[Illustration: IGNATII IONES MAG: BRIT: ARCHITECTI GENERALIS, VERA
EFFIGIES,

_Anth. van Dycke Eques pinxit,_    _W. Hollar fecit, aqua forti_]




                                  THE
                             most notable
                               ANTIQUITY
                                  OF
                           _GREAT BRITAIN_,
                            vulgarly called
                              STONE-HENG
                                  ON
                          _SALISBURY PLAIN_.

                               RESTORED
                       By _INIGO JONES_ Esquire,
                    Architect Generall to the late
                                 KING.


                               _LONDON_,
  Printed by _James Flesher_ for _Daniel Pakeman_ at the sign of the
     _Rainbow_ in _Fleetstreet_, and _Laurence Chapman_ next door
             to the Fountain Tavern in the _Strand_. 1655.


                                  TO
                         The Right Honourable
                                PHILIP
                Earle of _Pembroke_ and _Montgomerie_,
             Baron _Herbert_ of _Caerdiff_ and _Sherland_,
          Lord _Parr_ and _Rosse_ of _Kendall_, Lo: _Fitzhugh
                   Marmyon_ and Saint _Quintin_ &c.
                         _STONE-HENG_ restored
                                  is
                           humbly dedicated
                                  by
                      Your Loᵖˢ devoted servant
                             _John Webb_.




                                  TO
                             THE FAVOURERS
                                  OF
                             _ANTIQUITY_.


This Discourse of _Stone-heng_ is moulded off, and cast into a rude
Form, from some few indigested notes of the late judicious _Architect_,
the _Vitruvius_ of his age _Inigo Jones_. That so venerable an
_Antiquity_ might not perish, but the world made beholding to him for
restoring it to light, the desires of severall his learned _Friends_
have encouraged me to compose this Treatise. Had he survived to have
done it with his own hand, there had needed no Apology. Such as it is,
I make now yours. Accept it in _his name_, from

                                                             _J. W._




                               STONEHENG
                               RESTORED,
                                  BY
                        _INIGO JONES_ Esquire.


Being naturally inclined in my younger years to study the _Arts of
Designe_, I passed into forrain parts to converse with the great
Masters thereof in _Italy_; where I applied my self to search out the
ruines of those ancient _Buildings_, which in despight of _Time_ it
self, and violence of _Barbarians_ are yet remaining. Having satisfied
my self in these, and returning to my native _Countrey_, I applied
my minde more particularly to the study of _Architecture_. Among the
ancient monuments whereof, found here, I deemed none more worthy the
searching after, then this of _Stoneheng_; not only in regard of the
_Founders_ thereof, the _Time_ when built, the _Work_ it self, but also
for the rarity of its _Invention_, being different in _Forme_ from all
I had seen before: likewise, of as beautifull _Proportions_, as elegant
in _Order_, and as stately in _Aspect_, as any.

King _James_, in his progresse, the year one thousand six hundred and
twenty, being at _Wilton_, and discoursing of this _Antiquity_, I was
sent for by the right Honourable _William_ then _Earl of Pembrook_,
and received there his Majesties commands to produce out of mine own
practise in _Architecture_, and experience in _Antiquities_ abroad,
what possibly I could discover concerning this of _Stoneheng_. What
mine opinion was then, and what I have since collected in relation
thereunto; I intend to make the subject of this present Treatise. And
certainly, in the intricate, and obscure study of _Antiquity_ it is
far easier (as _Camden_ very well observes) to refute and contradict
a false, then to set down a true and certain resolution. For mine own
part, in what I shall here deliver, I intend not to struggle against
any opinion commonly, and long since received. Let every man judge as
it pleaseth him. What opinion soever the Reader inclines to, I shall
not make much materiall, my aime being, a desire only to vindicate,
as much as in me lies, the _Founders_ of this venerable _Antiquity_
from oblivion, and to make the truth, as far forth as possibly I may,
appeare to all men.

Severall Writers, both Strangers, and our own Countreymen, have treated
of _Stoneheng_. Before recite whole opinions, I think not amisse to
seek this subject from the most ancient times, endevouring thereby to
give satisfaction whether or no, the _Druides_, _aliàs_ _Druidæ_ (in
Authors indifferently written, and in old time the _Priests_ of the
_Britans_ and _Gauls_) or the ancient _Britans_, for the _Druid’s_ use,
might not be the _Founders_ of so notable a monument; which if they
were, there is then no cause why bestow farther study or pains, in
searching who the _Founders_ were, but acquiesce in the honour of our
own Nations first erection of it.

As far neverthelesse, as from History ancient or moderne may be
gathered, there is little likelyhood of any such matter, considering
especially what the _Druid’s_ were; also, what small experience the
_Britans_, anciently inhabiting this Isle, had, in knowledge of what
ever _Arts_, much lesse of building, with like elegancy and proportion,
such goodly works as _Stoneheng_.

[Sidenote: _Cæsar. Commen. lib. 6._]

[Sidenote: _Plin. lib. 16._]

Concerning the _Druid’s_ in the first place, true it is, they are
reported in ancient times, to have been in great esteeme in this
Island, where their discipline, and manner of learning, was supposed to
be first invented, and from hence translated into _Gaul_. _Disciplina
in Britannia reperta_ (saith _Cæsar_) _atque inde in Galliam translata
esse existimatur._ They are said in like manner no have ordered and
disposed all divine matters, as well in relation to their severall
kinds of Sacrifices, as to expounding whatever rites of their
idolatrous superstition; insomuch, you may call them (if you please)
the Bishops and Clergy of that Age.

