DEFEAT, & CAPTIVITY OF THOSE HEROIC KENTUCKY VOLUNTEERS & REGULARS,
COMMANDED BY GENERAL WINCHESTER, IN THE YEAR 1812-13 ***





  A

  JOURNAL

  CONTAINING

  AN ACCURATE AND INTERESTING ACCOUNT

  OF THE

  HARDSHIPS, SUFFERINGS, BATTLES, DEFEAT,
  AND CAPTIVITY

  OF THOSE HEROIC

  KENTUCKY

  VOLUNTEERS AND REGULARS,

  COMMANDED BY

  GENERAL WINCHESTER,

  In the Years 1812-13.

  ALSO,

  TWO NARRATIVES,

  BY MEN THAT WERE WOUNDED IN THE BATTLES ON THE RIVER
  RAISIN, AND TAKEN CAPTIVE BY THE INDIANS.

  BY ELIAS DARNELL.

  PHILADELPHIA:
  LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO, AND CO.
  1854.




  PHILADELPHIA:

  T. K. AND P. G. COLLINS, PRINTERS.




PREFACE.


The author of this Journal wrote it for his own satisfaction. When
he returned home, he was induced to show it to a number of his
acquaintances for their information. Several, on whose judgment he
could rely, requested him to publish it to the world. He begs leave
simply to remark that he was an eye and ear witness to many things he
has narrated. He has represented things as he understood and remembered
them. Other facts he obtained from testimony in which he could fully
confide. It is worthy of remark that witnesses of probity, in giving
their testimony in courts respecting the same things, often differ
from one another as to many circumstances, owing to their different
capacities, positions, and the like. It may be expected, therefore,
that some who were in the army, may not exactly agree with the author
in all things stated in this Journal. Let that be as it may, he is
conscious that he sought the most correct information, and that he
endeavored to communicate it in a plain, perspicuous style. If he has
made any important mistakes, should those interested convince him of
them, in a friendly way, he will use the best means in his power to
correct them.

As to the narratives subjoined to this Journal, they are short, and he
thinks, interesting. He is acquainted with Mr. Davenport, and believes
him to be a man of veracity. He had no acquaintance with Mr. Mallary
before he applied to him for his narrative. His acquaintances will best
know what credit ought to be given to him.

The gentlemen who gave the narratives, it is obvious, are the _only
persons responsible for the truth of them_.

The whole is, with diffidence, submitted to the candor of a generous
public, by

                                                          ELIAS DARNELL.




JOURNAL OF THE CAMPAIGN,

_&c. &c._


For a few years past differences existed between the United States of
America and the Kingdom of Great Britain. Every possible means had been
used on the part of the executive and legislative departments of the
general government of the United States, to adjust those differences
upon honorable and equitable terms. But Great Britain treated every
reasonable proposition with haughtiness and contempt, and still
persisted in violating the just rights of the Americans, by committing
depredations on the high seas, and by impressing the citizens of the
United States into the service of his Majesty, and employing the
savages to murder the defenceless inhabitants of the frontiers. The
United States having long borne these outrages with great patience, at
length wearied with insults, resorted to the last and most painful
alternative of declaring war (which was done on the 18th of June,
1812); and the government having called for volunteers, more than the
quota of this State rallied round their country’s standard, ready to
assist in a vigorous prosecution of the war, in order to hasten a
speedy and honorable peace.

General Hull having been appointed by the general government to take
possession of part of Upper Canada, his forces, amounting to about
3,000, not being considered sufficient to execute that design, three
regiments of volunteer infantry and one regiment of United States
infantry, amounting in all to about 2,300, were called and destined to
his assistance.

Agreeably to a general order, the following regiments rendezvoused at
Georgetown, August 15, 1812, to wit:--

The first regiment was commanded by Colonel John M. Scott, the fifth
regiment was commanded by Colonel William Lewis, the first rifle
regiment by Colonel John Allen, the 17th United States regiment by
Colonel Samuel Wells; the whole under the command of Brigadier-General
Payne.

_16th._ The troops paraded early in the morning, and were received
by Governor Scott. We paraded again at 10 o’clock, and marched to a
convenient place in close order, where the Rev. Mr. Blythe preached
a short sermon, and the Honorable Henry Clay delivered an appropriate
discourse.

_17th._ The troops were inspected by Major Garrard.

_18th._ We drew two months’ pay in advance. There being a general
complaint amongst the volunteers respecting sixteen dollars, which
were expected to be drawn in lieu of clothing, Major Graves paraded
his battalion, and gave them their choice to go on without the sixteen
dollars, or return home. _Six_ chose to return; these, to fix an odium
upon them, were drummed out of camp and through town.

_19th._ We commenced our march in high spirits to join General Hull
at Detroit, or in Canada. Each regiment, for convenience and speed,
marched separately to Newport. We arrived at Newport the 24th; it
is 80 miles from Georgetown. It rained most of the time, which made
it disagreeable travelling and encamping. These hardships tended a
little to quench the excessive patriotic flame that had blazed so
conspicuously at the different musters and barbecues.

Here we received information of General Hull having surrendered Detroit
and Michigan Territory to General Brock, on the 15th of this instant,
while in possession of the necessary means to have held that post
against the forces of Upper Canada.[A] This we could not believe
until confirmed by handbills and good authority; when thus confirmed,
it appeared to make serious impressions on the minds of officers and
privates. Those high expectations of participating with General Hull in
the laurels to be acquired by the conquest of Malden and Upper Canada,
were entirely abandoned.

We drew our arms and accoutrements, and crossed the Ohio on the 27th.
Our destiny was thought to be Fort Wayne.

The following general order will show some of the evolutions which were
performed by this army while on its march.

                           “HEADQUARTERS, _Cincinnati, August 23, 1812_.

  “The troops will commence their march in the direction to Dayton,
  by Lebanon, at an early hour to-morrow morning. The generale will
  be beat instead of the reveille; the tents will then be struck, the
  baggage loaded, and the line of march taken up as soon as possible.

  “The commandants of the several corps will immediately commence
  drilling their men to the performance of the evolutions contemplated
  by the commander-in-chief, for the order of march and battle. The
  principal feature in all these evolutions is that of a battalion
  changing its direction by swinging on its centre. This, however, is
  not to be done by wheeling, which, by a large body in the woods, is
  impracticable. It is to be formed thus: the battalion being on its
  march in a single rank, and its centre being ascertained, the front
  division comes to the right about, excepting the man in the rear of
  that division who steps two paces to the right, at the same time
  the front man of the second division takes a position about four
  feet to the left of the man in the rear of the front division, and
  dresses with him in a line at right angles to the line of march.
  These two men acting as marks or guides for the formation of the new
  alignment at the word--Form the new alignment, March! the men of the
  front division file round their guide, and form in succession on
  his right. At the same time the men of the rear division file up in
  succession to the left of the guide, and dress in a line with him and
  the guide of the front division. This manœuvre may be performed by
  any number of men, by company and platoon as well as battalion.

                                                  “WM. H. HARRISON,
                                           “_Major-General Commanding_.”


_31st._ General Harrison overtook the army between Lebanon and Dayton.
He was received joyfully by all the troops as commander-in-chief, with
three cheers.

_September 1._ The army arrived at Dayton, fifty miles from Cincinnati,
and was saluted by the firing of cannon. One of the men who were firing
the cannon got one of his hands shot off, and the other badly wounded.
We arrived at Piqua, September 3, thirty miles from Dayton, on the Big
Miami.

_4th._ Received information of the critical situation of Fort Wayne.
Colonel Allen’s[B] regiment and two companies from Colonel Lewis’s,
drew twenty-four rounds of ammunition, and started with all possible
speed to the relief of that fort.

_5th._ General Harrison having paraded the remaining part of the army
in a circle in close order, delivered a speech to them, stating that he
had just received intelligence from Fort Wayne; that it was in great
danger of being taken by the Indians and British; he said that we were
under the necessity of making a forced march to their relief. He read
some of the articles of war, and stated the absolute necessity of such
regulations and restrictions in an army, and if there were any who
could not feel willing to submit to those articles and go on with him
they might then return home. _One man_ belonging to Colonel Scott’s
regiment made a choice of returning home, rather than submit to those
terms. Some of his acquaintances got a permit to escort him part of the
way home. Two of them got him upon a rail and carried him to the river;
a crowd followed after; they ducked him several times in the water, and
washed away all his patriotism.

_6th._ We marched at 12 o’clock--we left all our sick and part of
our clothing and baggage at Piqua, in order to make as much speed as
possible. On the morning of the 8th, three miles from St. Mary’s, one
of Captain M‘Gowen’s company was accidentally shot through the body by
one of the sentinels; the surgeon thought it mortal.[C] We marched
four miles and encamped near the River St. Mary’s, one mile from the
fort. General Harrison called the army together and stated, through
emergency, we must be on half rations of flour for a few days, but
should draw a ration and a half of beef, as he wished to go as light
and as quick as possible. He said, “any who do not feel willing to go
on these terms may remain at the fort and have plenty.” I know of none
that stayed. St. Mary’s block-house is thirty miles from Piqua, on the
River St. Mary’s.

_9th._ We marched through some first-rate woodland, and through a
large prairie of the best quality. It is badly watered; the water in
the wagon-ruts was the only drink we could get to cool our scorching
thirst, and but very little of that. We encamped near the River St.
Mary’s, eighteen miles from the fort. At 11 o’clock and at 3 we were
alarmed by the sentinels firing several guns; we formed in order of
battle, and stood so fifteen minutes.

The following extract of a general order is designed to show the order
of battle for night and day attack.

                                                “HEADQUARTERS,
                       “_Second Crossing of St. Mary’s, Sept. 10, 1812_.

  “The signal for a general charge will be beating the _long-roll_.
  Officers and men will be upon their arms and in their clothes.

  “Two or more guns firing in succession will constitute an alarm, at
  which the whole army will parade in the order of encampment (that
  is, in a hollow square), unless otherwise directed. When a sentinel
  discharges his gun in the night the officer of the guard to whom he
  belongs will immediately ascertain the cause, and should he have
  sufficient reason to believe, on an examination, that an enemy
  is near, he will cause two guns to be fired in quick succession.
  Should the firing of a sentinel appear to have proceeded from a
  cause not sufficient to give an alarm, the officer of the guard will
  immediately call out ‘_all is well_,’ which will be repeated through
  the army. The same thing will take place upon an accidental fire made
  in the day.

  “The order of battle for rear attack will be so far attended with
  regard to the rear line; the rear battalions of Colonel Lewis’s
  regiment and Colonel Allen’s only are to turn upon their centre,
  while the heads of the front battalions are to close up the
  front lines, then, facing from the centre, march out until they
  respectively gain the flanks of the front line. Should the attack
  be in front, the senior officer nearest the flank battalion will
  judge of the propriety of bringing up that battalion to form on the
  flank of the front line. The second battalion of Colonel Lewis’s
  and Colonel Allen’s regiments will, in all cases, close up as the
  leading battalions shall advance, and make room for them. Captain
  Garrard’s troop, forming the rear guard, will also close up and act
  as circumstances may require.

                                                 “WM. H. HARRISON,
                                           “_Major-General Commanding_.”

_10th._ The order of march for the infantry was as follows: the first
and fifth regiments formed one line in single file on the left, two
hundred yards from the road, the 17th United States and the rifle
regiments on the right in the same manner. The baggage in the road. The
order of march for the horse troops: One of Colonel Adams’s battalions
of Ohio volunteers was placed at the distance of half a mile in front
of the columns of infantry, and marched in columns of companies in
files, and in such open order as to cover the whole front of the army.
The other battalion of Ohio volunteers formed the right flank guard
of the army, at the distance of three hundred yards from the column
of infantry, and parallel to it. The Kentucky mounted riflemen on the
left, the same distance from the left column of infantry for the left
flank guard; Captain Garrard’s troop formed the rear guard. We marched
twelve miles.

_11th._ The spies wounded an Indian and got his gun and blanket; our
day’s march was eleven miles; we stopped earlier than usual in order to
make breastworks, and because it was a convenient place for water. We
fortified this place very strongly with timber. At 11 o’clock the camp
was alarmed by the firing of many guns by the sentinels. The whole army
was formed in quick time, the horse troops being in the centre ready to
assist any line or to obey any order which might be given. One half of
the men were dismissed and retired to their tents for one hour, then
they relieved the first half. At 3 o’clock another alarm took place
from the sentinels, a general parade was again made. We stood in order
of battle for some time. The watchword was “_fight on_,” after which
this place was called “Fort Fight On.”

