] Thomas Cavendish or Candish. He is named by various authors as
Escandesch, Cande, Eschadesch, Embleg, and Vimble.--Rizal. See also
appendix A.

[37] This memorable expedition of Sir Francis Drake left Plymouth
November 15, 1577, but an accident caused their return to the same
port, whence they again sailed on the thirteenth of December. After
various fortunes the Strait of Magellan was reached on August 17,
1578. They coasted along the western part of South America, where a
valuable prize was taken. At the island of Canno "wee espyed a shippe,
and set sayle after her, and tooke her, and found in her two Pilots
and a Spanish Gouernour, going for the Ilands of the Philippinás:
Wee searched the shippe, and tooke some of her Merchandizes, and
so let her goe." Thence they voyaged to the Moluccas, which were
reached November 14. Next day they anchored at Yerrenate, where they
were welcomed. The voyage was continued through the islands, around
the Cape of Good Hope, and thence to England, where they arrived
November 3, 1580. See Purchas: His Pilgrims (London, 1625), i, book
ii, ch. iii, pp. 46-57. For accounts of the life and voyages of Drake,
see also, Purchas: ut supra, v, book vii, ch. v, pp. 1391-1398; Bry:
Collectiones peregrinationum (Francofurti, 1625), ser. i, vol. iii,
pars viii, pp. 3-34; Francis Fletcher; The World encompassed by Sir
Francis Drake (London, 1635); Knox: New Collection of voyages and
travels (London, 1767), iii, pp. 1-27; John Barrow: Life, voyages,
and exploits of Admiral Sir Francis Drake (John Murray, Albemarle St.,
1843); Thomas Maynarde: Sir Francis Drake, his voyage 1595 (Hakluyt
Soc. ed., London, 1849); W. S. W. Vaux: The world encompassed by Sir
Francis Drake (Hakluyt Soc. ed., London, 1854).

[38] See VOL. VI of this series for various documents concerning
Father Alonso Sanchez's mission to Spain and Rome.

[39] San Agustín says that these walls were twelve thousand eight
hundred and forty-three geometrical feet in extent, and that they
were built without expense to the royal treasury.--Rizal.

[40] See references to this expedition, VOL. VIII, pp. 242, 250, 251;
and VOL. XIV.

[41] This emperor, also called Hideyosi, had been a stable boy,
called Hasiba.--Rizal.

See VOL. X, p. 25, note I, and p. 171, note 19; also Trans. Asiatic
Soc. (Yokohama), vols. vi, viii, ix, and xi.

[42] See VOL. VIII of this series, pp. 260-267.

[43] San Agustín [as does Argensola] says there were two hundred and
fifty Chinese.--Rizal.

[44] Marikaban.--Rizal.

[45] The original is ballesteras, defined in the old dictionaries as
that part of the galley where the soldiers fought.

[46] A sort of knife or saber used in the Orient.

[47] This lack and defect are felt even now [1890] after three
centuries.--Rizal.

[48] Cho-da-mukha, in Siamese the place of meeting of the chief
mandarins, i.e., the capital.--Stanley.

[49] Phra-Unkar. Phra or Pra is the title given to the kings of Siam
and Camboja.--Rizal.

[50] Si-yuthia, or the seat of the kings.--Stanley.

[51] Id est, the supercargo, in Chinese.--Stanley.

[52] Father Alonso Ximenez or Jimenez took the Dominican habit in
the Salamanca convent. His best years were passed in the missions of
Guatemala. He was one of the first Dominicans to respond to the call
for missionaries for the Dominican province in the Philippines, leaving
for that purpose the Salamanca convent, whither he had retired. His
first mission was on the river of Bataan. A severe illness compelled
him to go to the Manila convent, where he was later elected prior,
and then provincial of the entire Dominican field of the islands,
being the second to hold that office. He later engaged in the two
disastrous expeditions as mentioned in our text, and died December 31,
1598. See Reseña biográfica.

[53] Lantchang or Lanxang is the name of an ancient city in the north
of Cambodia. (Pallegoix's Dictionary).--Stanley.

[54] Rizal says: "There exists at this point a certain confusion in the
order, easy, however, to note and correct. We believe that the author
must have said 'Vencidas algunas dificultades, para la falida, por
auer ydo a efte tiempo, de Camboja a Lanchan, en los Laos vn mádarin
llamado Ocuña de Chu, con diez paroes, etc.;'" whereas the book reads
the same as the above to "Camboja," and then proceeds "a los Laos,
vn mádarin llamado Ocuña de Chu, Alanchan con diez paroes." We have
accordingly translated in accordance with this correction. Stanley
translates the passage as follows: "Some difficulties as to setting
out from Alanchan having been overcome, by the arrival at this time in
Laos from Cambodia of a mandarin named Ocuñia de Chu, with ten prahus,
etc." In the above we follow the orthography of the original.

[55] The river Me-Kong.--Rizal.

[56] Laksamana, a general or admiral in Malay.--Stanley.

[57] Chow Phya is a title in Siam and Cambodia.--Rizal.

[58] That is, his son or other heir was to inherit the title.

[59] Rizal conjectures that this word is a transformation of the
Tagál word, lampitaw, a small boat still used in the Philippines.

[60] We follow Stanley's translation. He derives the word çacatal
[zacatal] from zacate, or sacate, signifying "reed," "hay," or other
similar growths, zacatal thus being a "place of reeds" or a "thicket."

[61] From kalasag, a shield.--Rizal.

[62] Argensola says that this native, named Ubal, had made a feast
two days before, at which he had promised to kill the Spanish
commander.--Rizal.

[63] Perhaps the arquebuses of the soldiers who had been killed in
the combat with Figueroa, for although culverins and other styles
of artillery were used in these islands, arquebuses were doubtless
unknown.--Rizal.

[64] These considerations might apply to the present [1890] campaigns
in Mindanao.--Rizal.

[65] Argensola says that Cachil is probably derived from the Arabic
Katil, which signifies "valiant soldier." "In the Malucas they honor
their nobles with this title as with Mosiur in Francia, which means
a trifle more than Don in España." See also VOL. X, p. 61, note 6.

[66] The Solomon Islands (Islas de Salomon) were first discovered in
1568 by Alvaro de Mendaña de Neyra while on an expedition to discover
the supposed southern continent between Asia and America. Various
reasons are alleged for the name of this group: one that Mendaña
called them thus because of their natural richness; another that
King Solomon obtained wood and other materials there for his temple;
and the third and most probable that they were called after one of
the men of the fleet. As narrated in our text, the expedition of 1595
failed to rediscover the islands. They remained completely lost, and
were even expunged from the maps until their rediscovery by Carteret
in 1767. The discoverers and explorers Bougainville, Surville,
Shortland, Manning, d'Entrecasteaux, Butler, and Williamson, made
discoveries and explorations in the same century. In 1845, they were
visited by d'Urville. H.B. Guppy made extensive geological studies
there in 1882. The French Marist fathers went there first in 1845,
but were forced, in 1848, to abandon that field until 1861. They were
the least known of all the Pacific and South Sea islands. They extend
a distance of over 600 miles, and lie approximately between 4º 30'-12º
south latitude and 154º 40'-162º 30' east longitude. They lie southeast
of New Britain and northwest of New Hebrides. The larger islands are:
Bougainville, Choiseul, Santa Isabel, Guadalconar, Malaita, and San
Cristobal, and are generally mountainous, and volcanic in origin,
containing indeed several active volcanoes. The smaller islands are
generally volcanic and show traces of coral limestone. The climate is
unhealthful, and one of the rainiest in the world. They are extremely
fertile and contain excellent water. The inhabitants are of the Malay
race and were formerly cannibals. They form parts of the British and
German possessions. See Lord Amherst: Discovery of the Solomon Islands
(London, Hakluyt Soc. ed., 1901); H. B. Guppy: The Solomon Islands
(London, 1887); Justo Zaragoza: Historia del descubrimiento australes
(Madrid, 1876).

[67] These places are all to be found on the old maps. Paita or Payta
is shown just above or below five degrees south latitude. Callao was
properly the port of Lima.

[68] Called by the natives Fatuhiwa, situated in 10º 40' south
latitude, and west longitude 138º 15', one of the Marquesas group
belonging to France.--Rizal.

[69] According to Captain Cook, cited by Wallace, these islanders
surpassed all other nations in the harmony of their proportions and
the regularity of their features. The stature of the men is from 175
to 183 cm.--Rizal.

[70] The three islands are identified as Motane (probably), Hiwaoa,
Tahuata or Tanata; the channel as the strait of Bordelais; and the
"good port" as Vaitahu (Madre de Dios) (?).--Rizal.

[71] The breadfruit, which grows on the tree artocarpus incisa. It
is called rima in Spanish, the name by which it was perhaps known
throughout Polynesia.--Rizal.

In the Bissayan Islands this tree was called coló. It reaches a height
of about sixty feet. Its bark exudes a gummy sap, that is used for
snaring birds. For want of areca, the bark is also used by the Indians
as a substitute. The wood is yellow, and is used for making canoes,
and in the construction of houses. See Delgado's Historia General,
and Blanco's Flora de Filipinas.

[72] Probably the Pukapuka group or Union Islands.--Rizal.

[73] Perhaps Sophia Island, which is about this distance from
Lima.--Rizal.

[74] Nitendi.--Rizal.

[75] The small islets may have been the Taumako Islands; the shoals,
Matema, and the "island of no great size," Vanikoro.--Rizal.

[76] Called kilitis in the Philippines, but we are not aware that
indigo is made of it.--Rizal.

Delgado (Historia, Manila, 1892) describes the wild amaranths which he
calls quiletes (an American word, according to Blanco) doubtless the
plant indicated in the text. The native generic name is haroma. There
are numerous varieties, all edible.

[77] This word is untranslated by Stanley. Rizal conjectures that
it may come from the Tagál word sagã or jequiriti. But it may be a
misprint for the Spanish sagu or sagui, "sago."

[78] Pingré's translation of the Descubrimiento de las Islas de Salomon
says, p. 41: "On the 17th October there was a total eclipse of the
moon: this luminary, on rising above the horizon, was already totally
eclipsed. Mendaña, by his will, which he signed with difficulty, named
as lady governor of the fleet his wife Doña Isabella de Barreto." And
in a note, he [i.e., Pingré] says that he calculated this eclipse by
the tables of Halley: the immersion must have happened at Paris at
19 hours 6 minutes, and the moon had already been risen since 5 or 6
minutes; so that the isle of Sta. Cruz would be at least 13h. 2m. west
of Paris, which would make it 184 degrees 30 minutes longitude, or
at most 190 degrees, allowing for the Spaniards not having perceived
the eclipse before sunset.--Stanley.

[79] Probably Ponape.--Rizal.

[80] The Descubrimiento de las Islas de Salomon says: "The frigate
was found cast away on the coast with all the crew dead. The galliot
touched at Mindanao, in 10 degrees, where the crew landed on the
islet of Camaniguin; and while wandering on the shore, and dying of
hunger, met with some Indians, who conducted them to a hospital of
the Jesuits. The corregidor of the place sent five men of this ship
prisoners to Manila, upon the complaint of their captain, whom they
had wished to hang. He wrote to Don Antonio de Morga the following
letter: 'A Spanish galliot has arrived here, commanded by a captain,
who is as strange a man as the things which he relates. He pretends
to have belonged to the expedition of General Don Alvaro de Mendaña,
who left Peru for the Solomon isles, and that the fleet consisted
of four ships. You will perhaps have the means of knowing what the
fact is.' The soldiers who were prisoners declared that the galliot
had separated from the general only because the captain had chosen
to follow another route."--Stanley.

[81] Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera in his Historia del descubrimiento de
las regiones australes (Madrid, 1876), identifies this bay with the
present Harbor of Laguán.--Rizal.

[82] Lord Stanley translates the above passage, which reads in the
original "que por quede della razon (si acaso Dios dispusiese de
mi persona, o aya otra qualquiera ocasion; que yo, o la que lleuo
faltemos), aya luz della," etc., as "that an account may remain
(if perchance God should dispose of my life, or anything else
should arise, or I or she that I take with me should be missing),
and that it may give light," etc. Rizal points out that the words
"o la que lleuo faltemos" do not refer to Doña Isabel de Barreto,
but to a similar relation of the voyage that Quiros carried with
him. We have accordingly adopted the latter's rendering, which is by
far more probable.

[83] On the island of Shikoku.--Rizal.

[84] From the Japanese funé, boat. This may be etymologically
equivalent to the English word funny, a kind of small boat.

[85] Lord Stanley connects this word, which he translates "monks,"
with the Nembuds Koo. These, according to Engelbert Kaëmpfer, historian
and physician at the Dutch embassy in Japan, and who lived from 1651 to
1716, are devout fraternities who chant the Namanda, the abbreviation
of "Nama Amida Budsu" ("Great Amida help us"). The Dai-Nembudzsui
are persons especially devoted to Amida's worship. Rizal however
refutes this, and derives Nambaji from the Japanese word Nambanjin,
signifying "dweller of the barbaric south," as the missionaries came
from the south.

[86] See note 85, ante, p. 119.

[87] The Spanish word is dojicos, which is etymologically the same
as the French dogiques. This latter term is defined in The Jesuit
Relations (Cleveland, 1896-1901), xxvii, p. 311, note 1, as a name
given, in foreign missions, to those natives who instruct their
countrymen. They officiated in the absence of the priests.

[88] Fushimi, Osaka, and Sakai.--Rizal.

[89] See VOL. X, p. 171, note 19.

[90] Santa Ines publishes a translation of the same sentence that
varies somewhat in phraseology from the above, but which has the
same sense. It is dated however: "the first year of Quercho, on
the twentieth day of the eleventh moon." J.J. Rein (Japan, London,
1884) publishes a version different from either, which is as follows:
"Taikô--sama. I have condemned these people to death, because they
have come from the Philippine Islands, have given themselves out
as ambassadors, which they are not, and because they have dwelt
in my country without my permission, and proclaimed the law of the
Christians against my command. My will is that they be crucified at
Nagasaki." For the persecutions in this and succeeding administrations,
see Rein, ut supra.

[91] Santa Ines gives the names and order of the crucifixion of
religious and converts, twenty-six in all. They were crucified in a row
stretching east and west as follows: ten Japanese converts, the six
Franciscans, three Jesuits, and seven Japanese converts, with about
four paces between each two. The Japanese served the Franciscans in
various religious and secular capacities. The six Franciscans were:
Francisco Blanco, of Monte Rey, Galicia; Francisco de San Miguel,
lay-brother, of Parrilla, in the Valladolid bishopric; Gonzalo
Garcia, lay-brother, of Bazain, East India, son of a Portuguese
father and a native woman; Felipe de Jesús, or de las Casas, of
Mexico; Martín de la Ascension, theological lecturer, of Beasaín,
in the province of Guipuzcoa; and Pedro Bautista, of San Esteban, in
the Avila bishopric. The Jesuits were, at least two of them, Japanese,
and were not above the rank of brother or teacher. Five Franciscans of
the eleven in Japan escaped crucifixion, namely, Agustín Rodríguez,
Bartolomé Ruiz, Marcelo de Rivadeneira, Jerónimo de Jesús, and Juan
Pobre. The first three were forced to leave Japan in a Portuguese
vessel sailing to India.

[92] The Lequios Islands are identified by Rizal as the Riukiu or
Lu-Tschu Islands. J. J. Rein (Japan, London, 1884) says that they form
the second division of the modern Japanese empire, and lie between
the thirtieth and twenty-fourth parallels, or between Japan proper
and Formosa. They are called also the Loochoo Islands.

[93] See Stanley, appendix v, pp. 398-402, and Rizal, note 4, p. 82,
for extracts and abstracts of a document written by Father Alexander
Valignano, visitor of the Society of Jesus in Japan, dated October 9,
1598. This document states that three Jesuits were crucified by mistake
with the others. The document is polemical in tone, and explains on
natural grounds what the Franciscans considered and published as
miraculous. The above letter to Morga is published by Santa Ines,
ii, p. 364.

[94] Santa Ines publishes a letter from this religious to another
religious of the same order. From this letter it appears that he
later went to Macan, whence he returned to Manila.

[95] Called Alderete in Argensola, doubtless an error of the
copyist.--Rizal.

