[Illustration: HAROLD ENTHRONED. (_See_ p. 6.)

_Frontispiece_]]




                       VICTORIA & ALBERT MUSEUM

                        DEPARTMENT OF TEXTILES

                               GUIDE TO
                          THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY

                          BY F. F. L. BIRRELL

                LONDON: PRINTED UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF
                 HIS MAJESTY’S STATIONERY OFFICE, 1921


                         PUBLICATION NO. 100T.

                      _Crown Copyright Reserved._

       _First printed, October, 1914._ _Reprinted-April, 1921._


_This Guide may be obtained directly from the Victoria & Albert Museum,
price 1s. 0d. net (by post 1s. 2d. net). It may also be obtained either
through any bookseller or directly from H.M. Stationery Office at the
following addresses: Imperial House, Kingsway, London (W.C. 2.), and 28,
Abingdon Street (S.W. 1); 37, Peter Street, Manchester; 1, St. Andrew’s
Crescent, Cardiff; 23, Forth Street, Edinburgh; or from E. Ponsonby,
Ltd., 116, Grafton Street, Dublin._

C81 (7614) Wt. 30446/AM2362/637 6/21 2M Harrow (Gp. 51)




[Illustration]




PREFATORY NOTE.


Although the Bayeux Tapestry is not itself included among the
collections of the Museum, its surpassing interest to English students
and the existence of two copies here amply justify the appearance of
this guide. A full-size photographic reproduction, coloured by hand, is
exhibited on the walls of the gallery numbered 79 on the first floor.

Another full-size photograph has been mounted on rollers for the
convenience of studenmay be seen on application at the Students’ Room of
the Department of Textiles, adjoining Room 123 on the first floor.

                   _May, 1921._      CECIL H. SMITH.




NOTE TO THE FIRST EDITION.


The preparation of this guide has been entrusted to Mr. F. F. L.
Birrell. Its chief aim is to present in a handy form the most important
of the ascertained facts regarding the Tapestry. Matters which belong to
the realm of conjecture, and even of controversy, have also been touched
upon. Students wishing to pursue these further are recommended to
consult the authorities quoted in the guide. I have read through the
proofs, and must accept responsibility for such errors as may be found.

                    _October, 1914._      A. F. K.




NOTE TO THE SECOND EDITION.


When this guide-book was first printed in 1914, its author, Mr. Francis
Birrell, was for the time being a member of the staff of the Department
of Textiles. On the publication of a second edition, they wish to
express their regret that circumstances should have frustrated their
hopes that he would remain as a colleague on the permanent staff.

_April, 1921._




TABLE OF CONTENTS.


                                                                    PAGE

THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY                                                    1

THE SCENES DESCRIBED                                                   4

HISTORY OF THE TAPESTRY                                               11

THE LATIN INSCRIPTIONS WITH A TRANSLATION                             14

THE PHOTOGRAPHIC COPY OF THE ORIGINAL                                 19

NOTES ON THE ILLUSTRATIONS                                            20

BIBLIOGRAPHY                                                          28

INDEX                                                                 29




LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.


_Frontispiece_:--Harold Enthroned

PLATE    I. King Edward the Confessor and Harold.

  ”     II. The Oath of Harold.

  ”    III. King Edward in his Palace.

  ”     IV. The Church of S. Peter at Westminster.

  ”      V. The Coronation of Harold. Stigand.

  ”     VI. The Comet.

  ”    VII. Building Ships.

  ”   VIII. A Feast.

  ”     IX. Odo. William. Robert.

  ”      X. Burning a House.

  ”     XI. The Battle of Hastings.

  ”    XII. The Death of Harold.

FIG. 1. A Lion      p. 1

 “   2. Ploughing      p. 9

 “   3. Harrowing      p. 14

 “   4. Fowling      p. 18




[Illustration: FIG. 1. A LION (_see_ p. 27).]




I.--THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY.


The Bayeux Tapestry is probably the most famous and the most remarkable
of mediæval embroideries. In it is given the complete story of a great
exploit and one that must always be of particular interest to the
English and French peoples--the story of the Norman Conquest. None of
the main incidents leading up to the Conquest itself are omitted. The
arrival of Harold in Normandy, his stay with William, his swearing of
loyalty, his return to England, the death of Edward the Confessor, the
subsequent election of Harold to the throne of England, with the
expedition itself culminating in the Battle of Hastings, are all shown
in the course of the story. It is as much a defence of William’s conduct
as a history of his triumph.

The Tapestry is generally considered to be contemporary, or almost
contemporary, with the events it portrays, and it is evident that if
such be the case it is an historical document of the very first
importance. Certain archæologists have indeed maintained that it was not
made till 50 or even 200 years after the Conquest, but their arguments
have not generally been found convincing, and the claims of those who
consider the Tapestry a contemporary document may be said to have held
their ground. Historians like Freeman, Mr. J. H. Round, and Professor
Oman have not hesitated to draw their conclusions from it, and it
remains an inexhaustible storehouse of information regarding the social
life of England and Normandy during the 11th century.

The interest of the Tapestry is still further increased when it is
realised how much care seems to have been spent on giving an accurate
rendering of the subjects shown. The representations of Edward and
William, for instance, agree with their likenesses as shown to us on
their seals and coins. In accordance with the fashion, Harold and his
Saxons are given moustaches, while the Normans go clean-shaven. But
while Harold and his men are in Normandy they follow the Norman fashion
and also go clean-shaven. Again, the English “packed shield” formation,
which so much impressed the Conqueror at Hastings, is shown with great
clearness. Indeed, the Tapestry corrects many of the errors of mediæval
historians, while Mr. Round believes that with its aid he has cleared up
the mystery that hangs round early Norman “Castles.” But though the
Tapestry has these uses for archæologists and historians, it will have a
wider appeal for those who are attracted by sound workmanship. Indeed,
it combines beauty with an attention to correctness of detail and
fashion to an extent unsurpassed in the memorials of the time.

A word may be added about technique. The “Bayeux Tapestry” always has
been, and probably always will be, known under this name. It should,
however, be recognised that, properly speaking, it is not a tapestry at
all but an embroidery.[1] The figures are worked on linen, probably
unbleached, in wool of eight different shades: dark and light blue, red,
yellow, dark and light green, black and dove colour. The Latin
inscriptions that are placed over most of the scenes are also stitched
in wool, and are about an inch in height. It is noticeable that no
attempt has been made to give the objects the colours they have in
nature, while a difference of colour is the method employed for such
effects as perspective. For instance, we see in the case of the horses
the difference of the plane of their right and left legs is often
suggested by a difference of colour.[2]

The tradition that the embroidery was carried out by Matilda and her
ladies is a late tradition and need not be considered too seriously.
William would have been more indisputably the hero if this were true,
and it is not likely that the work, when completed, would have been sent
to Bayeux to adorn Odo’s cathedral. It is more probable that it was
commanded by Odo for the decoration of his church. The design would be
made by some competent artist in possession of the facts and this design
would be worked out by the inhabitants of Bayeux and its neighbourhood.
It should be remembered that it was very rare for the same persons to be
concerned in the designing and the working out of the design.




II--THE SCENES DESCRIBED.

NOTE.--_In the following paragraphs the figures represent the number of
the scene. Corresponding numbers will be found on the copy of the
Tapestry above the scene described, and in Part IV._ (_p._ 14).