_12th._ We continued our march towards Fort Wayne with as much caution
as the nature of our hurrying would admit; we expected to meet with
the enemy before we reached the fort. In a certain well-known swamp,
through which we had to pass, we thought probably the enemy would
harbor. We passed the swamp unmolested for a mile, we were then
alarmed. The rear battalions formed in order of battle, but saw no
enemy to fight; we immediately resumed our march. This alarm and the
one the night preceding seemed to shake the boasted valor of some of
our bravest heroes.

This day’s march was twenty miles to Fort Wayne, through a great
deal of first-rate land, rich, level, and well timbered, but badly
watered near the road; we suffered extremely for water these three
days. Our arrival at this fort gave great joy to the inhabitants, who
were one company of regular troops and a few families. The Indians
had closely invested the fort for several days, and burned the United
States factory and all the other valuable houses which were not inside
of the stockading. Three of our men who were caught out of the fort
were killed by the Indians. The Indians encamped about the fort two
weeks before they made the attack on it, and were admitted in by
Captain Ray, the commanding officer of the garrison, who would have
surrendered to the savages, had it not been for his lieutenant, who
defended the fort with great bravery. Three Indians were killed and a
few wounded. Captain Ray was arrested and would have been broken had
he not resigned. The fort was well provided for a siege, having in it
one hundred men, plenty of provisions, ammunition, four small pieces of
cannon, and a good well of water.

Fort Wayne is one of the most elegant situations I ever saw, and must
be an important place to the United States. Three weeks ago the
neighborhood around the fort would have exhibited a pleasing prospect
to those who had seen nothing for several days but a dreary wilderness
of one hundred miles. A number of well-cultivated farms, with neat
houses, in view of the fort, would have excited emotions of pleasure. I
suppose there were four hundred acres of land in cultivation. All the
houses were reduced to ashes, together with a large quantity of small
grain and hay, by the savages; they were principally Pottowatomies;
they also destroyed all the stock of every kind about these farms,
which was very considerable. Fort Wayne is situated on the south side
of the River Maumee, opposite the junction of the River St. Mary’s and
St. Joseph, which are considerable navigable streams in lat. 41° 4′, N.
long. 11° 5′ west from the meridian of Philadelphia.

We were alarmed by the report of some guns which were fired by the
sentinels; we formed in order of battle for half an hour, during which
time it rained very hard, and rendered many of our guns unfit to do
execution, except the bayonets. The alarm must have proceeded from the
timidity of the sentinels.

_14th._ The whole force was divided and placed under the command of
General Payne and Colonel Wells. General Payne’s command was composed
of Colonel Lewis’s regiment, Colonel Allen’s and Captain Garrard’s
troop. Colonel Wells’s command was composed of Colonel Scott’s
regiment, the regulars and the mounted riflemen. General Payne was
instructed to destroy the Miami towns at the forks of the Wabash.
Colonel Wells was directed against the Pottowatomies’s village at
Elkheart. General Harrison thought proper to go with General Payne;
so we proceeded on to the waters of the Wabash; five miles from Fort
Wayne we encamped. Next morning we came to an Indian hut and a small
cornfield, two miles from our encampment; here all the wagons and
baggage were left, and Captain Langhorne’s company as a guard; from
this place we marched twenty-three miles to an Indian town at the forks
of the Wabash; we found the town evacuated; we pulled down some of
their houses and built up fires and encamped; we had plenty of roasting
ears of the best kind. It is a small kind of corn, shallow grain, and
very suitable for roasting ears, which answered us a very good purpose,
as we had only a little provision with us.

_16th._ We marched through their towns, four in number, in the bounds
of three or four miles, in which there were fresh signs of Indians. We
cut up their corn and put it in piles, sixty or eighty acres, so that
it might rot. A variety of beans were found growing with their corn;
potatoes, pumpkins, water-melons, and cucumbers were also cultivated by
them. Their houses were all burnt by the orders of General Harrison;
some of them were built of bark and some of logs. The tomb of a chief
was discovered; it was built on the ground with timber and clay, so
that no rain or air could enter; the chief was laid on his blanket, his
head towards sunrise, his rifle by his side, his tin pan on his breast,
with a spoon in it; he was ornamented in their style, with ear-rings,
brooches, &c. This is one of the most beautiful places in the western
country; the land is level, well timbered, well watered, and the soil
equal to any part of Kentucky. Near the town, where the timber has been
cut, it is covered with an elegant coat of blue grass.

_17th._ We got back to the baggage, and found all was well. Capt.
Langhorne had fortified against the enemy with rails, so that he would
have been able to have held his place against a considerable force. We
took some refreshments and pursued our journey, and encamped near our
former encampment.

_18th._ We arrived at Fort Wayne, and met with a reinforcement of
five hundred mounted riflemen and cavalry, from Kentucky. A man was
accidentally shot through the head by one of the mounted riflemen.
Colonel Wells’s division returned this evening from their route, which
was fifty miles from Fort Wayne, on the waters of St. Joseph’s River,
very much fatigued. They found nothing but deserted houses and corn to
destroy, which was about the same amount as was found at the Wabash.
Capt. Morris’s 1st sergeant (David Irwin) died on the road. One of the
light-horsemen wounded a man as he was feeding his horse, believing him
to be an Indian.

_19th._ We encamped in the forks of the river half a mile from the
fort. Gen. Harrison not being legally authorized by the general
government, as commander of this army, the command, of course, devolved
on Winchester. This resignation of Gen. Harrison’s was done with much
reluctance, as he had placed great confidence in the Kentuckians,
and found he was their choice, in preference to Gen. Winchester. The
conduct of Gen. Harrison at Tippecanoe, and his familiarity with the
troops while on their march to this place, had gained to him a peculiar
attachment. Gen. Winchester being a stranger, and having the appearance
of a supercilious officer, he was generally disliked. His assuming the
command almost occasioned a mutiny in camp; this was prevented by the
solicitations of some of the officers to go on.

_20th._ The Kentucky mounted riflemen started to St. Mary’s under the
command of Gen. Harrison, in order to pursue the Indians in some other
quarter; their number was about fifteen hundred.

_21st._ We received marching orders to march to-morrow morning at 7
o’clock.

The following general order, will show Gen. Winchester’s order of march.


  “GENERAL ORDERS.--_Fort Wayne Sept. 22, 1812._

  “The army will march in the following order, to wit: the guard in
  front in three lines, two deep in the road, and in Indian file on the
  flanks, at the distance of fifty to one hundred yards from the centre
  line, when not prevented by obstructions.

  “A fatigue party, to consist of one captain, one ensign, two
  sergeants, two corporals, and fifty privates, will follow the front
  guard for the purpose of opening the road. The remainder of the
  infantry to march on the flanks in the following order; Col. Wells’s
  and Allen’s regiments on the right, and Scott’s and Lewis’s on the
  left.

  “The general and brigade baggage, commissaries’ and quartermasters’
  stores immediately in the rear of the fatigue party. The cavalry in
  the following order: Capt. Garrard and twenty of his men to precede
  the guard in front, and equally divide at the head of each line. A
  lieutenant and eighteen men in rear of the whole army and baggage.
  The balance of the cavalry equally divided on the flanks of the flank
  lines.

  “The regimental baggage wagons fall in according to the rank of
  the commanding officers of the respective regiments. The officers
  commanding corps, previous to their marching, will cause the arms
  and ammunition to be carefully examined, and will see that they are
  in _good order_. They will also be particularly careful that the men
  do not waste their cartridges. No muskets are to be carried in the
  wagons. One half of the fatigue party are to work at the same time;
  the other half are to carry the arms and accoutrements while on
  fatigue. The wagon-master will attend to the loading of the wagons,
  and see that the different articles are put in in good order, and
  that each wagon and team carry a reasonable load. The hour of march
  is deferred until 9 o’clock, instead of 7. The officer of the day is
  charged with the execution of these orders.

  “The line of battle shall be formed agreeably to Gen. Harrison’s
  order on his late march to Fort Wayne.

                                                   “JAMES WINCHESTER,
                                                  “_Brigadier-General_.”


_26th._ Two white men, and Capt. John (an Indian who was with us),
lost their horses. They continued about the camping ground in search
of them; they saw two or three Indians exploring our encampment. They
took this method, no doubt, to calculate our number. The spies returned
to camp this evening, who had discovered many Indian signs in front.
Five of the spies who had yesterday started with the view to go to Fort
Defiance, were found on the road shot, scalped, and tomahawked by the
Indians or British.

_27th._ The spies and Capt. Garrard’s troop started this morning to
bury the dead. They were attacked by a party of Indians who were
watching the dead. One of the spies got shot in the ankle by an Indian.
They fired on the Indians, and with the assistance of Capt. Garrard,
they made them run, but not without the loss of some of their savage
blood. It was supposed some of them were badly wounded.

Capts. Hickman and Ruddell returned, who had started this morning to
reconnoitre Fort Defiance. They reported, that they saw many fresh
signs of Indians. As they returned to camp they spied an encampment of
Indians; the Indians were talking and laughing merrily. A detachment
was sent after dark in order to surprise them. Ruddell, their pilot,
got lost before he got far, so that they could not execute their design.

_28th._ The army was alarmed about a mile from camp; we quickly paraded
in order of battle, and were anxious to meet the enemy. The alarm
proceeded from the spies, who fired at some Indians in front. The spies
returned to camp this evening; they saw where a large number of Indians
and British had encamped the night before.

_29th._ We continued on the same encampment, five miles from Defiance,
and forty-five from Fort Wayne. The spies and horse troop were sent
out in order to make discoveries. A party took the back track; they
saw where the enemy had wheeled to the right about, and retreated; and
fortunately for them they did so. Our industry in fortifying the camp
with breastworks, and caution and vigilance with which it was guarded,
would have rendered us able to have maintained our ground against a
superior force. Wagon tracks were plainly to be seen--it was thought
they were going to Fort Wayne with cannon, to take that place.

_30th._ We marched within one mile of Fort Defiance, and searched for
a suitable place to encamp on: after every examination it was thought
best to continue here, as it was a convenient place for timber. We
pitched our tents and built very strong breastworks round the camp,
which we had done for five or six nights past; we also slept with our
guns in our arms, and paraded an hour before day, and stood under arms
till nearly sunrise. From Fort Wayne to Defiance, we travelled on the
north-west side of the Maumee River. The country is extremely level and
well timbered, but badly watered.

_Oct. 1._ Col. Lewis, with a detachment of three hundred and eighty
men, started early this morning to pursue the Indians and British; they
crossed the Auglaze River, and proceeded down the Maumee seven or eight
miles, but could see nothing more than the appearance of the enemy
retreating.

_2d._ Gen. Harrison arrived here with about one hundred mounted troops,
and two days’ rations of flour. We have been without bread four days.
We were informed Gen. Harrison was appointed commander-in-chief of the
North-Western Army; this was pleasing news to their troops, as he was
the choice in preference to any other.

_3d._ The troops that were with Gen. Harrison, consisting of mounted
riflemen and cavalry, three regiments, came to camp this morning from
St. Mary’s, which is 63 miles from Defiance. They came with speed,
to assist the troops commanded by Gen. Winchester. Gen. Harrison had
received information that all the British and Indian forces of Upper
Canada were on their way to meet Gen. Winchester at Defiance.

_4th._ There has been great murmuring in camp, on account of the
scarcity of provisions, which threatened a dissolution of this army.
Gen. Harrison having paraded the army, addressed them and said, there
were twenty-five thousand rations provided for this army at St.
Mary’s; this should be conveyed here as soon as possible, part of
which would be here to-day; he stated the consequence of such mutinous
complaints, and if this army would disperse, where could he get men who
would stand? He said every exertion for the supply of this army with
provisions and clothing, should be used. He informed us there would be
a number of troops from Pennsylvania and Virginia to join us, amounting
in all to ten thousand.

_5th._ A fatigue party of two hundred and forty men were employed to
rebuild Fort Defiance. There were a few men on the other side of the
river opposite to the fort. They discovered a party of Indians, twenty
or thirty in number; they took them to be those friendly Indians who
were with us; being not on their guard, they got close to them. Four or
five of the Indians fired at the same time; they killed and scalped one
of the men, and made their escape. The murder was committed not more
than three hundred yards from the encampment of the mounted riflemen
and cavalry, with Gen. Tupper at the head of them. Those murderers
were pursued immediately by two hundred horsemen; they pursued them in
scattered order. A small party overtook them five or six miles from
camp, and finding the enemy’s force superior they had to retreat.

_7th._ The principal part of the clothing which was left at Piqua,
came to camp; it has been greatly needed. A majority of the mounted
men who were ordered to the rapids, and drew ten days’ provisions for
_that expedition_, refused to march under Gen. Tupper; of course the
contemplated expedition failed, and they returned home, as their thirty
days were nearly expired.