[Sidenote: _Strab. lib. 4._]

[Sidenote: _Cæsar. lib. 6._]

Their power moreover, and preheminence was not confined within the
strict limits of sacred matters, but enjoying a more large prerogative,
temporall negotiations, and affairs of State were transacted by them:
the managing of Peace and War was usually remitted to their Authority,
even when Armies were ready to joyn in Battell. _Publica iis_
(saith _Strabo_) _& privata judicia committuntur, & aliquando causis
bellorum disceptandis jam acie congressuros composuerunt._ Judges
they were (saith _Cæsar_ also) in almost all civill and criminall
causes: sentence they gave in case of life and death: decide they did
controversies, and debates betwixt party and party: finally, whatever
else was requisite and convenient to keep the people in due obedience
to their _Princes_, they wholly took the care and charge of.

[Sidenote: _Vitr. li. 1._]

These were the maine affaires wherein the employment of the _Druides_
consisted, and whereunto they wholly addicted themselves. Whosoever
desires to know more of them, may read _Cæsar_, _Diodorus Siculus_,
_Strabo_, _Pliny_, _Diogenes Laertius_, _Ammianus Marcellinus_, and
such like ancient Authors. But, whatsoever these, or other Historians
have written of the _Druides_, certainly, _Stoneheng_ could not be
builded by them, in regard, I find no mention, they were at any time
either studious in _Architecture_, (which in this subject is chiefly to
be respected) or skilfull in any thing else conducing thereunto. For,
_Academies_ of _Designe_ were unknown unto them: publique Lectures in
the _Mathematiques_ not read amongst them: nothing of their _Painting_,
not one word of their _Sculpture_ is to be found, or scarce of any
Science (_Philosophy_ and _Astronomy_ excepted) proper to informe the
judgement of an _Architect_; who, (as _Vitruvius_ saith) should be
_peritus Graphidos, eruditus Geometria, & Optices non ignarus_ &c.
_perfect in Designe, expert in Geometry, well seen in the Opticks,
skilfull in Arithmetick, a good Historian, a diligent hearer of
Philosophers, well experienced in Physick, Musick, Law and Astrologie_.

[Sidenote: _Cæsar. li. 6._]

Of all that have written of the _Druid’s_, no Author knew them better
then _Cæsar_, neither hath any more fully described them; who after
a large discourse of their discipline, priviledges, and _Theologie_,
_Multa de sideribus_ (saith he) _atque eorum motu, de mundi ac terrarum
magnitudine, de rerum natura, &c. disputant, & juventuti transdunt.
They make much dispute, and instruct their Scholars in many things
concerning the Stars, and their motion, the greatnesse of Heaven and
Earth, of the nature of things &c._ As for other Arts relating to the
_Mathematiques_, or any works of this kind, he makes no manner of
mention, though himself an _Architect_, glorying in his own, and much
more extolling others invention in that _Art_.

The truth is, those ancient times had no knowledge of publique works,
either Sacred or Secular, for their own use, or honour of their
_Deities_. Besides, they us’d not any buildings of Stone, or (for
ought is manifest) knew so much, as how to order working therein. The
_Druid’s_ led a solitary contemplative life, contenting themselves with
such habitations, as either meer necessity invented, to shelter them
from contrariety of seasons, without _Art_, without _Order_, without
any whatever means tending to perpetuity: or, such as _Nature_ alone
had prepared for them in dens, and caves of desert and darksome woods;
esteeming it, questionlesse, the highest secret of their mystery,
rather to command in caves and cottages, then live like Kings, in
Palaces, and stately houses. They were too wise, knew too well, ’twas
their humility, integrity, retired manner of life, and pretended
sanctity possest the people with an awfully reverend esteem of them;
and which fed, and kept up their reputation throughout the Countrey,
when outward appearances of State and magnificence would either have
brought them into envy, and their superstition into contempt, or
themselves and _Religion_ both to be wholly extirpated and laid aside.

[Sidenote: _Pomp. Mela lib. 3._]

_Pomponius Mela_ discoursing of the _Druides_, _Docent multa_ (saith
he) _nobilissimos gentis clam & diu vicenis annis in specu, aut in
abditis saltibus_, _They teach the Nobility, and better sort of their
nation, many things, even twenty years together, secretly in caves, or
close coverts of obscure woods and forrests_. Such, and no other were
their habitations, such their Universities, and publique Schooles.

[Sidenote: _Pliny lib. 16._]

As for their _Temples_ and sacred structures, they consisted not in
variety of formes, costlinesse of materials, or perfection of humane
_Arts_, but were of _Natures_ own framing in like manner, being no
other then groves of Oke. _The_ Druid’s _chose of purpose_ (saith
_Pliny_) _such groves for their divine Service, as stood only upon
Okes; nay they solemnized no Sacrifice, nor performed any sacred
Ceremonies without the branches, and leaves thereof; from whence they
may seem well enough to be named_ Dryadæ _in_ Greek, _which signifies
as much as_ Oke Priests.

[Sidenote: _Tacit. Ann. lib. 14._]

The _Romans_ having forced their passage, and gained victory over the
_Druid’s_ in _Anglesey_, cut down their woods and groves, amongst
them reckoned holy, and consecrated to their execrable superstitions.
_Excisi luci_ (saith _Tacitus_) _sævis superstitionibus sacri_.

To this purpose, _Humphrey Lloid_, in his history of _Wales_, The
vast woods growing in that Island, were not only by the _Romans_, but
afterwards, when the _Christian_ Faith took place in this _Nation_,
by the _Christians_ also fell’d and rooted out. And why? because of
the idolatry (saith he) and absurd Religion used in them. Again, in
his Epistle to _Ortelius_ concerning the Isle of _Anglesey_, the same
Author affirmes; Though there is little wood now growing there, yet
every day the roots and bodies of huge trees of a wonderfull length and
bignesse are by the inhabitants found, and digged out of the earth, in
divers places in low grounds, and champion fields.