It may be noticed, generally, that the story is presented with a strong
bias in favour of the Normans, and there are large discrepancies between
the account given here and that which, descending through Freeman from
Florence of Worcester, is served up to English readers, whose sympathies
are still supposed to be enlisted on behalf of Harold. It has been
usually taught in England, for instance, that Harold only landed in
France by mistake through being caught in a storm, and that this
advantage was seized by William to the undoing of the man who was his
guest. The story told in the Tapestry is very different.

In the first scene (PLATE I.) King Edward the Confessor is giving
instructions to Harold, who immediately, with a large cavalcade of men,
horses, dogs and falcons (2), sets off in the direction of the coast. He
passes Bosham, where he enters the church and prays (3), conduct that
is, perhaps, intended to appear hypocritical in the light of future
events. After these religious exercises Harold and his company repair to
a neighbouring house and refresh themselves with food before setting out
again on their journey. They then cross the sea (4, 5, 6). No storm is
shown and the Tapestry has the inscription “HIC HAROLD MARE NAVIGAVIT ET
VELIS VENTO PLENIS VENIT IN TERRA WIDONIS COMITIS” (“Here Harold set
sail upon the sea and with sails full of wind came to the land of Count
Guy”). This cannot well mean a storm but a favourable voyage. Harold had
always intended to come in to France. He had in the first scene had an
interview with Edward in which he is presumably intrusted with a message
to William, which he crosses the sea to deliver. If this message were to
state Edward’s wish that William should succeed him on the Throne of
England, how treacherous becomes Harold’s conduct. Yet this is what the
Tapestry silently suggests. On landing he is immediately seized (7) by
Count Guy of Ponthieu, into whose territory he is come, and is carried
off by him to his castle of Beaurain (8, 9).

Harold and Guy then converse together (10), Harold presumably explaining
the reasons for his arrival in the latter’s territories. The messengers
of William arrive at Guy’s castle (11), one of them, Turold, being
mentioned by name. He is portrayed as a dwarf, either in an attempt at
perspective or merely owing to the exigencies of space.[3] The story
here becomes somewhat obscure, but the envoys go back to William (12,
13) and in 14, 15 Harold is brought to him by Guy in person. William’s
treatment of Harold is here surely intended to bring out the excellence
of the Duke’s character, for he behaves towards Harold with magnificent
urbanity and takes him to his palace at Rouen (16, 17). In 18 appears
the mysterious incident of “a certain clerk and Ælfgyva,” which will be
mentioned later. After this interval Harold and William, now apparently
on the best of terms, start off together for a warlike expedition. They
reach Mont Saint Michel (19), cross the River Couesnon (20), where
Harold drags some Norman soldiers out of a quicksand (21) into which
they had fallen. In 22 they arrive at Dol, and Conan[4] evacuates the
town. They then pass Rechnes (Rennes), which is stitched small, and is
only there to show the course of their march. A strenuous fight takes
place at Dinan till Conan gives up the keys (23, 24), and in (25)
William presents Harold with arms as a sign of gratitude for his
services. In this high amity with each other they repair to Bayeux (26),
where takes place the crucial incident in the history of Harold (27).
Here there is again a great discrepancy between the Norman version and
that usually taught in England. According to the English story Harold
was tricked into swearing fealty to William on a box, in which, unknown
to him, were concealed the bones of saints. This fact, if true, is
suppressed in the Tapestry. Here, Harold’s two hands are resting on
altars supporting chests of the kind used expressly for containing
relics (PLATE II.). The oath is made as ostentatiously solemn as
possible. Perhaps Harold might be able to urge compulsion as
invalidating this oath; his whole position had been from the beginning
little better than that of a prisoner. The plea of trickery was out of
the question, and his future conduct makes him appear, to Norman eyes, a
perjurer and a blasphemer.

After this Harold returns to England (28) and proceeds at once to Edward
the Confessor (29), with whom he has an interview (PLATE III.).

We are next shown (30, 31) the coffin of Edward the Confessor being
carried in mourning to its interment in the Church of St. Peter at
Westminster (PLATE IV.). The order of events has been here slightly
transposed, as in 32 we see Edward still alive though on his death-bed
addressing his “fideles” or vassals. The reason for the transposition of
scenes will soon become clear; Harold is present, with Edward’s wife,
Queen Eadgyth, an ecclesiastic, and two other persons. What may have
been the nature of the communications passing between Edward and his
“fideles” at this solemn moment cannot be said with certainty, but it is
likely that even then the question of the succession was being agitated.
Immediately below Edward has fallen into the sleep of death (ET HIC
DEFUNCTUS EST), and the crown is offered to Harold, who sits enthroned,
with Archbishop Stigand by his side (33) (PLATE V. and FRONTISPIECE).
The reason why the funeral of the Confessor was represented before his
death has now become apparent. The swift change from the death-bed of
the saintly Edward to the triumph of his unscrupulous successor leaves
behind it a feeling which must have been highly agreeable to Norman
admirers of the Tapestry. In 34 (PLATE VI.) is recorded an interesting
event. The inscription reads: “ISTI MIRANT STELLA” (“They,” _i.e._ the
English, “wonder at a star”), and this unusual star is portrayed
curiously in the border. The English are right to be afraid. The heavens
themselves blaze forth their disapproval at the conduct of Harold. A
messenger is seen bringing tidings to the King, which he seems to hear
with great agitation. It is likely that this message is connected with
the strange apparition of the preceding scene. In 35 an English ship is
shown on its way to France, bearing to William news of events in
England.

At this point the story as told in the Tapestry falls quite naturally
into two parts. So far the unscrupulous conduct of Harold has been
crowned with success. His ambitions are realised, and he sits on the
throne of England. Omens, however, are not wanting to foreshadow the
shortness of his reign. The second part of the story will show how
William came into his own.

In 36 William has heard the news and promptly determines on revenge.
With Bishop Odo at his side, he gives orders that a fleet shall be made
ready; the trees are hewn (37, 38), and the ships built (PLATE VII.);
they are dragged down to the sea (39), arms are carried on board (40),
carts with wine and arms are dragged down to the beach, William crosses
in a great ship (41, 42, 43), he arrives at Pevensey (44, 45), the
horses are disembarked (46), and the knights push on to Hastings (47).
The whole story moves along with admirable speed, till the spectator
seems to partake in the hurry and bustle of the great expedition.
William’s determination is as sure as Harold’s. The difference is that
his cause is just. After the arrival at Hastings, the story continues
more slowly to its appointed end. That other side of military life is
now shown, as necessary as, if less dignified than, the former glimpses.
We see the victualling of William’s army. In 47 the soldiers are seizing
the neighbouring cattle for food. In 48 is a knight on horseback bearing
the name Wadard. He is thought by the designer to be well enough known
to need no explanation, but at this distance of time his appearance
seems irrelevant. 49, however, carries on the story from 47. The food
taken then is now being cooked, the servants serve up the meats which
they lay before the soldiery, and Bishop Odo blesses the meat (50). This
scene is worked in with real humour; the soldiers are hardly able to
restrain their appetite till grace has been said (PLATE VIII.).
Immediately afterwards (51) are seen Bishop Odo, the Conqueror and his
eldest son, Count Robert, the three most distinguished ornaments of the
war, seated together in a tent (PLATE IX.).