_9th._ A few days ago, Frederick Jacoby, belonging to the 17th regiment
of United States infantry, was tried by a court-martial for sleeping on
his post--he was condemned to be shot. The troops paraded and formed in
a hollow square in close order, where the Rev. Mr. Shannon delivered a
short discourse on the occasion. The square was then displayed, so that
the army might witness the awful example of execution. The criminal
was marched from the provost guard with solemn music, under a guard of
a subaltern, sergeant, corporal, and twenty privates, to the place of
execution; there he was blindfolded; the guard stood a few steps from
him waiting the hour of execution! This was a solemn scene; a profound
silence was kept by all the troops. But fortunately for the criminal,
a reprieve arrived for him, just before the time of execution! The
General judged him not a man of sound mind.

The spies reported they had killed an Indian, but could not get his
scalp on account of other Indians; they stated there must be a large
body of Indians near, by their trails.

_10th._ In consequence of the above report of the spies, Colonel Wells
started with five hundred men in pursuit of the Indians; he pursued
their trails twelve or thirteen miles, but could not see an Indian.

_11th._ The General ordered we should move and encamp near where the
fort was building; this was, however, prevented by the inclemency
of the weather; it rained and the wind blew all day, which made our
situation very unpleasant. A man died in camp last night; he was buried
with the honors of war; he was escorted to the grave in solemn order,
and, after a short discourse by the Rev. Mr. Mitchell, six men fired
three rounds over the grave; this was the first scene of the kind
witnessed in our camp.

_14th._ We moved to the fort, and received a supply of provisions
(salt, flour, and whiskey); we had been without salt ever since the
7th, and without flour two days.

_16th._ A detachment of one hundred men was sent this morning six miles
below the fort, to a suitable place of timber to build pirogues.

_18th._ (_Sunday._) The troops marched to the centre, agreeably to a
general order, to hear the Rev. Mr. Shannon preach a sermon suited
to the times. While he was zealously engaged there were six or seven
guns fired down the river in quick succession; this alarmed the whole
congregation--every one flew to his arms and left the speaker alone.
The alarm originated from a pirogue party, who had just arrived with a
pirogue for a supply of provisions.

_19th._ The fort was finished and christened “_Fort Winchester_.” It is
composed of four block-houses, a hospital and storehouse, and picketed
between each block-house, containing about a quarter of an acre.

_20th._ The General issued an order for the troops to be assembled
every morning at 9 o’clock, at such places near the encampment, as the
commanding officers might deem convenient, and cause the rolls to be
called, and mark all delinquents; and there, until 12 o’clock, practice
the manual exercise, and manœuvre according to Smith’s instructions for
infantry.

_27th._ In consequence of Gen. Winchester’s receiving information,
he issued an order respecting clothing, which will show a flattering
prospect of being supplied, an extract of which is as follows:--

  “GENERAL ORDERS.--_Fort Winchester, Oct. 27, 1812._

  “With great pleasure the General announces to the army the prospect
  of an early supply of winter clothing, amongst which are the
  following articles exported from Philadelphia on the 9th of September
  last, viz. 10,000 pairs of shoes, 5,000 blankets, 5,000 round
  jackets, 5,000 pairs of pantaloons, woollen cloth, to be made and
  forwarded to the westward immediately; besides the winter clothing
  for Col. Wells’s regiment some days before; 1,000 watch-coats,
  ordered from Philadelphia the 7th of October, 1812. September 24th,
  5,000 blankets and 1,000 yards of flannel. 25th, 10,000 pairs of
  shoes. 29th, 10,000 pairs of woollen hose, 10,000 do. socks.

  “Yet a few days and the General consoles himself with the idea of
  seeing those whom he has the honor to command clad in warm woollen,
  capable of resisting the _northern blasts of Canada_.

                                                 “J. WINCHESTER,
                     “_Brigadier-Gen. Commanding Left Wing N. W. Army_.”

_29th._ A fatigue party, consisting of three captains, three
subalterns, three sergeants, three corporals, and one hundred and
fifty privates was detached this morning, superintended by Gen. Payne,
to clear the way on the opposite side of the river, so as to make the
view more extensive from the fort. The spies caught a prisoner fifteen
or twenty miles below this place; he said he was just from Detroit; he
was suspected as a spy, but he denied it; he said he deserted from the
British, who had had him in confinement some time in consequence of his
not taking the oath to be true to them.

Fort Winchester is situated near the point between the Maumee and
Auglaze rivers, and is a handsome place; it is predicted by some to
become in a few years a populous city. The greater part of the land
in the adjacent country is rich, and when improved will be equal, if
not superior, to any in the western country. The Auglaze River empties
into Great Miami, which runs a north course to Fort Winchester, and is
navigable a considerable distance.

_November 2._ We moved across the River Maumee, opposite the point; it
is a high piece of ground and very level, but in some degree wet and
marshy: this movement was in order to get convenient to firewood.

_3d._ This late place of encampment is found not to answer a good
purpose; therefore the General thought it expedient to move from this
to a piece of ground one-half mile lower down the river. As there were
only a few wagons, one regiment moved at a time--from 12 o’clock till
after sunset before the last arrived at the place of destination. This
last place appears to be very marshy, but not so much so as the former.
It is very difficult to get a good place for an encampment at this
time, as we have had several rainy days.

_4th._ The troops have been engaged in fortifying this late place
of encampment with breastworks, so that we may be prepared for our
enemies, should they think proper to pay us a visit; the weather is
very rainy, which makes our situation extremely unpleasant, though not
more so than we could expect from the climate and season. Four of this
army have gone to the silent tomb to-day, never more to visit their
friends in Kentucky; the fever is very prevalent in camp; nearly every
day there is one or more buried.

_7th._ We received information from Kentucky by passengers, of a
quantity of clothing coming out for the volunteers. By every account
from that quarter, the roads are almost impassable. Major Garrard,
and six of the spies, started to the Rapids this morning. This river
abounds greatly with fish; large quantities have been caught with
traps, and also with hooks and lines.

_9th._ Major Garrard, and those men with him, returned from the
Rapids. They made discoveries of a large quantity of corn, and some
hogs, and cattle, and a few Indians.

_10th._ The army moved six miles down the river, in order to be better
accommodated with suitable ground for camping, and to build more
pirogues. This encampment is the dryest we have been at for some time;
the land and timber are not inferior to any. I trust this country
was designed for a more noble purpose than to be a harbor for those
rapacious savages, whose manners and deportment are not more elevated
than the ravenous beasts of the forest. I view the time not far
distant, when this country will be interspersed with elegant farms and
flourishing towns, and be inhabited by a free and independent people,
under an auspicious republic.

_15th._ A detachment of six captains, six subalterns, six sergeants,
six corporals, and three hundred and eighty-six privates, started with
six days’ provision, this morning, at reveille beating, to the Rapids,
under the command of Col. Lewis.

_17th._ Col. Lewis, with his detachment, returned about twelve o’clock,
after a laborious march of sixty miles. About eighteen miles below this
place, he was overtaken by an express from Gen. Winchester, who had
received intelligence of Gen. Tupper, with five hundred men, being
at the Rapids, who had discovered a body of Indians, six or seven
hundred in number, drinking and dancing. Gen. Tupper, thinking this
a good opportunity to attack them, attempted to cross the river, two
miles above; he and two hundred of his men effected this, through great
difficulty; in wading across some fell in the water and lost their
guns, which discouraged the rest, so that Gen. Tupper could not execute
his design. This intelligence animated the troops commanded by Col.
Lewis, so that they wanted to continue on that night, without stopping,
and attack the enemy before day. Col. Lewis thought proper to halt, and
send an express to Gen. Tupper, for both parties to meet at Roche de
Baut,[D] six miles above the Indian encampment, and unite their forces,
and surprise the enemy.

The express returned at three o’clock in the morning, and reported,
he had been at Gen. Tupper’s encampment; at the entrance of which, he
saw a man, dead, scalped, and stripped. He concluded that Gen. Tupper
was defeated. This news changed the course of Col. Lewis, not knowing
their force. The General has thought proper to have this place strongly
fortified with breastworks, four and a half feet high.

_18th._ One of the sentinels of the bullock guard discharged the
contents of his gun at an Indian, as he thought, a few miles below
camp, where the bullocks were grazing; the guard deserted the bullocks,
and retreated to camp. A party was immediately sent in pursuit of the
Indians, and behold! they found Michael Paul cutting a bee-tree.

_20th._ Ruddell returned, who was sent on the _17th_ to reconnoitre
the Rapids, and Tupper’s encampment. He discovered a large body of
Indians at the Rapids. He was through Tupper’s encampment, where it was
supposed he was defeated He saw the man that was scalped and stripped,
and he thought Tupper had retreated, instead of being defeated.

_22d._ Smith and his party of spies had a little skirmish near
Wolftown. Early in the morning they were eating their breakfasts; one
of them started to get a drink of water; he had only got a few steps
when an Indian fired and wounded him, but not mortally. After snapping
twice, he fired and wounded an Indian. Several guns were fired by the
Indians afterwards, but no injury was sustained. In returning to camp
the wounded man was sent on some distance before, while part of them
remained in the rear as a guard.

Capt. Logan, Capt. John, and another Indian, started to the Rapids
with the determination to establish their characters (for they were
suspected by some to be traitors). Between this and the Rapids, as they
were rising a bank, they met seven Indians and a British officer, who
took them prisoners, but let them carry their own guns. After taking
them some considerable distance, they were determined to liberate
themselves or fall a sacrifice. They succeeded in killing at the same
time, the British officer[E] and two of the Indians; they stated Logan
killed the second, but he got badly wounded through the body; one of
the other Indians that were with him got wounded, but not mortally. The
two wounded got on two horses that belonged to the dead and rode to
camp, leaving Capt. John to take scalps.

_23d._ Capt. John came in camp this morning with a scalp; he said it
was the scalp of a Pottowatomie chief (Wynemack); he broke his knife in
scalping him, which prevented him from scalping the others.

_24th._ Logan died, and was much lamented by the men generally,
believing him to be true to the United States, and a brave soldier.

_December 1._ The troops are engaged in building huts, which are far
preferable to tents.

_2d._ The General has issued an order for the camp to be picketed,
which is three-quarters of a mile round. It is on the north side of
the river, and is composed of three lines. Col. Wells’s regiment on
the right, Col. Scott’s, Lewis’s, and part of Allen’s in front, the
remaining part of Allen’s on the left, the river in the rear. The
pickets were nearly completed in one day, two feet in the ground and
eight feet above.

_10th._ The General has given orders to the commanding officers of
regiments to cause each of their companies to be provided with a good
pirogue sufficient to carry its own baggage, and cause all those who
are without shoes to make themselves moccasons out of green hides.

There are many who have not shoes and clothes sufficient to keep
them from freezing, should we move from here while they are in
this condition; the clothes that the General flattered us with the
expectation, and the clothes subscribed by the Kentuckians being not
yet received, except a small part of the latter.

_13th._ Smith and his party returned from the Rapids, who started
two days ago in a canoe; they did not go far before they left the
canoe, on account of the ice, and travelled by land; some of them were
dangerously frostbitten.

_14th._ An express arrived in camp, certifying that the boats which
started from St. Mary’s on the 4th, laden with flour and clothing, were
frozen up in St. Mary’s River, and the escort was building a house to
store the loading in.

_15th._ Capt. Hickman started this morning to forward flour and
clothing immediately on packhorses.

_16th._ We have drawn no flour since the 10th, in consequence of which
there was a letter handed to the General last night secretly, which
stated that the volunteers in two days, except flour came before
that time, would start and go to it; and they would carry their
camp equipage to the fort if the General required it. This news was
soon circulated through camp. The officers used every argument to
suppress the appearance of a mutiny. A court-martial was held at Capt.
Williams’s marquee to try John Hoggard, a private in Capt. Price’s
company, for some misdemeanor. He was condemned to be drummed out of
camp. Col. Lewis paraded his regiment, and had him escorted with the
fife and drum from one end of his line to the other. So he was legally
discharged from the army. The most common punishment in camp for
criminals is that of _riding the wooden horse_, or being put _under
guard on half rations_. All the beef and pork was issued to the troops
this evening; our dependence for the next ration is on a drove of hogs
that has been expected several days!

_17th._ Three hundred head of hogs arrived to our relief.

_20th._ The weather is excessively cold; the ice has stopped the
navigation of the river, so that the plan of going to the Rapids by
water is entirely frustrated; we had prepared about sixty pirogues for
the voyage, which will be left here for our successors.

_21st._ The General has ordered the commandants of regiments to cause
each company to be provided with a sufficient number of sleds to convey
their baggage to the Rapids. It is said these sleds are to be pulled by
the men, as we have not a horse in camp able to pull an empty sled.