Now, if in stead of these roots, and bodies of trees, the ruines of
ancient Structures had been there found, it might peradventure, with
some probability, have been presumed either that the _Druid’s_ used
_Temples_, or some other buildings of stone. For, their ancient seat
was in the Isle of _Mona_, now _Anglesey_, whence modern Writers
style it _Insulam Druidum_, the _Island_ of the _Druid’s_, and _sedem
Druidum_, the seat of the _Druid’s_. And from hence, questionlesse, it
came to passe, the _Romans_, with such difficulty, under the conduct of
_Suetonius Paulinus_, brought that Island under their power; nor was it
wholly subdued to their Empire, untill _Julius Agricola’s_ time. For,
whereas in other parts of _Britain_, the people contended for Liberty
only, there, they fought _pro aris & focis_, for Liberty, and Religion
both.

[Sidenote: _Tacit. Ann. lib. 16._]

There it was the _British_ armies (saith _Tacitus_) being imbattailed,
the women ran to and fro amongst them in sable weeds, their hair about
their ears, and fire-brands in their hands, like infernall furies, the
_Druid’s_ round about them also, lifting up their hands to Heaven,
and pouring forth deadly curses; the novelty of which sight bred such
amazement in the _Roman Legions_, (the _Romans_ here, it seems, were
unacquainted with the _Druid’s_ till then) that they stood stock still,
and close together, not once moving a foot, as if possessed with a
resolution to act nothing at all, but receive their deaths tamely and
without any great resistance.

Wherefore, besides, that History hath not remembred the ruines of any
ancient buildings digged up in _Anglesey_; if either, this _Antiquity_
had been remaining in that _Island_, or any Author delivered such
Actions of the _Druid’s_, as aforesaid, performed about the place,
where _Stoneheng_ remains standing, there might have been some
advantage made thereof to the purpose now in hand. But _Anglesey_
excepted, ancient Writers give them residence in no part of _Britain_
beside, nor are they remembred by any, to have been found elswhere,
throughout the whole Nation. With respect whereunto, if the _Druid’s_
had knowledge, either to build the like magnificent structures, or use,
for any such, they would, without all peradventure, have erected them
upon the same place rather where themselves resided, then elswhere.

[Sidenote: _Cæs. Com. lib. 6._]

Neither are we to wonder, they chose such an out-nook or corner as
_Anglesey_, to reside in; in regard, there, they lived remote, and
solitary; there, were store of caves, and dens to instruct their
Scholars in, close and retired places for their own habitations, and
plenty of groves to perform their sacred mysteries in. Moreover, they
past their days there, like the Hermits of old time, according to their
own desire, in full contentment, and with free liberty to study, and
contemplate what they pleased. For, _Anglesey_ (we must know) in those
times of yore, was wholly overgrown with desert Woods, and obscure
forrests, from whence the ancient _Britans_ call’d it _Ynis Dowil_,
the shadowy or dark _Island_. Which name it still retains, and is
well known thereby to the now inhabitants, who are, even at this day,
likewise enclined, (yea, they usually accustome themselves) to commit
things more to Memory, then Writing; and, as having received it by
tradition from their Ancestors, living in those ancient times, still
endevour to observe that custom of the _Druid’s, who held it unlawfull
to commit any thing to writing_. As _Cæsar_ (in the sixth book of his
Commentaries of the Gaulish war) delivers.

Concerning the _Britans_ in the next place, The condition of those
ancient inhabitants of this Island in the _Druid’s_ time duly
considered, (_viz._ in what manner they lived, how unskilfull in all
Sciences, and civill customs, what Deities they had, in what places
they adored them, and what manner of buildings, or sacred or secular,
were used by them) as little reason appears, that this Antiquity was by
them erected.

[Sidenote: _Herodian. lib. 3._]

As for their manner of living, the _Britans_ were then a savage and
barbarous people, knowing no use at all of garments. _Vestis usum non
cognoscunt_ (saith _Herodian_.) Now, if destitute of the knowledge,
even to clothe themselves, much lesse any knowledge had they to erect
stately structures, or such remarkable works as _Stoneheng_. What
fashions they used to adorn their bodies with, the same Author tells
us. _As a rare and rich habiliment, they wore about their wasts
and necks ornaments of iron_ (saith he) _and did pounce and colour
their bodies with sundry forms, in rude manner representing severall
creatures_. In which regard, they would not be otherwise clothed, lest
constrain’d thereby to hide such their simple (though with them much
esteemed) bravery.

[Sidenote: _Strabo li. 4._]

Again, in other their civill customs, they were no lesse rude and
ignorant; yea, so barbarous, even in things appertaining to common
sustenance, and whatever husbandry; that (as _Strabo_) _Quidam eorum
ob imperitiam caseos nullos conficiant, cum tamen lacte abundent: alii
hortos colendi, & aliarum partium agriculturæ ignari sunt_. _Many of
them, though they had great plenty of milk, yet their want of skill was
such, they knew not how to make cheese: others so simple, they knew not
to order their gardens or orchards, or any thing belonging thereunto._

[Sidenote: _Dion li. 62._]

[Sidenote: _Ral. li. 3. c. 5._]

Their Countrey also then lay uncultivated, no corn sown: _Quævis herba
& radix cibus est_, _Their food was herbs and roots_ (saith _Dion
Cassius_.) Hence Sir _Walter Raleigh_ cals them the _British Nomades_.
And (by the way) it may not inappositely be observ’d, milk, roots,
and fruit were the chief banquetting dishes; and skins of beasts (if
clothed) the most costly habits of our Forefathers. Now who can, in
reason imagine, that any great knowledge, practice, or delight of Arts
and Sciences, wherein the elegancy of Architecture consists, should be
in use or esteem, amongst a people, wholly devoted (as I may so say)
and given over to such barbarity?

[Sidenote: _Dion li. 76._]

There were then no publick roads, or common high-ways to passe from
one place to another, no constant habitations, _Nec mœnia, nec urbes_,
_Nor towns nor walls_ (as _Dion_ out of _Xiphiline_ hath it) much lesse
_Temples_, or other buildings made of stone, composed by Art, with
Order, and Proportion.

