The Project Gutenberg eBook of Campaign and battle of Lynchburg, Va
    
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States,
you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.

Title: Campaign and battle of Lynchburg, Va

Author: Charles Minor Blackford

Release date: January 16, 2023 [eBook #69814]

Language: English

Original publication: United States: Garland-Rodes Camp of Confederate Veterans, 1901

Credits: Graeme Mackreth and The Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CAMPAIGN AND BATTLE OF LYNCHBURG, VA ***



[Illustration: BRIGADIER-GENERAL JOHN McCAUSLAND.

FROM A PHOTOGRAPH TAKEN IN LYNCHBURG DURING THE WAR.]




 Campaign and Battle

 OF

 Lynchburg, Va.


 By CHARLES M. BLACKFORD,

 OF THE LYNCHBURG BAR.


 Delivered by Request of the Garland-Rodes Camp of Confederate
 Veterans of Lynchburg, Virginia,


 JUNE 18th, 1901.




 PRESS OF
 J.P. BELL COMPANY,
 LYNCHBURG, VA.




PREFACE.


During the winter of 1901, the Garland-Rodes Camp of Confederate
Veterans of the City of Lynchburg passed a resolution requesting
their comrade, Captain Chas. M. Blackford, of Company B, Second
Virginia Cavalry, C.S.A., to prepare an address upon the Campaign and
Battle of Lynchburg, which was to be delivered on June 18, 1901, the
thirty-seventh anniversary of the events of which he was to speak.

Captain Blackford consented to do this work, and did it so much to the
satisfaction of the Camp that it ordered his address to be printed as
a valuable contribution to the history of the war and the traditions
of our city. It is now presented to our citizens and to all who are
interested in the details of our great struggle.

The Committee have also added, as a matter of local history, a roster
of the various volunteer companies which left here when the war
commenced. Many names were added afterwards, but it is to be regretted
that the list cannot be perfected.

 Jno. H. Lewis, Chairman,
 N.J. Floyd,
 R.H. Boatwright,
 W. Barbour Jones,
 H. Grey Latham,
 Committee.

 _December 10, 1901._




The Campaign and Battle of Lynchburg.


The strategic importance of the city of Lynchburg was very little
understood by those directing the military movements of the Federal
armies during the Civil War, or, if understood, there was much lack of
nerve in the endeavor to seize it.

It was the depot for the Army of Northern Virginia for all commissary
and quartermaster stores gathered from the productive territory lying
between it and Knoxville, Tennessee, and from all the country tributary
to, and drained by, the Virginia & Tennessee Railroad. Here, also, were
stored many of the scant medical supplies of the Confederacy, and here
many hospitals gave accommodation to the sick and wounded from the
martial lines north and east of it. Lynchburg was, in addition, the
key to the inside line of communication which enabled the Confederate
troops to be moved from our northern to our eastern lines of defence,
without exciting the attention of the enemy.

Under these circumstances, it can well be understood that the
Confederate authorities were ever on the alert to guard so important
a post. They relied, however, on the facility with which its
garrison could be reinforced, when threatened, and not on an army of
occupation, for it could not afford to keep so many troops idle.

Though equally important to the success of the Northern armies, in
their operations in Virginia, no serious effort was directed against it
until the spring of 1864.

On the 6th of June, 1864, General Grant wrote from the lines around
Richmond to General David Hunter, then commanding the Department of
West Virginia, informing him that General Sheridan would leave the
next day for Charlottesville for the purpose of destroying the Central
(now the Chesapeake & Ohio) Railway. Having given this information, he
directed General Hunter to operate with the same general end in view,
adding that "the complete destruction of this road and of the canal on
the James River is of great importance to us." He further says, "you
[Hunter] are to proceed to Lynchburg and commence there. _It would be
of great value to us to get possession of Lynchburg for a single day._"

According to this letter, Hunter, after reaching Staunton, was to move
on Lynchburg, _via_ Charlottesville, and thence along what Grant calls
"the Lynchburg branch of the Central Road," meaning the Lynchburg
extension of the Orange & Alexandria Railroad. Having captured
Lynchburg and destroyed the bridges and vast stores there concentrated,
he was to return by the same route, join Sheridan, and together they
were to move east and unite with Grant, who then proposed to move his
whole army south of the James and make his attack on Lee at, and south
of, Petersburg. (70 War of Rebellion, 598.)

Hunter was given some latitude as to how he should execute this order
and as to the best mode of reaching Lynchburg. It seems he determined
to move up the Valley, and to that end called on General William W.
Averell to "suggest a plan of operations, the purpose of which was the
capture of Lynchburg and the destruction of the railroads running from
that place in five days." (Id. 146.)

During the first three years of the war, raids were made upon the line
of the Virginia & Tennessee Railway (now Norfolk & Western) west of
Lynchburg, for the purpose of destroying Lee's communications with the
South and Southwest over that important conduit of supplies.

By these raids some damage was done by burning depots and overturning
bridges, but none which caused any permanent injury or produced any
serious delay in transportation over it. Except for local panics and
the destruction of a small amount of property, these raids were, from
a strategic point of view, a useless expenditure of military strength.
They did, however, fortunately direct the attention of the Confederate
authorities to the importance of this line and greatly increase their
vigilance.

On the 9th of June, 1864, when Averell's plan was laid before Hunter,
he approved and adopted it. He was then at Staunton, Virginia, in
command of an army, the exact number of which is not disclosed by
the records. The official report for the month of May, 1864, for that
department, discloses the fact that upon the 31st of that month there
was in it an aggregate present for duty of 36,509. (70 Id. 571.) The
published correspondence shows that during the month of May every
possible effort was made to concentrate these forces, and it seems
from the roster that every brigade and division in the department was
represented at Staunton when the expedition started. Hence, making due
allowance for heavy details on guard, provost and escort duty, it may
well be claimed that when the start was made there were present for
duty, of all arms, at least 25,000 men, fresh and well equipped. (Id.
103.)

Some of these troops, like their leader, were renegades from the
traditions and instincts of their forefathers, and hence very little to
be trusted, but far the greater proportion of the force was composed of
high types of the soldier from Pennsylvania, Ohio and New York, and,
under a proper leader, would have been very formidable. The want of
such a leader, despite the efficient aid of able subordinates, made the
campaign a fiasco with no historical parallel, except, perhaps, that of
the famous King of France, who,

 "With twenty thousand men,
 Marched up the hill, and then marched down again."

Hunter's army consisted of four divisions, two of infantry, commanded
respectively by Generals Sullivan and Crook, and two of cavalry,
severally commanded by Generals Duffie and Averell. Each division
consisted of three brigades, and they were accompanied by eight
batteries of artillery, with an aggregate of thirty-two guns.

Major-General David Hunter, the commander, was a Southerner by race
and environment, and members of his family had often been honorably
connected with the history of the State of Virginia. He had been an
officer in the United States army, and on the breaking out of the war
between the States, ignored the traditions of his race and took up arms
against Virginia. It is not the custom of those of Virginian blood to
be disloyal to their State, and it is her proud boast that the roll of
those who have been false is very short. What moved Hunter to act as he
did must be developed by his biographer; it is enough for the historian
to record the fact of his apostasy. Most Southern officers in the old
service disapproved the secession of the States, but on the breaking
out of the war, with rare exceptions, they resisted the powerful
temptations held out as inducements to stay and join the Northern
army. They preferred poverty and the uncertainties of the approaching
conflict to a military distinction which could only be won by shedding
the blood of their brothers and friends. With this faith they joined
in the defence of their several States whether they agreed with them
in their political course or not. Such was the course of the Lees and
the Johnsons, of Stuart and the Hugers, of the Maurys, and of hundreds
of others who stood by their people, right or wrong. They believed it
alike the path of duty and of honor to draw their swords in defence of
their native land, in the hour of its greatest need, and they turned a
deaf ear to the whisper of that tempting thrift which is so often the
reward of fawning.

When Hunter and his army were approaching Staunton, a part of his
force, estimated at about eight thousand men, had a battle with a
small, disorganized detachment under General Wm. E. Jones, at a place
called Piedmont, near Port Republic. The troops under Jones were much
worn, and were weary with hard work, sharp fighting and scant rations.
Those of Hunter were fresh, vigorous and well equipped. Jones and his
men fought well, but he was killed early in the action. His death had
a bad effect on his command, and it gave way in much confusion and
with heavy loss. Much good was done during the confusion by Lieutenant
Carter Berkeley and his two ubiquitous guns, which afterwards did such
good service in the lines around Lynchburg and upon Hunter's retreat.

After this disaster, Jones's command, under Vaughan, fell back first
to Fishers ville and Waynesboro, and then towards Charlottesville.
This left the Valley open as far as Buchanan, except for the small,
but ever vigilant force of cavalry, so skillfully and manfully handled
by Brigadier-General John McCausland, who had shortly before been
transferred from the command of an infantry to a cavalry brigade.

Imboden, with a small body of cavalry, which had escaped from the
battle of Piedmont, and which was badly mounted and equipped, had
crossed the Blue Ridge and was energetically attempting to defend the
Orange & Alexandria Railroad (now the Southern), in Nelson and Amherst
Counties, from a heavy detachment from the column of General Duffie,
sent by Hunter to destroy that road for the purpose of cutting off
reinforcements from Lynchburg.

After the death of General Jones and the defeat of his little army,
Hunter blew his trumpets with boastful triumph. Staunton, of course,
forthwith fell into his hands, which was the occasion for another
blast. General Hunter, in his report of the battle of Piedmont, written
on June 8, says, with pride, that his "combined force, now in fine
spirits and condition, will move, day after to-morrow, toward the
accomplishment of its mission," which was the capture of Lynchburg, and
the destruction of its bridges and stores. (70 W, of R. 95).

The plan of campaign which General Averell had suggested and Hunter
had adopted, was a movement up the Valley to Buchanan in four columns,
each column composed of a division, commanded respectively by himself,
Crook, Sullivan and Duffie. The last-named division was to march in the
same direction on the western slope of the Blue Ridge, sending raiding
parties through the gaps to destroy the Orange & Alexandria Railroad,
and was finally to move through White's Gap to Amherst Courthouse,
whence it was to march toward the James River, cross it below
Lynchburg, cut the James River & Kanawha Canal, destroy the Southside
Railroad, and then move up the river and join in the attack upon the
objective point of the campaign. (70 W. of R. 146).

For the purpose of carrying out this plan, General Hunter left
Staunton on the 10th of June, with his army marching in four columns,
as suggested by Averell. Drums were beating, flags were flying and
triumphant bulletins flashed over the wires to announce to the
Secretary of War the great deeds which were soon to astonish the nation.

       *       *       *       *       *

On the day Hunter left Staunton with so much pomp and circumstance,
the City of Lynchburg was resting quietly, guarded only by the
convalescents from the hospitals, and the halt and the maimed who were
there congregated in invalid camps. A gallant and appropriate leader
was found for this anomalous force in General Francis T. Nicholls,
who was in command of the post. He had left _a leg and an arm_,
respectively, upon two different battle-fields, but he still managed to
mount his horse and do heroic service. He heard of Hunter's movements
as soon as a start was made, and commenced organizing his sick and
wounded into an army of occupation. From his trenchant dispatches
it seemed that he had determined to hold the town with his cripples
against Hunter's whole force. (70 W. of R. 760).

The little remnant of the detachment which had been defeated under
Jones at Piedmont was then along the line of the Orange & Alexandria
Railroad, and near Charlottesville, under General Vaughan, much
demoralized and short of ammunition and supplies. It came by forced
marches, however, to the aid of Lynchburg, where it was under the
immediate orders of General John C. Breckinridge, the commander of the
Confederate Department of Southwest Virginia. Unfortunately General
Breckinridge, though in Lynchburg, was an invalid in bed, having been
injured when his horse was shot under him at Cold Harbor. Some of the
troops which had fought under him around Richmond were _en route_
to the Valley, and, their destination being changed, they reached
Lynchburg before Early's corps, or any part of it, came up.

There was also another small but efficient force which, by almost an
accident, was added to the troops defending Lynchburg. The Botetourt
Artillery, a battery of six guns, under Captain H.C. Douthat, had
been operating in Southwestern Virginia. On the fifth of June it was
ordered to the Valley, _via_ Lynchburg, to the command of General
W.E. Jones. It reached Lynchburg as soon after receiving the order as
transportation could be afforded, and reported to General Jones by the
wires. He directed the battery to remain in Lynchburg until further
orders.

The battery was on the 11th of June ordered to Staunton, and it and its
men, about one hundred in number, were at once put on a freight train
on the Orange & Alexandria Railroad and started, despite rumors of
raiding parties, on its proposed route.

At New Glasgow Station the conductor was notified that a large raiding
party was at Arrington Depot, and the smoke disclosed the fact that the
depot buildings were being destroyed.

Captain Douthat at once pushed forward with the train, upon which
there happened to be a car-load of muskets, with suitable ammunition.
Douthat's object was to reach the Tye River bridge before the Federal
troops and save it from destruction. This he did, and, breaking open
the ordnance boxes, armed his men with muskets and forty rounds of
ammunition, and then, at a double quick, crossed the Tye River, and got
into position to defend the bridge.

When the Federal videttes came in contact with what seemed a heavy
infantry picket they retired and reported a large infantry force on
hand, and the whole raiding party at once withdrew and the bridge
was saved. Had it been destroyed, Lynchburg must have fallen, as
reinforcements could not have come up in time to protect it.

The sound judgment and prompt and bold action of Captain Douthat and
the gallantry of his men on this occasion is worthy of all praise--yet,
strange to say, as he was unattached at the time, there is no official
report of this valuable service.

The battery, after this, was unable to continue its journey to
Staunton, as the railroad had been much damaged, and it therefore
fortunately returned to Lynchburg and took a very active part in the
defence of the city. It aided in the repulse of Duffie's division on
the Forest Road, one section of two guns being stationed at the old
soapstone quarry on that road, on the crest of the hill beyond the road
to Tate's Spring. These two guns protected the railroad bridge over Ivy
Creek and drove the Federal cavalry from it whenever they approached.
The other four were on the other side of the road, supporting the
brigade under Colonel Forsberg, and kept up a very heavy fire on
the enemy during his stay. Our comrade and fellow-citizen, Mr. A.H.
Plecker, was a gunner in this battery, and for his gallant services was
tendered a commission. This he declined on the ground that he could do
better service as a gunner, in the discharge of which duty he had won
much reputation.