_22d._ A little flour came to camp once more; quarter-rations of that
article were issued, which was welcomed by rejoicing throughout camp:

_24th._ Capt. Hickman returned with joyful news--that we should in a
short time be supplied with flour. The deficiency of this article had
produced serious consequences in the army. We have here been exposed to
numberless difficulties, as well as deprived of the common necessaries
of life; and what made these things operate more severely was, all
hopes of obtaining any conquest was entirely abandoned. Obstacles had
emerged in the path to victory, which must have appeared insurmountable
to every person endowed with common sense. The distance to Canada, the
unpreparedness of the army, the scarcity of provisions, and the badness
of the weather, show that Malden cannot be taken in the remaining
part of our time. And would it not have been better if this army had
been disbanded? Our sufferings at this place have been greater than
if we had been in a severe battle. More than one hundred lives have
been lost, owing to our bad accommodations! The sufferings of about
three hundred sick at a time, who are exposed to the cold ground and
deprived of every nourishment, are sufficient proofs of our wretched
condition! The camp has become a loathsome place. The hope of being one
day relieved from these unnecessary sufferings affords some relief. We
received this evening a supply of flour, and have been delivered from a
state of starvation. It being Christmas eve, just after dark, a number
of guns were fired in quick succession; the whole army was ordered to
parade in order of battle; strict orders were given to suppress the
firing. About an hour before day the firing commenced again; the army
was again paraded and strict orders given, threatening to punish the
offenders.

_27th._ Part of the clothing arrived from Kentucky.

_29th._ We are now about commencing one of the most serious marches
ever performed by the Americans. Destitute, in a measure, of clothes,
shoes, and provisions, the most essential articles necessary for the
existence and preservation of the human species in this world, and more
particularly in this cold climate. Three sleds are prepared for each
company, each to be pulled by a packhorse, which has been without food
for two weeks, except brush, and will not be better fed while in our
service; probably the most of these horses never had harness on, but
the presumption is they will be too tame; we have prepared harness out
of green hides.

_30th._ After nearly three months’ preparation for this expedition,
we commenced our march in great splendor; our elegant equipage cast a
brilliant lustre on the surrounding objects as it passed! our clothes
and blankets looked as if they had never been acquainted with water,
but intimately with dirt, smoke, and soot; in fact, we have become
acquainted with one much despised in Kentucky, under whose government
we are obliged to live, whose name is “_Poverty_.” We marched six miles
and encamped near Col. Wells’s regiment, which marched yesterday; the
sick were left at No. Third, with a company from each regiment as a
guard.

_January 10._ We arrived at Hull’s road at the Rapids, fifty miles
from Fort Defiance, and encamped on a very high and suitable piece of
ground. The second day after we left No. Third, the snow melted and
the ground thawed, which operated much against our march. We marched
two miles, which tried the strength and activity of our noble steeds.
The General, who remained behind at No. Third, more properly styled
_Fort Starvation_, thinking probably to take the advantage of the
weather (this moderate thaw had opened the river in a ripple opposite
to No. Third), had several pirogues loaded with his baggage, and manned
immediately. After travelling three or four hundred yards they found
that they were blockaded with ice; they landed and guarded the plunder,
until arrangements could be made for its transportation by land. The
weather took a change the second of January. It commenced snowing, and
continued two days and nights: after it ceased, it was from twenty to
twenty-four inches deep. During this time we remained stationary. On
the third the army resumed its march, wading through a deep snow. We
had to stop early in the afternoon to prepare our encampment; to rake
the snow away, make fires, and pitch our tents, was no trifling task;
and after this we had to get bark or bushes to lie on; the linn, in
this case, was of great service to us. Many of the horses gave out,
and sleds broke down; consequently, the plunder had to be pulled or
carried by the men. I have seen six Kentuckians substituted instead
of a horse, pulling their plunder, drudging along through the snow,
and keeping pace with the foremost. In marching to this place we came
through some good land, particularly the river bottoms, which are very
rich. Wolftown, which is about half way between Fort Defiance and the
Rapids, is a handsome situation. This has formerly been an Indian town.
We reached Roche De Baut the 9th, four miles above Hull’s road, a place
where some French had formerly lived. Early next morning (as cold a
morning as the Kentuckians ever experienced) a detached party of six
hundred and seventy-six men marched in front of the baggage, and went
on four miles below the foot of the Rapids, in order to examine if it
were true, as said by some passengers from the right wing of the army,
that there were six hundred Indians encamped and picketed in, six miles
below the Rapids. The detachment marched within two miles of the place,
and sent spies, but they discovered no signs of Indians. The party
remained all night, and partook of an elegant supper of parched corn,
and returned to camp in the morning.

_11th._ Some fresh signs of Indians were seen near this encampment. A
detachment of twenty-four men was sent immediately, under the command
of Capt. Williams. They had not got far before they discovered the
Indians; the firing commenced on both sides nearly at the same time.
The Indians stood but a little time before they ran, but not until
they lost some of their savage blood. Capt. Williams pursued them some
miles, but could not overtake them. By the signs of blood, some of
them must have been badly wounded. They left behind them two of their
horses, a brass kettle, and some other plunder. One of Capt. Williams’s
men received a wound in the arm, and another got shot through his hat.
Capt. Edmiston, who was one of the party, got his gun shot through the
breech.

_13th._ Two Frenchmen came in camp last night from the river Raisin,
who received information of the army being here by those Indians that
Capt. Williams pursued, who got there the night after the skirmish,
and stopped only a few minutes, and then went on to Malden. Those
Frenchmen solicited protection and assistance, stating the abuse they
had received from the Indians, and the danger they were in of losing
their lives and property.

_25th._ Arrived in camp this morning, clothing from Kentucky. The
ladies who sent this clothing deserve the highest encomiums. If it
had not been for their unexampled exertions, we must have suffered
beyond conception. May they long live under the auspicious protection
of a free government, and may kind heaven reward their unparalleled
benevolence!

Another Frenchman came to camp, confirming what was stated by the
others. We now began to recruit after our laborious march, and after
being deprived of a sufficiency of provisions. Although we have
been without flour ever since we came here, yet we have been better
supplied with provisions than we have been since we embarked in the
service. We have here in possession many large fields of corn, probably
three hundred acres. We have erected a great many pounding machines,
to prepare it for our use. This place has a solemn appearance. The
inhabitants have fled, and the Indians or British have burned their
houses, leaving some of the chimneys standing. By every appearance,
this has been a respectable settlement. Four miles below our
encampment, are the remains of the old British garrison.

_17th._ A Frenchman came yesterday from the river Raisin; he said two
companies of British had just arrived from Canada, and the Indians
were collecting, and intended to burn Frenchtown in a few days. By
the repeated solicitations of the French, and being counselled by
some of the field-officers, the General has been induced to order out
a detachment of five hundred and seventy men, destined to the river
Raisin; it was said, contrary to the instructions of Gen. Harrison. The
detachment started[F] early with three days’ provisions, and proceeded
on twenty miles near to Presqu’ Isle, a French village on the south
side of the Maumee River. The sight of this village filled each heart
with emotions of cheerfulness and joy; for we had been nearly five
months in the wilderness, exposed to every inconvenience, and excluded
from everything that had the appearance of a civilized country. When
the inhabitants of the village discovered us, they met us with a white
flag, and expressed particular friendship for us. They informed us the
British and Indians had left Frenchtown a few days ago, and had gone
to Brownstown. About three hours after dark, a reinforcement of one
hundred and ten men overtook us, commanded by Col. Allen. Some time
in the latter part of the night an express came from the river Raisin,
informing Col. Lewis there were four hundred Indians and two companies
of British there, and that Colonel Elliott was to start the next
morning from Malden with a reinforcement.

_18th._ We started early, in order to get there before Col. Elliott;
after travelling fifteen miles, mostly on the ice, we received
information of the enemy being there waiting for us; we were then
within three miles of Frenchtown; we proceeded on with no other view
than _to conquer or die_. When we advanced in sight of the town, and
were about a quarter of a mile from it, the British saluted us by the
firing of a piece of cannon; they fired it three times, but no injury
was sustained. During this time we formed the line of battle, and,
raising a shout,[G] advanced on them briskly; they soon commenced the
firing of their small arms, but this did not deter us from a charge;
we advanced close and let loose on them; they gave way, and we soon
had possession of the village without the loss of a man! Three were
slightly wounded. Twelve of their warriors were slain and scalped, and
one prisoner taken before they got to the woods. In retreating, they
kept up some firing. We pursued them half a mile to the woods, which
were very brushy and suited to their mode of fighting. As we advanced,
they were fixing themselves behind logs, trees, &c. to the best
advantage; our troops rushed on them resolutely, and gave them Indian
play, took the advantage of trees, &c. and kept them retreating a mile
and a half in the woods. During this time a heavy fire was kept up on
both sides; at length, after a battle of three hours and five minutes,
we were obliged to stop the pursuit on account of the approach of
night, and retire to the village; we collected our wounded and carried
them to the village, leaving our dead on the ground. In this action the
Kentuckians displayed great bravery, after being much fatigued with
marching on the ice; cowardice was entirely discountenanced; each was
anxious to excel his fellow-soldiers in avenging his injured country;
those only fell in the rear who were most fatigued. Our loss in this
action was eleven killed and fifty wounded.[H] Although the enemy had
the advantage of the village in the first attack, and of the woods in
the second, their loss, by the best information, far exceeded ours. A
Frenchman stated they had fifty-four killed and a hundred and forty
wounded, part of whom were carried to his house, on Sand Creek, a few
miles from the village. An express and the Indian prisoner were sent
immediately to the Rapids. Some dispute arose between the Indians and
some of the French on Sand Creek; the Indians killed an old man and
his wife; in consequence of this the French were enraged, and resolved
to get revenge. They applied to us for assistance, but it was thought
improper to leave the village, though some of them had assisted us and
fought in the front of the battle.

_19th._ A party was sent out to the battle-ground to bring in the dead,
which were found scalped and stripped except one. In going over the
battle-ground, great signs were seen (by the blood and where they had
been dragged through the snow) of a considerable loss on the part of
the enemy. Two of the wounded died. The British left a considerable
quantity of provisions and some store goods, which answered us a
valuable purpose. The wounded could have been as well accommodated here
with every necessary as in any part of Kentucky. Apples, cider, sugar,
butter, and whiskey appeared to be plenty. The river Raisin runs an
east course through a level country, interspersed with well-improved
farms, and is seventy or eighty yards wide; the banks are low.
Frenchtown is situated on the north side of this river, not more than
three miles from the place it empties into Lake Erie. There is a row
of dwelling-houses, about twenty in number, principally frame, near
the bank, surrounded with a fence made in the form of picketing, with
split timber, from four to five feet high; this was not designed as a
fortification, but to secure their yards and gardens.

_21st._ A reinforcement of two hundred and thirty men arrived in the
afternoon; also Gen. Winchester, Col. Wells, Major M‘Clanahan, Capt.
Hart, surgeons Irvin and Montgomery, and some other gentlemen, who
came to eat apples and drink cider, having been deprived of every kind
of spirits nearly two months. The officers having viewed and laid off
a piece of ground for a camp and breastworks, resolved that it was
too late to remove and erect fortifications that evening; farther,
as they resolved to remove early next day, it was not thought worth
while, though materials were at hand, to fortify the right wing,
which therefore encamped in the open field,[I] and Col. Wells, their
commander, set out for the Rapids late in the evening. A Frenchman
arrived here late in the evening from Malden, and stated that a large
number of Indians and British were coming on the ice with artillery to
attack us; he judged their number to be three thousand; this was not
believed by some of our leading men, who were regaling themselves with
whiskey and loaf sugar; but the generality of the troops put great
confidence in the Frenchman’s report, and expected some fatal disaster
to befall us; principally because Gen. Winchester had taken up his
head-quarters nearly half a mile from any part of the encampment, and
because the right wing was exposed. Ensign Harrow was sent with a party
of men, some time after night, by the orders of Col. Lewis, to bring
in all the men, either officers or privates, that he might find out of
their quarters. After finding some and giving them their orders, he
went to a brick house, about a mile up the river, and entered a room;
finding it not occupied, he immediately went above stairs and saw two
men, whom he took to be British officers, talking with the landlord.
The landlord asked him to walk down into a stove room, and handing his
bottle, asked him to drink, and informed him “there was no danger, for
the British had not a force sufficient to whip us.” So Harrow returned
about 1 o’clock and reported to Col. Lewis what he had seen. Col.
Lewis treated the report with coolness, thinking the persons seen were
only some gentlemen from town; just at daybreak the reveille began to
beat, as usual; this gave joy to the troops, who had passed the night
under the apprehensions of being attacked before day. The reveille
had not been beating more than two minutes before the sentinels fired
three guns in quick succession; this alarmed our troops, who quickly
formed and were ready for the enemy before they were near enough to
do execution. The British immediately discharged their artillery,
loaded with balls, bombs, and grape-shot, which did little injury;
they then attempted to make a charge on those in the pickets, but were
repulsed with great loss. Those on the right being less secure for the
want of fortification, were overpowered by a superior force, and were
ordered to retreat to a more advantageous piece of ground. They got in
disorder and could not be formed.[J] The Indians pursued them from
all quarters, and surrounded, killed, and took the most of them. The
enemy again charged on the left with redoubled vigor, but were again
forced to retire. Our men lay close behind the picketing, through which
they had portholes, and every one having a rest took sight, that his
ammunition might not be spent in vain. After a long and bloody contest,
the enemy finding they could not, either by stratagem or force, drive
us from our fortification, retired to the woods, leaving their dead
on the ground, except a party that kept two pieces of cannon in play
on our right. A sleigh was seen three or four hundred yards from our
lines going towards the right, supposed to be laden with ammunition
to supply the cannon. Four or five men rose up and fired at once, and
killed the man and wounded the horse. Some Indians who were hid behind
houses continued to annoy us with scattering balls. At this time bread
from the commissary’s house was handed round among our troops, who
sat composedly eating and watching the enemy at the same time. Being
thus refreshed, we discovered a white flag advancing toward us; it was
generally supposed to be for a cessation of arms that our enemies
might carry off their dead, which were numerous, although they had been
bearing away both dead and wounded during the action; but how were we
surprised and mortified when we heard that Gen. Winchester, with Col.
Lewis, had been taken prisoners by the Indians in attempting to rally
the right wing, and that Gen. Winchester had surrendered us prisoners
of war to Col. Proctor! Major Madison, then the highest in command, did
not agree to this until Col. Proctor had promised[K] that the prisoners
should be protected from the Indians, the wounded taken care of, the
dead collected and buried, and private property respected. It was then
with extreme reluctance our troops accepted this proposition; there was
scarcely a person that could refrain from shedding tears! Some plead
with the officers not to surrender, saying they would rather die on
the field! We had only five killed, and twenty-five or thirty wounded,
inside of the pickets. The British asked, when they came in, what we
had done with our dead, as they saw but few on the ground. A barn being
set on fire to drive the Indians from behind it, they concluded that,
to conceal our dead, we had thrown them into these flames.