[Sidenote: _Dion lib. 62._]

Moreover, who cast their eies upon this Antiquity, and examine the same
with judgement, must be enforced to confesse it erected by people,
grand masters in the Art of building, and liberall sciences, whereof
the ancient _Britans_ utterly ignorant, as a Nation wholly addicted to
wars, never applying themselves to the study of Arts, or troubling
their thoughts with any excellency therein. _Omnis arbor domus._ _Every
tree being in stead of a house to them._

[Sidenote: _Dion lib. 62._]

In the wars which _Bunduica_ (whom _Tacitus_ cals _Boadicia_) Queen of
the _Iceni_, undertook against the _Romans_, wherein seventy thousand
of their Citizens, and allies perished; in disdainfull contempt of the
experience in Arts, wherein the _Romans_ flourished, _She_ accounted
it her chiefest glory (saith _Dion Cassius_) to command over the
_Britans_, in regard, a people they were, who had not learned, or
knew, what belonged to the cultivating _and manuring of lands; or the
practice of Arts, or to be craftsmen in any thing, save war_. _Qui non
agros colere, non opifices esse, sed bella gerere optimè didicerunt._
Where you see, their having nor experience nor practice in any kinde
of Sciences, war excepted, was enforc’d, by _Bunduica_, as redounding
greatly to the _Britans_ honour, much advantage being made thereof by
_Her_, towards advancing _Her_ designs, as the Historian plainly tells
us.

But certain it is, however barbarous in other affairs, a most warlike
people they were. Never, untill the forces of the whole world united
in the _Roman_ Empire conspiring to subdue them, liable to conquest:
neither could all that power, till after numbers of years spent in
the attempt, with infinite expence of men and treasure, ever prevail
against them. Now, as their sole skilfulnesse was in war, so they
idoliz’d principally what had relation thereunto, their _Dea optima
maxima_, being _Victoria_, whom they worshipped under the name of
_Andates_. Another Goddesse they had in much esteem, called _Adraste_,
which some imagine (as the _Nemesis_ amongst the _Greeks_) was their
Goddesse of Revenge. These, according to their savage manner of living,
they adored in groves, and woods, the only _Temples_ in use amongst
them, to perform their Sacrifices, and divine mysteries in. (as from
severall Authors I have already proved) Neither find I any particular
place mentioned, to which any of these their _Temples_ (if they may so
be called) were assigned; only _Andates_ (it seems from _Dion Cassius_)
had a grove sacred to her in the Countrey of the _Iceni_, anciently
containing _Norfolk_, _Suffolk_, _Cambridge_, and _Huntingdon_ Shires,
farre enough from _Stoneheng_.

Besides, it is not to be past over in silence, how _Tacitus_ expresseth
himself in the before cited fourteenth Book of his Annals, telling us;
_The_ Romans _overthrew not the Temples, or razed to the Foundations,
any of the sacred structures of the_ Druid’s _and_ Britans _made of
stone, or other materials, which he might as readily have done, if they
had used any such: but positively, the_ Romans _cut down the_ Britans
_woods and groves, amongst them reckoned holy, and consecrated to
their execrable superstitions_. True it is, other Temples, of greater
magnificence then already spoken of, I find none: Ornaments of Art to
enrich them they were not acquainted with: such orderly composed works
as _Stoneheng_, they had not any: yea, no kind of sacred structures of
stone were in use amongst them: their idolatrous places being naturally
adorned, only with wild, and overgrown shades, designed and brought to
perfection by Dame Nature her self, she being Architect generall to all
their Deities. Nor did it consist with their vain Religion to use any
other, they making their worship, performing their Ceremonies, offering
their Sacrifices in dark and obscure groves, most conformable unto
their barbarous, and inhumane, humane oblations.

[Sidenote: _Mayer. 1 K. 1. Ch._]

[Sidenote: _Herod. li. 1._]

Neither must it seem strange, they used no other Temples then these,
it not being their custom alone; for the _Excelsi_ or high places
mentioned in the sacred Story, wherein the Heathen performed idolatrous
rites unto their Idols, were commonly groves, affectedly sited upon
some mountainous place, without any _House_ or _Temple_. The _Persians_
of old, (of whom _Herodotus_) _Neque statuas, neque templa, neque
aras extruere consuetudo est_, _Erected neither Images, nor Temples,
nor Altars_: _quinimo hoc facientibus insaniæ tribuere_, _accounting
it great folly and madnesse in those that did_: but ascending to the
tops of the highest, and most lofty hils, on them offered sacrifices
to their Gods. From hence, _Xerxes_, in his expedition, burnt down the
Temples of the _Greeks_, because they shut up their Gods therein,
to whom all things are open and free, and to whom the whole Universe
serves for a Temple. The _Abasgians_ also (inhabiting Mount _Caucasus_)
did worship, even till _Procopius_ his time, groves and woods; and in
a barbarian simplicity esteemed the very trees themselves to be Gods.
In like manner, the Northern and Southern people of _America_, made
all their Invocations and Exorcisms in woods. The ancient _Germans_
likewise consecrated woods and forests. _Lucos ac nemora consecrant_,
saith _Tacitus_ of them. And the like places for idolatrous
superstition, did divers other barbarous Nations use, before reduced to
order, and civility of life, _Tacitus_ giving this reason for it: They
thought it a matter ill beseeming the greatnesse of their Deities, to
enclose them within Temples made by Art. His words are, _Nec cohibere
parietibus Deos arbitrantur_, _They thought it not fit to restrain
their Deities within compacted walls_: _id est, neque templis, neque
domibus_, viz. _neither within Temples or Houses made with hands_, as
_C. Pichenas_ commenting thereon more fully interprets.