The arrival of these different detachments of troops gave much comfort
to Nicholls, and they were at once placed in position. There were
still, however, so few of the Confederates on the ground that they
counted more as a picket than as a regular line of battle.

To add to the general confusion incident to this campaign which had
been inaugurated in General Lee's rear, it must be remembered that
General Sheridan, with a large body of well-equipped and well-mounted
cavalry, had, on the 7th of June, crossed the Chickahominy, and on the
10th had struck the Virginia Central Railroad (now the Chesapeake &
Ohio), with the intention of joining Hunter in his march on Lynchburg.
He was met on the 11th and 12th of June at Trevilian's Depot, in Louisa
County, by a Confederate force of cavalry, under General Wade Hampton,
and was repulsed with such disorder that he hurried back to the cover
of Grant's lines in disorganized confusion, leaving the road open for
the reinforcements which Lee was hurrying to the defence of Lynchburg.

Some description of Hampton's great cavalry battle at Trevilian's Depot
would strictly be a part of any history of the siege and battle of
Lynchburg, for had he failed, Lynchburg would necessarily have fallen
into the hands of the enemy; but time will not permit so pleasant a
digression. It is enough to say that it was one of the most brilliant
and successful engagements in which our troops were involved during
the war, and one which shed well-deserved renown not only on General
Wade Hampton, who commanded, but on every officer and man under him.
Conspicuous for their gallantry and valuable service in that battle was
the Second Virginia Cavalry, under our distinguished fellow-citizen,
General T.T. Munford. This great regiment was made up of companies
from Lynchburg and the surrounding counties, and was therefore one of
whose record we all have a right to be proud. On the day of that fight
it was especially distinguished for its daring courage and for its
achievements. It was in the front of the charging column which broke
Custer's line and captured _four_ out of the five caissons lost by
Sheridan on that day. It captured Custer's headquarters, his sash and
private wagon and papers. The wagon was used by General Munford until
it was recaptured, a few days before Appomattox.

On the 12th of June General Lee, who had anxiously been watching the
movements of the enemy in the Valley, and who was perfectly informed
of his designs, gave verbal orders to General Jubal A. Early to hold
his corps (the Second, or Ewell's), with Nelson's and Braxton's
artillery, in readiness to march to the Shenandoah Valley. After
dark upon that day these orders were repeated in writing, and he was
directed to move to the Valley that night at three o'clock _via_ Louisa
Courthouse, Charlottesville and Brown's Gap. He was further ordered
to communicate with General Breckinridge at Lynchburg, with a view of
a combined attack on Hunter. Breckinridge was to attack in front and
Early in the rear.

The Second Corps was then at Gaines' Mill, near Richmond, numbering
about eight thousand muskets. (Memoirs of J.A. Early, page 40.) It
had been for the last forty days constantly fighting, and had taken
a prominent part in the battles of the Wilderness, Spottsylvania
Courthouse, Gaines' Mill and Cold Harbor, and had had no time or place
for rest or reorganization. At Spottsylvania Courthouse it lost nearly
a whole division. Its commander, Major-General Edward Johnson, had been
wounded and captured. Four of its Brigadier-Generals had been killed
during the campaign, four desperately wounded, and two more had been
promoted to Major-Generals and removed to other commands. The troops
therefore, though hardy and well-tried veterans, were in bad condition
for so arduous an undertaking. Despite these facts, so well calculated
to throw the command out of joint, it was on the march an hour before
that fixed by General Lee in his order! No one but Early knew where
they were going, but all felt that if Lee ordered the march it was
right and led to victory. When it started, Hunter was within fifty
miles of Lynchburg, while Early, on his route by Charlottesville, had
to move one hundred and sixty miles, of which a part of his troops had
the aid of very poor railway transportation for sixty miles.

On the 16th of June Early had reached Charlottesville, and his corps
was at the Rivanna bridge, four miles east of that place, having
marched eighty miles in four days, well maintaining the reputation
won under Jackson as "foot cavalry." Here Early received a dispatch
from Breckinridge announcing that Hunter was at Liberty (now Bedford
City), only distant twenty-five miles. The Orange & Alexandria Railroad
had not been sufficiently repaired for transportation in cars. Every
effort was made, however, to hurry the repairs and to secure trains
to speedily forward the troops from Charlottesville to Lynchburg, for
Early, when the perilous position of that city was known, was ordered
to push on to save it from Hunter's advancing host. He could get only
one engine and a few cars at first, but soon added to this limited
transportation enough to enable him to move a part of his command.
Duffie's attack upon the road between Charlottesville and Lynchburg
had not been very serious either to the railroad or to the telegraph
lines, and both were repaired in one or two days, hence at sunrise on
the morning of the 17th, Early commenced to move his corps by rail.
The transportation was so limited that he could only get half of his
infantry moved on that day. Ramseur's division, one brigade under
Gordon and part of another, were placed upon the train, while Rodes'
division and the residue of Gordon's were ordered to march along the
county road, which runs parallel to the railroad, and to meet the train
as it returned. The artillery and wagon trains were started over the
county road the night before, but got no aid from the railway, and did
not reach Lynchburg in time to take any part in the engagement at that
point. Rodes demanded the right to be sent forward with his division
ahead of Ramseur, on the ground that he should be called upon to defend
his native city. This privilege, from some unaccountable reason, was
denied him, a denial which led to high words between Early and himself.

General Early was on board the first train, but so indifferent was the
motive power, and so bad the condition of the track, that he and the
first half of his corps did not reach Lynchburg until the afternoon of
the 17th, and the rest of his small army did not arrive until nearly
night the next day--too late to take part in the engagement. Early
found Breckinridge in bed suffering from the injury to which reference
is made above, and as Breckinridge could not go out to reconnoitre,
he had called upon General D.H. Hill, who happened to be in the city,
to ascertain and define the best lines of defence. This duty was
performed by General Hill, with the assistance of General Harry T.
Hays, of Louisiana, who was also in town disabled by a wound received
at Spottsylvania Courthouse. Hill established the line close to the
city in breastworks, which had been thrown up on College Hill. These
were at once occupied by the disorganized infantry force which had
been defeated at Piedmont under Jones, the Virginia Military Institute
Cadets, and the invalid corps. To this was added Breckinridge's small
command, when it arrived on the 16th, and Douthat's battery.

Early, on his arrival, thought this line too near the city for the
main defence. He feared that in case of battle the shot and shell of
the enemy would do damage to the property and the people of the town;
consequently a new line, further out, was established, to which were
taken the troops with Early, Breckinridge's men and the artillery.

When he reached the field on the afternoon of the 17th, Early found
Imboden with his small remnant of cavalry, and McCausland with his
little brigades, occupying the hill at the old Quaker Meeting House,
on the Salem Turnpike. This cavalry, with their gallant leaders, was
holding the enemy in check, which was a great achievement, and was one
absolutely essential to the safety of the city. They were, however,
very slowly driven back as the main body of Hunter's army advanced.

The small force under Ramseur, which arrived on the evening of the
17th, was at once thrown forward and occupied the new line established
by Early, across the Salem Turnpike, about two miles from the city and
a mile and a half beyond Hill's line on College Hill. This force, with
two guns of Breckinridge's command, in charge of Lieutenant Carter
Berkeley, of Staunton, now Dr. Carter Berkeley, of Lynchburg, two guns
of Lurty's battery, some of the guns of Floyd King's battalion and two
of Douthat's battery, were placed in the redoubt near the toll-gate and
stayed the advance of the enemy until dark closed the engagement for
the day.

These guns of Lieutenant Berkeley had done good service in the Valley
and rendered themselves and their young commander very famous. They
reached Lynchburg by forced marches, through the upper part of Amherst
County, on the evening of the 16th of June. On their arrival at the
bridge across James River, they were urged forward, as it was supposed
Hunter was even then in sight. The general direction in which the
enemy was expected was pointed out to Berkeley, who was ignorant of
Lynchburg and its topography. He was told to go directly out from the
bridge to the hills west of the city, so he urged his weary horses up
Ninth street, passed the old market house to the foot of Courthouse
hill. There even his nerve was daunted, and he turned up Church street
to Eighth. He halted a moment, wondering what sort of teams and
conveyances they had in Lynchburg, but noticing that Eighth street
was the nearest route to the enemy, he urged his horses up the steep
declivity, putting several men at each wheel. One-third of the hill was
thus surmounted, but there is a limit to human and equine endurance,
and the two guns and their caissons stalled hopelessly. Fortunately
some of Imboden's cavalry were just passing at the foot of the hill
on Church street. They saw the trouble, and knowing how important it
was to get those useful guns into action, jumped from their horses,
reinforced the storming party and soon had the guns at the top of the
hill; thence, at a gallop, they moved forward into the line of battle.

The line then selected extended from a point some distance to the
left of the turnpike through the toll-gate into what is now known
as Langhorne's field. The residue of Early's command did not reach
Lynchburg until late on the afternoon of the 18th, when it was hurried
through the city at a double quick, much to the relief of the citizens,
who cheered them on their pathway. During the night of the 17th a yard
engine, with box cars attached, was run up and down the Southside
Railroad, making as much noise as possible, and thus induced Hunter to
believe and to report that Early was rapidly being reinforced.

Senator John W. Daniel, then a Major on Early's staff, though at the
time disabled from duty by a very dangerous wound, describes the
entrance of these troops upon the scene as follows:

 "In this condition Tinsley, the bugler of the Stonewall Brigade, came
 trotting up the road sounding the advance, and behind him came the
 skirmishers of Ramseur's Division with rapid strides. Just then the
 artillerists saw through the smoke the broad white slouch hat of 'Old
 Jube,' who rode amongst them....

 Poor Tinsley! His last bugle call, like the bagpipes at Lucknow,
 foretold the rescue of Lynchburg, but on that field he found, in a
 soldier's duty and with a soldier's glory, a soldier's death."

Up to that time Hunter's army was several times larger than that
opposing him. The addition of Rodes' command and the residue of
Gordon's to the Confederate forces the next night diminished the
disparity, but made our army but little over one-half as large as that
under Hunter. Yet Hunter did not make any serious demonstration on the
17th, nor until after two o'clock on the 18th. There was firing along
the picket line and much cannonading, but no serious fight until that
hour.

Half of the Second Corps and Breckinridge's command, with some fifteen
guns, occupied the front line, while the cadets, the dismounted cavalry
and the invalid corps occupied the inner line established by Hill.

On the 18th General Duffie's division of the enemy made some attack on
Early's right. This attack by Duffie with his division of two brigades
of cavalry and a battery of artillery is described by him in a report
made in the field to General Hunter on June 18. He says:

 "I have carried out your order in engaging the enemy on the extreme
 left. I attacked him at 12:30 and drove him into his fortifications.
 Have been fighting ever since. Two charges have been made and
 the enemy's strength fully developed in our front. His force is
 much superior to mine. All my force is engaged. The enemy is now
 attempting to turn my right. I shall send a force to check him. I do
 not communicate with Averell on my left." (70 W. of R. 650.)

This force which Duffie describes as so superior to his consisted
of two small brigades of infantry under General Gabe C. Wharton and
the cavalry under General John McCausland. It is impossible that the
whole force was half the size of Duffie's. Wharton's command was but
a remnant left from Gaines' Mill and Cold Harbor, and McCausland's
had been in one continuous fight for ten days, and was therefore
much dismounted, worn and weary. Of the two so-called brigades under
Wharton, one was commanded by our gallant comrade, Colonel Aug.
Forsberg, and had, under his leadership, been more than decimated in
the fights around Richmond during the four weeks immediately preceding.

Had Hunter made a vigorous assault on the line through Judge Daniel's
Rivermont farm, he could have marched directly into Lynchburg and
burned the railroad bridges without successful resistance, for Early
could not have spared a man from his line to oppose him. Wharton's two
brigades were both east of the Blackwater, and between that stream and
James River there was only the skirmish line of McCausland's cavalry,
and a few old men in the trenches across the Rivermont farm. These old
citizens, however, though entirely "muster free" either from age or
physical infirmity, did good service. They remained in the trenches,
though without equipment or even the scant comforts of the regular
soldier, and were anxiously and gallantly awaiting the anticipated
attack. Had it been made, they were ready to die in defence of their
homes.

A reconnoissance was made by Averell on the 18th in the direction of
the Campbell Courthouse Turnpike. It amounted to nothing, and he soon
returned to the main lines. Beyond these two movements, picket firing
and artillery duels, nothing was done until about 2:30 o'clock in the
afternoon, when the infantry divisions of Sullivan and Crook commenced
their advance upon Early's centre. This brought about for a short time
a very active engagement. Our skirmish line was driven in upon the main
body, as is usual in such cases, and the engagement was fairly general
and, for a time, very sharp. The enemy soon fell back into a new line,
and there each side rested on their arms apparently for the night.

Early scarcely felt himself strong enough, before Rodes arrived, to
attack the enemy on ground selected by them, but was courting an attack
all day. The enemy's forces showed no signs of weakness or timidity,
but the indications were that its movements were lacking in well
defined purpose, and there was obviously want of confidence on the part
of the subordinate Brigadiers in the Major-General commanding. That
this feeling prevailed amongst the division and brigade commanders
is clearly observed on reading their official reports, in which they
differ with him as to what was done and the causes of the failure to do
more.

The report of General Crook, who was a very excellent officer, is
particularly striking. After telling of his march and the occupation of
his corps on the 17th, he says (70 W. of R. 121):

 "Next morning I was sent to the right with my division to make a
 reconnoissance for the purpose of turning the enemy's left; found
 it impracticable after marching some three or four miles, and just
 returned with my division and got into position to support Sullivan's
 division when the enemy made an attack on our lines."

Having said this, and without further word of explanation or
description of the result, he continues:

 "_On the retreat this evening_ my division brought up the rear. When
 I reached Liberty, I found General Averell had gone into camp on the
 edge of the town. The infantry were going into camp some mile and a
 half further on."

He sings no paean of victory, as did Hunter, but preserved a silence
which is suggestive, if not eloquent.

General Sullivan made no report. All that General Averell says about
the movements is an elaborate analysis of the causes of the failure,
chief amongst which he asserts was General Hunter's delay at Lexington
(70 W. of R. 148). Colonel Frost, who commanded a regiment in Crook's
division, reports that on the 18th--

 "His command marched three miles to the right, and on the afternoon
 was ordered again to the front of the enemy's works, and were
 afterwards formed in line on our left under a heavy fire of artillery.
 Our brigade charged the enemy and drove them back to his rifle-pits.