One of the houses that the wounded were in, was much shattered by the
cannon balls, though only a few struck as low as a man’s head. The
bombs flew over. Some bursted fifty feet above the ice, some fell
on the ice, and some fell over the river. Notwithstanding all their
exertions, their six cannon (which were all said to be six-pounders)
did but little damage.

In this battle, officers and privates exhibited the utmost firmness and
bravery. Whilst the men were at their posts firing on the enemy, the
officers were passing along the lines supplying them with cartridges.
Major Graves, in passing around the line, was wounded in the knee.
He sat down in a tent, bound up his wound, and cried: “BOYS, I AM
WOUNDED; NEVER MIND ME, BUT FIGHT ON!”

The British collected their troops, and marched in front of the
village. We marched out and grounded our arms, in heat and bitterness
of spirit. The British and Indians took possession of them. But all the
swords, dirks, tomahawks, and knives were given up with promise that
they should be restored again. [This promise was broken.]

All the prisoners, except those that were badly wounded, Dr. Todd,
Dr. Bowers, and a few attendants, were marched towards Malden. The
British said, as they had a great many of their wounded to take to
Malden that evening, it would be out of their power to take ours before
morning, but they would leave a sufficient guard, so that they should
not be interrupted by the Indians. You will presently see with what
aggravating circumstances the breach of this promise was attended.

Brother Allen Darnall having been badly wounded in the right shoulder
on the 18th, and I being appointed to attend on the wounded, I
continued with them.

Before the British and prisoners marched, the Indians ransacked the
camp, and got all the plunder that was remaining--namely, tents,
kettles, buckets, pans, &c.; then coming amongst the wounded, greatly
insulted them, and took some of their plunder. After they went out
I bolted the door. They came again and broke it open with their
tomahawks. I immediately applied to a British officer, and told him
the Indians were interrupting the wounded. He turned round, and called
to another officer to send the guard. The Indians at that time had
plundered the commissary’s house (which was near the house in which the
wounded were) of everything they wanted, and piled rails against it
and set them on fire: I, with the assistance of two British officers,
put it out. One of the British officers (Maj. Rundels) inquired where
the ammunition was. I told him, if there was any, it was above stairs.
We went up, but could find none. There was a large quantity of wheat
on the loft; he said it was a pity it was there, for the Indians would
burn the house. I apprehended by that, the town was to be burned, and
began to lament our wretched condition. After we went down stairs,
Rundels asked me how many we had killed and wounded on the 18th. I told
him, but he very haughtily disputed it. I had the return in my pocket.
He read it, but made no reply.

Those that remained of us being hungry, I applied to one of the British
in the evening for some flour, as there were a good many barrels in
the commissary’s house, which I considered to belong to them. He told
me to take as much as I wanted. I asked him if there was a guard left?
He said there was no necessity for any, for the Indians were going to
their camp, and there were interpreters left who would walk from house
to house and see that we should not be interrupted. He kept walking
about and looking towards the road. He told me I had better keep in the
house, for the Indians would as soon shoot me as not, although he had
just told me we should not be interrupted! I suspected he was looking
for Gen. Harrison. Oh! if we had seen General Harrison coming with his
troops, the wounded would have leaped for joy! but I did not expect him.

As they did not leave the _promised guard_, I lost all confidence in
them, and expected we would be all massacred before morning. I being
the only person in this house not wounded, with the assistance of some
of the wounded, I prepared something for about thirty to eat. The
Indians kept searching about town till after dark. One came in the
house who could talk English, and said he commanded a company after
the retreating party, and that most of that party were slain. He said
the men gave up their guns, plead for quarters, and offered them money
if they would not kill them; but his boys, as he called them, would
tomahawk them without distinction. He said the plan that was fixed on
by the Indians and British, before the battle commenced, was that the
British were to attack in front to induce us to charge on them; 500
Indians were placed on the right hand and 500 on the left, to flank
round and take possession of the town; but he said we were too cunning
for them; we would not move out of the pickets.

We passed this night under the most serious apprehensions of being
massacred by the tomahawk or consumed in the flames. I frequently went
out during the night to see if the house was set on fire. At length the
long wished-for morn arrived, and filled each heart with a cheerful
hope of being delivered from the cruelty of those merciless savages.
We were making every preparation to be ready for the promised sleighs;
but, alas! instead of the sleighs, about an hour by sun a great number
of savages, painted with various colors, came yelling in the most
hideous manner! These bloodthirsty, terrific savages (sent here by
their more cruel and perfidious allies, the British) rushed into the
houses where the desponding wounded lay, and insolently stripped them
of their blankets and all their best clothes, and ordered them out of
the houses! I ran out of the house to inform the interpreters[L] what
the Indians were doing. At the door, an Indian took my hat and put it
on his own head. I then discovered the Indians had been at the other
house first, and had used the wounded in like manner. As I turned to go
back into the house, an Indian, taking hold of me, made signs for me
to stand by the corner of the house. I made signs to him I wanted to
go in and get my hat; for I desired to see what they had done with the
wounded. The Indians sent in a boy who brought out a hat and threw it
down to me, and I could not get in the house. Three Indians came up to
me and pulled off my coat. My feeble powers cannot describe the dismal
scenes here exhibited. I saw my fellow-soldiers, naked and wounded,
crawling out of the houses to avoid being consumed in the flames. Some
that had not been able to turn themselves on their beds for four days,
through fear of being burned to death, arose and walked out and about
through the yard. Some cried for help, but there were none to help
them. “Ah!” exclaimed numbers, in the anguish of their spirit, “what
shall we do?” A number, unable to get out, miserably perished in the
unrelenting flames of the houses, kindled by the more unrelenting
savages. Now the scenes of cruelty and murder we had been anticipating
with dread, during last night, fully commenced. The savages rushed on
the wounded, and, in their barbarous manner, shot, and tomahawked, and
scalped them; and cruelly mangled their naked bodies while they lay
agonizing and weltering in their blood. A number were taken towards
Malden, but being unable to march with speed, were inhumanly massacred.
The road was, for miles, strewed with the mangled bodies, and all of
them were left like those slain in battle, on the 22d, for birds and
beasts to tear in pieces and devour. The Indians plundered the town
of everything valuable, and set the best houses on fire. The Indian
who claimed me, gave me a coat, and when he had got as much plunder
as he could carry, he ordered me, by signs, to march, which I did,
with extreme reluctance, in company with three of the wounded and six
or seven Indians. In travelling about a quarter of a mile, two of the
wounded lagged behind about twenty yards. The Indians, turning round,
shot one and scalped him. They shot at the other and missed him; he,
running up to them, begged that they would not shoot him. He said he
would keep up, and give them money. But these murderers were not moved
with his doleful cries. They shot him down; and, rushing on him in
a crowd, scalped him. In like manner my brother Allen perished. He
marched with difficulty after the wounded, about two or three hundred
yards, and was there barbarously murdered. My feelings at the sight
and recollection of these inhuman butcheries cannot be described. In
addition to these deep sorrows for the mournful fate of my companions,
and the cruel death of a dear brother, I expected every moment, for a
considerable time, that the same kind of cruelty and death would be my
portion. The Indians that guarded me and one of the wounded, observing
our consternation, one that could talk English said, “We will not
shoot you.” This a little revived our hopes, that were almost gone;[M]
and he, having cut a piece, hide and all, of a dead cow, started.
It is their common practice to kill a cow or hog, and take a piece,
and leave the rest. In travelling two miles, we came to a house where
there were two British officers; the Indian made a halt, and I asked
one of the officers what the Indian was going to do with me; he said
he was going to take me to Amherstburg (or Malden). I judged these
villains had instructed the Indians to do what they had done. A few
miles farther, we came to the Indian encampment, where there were a
great many hallooing and yelling in a hideous manner. I thought this
my place of destiny. The Indian took off my pack, broiled a piece of
meat and gave me part; this I ate merely in obedience to him. Then we
started and arrived at Amherstburg, eighteen miles from Frenchtown. The
other prisoners had just arrived. The British were firing their salute.
The Indian took me into a house not far from the fort; it was probably
their council house; it would have held 500. It was inhabited by a
large number of squaws, children, and dogs. They welcomed me by giving
me some bread, meat and hominy to eat. After this an Indian asked me if
I had a squaw; I told him not; he immediately turned round and talked
to the squaws in Indian, while I sat in a pensive mood observing their
motions. I discovered the squaws were pleased, by their tittering
and grinning; one, I observed, had a great desire to express her joy
by showing her teeth; but the length of time she had lived in this
world had put it out of her power. I suspected, from their manœuvres,
I would have to undergo a disagreeable adoption (as other prisoners
had done)--and, what was a task still more unpleasant, to be united
in the conjugal band to one of these swarthy, disgustful animals. The
Indian asked me a few questions--where we had come from--how far it
was--when we started--and if there were any more coming. In reply to
these questions, I gave him but little satisfaction. After this they
spread blankets down, and made signs for me to go to bed. I did, and
soon fell asleep, as I was much fatigued and had not slept much for
four nights past. Early next morning, the Indian collected his family
and all his property, and started: I knew not where he was going; he
gave me a knapsack and gun to carry. Now I despaired of getting with
the other prisoners, unless I could desert from the Indians! I expected
I would be taken to an Indian town, there to undergo a disagreeable
adoption, or to be burned to death with firebrands. As he took me near
Fort Malden, I took as good a view of it as I could while I passed
it. It stands about thirty yards from the river bank. I judged it to
be seventy or eighty yards square; the wall appeared to be built of
timber and clay. The side, from the river, was not walled, but had
double pickets, and entrenched round, about four feet deep; and in
the entrenchment was the second row of pickets. As we went on through
the edge of town (Amherstburg) I asked an Englishman where the other
prisoners were? He said they were in town, in a wood-yard; the Indian
hurried me along and would not let me talk to the Englishman. The
Indian had a little horse, packed with his plunder, which I resolved to
take, if possible, and ride into town that night.

He took me to his place of residence, about three miles from Malden. I
was anxious for the approach of night, so that I might make my escape.
While I was consoling myself with the anticipation of seeing my fellow
sufferers at Malden, night made its approach. Some time after dark the
Indian spread blankets down, and made signs for me to lie down, and put
my coat, shoes, and socks, under his own head. I wanted him to leave my
socks on, for my feet would get cold; he made signs to warm them by the
fire. Thus I was sadly disappointed.