[96] The same king wrote a letter of almost the same purport to Father
Alonso Ximenez, which is reproduced by Aduarte.--Rizal.

[97] Diego Aduarte, whose book Historia de la Provincia del Santo
Rosario (Manila, 1640), will appear later in this series.

[98] Morga's own account of this, ante, says distinctly that there
were two vessels and that Bias Ruiz had entered the river ahead of
Diego Belloso. Hernando de los Rios Coronel, however, explains this
in his Relacion of 1621, by stating that one of the two vessels had
been wrecked on the Cambodian coast.

[99] The original is en la puente, which translated is "on the
bridge." We have regarded it as a misprint for en el puerto, "in
the port."

[100] This kingdom has disappeared. The ancient Ciampa, Tsiampa,
or Zampa, was, according to certain Jesuit historians, the most
powerful kingdom of Indochina. Its dominions extended from the banks
of the Menam to the gulf of Ton-King. In some maps of the sixteenth
century we have seen it reduced to the region now called Mois, and in
others in the north of the present Cochinchina, while in later maps
it disappears entirely. Probably the present Sieng-pang is the only
city remaining of all its past antiquity.--Rizal.

[101] That is, his mother and grandmother.

[102] From which to conquer the country and the king gradually,
for the latter was too credulous and confiding.--Rizal.

[103] Rizal misprints Malaca.

[104] Stanley thinks that this should read "since the war was
not considered a just one;" but Rizal thinks this Blas Ruiz's own
declaration, in order that he might claim his share of the booty taken,
which he could not do if the war were unjust and the booty considered
as a robbery.

[105] Aduarte says: "The matter was opposed by many difficulties
and the great resistance of influential persons in the community,
but as it was to be done without expense to the royal treasury,
all were overcome."--Rizal.

La Concepción says, vol. iii, p. 234, that the royal officials did
not exercise the requisite care in the fitting of Luis Dasmariñas's
vessels, as the expedition was not to their taste.

[106] A Chinese vessel, lighter and swifter than the junk, using oars
and sails.

[107] Aduarte says that the fleet left the bay on September 17.--Rizal.

La Concepción gives the same date, and adds that Dasmariñas took in
his vessel, the flagship, Father Ximinez, while Aduarte sailed in
the almiranta. The complement of men, sailors and soldiers was only
one hundred and fifty. Aduarte left the expedition by command of the
Dominican superior after the almiranta had put in to refit at Nueva
Segovia, "as he [i.e., the superior] did not appear very favorable to
such extraordinary undertakings." He returned with aid to Dasmariñas,
sailing from Manila September 6, almost a year after the original
expedition had sailed.

[108] The island of Corregidor, also called Mirabilis.--Rizal.

[109] The almiranta was wrecked because of striking some shoals,
while pursuing a Chinese craft with piratical intent. The Spanish ship
opened in two places and the crew were thrown into the sea. Some were
rescued and arrested by the Chinese authorities.--Rizal.

La Concepción says that the majority of the Spaniards determined to
pursue and capture the Chinese vessel contrary to the advice of the
pilot and a few others, and were consequently led into the shoals.

[110] This man became a religious later. We present his famous relation
of 1621 in a later volume of this series. Hernando de los Rios was
accompanied by Aduarte on his mission.

[111] It has been impossible to verify this citation. Of the four
generally known histories of the Indias written at the time of Los
Rios Coronel's letter, that of Las Casas only contains chapters of the
magnitude cited, and those chapters do not treat of the demarcation
question. Gonzalez Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés: Historia general
y natural de las Indias (Madrid, Imprenta de la Real Academia de
la Historia, 1851), edited by Amador de los Rios, discusses the
demarcation in book ii, ch. viii, pp. 32, 33, and book xxi, ch. ii,
pp. 117, 118; Bartolomé de las Casas: Historia de las Indias (Madrid,
1875), edited by Marquis de la Fuensanta del Valle (vols. 62-66 of
Documentos inéditos para la historia de España), in book i, ch. lxxix,
pp. 485, 486; Antonio de Herrera: Historia general de los Indios
occidentalis (Madrid, 1601), in vol. i, ch. iiii, pp. 50-53, and ch. x,
pp. 62-64; Joseph de Acosta: Historia de las Indias (first published in
Spanish in Sevilla in 1590) does not discuss the matter. Neither is the
reference to Giovanni Pietro Maffei's Historiarum Indicarum (Coloniae
Agrippinae, 1590), where the demarcation is slightly mentioned.

[112] Costa in the original, misprinted cosa in Rizal.

[113] From the context, one would suppose that Los Rios Coronel wrote
Jesuita instead of Theatino.

[114] Undoubtedly the famous Father Mateo Ricci, called Li-Ma-Teou and
Si-Thaí by the Chinese. He was born in Macerata in 1552, and died in
Pekin in 1610. He was one of the greatest Chinese scholars of Europe,
and wrote a number of works in Chinese, which were highly esteemed
and appreciated by the Chinese themselves. He extended Christianity
in the celestial empire more than anyone else, by his tolerance and
keen diplomacy, by composing with great skill what he could not combat
openly. This excited the wrath of the Dominicans, and gave rise to
many controversies....Father Ricci was the associate of the famous
Father Alessandro Valignani.--Rizal.

[115] The latitude of Toledo is 39º 52'; Nankin [Lanquien] 32º;
and Pekin [Paquien] 39º 58'.

[116] The pico is a measure of weight. Gregorio Sancianco y Goson
(El Progreso de Filipinas, Madrid, 1881) gives its table thus: 1
pico = 10 chinantes = 100 cates = 1 tael, 6 décimas = 137 libras, 5
décimas = 62 kilógramos, 262 gramos, 1 tael = 22 adarmes = 39 gramos,
60 céntimos. The pico is not a fixed weight. In Manila its equivalent
has been fixed at 137 libras, 6 décimas. In the ports of China and
Singapore the English have adopted the following equivalents: 1 pico
= 133 1/3 English pounds; 1 pico in Manila is equal to 140 English
pounds; and 1 English pico equals 131.4 Castilian pounds.

[117] Certain shells found in the Philippines, and used as money in
Siam, where they are called sigay.

[118] Father Juan Maldonado de San Pedro Mártir was born in Alcalá
de Guadaira in the province of Sevilla. After a course in the
humanities and philosophy, he went to Salamanca University to study
canonical law. He made his profession at the Dominican convent in
Valladolid, where he lived in great austerity. He was one of the
first to respond to the call of Father Juán Crisóstomo for workers
in the Philippines. He was associated with Father Benavides in the
Chinese mission, but was unable to learn the language because of
other duties. He was later sent to Pangasinan, where, in 1588, he
was appointed vicar of Gabón (now Calasiao). He was definitor in the
Manila chapter in 1592, by which he was appointed vicar of Abucay,
in the Bataan district. Shortly after he was again appointed to the
Chinese work, and learned the language thoroughly. In 1596, while on
the unfortunate voyage to Camboja, Father Alonso Jimenez appointed him
vicar-general, but he resigned from this, as well as from the office
of commissary-general of the Holy Office, which he was the first to
hold in the islands. In 1598 he was appointed lecturer on theology,
and in November of the same year went to Camboja. His death occurred
within sight of Cochinchina, December 22, 1598, and he was buried in
Pulocatouan. He was confessor to Luis Dasmariñas. (Reseña Biográfica,
Manila, 1891.)

[119] Rizal misprints guardia de sus personas que podian, as guardia
de sus personas que pedian.

[120] This happened afterward and was a constant menace to the
Spaniards, as many letters, reports, and books attest.

[121] This was the first piratical expedition made against the
Spaniards by the inhabitants of the southern islands.--Rizal.

Barrantes (Guerras Piraticas) wrongly dates the abandonment of La
Caldera and the incursion of the Moros 1590. Continuing he says:
"The following year they repeated the expedition so that the Indians
retired to the densest parts of the forests, where it cost considerable
trouble to induce them to become quiet. For a woman, who proclaimed
herself a sibyl or prophetess, preached to them that they should not
obey the Spaniards any longer, for the latter had allied themselves
with the Moros to exterminate all the Pintados."

[122] From the Malay tingi, a mountain.--Rizal.

[123] The island of Guimarás, southeast of Panay, and separated from
it by the strait of Iloilo.

[124] Neither Stanley nor Rizal throws any light on this word. The
Spanish dictionaries likewise fail to explain it, as does also
a limited examination of Malay and Tagál dictionaries. Three
conjectures are open: 1. A derivative of tifatas, a species of
mollusk--hence a conch; 2. A Malay or Tagál word for either a wind or
other instrument--the Malay words for "to blow," "to sound a musical
instrument," being tiyup and tiyupkân; 3. A misprint for the Spanish
pifas--a possible shorthand form of pifanos--signifying fifes.

[125] J. J. Rein (Japan, London, 1884) say that the son of Taicosama or
Hideyoshi was called Hideyosi, and was born in 1592. He was recognized
by Taicosama as his son, but Taicosama was generally believed not to
have been his father. The Yeyasudono of Morga was Tokugawa Iyeyasu,
lord of the Kuwantô, who was called Gieiaso by the Jesuits. He was
already united by marriage to Taicosama. The men appointed with
Iyeyasu to act as governors were Asano Nagamasa, Ishida, Mitsunari,
Masuda Nagamori, Nagatsuka Masaïye, and Masuda Geni. Iyeyasu, the
Daifusama of our text, tried to exterminate Christianity throughout the
empire. He established the feudal system that ruled Japan for three
centuries, dividing society into five classes, he himself being the
most powerful vassal of the mikado. He framed a set of laws, known
by his name, that were in force for three centuries. Their basis was
certain doctrines of Confucius that recognized the family as the basis
of the state. Iyeyasu was a true statesman, an attractive personage,
and a peace-loving man. He was revered after death under the name
of Gongensama. See also Trans. Asiatic Soc. (Yokohama), vol. iii,
part ii, p. 118, "The Legacy of Iyeyasu."

[126] A manuscript in the British Museum, Dutch Memorable Embassies,
says that he died September 16, 1598, at the age of sixty-four, after
reigning fifteen years. The regent is there called Ongoschio.--Stanley.

[127] Recueil des voyages (Amsterdam, 1725) ii, pp. 94-95 divides
Japanese society into five classes: those having power and authority
over others, called tones, though their power may be dissimilar;
priests or bonzes; petty nobility and bourgeoisie; mechanics and
sailors; and laborers.

[128] This battle was fought at Sekigahara, a little village on the
Nakasendo, in October, 1600. Some firearms and cannon were used but
the old-fashioned spears and swords predominated in this battle, which
was fought fiercely all day. (Murray: Story of Japan, New York, 1894).

[129] John Calleway, of London, a musician, as stated in van Noordt's
account.--Stanley.

[130] See appendix B, end of this volume, for résumé of Dutch
expeditions to the East Indies.

[131] Cuckara, the ladle formerly used to charge cannon which used
no cartridge, but the loose powder from the barrel.

[132] The count of Essex, who in command of an English squadron
captured the city of Cadiz in 1596. He sacked the city and killed
many of the inhabitants, leaving the city in ruins. Drake in 1587
had burned several vessels in the same harbor.

[133] Called "San Antonio" above.

[134] Portuguese, above.

[135] The present port of Mariveles, as is seen from Colin's
map.--Rizal.

[136] Juan Francisco Valdés was preacher in the convent of Santo Niño
de Cebú in 1599, and was a missionary in Caruyan from 1600 until
1606. He died in 1617. Juan Gutiérrez was assistant in the council
[discreto] of the general chapter of his order of 1591. He returned
to Manila after three years and was definitor and minister of Tondo
in 1596, and of Parañaque 1602-1603. After that he returned to Rome
a second time as definitor-general, whence he went to Mexico, where
he exercised the duties of procurator in 1608. See Pérez's Catalogo.

[137] Perhaps "in the direction of the island Del Fraile" is meant
here, since no port of that name is known.--Rizal.

The expression occurs, however, in at least one other contemporaneous
document.

[138] Now Punta de Fuego [i.e., Fire Promontory].--Rizal.

[139] The Dutch account of this combat says that their flagship carried
fifty-three men before the fight, of whom only five were killed and
twenty-six wounded.--Rizal.

[140] This is perhaps the brother of Fernando de los Rios Coronel,
mentioned in his letter to Morga, ante, p. 180.

[141] This is the present Nasugbú, which is located in the present
province of Batangas, a short distance below Punta de Fuego or Fire
Promontory, on the west coast of Luzón.

[142] The governor appears to have ordered this execution of his own
authority, without trial or the intervention of the Audiencia. Since
the independence of Holland was not recognized by Spain until 1609,
it is likely that these men were executed as rebels. If the ground was
that they were pirates, the Dutchmen's own account of their burning
villages, etc., where there were no Spaniards, is more damaging to
themselves than the statements of Morga, and enough to make them out
to have been hostes humani generis.--Stanley.

[143] Van Noordt was not wrecked, as will be seen later in
this work. He returned to Holland after many misfortunes and
adventures.--Rizal.

The Sunda is the strait between the islands of Sumatra and Java.

[144] Hernando de los Rios Coronel in his Memorial y Relacion
attributes both the loss of these two vessels and also that of the
"San Felipe" to Don Francisco Tello's indolence. "For this same reason
other vessels were lost afterward--one called 'Santa Margarita,' which
was wrecked in the Ladrones, another, called 'San Gerónimo,' wrecked
in the Catanduanes, near the channel of those islands, and a third
which sailed from Cibú, called 'Jesus Maria.'" But the last-named,
which sailed during Pedro de Acuña's administration, was not wrecked,
as claimed by the above author.--Rizal.

[145] Port of Baras (?).--Rizal.

[146] Kachil Kota. Kachil is the title of the nobles. Kota or Kutà
signifies fortress.--Rizal.

[147] Leonardo y Argensola (Conquesta de las Molucas, Madrid, 1609,
pp. 262, 263), reproduces this letter translated into Spanish.

[148] These considerations were very narrow, and contrary to the
international obligations of mutual assistance incurred by the Spanish
by their trading with Japan; such treatment of Japan furnished that
country with an additional motive for secluding itself and declining
relations, the benefits of which were so one-sided: however, the
Spaniards themselves may have felt this only nine years later, for,
according to the Dutch Memorable Embassies, part i, p. 163, a large
Spanish ship, commanded by Don Rodrigo de Riduera, came from Mexico
to Wormgouw, near Yeddo, in August of 1611; these Spaniards were
requesting permission from the Japanese emperor to sound the Japanese
ports, because the Manila ships were frequently lost on the voyage
to New Spain, for want of knowledge of those ports. "Moreover, these
same Spaniards requested permission to build ships in Japan, because,
both in New Spain and in the Philippines, there was a scarcity of
timber fit for ships, and also of good workmen." In the Philippines
there was no scarcity of timber, so that the statement to that effect
was either an error of the Dutch author, or a pretext on the part of
the Spaniards.--Stanley.

[149] The Dominican Francisco Morales was born at Madrid, October
14, 1567. He professed at the Valladolid convent, where he became
lecturer on philosophy. In the same convent he fulfilled various
duties until 1602, in which year it was determined to send him to
Japan as vicar-general. With other missionaries he was driven from
the kingdom of Satzuma in 1609. Father Morales worked, however, in
the capital until the persecution of 1614, when he remained hidden
in the country. He was arrested March 15, 1619. A week after he
was conducted, with other priests, to the island of Juquinoxima,
distant three leagues from Nagasaki. In August they were removed to
the prison of Ormura. On September 21, 1622, they were taken again
to Nagasaki, where they were executed next day. He was beautified by
order of the pope. He wrote La relación del glorioso martirio de los
BB. Alonso Navarrete y Hernando Ayala de San José, a quarto of thirty
pages. (Reseña Biográfica, Manila, 1891.)

[150] The Augustinian Diego de Guevara was born in the town of
Baeza, in the province of Jaén, of a noble family. He took the
habit in Salamanca. He arrived at Manila in 1593 with twenty-four
other religious of his order. In May, 1595, he was chosen sub-prior
and procurator of Manila, and in June definitor and discreto [i.e.,
assistant in the council] to the general chapter. He was wrecked at
Japan while on his way to attend the chapter at Rome, however, and
returned to Manila with Father Juan Tamayo, his companion. After the
Chinese insurrection in Manila in 1603, he was sent to Spain, which
he reached by way of Rome. He remained for three years in San Felipe
el Real, but was again sent (1610) to the islands, as visitor of the
Augustinian province. From 1616-1621 he was bishop of Nueva Cáceres,
dying in the latter year. He was the author of various Actas, which
have been used extensively by the province. (Catálogo de los Agustinos,
Manila, 1901.)