In (52) it is ordered that a rampart be thrown up: the camp is shown. A
messenger arrives giving news of Harold, and a house is burned (53).
Then the army leaves Hastings (54) to go in to battle against Harold
(55, 56), and Duke William questions one Vital (57, 58) concerning
Harold and his army. Not till 59 is news of William brought to Harold.
That Harold should not have been kept more fully informed of his
opponent’s movements and only have heard particulars when the enemy were
at his very gates seems to suggest a certain incompetence or, at any
rate, to show that he had been completely surprised by the rapidity of
William’s movements. His other difficulties, caused by rivals to his
throne and foreign enemies, which had only just been relieved by the
glorious victory of Stamford Bridge, and the deaths of Tostig and Harold
Hardrada, are omitted by the Norman chronicler. In 60 William exhorts
his men to be brave and prudent, and they advance gaily into battle (61,
62, 63, 64, 65, 66), the whole course of events being splendidly
exhibited. At last full justice is done to the English enemy. They fight
valiantly, and the celebrated “packed-shield” formation is clearly shown
(PLATE XI.). Bad luck, however, pursues the English; Leofwyne and Gyrth,
brothers of the King, are slain (67, 68, 69), but the fighting still
remains even, Normans and English falling together (70, 71). The Normans
are being pressed hard when Bishop Odo, armed with a club, exhorts the
young recruits and saves a panic (72). A cry then goes up that Duke
William has been killed; he shows himself, however (73), and confidence
is restored. On the left of the Duke is seen Eustace (E ... TIUS is all
that remains of the inscription) carrying a standard. According to the
mediæval historian Benoît de Saint Maur[5] the Duke’s standard-bearer
Eustace, Count of Boulogne, had urged the Duke to leave the field,
believing the day to be lost. This moment proves to be the turning point
of the battle; the French fight with renewed vigour (73, 74, 75), and
beat their way up to Harold, who is killed by an arrow (76) (PLATE
XII.). The English army is discouraged and flies (77, 78, 79).

Here the Tapestry ends, and it is not quite clear if it had been
intended to pursue the subject further. According to Dr. Ducarel the
tapestry, when hung, exactly filled the nave of the Cathedral; so that
very likely no more was ever designed.

The borders that run above and below well repay study. They not only
make an admirable framework for the main narrative, but have an object
of their own in keeping up a kind of running commentary on the events
portrayed within their boundaries; strange birds and beasts, the
subjects of fable, hybrids, and human forms, sometimes pursuing their
ordinary avocations, sometimes engaged in battle or lying dead, form
these borders, teaching by their actions, attitudes or expressions, the
import of each scene. They express the hopes and fears of the rival
factions and perform almost the functions of a Greek Chorus. They are
delightful, too, in themselves, and there is in them something truly
expressive of the mediæval mind.

[Illustration: FIG. 2. PLOUGHING (_see_ p. 27).]

There are several interesting features to be observed in connection with
the Tapestry besides that of its evident bias. There runs throughout the
assumption that the story will be familiar not only in outline, but also
in detail to the examiners of the Tapestry--a fact which is in itself
strong evidence of a contemporary date.

For instance, in 17 occurs the mysterious subject “UBI UNUS CLERICUS ET
ÆLFGYVA” (“where a certain clerk and Ælfgyva”). Who Ælfgyva was permits
of the widest conjecture; who a certain clerk may have been no one even
pretends to know. But it is evident that the subject was sufficiently
well known at the time to be inserted quite naturally and without any
further explanation. At this distance of time it is impossible to
explain the allusion. Again, who were Turold (12), Wadard (49), Vital
(62)? They are honoured in the Tapestry with their names above them, and
so were evidently thought to be persons of importance. But few can have
heard of them to-day. The archæologist Amyot, indeed, discovered that
there were three vassals of Bishop Odo called by these names. If these
are the people shown in the Tapestry, their appearance would be a
compliment to the Bishop as well as themselves. In fact, throughout the
story Bishop Odo appears with a prominence that can hardly have been
attractive to his illustrious brother. Not only do his three servants
appear in this way, but in 54 he is seated in state with the Conqueror
and the Conqueror’s eldest son, Count Robert, while in the crisis of the
battle it was Odo, not William, who rallied the troops and turned into
victory what had seemed certain defeat. Again, when William was giving
his orders for the preparation of the Expedition (41) Odo stood by his
side ever ready with advice. It may be remembered what William thought
later of the ambition of his brother, and how some time after the
Conquest was over he sent him packing back to his Bishopric. Odo was
certainly a great benefactor to his Cathedral of Bayeux, and the
prominence given to him has been used as an argument that the Tapestry
was ordered by him and the design made by an artist intent on the
gratification of his lord.




III--HISTORY OF THE TAPESTRY.


The “Bayeux Tapestry” has had an adventurous career since its first
mention in the Inventory of Bayeux Cathedral in 1476, when it was hung
round the nave during the season of the Feast of Relics. It is even
possible that its adventures may have begun before this, if the
assumption of an early date be correct, for the cathedral was burnt to
the ground in 1106.

However that may be, in 1562 the town was sacked by Calvinists: but,
fortunately, the Tapestry was handed over to the civil authority to
guard, and it escaped destruction, though a tapestry “de grande valeur”
that used to hang in the choir perished during the troubles. When these
disturbances were over, it was once more in the hands of the
ecclesiastical authorities, hung in the nave on appointed days, and
forgotten for close on 200 years.

In the year 1724 an archæologist, M. Launcelot, read a paper before the
French Academy on this subject. He had, however, only seen a drawing of
a portion of the whole, and was only able to conjecture that the
original was a fresco or an embroidery. He was strongly of the opinion
that the original was made in the time of the Conqueror or his immediate
successors. Better results, however, attended the efforts of Père
Montfaucon, a Benedictine of St. Maur, who ran the original to earth
after much search. It was published in engraving on a reduced scale in
his second volume of “Monuments de la Monarchie Française (1730).” Kept
in the repositories of the cathedral and only exhibited on feast days,
the Tapestry survived in peace the early days of the Revolution, but
when the Revolutionaries were going out to scatter their foreign enemies
it was turned to account and made to cover an army waggon. It had been
laid in position and was on the point of being taken off to the front,
when M. le Forestier, the Commissioner of Police, seized on it and hid
it in his study. In 1794 it was again about to be cut to pieces, when it
was rescued by a self-appointed committee for guarding works of art in
the neighbourhood.

The Tapestry was not unknown to Napoleon, and in 1803 it was sent to
Paris and exhibited in the Musée Napoléon, doubtless with the intention
of stirring the enthusiasm of the French into emulating the illustrious
deeds portrayed. It was, however, returned to Bayeux in 1804 and
deposited in the Library, with permission to be hung in the cathedral,
fifteen days a year, a concession to the Church party that was never put
into effect. It was exhibited in the Hôtel de Ville in 1830, and is now
to be seen in a room built for it in the Public Library in 1842.

In 1871 on the near approach of the Prussians, the Tapestry was hastily
taken down and hidden secretly away. When danger was passed it was
returned to its former position. The Bayeux authorities, however, refuse
to divulge the secret of its hiding-place, feeling that should adverse
circumstances again arise it would be advisable that there should again
be this secret spot in which to stow away the Tapestry.

The Bayeux Tapestry has since the 18th century received notice from
English archæologists; in 1746, Stukeley, author of the _Palæographica
Britannica_, mentions it as “the noblest monument in the world, relating
to our old English history.” He was followed by a learned antiquarian,
Dr. Ducarel, who stated that it was hung round the nave of the cathedral
on St. John’s Day, and continued there for eight days more. Two
distinguished historians, Lord Lyttelton and David Hume, also discussed
the Tapestry, the former being the first to doubt its contemporary date,
thereby anticipating some modern criticism.