Next day he examined all his plunder. He had a very good suit of
clothes, besides several other coats, socks, shoes, &c.; among these
were Wesley’s Sermons and a great many papers, which he gave me to
read. I found several old letters, but nothing of value. He discovered
I wanted to shave, and got his razor, shaving-box, and a piece of
glass, and made signs for me to shave. After this, I lay down on some
blankets and fell asleep. He came and awoke me, and gave me a twist of
tobacco, which I received as a token of friendship. In a short time
after, he started to Malden, and made signs for me to stay there till
he would come back. He returned in the evening with a blanket, tied
full of loaves of bread, just out of the oven, besides some meat. The
Indians always gave me a plenty to eat; and served me before any of the
family, with more politeness than I expected to find amongst them. He
had drawn some money. I asked him to let me look at it. I found it to
be pieces of cards with the number of livres written on them.

The third night at length arrived; and he made my bed as usual; and
took my coat and shoes, but accidentally left my socks on. I lay down
with the determination to leave him before morning. I slept very well
for awhile. When I awoke, the house was dark. I thought this as good an
opportunity of deserting as I could get, but with considerable timidity
I made the attempt. I crawled to the door very easily, and raised the
blanket that hung up at the door; just as I was going out he coughed,
and I stopped until I thought he was asleep, and then started, without
shoes or coat, to Amherstburg. When I got there, I examined several
yards and gardens to see if there was any fire. After going through
many streets, I turned my course towards the river, and accidentally
came to the house where the prisoners were. The sentinel, who was
standing at the door, let me in without much ceremony. Providence
smiled on this attempt to extricate myself from the Indians. Thus,
through mercy, I escaped from the savages, and was delivered from the
doleful apprehensions of being sacrificed in some barbarous and cruel
manner, to gratify their bloodthirsty souls. I got in between two of my
comrades who were lying next to the door. My feet were almost frozen
before morning.

During my captivity with the Indians, the other prisoners were treated
very inhumanly. The first night, they were put in a wood-yard; the rain
commenced early in the night, and put out all their fires. In this
manner they passed a tedious night, wet, and benumbed with cold. From
this place they were taken to a cold warehouse, still deprived of fire,
with their clothes and blankets frozen, and nothing to eat but a little
bread. In this wretched condition they continued two days and three
nights!

_26th._ The Indians came early in the morning to search for me, but
they were not admitted into the house. The guard said it would be well
for me to keep as much concealed as possible, for if the Indian I had
left could get me he would kill me. He came to the door, and made
motions to show how he would scalp me. I disguised myself by changing
my clothes and tying up my head, so that he did not know me.

The prisoners being destined to Fort George, were divided in two
divisions, the first to keep a day’s march before the second, in order,
probably, to be better supplied with provisions on the way.

I being attached to the first division, the Indians examined the lines
very closely for me, but not possessing discernment sufficient to know
me, I fortunately escaped.

Malden, or Amherstburg, is situated on the east side of Detroit
River, near its junction with Lake Erie, and contains about one
hundred houses, mostly frame; in lat. 42° 22′ N., long. 8° 3′ W. from
Philadelphia.

We set out from this town, and marched seventeen miles to Sandwich,
a small town on the east side of Detroit River, and one mile below
Detroit; it contains perhaps about three hundred inhabitants. We were
divided in small companies, and put into different houses, where we
had the happiness once more to see fire.

_27th._ We drew a ration of bread and fresh beef, but no salt, and had
no way of cooking the beef. We commenced our march at 1 o’clock, and
marched ten miles, part of the way on Lake St. Clair. In the evening we
were conducted to cold barns, and there shut up till morning, deprived
of fire.

_28th._ We recommenced our march early, as cold a morning as ever I
experienced, and continued twenty-four miles on Lake St. Clair; at
night we were conducted to a cold barn on the beach; we lay without
fire, except a few who could not get in, who had the happiness of
encamping in the woods.

_29th._ We again resumed our march, and continued on the lake fifteen
miles to the mouth of La Tranche River, called by some the River
Thames; during this time we had to run to keep ourselves from freezing;
we continued up the river five miles, and stopped while the guard went
in to warm and to get their dinner. Having drawn no provisions since we
left Sandwich, some of the prisoners were driven to the necessity of
picking up frozen potatoes and apple peelings that had been thrown out
in the yard. One of the prisoners, being unable to keep pace with the
rest, was left on the lake, but was accidentally overtaken by a sleigh
and brought on. After being in a stove room some time, he was led out
to march, trembling with cold. One of the guard observed, “he was a man
of no spirit to freeze such a day as this.” So barbarous were their
dispositions and treatment, that I concluded we should die of cold and
hunger. We marched ten miles farther to Captain Dolson’s, where we were
conducted into a large still-house. A number lodged below among the
still-tubs by the fire; the rest on the loft, where they were annoyed
with the smoke. Some time in the night they brought us a little bread
and meat.

_30th._ We drew two days’ provisions, and cooked it.

_31st._ It snowed all day; notwithstanding, we marched twenty-four
miles and were shut up in a barn wet and cold. Going to a barn to lodge
so cold an evening was like approaching a formidable enemy, for we
expected to perish with cold in the dreary dwelling. Many got their
feet frostbitten. We tried in vain to keep our shoes from freezing by
putting them under our heads.

_February 1._ We continued our march twenty-two miles in a thinly
settled country, and passed through the Moravian nation of Indians; in
the evening we encamped in the woods.

_2d._ We marched twenty-two miles, suffering greatly both with
hunger and cold. In the evening we arrived at Delaware township, a
small settlement on the River La Tranche. We were divided into small
companies, and were permitted to lodge in houses by fires.

_3d._ We had been two days without provisions. Here we drew rations for
three days. Capt. Dolson left us to-day; the prisoners must forever
detest his baseness and cruelty. We resumed our march in the evening
and continued five miles, notwithstanding the snow was two feet deep,
and it was then snowing. We were better treated by our new guard.

_4th._ We marched twenty-six miles to the head waters of the River
Thames, to Oxford township, a settlement of ten or twelve miles in
length.

_5th._ We marched two miles, and were detained for a supply of
provisions.[N] After being supplied we continued our march in the
evening three miles farther, and where we lodged were treated very
civilly by the inhabitants.

_6th._ After marching twenty-four miles, principally through a
wilderness, we arrived at Burford township.[P]

_7th._ In marching thirty miles to a little village near the head of
Lake Ontario, we passed through the Mohawk Nation of Indians on Grand
River, who are much whiter than any we have seen; their mode of dress
is not different from other Indian nations, and they have the same
savage appearance; we were informed that there are six nations on this
river who hold a large body of the best land.

_8th._ We drew our rations and proceeded on sixteen miles. In going
down towards Lake Ontario, we descended a precipice upwards of two
hundred feet into a level country; this precipice extends across
Niagara River, and occasions those remarkable falls.

_9th._ We marched eighteen miles through a well-settled country.

_10th._ We marched sixteen miles to Newark, lately called Niagara West;
it contains about five hundred inhabitants; many of the buildings are
handsome, composed of brick and stone; it has several churches, an
academy, six taverns, and about twenty stores; it is situated on the
west side of Niagara River, in lat. 43° 15′ N., long. 4° west; Fort
George stands at the upper end of the town.

We continued here no longer than was necessary to make arrangements
to cross the river. A British officer took down our names, and the
regiment and company we belonged to, and said “we must not take up arms
against Great Britain and her allies until legally exchanged.” Thus we
were parolled; they hoisted a flag and took us across Niagara River,[Q]
which is about one-quarter of a mile wide to Fort Niagara, which is
situated at the junction of Niagara River and Lake Ontario, in New York
State; it is strongly fortified, and well supplied with artillery.


A FEW REMARKS RESPECTING UPPER CANADA AND ITS INHABITANTS.

From Malden to Sandwich, and a considerable distance up St. Clair,
resembles a level plain thickly interspersed with farms and houses;
many places look like little villages. The houses are principally
frame, and have an ancient appearance. Besides being well supplied with
grain from their farms, they receive considerable benefit from their
orchards.

The River La Tranche is a considerable navigable stream, and runs a
westerly course into Lake St. Clair; the land near it is rich and
fertile; the timber is oak, ash, hickory, walnut, sugar-tree, &c.
It is thickly settled as far as Moraviantown; but, from the river
on the north side, is an extensive wilderness of poor swampy land.
From Moraviantown to Grand River is a wilderness of poor piney land,
except Delaware, Oxford, and Burford townships, which are tolerable
settlements. From Grand River to Fort George, is a rich, well-settled
country, particularly along Lake Ontario. The inhabitants are composed
of English, French, Dutch, and a great many emigrants from the United
States. The whole has been estimated at eighty thousand; besides these,
there are unknown numbers of Indians. The Canadians are generally a
well-looking people, remarkably fair, but not well informed. They do
not set a great value on education, and it is not encouraged by the
government. Although their laws appear to be moderate, yet neither
the freedom of speech nor the freedom of the press is encouraged. The
officers are haughty and tyrannical in the execution of their orders.
I learned that a majority[R] of the inhabitants were in favor of the
United States government, and many had concealed themselves to avoid
taking up arms.

The British forces consist of regulars, flankers, militia, _Negroes_,
and Indians. Agreeably to an act of their assembly in 1812, their
flankers are riflemen, volunteered or drafted for the term of six
months, and longer if not then relieved. The militia cannot be called
into service for more than twenty days, unless their country is
invaded. I heard of two companies of _Negroes_, runaways from Kentucky,
and other States, who are commanded by white men. A great many of the
Indians are stationed near the lines, who can be called to arms at a
minute’s warning.

_11th._ After regaling ourselves on the plenty of food and drink
afforded us in the land of liberty, we set our faces homewards. One
mile from Niagara Fort, we came to Salt Battery; it was composed of
barrels of salt and dirt. From this they could play upon Fort George.
We proceeded up the river eight miles to Lewistown, which is on the
east bank of Niagara River, opposite Queenstown, and contains only a
few houses; eight miles farther, we came to Grand Niagara, a small
village on the east bank of Niagara River just above the falls, and
nearly opposite Chippeway. Above the falls, in the middle of the river,
is an island about three hundred yards long, the lower end of which
is just at the perpendicular edge of the fall. On both sides of this
island, all the waters of the rivers and lakes to the north-west, fall
down a precipice of one hundred and thirty-seven feet perpendicular,
and fall near as much more in a rapid of nine miles below. Before the
water comes to the fall, as it passes the island, it seems in swiftness
to outfly an arrow.

_12th._ We arrived at Black Rock, nineteen miles above the falls.
Here is a considerable village, a navy yard, and three batteries well
furnished with cannon. It took its name from its rocky situation. From
this we continued on two miles and a half to Buffalo, the capital of
Buffalo county, New York State. It is situated at the foot of Lake
Erie, opposite to Fort Erie.

We continued at Buffalo one day, on account of the badness of the
weather, and then continued our march thirty-two miles on the lake, and
then marched through a well-settled country to Erie, the county town
of Erie county, in Pennsylvania. It is ninety miles from Buffalo, and
is situated on the south-east shore of Lake Erie. We proceeded on by
the way of Waterford and Meadville, one hundred and twenty miles, to
Pittsburgh, and from Pittsburgh to Kentucky, by water.

Language fails to express the emotions I felt on arriving safely at
home, to enjoy the caresses and society of dear friends, after having
endured so much fatigue, and having been so often exposed to imminent
danger; and having so frequently expected death, attended with _all the
horrors of Indian cruelty_.




NARRATIVE

OF

MR. TIMOTHY MALLARY.


During the battle on the 22d January, 1813, at Frenchtown, on the River
Raisin, between the combined forces of British, Canadians, and Indians,
and the American forces, I received a wound from a piece of plank,
which had been split off by a cannon ball. It struck me on the side,
and unfortunately broke three of my ribs. The battle having terminated
in favor of the combined forces, and I not being able to travel with
those American prisoners who were to march immediately for Malden, I
remained on the ground until the next morning, with the rest of my
wounded countrymen, who had received a solemn promise from the British
commander, that they should be taken to Malden in sleighs.

This sacred promise was not regarded! It was sacrificed on the altar
of savage barbarity! to the god of murder and cruelty! Instead of
sleighs, Indians were sent prepared to murder these unfortunate
victims! who, after they had executed in part their purpose on the
ground where we lay, ordered several other prisoners and myself to
march for Malden. We had not proceeded far before they tomahawked four
of this number, amongst whom was Captain Hart, of Lexington. He had
hired an Indian to take him to Malden. I saw part of this hire paid to
the Indian.

After having taken him some distance, another Indian demanded him,
saying that he was his prisoner; the hireling would not give him up;
the claimant, finding that he could not get him alive, shot him in the
left side with a pistol. Capt. Hart still remained on his horse; the
claimant then ran up, struck him with a tomahawk, pulled him off his
horse, scalped him, and left him lying there.

We proceeded on until we came within three miles of Brownstown, where
we encamped for the night. The next day we proceeded on to their
encampment, seven or eight miles from Detroit, on the River Rouge,
which appeared to be head-quarters. They were furnished at this place
with bark wig-wams; here was a large number of squaws and children, I
suppose two thousand.