[Sidenote: _Ovid. Met. lib. 1._]

[Sidenote: _Vitru. lib. 2._]

Touching the manner of the buildings of the ancient _Britans_, and
of what materialls they consisted, I find them so far short of the
magnificence of this Antiquity, that they were nor stately, nor
sumptuous; neither had they any thing of _Order_, or _Symmetry_, much
lesse, of gracefulnesse, and _Decorum_ in them, being only such as
_Ovid_ (relating to the first Age of the world) makes mention of.

    ————————_domus antra fuerunt,
    Et densi frutices, & junctæ cortice virgæ_.

Thus Englished by _Arthur Golding_.

    ————————_their houses were the thicks,
    And bushy queaches, hollow caves, and hardles made of sticks_.

To like purpose _Vitruvius_. _In the first Age of the World_ (saith
he) _men lived in woods, caves, and forests, but after they had found
out the use of fire, and by the benefit thereof were invited to enter
into a certain kind of society_, _cœperunt alii de fronde facere
tecta, alii speluncas fodere sub montibus, nonnulli hirundinum nidos,
& ædificationes earum imitantes, de luto & virgultis facere loca,
quæ subirent_. _Some of them began to make themselves habitations of
boughs, some to dig dens in mountains; other some, imitating the nests
of birds, made themselves places of lome and twigs, and such like
materials, to creep into, and shroud themselves in._ Directly after
which manner of workmanship, were the houses of the ancient _Britans_.

[Sidenote: _Diodo. li. 6._]

_Domos ex calamis aut lignis ut plurimum habent compactas_. _Their
houses for the most part are of reed and wood_, saith _Diodorus
Siculus_.

In the Northern parts they live in tents. _Degunt in tentoriis_, (saith
_Dion_, epitomis’d by _Xiphiline_.)

[Sidenote: _Strab. lib. 4._]

Their Cities were without walls, the Country without Towns. _Urbium
loco ipsis sunt nemora_, (saith _Strabo_) _woods stand them in stead
of Cities or Towns_. _Arboribus enim dejectis ubi amplum circulum
sepierunt, ipsi casas ibidem sibi ponunt, & pecori stabula condunt, ad
usum quidem non longi temporis._ _For when by felling of trees, they
have inclosed, and fenced therewith a large circuit of wood, therein
they raise cabbins and cottages for themselves, and hovels for their
cattell, of no great continuance, but only to supply their present use
and occasion._

[Sidenote: _Cæsar. lib. 5._]

_Opidum Britanni vocant_ (saith _Cæsar_) _quum silvas impeditas vallo
atque fossa munierunt, quo incursionis hostium vitandæ causa, convenire
consueverunt_, _The_ Britans _call a thick wood, enclosed about with a
ditch and rampire, made for a place of retreat to avoid the invasion
and assault of their bordering enemies, a Town_.

Thus, you see, in what condition the Inhabitants of this Island lived
in those ancient times, having of themselves, neither desire, nor
ability to exercise, nor from others, encouragement to attain whatever
knowledge in the Art of Building. Precepts, and rules therein, the
_Druid’s_ neither could, nor would impart unto them. That they could
not, appears from what is formerly said, and in what skilfull above
others, they communicated nothing, but to those of their own society,
_taking speciall order_ (as _Cæsar_ affirms) _their discipline might
not be divulged_.

[Sidenote: _Cæsar. lib. 4._]

[Sidenote: _Ortel. descr. Fr._]

[Sidenote: _Camden fo. 2._]

As for Colonies of any Nation practised in Arts, from whom they might
receive or knowledge, or civil conversation, there were none setled
amongst them: neither had they commerce, or traffique, with any people
experienced therein, much lesse acquaintance with any other, except
those of _Gaul_, welnear as barbarous as themselves. _None of the_
Gauls _in a manner, had any knowledge_ (saith _Cæsar_) _of the nature
and quality of the people of_ Britain, _or of the places, ports, or
passes of the Countrey_. _Neque enim temerè præter mercatores illò
adit quisquam, neque iis ipsis quidquam, præter oram maritimam, atque
eas regiones quæ sunt contra Galliam, notum est._ For, _not any went
thither without eminent danger, except merchants, and they also could
give accompt of nothing, save only the Sea-coast, and those Countreys
which were opposite to_ Gaul. _Never any Colony of the_ Greeks, _for
ought I know_ (saith _Ortelius_) _was seated in_ Britain. _And_ Cæsar,
_the first of all the_ Romans _that discovered it_, saith _Camden_.

If desire neverthelesse, to know in what times the ancient _Britans_
began to be civilized, when to learn the knowledge of _Arts_, to build
stately _Temples_, _Palaces_, _publick Buildings_, to be eloquent
in forrain languages, and by their habits, and attire, attain the
qualities of a civil, and well ordered people, _Tacitus_ shall relate
the same.

[Sidenote: _Tacit. in vit. Agr._]

_Sequens hiems saluberrimis conciliis absumpta_ &c. _The winter
ensuing_ (being the second year of _Julius Agricola_ his
_Proprætorship_, or Leivtenancy in _Britan_; _Titus Vespasian_
Emperour, about one hundred thirty three years after the first
discovery thereof by _Cæsar_) _was spent in most profitable, and
politick Councels_ (saith _Tacitus_.) _For, whereas the_ Britans _were
rude, and dispersed, and thereby prone, upon every occasion, to warre_;
Agricola, _to induce them by pleasure to quietnesse and rest, exhorted
in private, and helpt them in common to build Temples, Houses, and
places of publick resort, commending those, that were forward therein,
and punishing the refractory. Moreover, the Noblemens sons he took, and
instructed in the liberall Sciences, preferring the wits of_ Britain,
_to the students in_ Gaul, _as being now eagerly ambitious to attain
the eloquence of the_ Roman _tongue, whereas lately they utterly
rejected that language. After that, our attire grew in account, and
the gown much used amongst them, and so by little and little they
proceeded to provocations of vices, to sumptuous galleries, baths,
and exquisite banquettings._ Thus far _Tacitus_. Now had there been
but the least mention made, by any Author, concerning the _Druid’s_
instructing, and training up the ancient _Britans_ in any such matters,
as these, (which _Tacitus_ remembers the _Romans_ to have done) what
conclusions might have been rais’d from them? what presumptive reasons
drawn, to prove, _Stoneheng_ a work of the _Druid’s_, or at least
erected for their use?