In the early years of the 19th century criticism of the Tapestry became
more serious, the years 1816-1820 being very important in this respect.
The views of Messrs. Stothard, Amyot, Hudson Gurney and others can be
read in volumes XVIII. and XIX. of _Archæologia_.

In 1816 Mr. Charles Stothard was sent by the Society of Antiquaries to
Bayeux to make a drawing of the Tapestry, and he brought home two small
fragments with him.[6] Within two years he had completed his copy of
the Tapestry, which is to be seen reproduced in Vol. VI. of the _Vetusta
Monumenta_. Freeman, in Appendix A., Vol. III. (2nd edition), devotes a
long passage to the subject and states his belief in its being made in
England, an opinion which has not been generally shared.

[Illustration: FIG. 3. HARROWING (_see_ p. 27).]




IV.--THE INSCRIPTIONS.


The Latin inscriptions above the embroidery run as follows (an English
translation has been added, but no attempt has been made to amend or
correct):--

1. EDWARD REX

Edward the King.

2. UBI HAROLD, DUX ANGLORUM, ET SUI MILITES EQUITANT AD BOSHAM

Where Harold, Duke of the English, and his soldiers ride to Bosham.

3. ECCLESIA

The Church (at Bosham).

4. HIC HAROLD MARE NAVIGAVIT

Here Harold crossed the sea.

5, 6. ET VELIS VENTO PLENIS VENIT IN TERRA WIDONIS COMITIS

And with sails full of wind came into the land of Count Guy.

6, 7. HAROLD

7. HIC APPREHENDIT WIDO HARLOLDŪ

Here Guy seizes Harold.

8, 9. ET DUXIT EUM AD BELREM ET IBI EUM TENUIT

And led him to Beaurain and held him there.

10. UBI HAROLD (et) WIDO PARABOLANT

Where Harold and Guy converse.

11. UBI NUNTII WILLELMI DUCIS VENERUNT AD WIDONĒ. TUROLD

Where the messengers of Duke William came to Guy. Turold.

12. NUNTII WILLELMI

The messengers of William.

13. HIC VENIT NUNTIUS AD WILGELMUM DUCEM

Here the messenger came to Duke William.

14, 15. HIC WIDO ADDUXIT HAROLDUM AD WILGELMUM NORMANNORUM DUCEM

Here Guy led Harold to William, Duke of the Normans.

16, 17. HIC DUX WILGELM CUM HAROLDO VENIT AD PALATIŪ SUŪ

Here Duke William with Harold came to his Palace.

18. UBI UNUS CLERICUS ET ÆLFGYVA ...

Where a certain clerk and Ælfgyva.

19. HIC WILLEM DUX ET EXERCITUS EJUS VENERUNT AD MONTĒ MICHAELIS

Here Duke William and his army came to Mont St. Michel.

20. HIC TRANSIERUNT FLUMEN COSNONIS

And here they crossed the river Couesnon.

21. ET HIC HAROLD DUX TRAHEBAT EOS DE ARENA

And here Duke Harold dragged them out of the quicksand.

22. ET VENERUNT AD DOL ET CONAN FUGA VERTIT

And they came to Dol, and Conon turned in flight.

23, 24. REDNES. HIC MILITES WILLELMI DUCIS PUGNANT CONTRA DINANTES ET
CUNAN CLAVES PORREXIT

Rennes. Here the soldiers of Duke William fight against the men of
Dinan, and Conon reached out the keys.

25. HIC WILLELM DEDIT HAROLDO ARMA

Here William gave Harold arms.

26. HIE (hic) WILLELM VENIT BAGIAS

Here William came to Bayeux.

27. UBI HAROLD SACRAMENTUM FECIT WILLELMO DUCI

Where Harold made an oath to Duke William.

28. HIC HAROLD DUX REVERSUS EST AD ANGLICAM TERRAM

Here Duke Harold returned to England.

29. ET VENIT AD EDWARDU REGEM

And came to King Edward.

30, 31. HIC PORTATUR CORPUS EADWARDI REGIS AD ECCLESIAM \S[=C]I PETRI
APLĪ (Sancti Petri Apostoli)

Here the body of King Edward is borne to the Church of St. Peter the
Apostle.

32. HIC EADWARDUS REX IN LECTO ALLOQUI[=T] FIDELES

Here King Edward in bed addresses his vassals.

ET HIC DEFUNCTUS EST

And here he is dead.

HIC DEDERUNT HAROLDO CORONĀ REGIS

Here they gave to Harold the King’s crown.

33. HIC RESIDET HAROLD REX ANGLORUM

Here sits Harold King of the English.

STIGANT ARCHIE[=P]S (Archiepiscopus)

Archbishop Stigand.

34. ISTI MIRANT STELLĀ: HAROLD

These men are amazed at a star: Harold.

35. HIC NAVIS ANGLICA VENIT IN TERRAM WILLELMI DUCIS

Here an English ship came into the land of Duke William.

36, 37, HIC WILLELM DUX JUSSIT NAVES EDIFICARE

38. Here Duke William gave orders to build ships.

39. HIC TRAHUN[=T] NAVES AD MARE

Here they draw down the ships to the sea.

40. ISTI PORTANT ARMAS AD NAVES

These men carry arms to the ships.

ET HIC TRAHUNT CARRUM CUM VINO ET ARMIS

And here they drag a cart with wine and arms.

41, 42, HIC WILLELM DUX IN MAGNO NAVIGIO MARE TRANSIVIT

43. Here Duke William crossed the sea in a great ship.

44, 45. ET VENIT AD PEVENESÆ

And came to Pevensey.

46. HIC EXEUNT CABALLI DE NAVIBUS

Here the horses go out of the ships.

47. ET HIC MILITES FESTINAVERUNT HESTINGA UT CIBUM RAPERENTUR

And here the soldiers hurried to Hastings to find food.

48. HIC EST WADARD

Here is Wadard.

49. HIC COQUITUR CARO

Here meat is cooked.

ET HIC MINISTRAVERUNT MINISTRI

And here the servants served.

50. HIC FECERUNT PRANDIUM

Here they made a feast.

ET HIC EPISCOPUS CIBŪ ET POTŪ BENEDICIT

And here the Bishop blesses the food and drink.

51. ODO EP[=S]: WILLELM: ROTBERT

Bishop Odo: William: Robert.

52. ISTE JUSSIT UT FODERETUR CASTELLUM AT HESTENGA

The latter commanded that a rampart should be thrown up at Hastings.

CEASTRA

The Camp.

53. HIC NUNTIATUM EST WILLELMO DE HAROLD

Here news of Harold is brought to William.

HIC DOMUS INCENDITUR

Here a house is burned.

54. HIC MILITES EXIERUNT DE HESTENGA

Here the soldiers left Hastings.

55, 56. ET VENERUNT AD PRELIUM CONTRA HAROLDUM REGE

And came into battle against King Harold.

57, 58. HIC WILLELM DUX INTERROGAT VITAL SI VIDISSET HAROLDI EXERCITŪ

Here Duke William asks Vital if he had seen Harold’s Army.