[151] Santa Inés mentions this religious as one of those sent back
to Manila by way of a Portuguese vessel about to sail to Portuguese
India, at the time of the persecution.

[152] Probably the Sibukaw.--Rizal. This tree--also spelled
sibucao--grows to a height of twelve or fifteen feet. Its flowers
grow in clusters, their calyx having five sepals. The pod is woody
and ensiform and contains three or four seeds, separated by spongy
partition-walls. The wood is so hard that nails are made of it, while
it is used as a medicine. It is a great article of commerce as a dye,
because of the beautiful red color that it yields.

[153] The Philippines then exported silk to Japan, whence today comes
the best silk.--Rizal.

[154] These must be the precious ancient china jars that are even
yet found in the Philippines. They are dark gray in color, and are
esteemed most highly by the Chinese and Japanese.--Rizal.

[155] From this point the Rizal edition lacks to the word and in
the second sentence following. The original reads: "que hizieron su
camino por tierra. Entre tanto, se padecian en la nao muchas molestias,
de los Iapones que auia en el puerto."

[156] The word in the original is cabria, which signifies literally
the sheers or machine for raising a temporary mast. It is evidently
used here for the mast itself.

[157] Perhaps to perform the hara-kiri, which was an ancient custom
among the Japanese, and consisted in the criminal's making an incision
in his abdomen, and then afterward sinking the knife in his bosom,
or above the clavicle, in order to run it through the heart. Then
the victim's head was cut off with a stroke of the sword.--Rizal.

[158] Andrea Furtado de Mendoza began his military career at the
age of sixteen, when he accompanied King Sebastian on his ill-fated
expedition to Morocco. A year or two later he went to India and
became famous by his relief of Barcelor. He had charge of many arduous
posts and achieved many military and naval successes. He opposed the
Dutch attempts of Matelief at Malacca. In 1609, he was elected as
thirty-seventh Portuguese governor of India, and filled the office
with great credit to himself and country. (Voyage of Pyrard de Laval,
Hakluyt Society ed., London, 1888, part i, vol. ii, p. 267, note 3.)

[159] The accounts of voyages made for the Dutch East India Company
(Recueil des voyages, Amsterdam, 1725) mention a town Jaffanapatan
in Ceylon, evidently the Jabanapatan of our text.

[160] Hernando de los Rios attributed to these wars of the Moluccas the
reason why the Philippines were at first more costly than profitable to
the king, in spite of the immense sacrifices of the inhabitants in the
almost gratuitous construction of galleons, in their equipment, etc.;
and in spite of the tribute, duty, and other imposts and taxes. These
Molucca expeditions, so costly to the Philippines, depopulated the
islands and depleted the treasury, without profiting the country at
all, for they lost forever and shortly what had been won there so
arduously. It is also true that the preservation of the Philippines
for Spain must be attributed to the Moluccas, and one of the powerful
arguments presented to Felipe II as to the advisability of sustaining
those islands was for the possession of the rich spice islands.--Rizal.

[161] Argensola says that the following things were also sent for
this expedition: "300 blankets from Ilocos, 700 varas of wool from
Castilla, 100 sail-needles, and 30 jars of oil; while the whole cost
of the fleet amounted to 22,260 pesos per month." The expedition,
which was profitless, lasted six months.--Rizal.

[162] See VOLS. XII and XII for documents concerning the coming of
these mandarins, and the subsequent Chinese insurrection.

[163] Ignacio or Iñigo de Santa Maria, of the Dominican convent of
Salamanca, on arriving at the Philippines, was sent to Cagayan. He
was later elected prior of the Manila convent, and then definitor. In
1603 he went to Camboja as superior of that mission. Returning thence
for more workers that same year, he died at sea. (Reseña Biográfica,
Manila, 1891.)

[164] Diego de Soria was born in Yébenes, in the province and
diocese of Toledo, and took the Dominican habit in Ocaña. Showing
signs of a great preacher he was sent to the College of Santo Tomás
in Alcalá de Henares. Thence he went to Manila in 1587 and was one
of the founders of the Dominican convent in Manila, of which he was
vicar-president until June 10, 1588, when he was chosen its prior in
the first provincial chapter of the Philippine province. In 1591 he
was sent to Pangasinan, where he remained until 1595, whence he was
sent to Cagayan at the instance of Luis Perez Dasmariñas. In 1596,
after many successes in Cagayan, he was recalled to Manila as prior of
the convent for the second time. Shortly after he was sent to Spain
and Rome as procurator. He refused the nomination to the bishopric
of Nueva Cáceres, but was compelled to accept that of Nueva Segovia,
and reached the islands somewhat later. In 1608 he was in Vigan,
his residence. He died in 1613 and was buried in the parish church of
Vigan. In 1627 his remains were removed to the Dominican convent at
Lallo-c, in accordance with his wishes. (Reseña Biográfica, Manila,
1891.)

[165] Buzeta and Bravo say that Baltasar Covarrubias was appointed
to the bishopric in 1604, at which time he entered upon his duties;
but that he died in 1607 without having been consecrated.

[166] Copied and condensed from Purchas: His Pilgrimes (London, 1625),
book ii, chap. iiii, pp. 55-71, "the third circumnavigation of the
globe." For other accounts of Candish, see Purchas: ut supra, iv,
book vi, chap. vi, pp. 1192-1201, and chap. vii, pp. 1210-1242; Bry:
Collectiones peregrinationum (Francofurti, 1625), ser. i, vol. iii,
pars viii, pp. 35-59; Pieter van der Aa: Zee en landreysen (Leyden,
1706) xx deel, pp. 1-64; and Hakluyt's Voyages (Goldsmid ed.,
Edinburgh, 1890), xvi, pp. 1-84.

[167]  The area of England and Wales is 58,186 sq. mi., that of
Scotland, with its 787 islands, 30,417 (mainland 26,000) sq. mi.,
and that of Luzón, about 41,000 sq. mi.

[168] See also VOL. XI of this series.

[169]  Oliver van Noordt was the first Dutch circumnavigator. For
an account of the fight with the Spanish from the side of the Dutch,
see Stanley's translation of Morga, pp. 173-187.

[170]  "L'Amsterdam ... avoit été amené à Manille avec 51 morts à son
bord ... que le yacht le Faucon en avoit 34 ... que le Faucon avoit
été aussí emmené avec 22 morts."

[171] Spanish accounts, some of which will be published later in this
series, relate Spielberg's bombardment of Iloilo, and his defeat,
after disembarking by Diego Quinones in 1616; while he was later
completely defeated by Juan Ronquillo at Playa Honda, in 1617.

[172] Following in a translation of the title-page of the other
edition of Morga's work, which shows that a second edition of the
Sucesos was published in the same year as was the first. A reduced
facsimile of this title-page--from the facsimile reproduction in
the Zaragoza edition (Madrid, 1887)--forms the frontispiece to the
present volume. It reads thus: "Events in the Philipinas Islands:
addressed to Don Christoval Gomez de Sandoval y Rojas, duke de Cea,
by Doctor Antonio de Morga, alcalde of criminal causes in the royal
Audiencia of Nueva España, and consultor for the Holy Office of the
Inquisition. At Mexico in the Indias, in the year 1609." In the lower
left-hand corner of the engraved title appears the engraver's name:
"Samuel Estradanus, of Antwerp, made this."

[173] The month is omitted in the text.--Stanley.

[174] Fray Diego Bermeo, a native of Toledo, became a Franciscan
friar; and in 1580 went to Mexico, and three years later to the
Philippines. After spending many years as a missionary in Luzón and
Mindoro, he was elected provincial of his order in the islands (in
1599, and again in 1608). Going to Japan as commissary provincial--in
1603, according to Morga, but 1604 as given by Huerta (Estado,
p. 446)--he was obliged by severe illness to return to Manila; he
died there on December 12, 1609.

[175] Luis Sotelo, belonging to an illustrious family of Sevilla,
made his profession as a Franciscan in 1594. Joining the Philippine
mission, he reached the islands in 1600; and he spent the next two
years in ministering to the Japanese near Manila, and in the study of
their language. In 1600 he went to Japan, where he zealously engaged
in missionary labors. Ten years later, he was sentenced to death for
preaching the Christian religion; but was freed from this danger by
Mazamune, king of Boxu, who sent the Franciscan as his ambassador to
Rome and Madrid. Returning from this mission, Sotelo arrived in the
Philippines in 1618, and four years later resumed his missionary
labors in Japan. In 1622 he was again imprisoned for preaching,
and was confined at Omura for two years, during which time he wrote
several works, in both the Spanish and Japanese languages. Sotelo was
finally burned at the stake in Omura, August 25, 1624. See Huerta's
Estado, pp. 392-394.

[176] The present towns of San Nicolás, San Fernando, etc., lying
between Binondo and the sea.--Rizal.

[177] This remark of Morga can be applied to many other insurrections
that occurred later--not only of Chinese, but also of natives--and
probably even to many others which, in the course of time, will be
contrived.--Rizal.

[178] These devices, of which certain persons always avail themselves
to cause a country to rebel, are the most efficacious to bring such
movements to a head. "If thou wishest thy neighbor's dog to become mad,
publish that it is mad," says an old refrain.--Rizal.

[179] This is the famous Eng-Kang of the histories of
Filipinas.--Rizal.

[180] The Rizal edition of Morga omits the last part of this
sentence, the original of which is "entre vnos esteros y cienagas,
lugar escondido."

[181] "The Chinese killed father Fray Bernardo de Santo Catalina,
agent of the holy office, of the order of St. Dominic ... They attacked
Quiapo, and after killing about twenty people, set fire to it. Among
these they burned alive a woman of rank, and a boy."--Rizal. This
citation is made from Leonardo de Argensola's Conquistas de las Molucas
(Madrid, 1609), a synopsis of which will follow Morga's work.

[182] We are unaware of the exact location of this settlement of
Laguio. It is probably the present village of Kiapo, which agrees
with the text and is mentioned by Argensola. Nevertheless, from the
description of this settlement given by Morga (post, chapter viii)
and Chirino, it can be inferred that Laguio was located on the present
site of the suburb of La Concepción. In fact, there is even a street
called Laguio between Malate and La Ermita.--Rizal.

[183] "Fine helmets were found broken in with clubs... About thirty
also escaped (among whom was Father Farfan), who were enabled to do so
because of being in the rear, and lightly armed" (Argensola).--Rizal.

[184] Argensola says that the Chinese killed many peaceful merchants in
the parián, while others hanged themselves of their own accord. Among
these Argensola mentions General Hontay and the rich Chican--according
to the relation of Fray Juan Pobre, because the latter had refused
to place the famous Eng-Kang at the head of the movement.--Rizal.

[185] "And they tried to persuade the natives to unite with them;
but the latter refused, and on the contrary killed as many of the
Sangleys as they caught" (Argensola).--Rizal.

[186] Argensola says that "four thousand Pampangos, armed in the
custom of their country, with bows and arrows, half-pikes, shields,
and long broad daggers," were sent by the alcalde of Pampanga to the
relief of Manila, which now needed soldiers.--Rizal.

[187] In this struggle many cruelties were committed and many quiet
and friendly Chinese killed. Don Pedro de Acuña, who could not
prevent or stifle this terrible insurrection in its beginnings, also
contributed to the horrible butcheries that ensued. "Accordingly
many Spaniards and natives went to hunt the disbanded Sangleys,
at Don Pedro's order." Hernando de Avalos, alcalde of La Pampanga,
seized more than 400 pacific Sangleys, "and leading them to an estuary,
manacled two and two, delivered them to certain Japanese, who killed
them. Father Fray Diego de Guevara of the order of St. Augustine, prior
of Manila, who made this relation, preached to the Sangleys first,
but only five abandoned their idolatry." ... Would he not have done
better to preach to Alcalde Avalos, and to remind him that he was a
man? The Spanish historians say that the Japanese and Filipinos showed
themselves cruel in the killing of the Chinese. It is quite probable,
considering the rancor and hate with which they were regarded. But
their commanders contributed to it also by their example. It is said
that more than 23,000 Chinese were killed. "Some assert that the number
of Sangleys killed was greater, but in order that the illegality
committed in allowing so many to enter the country contrary to the
royal prohibitions might not be known, the officials covered up or
diminished the number of those who perished" (Argensola).--Rizal.

[188] The coming of the Spaniards to the Filipinas, and their
government, together with the immigration of the Chinese, killed the
industry and agriculture of the country. The terrible competition
of the Chinese with any individual of another race is well known,
for which reason the United States and Australia refuse to admit
them. The indolence, then, of the inhabitants of the Filipinas, is
derived from the lack of foresight of the government. Argensola says
the same thing, and could not have copied Morga, since their works
were published in the same year, in countries very distant from one
another, and the two contain wide differences.--Rizal.

The Chinese question has always been of great importance in the
Philippines. The dislike of the Filipino for the Chinese seemed
instinctive and was deep-rooted. The subject of the Chinese immigration
to the islands has served for special legislation on many occasions
in Spain, but they have nevertheless persisted in their trading and
occupations therein. See Stanley's edition of Morga, appendix II,
pp. 363-368; and Los Chinos en Filipinos (Manila, 1886).

[189] This should be six hundred and four.--Rizal.

[190] Nueva España.--Rizal.

[191] This archbishop seems to have been a principal cause of the
disturbance and massacre of the Chinese, by taking a leading part in
exciting suspicion against them.--Stanley.

[192] The Arab travelers of the ninth century mention that eunuchs
were employed in China, especially for the collection of the revenue,
and that they were called thoucam.--Stanley.

[193] "In earlier times a barrier, which ran from Osaka to the
border of Yamato and Omi, separated the thirty-three western from the
thirty-three eastern provinces. The former were collectively entitled
Kuwansei (pronounce Kánsé), i.e., westward of the Gate; the latter
Kuwantô (pronounce Kántô), i.e., eastward of the Gate. Later, however,
when under the Tokugawa régime the passes leading to the plain in which
Yedo, the new capital of Shôgune, grew up were carefully guarded;
by the Gate (Kuwan) was understood the great guard on the Hakone
Pass, and Kuwantô or Kuwantô-Hashiu, the eight provinces east of it:
Sagami, Musashi, Kôtsuke, Shimotsuke, Hitachi, Shimosa, Katsusa,
and Awa." Thus defined by Rein, in his Japan, p. II, Cf. Griffis,
Mikado's Empire, p. 68, note.

[194] A flat-bottomed boat, capable of carrying heavy loads.

[195] Pedro Alvares de Abreu.--Rizal.

[196] According to Argensola, who gives a succinct relation of this
expedition, the number engaged in it were as follows: Spaniards
and their officers, 1,423; Pampangos and Tagáls (without their
chiefs), 344; idem, for maritime and military service, 620; rowers,
649; Indian chiefs, 5; total 3,041. But he adds that all those
of the fleet, exclusive of the general's household and followers,
numbered 3,095. Probably the 54 lacking in the above number were the
Portuguese under command of Abreu and Camelo, although Argensola
does not mention Portuguese soldiers.... The names of the Indian
chiefs attending the expedition at their own cost were: Don Guillermo
(Palaot), master-of-camp; and Captains Don Francisco Palaot, Don Juan
Lit, Don Luis Lont, and Don Agustin Lont. These must have behaved
exceedingly well, for after the assault on Ternate, Argensola says:
"Not a person of consideration among the Spaniards or the Indians
remained unwounded."--Rizal.

[197] Said Dini Baraka ja.--Rizal.

[198] Combés (Mindanao, Retana's ed., cols. 73, 74) describes the
bagacay as a small, slender reed, hardened in fire and sharp-pointed;
it is hurled by a Moro at an enemy with unerring skill, and sometimes
five are discharged in one volley. He narrates surprising instances of
the efficacy of this weapon, and says that "there is none more cruel,
at close range."