[Sidenote: _Cam. fo. 63._]

To conclude, if this authority from _Tacitus_ only, (an Author esteem’d
the _Polybius_ of the _Latines_) be throughly weighed, it will
evidently manifest, (whatever else hath formerly been delivered) there
was no such thing in _Britain_, before the _Romans_ arrived here, as
that which we now call _Stoneheng_. What credit else with posterity
could _Tacitus_ expect to gain, in affirming the _Britans_ were taught
and instructed in the liberall Sciences by the _Romans_; if those
_Arts_ acknowledg’d, to be practis’d amongst the _Britans_ before?
What need to have told us, the _Romans_ made them skilfull in erecting
sumptuous _Palaces_, stately _Portico’s_, and publick places, if the
inhabitants here, accustomed to enjoy such noble buildings, before the
_Romans_ arrivall in this Land? Why, tell succeeding Ages, when gentle
persuasions not prevail, to make the _Britans_ innovate, and admit of
sacred structures to whatever Deities, _Agricola_ compelled them to
found magnificent _Temples_, and assist therein, if this Antiquity
_Stoneheng_ extant before those times? Why also, should the _Britans_
look upon the _Temple_ erected by the _Romans_ at _Camalodunum_,
(supposed _Maldon_ in _Essex_) in honour of _Claudius_ sacred memory,
as an _Altar of perpetuall dominion_ over them, if been used to such
structures before? yea, such an eye-sore the _Britans_ accounted
it, as, that _Temple_ was one of the principall causes, which gave
birth to that fatall insurrection under _Boadicia_. Neither would
_Tacitus_ have magnified the introducing those customs amongst them,
as admirable policy in _Agricola_, and the true and only rule to bring
them from their rude, and dispersed manner of living to civility, if
the _Britans_ attain’d such discipline before, or any knowledge in
the excellency of _Architecture_ preceding the time of the _Romans_
government here. No, for what saith _Camden_? _It was the brightnesse
of that most glorious Empire, which chased away all savage Barbarism
from the_ Britans _minds, like as from other Nations, whom it had
subdued._

[Sidenote: _Cam. fo. 4._]

Furthermore, in the time of this _Agricola_, _Britain_ was fully
discovered, the _Romans_ had circumnavigated it, and knew, for certain,
it was an Island, formerly doubted of till his time; yea, there was not
a Port (as I may so say) a bay, mountain, valley, hill, plain, wood,
or forest, either any custom, rite, ceremony, or what else belonging
to the knowledge of the Countrey, or manners of the People, but the
_Romans_ were then as well acquainted with (especially, in that part
of the Island now call’d _England_) as, at this day, the Inhabitants
themselves are. Neverthelesse, what mention soever is made by their
Historians, concerning other matters of the _Britans_, not one word
is to be found of this Antiquity, or any building of this kind in use
amongst them. But, because some curiously learned have desired somwhat
to be spoken for their better satisfaction touching this particular, I
have been too prolixe. In a word therefore, let it suffice, _Stoneheng_
was no work of the _Druid’s_, or of the ancient _Britans_; the learning
of the _Druid’s_ consisting more in contemplation then practice, and
the ancient _Britans_ accounting it their chiefest glory to be wholly
ignorant in whatever Arts. Neither could it be otherwise, seeing _their
life so uncivil, so rude, so full of wars, and consequently void of all
literature_. (as _Camden_ relateth)

Yet, before I come to speak of this middle Age (if I may so call it)
wherein the _Romans_ prevailed, and to compleat their victories gave
first rise to civility in this Island; as, I began with times of great
Antiquity, so must I now descend to those lesse ancient, and modern,
wherein, as posterity hath suffered an irreparable damage, through want
of writing in those first times, so hath it been almost at as great a
losse, by too much writing in later times; so many Authors, so much
contrariety, so little certainty is found amongst them. Who, when
they could not search out the truth in deed, laboured to bring forth
narrations invented by themselves, without or reason, or authority:
delivering (saith _Camden_) their severall opinions, rather with a
certain pleasant variety to give contentment to their _Readers_, then
with any care or judgement to find out the truth of things.

       •       •       •       •       •

[Sidenote: _Leyland. de assert. Arth. fo. 35._]

Those ancient Historians who (among other actions of the _Britans_)
treat of this Antiquity, differ much in their severall reports. And,
as it is usuall with _Historiographers_ of other Nations, where, they
cannot give a just and rationall accompt of unwonted accidents, beyond
the common course of things, to fill up their stories with fabulous,
and incredible relations; so, no marvell, if we hear the like in our
own Histories. _Credibile enim est calamitatem bellicam, quæ ecclesias
unà cum bibliochecis exhauserat infinitis, clara vetustatis monumenta
abrasisse. For evident it is, through the calamities of wars_ (saith
_Leyland_) _which together with infinite Libraries ruined the Churches
themselves, the certain records of our Antiquities, are utterly lost.
Unde scripturienti de antiquitate_ Britannica _occultissima, pleraque
omnia. Whereby the Writers of the_ British _Stories, are all of them,
for the most part, very obscure and doubtfull._