 Here the right gave way, and our brigade being exposed to a close
 firing of musketry, grape and canister, we were obliged to retire
 about thirty paces to a new line of battle, which was held _until
 orders were received to fall back. Marched all that night_, and
 reached Liberty about 3 p.m. on the 9th." (70 W. of R. 135.)

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes, afterwards President of the United States,
in reporting the battle of the 18th, says:

 "Pursued the retreating rebels and drove them from their rifle-pits to
 the protection of their main works. The works being too strong to be
 carried by the force then before them, the regiment _retired in some
 disorder_, but was promptly reformed before reaching our own lines.
 After leaving Lynchburg the officers and men of the First Brigade
 sustained themselves through the hardships and privation of the
 retreat like good soldiers." (70 W. of R. 123.)

Other quotations from other reports might be made to the same effect.

That these reports may have their true significance it is necessary
that we note what General Hunter himself says of what took place on the
17th and 18th. It will be found difficult to understand where all the
glory comes in. He writes:

 "Early in the morning of the 17th orders were given for the troops
 to move, but the march was delayed for several hours at the Great
 Otter River, owing to the difficulty in crossing the artillery, and
 in consequence we did not overtake the enemy until four o'clock in
 the afternoon. At that hour Averell's advance came upon the enemy,
 strongly posted and intrenched at Diamond Hill, five miles from
 Lynchburg. He immediately attacked, and a sharp contest ensued.
 Crook's infantry arriving at the same time, made a brilliant advance
 upon the enemy, drove him from his works back upon the town, killing
 and wounding a number and capturing seventy men and one gun. It being
 too late to follow up this success, we encamped upon the battle-field.
 The best information to be obtained at this point of the enemy's
 forces and plans indicated that all the rebel forces heretofore
 operating in the Valley and West Virginia were concentrated in
 Lynchburg, under the command of General Breckinridge. This force was
 variously estimated at from ten thousand to fifteen thousand men, well
 supplied with artillery, and protected by strong works.

 "During the night the trains on the different railroads were heard
 running without intermission, while repeated cheers and the beating
 of drums indicated the arrival of large bodies of troops in the town,
 yet up to the morning of the 18th I had no positive information as
 to whether General Lee had detached any considerable force for the
 relief of Lynchburg. To settle the question, on this morning, I
 advanced my skirmishers as far as the toll-gate on the Bedford Road,
 two miles from the town, and a brisk fire was opened between them
 and the enemy behind their works. This skirmishing with musketry,
 occasionally assisted by the artillery, was kept up during the whole
 of the forenoon. Their works consisted of strong redoubts on each of
 the main roads entering the town, about three miles apart, flanked
 on either side by rifle-pits protected by abatis. On these lines the
 enemy could be seen working diligently, as if to extend and strengthen
 them. I massed my two divisions of infantry in front of the works on
 the Bedford Road, ready to move to the right or left as required, the
 artillery in commanding positions, and Averell's cavalry division in
 reserve. Duffie was ordered to attack resolutely on the Forestville
 Road, our extreme left, while Averell sent two squadrons of cavalry
 to demonstrate against the Campbell Courthouse Road, on our extreme
 right. This detachment was subsequently strengthened by a brigade.
 Meanwhile I reconnoitred the lines, hoping to find a wreak interval
 through which I might push with my infantry, passing between the main
 redoubts, which appeared too strong for a direct assault. While the
 guns were sounding on the two flanks, the enemy, no doubt supposing
 my centre weakened by too great extension of my lines, and hoping
 to cut us in two, suddenly advanced in great force from his works,
 and commenced a most determined attack on my position on the Bedford
 Turnpike. Although his movement was so unexpected and rapid as almost
 to amount to a surprise, yet it was promptly and gallantly met by
 Sullivan's division, which held the enemy in check until Crook was
 enabled to get his troops up. After a fierce contest of half an hour's
 duration, the enemy's direct attack was repulsed; but he persistently
 renewed the fight, making repeated attempts to flank us on the left
 and push between my main body and Duffie's division. In his effort he
 was completely foiled, and at the end of an hour and twenty minutes
 was routed and driven back into his works in disorder and with heavy
 loss. In the eagerness of pursuit, one regiment (One Hundred and
 Sixtieth Ohio) entered the works on the heels of the flying enemy,
 but being unsupported, fell back with trifling loss. Our whole loss
 in this action was comparatively light. The infantry behaved with the
 greatest steadiness, and the artillery, which materially assisted
 in repelling the attack, was served with remarkable rapidity and
 efficiency. This affair closed about two p.m. From prisoners captured
 we obtained positive information that a portion of Ewell's corps was
 engaged in the action, and that the whole corps, twenty thousand
 strong, under the command of Lieutenant General Early, was either
 already in Lynchburg or near at hand. The detachment sent by General
 Averell to operate on our right had returned, reporting that they
 had encountered a large body of rebel cavalry in that quarter, while
 Duffie, although holding his position, sent word that he was pressed
 by a superior force. It had now become sufficiently evident that
 the enemy had concentrated a force of at least double the numerical
 strength of mine, and what added to the gravity of the situation
 was the fact that my troops had scarcely enough of ammunition left
 to sustain another well-contested battle. I immediately ordered all
 the baggage and supply trains to retire by the Bedford turnpike, and
 made preparation to withdraw the army as soon as it should become
 sufficiently dark to conceal the movement from the enemy. Meanwhile,
 as there still remained five hours of daylight, they were ordered to
 maintain a firm front, and with skirmishers to press the enemy's lines
 at all points. I have since learned that Early's whole force was up in
 time to have made a general attack on the same afternoon (18th)--an
 attack which under the circumstances would probably have been fatal to
 us; but, rendered cautious by the bloody repulse of Breckinridge, and
 deceived by the firm attitude of my command, he devoted the afternoon
 to refreshment and repose, expecting to strike a decisive blow on
 the following morning. As soon as it became dark I quietly withdrew
 my whole force, leaving a line of pickets close to the enemy, with
 orders to remain until twelve o'clock (midnight), and then follow the
 main body. This was successfully accomplished without loss of men or
 material, excepting only a few wounded who were left in a temporary
 hospital by mistake."

By a critical examination and comparison of these reports it will be
seen that the men who did the fighting say nothing of the Confederate
force being "disgracefully routed," or of their "overwhelming numbers,"
and maintain a prudent silence as to the cause of Hunter's withdrawal.
No one can read the whole correspondence without being satisfied that
such men as Averell, Crook, Sullivan and Hayes, who seemed to have
all been gallant soldiers, were much discouraged and had no faith in
Hunter. They believed they could have forced their way through our
lines and were anxious to do so, for they knew that they had force
superior both in numbers and equipment. Believing this, they were
chagrined that a retreat was ordered just as victory was apparently
within their grasp.

Hunter claimed that he was overwhelmed by numbers, and that he was
short of ammunition. That he was not outnumbered the official reports
plainly show. He had two full divisions of infantry, each with three
brigades, two of cavalry, composed in the aggregate of five brigades
and thirty-two guns. Early, on the other hand, had only the small
though very efficient force belonging to Breckinridge's department,
McCausland's and Imboden's cavalry, the corps of cadets, the Silver
Grays of the city, the invalids, and about one-half of Ewell's corps;
the second half did not reach Lynchburg in time to take active part in
the battle on the 18th. Opposed to Hunter's thirty-two guns, Early had
none of the artillery attached to the second corps and only the guns
under Major Floyd King belonging to Breckinridge's command, Douthat's
battery, two of Berkeley's and several of Lurty's, some fifteen or
twenty all told. King had four companies of four guns each in his
command, but Otey's battery was on duty elsewhere. The batteries with
him were Chapman's, Bryant's and Lowry's. Doing good service in Lowry's
company was our townsman M.H. Dudley, of the Glamorgan Works.

Early's cavalry, opposed to the elegant divisions of Averell and
Duffie, consisted of Imboden's remnant, one-half of which was
dismounted, and all of which, though it did good service, was
disorganized by the defeat at Piedmont, and, in addition, the gallant
little brigade so admirably handled by General McCausland.

If General Hunter did not know all this, it was his fault, for it
was his duty to know, and he had ample opportunity to acquire the
information. He had scouts on both railroads and the country was filled
with the vigilant spies who prided themselves on their cleverness. They
were famous under the name of "Jessie's Scouts"; a name assumed in
honor of Mrs. General Fremont, who was a daughter of Senator Thomas H.
Benton. He also had the aid of several notorious local traitors, who
affected to keep him informed. The truth is he had all the necessary
information, but lacked the nerve to act on it.

The other excuse made by General Hunter that his army was out of
ammunition, is equally untenable. It cannot be believed that a corps
was short of ammunition which had been organized but a few weeks, a
part only of which had been engaged at Piedmont, and which had fought
no serious pitched battle, and the sheep, chickens, hogs and cattle
they wantonly shot on their march could not have exhausted their
supply. The corps would not have started had the ammunition been so
scarce. It would have been against all precedent, and any thinking
man must know that the Ordnance Department of the United States army,
always full-handed, had well supplied ammunition to an army about to
start on so important an undertaking. No brigade or division commander
in his correspondence or in his report made any such complaint. It
would have given them pleasure to have had some excuse for retreating.
They undertook to give no excuse, and their silence is so logical that
it points out with great effect the fact that they had no belief in
Hunter's excuses, and laid the real blame of the ignominious failure
upon the incompetence of Hunter himself.

The obvious cause of Hunter's failure was that he did not reach
Lynchburg on the 16th, the day upon which, according to Averell's
plan, he was due. Had he reached his destination on the 16th he could
have occupied the town without opposition. General Breckinridge was
there, an invalid, and his troops were there in small numbers, much
wearied, and they, with a few Silver Gray home guards, and the boys
from the Institute, constituted the sole garrison opposing his army of
twenty-five thousand men. Why he did not come up is accounted for upon
two grounds. The first of which was the unnecessary delay at Lexington.

He says in his report, after giving the detail of his performance
there, "I delayed one day in Lexington" (70 W. of R. 97). Colonel Hayes
says _two_ days. (Id. 122.) Had he marched without delay he would
have been in Lynchburg before Early or any part of his troops left
Charlottesville, and the town would have surrendered without firing a
gun. He delayed at Lexington that he might vent his personal ill-will
upon the State of Virginia. He says in his report that he ordered the
Virginia Military Institute, a college for the education of youth,
to be burned, and that he also ordered the burning of the residence
of Hon. John Letcher, formerly Governor of Virginia, alleging as his
reason for this latter act of barbarity that the governor had urged the
people to rise in arms to repel the invasion. In burning both places he
gave no time for anything to be saved. The family of Governor Letcher
barely escaped with the clothes upon their persons, and the torch was
applied to the Institute without the opportunity to save its library,
its philosophical apparatus, its furniture or its archives. All alike
were consumed to appease his vindictive spite. The statue of the Father
of his Country, belonging to the Institute, was stolen and sent to be
erected upon the grounds at West Point. (Id. 640.) It was returned
after the war.

General Early in his memoirs says:

 "The scenes on Hunter's route to Lynchburg were truly heart-rending;
 houses had been burned, and helpless women and children left without
 shelter. The country had been stripped of provisions and many
 families left without a morsel to eat. Furniture and bedding had been
 cut to pieces, and old men and women and children robbed of all the
 clothing they had except that on their backs. Ladies' trunks had been
 rifled and their dresses torn to pieces in mere wantonness; even the
 negro girls had lost their little finery.

        *       *       *       *       *

 "Hunter's deeds were those of a malignant and cowardly fanatic, who
 was better qualified to make war upon helpless women and children than
 upon armed soldiers. The time consumed in the perpetration of these
 deeds was the salvation of Lynchburg, with its stores, foundries and
 factories, which were so necessary to our army at Richmond."

There was, however, another more potent influence which stayed Hunter's
advance. General John McCausland had been operating against the enemy
in Southwest Virginia with a body of cavalry. When Hunter reached
Staunton he was ordered across the country to meet him. When near
Staunton, McCausland was joined by a small brigade under the command of
Colonel William E. Peters, now professor of Latin at the University of
Virginia, who was then Colonel of the Twenty-first Virginia Cavalry.
These two brigades, aggregating some sixteen hundred men, under
McCausland's leadership, ably seconded by Peters, at once commenced to
worry Hunter and to keep his whole force in a constant state of alarm.
This force was so ubiquitous that it was estimated by the enemy as
being five times its real size. Amongst the officers in the force under
Colonel Peters was his nephew, and our fellow-citizen, Major Stephen P.
Halsey, who did good service and distinguished himself for his active
gallantry.

As Hunter moved from Staunton to Lynchburg these brigades were ever
in his front, one hour fighting and the next falling back as the main
column would appear, but ever causing delay and apprehension. The
tireless little band performed deeds of gallantry as they hung upon
Hunter's front which entitled every officer and man to a cross of honor.

When Hunter's army reached Buchanan, McCausland had been hovering in
front of his vanguard for many miles. There was a bridge at this point
across James River, over which Hunter expected to cross. McCausland
sent his men over the bridge, and from the south side of the river they
opened fire on the head of Hunter's column as it appeared in sight, and
thus checked their advance. McCausland had caused hay to be piled on
the bridge, much of which was wet with coal oil. He, with Captain St.
Clair, of his command, had remained on the north side for the purpose
of setting fire to the bridge. The Federal cavalry charged up very
close to him before McCausland applied the match, as he was desirous
that every man of his command should get safely over. As fire was
opened on him he applied the torch to the hay, and the coal oil at once
flashed up in a furious blaze.

Captain St. Clair ran up the river bank, and the enemy was so occupied
in the effort to kill him that they did not see McCausland, who escaped
in a small boat under the burning bridge, and was not again under their
fire until he was climbing up the opposite bank of the river.

This thoughtful and gallant conduct of McCausland delayed Hunter's
column for a whole day, thus giving Lynchburg a better chance for
defence and rendering Hunter's raid ineffectual.

In Early's dispatch reporting the battle at Lynchburg an expression is
used which implies a doubt as to whether the cavalry would do its duty.
Never did cavalry do better service than did that under McCausland,
both as Hunter advanced and as he retreated. Had McCausland had the
full command of the cavalry on the retreat, Hunter's wagon train
and artillery would have fallen into the hands of the Confederates;
but for some reason, which it is now unnecessary to explain, great
opportunities were permitted to pass without advantage being taken
of them. McCausland at Hanging Rock with his force was in a position
to have attacked the retreating column of the enemy and to have cut
off his wagon train and many of his guns. He begged to be allowed to
attack, but was told to await the arrival of the infantry. While he
waited the enemy discovered his position and so far withdrew that when
the inhibition was withdrawn the great opportunity was gone, though,
despite the delay, a number of guns, wagons and supplies were captured
by his force.