59. ISTE NUNTIAT HAROLDUM REGĒ DE EXERCITU WILLELMI DUCIS

This man informs Harold the King concerning the Army of Duke William.

60, 61, HIC WILLELM DUX ALLOQUITUR SUIS MILITIBUS UT

62, 63, PREPARARENT SE VIRILITER ET SAPIENTER AD

64. PRELIUM CONTRA ANGLORUM EXERCITŪ

Here William exhorts his soldiers to prepare themselves manfully and
wisely for battle against the English Army.

65, 66. The Battle.[7]

67, 68, HIC CECIDERUNT LEWINE ET GYR[=D], FRATRES HAROLDI

69. REGIS

Here fell Leofwyne and Gyrth, brothers of Harold the King.

70, 71. HIC CECIDERUNT SIMUL ANGLI ET FRANCI IN PRELIO

Here fell together English and French in battle.

72. HIC ODO E[=P]S BACULŪ TENENS, CONFORTAT PUEROS

Here Bishop Odo, holding a staff, rallies the young troops.

73. HIC EST WILEL[=M] DUX

Here is Duke William.

73. E ... TIUS

Eustace.

73, 74, HIC FRANCI PUGNANT ET CECIDERUNT QUI ERANT

75. CUM HAROLDO

Here the French fight and those who were with Harold fell.

76, 77. HIC HAROLD REX INTERFECTUS EST

Here King Harold was slain.

78, 79. ET FUGA VERTERUNT ANGLI

And the English turned in flight.

[Illustration: Fig. 4. FOWLING (_see_ p. 27)]




V.--THE PHOTOGRAPHIC COPY OF THE ORIGINAL.


On the 3rd of August 1871 the Lords of the Committee of Council on
Education agreed to Mr. Joseph Cundall going to Bayeux to obtain
permission to take a full-sized photograph of the Tapestry. Permission
having been obtained, a highly-skilled photographer, Mr. E. Dossetter,
went to Bayeux for the purpose. In the first instance quite small
photographs were taken, which were subsequently enlarged to the size of
the original. A complete photographic copy enlarged to full-size and
coloured after the original was exhibited in the Albert Hall at the
Exhibition of 1873. This is the copy that is now exhibited in the Museum
(Gallery 79).

What Carlyle thought of this copy cannot fail to be of interest--he
expresses his enthusiasm in a letter to Sir Henry Cole:--

“I went yesterday with two companions for a look at your Bayeux Tapestry
in the Albert Hall and I cannot but express to you at once my very great
contentment with what I saw there. The enterprise was itself a solid,
useful and creditable thing; and the execution of it seems to me a
perfect success far exceeding all the expectations I have entertained
about it. Mr. Froude, who was one of my companions, was full of
admiration, and a brother of mine who had seen the Tapestry itself at
Bayeux last year seemed to think that this copy you had managed to make
(I hope in a permanent and easily repeatable manner) was superior in
vivid clearness, beauty of colour, etc., to the very original. As the
work is in essence photographic, I flatter myself you have preserved the
negative and other apparatus whereby the thing can be repeated as often
as you like and at a moderate expense--in which case it might with
evident and great advantage be imparted in the same complete form to all
British Colonies, and even in America itself would be precious to every
inquiring and every cultivated mind. In a word, I am much obliged to you
for sending me to see this feat of yours (by far the reasonablest in
completeness of its kind yet known to me), and very much obliged above
all for your having done it and _so_ done it.

                                        “Yours truly, with many thanks,

                                                          “T. CARLYLE.”




VI.--NOTES ON THE ILLUSTRATIONS.


PLATE I.

King Edward gives instruction to two persons, of whom one is Harold;
Edward’s clothes are richly embroidered. He is seated on a throne and
has a crown and sceptre.

The scene shows a room in Edward’s castle; a portion of the outside wall
is given; but the rest is cut away to give a view of the interior in a
manner very common in mediæval art. It will be seen that the castle is
in the Norman style. On the left is a round Norman window and there are
Norman turrets above. The throne on which Edward is sitting is typical
of the art of the period, the animal’s head which forms the right arm
being a common decoration. In an Anglo-Saxon calendar of the 11th
century (the MS. Cotton and Julius A VI.) a drinking party is shown on a
large daïs, the two ends of which are in form like the head and front
legs of two great dogs.

As to the nature of the communications passing between Edward the
Confessor and Harold, it may be added that three reasons are given of
Harold’s journey to Normandy in different versions: (1) To release his
brother and nephew from imprisonment; (2) that, owing to a storm when
out fishing, he was shipwrecked on the coast of France; (3) to impart to
William Edward’s intention of making him his heir. The third was the
Norman method of explaining what happened and is apparently the one
accepted by the designer of the Tapestry.


PLATE II.

Harold’s Oath.

William of Normandy, sword in hand, sits on the left while Harold takes
a solemn oath of fealty; each hand rests on an altar, supporting a box
of relics. The cloths that cover the altars are of embroidery, though in
the Tapestry they look like velvet. The absence of any secrecy in the
matter of the relics is here insisted on, the story being told from the
Norman point of view.


PLATES III., IV.

The Palace of Westminster, and Edward the Confessor’s body borne to the
Church of St. Peter’s.

Several points of interest arise in connection with these two plates; it
will be seen that the Palace of Westminster shows a general similarity
to the representation in the first scene. The room in which Edward
receives Harold is the same shape and similar turrets appear in each
case. Further historical accuracy is shown in placing Edward’s palace
immediately to the left of St. Peter’s Church.

This St. Peter’s Church is the earliest form of what has since been
known as Westminster Abbey, before it was rebuilt in the Gothic style
during the latter part of the 13th century. This picture is of
particular interest, as considerable care seems to have been taken in
the reproduction to give an accurate picture. The long series of Norman
arches below and the smaller row above are particularly noticeable. The
centre tower is also well portrayed. The hand of God appearing through a
cloud as if in dedication, and a man placing a weather-cock on the roof,
seem to suggest that the church was just being completed, a fact that is
nowadays believed to be true, though before it used to be held that
Edward never finished the church.

The foundations of this original edifice are still to be seen in
Westminster Abbey and in their main features bear a strong resemblance
to the Abbey of Jumièges (_see_ “Social England,” Vol. I., p. 318),
which was built about the same time and very likely designed by the same
architect.

The whole question of the old building of St. Peter’s at Westminster has
been discussed by Professor Lethaby and the Dean of Wells, Dr. Armitage
Robinson (formerly Dean of Westminster), in the Proceedings of the
Society of Antiquaries for 1910.


PLATE V.

Harold enthroned[8] with Archbishop Stigand by his side.

Stigand wears an amice, a pall, a chasuble, gloves, boots, alb, stole
and maniple. He is, however, bareheaded, which is an argument for an
early date for the Tapestry as the mitre is rare in manuscripts till the
12th century. If the mitre had been known to the designer of the
Tapestry he would surely have given it to Stigand for so important an
occasion. It will be noticed that his chasuble is very long behind
though very short in front, and that his maniple is carried between his
thumb and first finger rather than hanging down from the elbow, as is
the fashion to-day. This fact goes to prove the contention of those who
hold that the maniple was originally in the nature of a handkerchief.
(The central portion of this scene is reproduced on a larger scale in
the frontispiece.)


PLATE VI.

“They wonder at a star,” which is shown very curiously in the border.