[199] Stanley translates this "flat-boats." Retana and Pastells
(Combés's Mindanao, col. 787) derive this word from Chinese chun,
"a boat," and regard the joanga (juanga) as a small junk.

[200] "The soldiers, having entered the city, gave themselves
universally to violence and pillage. Don Pedro had issued a
proclamation conceding that all of the enemy captured within those
four days, should be slaves" (Argensola). During the sack, which
Don Pedro was unable to restrain, neither children nor young girls
were spared. One girl was killed because two soldiers disputed for
her.--Rizal.

[201] "The prince's name was Sulamp Gariolano. This step was contrary
to the advice of Queen Celicaya" (Argensola).--Rizal.

[202] Sangajy, a Malay title (Marsden).--Stanley.

[203] The Jesuit Father Luis Fernández, Gallinato, and Esquivel
made negotiations with the king for this exile, and Father Colin
attributes its good outcome to the cleverness of the former. What was
then believed to be prudent resulted afterward as an impolitic measure,
and bore very fatal consequences; for it aroused the hostility of all
the Molucas, even that of their allies, and made the Spanish name
as odious as was the Portuguese. The priest Hernando de los Rios,
Bokemeyer, and other historians, moreover, accuse Don Pedro de Acuña
of bad faith in this; but, strictly judged, we believe that they do
so without foundation. Don Pedro in his passport assured the lives of
the king and prince, but not their liberty. Doubtless a trifle more
generosity would have made the conqueror greater, and the odium of
the Spanish name less, while it would have assured Spanish domination
of that archipelago. The unfortunate king never returned to his own
country. Hernando de los Rios says that during Don Pedro de Acuña's
life he was well treated, but that during the administration of Don
Juan de Silva "I have seen him in a poor lodging where all the rain
fell on him, and they were starving him to death." He is described by
Argensola as of "robust proportions, and his limbs are well formed. His
neck and much of his breast are bare. His flesh is of a cloudy color,
rather black than gray. The features of his face are like those of an
European. His eyes are large and full, and he seems to dart sparks
from them. His large eyelashes, his thick bristling beard, and his
mustaches add to his fierceness. He always wears his campilan, dagger,
and kris, both with hilts in the form of gilded serpents' heads." This
description was taken from a picture sent to Spain.--Rizal.

[204] Other disturbances occurred also, because of Don Pedro's enemies
having spread the news that the expedition had been destroyed, and
most of those making it killed. "This report, having come to the ears
of the Indians, was so harmful that they began to mutiny, especially
in the provinces of Camarines and Pintados. The friars who instructed
them could already do, nothing with them, for they asked why, since
the inhabitants of the Malucos were victorious, should they be subject
to the Spaniards, who did not defend them from the Moros. They said
that the Moros would plunder them daily with the help of Ternate,
and that it would be worse henceforth" (Argensola).--Rizal.

La Concepción states (Hist. de Philipinas, iv, p. 103) that these
Japanese were settled in Dilao; and that the immediate cause of their
mutiny was the killing of a Japanese by a Spaniard, in a quarrel.

[205] The authors of this poisoning were then known in Manila,
and according to Argensola were those envious of the governor. "But
although they were known as such, so that the suspicion of the crowd
makes them the authors of the poisoning we shall repress their names
... for all are now dead" (Argensola).--Rizal.

Cf. La Concepción (Hist. de Philipinas, iv, pp. 105, 106); he ascribes
the report of Acuña's poisoning to the physicians, who sought thus
to shield their own ignorance of his disease.

[206] These were the results of having taken the king and his chiefs,
who had entrusted themselves to Don Pedro de Acuña, prisoners to
Manila, the king of Tidore, the ally of España, had already found
means to break the alliance. The governors appointed by the captive
king refused to have anything to do with the Spaniards. Fear was
rampant in all parts, and the spirit of vengeance was aroused. "When
his vassals saw the ill-treatment that the Spaniards inflicted on
their king, they hated us so much that they acquired an equal liking
for our enemies. (Her. de los Rios)." Don Pedro lacked the chief
characteristic of Legazpi.--Rizal.

[207] This relation forms an appendix to Theodore de Bry's Ninth
part of America (Frankfort, 1601), and was printed by Matthew Becker
(Frankfort, 1602). The copper plates are different from those of the
Dutch edition of the relation.--Stanley.

The plates representing Oliver van Noordt's fleet, presented
in the preceding volume, are taken from tome xvi of Theodore de
Bry's Peregrinationes (first ed.), by courtesy of the Boston Public
Library. The title-page of the relation reads in part: "Description
dv penible voyage faict entovr de l'univers ou globe terrestre, par
Sr. Olivier dv Nort d'Avtrecht, ... Le tout translaté du Flamand en
Franchois, . . . Imprimé a Amsterdame. Ches Cornille Claessz fur l'Eau
au Livre a Escrire, l'An 1602." This relation was reprinted in 1610,
and numerous editions have appeared since.

[208] One of the Canary Islands.

[209] This anchor was given him by a Japanese captain, in Manila Bay,
on December 3, 1600.--Stanley.

[210] What we now call Java used to be called Java major, and the
island of Bali was Java minor.--Stanley.

[Note: Inasmuch as Morga enters somewhat largely into the ancient
customs of the Tagáls and other Filipino peoples in the present
chapter, and as some of Rizal's notes indicative of the ancient culture
of those peoples are incorporated in notes that follow, we deem it
advisable to invite attention to Lord Stanley's remarks in the preface
to his translation of Morga (p. vii), and Pardo de Tavera's comment
in his Biblioteca Filipina (Washington, 1903), p. 276. Stanley says:
"The inhabitants of the Philippines previous to the Spanish settlement
were not like the inhabitants of the great Indian Peninsula, people
with a civilization as that of their conquerors. Excepting that they
possessed the art of writing, and an alphabet of their own, they do
not appear to have differed in any way from the Dayaks of Borneo as
described by Mr. Boyle in his recent book of adventures amongst that
people. Indeed there is almost a coincidence of verbal expressions in
the descriptions he and De Morga give of the social customs, habits,
and superstitions of the two peoples they are describing; though many
of these coincidences are such as are incidental to life in similar
circumstances, there are enough to lead one to suppose a community of
origin of the inhabitants of Borneo and Luzon." Pardo de Tavera says
after quoting the first part of the above: "Lord Stanley's opinion is
dispassionate and not at all at variance with historical truth." The
same author says also that Blumentritt's prologue and Rizal's notes
in the latter's edition of Morga have so aroused the indignation of
the Spaniards that several have even attacked Morga.]

[211] More exactly from 25º 40' north latitude to 12º south latitude,
if we are to include Formosa in the group, which is inhabited likewise
by the same race.--Rizal.

[212] We confess our ignorance with respect to the origin of this
belief of Morga, which, as one can observe, was not his belief in
the beginning of the first chapter. Already from the time of Diodorus
Siculus (first century B. C.), Europe received information of these
islands by one Iamboule, a Greek, who went to them (to Sumatra at
least), and who wrote afterward the relation of his voyage. He gave
therein detailed information of the number of the islands, of their
inhabitants, of their writing, navigation, etc. Ptolemy mentions
three islands in his geography, which are called Sindæ in the Latin
text. They are inhabited by the Aginnatai. Mercator interprets those
islands as Celebes, Gilolo, and Amboina. Ptolemy also mentions the
island Agathou Daimonos (Borneo), five Baroussai (Mindanao, Leite,
Sebu, etc.), three Sabadeibai (the Java group--Iabadiou) and ten
Masniolai where a large loadstone was found. Colin surmises that
these are the Manilas.--Rizal.

Colin (Labor Evangelica, Madrid, 1663) discusses the discovery and
naming of the Philippines. He quotes Ptolemy's passage that speaks
of islands called the Maniolas, whence many suppose came the name
Manilas, sometimes given to the islands. But as pointed out in a
letter dated March 14, 1904, by James A. LeRoy, Spanish writers have
wasted more time on the question than it merits. Mr. LeRoy probably
conjectures rightly that many old Chinese and Japanese documents will
be found to contain matter relating to the Philippines prior to the
Spanish conquest.

[213] It is very difficult now to determine exactly which is this
island of Tendaya, called Isla Filipina for some years. According to
Father Urdaneta's relations, this island was far to the east of the
group, past the meridian of Maluco. Mercator locates it in Panay,
and Colin in Leyte, between Abuyog and Cabalían--contrary to the
opinion of others, who locate it in Ibabao, or south of Samar. But
according to other documents of that period, there is no island by
that name, but a chief called Tendaya, lord of a village situated in
that district; and, as the Spaniards did not understand the Indians
well at that time, many contradictions thus arose in the relations of
that period. We see that, in Legazpi's expedition, while the Spaniards
talked of islands, the Indians talked of a man, etc. After looking
for Tandaya for ten days they had to continue without finding it
"and we passed on without seeing Tandaya or Abuyo." It appears,
nevertheless, that the Spaniards continued to give this name to the
southwestern part of Samar, calling the southeastern part Ibabao or
Zibabao and the northern part of the same island Samar.--Rizal.

[214] Sugbú, in the dialect of the country.--Rizal.

[215] Morga considers the rainy season as winter, and the rest of
the year as summer. However this is not very exact, for at Manila,
in December, January, and February, the thermometer is lower than
in the months of August and September. Consequently, in its seasons
it is like those of España and those of all the rest of the northern
hemisphere.--Rizal.

[216] The ancient traditions made Sumatra the original home of the
Filipino Indians. These traditions, as well as the mythology and
genealogies mentioned by the ancient historians, were entirely lost,
thanks to the zeal of the religious in rooting out every national pagan
or idolatrous record. With respect to the ethnology of the Filipinas,
see Professor Blumentritt's very interesting work, Versuch einer
Etnographie der Philippinen (Gotha, Justus Perthes, 1882).--Rizal.

[217] This passage contradicts the opinion referred to in Boyle's
Adventures among the Dyaks of Borneo, respecting the ignorance of the
Dyaks in the use of the bow, which seems to imply that other South
Sea islanders are supposed to share this ignorance. These aboriginal
savages of Manila resemble the Pakatans of Borneo in their mode of
life.--Stanley.

[218] We do not know the origin of this word, which does not seem to
be derived from China. If we may make a conjecture, we will say that
perhaps a poor phonetic transcription has made chinina from the word
tininã (from tinã) which in Tagál signifies teñido ["dyed stuff"],
the name of this article of clothing, generally of but one color
throughout. The chiefs wore these garments of a red color, which made,
according to Colin, "of fine gauze from India."--Rizal.

[219] Bahag "a richly dyed cloth, generally edged with gold" among
the chiefs.--Rizal.

[220] "They wrapped it in different ways, now in the Moro style, like
a turban without the top part, now twisted and turned in the manner
of the crown of a hat. Those who esteemed themselves valiant let the
ends of the cloth, elaborately embroidered, fall down the back to the
buttocks. In the color of the cloth, they showed their chieftaincy, and
the device of their undertakings and prowess. No one was allowed to use
the red potong until he had killed at least one man. And in order to
wear them edged with certain edgings, which were regarded as a crown,
they must have killed seven men" (Colin). Even now any Indian is seen
to wear the balindang in the manner of the putong. Putong signifies
in Tagál, "to crown" or "to wrap anything around the head."--Rizal.

[221] This is the reading of the original (cera hilada). It seems more
probable that this should read "spun silk," and that Morga's amanuensis
misunderstood seda ("silk") as cera ("wax"), or else it is a misprint.

[222] "They also have strings of bits of ivory" (Colin).--Rizal.

[223] "The last complement of the gala dress was, in the manner of our
sashes, a richly dyed shawl crossed at the shoulder and fastened under
the arm" (even today the men wear the lambong or mourning garment
in this manner) "which was very usual with them. The Bisayans, in
place of this, wore robes or loose garments, well made and collarless,
reaching to the instep, and embroidered in colors. All their costume,
in fact, was in the Moorish manner, and was truly elegant and rich;
and even today they consider it so" (Colin).--Rizal.

[224] This manner of headdress, and the long robe of the Visayans,
have an analogy with the Japanese coiffure and kimono.--Rizal.

[225] Barõ.--Rizal.

[226] A tree (Entada purseta) which grows in most of the provinces
of the Philippines. It contains a sort of filament, from which is
extracted a soapy foam, which is much used for washing clothes. This
foam is also used to precipitate the gold in the sand of rivers. Rizal
says the most common use is that described above.

[227] This custon still exists.--Rizal.

[228] This custom exists also among the married women of Japan,
as a sign of their chastity. It is now falling into disuse.--Rizal.

[229] The Filipinos were careful not to bathe at the hour of
the siesta, after eating, during the first two days of a cold,
when they have the herpes, and some women during the period of
menstruation.--Rizal.

[230] This work, although not laborious, is generally performed
now by the men, while the women do only the actual cleaning of the
rice.--Rizal.

[231] This custom is still to be seen in some parts.--Rizal.

[232] A name given it by the Spaniards. Its Tagál name is
kanin.--Rizal.

[233] The fish mentioned by Morga is not tainted, but is the
bagoong.--Rizal.

[234] A term applied to certain plants (Atmaranthus, Celosia, etc.) of
which the leaves are boiled and eaten.

[235] From the Tagál tubã, meaning sap or juice.--Rizal.

[236] The Filipinos have reformed in this respect, due perhaps to the
wine-monopoly. Colin says that those intoxicated by this wine were
seldom disagreeable or dangerous, but rather more witty and sprightly;
nor did they show any ill effects from drinking it.--Rizal.

[237] This weapon has been lost, and even its name is gone. A proof
of the decline into which the present Filipinos have fallen is the
comparison of the weapons that they manufacture now, with those
described to us by the historians. The hilts of the talibones now
are not of gold or ivory, nor are their scabbards of horn, nor are
they admirably wrought.--Rizal.

Balarao, dagger, is a Vissayan word.--Stanley.

[238] The only other people who now practice head-hunting are the
Mentenegrins.--Stanley.

[239] A Tagál word meaning oar.--Stanley.

[240] A common device among barbarous or semi-civilized peoples,
and even among boatmen in general. These songs often contain many
interesting and important bits of history, as well as of legendary
lore.

[241] Karang, signifying awnings.--Rizal and Stanley.

[242] The Filipinos, like the inhabitants of the Marianas--who are no
less skilful and dexterous in navigation--far from progressing, have
retrograded; since, although boats are now built in the islands,
we might assert that they are all after European models. The
boats that held one hundred rowers to a side and thirty soldiers
have disappeared. The country that once, with primitive methods,
built ships of about 2,000 toneladas, today [1890] has to go to
foreign ports, as Hong-Kong, to give the gold wrenched from the poor,
in exchange for unserviceable cruisers. The rivers are blocked up,
and navigation in the interior of the islands is perishing, thanks to
the obstacles created by a timid and mistrusting system of government;
and there scarcely remains in the memory anything but the name of all
that naval architecture. It has vanished, without modern improvements
having come to replace it in such proportion as, during the past
centuries, has occurred in adjacent countries....--Rizal.

[243] It seems that some species of trees disappeared or became
very scarce because of the excessive ship-building that took place
later. One of them is the betis.--Rizal.

Blanco states (Flora, ed. 1845, p. 281) that the betis (Azaola betis)
was common in Pampanga and other regions.

Delgado describes the various species of trees in the Philippines
in the first six treatises of the first part of the fourth book of
Historia general de Filipinas (Manila, 1892). He mentions by name more
than seventy trees grown on the level plains and near the shores;
more than forty fruit-trees; more than twenty-five species grown in
the mountains; sixteen that actually grow in the water; and many kinds
of palms. See also Gazetteer of the Philippine Islands (Washington,
1902), pp. 85-95, and Buzeta and Bravo's Diccionario (Madrid, 1850),
i, pp. 29-36.