During the second day that Hunter was in the lines around Lynchburg
McCausland made a raid around his rear and attacked his train at Forest
Depot, driving a guard of one regiment of infantry and one of cavalry
back to the Salem pike. This gave Hunter much apprehension and threw
his force into confusion; how much it contributed to his rapid flight
that night can never be known. Due credit was not given McCausland for
this, nor for many of his other valuable services.

Lynchburg owes much to Ramseur's division of the Second Corps and to
the men who occupied the lines when Hunter arrived, but it was the
skill of McCausland and Peters and the unflagging energy and courage
of their officers and men, which so retarded Hunter's movements that
when he did arrive there was force enough on our line to prevent his
capturing the city. McCausland and his command were the real saviors of
the city, and some lasting memorial of its gratitude should be erected
to perpetuate their deeds.

McCausland proved himself a soldier of a high type. There were few
officers in either army who, with such a force, could have accomplished
as much. His little command had been in constant contact with the enemy
for many days, had been continuously in the saddle and on exhausting
marches, was badly mounted and badly equipped; everything about it was
worn and weary but their dauntless spirit; that, under the example of
their indomitable leaders, never flagged for an instant. The truth
is, heroism was so common a quality amongst the "old Confeds" during
that war that heroes were almost at a discount and heroic acts passed
unnoticed, however great.

The services of this command were recognized at the time by a vote of
thanks adopted by the City Council of Lynchburg on the 24th of June,
1864, "for their gallantry in opposing for ten days the march of a
greatly superior force, thereby retarding the advance of the enemy on
our city until a proper force could be organized for its defence." The
citizens of the town at the same time presented General John McCausland
with a sword and a pair of silver spurs in token of their gratitude.

It is not fair to close this special notice of the service rendered
the city by McCausland's command without referring especially to the
gallant conduct of Captain E.E. Bouldin, of the Charlotte cavalry, who
commanded its rear guard as it fell back before Hunter's army. The
records show that the numberless charges of Captain Bouldin and his
valiant band upon Hunter's vanguard were conspicuous, even amongst the
men of a command where each proved himself a hero. Captain Bouldin
still survives, and is a useful and modest citizen of Danville,
Virginia, and a learned and efficient member of its bar.

What General McCausland did in this defence was not the only service
he rendered the city. When Lee surrendered he rode off with his men
toward the mountains of Southwest Virginia for the purpose of there
disbanding. As he approached Lynchburg a committee from the civil
authorities met him, and, after telling him that the place was being
looted by lawless squads of disbanded soldiers from Lee's army, asked
his aid. He at once sent in a squadron which cleared the streets and
soon restored order. He continued to preserve order until the civil
authorities organized a force sufficient to maintain it.

When Hunter commenced his advance from Staunton our townsman,
Colonel J.W. Watts, of the Second Virginia Cavalry, was at his home
near Liberty, recuperating from severe wounds. Despite his disabled
condition, he mounted his horse, joined McCausland and rendered him
valuable aid. To him was assigned the duty of blocking the road from
Buchanan to the Peaks of Otter. He did this work very thoroughly, but
he states that so complete was the equipment of Hunter's pioneers
that they cleared the road in less time than it took him to blockade
it. Nevertheless the blockade was one of the causes which materially
delayed the advance of Hunter, and therefore was one of the causes
which led to the relief of the city.

Major Robert C. Saunders, of Campbell, was at the time of the attack
by Hunter a resident of the city, being in charge of the Quartermaster
Department for the collection of the tax-in-kind for this Congressional
District. He had been in the field as captain of an infantry company
from Campbell County, and as soon as Hunter's approach was a certainty
General Nicholls sent for him and sent him out to bring him definite
information of Hunter's position. He started immediately and soon was
among Hunter's vanguard, but, though much exposed, he wonderfully
escaped under cover of the night and brought accurate information
which was very valuable. He was sent out again, and was in the sharp
battle fought by General McCausland at New London and by McCausland and
Imboden at the Quaker Meeting House, and then, as Hunter retreated,
he was with McCausland and Peters and saw much hard service with those
sturdy soldiers and their men. His manuscript account of what he saw is
very interesting, and might properly be inserted in this paper but that
it would make it too long for one evening's address.

Be the causes of General Hunter's failure what they may, the fact is
he did fail, and failed disgracefully, where he should have succeeded,
for he had every advantage of numbers, of guns and of equipment. There
are many pages of reports of Federal officers about this campaign
published in the Records of the War of the Rebellion by the United
States Government, but the cotemporaneous literature on the part of
Confederate officers is very scant; they fought better and longer
than they wrote. As a specimen of the Confederate reports, that of
General Early may fitly be taken. It contrasts strikingly with the
ten-page document of General Hunter upon the same subject, found in the
seventieth volume of the War of the Rebellion, page 94.

General Early's report is as follows:

 "New London, June 19, 1864, 9:30 A.M.

 "_General_:

 "Last evening the enemy assaulted my line in front of Lynchburg and
 was repulsed by the part of my command which was up. On the arrival
 of the rest of the command I made arrangements to attack this morning
 at light, but it was discovered that the men were retreating, and I
 am now pursuing. The enemy is retreating in confusion, and, if the
 cavalry does its duty, we will destroy him.

 "J.A. Early,
 "Lieutenant General.

 "_General R.E. Lee._"

This report is brief and to the point. It has been construed as
ignoring the troops belonging to the command of Breckinridge, and as
doing injustice to the cavalry of Imboden and McCausland. General Early
should have been more careful in writing it, but it must be remembered
that when it was written he was not informed of the great service which
had been rendered by the cavalry, or of the faithful work which had
been done by the troops, other than those belonging to the Second Corps.

In his memoirs (on page 44) General Early says that some time after
midnight it was discovered that Hunter was moving, but, owing to
the uncertainty as to whether he was merely changing front or
retreating, nothing could be done until daylight, when, the retreat
being ascertained, the pursuit commenced. Early's army moved in three
columns, the Second Corps on the Salem Turnpike, Breckinridge's
command, under Elzey, on the Forest Road, and the cavalry, placed by
Early under General Robert Ransom, on the right of Elzey. The enemy's
rear was overtaken at Liberty by Ramseur's division and was driven
through that place at a brisk trot.

It is not within the scope of this paper to follow up the retreat of
Hunter, nor to narrate the incidents of Early's campaign in Maryland
and the scare he gave the Government at Washington. What a commotion
his little army created can be easily understood by inspecting the 70th
and 71st volumes of the War of the Rebellion, a large part of which
is taken up by the numberless orders and counter-orders, alarms and
outcries incident to the fright then prevailing. General Grant seems
to have been the only person in command on the other side who kept his
equilibrium and acted with consistent courage and judicious poise.

But before we return to the scenes around Lynchburg incident to the
attack, it may well be noted that Hunter, after reaching Salem, turned
off to Lewisburg, West Virginia, and did not feel safe until he had
placed his army far beyond the Alleghanies and upon the banks of the
Ohio at Parkersburg. The effect of this remarkable line of retreat was
that the Valley was left open, and Early seized the opportunity and at
once commenced his march for the Potomac practically unmolested. On the
5th of July Hunter and his command were at Parkersburg, on the Ohio,
while Early, whom he was to obstruct, was crossing the Potomac River
into Maryland.

Poor Hunter! he seems to have had few friends, and it is almost
cruel to recite his history, but men who undertake great enterprises
must expect to be criticised when they fail. He got little comfort,
and expected none, from the Confederate leaders, but he got even
less from the Federal, except when it came in the form of such
reports as that sent by Captain T.K. McCann to General Meigs, the
Quartermaster-General, in which he says that "General Hunter fought
four hours on the 17th; on the 18th the General ascertained that Rebel
force at Lynchburg was fifty-thousand men, and from a prisoner taken
it was reported that Lee was evacuating Richmond and falling back on
Lynchburg, and consequently General Hunter was obliged to fall back."
(Id. 679.) General Grant, however, on the 21st of June, wrote General
Meade to know where Hunter was, and said, "Tell him _to save his army_
in the way he thinks best." (Id. 657.)

On the 17th of July Halleck wrote to Hunter, giving him some directions
in regard to his future movements, saying that "General Grant directs,
if compelled to fall back, you will retreat _in front of the enemy_
towards the Potomac, so as to cover Washington _and not be squeezed
out to one side_, so as to make it necessary to fall back into
West Virginia to save your army." This order he disregarded most
ignominiously.

In the same letter Halleck wrote Hunter that General Grant said that in
the marching _he does not want houses burned_, but "that he wants your
troops to eat out Virginia clear and clean as far as they can, so that
crows flying over it for the balance of the year will have to carry
their rations with them." (Id. 366.)

C.A. Dana, Assistant Secretary of War, wrote to Grant on the 15th of
July (Id. 332): "Hunter appears to have been engaged in a pretty active
campaign _against the newspapers_ in West Virginia." And Halleck on the
same day wrote to Grant that he thought "_Hunter's command was badly
used up in the Lynchburg expedition_." (Id. 331.)

These assaults, and many others of a like nature, wounded General
Hunter so greatly that he not only asked to be relieved, but wrote a
letter to Grant, in which, after speaking of the depressing effect
upon him of these comments, he unstopped the vials of his wrath against
his subordinates, upon whom he put the blame of his defeat.

In this letter he says that Sullivan, who commanded one of his
divisions, was "_not worth one cent_; in fact very much in my way,"
and, again, he says: "I dashed on toward Lynchburg, and _should
certainly have taken it if it had not been for the stupidity and
conceit of that fellow Averell_, who unfortunately joined me at
Staunton, and of whom I unfortunately had, at the time, a very high
opinion, and trusted him when I should not have done so." (71 W. of R.
366.)

With these quotations from the correspondence of his associates,
General Hunter may be left to the verdict which will be accorded him by
the future historian of the stirring events in which he took part.

War is not a gentle occupation, and its customs are harsh. To make it
effective, it is clearly within the rules of civilization to strip an
enemy's country through which a hostile army is passing of everything
which will sustain the life of either men or beasts. Hence Grant's
historic order about the crow carrying his rations, while cruel, is
within the line of legitimate warfare. But putting non-combatants
to death, insults to women and children, the wanton destruction of
household goods and clothes, the application of the torch to dwellings,
factories and mills, or the destruction of public buildings, and
especially of institutions of learning and their libraries, and works
of art and science, is a style of warfare long since relegated to the
savage. The disgrace of reviving this barbaric strife in modern times
was reserved for Hunter. General Crook, one of his division commanders,
a soldier brave and true, felt constrained to note the conduct of the
troops, and published an order in which he says he "_regrets to learn
of so many acts committed by our troops that are disgraceful to the
command_." Hunter knew all this, but there was no word of protest or
repression from him.

It is to be regretted that later in this campaign, when we carried the
war across the Potomac, some of our troops retaliated for these brutal
acts, upon innocent parties. That Hunter had set the example was no
good excuse, though it was pled. (See General Bradley T. Johnson's
Report, 90 W. of R. 7.)

General Early has been severely criticised for permitting the escape of
Hunter. It is always much easier to criticise than to accomplish; to
point out how a thing should have been done, after we know the result
of what was done, than to do it at the time. The facts heretofore
stated can leave no doubt that all was done, as far as the prompt
pursuit of Hunter is concerned, which could have been done. Early's
line of defence, owing to the smallness of his force, was not only
thin but was short; he had therefore to keep in such a condition that
by changing front rapidly with the troops he had, he could supply the
place of those he did not have. Hence, when he noticed Hunter moving
away from his immediate front, he did not suppose he was retiring,
but merely withdrawing for the purpose of making his attack at another
point, and prudence demanded that he should keep his troops in hand
until the enemy's purpose was developed. To do this the delay until
daylight was essential.

It is a subject of remark that with Hunter's army there were two
men who very faithfully discharged their duties as soldiers and
subsequently became Presidents of the United States--one Colonel
Rutherford B. Hayes, who commanded a brigade, and the other Major
William McKinley, who was a staff officer.

The loss on neither side was very heavy, but it was very much greater
on that of the invader than upon ours. Hunter left his dead on the
field to be buried by his enemy, and his wounded in a field hospital;
facts which show how precipitously he departed.

The Federal line of battle was formed on the left, directly through the
yard of the residence of the late C.H. Moorman, whose farm lay on both
sides of Blackwater Creek, and occupied most of what is now called West
Lynchburg. When it was known that Hunter was approaching, Mr. Moorman
packed several wagons with provisions, and, with his negroes and stock,
moved down toward the Staunton River, leaving his house in charge
of his young, unmarried daughter, now Mrs. Hurt, his wife, an old
negro man and several negro women. Before Mr. Moorman cleared his own
plantation, which was large, he found it necessary to lighten his load,
and to that end selected a spot and buried his supply of well-cured and
much prized hams. It turned out that the line of battle of Crook's
division ran across the spot, and the buried treasure was discovered,
much to the delight of the troops, who greatly enjoyed a very fine lot
of old Virginia hams, always valuable, but especially so under such
circumstances.

At sunrise on the morning of the 17th, Miss Moorman went out on a hill
near her house to reconnoitre the military situation. She saw a column
of Federal troops moving on the Salem Turnpike, and was looking at
them very anxiously when she was shocked to see a line of blue coats
crossing the field close to her home. She at once ran back, sheltering
herself behind the fence, but the officer in command was at the door
before she was, and very politely advised her to stay in the house
while the fight was going on. The family were not molested during the
two days that the troops were there. With exceptional visits to the
front yard, she obeyed the officer's instructions very carefully. She
heard the constant cannonading and the picket firing without cessation
all of the 17th and until the evening of the 18th, when the sounds
changed and indicated that a real battle was going on close at hand.
She was naturally in a fever of excitement, but could hear nothing
of the result. About midnight of the 18th, or more probably on the
morning of the 19th, she heard the rumbling of wagons and artillery on
the Salem Turnpike, and found the lines around her house were being
withdrawn, but it was some time before she discovered that the Federal
troops were retreating. It was then nearly daylight, and she slipped
out of the house and ran down to the ford across Blackwater Creek and
notified the cavalry at that point what she had seen. A company was
at once sent off in pursuit to verify her statement. After they had
gone, and as she returned home, she met a solitary Federal soldier on
foot, who asked her what had become of his command. She told him they
had been whipped and had retreated, and informed him that he was her
prisoner. He stated he had fallen asleep and had been left, and at once
surrendered to her.