This appearance of Halley’s Comet is mentioned by English, Norman, South
Gaulish, German and Italian chroniclers, by whom it was generally held
to portend the conquest of England. It is also thought that there is a
reference to it in Chinese Annals. The comet appeared nine days after
Easter, and shone with great brightness for some days. Harold had been
crowned on the 6th of January, and the Conqueror anchored off Pevensey
on the 28th of September. Halley’s Comet also appeared in 1145, 1223,
1301, 1378, 1456, 1531, 1682, 1759, 1835 and 1910. A full account, with
extracts from the contemporary chroniclers, can be seen in Freeman’s
“Norman Conquest” (2nd Edition). Vol. III., pp. 640-5.


PLATE VII.

Building the Ships.

The ships which are being built in this plate are the famous “Snekkjur”
or serpent vessels of the Vikings, so praised by the Skalds. On the
whole the Normans had altered their marine equipment comparatively
little since their Norwegian days. A 9th century Viking boat was in 1880
discovered at Gokstad on the west coast of the Gulf of Christiania. It
was about 75 ft. long, 16 ft. broad, 5·7 ft. deep, with a displacement
of 30 tons and able to carry 40 men. Such a ship would have been a fine
one in the days of the Conqueror.

William’s fleet consisted of 3,000 boats of different shapes and sizes,
of which 696 were of the “Snekkjur” type. The serpent decoration on the
prow and stern of this type of boat was often omitted, but is shown in
the Tapestry. William’s own ship was called the “Mora,” and was a
present to him from Queen Matilda. On the prow was the statue of a boy
in copper gilt, who held a bow in his hand in which there was an arrow
pointing ever towards England. His ship also flew the “Consecrated
Banner” of Pope Alexander II., whose support of the expedition William
had secured.


PLATE VIII.

A Feast is made.

On the left of this Plate chickens are being handed to the diners on
spits, a spit apparently being provided for each guest. A knife is on
the left table, also a piece of flat round bread, the common shape in
which bread was made during that period. Spoons and forks were
practically unknown at the time, and though two rough forks can be seen
on a 12th century manuscript, the “Hortus deliciarum” of Herrad von
Landsberg, they remain rare even in high society till the 16th century.
Jean Sulpice writes as follows in 1480 on “La Civilité”:--“Prends la
viande avec trois doigts et ne rempli pas la bouche de trop gros
morceaux.” A round bowl is on the table and one of the men drinks out of
a large horn. These drinking horns were particularly popular in England,
where practically no wine was drunk and mead was the favourite liquor.
They were the same shape as musical horns with some form of stopper at
the small end. Two horns of this kind are exhibited among the Ivories
(Room 8) in this Museum (Nos. 7593, 8035-1862). A fine Rhenish drinking
horn is in the British Museum, of which a good illustration is given in
the article on Drinking Vessels in the “Encyclopædia Britannica.” The
British Museum also possesses a Scandinavian horn, illustrated on page
100 of the British Museum Guide to the Mediæval Department. The famous
horn of Ulphus (“Homes of Other Days,” p. 43) is in the Treasury of York
Cathedral. Readers may remember in Boswell’s “Tour to the Hebrides” how
“we looked at Rorie More’s horn, which is a large cow’s horn, with the
mouth of it ornamented with silver and curiously carved. It holds rather
more than a bottle and a half. Every Laird of McLeod, it is said, must,
as a proof of his manhood, drink it full of claret without laying it
down.” (Journal for Wednesday, Sept. 18th.)

These horns were not so universal in France, some forms of goblet being
in use even during the 8th and 9th centuries, one such being seen on the
right-hand end of the main table, where sit the Bishop and those of
higher rank. By the 14th century horns seem to have gone completely out
of use.

On this right-hand table is a goodly array of knives, goblets and plates
of various sizes; some pieces of the Norman pottery shown here are in
the British Museum. The figure on the extreme right of this table,
though occupying such an honoured place near the Bishop, is tearing a
fish to pieces and thrusting it into his mouth with his fingers.

The figure coming towards the table holding a porringer is the
cup-bearer and wine-taster, a prominent figure at every banquet. It is
difficult to be certain as to the nature of the other object he is
holding in his hand, but it may be a napkin, which was handed round to
the most important people that they might wipe their fingers after the
repast.


PLATE IX.

Odo. William. Robert.

This scene shows three portraits, William the Conqueror being in the
centre, with Bishop Odo on his left and on his right Count Robert of
Normandy.

On William’s death, his son, William Rufus, succeeded to England, and
Count Robert to Normandy. On the death of William Rufus in 1100, Count
Robert was still on an expedition in the Holy Land. Hence Henry I. was
elected king by the popular voice, in spite of protests from Normandy,
and became an English as opposed to a French monarch.

This happy division of powers was, however, not permanent, and England,
Normandy and many other French provinces were reunited under the
Angevins, an event which marked the beginning of that perpetual trouble
with France which hardly ended with King Henry VI.


PLATE X.

Burning a House.

In this plate again there seems to be a rough attempt at a portrayal of
Norman domestic architecture. The Norman nature of the work is
suggested in the house being of two storeys, the Saxon dwelling usually
being of one. A woman and her child escape from the hall, which occupies
the whole of the ground floor, and is of nearly as much importance as it
would have been in the Anglo-Saxon period. The room above is smaller and
lit by a window with a Norman arch. No glass, however, would be placed
in the window. The top storey would be provided with a rough kind of
fire-place, as perhaps might also the ground floor, though the old fire
piled right up in the middle of the hall was still quite common.


PLATE XI.

The Battle, showing the “packed shield” formation of the English.

This method of fighting particularly impressed William at Hastings, and
no doubt the English employed it with great skill. But whereas the most
important part of William’s army was the cavalry, Harold’s army
consisted entirely of foot soldiers. The Thanes and other important men
might be able to ride up to the scene of battle on horseback, but they
dismounted for the fight. The “packed shield” formation they proceeded
to employ consisted, as is seen in the Tapestry, of a thick wedge of
men, widening out from about two in front to an uncertain number at the
base; the officers and better armed men formed the front wedge, backed
by a dense column of the inferior troops.

The English and Normans wear for the most part the same armour, the body
of which goes down to the knees in one piece, a type of armour known as
the “hauberk” or “byrnie.” These hauberks occasionally extended to the
ankles, but the legs were generally cased in leather gaiters, somewhat
resembling the “puttees” of to-day. Later, in the border, the hauberk is
correctly shown being pulled off the body of a dead soldier over the
head, like a shirt.

In most cases the shields of the two armies are of the same shape, being
pointed at the bottom and rounded at the top, a type that succeeded the
kind which was narrow at each end and broadest in the middle. This
old-fashioned shape of shield was still used by the English as well as
the round embossed shield of yet earlier times.

An English warrior, probably Harold himself, is to be seen wielding one
of those terrible battle-axes that did such execution at Hastings. This
weapon was the mainstay both in attack and defence, and the glory of the
Saxon army. But, nevertheless, it marks a far less advanced point in the
history of war.

William’s army is seen to be wearing stirrups, which, according to some
authorities, were new to Europe at the beginning of the 12th century,
having been introduced from China by the Mahommedans. But it seems
extremely doubtful if they were such a late discovery as this. In any
case, their use brought with it great changes in horsemanship, as the
cavalry were enabled to sit forward on their saddles, often charging
with their lances under their arm instead of leaning right back and
charging with the arm erect.