[244] Sanctor is called santol (Sandoricum indicum--Cavanilles), in
Delgado (ut supra, note 71). The tree resembles a walnut-tree. Its
leaves are rounded and as large as the palm of the hand, and are
dark green in color. Excellent preserves are made from the fruit,
which was also eaten raw by the Indians. The leaves of the tree have
medicinal properties and were used as poultices. Mabolo (Diospyros
discolor--Willd.) signifies in Tagál a thing or fruit enclosed in
a soft covering. The tree is not very high. The leaves are large,
and incline to a red color when old. The fruit is red and as large
as a medium-sized quince, and has several large stones. The inside of
the fruit is white, and is sweet and firm, and fragrant, but not very
digestible. The wood resembles ebony, is very lustrous, and is esteemed
for its solidity and hardness. The nanca [nangka, nangca; translated
by Stanley, jack-fruit] (Artocarpus integrifolia--Willd.), was taken
to the Philippines from India, where it was called yaca. The tree
is large and wide-spreading, and has long narrow leaves. It bears
fruit not only on the branches, but on the trunk and roots. The
fruit is gathered when ripe, at which time it exhales an aromatic
odor. On opening it a yellowish or whitish meat is found, which
is not edible. But in this are found certain yellow stones, with a
little kernel inside resembling a large bean; this is sweet, like
the date, but has a much stronger odor. It is indigestible, and when
eaten should be well masticated. The shells are used in cooking and
resemble chestnuts. The wood is yellow, solid, and especially useful
in making certain musical instruments. Buzeta and Bravo (Diccionario,
i, p. 35) say that there are more than fifty-seven species of bananas
in the Philippines.

[245] Pilê (Canarium commune--Linn.). Delgado (ut supra) says that this
was one of the most notable and useful fruits of the islands. It was
generally confined to mountainous regions and grew wild. The natives
used the fruit and extracted a white pitch from the tree. The fruit
has a strong, hard shell. The fruit itself resembles an almond, both
in shape and taste, although it is larger. The tree is very high,
straight, and wide-spreading. Its leaves are larger than those of
the almond-tree.

[246] Delgado (ut supra) describes the tree (Cedrela
toona--Roxb.) called calanta in Tagál, and lanipga in Visayan. The tree
is fragrant and has wood of a reddish color. It was used for making
the hulls of vessels, because of its strength and lightness. The same
author describes also the asana (Pterocarpus indicus--Willd.) or as it
is called in the Visayas, naga or narra--as an aromatic tree, of which
there are two varieties, male and female. The wood of the male tree is
pinkish, while that of the female tree is inclined to white. They both
grow to a great size and are used for work requiring large timber. The
wood has good durable qualities and is very impervious to water, for
which reason it was largely used as supports for the houses. Water
in which pieces of the wood were placed, or the water that stood in
vessels made of this wood, had a medicinal value in dropsy and other
diseases. In the provinces of Albay and Camarines the natives made
curiously-shaped drinking vessels from this wood.

[247] So many cattle were raised that Father Gaspar de San Agustin,
when speaking of Dumangas, says: "In this convent we have a large ranch
for the larger cattle, of so many cows that they have at times numbered
more than thirty, thousand ... and likewise this ranch contains many
fine horses."--Rizal.

[248] To the flesh of this fowl, called in Tagál ulikbâ, are attributed
medicinal virtues.--Rizal.

[249] These animals now [1890] exist in the islands, but are held in
small esteem.--Rizal.

[250] See chapter on the mammals of the islands, in Report of
U. S. Philippine Commission, 1900, iii, pp. 307-312. At its end is the
statement that but one species of monkey is known, and one other is
reported, to exist in the Philippines; and that "the various other
species of monkey which have been assigned to the Philippines by
different authors are myths pure and simple."

[251] Camalote, for gamalote, a plant like maize, with a leaf a yard
long and an inch wide. This plant grows to a height of two yards
and a half, and when green serves for food for horses (Caballero's
Dictionary, Madrid, 1856).--Stanley.

At that time the name for zacate (hay).--Rizal.

[252] In Japanese fimbari, larks (Medhurst's Japanese
Vocabulary).--Stanley.

[253] Pogos, from the Tagál pugô.--Rizal.

Delgado (ut supra) describes the pogos as certain small gray birds,
very similar to the sparrows in Spain. They are very greedy, and if
undisturbed would totally destroy the rice-fields. Their scientific
name is Excalfactoria chinensis (Linn.).

[254] Stanley conjectures that this word is a misprint for maynelas,
a diminutive of maina, a talking bird. Delgado (ut supra) describes
a bird called maya (Munia jagori--Cab.; Ploceus baya--Blyth.; and
Ploceus hypoxantha--Tand.), which resembles the pogo, being smaller
and of a cinnamon color, which pipes and has an agreeable song.

[255] Stanley translates this as "wild ducks." Delgado (ut supra)
describes a bird called lapay (Dendrocygna vagans--Eyton.), as similar
to the duck in body, but with larger feet, which always lives in the
water, and whose flesh is edible.

[256] For descriptions of the birds in the Philippines, see Delgado
(ut supra) book v, part i, 1st treatise, pp. 813-853; Report of
U.S. Philippine Commission, 1900, iii, pp. 312-316; and Gazetteer of
the Philippine Islands (Washington, 1902), pp. 170, 171. There are
more than five hundred and ninety species of birds in the islands, of
which three hundred and twenty-five are peculiar to the archipelago,
and largely land birds. There are thirty-five varieties of doves and
pigeons, all edible.

[257] There are now domestic rabbits, and plenty of peacocks.--Rizal.

[258] Doubtless the python, which is often domesticated in the
Philippines. See VOL. XII, p. 259, note 73.

[259] La Gironiére (Twenty Years in the Philippines--trans. from
French, London, 1853) describes an interesting fight with a huge
crocodile near his settlement of Jala-Jala. The natives begged for
the flesh in order to dry it and use it as a specific against asthma,
as they believed that any asthmatic person who lived on the flesh for
a certain time would be infallibly cured. Another native wished the
fat as an antidote for rheumatic pain. The head of this huge reptile
was presented to an American, who in turn presented it to the Boston
Museum. Unfortunately La Gironiére's picturesque descriptions must
often be taken with a grain of salt. For some information regarding
the reptiles of the islands see Report of U.S. Philippine Commission,,
1900, iii, pp. 317-319.

[260] Unless we are mistaken, there is a fish in the Filipinas called
Pámpano.--Rizal.

[261] For catalogue and scientific description of the mollusks
of the Philippines, see the work of Joaquín González Hidalgo--now
(1904) in course of publication by the Real Academia de Ciencias
of Madrid--Estudios preliminares sobre la fauna malacológica de las
Islas Filipinas.

[262] The Río Grande.--Rizal.

[263] No fish is known answering to this description.--Stanley.

[264] The island of Talim.--Rizal.

[265] Retana thinks (Zúñiga, ii, p. 545*) that this device was
introduced among the Filipinos by the Borneans.

[266] A species of fishing-net. Stanley's conjecture is wrong.

[267] Esparavel is a round fishing-net, which is jerked along by
the fisher through rivers and shallow places. Barredera is a net of
which the meshes are closer and tighter than those of common nets,
so that the smallest fish may not escape it.

[268] Cf. methods of fishing of North American Indians, Jesuit
Relations, vi, pp. 309-311, liv, pp. 131, 306-307.

[269] A species of fish in the Mediterranean, about three pulgadas
[inches] long. Its color is silver, lightly specked with black.

[270] The fish now called lawlaw is the dry, salted sardine. The
author evidently alludes to the tawilis of Batangas, or to the dilis,
which is still smaller, and is used as a staple by the natives.--Rizal.

For information regarding the fishes of the Philippines, see Delgado
(ut supra), book v, part iv, pp. 909-943; Gazetteer of the Philippine
Islands (ut supra), pp. 171-172; and (with description of methods of
fishing) Report of U. S. Philippine Commission, 1900, iii, pp. 319-324.

[271] Pahõ. A species of very small mango from one and one-half
to five centimeters in its longer diameter. It has a soft pit, and
exhales a strong pitchy odor.--Rizal.

[272] A Spanish word signifying a cryptogamous plant; perhaps referring
to some species of mushroom.

[273] In Tagál this is kasubhã. It comes from the Sanskrit kasumbha,
or Malay kasumba (Pardo de Tavera's El Sanscrito en la lengua
tagalog).--Rizal.

This plant is the safflower or bastard saffron (Certhamus tinctorius);
its flowers are used in making a red dye.

[274] Not a tree, but a climber. The plants are cultivated by
training them about some canes planted in the middle of certain
little channels which serve to convey irrigation to the plant twice
each day. A plantation of betel--or ikmó, as the Tagáls call it--much
resembles a German hop-garden.--Rizal.

[275] This fruit is not that of the betel or buyo, but of the bonga
(Tagál buñga), or areca palm.--Rizal.

[276] Not quicklime, but well slaked lime.--Rizal.

Rizal misprints un poco de cal viva for vn poluc de cal viua.

[277] The original word is marcada. Rizal is probably correct in
regarding it as a misprint for mascada, chewed.

[278] It is not clear who call these caskets by that name. I
imagine it to be the Spanish name, properly spelt buxeta. The king
of Calicut's betel box is called buxen in the Barcelona MS. of the
Malabar coasts.--Stanley.

[279] See VOL. IV, p. 222, note 31; also Delgado (ut supra),
pp. 667-669. Delgado says that bonga signifies fruit.

[280] Tagál, tukõ.--Rizal.

[281] This word in the original is visitandolas; Rizal makes it
irritandolas (shaking or irritating them), but there are not sufficient
grounds for the change.

[282] The Indians, upon seeing that wealth excited the rapacity of
the encomenderos and soldiers, abandoned the working of the mines,
and the religious historians assert that they counseled them to a
similar action in order to free them from annoyances. Nevertheless,
according to Colin (who was "informed by well-disposed natives")
more than 100,000 pesos of gold annually, conservatively stated,
was taken from the mines during his time, after eighty years of
abandonment. According to "a manuscript of a grave person who had
lived long in these islands" the first tribute of the two provinces
of Ilocos and Pangasinan alone amounted to 109,500 pesos. A single
encomendero, in 1587, sent 3,000 taheles of gold in the "Santa Ana,"
which was captured by Cavendish.--Rizal.

[283] This was prohibited later.--Rizal.

[284] See VOL. XIV, pp. 301-304.

According to Hernando de los Rios the province of Pangasinan was said
to contain a quantity of gold, and that Guido de Labazaris sent some
soldiers to search for it; but they returned in a sickly state and
suppressed all knowledge of the mines in order not to be sent back
there. The Dominican monks also suppressed all knowledge of the mines
on account of the tyranny of which gold had been the cause in the
West Indies.--Stanley.

[285] Pearl-fishing is still carried on along the coasts of Mindanao
and Palawan, and in the Sulu archipelago. In the latter region pearls
are very abundant and often valuable; the fisheries there are under
the control of the sultan of Sulu, who rents them, appropriating for
himself the largest pearls.

[286] Probably the cowry (Cypræa moneta). Crawfurd states
(Dict. Ind. Islands, p. 117) that in the Asiatic archipelago this
shell is found only on the shores of the Sulu group, and that it
"seems never to have been used for money among the Indian Islanders
as it has immemorially been by the Hindus."

[287] Jagor, Travels in the Philippines (Eng. trans., London, 1875),
devotes a portion of his chapter xv to these jars. He mentions the
great prices paid by the Japanese for these vessels. On p. 164, occurs
a translation of the above paragraph, but it has been mistranslated
in two places. Stanley cites the similar jars found among the Dyaks
of Borneo--the best called gusih--which were valued at from $1,500 to
$3,000, while the second grade were sold for $400. That they are very
ancient is proved by one found among other remains of probably the
copper age. From the fact that they have been found in Cambodia, Siam,
Cochinchina, and the Philippines, Rizal conjectures that the peoples
of these countries may have had a common center of civilization at
one time.

[288] "Not many years ago," says Colin (1663), "a large piece [of
ambergris] was found in the island of Joló, that weighed more than
eight arrobas, of the best kind, namely, the gray."--Rizal.

[289] This industry must now be forgotten, for it is never heard
of.--Rizal.

[290] Perhaps Morga alludes to the sinamay, which was woven from abaká,
or filament of the plant Musa textilis. The abaká is taken from the
trunk and not the leaf.--Rizal.

[291] This name seems to be Malay, Babu-utan, wild swine.--Stanley.

[292] The men of these islands were excellent carpenters and
ship-builders. "They make many very light vessels, which they take
through the vicinity for sale in a very curious manner. They build
a large vessel, undecked, without iron nail or any fastening. Then,
according to the measure of its hull, they make another vessel that
fits into it. Within that they put a second and a third. Thus a large
biroco contains ten or twelve vessels, called biroco, virey, barangay,
and binitan." These natives were "tattooed, and were excellent rowers
and sailors; and although they are upset often, they never drown." The
women are very masculine. "They do not drink from the rivers, although
the water is very clear, because it gives them nausea.... The women's
costumes are chaste and pretty, for they wear petticoats in the
Bisayan manner, of fine medriñaque, and lamboncillos, which resemble
close-fitting sayuelos [i.e., woolen shifts worn by certain classes
of religious]. They wear long robes of the same fine medriñaque. They
gather the hair, which is neatly combed, into a knot, on top of the
head, and place a rose in it. On their forehead they wear a band of
very fine wrought gold, two fingers wide. It is very neatly worked and
on the side encircling the head it is covered with colored taffeta. In
each ear they wear three gold earrings, one in the place where Spanish
women wear them, and two higher up. On their feet they wear certain
coverings of thin brass, which sound when they walk." (The citations
herein are from Colin.) These islands have also retrograded.--Rizal.

[293] Cavite derives its name from the Tagál word cavit, a creek,
or bend, or hook, for such is its form.--Stanley.

[294] This province had decreased so greatly in population and
agriculture, a half century later, that Gaspar de San Agustin said:
"Now it no longer has the population of the past, because of the
insurrection of that province, when Don Sabiniano Manrique de Lara
was governor of these islands, and because of the incessant cutting
of the timber for the building of his Majesty's ships, which prevents
them from cultivating their extremely fertile plain." Later, when
speaking of Guagua or Wawà, he says: "This town was formerly very
wealthy because of its many chiefs, and because of the abundant
harvests gathered in its spacious plains, which are now submerged by
the water of the sea."--Rizal.

[295] Now the port of Sorsogón.--Rizal.

[296] Now the port of Mariveles (?).--Rizal.

[297] Subik (?).--Rizal.

[298] Mindoro is at present [1890] so depopulated that the minister of
the Colonies, in order to remedy this result of Spanish colonization,
wishes to send there the worst desperadoes of the peninsula, to see
if great criminals will make good colonists and farmers. All things
considered, given the condition of those who go, it is indubitable
that the race that succeeds must know how to defend itself and live,
so that the island may not be depopulated again.--Rizal.

[299] Samar. This proves contrary to the opinion of Colin, who places
Tendaya in Leite.--Rizal.

[300] Southeastern part of Samar.--Rizal.

[301] Colin says, however, that they did tattoo the chins and
about the eyes [barbas y cejas]. The same author states also that
the tattooing was done little by little and not all at once. "The
children were not tattooed, but the women tattooed one hand and
part of the other. In this island of Manila the Ilocos also tattooed
themselves, although not so much as did the Visayans." The Negritos,
Igorrotes, and other independent tribes of the Filipinas still tattoo
themselves. The Christians have forgotten the practice. The Filipinas
used only the black color, thus differing from the Japanese, who
employ different colors, as red and blue, and carry the art to a
rare perfection. In other islands of the Pacific, the women tattoo
themselves almost as much as the men. Dr. Wilhelm Joest's Tätowiren
Narbenzeichnen und Körperbemahlen (Berlin, 1887) treats the matter
very succinctly.--Rizal.

[302] This is a confused statement, after what just precedes it and
according to the evidence of Father Chirino (see VOL. XII, chapter
vii). Morga must mean that they wore no cloak or covering when they
went outside the house, as did the Tagáls (both men and women),
who used a kind of cape.--Rizal. [This is the sense in which Stanley
understood and translated this passage.]

[303] Gûbat, grove, field, in Tagál. Mangubat [so printed in the text
of Rizal's edition] signifies in Tagál "to go hunting, or to the wood,"
or even "to fight."--Rizal.

[304] "At the arrival of the Spaniards at this island (Panay)" says
San Agustín, "it was said to have more than 50,000 families. But
they decreased greatly ... and at present it has about 14,000
tributarios--6,000 apportioned to the crown, and 8,000 to individual
encomenderos." They had many gold-mines, and obtained gold by
washing the sand in the Panay River; "but instigated by the outrages
received from the alcaldes-mayor," says the same historian, "they
have ceased to dig it, preferring to live in poverty than to endure
such troubles."--Rizal.