Some others again, especially the most ancient and authentick
_British_ Historians, who liv’d in Ages next succeeding those,
wherein, _Stoneheng_ might probably be first erected, have wholly
passed it over with silence. In like manner venerable _Bede_, _William
Malmesbury_, _Roger Hoveden_, and others, speak nothing thereof, as
happily, willing rather to decline it altogether, then deliver it upon
frivolous conjectures, and in so doing cast a blemish upon their other
labours. Neither is it improbable, that the most ancient Authors,
considering the times wherein they wrote, upon the first springing up
of _Christian Religion_ here, might through zeal unto the true God,
forbear to commemorate unto posterity, places designed for idolatrous
uses; endeavouring rather, to suppresse the memory thereof, and make
succeeding generations sollicitous therein; then, in that infancy of
Divine worship, to illustrate the magnificence of the Heathens, for
building such notable structures to their false Gods. Insomuch, I find
very little, or no mention at all thereof in the _British_ Stories,
except by _Geffrey Monmouth_, with some who follow him, and by such
Authors only, as our most judicious Writers hold in many things, either
meerly fabulous, or overladen with malicious, or accidentary untruths.
Such relations neverthelesse, as they make thereof, I shall endeavour
to deliver in their own words, reduceable into two conjectures, _viz._
either that _Stoneheng_ was erected by _A. Ambrosius_ (in ancient times
King of the _Britans_) in memory of the _British_ Nobility perfidiously
slain at a treaty by _Hengist_ the _Saxon_: or else, set up by the
_Britans_ themselves in honour of Him their said King.

[Sidenote: _Gir. Camb. de adm. Hib. Cap. 18._]

_Giraldus Cambrensis_, curiously diligent in his relations of the
miracles in _Ireland_, amongst other strange things in those parts,
reckons up this Antiquity _Stoneheng_. _Fuit antiquis temporibus in_
Hibernia, _lapidum congeries admiranda_, (saith he) _quæ &_ Chorea
Gigantum _dicta fuit, quia Gigantes eam ab ultimis_ Africæ _partibus
in_ Hiberniam _attulerunt &c. There was in_ Ireland _in ancient times,
a pile of stones worthy admiration, called the_ Giants Dance, _because
Giants, from the remotest parts of_ Africa, _brought them into_
Ireland, _and in the plains of_ Kildare, _not farre from the Castle of
the_ Naase, _as well by force of Art, as strength, miraculously set
them up. These stones_ (according to the _British_ story) Aurelius
Ambrosius, _King of the_ Britans, _procured_ Merlin _by supernaturall
means to bring from Ireland, into_ Britain. _And, that he might leave
some famous monument of so great a treason to after ages, in the same
order, and art, as they stood formerly, set them up, where the flower
of the_ British _Nation fell by the cut-throat practice of the_ Saxons,
_and where under the pretence of peace, the ill secured youth of the
Kingdom, by murdrous designs were slain_.

[Sidenote: _Polychr. li. 5._]

_Rainulph_ Monk of _Chester_, speaking of _Aurelius_, alias _Aurelianus
Ambrosius_ (by others called _Ambrosius Aurelianus_) saith (as Sir
_John Trevisa_ the Priest in old English laid it down) =His brother
Uter Pendragon by help of Merlin the Prophet brought= Choream Gigantum,
=that is Stonehenges out of Ireland. Stonehenge is now in the plain of
Salisbury: of that bringing of Stonehenge out of Ireland, speaketh the
British story, if it should lawfully be ytrowed.=

It appears, _Rainulph_ of _Chester_, as easie credit as he gave to
strange stories, had not much confidence in this: and if, according to
_Geffrey Monmouth_, or _Matthew Westminster_, I should set it down, I
presume you would be of his mind. But, I affect not such conceits, they
are neither fitting my discourse, nor your perusall. Neverthelesse,
seeing none of them tell us, by what ways, or Arts, Giants (as they
will have it) brought them from the remotest parts of _Africk_ into
_Ireland_ (for it seems they could not hansomly find a _Merlin_ to
help them therein also) I shall take so much leave, following _Geffrey
Monmouths_ steps, as to give you, at least, some part of the story,
and relate (according to their opinions) how they came from _Ireland_
hither. After _Geffrey Monmouths_ discourse of _Uter Pendragons_
victory over the _Irish_, who with _Merlin_ forsooth and a great
Army, were sent by _A. Ambrosius_ to fetch the Giants dance, _Lapidum
structuram adepti_ (saith he) _gavisi sunt & admirati; circumstantibus
itaque cunctis, accessit_ Merlinus _& ait, utimini viribus vestris
juvenes, ut in deponendo lapides istos, sciatis utrum ingenium virtuti,
aut virtus ingenio cedat, &c._ i.e. _Having found the structure, from
joy they fell into admiration, and standing all of them at gaze round
about it_, Merlin _draws near, and thus bespeaks them: Use now your
utmost strength young men, that in taking away these stones, you may
discover, whether Art to strength, or strength gives place to Art.
At his command therefore, they bring severall sorts of engines, and
addresse themselves to pulling it down. Some ropes, some cables, some
had made lathers ready, that what they so much desired, might be
effected, but in no wise able to atcheive their purpose. Deficientibus
cunctis, solutus est_ Merlinus _in risum_ (saith _Geffrey_) _& suas
machinationes confecit. Denique cum quæque necessaria apposuisset;
leviùs quàm credi potest lapides deposuit: depositis autem, fecit
deferri ad naves, & introponi: & sic cum gaudio in_ Britanniam _reverti
cœperunt. All of them tired_, Merlin _breaks out into laughter,
and provides his engines. Lastly, when he had set all things in a
readinesse, hardly to be beleev’d it is, with what facility he took
them down: being taken down, he caused them to be carried to the
Ships, and imbarqued; and so with joy they began their return towards_
Britain. Leaving it for us to suppose, with as small labour they were
imbarqued, dis-imbarqued, and brought from their landing place to
_Salisbury_ plain: all (it seems) done by _Merlins_ spels. But of this
too much.