They here stripped off my clothes, and dressed me after the Indian
manner. They shaved off my hair, except a small quantity on the top
of my head, which they left for the purpose of rendering the task of
scalping more easy. They bored my ears, which they supplied plentifully
with ear-rings, frequently by hanging one in another, like the links of
a chain. They wanted to bore my nose, but I objected, and they did not
insist. They frequently painted my face one-half black and the other
red, and frequently with red and black streaks.

Shortly after our arrival at these encampments, I was adopted into a
Pottowatomie family that had lost a son in the battle at the River
Raisin.

I was presented to this family by an Indian whose name was
_Ke-wi-ex-kim_. He introduced me to my father and mother, brothers
and sisters, and instructed me to call them by these respective
appellations. My father’s name was _Asa Chipsaw_, after whom they call
me; they asked me if I had a squaw; I answered in the negative, at
which they appeared well pleased, and brought me a squaw, urging me to
marry her. I refused, and told them when I got well I would accede to
the proposals; this they took as a great offence. After having made
themselves acquainted with the situation of my wound, they made a tea
of sassafras and cherry-tree barks, which was the only drink I was
permitted to take for fifteen days.

They frequently took me to Detroit, for the purpose of helping them to
pack provisions from thence to their encampment. But they would not
suffer me to talk to the inhabitants of that place. Fifteen loaves of
bread, weighing three pounds each, ten pounds of pork or beef, and a
peck of corn, was what they drew for six days. This would not last
more than half that time; the remaining part they lived upon fragments
of dog or horse meat. They appeared indifferent whether they had
killed the animal that day themselves, or whether it had died by some
accidental cause seven or eight days prior to their eating it.

They appointed me cook. I then had to undergo much fatigue in getting
wood, &c., for they lent no assistance. Their customary way of cooking
is to boil the meat and make soup, which they immediately devour
without salt.

They have drunken frolics, whenever they can get any kind of spirits to
drink. When these frolics take place the squaws hid me, to prevent them
from murdering me. Once I was hid in some brush and deprived of food
for four days, during which time there was a continual uproar in the
camp, as though they had been killing each other.

The squaws, who frequently visited me, and to whom I as often applied
for something to eat, informed me that there could be nothing had
until the men got sober, who would then either kill provisions, or draw
from Detroit. On the fourth day, when I had given up to perish, they
brought me a piece of a dog cooked without salt, and although you may
feel squeamish when I mention it, yet it was to me the sweetest morsel
that I ever recollect to have eaten.

During my stay with them I saw them take a number of scalps to Malden,
for which they said they received from four to six dollars each, either
in whiskey or store goods. They said they got thirty-seven scalps at
the battle of the 18th, and upwards of four hundred at that of the 22d
January. I replied, that there were only ten scalped on the 18th. They
said “Yankee d--d lie;” and they further stated, that they had only two
killed on the 18th. I replied, Indian d--d lie, for I saw myself twelve
dead on the field. I asked them how many British and Indians were at
the River Raisin, on the 22d January; they replied, that there were two
thousand five hundred Indians, and one thousand British.

They would frequently make motions imitating the Americans when they
were scalping them, by turning, twisting, mourning, &c.; this was done
to aggravate me.

They once gave me a jug of whiskey, requesting me to drink. I drank
what satisfied me, and offered them the jug again--they insisted on
me to drink more; I put the jug to my head, but did not drink; they
discovered the cheat, and cried out “Yankee no good man, d--d lie;”
they then made me drink until they could hear it gurgle in my throat.

About three weeks before the battle at the Rapids, the squaws and boys
were employed in dressing deer-skins, which were to equip the warriors
for their march thither. During this time, the warriors were collecting
and dancing the war-dance. They informed me that they were going to
Quo-by-ghaw, which I learned from the French, was the Rapids. I further
learned that the British had promised them the possession of Fort
Meigs, as well as the disposal of Gen. Harrison. They then calculated
on Fort Meigs as their chief place of deposit, from which they could
make incursions into the State of Ohio, kill a vast number of the
inhabitants, and satisfy themselves with plunder. They calculated on
having a three days’ frolic in the burning of Gen. Harrison.

Two weeks before their march for Fort Meigs, Tecumseh was with them. He
was busily employed rallying those who were indifferent about going to
the battle, and encouraging those who had volunteered; amongst other
persuasive arguments to volunteer, he made use of these, viz.: that
Fort Meigs was badly constructed and illy defended; asserting that
they could take it without the loss of a man. But, if this could not
be effected, he would then lead them on to Fort Wayne, which would
certainly fall an easy prey to them. He then left them, and went to the
Wabash to brings his warriors, who were stationed at that place.

Previous to the march of the Indians, they took bark of swamp willow,
and tobacco, mixed them together, and pulverized them. They then formed
a circle round a fire which had been prepared for that purpose, and one
rose and delivered a speech, I understood, relative to the war. At the
conclusion of the speech, they passed this powder around the circle,
each individual taking a pinch as it passed; each then snuffed a part
of this portion, and threw the remaining part in the fire. After this
had been performed with the greatest solemnity, one took the snuff
which yet remained in the vessel, and threw it in the fire. They then
took up their packs, raised the scalp halloo, waved their tomahawks
over their heads, and marched for battle.

There were three thousand who drew four days’ rations at Detroit. When
they left us, they told us to be good boys, and stay there till they
came back, and they would bring some more Yankees, who should cook,
and do all the hard work, and we might go with them hunting.

They left us in care of the squaws and a few old men.

We had no other way by which to get free from this unpleasant
situation, but deserting them; for they had been offered one hundred
dollars each, for four of us, by the citizens of Detroit, but refused
it. These four were Major Graves, Samuel Ganoe, John Davenport, and
myself.

Thinking this as favorable an opportunity as we could get, I requested
Samuel Ganoe to set off with me; he readily consented, and we set off
just at dark, and ran to Detroit, which was eight miles, and got to
the house of Mr. H., who concealed us in his cellar. He had a hole dug
in the bottom of his cellar six or eight feet deep, for the purpose
of keeping potatoes; and in this we were put, and he laid planks over
it, and threw dirt on the planks, which caused it to bear so nice a
semblance to the other part of the cellar, that the Indians could not
distinguish it from the common bottom. This dismal dungeon was our
abode for half a day, during which time the Indians came, and searched
carefully for us, but in vain. After they were gone, Mr. H. asked a
British officer if he would take the care of us. He replied in the
affirmative, and then sent us immediately to the fort at Detroit,
where we were kept two days, the Indians still searching for us. On the
second night about midnight, we were sent to Sandwich, and kept there
two days with but little to eat, and then sent to Malden. We found the
force at Malden to consist of sixty Canadian French, besides eighty who
had received wounds at the River Raisin, and who would no doubt remain
invalids for life. We also found stationed at Malden, James Girty, who,
I was informed, was brother to the infamous Simon Girty; his business
was to receive scalps from the Indians; his pay for this service was
three dollars per week. I saw here about half a bushel of scalps in a
kettle! the number I cannot guess at.

After every exertion to take Fort Meigs had failed, the British
returned to Malden, cursing Harrison for a rabbit, which they swore had
burrowed, and which they could not take in that situation.

From Malden we were taken across to Cleveland, on the 16th day of May,
1813.

The following prisoners were with the Indians at the time I was a
prisoner, viz.: Major Graves, Jarret Dougherty, Thomas Jones, Joseph
Foddre, and John Fightmaster; the latter of whom had deserted from us,
was brought back, and made to ride the wooden horse. He then deserted
to the Indians, swearing--he had rather stay with them than ride
Winchester’s _English mare_ again.

I heard of three other prisoners, but do not remember their names; two
of whom were about twenty miles from Detroit, and the other near Malden.

From Cleveland nothing worth relating occurred until I arrived at home,
in Bourbon county, Kentucky; where I found my friends all in good
health, my father excepted, who had gone to face the same enemy from
whom I had just made my escape.




NARRATIVE

OF

MR. JOHN DAVENPORT.


During the battle which was fought on the 18th of January, 1813,
between the American forces, under the command of Colonel Lewis, and
the combined British and Indians, I received a wound in my right leg
by a ball which fractured the bone, but did not entirely break it.
After the battle was over I, with many others who were also wounded,
was carried off the field and put in a house, where we remained until
after the battle of the 22d, when we were surrendered prisoners of war
to the British. I remained here during the night of the 22d, with the
expectation of being carried to Malden the next day, but in this I was
disappointed. On the morning of the 23d I witnessed the most horrid
scenes of cruelty imaginable; for the British, instead of sending
sleighs, as was most solemnly promised, to convey the wounded prisoners
to Maiden, sent the Indians, who, after selecting a few from amongst
the wounded, tomahawked and scalped the rest in the most savage and
cruel manner that malice could invent, or devils incarnate execute,
and set fire to the houses in which they had been and burned them to
ashes! Then, instead of going to Malden, they took me to Brownstown,
where I had nothing to eat except a little parched corn. While I was
at Brownstown an Indian asked me whether I had a squaw, to which I
answered in the negative. He then replied, “_We make an Indian of you,
and by’n by you have a squaw, by’n by you have a gun and horse and go
a hunting._” The next day we proceeded on our march until we came near
the River Rouge, where the Indians procured some provisions, consisting
of fresh meat, but no salt. From here we set off again and travelled
slowly (I rather think to favor the wounded) until we arrived at their
encampment, three or four miles from Detroit, at which place there were
a number of squaws and children who had taken up winter quarters.

As soon as we had arrived at this place I was presented to an old
squaw, whom the Indians instructed me to call by the appellation of
mother. This old witch, as I took her to be, had lost two sons at the
River Raisin; I had therefore to supply the place of one of them, and
thus had to become the adopted son of the most hideous of all animals
that ever roamed over the forests of North America. After this they
dressed my wound for the first time, which now appeared to be getting
well fast; in the next place they trimmed my hair off, except a small
quantity on the top of my head, and painted me; then adorned me with
ear-rings, bracelets, &c. and put a band of silver round my head. By
this time I began to look very stylish, or rather made as uncouth and
grotesque a figure as any of my _copper-colored brethren_.

While we remained at this place Mr. Gabriel Godfrey, a citizen of
Detroit, offered the Indians $100 for my ransom, which they refused.
I now began to conclude that there were no other means of extricating
myself from bondage, unless it were by flight, and therefore determined
to embrace the first opportunity that presented. In a few days after,
the Indians presented a squaw to me, who appeared to have little more
of humanity than the form, but equally as detestable as my _mother_,
although she was younger. This ugly looking creature the Indians told
me I should marry! I confess I never was so shocked at the thoughts of
matrimony in my life! I told them “_no good squaw_.” They then brought
several more of those inhuman looking creatures, whom I understood were
also candidates for conjugal felicity. I told them “_by’n by I have
a squaw_.” This appeared to satisfy them at the present time; in this
manner I frequently had to put them off.

They frequently solicited me to wear a breech-clout, which I always
refused. One time my mother discovered me mending my pantaloons;
thinking this a good opportunity to get me to wear one, she immediately
brought one, which I took hold of and said “no good,” then threw it
down and stamped it. At the sight of this she was very much enraged,
and scolded desperately to herself in her own Indian dialect. I have
often wondered since that they did not kill me for disobeying their
orders, for I was extremely obstinate, and scarcely ever complied with
their injunctions.

Notwithstanding my disobedience, the Indians treated me as well as was
in their power, especially my mother, who was very kind to me. Some
considerable time I had to eat my victuals without salt. I knew they
had none, yet I would always ask for some. My old mother, after some
time, procured some for me, which she kept hid to prevent the others
from making use of it, and never failed to give me a small portion when
I was eating.

Intoxication is practised by the squaws as well as the men; they
frequently have drunken frolics, at which times it is dangerous
for prisoners to be amongst them. During these frantic revels the
prisoners are kept hid by the squaws (a part of whom keep sober) to
keep them from being murdered. One night, after the rest had gone to
bed, my mother, who had stayed out later than usual, came in, sat
down, and began to sing; she did not appear to be in her senses; I
soon discovered that this old priestess of Bacchus had got very drunk.
In this mood she seized hold of the fire and threw it on those who
were sleeping round the fire, which soon caused them to rise; she then
jumped into the fire and danced until she had burned the soles of her
moccasons off.

They continued here about a month, and then removed about eight miles
on the River Rouge, in order to prepare for making sugar. While we were
employed at this business a Frenchman persuaded me to marry a squaw,
if they insisted, for I would then be treated with more respect, and
consequently would have greater liberties. After mature consideration,
I thought probably this would be the best plan I could adopt, in order
to make my escape, and therefore resolved to marry the next one that
was presented to me. It was not long before they brought me a squaw
(the most decent looking one I had seen), whom I resolved to marry
without hesitation. I however, when just on the point of forming a
connubial alliance with her, was prevented by an Indian, who claimed
her as _his_ squaw.