[305] This entire paragraph is omitted in the Rizal edition. In the
original it is as follows:

La Lengua de todos, los Pintados y Bicayas, es vna mesma, por do se
entienden, hablando y escriuiendo, en letras y caratores que tienen
particulares, que semejan á los Arabigos, y su comun escribir entre
los naturales, es en hojas de arboles, y en cañas, sobre la corteza;
que en todas las islas ay muchas, de disforme grueso los cañutos,
y el pie es vn arbol muy grueso y maciço.

[306] This difference is no greater than that between the Spanish,
Portuguese, and Italian.--Rizal.

[307] See Chirino (Relacion de las islas Filipinas) VOL. XII, chapters
xv-xvii. His remarks, those of Morga, and those of other historians
argue a considerable amount of culture among the Filipino peoples prior
to the Spanish conquest. A variety of opinions have been expressed
as to the direction of the writing. Chirino, San Antonio, Zúñiga,
and Le Gentil, say that it was vertical, beginning at the top. Colin,
Ezguerra, and Marche assert that it was vertical but in the opposite
direction. Colin says that the horizontal form was adopted after
the arrival of the Spaniards. Mas declares that it was horizontal
and from left to right, basing his arguments upon certain documents
in the Augustinian archives in Manila. The eminent Filipino scholar,
Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera has treated the subject in a work entitled
"Contribucion para el estudio de los antiguos alfabetos filipinos"
(Losana, 1884). See Rizal's notes on p. 291 of his edition of Morga.

[308] This portion of this sentence is omitted in Stanley.

[309] Báhay is "house" in Tagál; pamamáhay is that which is in the
interior and the house. Bahandin may be a misprint for bahayín,
an obsolete derivative.--Rizal.

[310] Cf. this and following sections with Loarca's relation, VOL. V,
of this series; and with Plasencia's account, VOL. VII, pp. 173-196.

[311] Timawá.--Rizal.

[312] The condition of these slaves was not always a melancholy
one. Argensola says that they ate at the same table with their masters,
and married into their families. The histories fail to record the
assassination for motives of vengeance of any master or chief by
the natives, as they do of encomenderos. After the conquest the evil
deepened. The Spaniards made slaves without these pretexts, and without
those enslaved being Indians of their jurisdiction--going moreover,
to take them away from their own villages and islands. Fernando de los
Rios Coronel, in his memorial to the king (Madrid, 1621) pp. 24-25,
speaks in scathing terms of the cruelties inflicted on the natives
in the construction of ships during the governorship of Juan de
Silva. A letter from Felipe II to Bishop Domingo de Salazar shows
the awful tyranny exercised by the encomenderos upon the natives,
whose condition was worse than that of slaves.--Rizal.

[313] For remarks on the customs formerly observed by the natives of
Pampanga in their suits, see appendix to this volume.

[314] This fundamental agreement of laws, and this general uniformity,
prove that the mutual relations of the islands were widespread, and the
bonds of friendship more frequent than were wars and quarrels. There
may have existed a confederation, since we know from the first
Spaniards that the chief of Manila was commander-in-chief of the
sultan of Borneo. In addition, documents of the twelfth century that
exist testify the same thing.--Rizal.

[315] This word must be sagigilid in its Tagál form. The root gílid
signifies in Tagál, "margin," "strand," or "shore." The reduplication
of the first syllable, if tonic, signifies active future action. If
not tonic and the suffix an be added, it denotes the place where the
action of the verb is frequently executed. The preposition sa indicates
place, time, reference. The atonic reduplication may also signify
plurality, in which case the singular noun would be sagílid, i.e.,
"at the margin," or "the last"--that is, the slave. Timawá signifies
now in Tagál, "in peace, in quietness, tranquil, free," etc. Maginoo,
from the root ginoo, "dignity," is now the title of the chiefs; and
the chief's reunion is styled kaginoóhan. Colin says, nevertheless,
that the Chiefs used the title gat or lakan, and the women dayang. The
title of mama applied now to men, corresponds to "uncle," "Señor,"
"Monsieur," "Mr.," etc.; and the title al of women to the feminine
titles corresponding to these.--Rizal.

[316] Namamahay (from bahay, "house"), "he who lives in his own
house." This class of slaves, if they may be so called, exists even
yet. They are called kasamá (because of being now the laborers of
a capitalist or farmer), bataan ("servant," or "domestic"), kampon,
tao, etc.

[317] This class of slavery still exists [1890] in many districts,
especially in the province of Batangas; but it must be admitted that
their condition is quite different from that of the slave in Greece or
Rome, or that of the negro, and even of those made slaves formerly by
the Spaniards. Thanks to their social condition and to their number in
that time, the Spanish domination met very little resistance, while
the Filipino chiefs easily lost their independence and liberty. The
people, accustomed to the yoke, did not defend the chiefs from
the invader, nor attempt to struggle for liberties that they never
enjoyed. For the people, it was only a change of masters. The nobles,
accustomed to tyrannize by force, had to accept the foreign tyranny,
when it showed itself stronger than their own. Not encountering love
or elevated feelings in the enslaved mass, they found themselves
without force or power.--Rizal.

[318] Inasawa, or more correctly asawa (consort).--Rizal.

[319] This dowry, if one may call it so, represented to the parents
an indemnity for the care and vigilance that they had exercised in
their daughter's education. The Filipina woman, never being a burden
to any one (either to her parents or to her husband), but quite the
contrary, represents a value, whose loss to the possessor must be
substituted.... The Tagál wife is free, and treated with consideration;
she trades and contracts, almost always with the approbation of her
husband, who consults her in all his acts. She takes care of the money,
and educates the children, half of whom belong to her...--Rizal.

[320] Bigay-káya, "to give what one can," "a voluntary offering,
a present of good will" ... This bigay-káya devolved entire to
the married couple, according to Colin, if the son-in-law was
obedient to his parents-in-law; if not, it was divided among all the
heirs. "Besides the dowry, the chiefs used to give certain gifts to
the parents and relatives, and even to the slaves, which were great
or less according to the rank of the one married." (Colin).--Rizal.

[321] This good custom still exists, ... although it is gradually
passing away.--Rizal.

[322] Such is the law throughout most parts of Asia; in Siam the
woman becomes free without having children. It is only in America that
fathers could and did sell their own children into slavery.--Stanley.

[323] This condition of affairs and the collection of usury is true
still [1890]. Morga's words prove true not only of the Indian, but also
of the mestizos, the Spaniards, and even of various religious. So far
has it gone that the government itself not only permits it, but also
exacts the capital and even the person to pay the debts of others,
as happens with the cabeza de barangay [head of a barangay].--Rizal.

[324] The tam-tam and the pum-piang are still used.--Rizal.

[325] The early Filipinos had a great horror of theft, and even the
most anti-Filipino historian could not accuse them of being a thievish
race. Today, however, they have lost their horror of that crime. One
of the old Filipino methods of investigating theft was as follows:
"If the crime was proved, but not the criminal, if more than one was
suspected ... each suspect was first obliged to place a bundle of
cloth, leaves, or whatever he wished on a pile, in which the thing
stolen might be hidden. Upon the completion of this investigation
if the stolen property was found in the pile, the suit ceased." The
Filipinos also practiced customs very similar to the "judgments of
God" of the middle ages, such as putting suspected persons, by pairs,
under the water and adjudging guilty him who first emerged.--Rizal.

[326] The Filipino today prefers a beating to scoldings or
insults.--Rizal.

[327] From bago, new, and tao, man: he who has become a man.--Rizal.

[328] In speaking of a similar custom in Australia, Eyre (Central
Australia, i, p. 213), says: "This extraordinary and inexplicable
custom must have a great tendency to prevent the rapid increase of
the population."--Stanley. [Stanley does not translate this paragraph
of the text.]

[329] It appears that the natives called anito a tutelary genius,
either of the family, or extraneous to it. Now, with their new
religious ideas, the Tagáls apply the term anito to any superstition,
false worship, idol, etc.--Rizal.

[330] Others besides Morga mention oratories in caves, where the idols
were kept, and where aromatics were burned in small brasiers. Chirino
found small temples in Taitay adjoining the principal houses. [See
VOL. XII. of this series, chapter xxi.] It appears that temples were
never dedicated to bathala maykapal, nor was sacrifice ever offered
him. The temples dedicated to the anito were called ulañgo.--Rizal.

[331] San Agustín says that hell was called solad, and paradise,
kalualhatian (a name still in existence), and in poetical language,
ulugan. The blest abodes of the inhabitants of Panay were in the
mountain of Madias.--Rizal.

[332] Cf. the "wake" of the Celtic and Gaelic peasants. Cf. also the
North-American Indian burial ceremonies, and reverence paid to the
dead, in Jesuit Relations, i, p. 215; ii, pp. 21, 149; viii, p. 21;
x, pp. 169, 247, 283-285, 293; xiii, 259; xxi, 199; xxiii, 31; lxv,
141; etc.

In the Filipino burials, there were mourners who composed panegyrics
in honor of the dead, like those made today. "To the sound of this
sad music the corpse was washed, and perfumed with storax, gum-resin,
or other perfumes made from tree gums, which are found in all these
woods. Then the corpse was shrouded, being wrapped in more or less
cloth according to the rank of the deceased. The bodies of the more
wealthy were anointed and embalmed in the manner of the Hebrews,
with aromatic liquors, which preserved them from decay.... The
burial-place of the poor was in pits dug in the ground under their
own houses. After the bodies of the rich and powerful were kept and
bewailed for three days, they were placed in a chest or coffin of
incorruptible wood, adorned with rich jewels, and with small sheets
of gold in the mouth and over the eyes. The coffin was all in one
piece, and the lid was so adjusted that no air could enter. Because
of these precautions the bodies have been found after many years,
still uncorrupted. These coffins were deposited in one of three
places, according to the inclination and arrangement of the deceased,
either on top of the house among the treasures ... or underneath it,
but raised from the ground; or in the ground itself, in an open hole
surrounded with a small railing ... nearby they were wont to place
another box filled with the best clothes of the deceased; and at
meal-time they set various articles of food there in dishes. Beside
the men were laid their weapons, and beside the women their looms or
other implements of work" (Colin).--Rizal.

[333] Kasis. This is another instance of the misapplication of this
Arabic term, which means exclusively a Christian priest.--Stanley.

[334] This custom has not fallen into disuse among the Filipinos,
even among the Catholics.--Rizal.

Lieutenant Charles Norton Barney, of the medical department of the
U. S. Army, has an article in Journal of the Association of Military
Surgeons for September, 1903, on "Circumcision and Flagellation
among the Filipinos." In regard to circumcision he states that
it "is a very ancient custom among the Philippine indios, and so
generalized that at least seventy or eighty per cent of males in the
Tagál country have undergone the operation." Those uncircumcised at
the age of puberty are taunted by their fellows, and such are called
"suput," a word formerly meaning "constricted" or "tight," but now
being extended to mean "one who cannot easily gain entrance in sexual
intercourse." The "operation has no religious significance," nor is
it done for cleanliness, "but from custom and disinclination to be
ridiculed," probably [as Morga proves] having been learned from the
Moros. The friars were unable to check the custom. Among the Tagáls
the operation is called "tuli," and the method of circumcising is
described at length. The author derives his information from a mestizo
and a full-blooded native. The custom is mentioned by Foreman.

[335] Appellation given to their ecclesiastical sages by Mahometans.

[336] See the king's decree granting this coat-of-arms, in VOL. IX,
pp. 211-215, with two representations of the coat-of-arms.

[337] Convents occupy almost one-third part of the walled city.--Rizal.

[338] The walls did not even have any moats then; these were dug after
the English invasion of 1762. The walls were also rearranged at that
time, and perfected with the lapse of time and the needs that arose
in the city.--Rizal.

[339] Rizal misprints al cabo del lienço as al campo del lienzo.

[340] Now [1890] the gates of the city are open all night, and in
certain periods, passage along the streets and through the walls is
allowed at all hours.--Rizal.

[341] This powder-mill has several times changed its site. It was
afterward near Maalat on the seashore, and then was moved to Nagtahá,
on the bank of the Pasig.--Rizal.

[342] Probably on the same site where the great Tagál cannon-foundry
had formerly stood, which was burned and destroyed by the Spaniards
at their first arrival in Manila. San Agustin declares the Tagál
foundry to have been as large as that at Málaga.--Rizal.

[343] The Rizal edition omits the words, muy grande y autorizada,
capilla aparte, camara del sello real.

[344] The treasury building. The governor's palace was destroyed
in 1863.--Rizal.

[345] The Audiencia and cabildo buildings were also destroyed, but
the latter has been rebuilt.--Rizal.

[346] The Rizal edition misprints sacristan as sacristías.

[347] This is the largest convent in Manila.--Rizal.

[348] Among the Jesuits, that part of a college where the pensioners
or boarders live and receive their instruction.

[349] This college of San José was founded in 1601, although the royal
decree for it had been conceded in 1585. The number of collegiates to
enter was thirteen, among whom was a nephew of Francisco Tello and
a son of Dr. Morga. From its inception Latin was taught there. In
a suit with the College of Santo Tomás, the Jesuits obtained a
favorable decision; and it was recognized as the older institution,
and given the preference in public acts. The historians say that at
its inauguration the students wore bonnets covered with diamonds and
pearls. At present [1890] this college, after having moved from house
to house, has become a school of pharmacy attached to Santo Tomás,
and directed by the Dominican rector.--Rizal.

[350] After many varying fortunes, this institution has wholly
disappeared.--Rizal.

[351] The Confraternity of Mercy [Hermandad de la Misericordia]
was founded in 1594, by an ecclesiastic named Juan Fernández de
León.--Rizal.

[352] San Juan de Dios [St. John of God].--Rizal.

[353] Better, Maalat. The Spaniards pronounced this later
Malate. There lived the chief Tagáls after they were deprived of
their houses in Manila, among whom were the families of Raja Matanda
and Raja Soliman. San Augustín says that even in his day many of the
ancient nobility dwelt there, and that they where very urbane and
cultured. "The Men hold various positions in Manila, and certain
occupations in some of the local public functions. The women make
excellent lace, in which they are so skilfull that the Dutch women
cannot surpass them." This is still true of the women.--Rizal.

[354] Now the town of Paco.--Rizal.

[355] Recopilación de leyes, lib. ii, tit. xv, ley xi, defines the
district of the Audiencia and states certain perogatives of the
governor and auditors as follows: "In the city of Manila, in the
island of Luzon, capital of the Felipinas, shall reside our royal
Audiencia and Chancillería, with a president who shall be governor and
captain-general, four auditors, who shall also be alcaldes of criminal
cases, one fiscal, one alguacil-mayor, one lieutenant of the grand
chancillor, and the other ministers and officials necessary. It shall
have as its district the said island of Luzon, and all the rest of the
Filipinas, the archipelago of China and its mainland as yet discovered
and to be discovered. We order the governor and captain-general of
the said islands and provinces and president of the royal Audiencia
in them, to hold personal charge in peace and war of the superior
government of all the district of the said Audiencia, and to make
the provisions and concessions in our royal name, which in accordance
with the laws of this Recopilación and of these kingdoms of Castilla,
and with the instructions and powers that he shall get from us, he
should and can make. In things and matters of importance that arise in
the government, the said president governor shall discuss them with
the auditors of the said Audiencia, so that they, after consulting,
may give him their opinion. He, after hearing them, shall take what
course is most advisable to the service of God and to ours, and the
peace and quiet of that province and community." Felipe II, Aranjuez,
May 5, 1583; Toledo, May 25, 1596, in ordinance of the Audiencia;
Felipe IV in this Recopilación.

[356] The original is canongias, raciones, y medias raciones,
which literally refers to the office or prebend instead of the
individual. We retain the above terms as expressing the persons who
held these prebends.

[357] Literaly, the original translates "in the islands of Sebu,
Cagayan, and Camerines."

[358] This is so changed now [1890] and the employees so increased in
number, that the annual expenses amount to more than 2,000,000 pesos,
while the intendant's salary is 12,000 pesos.--Rizal.

[359] This city has disapeared from the map and from the earth. An
inconsiderable town named Lal-ló occupies its site. It is still
[1890], however, named as the appointment of the bishopric of Bigan,
the actual residence of the bishop.--Rizal.