On reaching her home, although it was not yet sunrise, she started over
on foot to the point where the heaviest fighting had taken place, that
she might learn the fate of her brother, Major Marcellus N. Moorman,
who commanded a battalion of artillery in the Second Corps. He had not
been in the fight, as the battalion had not reached Lynchburg until
during the night of the 18th. His command had started in the pursuit
when she left home on her mission, but she met him on the battle-field
going to tell his mother good-bye. Thus another son of Lynchburg was in
line to battle for her defence.

On the extreme right of the Confederate lines, and on a part of what
is now the farm of Senator Daniel, was stationed the brigade in
command of Colonel Aug. Forsberg, then a stranger in the city, and
here merely by the accident of war. On the right of his brigade was
the Thirtieth battalion of Virginia infantry, under the command of
Captain, now Judge, Stephen Adams, who, on the breaking out of the
war, was a practicing attorney of West Virginia. He had married Miss
Emma Saunders, of Lynchburg, but was then a stranger thrown into the
line of defence of the city by the like accident. Captain Adams, after
he became a citizen of Lynchburg, purchased the very land on which
his men were that day formed in line of battle, and has often dug up
pieces of shell and bullets which were fired at him. He now preserves
them as pleasant reminders of the past. Both Captain Adams and Colonel
Forsberg are now valued citizens of Lynchburg, and we owe them a debt
of gratitude for their gallant efforts in its defence.

It is not generally known that a few of the Federal shells were thrown
into the city, but such was the case. The writer has in his possession
a part of a three-inch percussion shell, shot from a rifle cannon,
which fell in what was then known as "Meem's Garden," near the spot
where the Catholic Church of the Holy Cross is now situated. His mother
lived in the immediate vicinity of the place where it exploded, and,
when the sound was heard, one of the servants ran over and picked it
up, and it was thus preserved in the family.

The blood-stained and battle-torn little command of Breckinridge
reached Lynchburg on the 16th of June. Up to that moment no one in the
city had hoped that the place could be saved from Hunter's vandalism by
the cordon of boys, cripples and irregular troops which surrounded it,
and there was an anxiety which cannot be described; its depth may be
imagined, but the pen cannot paint it.

The arrival of this small force brought hope back to the hearts of the
old men and helpless women and children who constituted the population
of the city, and as the hardy old veterans moved up Main and then up
Fifth streets they were cheered by joyous crowds of excited women,
jubilant convalescents and hopeful old men. The troops had made a
two-days' forced march from the headwaters of Rockfish River and were
in bad physical condition, but in high spirits. They much enjoyed their
cordial reception. This is shown by a little incident preserved out of
the many of the same character by a person who was one of the girls
present on the occasion.

In the column of troops, as they swung along in a double-quick to meet
the advancing foe, was one red-haired soldier who had lost both hat and
shoes, but was advancing with the same alacrity as his comrades who had
been more fortunate in preserving these valuable articles of dress.
Miss Sally Scruggs, then a young lady, radiant with the enthusiasm of
the occasion, was standing upon the wall of the front yard of what was
then the residence of Mr. H.I. Brown, at the south corner of Fifth
and Church streets, together with a great many other ladies. She was
wearing a Confederate broad-brimmed straw hat of her own make, trimmed
with all the colors which could be raked from the discarded finery of
the past. Seeing the gallant fellow passing without a hat, she tore
her own from her head and threw it to him. He caught it, tied it over
his auburn locks, raised his musket to a present arms, and the brigade
cheered as long as they were in sight.

The writer has taken much pains to gather from eyewitnesses incidents
of these eventful days in the history of our city, but with little
success. It is astonishing how few people took note, or, if they did,
can narrate the small incidents which would be so interesting to the
present generation. The main and patent facts they remember well,
but the official reports and newspapers preserve them to us very
accurately. What is wanted, and what was the prime aim of this paper,
is the preservation of those traditional facts which give a reality
to history which historic papers cannot impart. Little aid has been
rendered in this respect, though many letters have been written asking
it, and many personal applications made to those who might, with a
little trouble, have reproduced from memory many of those incidents so
essential to the personal interest of such a sketch as this.

Among the facts which have been preserved, it is pleasant to tell of
another soldier whose subsequent career was one in which every citizen
took pride. Young W.C. Folkes, the son of our late much respected
member of the Legislature from this city, Ed. J. Folkes, was at home
disabled by a wound which had carried away one of his legs. Though
far from recovered, he seized his crutch and a musket and started out
to the lines, taking with him our townsman, Mr. E.C. Hamner, then
not sixteen years old. The two marched out to the furthermost line,
and there did a soldier's duty under fire all day. Young Folkes,
after the war, studied law at the University of Virginia and then
moved to Memphis, Tennessee, where he soon rose to the front rank
in his profession, and, while yet a young man, was elevated to the
Supreme bench of the State, where, after a few years of distinguished
usefulness, he died, beloved and respected in his adopted as well as
his native State.

The last incident shows the spirit of the boys. But the old men on that
day were boys also. Mr. Mike O'Connell was over eighty years of age.
He went out with the Silver Grays. His company was placed on the inner
line, but with his long rifle he marched out to the skirmish line and
kept up a constant fire on the enemy all day, though himself under a
heavy fire.

The writer of this sketch was, he regrets to say, in another part
of the Army of Northern Virginia at this time, and therefore can
give nothing from his own experience. He was, however, in constant
correspondence with his wife, who wrote him very full accounts of all
that happened. Unfortunately all her letters on this subject, but one,
have been lost; one extract from that may be worth inserting. It is
dated Tuesday, June 21, 1864:

 "I received three letters from you, for all of which you must accept
 my thanks. It was amusing to me in reading those of the 17th and 19th
 to see how little idea you had of the stirring times through which we
 were passing at Lynchburg.

 "On Monday, the 13th, we begun to fear that Hunter would make
 Lynchburg his point of attack, but it was not a definite fear until we
 heard of his being in Lexington, and that he was turning this way. On
 Thursday, the 16th, we heard of his being at Liberty, marching in this
 direction, and then all was excitement and apprehension.

 "General Breckinridge, with some troops, got here on Wednesday night,
 and as we saw them passing out West street, it was a most reassuring
 sight, and never were a lot of bronzed and dirty looking veterans,
 many of them barefooted, more heartily welcomed. The streets were
 lined with women, waving their handkerchiefs and cheering them on as
 they moved out to a line on the hills west of the city. We were made
 more hopeful also by the knowledge that General Early, with several
 brigades, was at Charlottesville, en route to reinforce the small
 command of Breckinridge. He arrived with some of his troops on the
 evening of Friday, the 17th, but could do little more than get what he
 had into position. On Saturday, the 18th, more of Early's men came,
 and it was a delightful sound to hear their cheers as they passed out
 to the lines. Eugene was among them, and seemed to delight in the
 chance of making a fight right at home.

 "Saturday, the 18th, was a day we will not soon forget. There was no
 general engagement until about three o'clock, but a constant cannonade
 and heavy skirmishing went on all day. Our lines were out near and in
 Spring Hill Cemetery; the enemy's further out. Their skirmish line was
 in Mr. John B. Lee's yard, where a number were killed by our cannon.
 I went out on College Hill and watched the fighting much of the time.
 It was very exciting to see the cannon fire from both sides and the
 explosion of the shells on the opposite side. It was fascinating
 beyond description. I could see our troops moving and taking new
 positions, and could see the Yankee batteries doing the same thing,
 and then the fearful reality of the scene was forced upon me by the
 line of ambulances which were kept busy bringing our wounded into town.

 "Colonel Floyd King called at our house and told me, on Friday
 night, that we should put our most valuable things in the cellar for
 protection, and should stay down there ourselves. Many things were
 carried into the basement, including the pictures, china, silver,
 etc., etc., but we did not go there to sleep, thinking it was time
 enough to do so when the shells actually commenced to fly. Our people,
 of course, were very much excited, but, on the whole, behaved very
 well, and with more coolness than I had anticipated. I had so much to
 do I did not have time to be scared, though I was deeply anxious. The
 sight of the familiar faces of the veterans as they marched through
 our streets, reassured me entirely. Early got his men into line on
 Saturday evening, but for some reason I do not understand did not
 attack, and the next morning the coward, Hunter, was gone. Early at
 once started after him, but has not yet overtaken him, we hear.

 "Our people criticise Early with much bitterness for not attacking
 Saturday, but I think we ought to be only too glad we got through
 safely without the hazard of a battle. Eugene had the headquarters of
 his sharpshooters at one time in the cemetery, close by his father's
 grave. He went on, of course, with his command. It was a great relief
 when we heard that Hunter was gone. Mother stood it remarkably well.
 She was, of course, very anxious about Eugene, as she would hear the
 booming of the cannon, but she kept up her nerve and spirits.

 "Hunter's headquarters were at old Major Hutter's. He told them that
 he proposed to capture or burn Lynchburg. Major Hutter was of course,
 politely treated while Hunter was there, but after he and some of his
 generals who were with him had left the house, other officers and men
 robbed it--robbing Miss Hutter's chamber of her clothing and other
 valuables. Many wounded were left in Major Hutter's yard; indeed,
 the flight was so rapid that all but the slightly wounded were left
 behind, together with many small arms and some cannon. Early may
 not have done all he might have done, but, certain it is, Hunter's
 whole campaign seems to have been a farce. He was gallant when there
 was no enemy, and a coward when they were in sight. He burned the
 Military Institute, which was not even garrisoned by boys, and set
 fire to Governor Letcher's house, which only a woman protected. If the
 'bravest are the tenderest,' how true it is that the cowards are the
 cruelest. The renegade, David R. Strother (Porte Crayon), was with
 Hunter as one of his staff at Major Hutter's. Another traitor to his
 State, his name and his race.

 "The soldiers who came up with Early gave the most distressing
 accounts of the condition of affairs in Louisa County, where the
 Yankee raids have done so much harm to the unprotected. They say the
 desolation is so great that as they marched through the women and
 children flocked to the road for something to eat, and would grasp
 eagerly all the bits of cold corn-bread they could spare them from
 their haversacks. Is it not horrible to think of?"

A remarkable incident happened in connection with the depredation of
Hunter's troops at Lexington. When the corps of cadets was ordered to
leave the Institution on the approach of Hunter, they deposited their
trunks in the residences of neighboring gentlemen for safe keeping.

Young Mr. Carter H. Harrison, of Staunton, was then a cadet, and, with
several others, put his trunk at Professor Campbell's to save it. When
the battle was over at Lynchburg and Hunter was gone, the cadets were
not put in the chasing column, but were relieved from further active
duty. Mr. Harrison, with others of the corps, went to the battle-field,
and during his inspection visited the field hospital where the wounded
of the enemy were being cared for by our surgeons. He noticed one man
who was badly wounded in the leg, and whose pantaloons were ripped up
that the surgeon might more easily dress the wound. As Harrison looked
at the soldier he observed his own initials on his socks, and upon
further investigation discovered that all the man's underclothes were
similarly marked and all belonged to him, and were a part of those he
had left in his trunk at Professor Campbell's.

The man confessed that they had looted Professor Campbell's house, and
that the underwear was part of the booty. Arrangements were made by
which possession followed the legal title.

It is needless to attempt to describe the anxiety of the citizens
as Hunter approached, heralded by the accounts of his vandalism at
Lexington and on his march. Until their nerves were restored by the
arrival of Breckinridge's little army of some fifteen hundred men
and the guns of Berkeley and W.S. Lurty's battery, every woman and
non-combatant was actively engaged in hiding silver, jewels, provisions
and other valuables--generally putting them in the very place where
skilled looters would be sure to go in search. Many things were put
away at that time which have never been found since, and never will be.
The anxiety of the hiders so affected their memory that the place of
hiding was forgotten.

As soon as hope was restored by the appearance of additional troops,
the energies of the women were directed to the effort of giving food
to the hungry and travel-worn troops whose arrival had brought them
so much comfort. While the cannon were booming over the hills of the
suburbs and the fierce rattle of contending musketry could be heard,
our women were bending over the fires cooking rations for the men in
the lines, or scraping lint and rolling bandages for the wounded.
The first ray of hope restored confidence, and the inhabitants of
Londondery or Leyden were not more calm or heroic, or more actively
engaged in doing all in their power for defence, than were these women
and the old men, who were the only other inhabitants of the city left.

The old men, with such weapons as they could procure of every variety
of style, were in the trenches across the plateau now known as
Rivermont, ready to sacrifice their lives in protecting their loved
ones and their homes from the marauding troops which were advancing
with a devastating purpose, long since abandoned as unfit for civilized
warfare. Thus men and women alike braced themselves for the great
struggle, and, though not put to the final test, were calm, collected
and brave in the supreme moment when the enemy were thundering at
our gates. This fact is one of which the city may well be proud, and
should stimulate coming generations to emulate the example of their
forefathers.

       *       *       *       *       *

The Garland-Rodes Camp has induced the preparation of these pages, that
the truths of history may be preserved from that oblivion to which
human memory consigns all details dependent upon it. It is their duty,
indeed it is the duty of every citizen of the whole State and of every
part of it, to garner up the facts connected with our heroic struggle
and to so preserve them that they shall become the well-established
traditions of our people. Such traditions are a part of the wealth of a
race. They both elevate and stimulate succeeding generations. By them
a high national character is established, and under their influence
that species of patriotism is engendered whence springs the glorious
sentiment,

 "_Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori_."

The fires of patriotism do not burn most fiercely where the land is
most productive, or where wealth most accumulates. Nations which have
owned broad savannahs upon which nature has been most lavish have often
been driven from their country with little show of manly courage and
without that zealous patriotism which creates heroes, while the peasant
of Switzerland and the cottager of the Highlands, neither of whom can
afford greater luxuries than oatmeal and goat's milk, have held their
vales and their fastnesses for centuries against all odds. To them
each dell has its story of valiant deeds of their forefathers and each
mountain is crowned by traditions which tell of the great achievements
of their race. For dells and mountains thus sanctified by the glories
of the past, the peasant and the lord of the manor alike are willing to
die. It was their love for the stories and romance of their race which
sustained the nerve of the Swiss Guards in the discharge of their duty
to the King when, without a faltering nerve, one by one they sunk under
the blows of the infuriated Jacobins of Paris, and well won the grand
inscription to their courage on the Lion of Lucerne. A like love was
the foundation of the wonderful heroism of the Highlanders at Lucknow
and of the Scotch who climbed the Heights of Abraham at Quebec. So it
was their love for the historic memories of Virginia which nerved the
courage of that dauntless division which, under a fire never before
poured on line of battle, reached the brow of the hill at Gettysburg.