It will be seen that the helmet is conical with a “nasal,” that is to
say, with a bar coming down as a shelter for the nose. The huge “vizor,”
covering the whole face and leaving only peep-holes for the eyes, was a
later invention. Also the horses are here quite unprotected, not “tot
couvert de fer” as Wace, a 12th century historian of the Conquest, would
have had them be. The armour would certainly be very heavy, but lighter
than the massive defences of the 14th and 15th centuries.

But the whole question of this early armour raises many points of
difficulty and dispute. The subject of Saxon and Norman armour is well
treated in Mr. C. H. Ashdown’s “British and Foreign Arms and Armour”
(1909), where special attention is devoted to the body-armour of the
Bayeux Tapestry.


PLATE XII.

The Death of Harold.

The king is seen on the left, pierced through the right eye with an
arrow which he is endeavouring to pull out with his hand. This is quite
in accordance with tradition on the subject, though it is believed that
Harold died, not at the moment of receiving the wound, but possibly some
hours later. Three arrows are seen sticking in his shield. On the right
there is an English warrior, struck down by the sword of a mounted
Norman knight.


FIGURES _Nos. 1 to 4_.

These four figures form part of the borders under numbers X.,
XI., XII.; three represent scenes from the ordinary life of the
peasantry--ploughing, harrowing, and slinging at birds; the fourth shows
the figure of a lion.

These rural scenes are extremely frequent in mediæval illustrated MSS.
An illuminated MS. of the 11th century in the British Museum shows a
good example of slinging (_see_ “Social England,” Vol. I., p. 316). The
Louterell Psalter, which dates from the early years of the 14th century,
gives many scenes of ploughing and harrowing (_see Vetusta Monumenta_,
Vol. VI., especially Plates XXI. and XXII.). The shoulder collars and
the iron shoes worn by the horses in these borders are held by some to
have been an invention only made at the end of the 11th century.




VII.--BIBLIOGRAPHY.


Mr. F. R. Fowke has written a short and extremely clear account of the
Tapestry in “The Bayeux Tapestry; a History and Description” (George
Bell & Sons, 1898), with a reproduction of the Tapestry. This invaluable
book has been reprinted (1913) by Messrs. Bell in cheaper form.
Professor Lethaby (“Embroidery, 1908-9”) holds that the Tapestry may
have been made in Kent.

In the study of the subject from an archæological point of view there
are two admirable articles by Mr. J. Horace Round: “The Bayeux Tapestry”
(“Monthly Review,” December 1904) and “The Castles of the Conquest”
(_Archæologia_, LVIII). Mr. Round has also contributed an article on the
Bayeux Tapestry to the “Encyclopædia Britannica.”

In the _Archæological Journal_, Vol. LX., Sir W. H. St. John Hope has an
article on “Fortresses of the 10th and 11th Centuries.” All these books
and articles support the belief that the Tapestry is practically
contemporary with the events narrated.

M. le Commandant Lefebvre de Noëttes has approached the subject from a
different point of view in the “Bulletin Monumental” of April 1912. He
discusses the armour, weapons, harness of the horses and kindred
subjects, coming to the conclusion that the Tapestry was probably made
between 1120 and 1130, a date neither so late nor so early as extremists
on either side have asserted.

The antiquity of the Tapestry has been attacked by M. Marignan in his
“La Tapisserie de Bayeux” (1902). He wishes to prove that its date
cannot be before the middle of the 13th century. His views have,
however, met with little support and have been answered by M. Lanore in
his volume “La Tapisserie de Bayeux” (1903).

J. C. Bruce, in “The Bayeux Tapestry Elucidated with Coloured
Illustrations” (1856), is inaccurate on some points but indulges in much
ingenious speculation.

Two fresh books on the Tapestry have appeared in recent years. Mr.
Hillaire Belloc (“The Book of Bayeux Tapestry,” London, 1914), assigns
the work to the second half of the 12th century. M. A. Levé (“La
Tapisserie de la Reine Mathilde,” Paris, 1919) holds that it was made
for the consecration of Bayeux Cathedral in 1077.




INDEX.


A

                                PAGE

Academy (French), paper before, 11

Aelfgyva, personality unknown, 5, 9

Albert Hall, Photograph of Tapestry at, 19

Alexander II., Pope, blesses William’s enterprise, 23

Amyot the antiquary, 10, 12

Angevins, Kings of England, 24

Anglo-Saxon Calendar, 20

Antiquaries, Society of, papers before, 21

“Archæologia,” papers in, 12

Archæological Journal, papers in, 28

Architecture, Anglo-Saxon, 25

      ”       Gothic, 21

      ”       Norman, 20, 21, 24

Armitage-Robinson, Dr., Dean of Westminster, 21

Ashdown, C. H., “British and Foreign Arms and Armour”, 28


B

Battle-axes, 26

Bayeux Cathedral, burned, 11,

   ”        ”     Inventory of, 11

   ”   City, Hôtel de Ville at, 12

   ”     ”   Public Library at, 12

   ”     ”   sacked by Calvinists, 11

Beaurain, Harold taken to, 5

Benoît de Saint Maur, Annalist, 8

Borders of Tapestry discussed, 9

Bosham, Harold at Church of, 4

Boswell, “Tour to the Hebrides”, 23, 24

Boulogne, Eustace Count of, 8

Boy on prow of William’s ship, 23

Bread, 23

British Museum, Mediæval Horn at, 23

      ”         Norman Pottery at, 24

Brittany, Harold arrives in, 5

Bruce, J. C., Book on Bayeux Tapestry, 28

Bulletin Monumental, Article in, 28

Byrnie, Nature of, 25, 26


C

Calvinists sack Bayeux, 11

Carlyle, Thomas. Letter to Sir Henry Cole, 19

Castles, Early Norman, 2

China, Annals of, 22

   ”   Spurs introduced from, 26

Christiania, Gulf of, 22

Chronique des ducs de Normandie. (Footnote), 8

Civilité, La, by Jean Sulpice, 23

Clerk, a certain, and Aelfgyva, 5, 9

Cole, Sir Henry. Letter from Thomas Carlyle, 19

Comet, Halley’s, appears, 6, 22

Conan II., Duke of Brittany, 5

Consecrated Banner, given by the Pope to William, 23

Cousenon, R., Crossed by Harold and William, 5

Cundall, Joseph, goes to Bayeux, 19


D

Dol, Siege of, 5

Dossetter, Mr., the Photographer, 19

Drinking Horns, 23, 24

Drinking Vessels, 24

Ducarel, Dr., Archæologist, 12


E

Eadgyth, Queen of Edward the Confessor, 6

Ecclesiastical Vestments worn by Stigand, 21, 22

Edward the Confessor, 1, 4, 6, 20, 21

Eustace, Count of Boulogne, 8


F

Feast of Relics, Tapestry exhibited during, 11

Florence of Worcester, Annalist, 4

Forestier M. le, Commissioner of Police in Bayeux, 11

Forks, 23

Fowke, F. R., Book on the Bayeux Tapestry, 28

Fowling, 25

Freeman, Professor J. H., 1, 4, 5, 13, 22

Froude, J. A., mentioned by Thomas Carlyle, 19


G

Gaulish (South) Chronicles, 22

German Chronicles, 22

Gokstad, Viking ship discovered at, 22

Gothic Style of Architecture, 21

Gurney, Hudson, Antiquarian, 12

Gyrth, Brother of Harold, killed, 8

Guy Count of Ponthieu, 4, 5


H

Halley’s Comet, 6, 22

Harold Hardrada defeated, 8

Harold, King of England, 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 20, 21, 26