[360] An attempt was made to supply the lack of prebends in the
cathedral cities of the Philippines by the following law: "Inasmuch
as the bishops of the churches of Nueva Cáceres, Nueva Segovia,
and of the Name of Jesus of the Filipinas Islands should have men
to assist them in the pontifical acts, and the bishops should have
all the propriety possible in their churches, and divine worship
more reverence; and inasmuch as there are no tithes with which a
few prebendaries can be sustained in the churches: therefore our
governor of those islands shall appoint to each of the said churches
two ecclesiastics of good life and example, who shall aid and assist
the bishop in the pontifical acts, and in all else relating to divine
worship. He shall assign them a certain modest sum for their support
from our royal treasury, so that with that they may for the present
serve the churches, until there be more opportunity for endowing them
with prebendaries and providing other necessary things." Felipe III,
San Lorenzo, October 5, 1606. Recopilación de leyes, lib. i, tit. vi,
ley xviii.

[361] The Rizal edition omits a considerable portion of this
paragraph. The omission is as follows: para guarda del puerto, y
defensa de la ciudad, con bastante guarnicion de soldados de paga, a
orden del alcalde mayor, capitan a guerra de la prouincia que reside
en la ciudad. Sera la poblazon, de dozientos vezinos Españoles,
con casas de madera, tiene Cabildo, de dos alcaldes ordinarios,
ocho rejidores, alguazil mayor y sus oficiales.

[362] Now [1890] of slight importance. Of its former grandeur there
remain only 1,000 inhabitants, with a parochial house, a justice's
house, a prison, and a primary school.--Rizal.

[363] Vigan or Bigan.--Rizal.

[364] Legazpi also had two secular priests, Juan de Vivero and Juan
de Villanueva, who had part in the first conversions.--Rizal.

[365] The Jesuits preceded the Dominicans seven years as missionaries
to the Filipinas. The first Jesuits came over with Domingo de Salazar,
the first bishop, and his Dominican associate.--Rizal.

[366] Visita: here meaning a district which has no resident missionary,
but is visited by religious from some mission station, on which the
visita is therefore dependent.

[367] Cf. with the musical ability of the Filipinos that displayed
by the North American Indians, as described in The Jesuit Relations,
vols. vi, p. 183; xviii, p. 161; xxiii, p. 213; xxvii, p. 117; xxxi,
p. 219; xxxviii, pp. 259, 263; etc.

[368] Chirino (chapter vii) mentions the apportionment, by the
king, of distinct districts to the different orders. The Augustinian
authorities in Mexico granted permission to those of their order going
to the Philippines to establish themselves wherever they wished in
the islands (see VOL. II, pp. 161-168), and the latter exercised the
omnimodo [i.e., entire] ecclesiastical authority, as conceded by the
popes, until the arrival of the Franciscans in 1577. Papal concessions
probably marked out the districts as apportioned by the king.

[369] Morga refers, with his characteristic prudence, to the great
question of diocesan visits, which commenced with Fray Domingo
de Salazar, and which could not be ended until 1775, in the time
of Anda--thanks to the energy of the latter and the courage of
Archbishop Don Basilio Sancho de Santa Justa y Rufina, when after
great disturbances they succeeded in subjecting the regular curas to
the inspection of the bishops. Morga, however, shows that he did not
approve the claims of the religious to independence, but does not
dare to state so distinctly.--Rizal.

[370] The Augustinians received also one-fourth part of the tribute
from the villages while they were building churches; and 200 pesos
fuertes [i.e., ten-real pieces] and 200 cavans [the cavan equals 25
gantas, or 137 Spanish libras] of cleaned rice for four religious
who heard confessions during Lent. Fifty cavans of cleaned rice per
person seems to us too much. It results that each friar consumes 12
1/2 libras of rice or 27 chupas [the chupa is 1/8 ganta or 3 litros]
daily, thirteen times as much as any Indian.--Rizal.

[371] Recopilación de leyes, lib. vi, tit. vii, ley xvi, contains the
following in regard to the native chiefs: "It is not right that the
Indian chiefs of Filipinas be in a worse condition after conversion;
rather should they have such treatment that would gain their affection
and keep them loyal, so that with the spiritual blessings that God
has communicated to them by calling them to His true knowledge,
the temporal blessings may be joined, and they may live contentedly
and comfortably. Therefore, we order the governors of those islands
to show them good treatment and entrust them, in our name, with the
government of the Indians, of whom they were formerly the lords. In
all else the governors shall see that the chiefs are benefited justly,
and the Indians shall pay them something as a recognition, as they did
during the period of their paganism, provided it be without prejudice
to the tributes that are to be paid us, or prejudicial to that which
pertains to their encomenderos." Felipe II, Madrid, June 11, 1594.

[372] The gobernadorcillo ["little or petty governor"].

[373] Bilangõ signifies today in Tagál "the act of imprisoning,"
and bilanguan "the prison."--Rizal.

[374] For good expositions of local government in modern times, see
Bowring, Visit to the Philippine Isles (London, 1859), pp. 87-93;
and Montero y Vidal, Archipiélago Filipino (Madrid, 1886), pp. 162-168.

[375] These are now [1890] made in Spanish.--Rizal.

[376] Names of petty officers: the former the name of an
officer in oriental countries; the second signifying one who
commands. Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera (Costumbres de los Tagalos,
Madrid, 1892, p. 10, note 1) says the word dato is now unused by the
Tagáls. Datu or datuls primitively signified "grandfather," or "head
of the family," which was equivalent to the head of the barangay. This
name is used in Mindanao and Joló to designate certain chiefs.

[377] A later law in Recopilación de leyes (lib. vi, tit. viii, ley
xi) regulates the encomienda--giving power as follows: "The governor
and captain-general of Filipinas shall apportion the encomiendas,
in accordance with the regulations to worthy persons, without having
other respect than to the service of God our Lord, and our service,
the welfare of the public cause, and the remuneration of the most
deserving. Within sixty days, reckoned from the time that he shall
have heard of the vacancy, he shall be obliged to apportion them. If
he does not do so, the right to apportion them shall devolve upon
and pertain to our royal Audiencia of those islands, and we order
the Audiencia to apportion them, paying heed to the laws, within six
days, and to avail itself of the edicts and diligences issued by the
governor without other new ones. In case the governor shall not have
issued edicts and diligences, the Audiencia shall issue them and make
the provision within twenty days." Felipe III, Madrid, June 4, 1620.

[378] The rapidity with which many of these encomenderos amassed
great wealth in a few years is known, and that they left colossal
fortunes at their death. Some were not satisfied with the tributes
and with what they demanded, but made false measures, and balances
that weighed twice as much as was indicated. They often exacted the
tributes in certain products only, and appraised the same at what
value they wished.--Rizal.

[379] A law in Recopilación de leyes (lib. vi, tit. v, ley lxv)
cites the above provision and confirms it anew: "In order to provide
instruction for certain villages of the Filipinas Islands, which did
not enjoy it, or if they had it, it was not sufficient, it was resolved
to increase the tribute, which was formerly eight reals, or its value,
per peso, to the proportion of ten Castilian reals apiece. It was
ordered that the increased amount be placed in our royal treasury,
and one-half real of it be applied to paying the obligations which had
to be met in regard to the tithes, while the one and one-half reals
would remain to pay those soldiers there and for other purposes;
in consideration of the fact that the funds necessary to send out
religious, who are employed in the preaching of the holy gospel,
are supplied from our royal treasury, and that the encomenderos were
obliged to pay for the ordinary instruction from the eight reals,
and the part of the building of churches that fell to their share,
while the Indians had the choice of paying all the tribute in money
or in products, or in both. Thus was it enacted and voted. We order
no innovation to be made in this regard, in consideration of the
welfare and conservation of those provinces and their natives, and
so that the choice of paying in money shall not occasion any lack of
products and cause sterility." Felipe II, San Lorenzo, August 1589;
Felipe III, Zamora, February 16, 1602.

[380] The following law regulates supervision of the accounts of this
fund: "Inasmuch as, when any encomienda of the Filipinas Islands
happens to be without instruction, the fourth part of the tribute
collected by the encomendero is deposited in a box with three keys, in
order that it may be converted into benefices for the Indians; and as
it is advisable that that ordinance be executed sensibly and properly,
and that we should know the amount of it and how it is apportioned:
therefore, we order our presidents, the governors of the Filipinas
Islands, that whenever they deem it advisable to examine the account,
they shall appoint for that purpose one of the officials of our royal
treasury of those islands--the one most suitable for it--who shall
examine them. The fiscal of our royal Audiencia shall investigate
them before they are finished; and shall ask and see that they
are executed with the care that the matter requires in regard to
their items, charges, articles, and balances, and whatever else is
advisable. He shall advise our president and governor of it all, so
that he may assist him in what may be necessary, and advise us of the
result." Felipe III, Madrid, June 4, 1620, in Recopilación de leyes,
lib. i, tit. xiii, ley xiv.

[381] The bull here referred to was issued by Gregory XIV, and dated
April 18, 1591. The seventh section reads as follows: "Finally,
since, as we have learned, our very dear son in Christ, Philip,
Catholic King of the Spains, on account of the many deceits wont to
be practised therein, has forbidden any Spaniard in the aforesaid
Philippine Islands to dare to take, or have, or hold any slaves,
or servants, even by right of just and unjust war, or of purchase,
or by whatsoever other title, or pretext; although some, despite the
edict, or mandate, of King Philip himself, still keep the same slaves
in their power: therefore in order that, as is befitting to reason
and equity, the Indians themselves may freely and safely without
any fear of bondage come and go to their Christian doctrinas, and to
their own homes and possessions, we order and command all and singular
the persons living in the same islands, of whatsoever state, degree,
condition, order, and rank they may be, in virtue of holy obedience and
under pain of excommunication, on the publication of these presents,
in accordance with the edict, or mandate of the said King Philip,
to release wholly free, without deceit and guile, whatsoever Indian
slaves and servants they may have, or hold; nor ever for the future
in any manner to take or keep captives, or servants."--[Translated
from the original by REV. T. C. MIDDLETON, O.S.A.]

[382] This [1890] has disappeared from legislation, although the
personal services for España are still continued, and are fifteen
days.--Rizal.

[383] Recopilación de leyes, lib. vi, tit. xii, ley xii, treating of
personal services, reads as follows: "The religious and the ministers
of the instruction, and the alcaldes-mayor of the Filipinas Islands
have a weekly repartimiento of Indians which they call tanores, so
that the Indians may serve them without pay; and besides the villages
contribute to them the fish necessary to them on Fridays, which is
against reason and justice. We order the governor and captain-general,
the Audiencia, and any other of our justices, to stop and not allow
this personal service and contribution, so that the villages shall
in no manner perform it, and we declare the villages free from any
obligation that they have or may have." This law is dated Madrid,
March 17, 1608.

[384] Taal was one of the villages where the most rigging was made
for the royal ships.--Rizal.

[385] This word reales is omitted in the Rizal edition.

[386] A comparatively early law (Recopilación de leyes, lib. vi,
tit. i, ley xv), prohibits the forcible removal of the natives for
expeditions of conquest from one island to another. It is as follows:
"We order that the Indians in the Filipinas Islands be not taken
from one island to another forcibly in order to make incursions, and
against their will, unless it be under very necessary circumstances,
and paying them for their work and trouble. They shall be well treated
and receive no injury." Felipe II, Madrid, November 7, 1574.

[387] In Java also the Dutch restrict Europeans from roaming about
the country; this is a good regulation for the protection of the
inhabitants.--Stanley.

[388] Stanley praises these regulations; Rizal deplores them, as
keeping the men in authority out of touch with the people.

[389] Recopilación de leyes, lib. iv, tit. x, ley vii, has the
following law, dated Madrid, March 17, 1608: "The governor and
captain-general of Filipinas shall for the present appoint the
magistracy [regimiento] of the city of Manila, choosing persons who
shall prove to be suitable for the office and zealous for the service
of God our Lord, and for ours; and he shall not remove them without
our special order."

[390] Many royal decrees related to playing cards. The monopoly
ceased to exist perhaps before the government monopoly on betel was
initiated.--Rizal (in part).

[391] In 1890 he received 12,000 pesos.--Rizal.

[392] The prebend, in Spanish cathedrals, superior to a canonry.

The following laws (xvi and xvii, respectively) as to the appointments
of vacant prebends, are found in Recopilación de leyes, lib. i,
tit. vi.

"Because of the great distance from these kingdoms to the Filipinas
Islands and the inconvenience that might result from the prebends
falling vacant without any provision being made until we present those
who shall take them, we order the governor and captain-general of the
said islands that, when dignidades, canonries, and other prebends in
the metropolitan church become vacant, he shall present other persons
of the sufficiency and characteristics required, so that they may
serve in place of their predecessors, until we provide persons for
them. They shall receive the stipend that their predecessors shall have
received. The governor shall observe the rules made by the laws of this
titulo in his presentations." Felipe II, Guadalupe, March 26, 1580.

"We order our governors of the Filipinas Islands, and charge the
archbishops of Manila, that when any prebends of that church become
vacant, they send us three nominations for each one, instead of one
only, with very minute advice of their sufficiency, learning, degrees,
and all other qualities that are found in those proposed, so that
after examination, we may appoint the one most suitable." Felipe III,
Lerma, June 28, 1608.

[393] In 1890 the Filipinas were paying 36,670 pesos annually for
one dean, four dignitarios, five canons, four racioneros, four
medio-racioneros, and other inferior helpers, including the choir,
a total of twenty-six individuals; 3,330 pesos annually is to be
added for sacristans, singers, and orchestra.--Rizal.

[394] Their salary amounted to from 750 to 1,000 pesos. Now [1890]
the salary of each bishop is 6,000 pesos, with two father assistants
at 100 to 150 pesos per month.--Rizal.

[395] Thus in original, but it is carelessly worded; for the Society
of Jesus is not one of the mendicant orders.

[396] All of the orders held property and had regular means of revenue,
later; while the Dominicans held enormous property in both the islands
and at Hong Kong.--Rizal.

[397] The following law is from Recopilación de leyes (lib. iii,
tit. x, ley xiv): "The governor and captain-general of the Filipinas
Islands shall be careful to reward the soldiers who shall have
served us there, and their sons, with the posts and emoluments at
his disposal, in accordance with the ordinances, and [he shall do it]
with all fairness, so that they may have some remuneration. He shall
keep in toto the laws relating to this." Felipe III, Lerma, July 23,
1605; Madrid, December 19, 1618.

[398] Consejeles: men sent to service by order of a municipal council.

[399] The pay of various of the above officers and men in 1890 was as
follows: Filipino infantrymen, 4 pesos per month; Spanish artillerymen,
13-15 pesos, plus some céntimos, per month; Filipino artillerymen,
4 pesos, plus some céntimos, per month; captains, 1,500-1,800 pesos
per year; alféreces, 975-1,050 pesos per year; first sergeants,
European, 318-360 pesos per year--native, 180 pesos per year;
second sergeants, European, 248.06-307.50 pesos per year--native,
156 pesos per year; first corporals, European, 189.56-202 pesos per
year--native, 84 pesos per year; second corporals, European, 174-192
pesos per year--native corporals, 72 pesos per year; the segundo cabo
[lieutenant-commander], 12,000 pesos per year; sargento-mayor de
plaza (now lieutenant-colonel), 225 pesos per month; vice-admiral
[contra-almirante, general de galeras], 16,392 pesos per year;
frigate and ship captains, 2,700-5,760 pesos per year, according to
their duties and grades.--Rizal.

The following laws from Recopilación de leyes regulate the pay of the
soldiers and some of the officers, and impose certain restrictions
on the soldiers, and provide for certain appointments: "Each soldier
established in the Filipinas Islands shall be paid eight pesos per
month, each captain, fifty, each alférez, twenty, and each sergeant,
ten. The governor and captain-general of the said islands shall
give all the men of the companies thirty ducados to each company of
additional pay, as is done in other districts, providing the additional
pay of each one does not exceed ten pesos per year. We order that all
be well paid. When the governor shall provide any of the captains,
officers, or soldiers with an encomienda, or other post, he shall
not allow him to draw pay. While they draw pay they shall not be
allowed to trade or traffic, so that that occupation may not divert
or distract them from their proper exercise and employment of war. For
the same reason, no pay shall be granted to any soldier who serves any
other person, whomsoever he be." Felipe II, Añover, August 9, 1589,
clause 34 of his instructions; Felipe III, Ventosilla, November 4,
1606; lib. iii, tit. x, ley xiii.