By gathering the traditions of the Highlands and thus perpetuating
them, Scott has done a great work for Scotland. Others have done the
same thing for England. It is for this generation to gather the same
wealth for Virginia. Thus will the history of her people, of her
valleys, her rivers and her mountains, be preserved and the facts be
secured to generations yet to come which, when mellowed by time, will
be perpetuated in story, in poetry and in song.

Thus and thus only can we keep Virginia and her people on the elevated
plane upon which they have stood for centuries, and thus can we make
her, in the future, the land of poetry and romance. It is Wallace
and Tell who are the heroes of the poet and the novelist, not the
commanders of the great forces with which they contended. In the far
future many a novel, many a poem and many a song will tell of Lee, of
Jackson, of Stuart and of Mosby--ideal heroes of romance--long after
the names of the leaders who fought them will be mere facts in the
prosaic history of the power of the greater to overcome the less.

It is not our duty to weep over the past or to bemoan the fate which
resulted in the final overthrow of the Confederacy; nor should we do
anything to keep alive the bitterness of that strife. On the contrary,
it is our duty to bow to the logic of what has happened and to believe
in the wisdom of the all-wise Director of the affairs of nations and
of peoples; but it is also our duty to see to it that what is good
and great be preserved, and that our children and children's children
keep green the traditions which will nerve them to a higher courage
and stimulate them to a generous emulation of the deeds of their
forefathers.




APPENDIX.

LYNCHBURG COMPANIES IN THE SERVICE OF THE CONFEDERACY, 1861-'65.


The Rifle Grays, Company A, Eleventh Regiment Virginia Volunteers:

 _First Captain_, M.S. Langhorne.
 _Second Captain_, G.W. Latham.
 _Third Capt._, Robt. M. Mitchell, Jr.
 _First Lieut._, G.W. Latham.
 _First Lieut._, John W. Daniel.
 _Second Lieut._, Robt. M. Mitchell, Jr.
 _Second Lieut._, H.C. Chalmers.
 _Second Lieut._, James O. Thurman.
 _First Sergt._, Joseph A. Kennedy.
 _Second Sergt._, Elcano Fisher.
 _Third Sergt._, Henry D. Hall.
 _Fourth Sergt._, Peter B. Akers.
 _First Corp._, Geo. T. Wightman.
 _Second Corp._, Samuel R. Miller.
 _Third Corp._, Lucas Harvey.
 _Fourth Corp._, Jas. O. Thurman, Jr.


PRIVATES.

 Allman, William H.
 Akers, William L.
 Bailey, James H.
 Bailey, James W.
 Benson, Henry G.
 Brown, Leslie C.
 Beckwith, Henry C.
 Burroughs, Henry A.
 Ballard, James F.
 Bagby, George W.
 Cheatham, Thos. F.
 Cochran, Robert L.
 Cooney, Thomas.
 Camp, Albert G.
 Crumpton, James A.
 Crumpton, Joseph A.
 Clinkenbeard, Wm. E.
 Conklen, Thomas A.
 Connolly, Jerry M.
 Devine, Frank.
 Diuguid, Edward S.
 Davis, Thomas N.
 Delano, Joseph S.
 Dady, David.
 Evans, William H.
 Edwards, James M.
 Elam, H.F.
 Feyle, Frank H.
 Fulks, James W.
 Frances, Joseph M.
 Furry, William H.
 Gooldy, John F.
 Henry, Charles W.
 Henry, John L.
 Harvey, Charles C.
 Hollins, John G.
 Hollins, James E.
 Heybrook, L.G.
 Hersman, Wm. B.
 Hunt, William R.
 Johnson, Shelbry.
 Jones, William B.
 Jones, Charles J.
 Kennedy, Michael.
 Kidd, George W.
 Latham, Robert F.
 Linkenhoker, Sam'l.
 Mitchell, John R.
 Mitchell, T. Holcomb.
 Mitchell, John J.
 Mitchell, William H.
 McKinney, Sam'l H.
 McCrary, Wm. B.
 Marks, James L.
 Milstead, William.
 McDivitt, C.P.
 Norris, Michael A.
 Norvell, Otway B.
 Omohundro, T.A.
 Porter, Thomas D.
 Pendleton, William.
 Price, N. Leslie.
 Parrish, Booker S.
 Pugh, Charles E.
 Peters, John I.
 Rucker, Edward P.
 Raine, John R.
 Robertson, Thomas D.
 Rainey, Charles W.
 Rogers, James B.
 Rock, John J.
 Rector, Thomas S.
 Sims, Robert F.
 Sewell, George W.
 Stubbs, Robert F.
 Stewart, Philip H.
 Slagle, John H.
 Slagle, David H.
 Sholes, Thomas C.
 Stewart, Stephen P.
 Stabler, Thomas S.
 Shepherd, Joseph H.
 Tyree, Charles H.
 Taylor, William H.
 Thurman, Powhatan.
 Turner, John H.
 Truxall, Andrew J.
 Tyree, Wm. D.R.
 Tyree, John R.
 Taliaferro, Rhoderick.
 Torrence, William H.
 Victor, Henry C.
 Wren, Peter R.
 Warfield, Thomas.
 Williams, William H.


Lynchburg Rifles, Company E, Eleventh Regiment Virginia Volunteers:

 _First Captain_, J.E. Blankenship.
 _Second Captain_, C.V. Winfree.
 _Third Captain_, John C. Ward.
 _First Lieutenant_, C.V. Winfree.
 _First Lieutenant_, James W. Wray.
 _Second Lieutenant_, W.A. Strother.
 _Second Lieut._, W.M. Taliaferro.
 _Lieutenant_, John P. Knight.
 _Lieutenant_, Walter R. Abbott.
 _Lieutenant_, Adolphus D. Read.
 _Lieutenant_, Charles H. Tyree.
 _Lieutenant_, George P. Norvell.
 _First Sergeant_, W.R. Abbott.
 _Sergeant_, John C. Ward.
 _Sergeant_, A.D. Read.
 _Sergeant_, James W. Wray.
 _Sergeant_, Thomas Keenan.
 _Sergeant_, E.G. Williams.
 _Sergeant_, William M. Seay.
 _Sergeant_, John L. Marion.
 _Corporal_, J.H. Shepperd.
 _Corporal_, John Lovett.
 _Corporal_, D.M. Pettigrew.
 _Corporal_, Thomas H. Love.
 _Corporal_, John Kelly.
 _Corporal_, John R. Holt.
 _Corporal_, John Lovett.
 _Corporal_, W.P. Whitlow.


PRIVATES.

 Anderson, Thos. N.
 Atkinson, John.
 Butterworth, John M.
 Butterworth, Wm. W.
 Bradley, Winfree.
 Brown, F.M.
 Brown, Hillary.
 Burks, Paulus Powell.
 Burks, S.C.
 Bailey, Samuel D.
 Bailey, Thomas D.
 Coffee, William H.
 Colvin, Howard H.
 Colvin, William O.
 Colvin, Robert O.
 Clark, C.C.
 Clark, C.B.
 Clark, R.C.
 Carey, John H.
 Carey, James.
 Day, Thomas E.
 Davis, Arthur P.
 Davis, T.D.
 Dunnivant, William.
 Evans, T.F.
 Equi, Joseph.
 Elder, Hiram P.
 Farriss, William.
 Fortune, William.
 Foster, William E.
 Grant, Bluford.
 Gaulding, T. Henry.
 Gregory, Edward S.
 Gregory, N.H.
 Goins, James.
 Gilbert, George W.
 Gilbert, William.
 Gilbert, Thomas.
 Hart, Patrick S.
 Haines, Robert L.
 Hurt, Samuel.
 Hickey, Patrick H.
 Hendricks, James.
 Howard, John.
 Houston, Francis R.
 Hudgins, James L.
 Hancock, W.T.
 Jones, Charles T.
 Jenkins, J. Samuel.
 Johnson, Charles Y.
 Kayton, J. Patrick.
 Lawhorne, Delaware.
 Lawhorne, James H.
 Lawhorne, Lorenzo.
 Lawhorne, Lucas P.
 Lipscomb, Charles P.
 Moore, Thomas H.
 Miller, James M.
 Mann, Daniel.
 Milstead, Benjamin.
 Marshall, John W.
 Marshall, James.
 Marshall, Charles.
 Marshall, David B.
 Myers, William.
 McCarthy, Patrick.
 Nangle, Edward A.
 Neville, Lewis C.
 Noell, James H.
 Pettus, John E.
 Patrim, William A.
 Paris, Thomas H.
 Parr, John E.
 Padgett, J.J.
 Parker, Joseph A.
 Roberts, Charles R.
 Rucker, Jackson.
 Rockecharlie, V.
 Strause, Simon.
 Stewart, William H.
 Simpson, Charles W.
 Searson, Thomas.
 Sullivan, Michael.
 Spillan, Patrick.
 Smith, George W.
 Smith, John G.
 Smith, Thomas.
 Smith, Robert H.
 Smith, James.
 Thomas, Andrew J.
 Taylor, William.
 Taylor, Burley T.
 Trent, George W.
 Turner, G. Kempton.
 Turski, Francois.
 Ward, James S.
 Williamson, L.C.
 Wooldridge, Jas. R.
 Wooldridge, Joseph.
 Wright, Wm. Rich'd.
 Wray, Ellis D.
 Wills, John McD.
 Walker, J.S.L.
 Wray, Thomas C.


Home Guard, Company G, Eleventh Regiment, Virginia Volunteers:

 _First Capt._, Samuel Garland, Jr.
 _Second Capt._, Kirkwood Otey.
 _Third Captain_, J. Holmes Smith.
 _First Lieut._, K. Otey.
 _Second Lieut._, J.G. Meem.
 _Third Lieut._, S.M. Simpson.
 _Ord. Sergeant_, J.L. Meem.
 _Third Sergt._, W.J.H. Hawkins.
 _Sergeant_, J.C. Johnson.
 _Color Sergeant_, William Sanford.
 _Fifth Sergeant_, B.L. Blackford.
 _Corporal_, C.D. Hamner.
 _Corporal_, John K. Seabury.
 _Corporal_, J.H. Smith.
 _Corporal_, Hugh Nelson.
 _Surgeon_, Benjamin Blackford.


PRIVATES.

 Abrahams, H.J.
 Adams, R.H.T.
 Akers, E.A.
 Armistead, James.
 Apperson, R.F.
 Anderson, John G.
 Ballowe, T.H.
 Barnes, C.F.
 Blackford, W.H.
 Booth, S.C.
 Brugh, J.B.
 Burks, E.W.
 Button, R.P.
 Burch, Samuel.
 Cabell, Breck.
 Cabell, P.H.
 Cabell, S.
 Campbell, Wiley.
 Colhoun, Robert.
 Conley, John.
 Cosby, C.V.
 Creed, J.J.
 Cross, J.H. (K.)
 Crumpacker, John.
 Dowdy, T.N.
 Dabney, H.
 DeWitt, C.
 Eubank, E.N.
 Franklin, James, Jr.
 Franklin, P.H.
 Ford, William A.
 Gregory, W.S.
 Guggenheimer, M. Jr.
 Guy, D.C.
 Goggin, John P.
 Harris, H.V.
 Harris, Meade.
 Hawkins, S.M.
 Holland, William.
 Ivey, J.W.
 Jennings, J.H.
 Jennings, T.D., Jr.
 Johnson, Minor.
 Kean, R.G.H.
 Kinnear, James F.
 Kinnear, James O.
 Kabler, N.
 Kreuttner, Joseph.
 Kent, J.R.
 Lee, John A.
 Lavinder, G.T.
 Langhorne, C.D.
 Leckie, M.M.
 Lewis, John H.
 Lucado, L.F.
 Lyman, G.R.
 Lydick, James H.
 Lydick, D.
 Mayer, Max L.
 McCorkle, C.
 Miller, A.H.
 Moseley, C.A.
 Moorman, S.L.
 Mosby, L.C.
 Nelson, W.S.
 Nowlin, A.W.
 Oglesby, John.
 Page, C.H.
 Percival, C.D.
 Pierce, R.C.
 Peters, R.T.
 Preston, L.P.
 Preston, S.D.
 Preston, T.L.
 Salmons, G.J.
 Sears, J.R.
 Shelton, G.W.
 Simpson, T.H.
 Snead, W.B.
 Spencer, C.S.
 Stratton, A.B.
 Sumpter, John U.H.
 Shaver, W.H.
 Taliaferro, Van.
 Terry, A.W.C.
 Thompson, J.H.
 Toot, W.A.
 Trigg, W.K.
 Valentine, Joseph.
 Waldron, R.L.
 Watkins, R.W.
 Walsh, T.C.
 Woods, W.H.H.
 Wheeler, J.M.


Jefferson Davis Rifles, Company H, Eleventh Regiment, Virginia
Volunteers:

 _Captain_, J. Risque Hutter.
 _First Lieut._, William L. Goggin.
 _First Lieut._, William S. Hannah.
 _Second Lieut._, James W. Hord.
 _Second Lieut._, Ro. D. Early.
 _First Sergeant_, Jas. O. Freeman.
 _Second Sergeant_, S.B. Wright.
 _Third Sergeant_, D.C. Wright.
 _Fourth Sergeant_, Wm. S. Thayer.
 _Fifth Sergeant_, Brandon P. Neville.
 _First Corporal_, George L. Jesse.
 _Second Corporal_, Geo. T. Mitchell.
 _Third Corporal_, Pat. H. Rourke.
 _Fourth Corporal_, Charles Schade.


PRIVATES.