Several weeks before the battle of Fort Meigs, the Indians began to
collect and dance the _war-dance_.

Just before the Indians marched they prepared a number of hoops, both
ends of which they stuck in the ground and spread their blankets over
them. In this place they put hot stones, threw water on them, and then
went in themselves and remained until they were wet with sweat. This
I conjectured was done in the way of devotion, or in imploring the
assistance of the Great Spirit in their intended expedition.

When the Indians marched I was committed to the care of the squaws
and a few old invalids. Thinking this the most favorable opportunity
I could get, I was determined to put my plan in execution. At night
I lay down with the intention of starting when the moon arose, but
overslept my time and did not awake till daylight. I arose and started,
notwithstanding I was apprehensive of being discovered, and ran
directly to Detroit, a distance of about nine miles, probably in as
short a time as any Indian in the nation could have performed the same
journey.

As soon as I had arrived at Detroit I went to Mr. T. S’s, who had
persuaded me to run away, and he and his friends would conceal me,
which they did accordingly. It was but a short time before a Frenchman,
of the name of Shover, and some squaws, came in search of me, but could
not find me.

From here I was sent to Sandwich, and concealed there two days, and
suffered extremely for provisions. From Sandwich I was sent to Malden,
where I found six of my fellow-prisoners, who, together with myself,
were kept under close confinement in the fort for three weeks. While
we remained here we frequently heard from the Rapids, but the news
was always favorable on the British side. One morning an old man, who
looked as if he had just emerged from the lower regions, came into the
fort and exclaimed, “good news, gentlemen! good news! we have killed
_fifteen hundred Yankees_, and have taken Harrison and all the rest
that were at the fort prisoners!!” I was informed afterwards that this
old man was the notorious Simon Girty, so much renowned for cruelty
and slaughter, and who has delighted in the shrieks of dying women and
_expiring infants_!

From the most correct information I could obtain, their forces at the
siege of Fort Meigs, consisting of British regulars, Canadian militia,
and Indians, amounted to 5,000!

From Malden I was taken across to Cleveland, and from there I pursued
my journey towards the delightful regions of Kentucky, where I arrived
in Montgomery county, in June, 1813.


THE BATTLE OF RAISIN,

ON THE 22D OF JANUARY, 1813.

  On Raisin darkness reigned around,
  And silent was the tented ground,
  Where weary soldiers slept profound,
        Far in the wintery wilderness.

  No danger did the sentry fear,
  No wakeful watch at midnight drear;
  But ah! the foe approaches near,
        Through forests frowning awfully.

  And ere the sun had risen bright,
  Fast flashing ’mid the stormy fight,
  The thundering cannon’s livid light
        Glared on the eye most frightfully.

  Then deadly flew the balls of lead!
  Then many of the foemen bled,
  And thrice their banded legion fled,
        Before Kentucky’s bravery.

  And long our heroes’ swords prevail:
  But hist! that deep and doleful wail--
  Ah! freedom’s sons begin to fail,
        Oppressed by numbers battling.

  Rise! rise! ye volunteers, arise!
  Behold! your right hand column flies!
  And hark! yon shout which rends the skies!
        Where Indians yell tumultuously.

  Rush o’er the bloody field of fame,
  Drive back the savage whence he came!
  For glory ’waits the victor’s name,
        Returning home exultingly.

  ’Tis done. The dreadful fight is o’er;
  Thick clouds of smoke are seen no more--
  The snowy plain is red with gore,
        Where fell the friends of liberty.

                                     CAMPBELL.




FOOTNOTES:


[A] To prove that this surrender was not in consequence of the want
of ammunition and provisions, it is sufficient to state, upon the
authority of official information, that there were thirty-three pieces
of cannon, twenty-five of which were brass and eight iron, which were
well manned and supplied with ammunition.

For the muskets, seventy-five thousand cartridges were made up, besides
twenty-four rounds in the cartouch-box of each man.

In the magazine were sixty barrels of powder, and one hundred and fifty
tons of lead.

In the contractor’s store were at least twenty-five days’ provision;
and in the adjacent country considerable supplies could have been had,
besides three hundred head of cattle, under an escort commanded by
Captain Brush, at the River Raisin.

AN OHIO VOLUNTEER.

[B] Colonel Allen stopped at St. Mary’s for the remaining part of the
army.

[C] He died in a few days.

[D] Pronounced Rushdeboo.

[E] We learned since, the British officer was Col. Elliott’s son, and
was probably a Captain.

[F] The French, who were looking at us when we started, were heard to
say, we were not men enough.

[G] A Frenchman who lived in this village said when the word came
the Americans were in sight, there was an old Indian smoking at his
fireside; the Indian exclaimed, “_Ho, de Mericans come; I suppose Ohio
men come, we give them another chase_:” (alluding to the time they
chased Gen. Tapper from the Rapids.) He walked to the door smoking,
apparently very unconcerned, and looked at us till we formed the line
of battle, and rushed on them with a mighty shout! he then called out
“_Kentuck, by God!_” and picked up his gun and ran to the woods like a
wild beast.

[H] It would have been better for us if we had been contented with the
possession of the village, without pursuing them to the woods.

[I] This want of precaution was a great cause of our mournful defeat!

[J] When the right wing began to retreat, it is said orders were given
by some of the officers to the men in the eastern end of the picketing
to march out to their assistance. Capt. Price and a number of men
sallied out. Capt. Price was killed, and most of the men.

[K] Col. Proctor had informed Gen. Winchester he would afford him an
opportunity of surrendering his troops, and if not accepted he would
let loose the Indians on us, who would burn the town, and he would not
be accountable for their conduct. Gen. Winchester, not knowing how we
had resisted their efforts, thought probably it would be the case.

But why did not Col. Proctor make this proposition before he had
exerted all his skill in trying to burn the town and to set the Indians
on us? Proctor knew very well he had done all that was in his power
with the force he had then, and he was then less able to rout us from
the town than he was at first.

The British informed us afterwards that Col. Proctor had ordered a
general retreat to Malden, and that they had _spiked four pieces of
their cannon_! but he thought he would demand a surrender, according to
custom.

Our officers, knowing that we had but little ammunition, and the troops
being still exposed to the fire of the cannon, thought proper to
surrender.

[L] I was since informed that Col. Elliott instructed the interpreters
to leave the wounded, after dark, to the mercy of the savages. They all
went off, except one half-Indian.

[M] Upon taking a view of these scenes of wo, who can avoid some such
exclamation as the following? Why has the all-seeing, beneficent Ruler
of the universe delivered so many of our choice officers and brave
soldiers into the hands of our enemies, to be slain in battle, and to
lie unburied, to be dragged away in the galling chains of captivity,
and to be put to torturing deaths by monsters of cruelty? Not, I
presume, because of infidelity and injustice towards our enemies; but
owing to our ingratitude towards the God of armies; and to our want of
confidence in Jehovah--our pride, our too great confidence in our own
wisdom, valor, and strength; our unbelief--and a catalogue of vices too
tedious to enumerate. Aggravated national crimes have involved us in
heavy and complicated judgments!

[N] Here we met a number of the 41st regiment of British regulars, just
from Fort George, going to Malden to supply the places of those who
were killed on the 22d of January, at Frenchtown. They appeared to be
very sociable, generally of the Irish descent. One of their officers
said, “In a few weeks they would drive General Harrison and all his
army along there.” “Yes,” replied James Allen[O] (who was one of my
messmates), “before that time your Irish hides will be riddled so that
they would not hold hickory nuts.”

Another of that party said, “What nonsensical things those leather
stocks were which we wore, with the sign of the eagle pecking out the
eyes of the lion.” Said Allen, “This is only the shadow, the substance
will soon follow.”

[O] This Allen is the same who fought the duel with Fuller, near Fort
Massac, who was supposed to be a British spy, before the commencement
of the war. Fuller, after having been twice knocked down by Allen’s
balls, was found to have a Dutch blanket folded, and a quire of paper
over his COWARDLY breast as a shield. Allen was not injured.

[P] Six of us, who formed a mess, stopped at a Major Boon’s, and asked
him “if we might stay all night.” He said we could. His father, who
lived with him, let us know he had been a Tory major in the American
revolution. He said “he had lived in the Jerseys, and had one of Lord
Howe’s commissions in the house then, and was a half-pay officer.” He
said “the Americans would have no possible chance to take Canada, for
the British next spring would bring seventy thousand Indians from the
north-west, and as many negroes from St. Domingo, besides three hundred
thousand Turks!” Said James Allen, “I suppose you will set dogs on us
next!” The old fellow said “it was very evident the Lord was on their
side!” Then said Allen, “If the Lord has joined with the British,
savages, and negroes, to massacre his own people, it is surprising!
But I rather think it is only your Canadian lord that acts in this
manner.” The old fellow then ordered him out of the house. He told him
“he was very well suited in a room, and would stay till morning.” They
still continued arguing. The old fellow said “We had no business on
their soil,” alluding to Frenchtown. Allen told him “we were on our
own soil.” He said “it was a lie, for Michigan Territory was given up
to them by General Hull.” Said Allen, “Hull was such a fellow as the
d----l, who offered Christ all the kingdoms of the world if he would
fall down and worship him; when, poor old sneaking whelp, he did not
own a foot on earth.” Said Boon, “You had better stayed away, for all
you have done; the Major who commanded the Indians on the 18th was here
a few nights ago, and said there was not one killed, and but three
wounded.” Said Allen, “I would not believe my father if he were to tell
me so, for I saw a number that were killed and scalped and lay on the
snow for days; and if there were but three wounded, there must have
been an abundance of blood in them to have stained the snow for miles
square.” Said he, “Did you scalp them? you are bloody dogs.” “Yes,”
said Allen, “you might say so, if we had hired the savages to kill your
women and children, and massacre and burn your wounded, when we had
promised to take care of them.” He said “the British had never hired
the Indians to kill women and children; they were too humane a people
to do so.” “Yes,” said Allen, “they showed humanity in the time of the
American Revolution, when they paid the Indians for infants’ scalps
that were taken out of their mothers’ wombs; they call themselves
Christians, and when the Indians sent home to them scalps, from the
unborn infant to the gray hairs, in bales like goods, they had days of
feasting, rejoicing, and thanksgiving to the Lord, for the victory they
had gained--the d----l would be ashamed to acknowledge such a people
as any part of his offspring.” The old fellow again ordered him out
of the house; but Allen told him “he would go in the morning.” Allen
said “we had more friends in Canada than they had.” “Yes,” said he,
“there are men mean enough to join against their own country.” Allen
replied, “none but a mean, low-lived wretch would fight against his own
country.” The old fellow took the hint, as he had been a tory, and got
in a violent passion. He asked Allen “if he was not a Congressman?”
Allen said “No.” “Are you an Assemblyman?” “No.” “Are you a Yankee
lawyer?” “No.” “Well, you are a Yankee liar, then.” Allen said, “if
we were of an age, and on an equal footing, you would not give me the
lie so often.” The old fellow told Allen “he must be an antediluvian,
for he appeared to know all things that had passed, and all the crimes
that England ever committed seemed to be fresh on his mind; he supposed
he was one of the greatest enemies the British had.” Allen said “he
had done his best; and if he was exchanged he would shoot at them as
long as he could crook his finger to draw the trigger.” A young woman
who was in the house said “we were only coming to drive them off their
lands.” Allen said “we were only coming to set them free, so that
those lands might be their own, and not King George’s.” She said “the
Americans that were killed at Queenstown had deeds in their pockets for
all their best plantations.” Said Allen “I must believe it because you
say so, but if I had seen it myself I would not.”

The old fellow’s passion subsided, and Allen and he were friendly.

[Q] The second division, who had been used far better than the first,
arrived the day following, and were parolled in like manner, amounting
in all to five hundred and twelve.

Particular inquiries were made respecting the British loss in the
battle of the 22d, while passing through Canada. The loyalists stated
their loss to be very trifling; some would say fifteen killed, and
others twenty-five. But different persons, in whom we had reason to
place confidence, stated their loss to be very considerable--about six
hundred killed and wounded, and amongst these Col. St. George. This
account will not be considered exaggerated, when reflecting on the
length of time they were exposed to a deliberate and well-directed fire
from our troops ... the number that was seen lying on the ground after
they retreated, and the number of sleighs loaded with their bloody guns.

[R] An inhabitant near the head of Lake Ontario heard of the prisoners,
and went to see them. He began to talk to one, judging him to be an
American officer, and telling him he had more friends in Canada than
the British had, and if he wanted money, or any assistance, he should
be accommodated. The poor fellow soon found his mistake, that he was
talking to a British officer, just from Fort George.




TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES:


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