"We order that when the post of general of artillery of the Filipinas
Islands becomes vacant, either by the death or promotion of its
occupant, or for any other cause, the governor and captain-general
shall not fill it without first notifying us and without our special
order for it. We permit him to appoint a captain of artillery and a
sargento-mayor, and he may assign each of them thirty pesos' pay. We
approve the increase of two pesos in the pay of the musketeers. It
is our will that the pay of the governor's captain of the guard be
increased five pesos, in addition to his fifteen pesos, and that
a like sum be granted to the commandants of forts when they have a
captain of infantry." Felipe II, clause of letter, Madrid, June 11,
1594; Felipe IV, Madrid, January 30, 1631; lib. iii, tit. v, ley iii.

[400] A definite law, as is shown in Recopilación de leyes,
lib. iii. tit. iv, ley xiii, charged the viceroys of Nueva España
to send help to the Philippines. The law is as follows: "We charge
and order the viceroys of Nueva España to aid the governor and
captain-general of Filipinas on all occasions that arise, with very
special care, promptness, and diligence, with whatever the latter
shall request; and with the men, arms, ammunition, and money, that
he deems necessary for the conservation of those islands, salaries
[the original is sueldos, perhaps a misprint for suelos, signifying
'provinces' or 'districts'], presidios, and whatever else is under
his charge." Felipe III, Aranjuez, May 25, 1607.

The two following laws impose certain restrictions on the
reënforcements sent to the Philippines from Nueva España:

"One of the captains who shall raise men in Nueva España as
reënforcements for the Filipinas Islands, shall act as their agent
to the port of Acapulco. There he shall deliver them to the general,
or commander of the ships about to sail; but no captain shall take
passage or go to the islands with the men of his company." Felipe III,
Zamora, February 16, 1602; lib. iii, tit. iv, ley xvi.

"Among the men sent by the viceroy, who shall go as a reënforcement
from Nueva España to Filipinas, he shall not allow, under any
circumstances, or admit, any mestizos or mulattoes, because of
the annoyances that have been experienced from them." Felipe III,
Valladolid, August 30, 1608; lib. iii, tit. iv, ley xv.

[401] See ante, note 227, the citation of the law from Recopilación
de leyes, lib. iii, tit. x, ley xiii.

[402] See VOL. XII ("Various documents relating to commerce"),
pp. 57-75.

Bañuelos y Carrillo, in his relation to the king, says: "That the
inhabitants of the Manilas should be allowed to export as many
boat-loads as possible of the country's produce--such as wax, gold,
perfumes, ivory, and cotton cloth [lampotes]--which they must buy
from the natives of the country, who would thus be hindered from
selling them to the Dutch. In this way we would make those peoples
friendly, and supply Nueva España with their merchandise; and the
money taken to Manila would not leave that city. ... Your Majesty
should consider that one and one-half millions in gold go to China
annually." This commerce was advantageous to the Celestial empire
alone and to certain individuals of Manila. It was fatal to España,
and harmful to the islands, whose industry was gradually perishing
like that of the metropolis.--Rizal.

[403] See in VOL. VIII, pp. 316-318, a royal decree enforcing these
prohibitions under severe penalties.

[404] Coarse stuff made of goat's hair, or a glossy silk stuff;
probably the latter is intended in the text. Gorvoran or gorgoran is
a sort of silk grogram.

[405] This fabric is now called Piña. It is made from threads
stripped from fibers of the leaf of that plant or fruit, and which
are never longer than half a yard. It cannot be woven at all times,
as extreme heat or humidity affects the fiber. The machinery employed
is of wood, unmixed with any metal, and of rude construction. This
fabric is stronger than any other of equal fineness, and its color is
unaffected by time or washing. The pieces are generally only 1 1/2 feet
wide: the price varies from 1.s. 4d. to 2s. 6d. per yard. Piña of a
yard wide is from six reals to a dollar (of eight reals) a yard. All
the joinings of the threads are of knots made by the fingers. It is
fabricated solely by native Indians in many parts of the Philippines,
but especially in Ilo-Ilo. The use of this stuff is extensive, and
the value is estimated at 500,000 dollars or £120,000; the value of
the annual export of it to Europe for dresses, handkerchiefs, collars,
scarfs, and wristbands, which are beautifully embroidered at Manila,
is estimated at 20,000 dollars annually. (Mr. Consul Farren, January
21, 1851).--Stanley.

In order to obtain the fiber of this plant, the fruit is first cut,
so that the leaf may become as long and broad as possible. When
the leaves are well developed they are torn off, and scraped with a
sharp instrument to separate the fleshy part and leave the fiber;
this is washed, dried in the sun, combed out, and classed in four
grades according to its fineness. The cloth has a peculiar softness
and delicacy; and it is said that that made formerly (one or two
centuries ago) was much finer than that made now.

[406] Scorzonera is a genus of composite plants, of numerous
species; the leaves or roots of many are used as vegetables or
salads. S. tuberosa and other Eastern species have edible roots.

[407] Delgado (ut supra) says that this fruit (Diospyros kaki,
Linn.) was brought by the Chinese traders, and called Xi-cu in their
language, whence is derived the word chiquey. It is a beautiful scarlet
fruit, although there is another species of a yellow color. Both are
sweet and pleasant to the taste. Some of the yellow variety were
grown in the Visayas, but Delgado says the tree is not indigenous
to the islands. The fruit is shaped like an acorn but is about as
large as a lemon. The peel is soft and the interior like honey, and
it contains several seeds. The tree is wide-spreading but not very
tall. The leaves are small and almost round. D. kaki is the Chinese
or Japanese persimmon; D. virginiana is the American persimmon. From
other species is obtained the valuable wood called ebony.

[408] This must be the cloth and not the porcelain of Kaga, which
even today is so highly esteemed.--Rizal.

[409] With very slight differences, this custom and ceremony is
continued to the present [1890].--Rizal.

[410] "A three per cent duty was imposed in the Filipinas on
merchandise, for the payment of the troops. We order that part of the
law to be observed, but that pertaining to the other things paid from
those duties to be repealed." Añover, August 9, 1589. (Ley xxii.)

"We ordain that the Chinese, Japanese, Siamese, Borneans, and all other
foreigners, who go to the ports of the Filipinas Islands, pay no duty
on food, supplies, and materials that they take to those islands,
and that this law be kept in the form in w, hich it may have been
introduced, and not otherwise." Añover, August 9, 1589. (Ley xxiv.)

"On the Chinese merchandise and that from other countries, shipped to
Nueva España by way of Filipinas, an impost ad valorem tax of ten per
cent shall be collected, based on their value in the ports and regions
where the goods shall be discharged. This tax shall be imposed mildly
according to the rule, and shall be a tax additional to that usually
paid on departure both from the said Filipinas Islands and from the
provinces of Nueva España, to any other places where they may and
shall be taken." El Pardo, November 1, 1591. (Ley xxi.)

"We order that the duty of three per cent collected in the Filipinas
Islands on the merchandise taken thither by the Chinese be increased by
another three per cent." El Pardo, November 20, 1606. (Ley xxiii.) The
above laws are from Recopilación de leyes, lib. viii, tit. xv.

[411] The agave (Agave americana; the maguey of Mexico) is found in
the Philippines, and is called pita, but Delgado and Blanco think
that it was not indigenous there. Its fibers were used in former
times for making the native textile called nipis, manufactured in the
Visayas. As used in the text, pita means, apparently, some braid or
other ornament of agave fibers.

[412] The ducado of Castilla was worth slightly more than two
pesos.--Rizal.

[413] These imposts and fetters, which the products of the country
did not escape, are still [1890] in force, so that foreign markets
must be sought, since the markets of the mother-country offer no
greater advantages. According to a document of 1640, this commerce
netted the government 350,000 pesos annually.--Rizal.

[414] The salary is now [1890] 40,000 pesos.--Rizal.

[415] Recopilación de leyes (lib. iv, tit. i, ley v) outlines the
governor's and Audiencia's power in regard to conquests by private
individuals, as follows: "We grant permission to the governor and
president of the Filipinas Islands and its Audiencia to make contracts
for new explorations and conquests [pacificaciones] with persons,
who are willing to covenant to do it at their own expense and not at
that of our royal treasury; and to give them the titles of captains
and masters-of-camp, but not those of adelantados [i.e., governors]
and marshals. Those contracts and agreements such men may execute, with
the concurrence of the Audiencia, until we approve them, provided that
they observe the laws enacted for war, conquest, and exploration, so
straitly, that for any negligence, the terms of their contract will be
observed, and those who exceed the contract shall incur the penalties
imposed; also provided the parties shall receive our confirmation
within a brief period assigned by the governor." Felipe II, Guadalupe,
April 1, 1580; Toledo, May 25, 1596, a clause of instructions.

[416] There are eight auditors now [1890], and their salary
has increased to 4,700 pesos, while that of the fiscal is 5,500
pesos.--Rizal.

[417] Recopilación de leyes, lib. v, tit. xv, ley xxviii, contains
the following on suits arising from residencias, dated Lerma, June
23, 1608: "Suits brought during the residencia against governors,
captains-general, presidents, auditors, and fiscals of our Audiencia
of Manila, and against any other officials, both civil and criminal,
shall pass in appeal and be concluded in that Audiencia, if they do
not exceed one thousand pesos of the current money."

[418] The tributes of the Indians in the Filipinas amount to more
than 4,000,000 pesos now [1890]; and from the Chinese are derived
225,000 pesos.--Rizal.

[419] Now since there is no exploitation of gold mines, and since
the Indians have no jewels that would justify this tenth or fifth,
the Spaniards substitute for this the imposts upon property, which
amount to 105,400 pesos, and that upon industry, which amounts to
1,433,200 pesos. In 1640, the revenue from the above source [fifths or
tenths] had decreased so greatly, that only 750 pesos were collected
annually.--Rizal.

[420] Import duties now [1890] amount to 1,700,000 pesos.--Rizal.

[421] Export duties now [1890] amount to 285,000 pesos.--Rizal.

[422] According to Hernando de los Rios, the Filipinas Islands could
have been self-sustaining from the beginning from their own products,
had it not been for the expeditions and adventurous conquests in the
Moluccas, Camboja, etc. ... In the governorship of Don Juan de Silva,
the treasury owed, for the war in the Moluccas, more than 2,000,000
pesos to the Indians, besides what it must have owed to the inhabitants
of Manila.--Rizal.

[423] This excellent custom has entirely perished.--Rizal.

"The president of our royal Audiencia of Filipinas and one auditor
of that body, shall, at the beginning of each year, examine the
accounts of our royal officials, and shall finish their examination
within the two months of January and February. On finishing their
examination they shall send a copy of them to our council for the
reason contained in the following law. Should the examination not be
finished in the said time, our officials shall receive no salary. The
auditor who shall assist in examining the accounts shall receive as
a compensation the twenty-five thousand maravedis that are ordained;
but he shall receive that amount only in that year that he shall send
the said accounts concluded to our council." Ordinance 97, Toledo,
May 15, 1596. (Ley ix.)

"For the accounts of our royal treasury, which must be furnished in
the usual form by our officials of the Filipinas Islands annually,
during the administration of their duties, the officials shall
deliver for inventory all the books and orders pertaining to those
accounts, and all that shall be requested from them and that shall
be necessary. They shall continue the course of their administration
[of their duties] with new and similar books. These accounts shall be
concluded before the governor of those islands, and the auditor whom
the Audiencia and the fiscal of that body may appoint. In case of the
finding of any doubts and remarks it is our will that the auditor and
governor resolve and determine them, so that they may be concluded and
finished. And inasmuch as the factor and overseer must give account of
certain things in kind and products of great weight and tediousness,
we order that that account be examined every three years, and that
the concluding and settling of the doubts and remarks shall be made
in the form declared. And we order that when the said accounts of
the said islands are completed and the net balances struck, they
shall be sent to our Council of the Indias, so that the accountants
of its accounts may revise and make additions to them according to
the manner of the accountancy." Valladolid, January 25, 1605. (Ley x.)

The above two laws are taken from Recopilación de leyes, lib. viii,
tit. xxix.

[424] The Chinese engaged in agriculture and fishing now [1890]
are very few.--Rizal.

[425] The Rizal edition misprints fuerça è premio as fuerza á premio.

[426] The custom of shaving the head, now prevalent among the Chinese,
was imposed upon them by their Tartar conquerors.

[427] A kind of stocking called tabi.--Rizal.

[428] The following law was issued at Segovia July 4, 1609, and
appears in Recopilación de leyes, lib. iii, tit. iv, ley xviii:
"The governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands shall
ever strive to maintain friendly relations, peace, and quiet, with
the emperor of Japon. He shall avail himself, for that purpose, of
the most prudent and advisable means, as long as conditions permit;
and he shall not risk the reputation of our arms and state in those
seas and among oriental nations."

[429] This port (established before 1540) was in Colima, Mexico,
near the present Manzanillo. It was plundered and burned by the
English adventurer Thomas Candish, on August 24-25, 1587.

[430] Thus named because seamen and voyagers noticed especially
the lateen sails of the light vessels used by the natives of the
Marianas.--Rizal.

[431] A marine fish (Sparus auratus), thus named because it has spots
of golden-yellow color.

[432] A chart of the Indian Ocean, by L. S. de la Rochette
(pub. London, 1803, by W. Faden, geographer to the king) shows three
volcanoes in about 25º north latitude, and but a few degrees north
of the Ladrones. One of them is called "La Desconocida, or Third
Volcano," and the following is added: "The Manilla ships always try
to make this Volcano."

[433] A group of islands called Shidsi To, lying in 34º 20'.--Rizal.

[434] "Thirty-eight degrees" is probably an error for "twenty-eight
degrees," and these islands [the first ones mentioned in the above
sentence] would be the Mounin-Sima Islands, lying between 26º 35'
and 27º 45'; and Lot's Wife in 29º 51', and Crespo, in 32º 46', which
[latter] are supposed by the Univers Pittoresque to be the Roca de Oro
[rock of gold] and the Roca de Plata of the ancient maps.--Stanley.

For these latter islands, see VOL. XIV, p. 272, note 45.

[435] A fungous substance that grows in the sea, and contains signs
of life.

[436] Probably the dogfish, a species of shark.

[437] Most of these places can be identified on the old maps of
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and most of the names
are retained today. The island of Cedros is shown on a map of 1556
(Ramusio: Vniversale della parte del mondo nvovamente ritrovata). The
island of Cenizas is shown, on the old maps, in about 32º, and Cedros
in about 29º. The Marias or Tres Marias Islands are Maria Madre,
Maria Magdalena, and Maria Cleofas. Cape Corrientes is south of
La Valle de Banderas and Chametla. Socatul is called Socatula and
Zocatula. An English map of 1626, engraved by Abraham Goos, shows
the town of Ciguatlan, north of Aquapulco, which may be the same as
Morga's Ciguatanejo. Los Motines cannot be identified.

[438] Acosta in his History of the Indies (Hakluyt Soc. edition,
London, 1880) says of the courses between the Philippines and New
Spain: "The like discourse is of the Navigation made into the South
sea, going from New Spaine or Peru to the Philippines or China, and
returning from the Philippines or China to New Spaine, the which is
easie, for that they saile alwaies from East to West neere the line,
where they finde the Easterly windes to blow in their poope. In the
yeere 1584, there went a shippe from Callao in Lima to the Philippines,
which sailed 2000 and 700 leagues without sight of land, and the
first it discovered was the Iland of Lusson, where they tooke port,
having performed their voiage in two moneths, without want of winde or
any torment, and their course was almost continually vnder the line;
. . . The returne is like vnto the voiage from the Indies vnto Spaine,
for those which returne from the Philippines or China to Mexico,
to the end they may recover the Westerne windes, they mount a great
height, vntill they come right against the Ilands of Iappon, and,
discovering the Caliphornes, they returne by the coast of New Spaine
to the port of Acapulco."