 Akers, H.C.
 Banton, Robert.
 Banton, James H.
 Banton, Richard.
 Blanks, John N.
 Blanks, Robert.
 Burford, William.
 Boland, John.
 Brown, John C.
 Cramer, A.W.
 Callan, Dan.
 Cunningham, Felix.
 Davis, John R.
 Davis, Thomas M.
 Daniel, John.
 Doyle, Henry.
 Donatini, G.
 Eagan, Gabriel.
 Floyd, Alex.
 Floyd, John J.
 Floyd, Nathan D.
 Flowers, Wm. P.
 Flowers, Joseph W.
 Fulks, Robert.
 Fox, Edward.
 Farrer, Robert.
 Fitzgerald, Cyrus.
 Fitzgerald, Ceyton L.
 Gouldin, H.L.
 Gouldin, William.
 Geurtz, Peter.
 Grossman, William.
 Hanly, John.
 Hurt, John H.
 Humphrey, M.L.
 Jones, Thomas.
 Kyle, Benjamin M.
 Labby, M.H.
 Lavinder, James.
 McCormack, L.
 McCormick, S.
 McCormack, Wm.
 McCormack, Wm. D.
 Mitchell, Richard H.
 Micalany, Peter.
 Musgrove, Franklin.
 Myers, Samuel W.
 Oliver, Pleasant.
 O'Brien, Michael.
 Rucker, George W.
 Rucker, Paulus G.
 Reynolds, James.
 Reynolds, John H.
 Rodgers, George W.
 Rider, William.
 Still, Thomas.
 Stanly, Joseph.
 Stanly, D.W.
 Singleton, William H.
 Seay, Isaac.
 Seay, Richard.
 Sprouse, Samuel.
 Turner, Charles.
 Whitten, James.
 White, John W.


Wise Troop, Company B, Second Regiment Virginia Cavalry:

 _First Capt._, John S. Langhorne.
 _Second Capt._, Chas. M. Blackford.
 _Third Capt._, George B. Horner.
 _Fourth Capt._, William Steptoe.
 _First Lieut._, C.M. Blackford.
 _Second Lieut._, Van R. Otey.
 _Second Lieut._, Wm. H. Stratton.
 _Second Lieut._, A.D. Warwick.
 _Second Lieut._, John Alexander.
 _Second Lieut._, John O. Thornhill.
 _Second Lieut._, J.P. Robertson.
 _Lieutenant_, R.B. Isbell.
 _First Sergt._, William Langhorne.
 _First Sergt._, Robert W. Lacy.
 _Second Sergt._, E.G. Scott.
 _Second Sergt._, John S. Massie.
 _Third Sergt._, A.S. Watson.
 _Fourth Sergt._, W.B. Cross.
 _Sergeant_, M.B. Langhorne.
 _Sergeant_, C. Christian.
 _Sergeant_, James Chalmers.
 _Sergeant_, John T. Luckett.
 _Corporal_, S.M. Alexander.
 _Corporal_, C.V. Donohue.
 _Corporal_, F.M. Stone.


PRIVATES.

 Abbott, J.P.
 Akers, E.A.
 Alexander, E.A.
 Allen, T.W.
 Barnes, A.J.
 Barnes, E.F.
 Bays, John R.
 Berkley, Joseph.
 Bibb, John R.
 Boiling, W.R.
 Bowman, N.B.
 Boyd, Andrew.
 Boyd, James.
 Bradley, William.
 Brook, St. George T.
 Browning, C.P.
 Browning, John.
 Callahan, J.E.
 Carnefix, E.M.
 Caruthers, John.
 Clay, D.C.
 Coles, John.
 Cox, John C.
 Cox, P.S.
 Cox, Samuel.
 Cox, Thad.
 Crumpton, Robert.
 Dameron, C.D.
 Dobyns, Joe.
 Dunnington, V.G.
 Early, S.H.
 Edwards, J.E.
 Edwards, J.T.
 Edwards, W.P.M.
 Eubank, W.E.J.
 Everett, H.B.
 Fariss, J.
 Flemming, F.W.
 Flood, Thomas W.
 Floyd, Charles A.
 Godsey, F.M.
 Green, Charles.
 Green, John L.
 Hammerling, C.D.
 Holley, W.E.
 Hunt, H.C.
 Ingram, J.R.
 Irvine, W.A.
 Jones, J.W.
 Kasey, J.B.
 Kefauver, William.
 Kemper, Hugh.
 Kinnear, George A.
 Kinnear, John A.
 Kinnear, William.
 Langhorne, J. Kent.
 Lawson, Joe.
 Lawson, S.M.
 Leake, F.M.
 Leman, A.H.
 Lewis, John C.
 Lock, Daniel.
 Love, A.D.
 Love, S.A.
 Love, T.H.
 Lucado, William F.
 Luck, Henry.
 Mays, C.J.
 Mays, C. Richard.
 Mays, H.H.
 McCorkle, S.M.
 Meriweather, C.J.
 Mitchell, J.E.
 Moore, Sampson.
 Morgan, J.H.
 Norvell, Charles.
 Offterdinger, Herman.
 Palmer, C.F.
 Percival, George.
 Perrigo, George.
 Perriman, William P.
 Pettyjohn, S.W.
 Phelps, J.C.W.
 Purvis, W.C.
 Read, John A.
 Roberts, H.T.
 Rucker, James G.
 Sale, J.E.
 Seabury, E.C.
 Seabury, R.M.
 Seabury, W.J.
 Sherrar, John C.
 Smith, John Thomas.
 Smith, William N.
 Sneed, S. Emmitt.
 Spencer, W.R.
 Stone, Frank.
 Sullivan, Dennis.
 Sumpter, S.R.
 Taylor, John O.
 Taylor, O.P.
 Taylor, Thomas P.
 Thurman, Alexander.
 Thurman, Powhatan.
 Toler, W.D.
 Tucker, Willis.
 Tyree, Kichard.
 Wall, Thomas.
 Watson, W.H.
 Whitlow, W.H.
 Witt, J.C.
 Woodruff, A.M.
 Wright, J.L.


Lee Battery, Company A, Braxton's Battalion, Virginia Artillery:

 _First Captain_, Pierce B. Anderson.
 _Second Captain_, Charles J. Raine.
 _Third Capt._, Wm. W. Hardwicke.
 _First Lieutenant_, C.W. Statham.
 _Second Lieut._, Chas. J. Raine.
 _Second Lieut._, John R. Massey.
 _Second Lieut._, W.W. Hardwicke.
 _Second Lieut._, William Early.
 _Second Lieut._, W.H. Hughes.
 _Second Lieut._, James Hughes.
 _First Sergeant_, W.H. Broyles.
 _Second Sergeant_, Thos. Franklin.
 _Third Sergeant_, Wm. Eads.
 _Fourth Sergeant_, Thos. Wood.
 _Orderly Sergeant_, Alex. East.


PRIVATES.

 Alvis, Sam.
 Brooks, William.
 Brooks, James.
 Brooks, T.S.
 Brooks, Thomas.
 Bowman, John.
 Bransom, Jackson.
 Bateman, Sam.
 Broyles, Samuel A.
 Cregg, Callahan.
 Caldwell, Archer.
 Cox, John.
 Coleman, Singleton.
 Coleman, George.
 Coffee, Thomas.
 Castillo, Patrick.
 Depriest, William.
 Davidson, Benj.
 Dunn, Samuel.
 Donivan, William.
 East, William.
 Eads, Thomas.
 Eads, Joe.
 Eads, Samuel.
 Friedhoff, Hammond.
 Fletcher, Lucian.
 Falwell, John.
 Gowin, James.
 Gowin, John.
 Gowin, Sam.
 Gaddess, John B.
 Green, Charles.
 Goolsby, Joshua.
 Grubs, William.
 Goolsby, Louis.
 Green, John.
 Hyman, Henry.
 Hugus, Benj.
 Hughes, James.
 Johnson, Charles.
 Johnson, Thomas.
 Johnson, Joseph.
 Kersey, William.
 Kersey, James.
 Kinlock, William.
 Kirsey, Edward.
 Lynch, John.
 Lipscomb, Wm.
 Layne, Wm.
 Mays, Alonzo.
 Milstead, Frank.
 Mitchell, William.
 Manning, John.
 Moraity, Patrick.
 Norvell, George.
 Norvell, Marion.
 Purdue, Josiah.
 Purdue, Benj.
 Phelps, William.
 Plumb, Louis.
 Roach, William.
 Roach, James.
 Rider, Isaiah.
 Rule, Peter.
 Robinson, James.
 Robinson, Turner.
 Richey, James.
 Rock, George.
 Raine, James.
 Stewart, William.
 Sprouts, William.
 Sprouts, Henry.
 Shepard, Joseph.
 Shepard, Richard.
 Smith, Joseph.
 Stanley, William.
 Stanley, William, Jr.
 Sharp, William.
 Sharp, Henry.
 Seay, James.
 Turner, Wm. R.
 Turpin, Riley.
 Taylor, James.
 Trent, Benj.
 Walker, Reese.
 Walker, John.
 Walker, William.
 Whorley, William.
 Wood, Patrick.
 Wright, William.
 Woolridge, Richard.
 Woolridge, Peter.
 Woolridge, Beverly.
 Woolridge, Daniel.


 Beauregard Rifles (afterward Beauregard Artillery, or Moorman's
 Battery), mustered into service at Lynchburg, Va., May 11, 1861:

 _First Capt._, Marcellus N. Moorman.
 _Second Capt._, John J. Shoemaker.
 _First Lieut._, Blake L. Woodson.
 _Second Lieut._, Ferd. C. Hutter.
 _Third Lieut._, Joseph B. Smith.
 _First Sergt._, Charles R. Phelps.
 _Second Sergt._, Jno. J. Shoemaker.
 _Third Sergt._, James K. Read.
 _Fourth Sergt._, Ed. H. Moorman.
 _First Corp._, Henry D. Yancey.
 _Sec'd Corp._, Aug. Leftwich (K).
 _Third Corp._, Charles L. Burch.
 _Fourth Corp._, John Hurley.


PRIVATES.

 Burkholder, Robt. C.
 Boyd, James M.
 Boyd, Charles A.
 Boyd, Edward D.
 Brown, Samuel H.
 Brown, William R.
 Burford, William E.
 Burford, William C.
 Burford, Archer L.
 Burch, Thomas P.
 Boydton, Wm. Shelley.
 Bradley, James M.
 Cobbs, James A.
 Cary, John.
 Cullen, Thomas P.
 Clopton, William A.
 Christian, John S.
 Coffee, William W.
 Dornin, Anthony E.
 Derr, Charles H.
 Edmondson, John T.
 Edwards, John T.
 Fitzgerald, Wm. N.
 Farmer, Calvin.
 Fisher, G.W.
 Furgerson, Stephen B.
 Fitch, Charles.
 Fariss, Richard.
 Green, George W.L.
 Gordon, Samuel A.
 Hanks, Peter D.
 Hamlett, Robert A.
 Isbell, David D.
 Johnson, William R.
 Jones, McK. W.
 Jones, John D.
 Kinnear, George A.
 Logan, Henry D.
 Loose, William.
 Morris, Charles W.
 Morris, William A.
 Murphy, Walter B.
 Murphy, Albert E.
 Meredith, Samuel A.
 Mundy, Zachary N.
 Mayo, Leonard.
 Marx, William.
 Miller, Robert R.
 Morford, William P.
 Moore, Joseph.
 Marshall, Hunter.
 Meadow, T.P.
 Mauck, Peter D.
 McDonald, Alex.
 McMaster, John.
 McGrath, John.
 McAlister, Robt. C.
 Nunnalee, Lewis T.
 North, Clayton.
 Pamplin, William J.
 Poindexter, G.H.
 Percival, Peter.
 Pettyjohn, Charles.
 Pettyjohn, Joseph.
 Pettyjohn, Jesse N.
 Preston, Samuel T.
 Padgett, Radford H.
 Perkins, Richard J.
 Quinlan, Edward.
 Rucker, James G.
 Ritchey, Harvie F.
 Reid, William S.
 Read, John A.
 Rose, Harry J.
 Rosser, Ed. B.
 Steptoe, Nathan'l M.
 Smithson, Leslie C.
 Stephens, James D.
 Stephens, James W.
 Slaughter, John A.
 Stratton, Albert F.
 Stratton, Jacob.
 Smith, Vincent C.
 Schaffter, Aurelius.
 Turpin, W.R.
 Vorhauer, William.
 Watts, Richard A.
 Wood, John F.
 Webb, John W.
 Woodroof, Suprey C.
 Woodroof, J.W.
 Wooling, Henry B.
 Wills, Alexander F.
 Whitten, A.E.
 Williams, Chas. W.
 Yeatman, Thos. R.


Latham's Battery, Company D, Thirty-Eighth Virginia Battalion:

 _First Captain_, H. Grey Latham.
 _Second Captain_, James Dearing.
 _Third Captain_, Jos. G. Blount.
 _Fourth Captain_, J.W. Dickerson.
 _First Lieut._, Geo. S. Davidson.
 _First Lieut._, Jas. W. Dickerson.
 _First Lieut._, T.F. Richardson.
 _First Lieut._, J.L. Thompson.
 _Second Lieut._, W.J. Folkes.
 _Second Lieut._, L. Clark Leftwich.
 _Second Lieut._, William King.
 _Second Lieut._, Chas. A. Taylor.
 _Second Lieut._, J.L. Thompson.
 _Second Lieut._, Jos. G. Blount.
 _Second Lieut._, W.H. Blackwell.
 _Second Lieut._, N.H. Hazlewood.
 _Sergeant_, C.A. Taylor.
 _Sergeant_, S.R. Lampkin.
 _Sergeant_, G.W. Apperson.
 _Sergeant_, M.L. Percival.
 _Corporal_, Wm. P. Taliaferro.
 _Corporal_, J.B. Ley.
 _Corporal_, R.J. Rice.
 _Drummer_, James Chenault.


PRIVATES.