Harrowing, 27

Hastings, Battle of, 1, 8, 25, 26

    ”     Town of, 7

Hauberks, 25, 26

Henry I., 24

Henry II. (Footnote), 8

Henry VI., 25

Herrad von Landsberg, 23

Holy Land, The, 24

Hope, Sir W. H. St. John, 28

“Hortus Deliciarum”, 23

Hume, David, 12


I

Inscriptions on the Tapestry translated, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18


J

Jumièges, Abbey of, 21


L

Laird of Macleod, The, and Drinking Horns, 24

Lanore, M., Book on Bayeux Tapestry, 28

Launcelot, M., reads paper before French Academy, 11

Lefebvre de Noëttes, Commandant, Article on Bayeux Tapestry, 28

Leofwyne, Brother of Harold, killed, 8

Lethaby, Professor, Articles by, 21, 28

Louterell Psalter, and Agricultural life, 28

Lyttelton, Lord, on the Bayeux Tapestry, 12


M

Macleod, Lairds of, and Drinking Horns, 23

Mahommedans, spurs perhaps introduced by, 26

Marignan, M., book on Bayeux Tapestry, 28

Matilda, Queen of William the Conqueror, 23

Maur, Saint, Père Montfaucon of, 11

Montfaucon, Père, Archæologist, 11

“Monuments de la Monarchie Française,” Publications, 11

“Mora,” The, given by Matilda to William, 23

Musée Napoléon, Bayeux Tapestry exhibited at, 12


N

Napoleon, and the Bayeux Tapestry, 12

Nasal, 26

Nicholls, Mr. Bowyer, Antiquarian, 13

Norman Architecture, 22, 23, 25

  ”    Castles, 2

  ”    Chronicles, 22

  ”    Conquest, 1, 8

  ”    Pottery, 24


O

Odo, Bishop of Bayeux, 3, 7, 8, 10, 24

Oman, Professor, 1

Omen at Harold’s Coronation, 7, 22


P

“Packed Shield” formation, 2, 8, 25

“_Palæographica Britannica_,” by Stukeley, 12

Peter, Church of Saint, at Westminster, 6, 21

Pevensey, William lands at, 7

Ploughing, 27

Ponthieu, Guy Count of, 4, 5

Prussians near Bayeux, 12


R

Rennes, Harold and William pass, 5

Robert, Count of Normandy, 7, 24

Roman d’Enéis. (Footnote), 8

  ”   de Thèbe, 8

  ”   de Troie, 8

Rorie More’s Horn, 24

Round, Mr. J. Horace, Archæologist, 1, 28

Rufus, William, 24


S

Slinging, 27

“Snekkjur” boats, 22

Spoons, 23

“Star,” Appearance of strange, 6, 22

Stigand, Archbishop, 6

Storm, Question of Harold and, discussed, 4

Stothard, Charles, 8, 9

    ”     Mrs. Charles. (Footnote), 9

Strickland, Miss Agnes, on Bayeux Tapestry. (Footnote), 5

Stukeley. “_Palæographica Britannica_”, 12

Sulpice, Jean, Author of “La Civilité”, 23


T

Throne of King Edward the Confessor, 20

Tostig, Death of, 8

“Tour to the Hebrides,” by James Boswell, 23, 24

Turold, 5, 10


U

Ulphus, Horn of, in Treasury at York, 23


V

“Vetusta Monumenta,” Reproductions in, 13

Vital, 8, 10

Vizor, 26


W

Wace, 14th century Historian, 26

Wadard, 7, 10

Westminster, Church of Saint Peter at, 6, 21

      ”      Palace of, 21

William the Conqueror, 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 20, 22, 24, 25, 26


Y

York, Horn of Ulphus in Treasury at, 23

[Illustration: PLATE I.

KING EDWARD THE CONFESSOR AND HAROLD. (_See_ p. 20.)]

[Illustration: PLATE II.

THE OATH OF HAROLD. (_See_ p. 20.)]

[Illustration: PLATE III.

KING EDWARD IN HIS PALACE. (_See_ p. 21.)]

[Illustration: PLATE IV.

THE CHURCH OF ST. PETER AT WESTMINSTER. (_See_ p. 21.)]

[Illustration: PLATE V.

THE CORONATION OF HAROLD. STIGAND. (_See_ p. 21.)]

[Illustration: PLATE VI.

THE COMET. (_See_ p. 22.)]

[Illustration: PLATE VII.

BUILDING SHIPS. (_See_ p. 22.)]

[Illustration: PLATE VIII.

A FEAST. (_See_ p. 23.)]

[Illustration: PLATE IX.

ODO. WILLIAM. ROBERT. (_See_ p. 24.)]

[Illustration: PLATE X.

BURNING A HOUSE. (_See_ p. 24.)]

[Illustration: PLATE XI.

THE BATTLE OF HASTINGS. (_See_ p. 25.)]

[Illustration: PLATE XII.

DEATH OF HAROLD. (_See_ p. 26.)]




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FOOTNOTES:

[1] Exhibited with the photographic copy of the Bayeux Tapestry in
Gallery 79 are two plaster reproductions made by Charles Stothard to
show the technique of the embroidery. One piece shows the head of Duke
William, and is taken from Scene 17. The second shows the head of
Harold at his coronation, and is taken from Scene 33. In the Mediæval
Department of the British Museum is a third cast, of the head of a
soldier, which has been copied from Scene 23.

[2] The Tapestry is 230 feet 9⅓ inches long and 19⅔ inches broad. 1,512
objects of different kinds are shown in the course of the work, made
up of 623 persons, 55 dogs, 202 horses or mules, 505 other animals, 87
buildings, 49 trees, and 41 ships and boats. The subject of each scene
is given above in Latin.

[3] For Miss Agnes Strickland’s theory that Turold was the designer of
the Tapestry and Freeman’s comments thereon, _see_ Freeman’s _Norman
Conquest_, Vol. III., Appendix A. (2nd Edition).

[4] Conan II., Duke of Brittany, whose capital was Rennes.

[5] Benoît de St. Maur, the 12th century writer, is supposed to have
been a native of St. Maur. From his prefix, Maître, he may have been
a student at a University. But it is not known if he took orders. He
was attached to the Court of Henry II. He was a loyal “Englishman,”
and always referred to the French as “they.” He wrote the “Chronique
des Ducs de Normandie,” and also “Le Roman de Troie.” The date of the
“Chronique” is probably 1172-1176. The “Roman d’Enéis” and the “Roman
de Thèbe” have also been attributed to him, but this is not generally
accepted, while some even deny that the same hand composed the “Roman
de Troie “ and the “Chronique.”

[6] One of these fragments of the Tapestry was sold to Mr. Bowyer
Nicholls and was purchased from him by the South Kensington Museum in
1864. It was soon decided to return this fragment to Bayeux, which was
done in 1872. Mrs. Stothard has usually been accused of abstracting
these two pieces. She was, however, able to show that she was not
married to Mr. Stothard till 1818, the third and last year in which
he visited Bayeux, and that at this date these fragments were already
in his possession. Prior to his marriage he had possessed these two
pieces, and said that they were so ragged as to be incapable of
restoration. But how he had acquired them was not divulged.

[7] There is no inscription for these two scenes.

[8] This portion of the plate also appears as the Frontispiece.