 Allen, A.
 Blackwell, Wm. H.
 Biby, George W.
 Coleman, Clifton L.
 Carndea, William.
 Cox, William F.
 Camden, Samuel H.
 Cullen, J.W.
 Creasy, James F.
 Coleman, R.H.
 Chavers, J.L.
 Camden, William.
 Chenault, C.O.
 Day, C.R.
 Davidson, F.M.
 Dickell, Charles.
 Dayton, E.T.
 Dowdy, James M.
 Fields, Leon.
 Fat, George F.
 Godsey, Frank.
 Goff, Thomas.
 Gilliam, James D.
 Gilliam, Wm. A.
 Gilliam, Cornelius.
 Graham, Thomas.
 Hughes, Hugh.
 Hickey, Daniel.
 Heckworth, L.C.
 Hughes, T.N.
 Kendall, George E.
 Kennady, John.
 Laine, J.H.
 Lindsey, W.
 McGuley, J.B.
 McCanna, James.
 McCreary, Daniel.
 McCreary, John W.
 Moore, W.S.
 Moore, Jere.
 Moseley, G.W.
 Marks, T.V.
 Mason, J.N.
 Mays, James W.
 Oliver, William H.
 O'Brien, Wm. A.
 Owen, J.B.
 Perry, J.G.
 Padgett, George.
 Pettit, E.D.
 Phelps, Thomas.
 Perry, C.M.
 Phelps, Jos. M.
 Phelps, J.B.
 Patteson, W.H.
 Read, William.
 Reynolds, Benj.
 Ross, Thomas.
 Radley, John.
 Richardson, T.F.
 Robinson, A.P.
 Stanley, George W.
 Sumpter, A. McK.
 Spencer, Albert.
 Spencer, Wm. A.
 Spencer, James.
 Thompson, J.L.
 Tibbe, John A.
 Torgee, Geo. W.
 Wicker, R.T.
 Wicker, William.
 Wyatt, C.N.
 Woolridge, M.W.
 Walden, E.H.
 Wright, G.R.
 Woolridge, Peter W.
 Wright, C.L.
 Viar, Jacob.


Davidson's Battery, Company C, Thirteenth Virginia Battalion:

 _First Captain_, Geo. S. Davidson.
 _Second Capt._, J.H. Chamberlayne.
 _First Lieut._, John A. Elliott.
 _First Lieut._, Joseph Lawson.
 _First Lieut._, St. Geo. R. Fitzhugh.
 _Second Lieut._, W.T. Oliver.
 _Second Lieut._, John T. Johnson.
 _Second Lieut._, Thos. W. Powell.
 _Second Lieut._, James C. Otey.
 _Second Lieut._, Robert Ellett.
 _Second Lieut._, Joseph Cohn.
 _Second Lieut._, W. Roane Ruffin.
 _First Sergeant_, James C. Otey.
 _Second Sergt._, D.M.D. Smithson.
 _Third Sergeant_, Ed. J. Duffield.
 _Fourth Sergeant_, Wm. A. Ballard.
 _Fifth Sergt._, Christopher C. Boyd.
 _Fifth Sergeant_, James L. Wood.
 _Corporal_, John J. Smith.
 _Corporal_, Joseph Cohn.
 _Corporal_, John R. Daniel.
 _Corporal_, Wm. W. Omohundro.


PRIVATES.

 Alvis, G.E.
 Alvis, J.T.
 Allen, William.
 Ballard, John.
 Brooks, Custus.
 Briggs, Geo. L.
 Bryant, John J.
 Broyles, John J.
 Childress, Wm. T.
 Callahan, Hezekiah L.
 Callahan, John.
 Dunbar, Geo. W.
 Davidson, Ellis C.
 Doss, Robert H.
 Daniel, John R.
 Day, John R.
 Driskill, John R.
 Echols, Wm. C.
 Echols, Thomas.
 Eika, Frederick.
 Fulks, Marshall.
 Freeman, Leroy.
 Foster, James.
 Frye, Ferd. K.
 Frye, Wm. H.
 Graham, Samuel.
 Gilliam, Robert.
 Glenn, Richard.
 Hunter, Nehemiah H.
 Holcomb, Henry.
 Hannah, Robert M.
 Hall, Samuel F.
 Jones, W.W.
 Jenkins, Obediah.
 Johnson, Thos. H.
 Keys, W.H.
 Kelly, Robert.
 Lewis, John R.
 Layne, David S.
 Loath, Julius.
 Liggon, D.L.
 Lawhorne, Thos. G.
 Leonard, Wm.
 Lloyd, Edward.
 Manley, J.H.
 Melton, John F.
 Marsh, John W.
 Marsh, Robert M.
 Marsh, Peter M.
 Martin, Samuel J.
 Moore, Charles M.
 Moore, Samuel F.
 Moore, James H.
 Moore, Richard.
 McClintick, Robert.
 Murry, Michael.
 Morrison, John.
 Miller, Wm. H.
 Nowell, Robert H.
 North, Adam.
 Newell, Thomas.
 Nelson, Robt. P.
 Omohundro, John B.
 Omohundro, Wm. W.
 Peters, Jesse.
 Plumb, Lewis.
 Phelps, Charles.
 Phelps, Charles R.
 Phelps, John.
 Phelps, Jos. E.
 Perkinson, Henry.
 Padgett, Callohill C.
 Padgett, John W.
 Padgett, R.B.F.
 Pribble, Cornelius J.
 Pribble, Frank C.
 Powers, John.
 Parson, John R.
 Roberts, Richard.
 Reynolds, John, Sr.
 Reynold, Jno. J., Jr.
 Reynolds, Fayette.
 Rouke, Wm. O.
 Richardson, S.M.
 Stewart, Warren A.
 Stewart, John P.
 Stanley, Henry.
 Shell, Landon H.
 Seay, Peter.
 Seay, Isaac.
 Smith, John J.
 Seaymour, Wm. S.
 Thomas, W.T.
 Thomas, Marcell. A.
 Thomas, Wm. H.
 Taylor, Wm. H.
 Thayer, Robert.
 Umphreys, Edward.
 Waldron, Adel.
 Wood, James L.
 Wells, James M.
 Whitten, Gustavus.


Heavy Artillery, Company C, Fourth Regiment Virginia Artillery:

 _First Capt._, Samuel D. Preston.
 _Second Capt._, Thomas S. Preston.
 _First Lieut._, Thomas S. Preston.
 _Second Lieut._, Wm. H. Banton.
 _Second Lieut._, John W. Davis.
 _Second Lieut._, Stephen C. Perrow.
 _Second Lieut._, Thomas A. Tibbs.
 _Second Lieut._, F.J. Rockenbach.
 _First Sergt._, Stephen C. Perrow.
 _Second Sergt._, F.J. Rockenbach.
 _Third Sergt._, John J. Linkinhoker.
 _Fourth Sergt._, A.M. Davies.
 _Fifth Sergt._, George W. Wyatt.
 _Corporal_, William C. Mays.
 _Corporal_, J.N. Haynes.
 _Corporal_, Benj. H. Hawkins.
 _Corporal_, Alfred D. Hickman.


PRIVATES.

 Brafford, Robert A.
 Ballowe, W.A.
 Bocock, S.R.
 Brown, Bird.
 Brown, Preston.
 Bryant, Joseph.
 Bryant, Lyman.
 Butts, William R.
 Crawford, William.
 Cash, John I.
 Campbell, W.A.
 Cushwell, Thomas.
 Cafflin, John W.
 Dawson, Harry.
 Dixon, John J.
 Fitzgerald, Chas. J.
 Fitzgerald, Geo. A.
 Ford, Simeon W.
 Goolsby, Paul A.
 Grant, Paul H.
 Grant, W.H.
 Harris, A.W.
 Hickman, Alex.
 Hickman, Matthew A.
 Holt, George W.
 Hope, Robert.
 Howard, John C.
 Isenhower, James.
 Isaacs, W.H.
 Johnson, John J.
 Johnson, Robert A.
 Jones, James W.
 Kenny, James M.
 Kirby, W.R.
 Lane, Edward.
 Lingleton, W.R.
 Maine, Isaac S.
 Mays, Joshua B.
 Mason, Benj. D.
 McCormack, Caspar.
 Moore, Gustavus.
 Morris, George W.
 Morris, N.D.
 Morris, W.C.
 Moxley, George W.
 Oneman, N. Proffitt.
 Perdew, John.
 Phelps, James R.
 Read, W.N.
 Rice, D.C.
 Selby, W.M.
 Sasser, W.T.
 Terry, E.S.
 Thacker, D.
 Tucker, C.D.
 Tucker, C.H.
 Tucker, William.
 Thurman, Archibald.
 Tollsy, J.H.
 Turner, Thomas H.
 Tyree, Augustus.
 Vier, Edward.
 Walker, George T.
 Warren, Edward.
 Wilkerson, Thomas.
 Yuille, Philip P.


Lee's Body Guard, afterwards Company E, Thirty-ninth Battalion Virginia
Cavalry:[1]

 _Captain_, A.H. Pettigrew.
 _First Lieutenant_, J.A. Armistead.
 _Second Lieutenant_, Fred. Mitchell.


PRIVATES.

 Baber, John.
 Bagby, Lilburn.
 Couch, James M.
 Craddock, David.
 Chumbley, Joseph.
 Christian, Nat.
 Franklin, Thos. E.
 Franklin, Samuel.
 Farmer, William.
 Hunter, Thomas.
 Johns, J.O.
 Jones, Edmund W.
 Jones, John T.
 Kinnear, James.
 Perrow Willis.
 Rodes, John.
 Slaughter, Samuel.
 Taliaferro, C.C.
 Taliaferro, Hugh.
 Thompson, Thomas.


Kirkpatrick's Battery, Company A, Thirty-first Battalion Virginia
Artillery:[2]

 _Captain_, Thos. J. Kirkpatrick.
 _First Lieut._, George W. Hobson.
 _Second Lieut._, R.G. Scott.
 _Third Lieut._, A.R. Woodroof.


PRIVATES.

 Butterworth, Moses.
 Christian, John.
 Doss, William.
 Hains, Christopher.
 Hewitt, A. Bowling.
 Hewitt, A.I.
 Hewitt, A.R.
 Horner, James W.
 Inge, William J.
 Kinckle, Frank T.
 Kinnear, John H.
 Lewis, John.
 Mason, John T.
 McCausland, Jas. F.
 McDaniel, William L.
 Moore, Thomas W.
 McKinney, Barney.
 McCorkle, William.
 McCorkle, John J.
 Miller, Frank T.
 Nowlin, James B.
 Petty, William J.
 Rodes, Lafayette P.
 Steptoe, W.T.
 Steptoe, Jacob M.
 Wills, Edwin D.
 Yancey, W.T.


Second Regiment Virginia Cavalry:[3]

 _First Colonel_, R.C.W. Radford.
 _Second Colonel_, T.T. Munford.
 _Third Colonel_, Cary Breckinridge.
 _First Lieutenant-Colonel_, T.T. Munford.
 _Second Lieutenant-Colonel_, J.W. Watts.
 _Third Lieutenant-Colonel_, Cary Breckinridge.
 _Fourth Lieutenant-Colonel_, W.F. Graves.
 _First Major_, J.S. Langhorne.
 _Second Major_, A.L. Pitzer.
 _Third Major_, Cary Breckinridge.
 _Fourth Major_, W.F. Graves.
 _Fifth Major_, Thomas Whitehead.
 _First Adjutant_, R.H. Banks.
 _Second Adjutant_, Lomax Tayloe.
 _Third Adjutant_, John W. Tayloe.
 _Fourth Adjutant_, Samuel Griffin.
 _First Assistant Surgeon_, S.H. Meredith.
 _Second Assistant Surgeon_, W.H. Bowyer.
 _Third Assistant Surgeon_, W.B. Davies.
 _Fourth Assistant Surgeon_, J.H. Nelson.
 _Fifth Assistant Surgeon_, W.H. Peake.
 _Sixth Assistant Surgeon_, James Roan.
 _Seventh Assistant Surgeon_, W.H. Shackleford.
 _First Quartermaster_, W.H. Trent.
 _First Commissary_, Albert McDaniel.
 _First Sergeant-Major_, William Steptoe.
 _Second Sergeant-Major_, John Fulks.
 _Third Sergeant-Major_, R.T. Watts.
 _Fourth Sergeant-Major_, W.J. Holcombe.
 _Fifth Sergeant-Major_, Samuel Griffin.
 _First Color-Sergeant_, Lomax Tayloe.
 _Second Color-Sergeant_, H.D. Yancey.
 _Third Color-Sergeant_, James E. Tucker.
 _Fourth Color-Sergeant_, J.T. Morgan.
 _First Commissary-Sergeant_, C.H. Almond.
 _First Quartermaster-Sergeant_, F. Merriweather.
 _Farrier_, F. Williams.
 _Chief Blacksmiths_, W.B. Bowyer and B. Hughes.
 _First Bugler_, J.H. Kasey.
 _Second Bugler_, William Wilson.
 _Chaplain_, W.W. Berry.
 _Adjutant's Clerk and Ordnance Officers_, M. Guggenheimer
 and T.P. Tayloe.
 _Regimental Band_, George R. Lyman, Leader; Charles H. Rau,
 Thomas Walker, Frank Myering, A.R. Edwards, James M. Edwards,
 Hercy E. Carper, H.M. Harris, R.W. Thurman, Thomas Wilson.

 _Company A_, Captain William R. Terry, Bedford County.
 _Company B_, Captain John S. Langhorne, Lynchburg.
 _Company C_, Captain Andrew L. Pitzer, Botetourt County.
 _Company D_, G.W.B. Hale, Franklin County.
 _Company E_, Edgar Whitehead, Amherst County.
 _Company F_, James Wilson, Bedford County.
 _Company G_, R.C.W. Radford, Bedford County.
 _Company H_, Joel W. Flood, Appomattox County.
 _Company I_, J.D. Alexander, Campbell County.
 _Company K_, Eugene Davis, Albemarle County.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: Partial roster.]

[Footnote 2: This is a roster of the Lynchburg members.]

[Footnote 3: First mounted regiment organized in Virginia. Organized at
Lynchburg, May 8, 1861, Colonel J.A. Early, mustering officer.]




*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CAMPAIGN AND BATTLE OF LYNCHBURG, VA ***


    

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will
be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
States without permission and without paying copyright
royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™
concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following
the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use
of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very
easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation
of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project
Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may
do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected
by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark
license, especially commercial redistribution.


START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person
or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™
electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual
works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting
free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™
works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily
comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when
you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no
representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear
prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work
on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the
phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed,
performed, viewed, copied or distributed:

    This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
    other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
    whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
    of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
    at www.gutenberg.org. If you
    are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws
    of the country where you are located before using this eBook.
  
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is
derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™
trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works
posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg™ License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format
other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official
version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
provided that:

    • You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
        the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method
        you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
        to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has
        agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
        Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
        within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
        legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
        payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
        Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
        Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
        Literary Archive Foundation.”
    
    • You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
        you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
        does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™
        License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
        copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
        all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™
        works.
    
    • You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
        any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
        electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
        receipt of the work.
    
    • You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
        distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.
    

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than
are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of
the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set
forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right
of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in
accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or
additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any
Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™

Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future
generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West,
Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website
and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread
public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state
visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be
freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of
volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.