[Sidenote: _G. Mon. li. 6._]

[Sidenote: _Verstegan Ch. 5._]

Neverthelesse, as I contemne fables, so doe I imbrace, and take
pleasure in the truth of History: and therefore, that which concerns
the slaughter of the _British_ Nobility by treason of _Hengist_
commander of the _Saxons_, as of greater moment, and truth, I shall
more fully relate. And _Geffrey Monmouth’s_ Authority in this
treacherous slaughter of the _Britans_, though I respect not so much,
as _Ninnius_, _Malmsbury_, _Sigebert_, and others that affirm the same;
yet, because he was the first, after so many, and so ancient Authors,
that father’d _Stoneheng_ their monument, and _A. Ambrosius_ founder
thereof, and therefore must trace him, and his followers therein.
I will give you the history likewise from him, and thus it was:
_Hengist_, upon his return with new supplies into _Britain_, finding
_Vortigern_ beyond expectation restored to the Crown, and withall
greatly alienated in his affections towards him, prepared for his
defence, with force of arms. But, whether he thought himself too weak;
or, that he rather sought to be especially revenged on the _British_
Nobility, who had wholly unriveted his designs, or both; he thought it
no difficult matter to delude him by a Treaty, whom formerly he had so
easily beguiled with his Neece _Rowena_. To which purpose, he makes an
overture, to compose the enmities betwixt them at a Parley; and the
King accepting it, appoints _Ambresbury_ Town their meeting place, _Nec
mora, statuta die instante convenerunt omnes intra nominatam urbem_
(saith _Geffrey_) _& de pace habenda colloquium inceperunt. Ut igitur
horam proditioni suæ idoneam inspexisset_ Hengistus, _vociferatus
est_, =Nemet oure saxas=: _& ilico_ Vortigernum _accepit, & per pallium
detinuit. Audito ocyùs signo, abstraxerunt_ (i.e. _eduxerunt_) Saxones
_cultros suos, & astantes principes invaserunt, ipsósque nihil tale
præmeditantes jugulaverunt circiter quadringentos sexaginta inter
Barones & Consules. The prefixed day being come, they all, without
delay, met in the aforesaid Town, and began their Treaty for Peace;
when therefore_ Hengist _saw fit time for execution of his intended
Treason, he cried out, giving the word_, =Nemet oure saxas= (=Nem
eowr seaxes= (saith Verstegan) that is, _Take your_ =seaxes=; a kind
of crooked knives, which each of the _Saxons_ then carried closely in
his pocket) _and forthwith seised upon_ Vortigern, _and held him by
his robe. The_ Saxons _quickly hearing it, drew forth their knives,
and fell upon the_ Britans _standing by, of whom, part Noblemen, part
officers of State, expecting no such design, they slew four hundred
and sixty. Quorum corpora beatus_ Eldadus _postmodum sepelivit, atque
Christiano more humavit, haud longè à_ =Kaer-caradane=, _quæ nunc_
Salesberia _dicitur, in cœmeterio, quod est juxta cœnobium_ Ambrii.
_Whose corpses holy_ Eldad, _according to custome, after Christian
manner interred, not far from_ =Kaer-caradane=, _now called_ Salisbury,
_in the Churchyard adjoyning to the monastery of_ Ambresbury.

[Sidenote: _Ma. West. fo. 84._]

[Sidenote: _Hollinsh. l. 5. Speed lib. 7. Stow fo. 53. 4ᵗᵒ._]

[Sidenote: _G. Monm. lib. 5._]

With this relation of the _Saxons_ treachery, _Mathew Westminster_ (in
his _Flores historiarum_) seems to agree. And it wholly destroys the
opinion commonly received, That the said Treaty with the _Saxons_,
the massacre of the _Britans_, and likewise their interment, were at
_Stoneheng_; and that in memory, those matters so transacted there,
_A. Ambrosius_ in the same place erected this Antiquity. Wherefore, I
much wonder, our modern historians should cite the aforesaid Authors
in confirmation thereof, especially, when they affirm directly, the
treaty was held in _Ambresbury_ Town, and that the _British_ Nobility
fell by Treason there. _Jussit_ Vortigernus _& cives &_ Saxones Maiis
_Kalendis, quæ jam instare incipiebant, juxta_ Ambrii _cœnobium
convenire_ (saith _G. Monmouth_) Vortigern _commanded both his own
people, and the_ Saxons, _upon the Calends of_ May _then approaching,
to appear near to the Monastery of_ Ambresbury. _In Pago_ Ambri
_convenire, to meet in the Town it self of_ Ambresbury (saith _Mathew
Westminster_) In order to which summons, (that I may proceed with
_Geffrey Monmouths_ story explaining himself positively concerning the
place) _statuta die instante convenerunt omnes intra nominatam urbem,
&c. the appointed day being come, all of them met together within the
forenamed Town, and there treated_. The issue whereof was, that upon
the word given (as before related) _The_ Saxons _drew their knives, and
falling upon the_ Britans _standing by, slew them_. And, lest posterity
should doubt those sacrificed for their Countreys cause neglected in
their funerals, he leaves not there, but gives us the direct place,
and manner of their buriall, affirming plainly they were buried by a
Metropolitane of those times, even in a Church-yard, as Christians
should. _In cœmeterio, quod est juxta cœnobium, In the Church-yard,
close by the Monastery._ (saith he) There is not one word mentioned (I
pray observe) of _Salisbury plain_, where this _Antiquity Stoneheng_
remains, throughout all their Story.

[Sidenote: _Thomas. Procachio fo. 46._]

But, it’s objected, although they were buried at the Monastery, the
monument for their memory might be set up elsewhere, in a place more
proper, and more conspicuous; even, as in the most properly conspicuous
places where great actions happened _Trophies_ were erected by the
_Romans_, whose customs _A. Ambrosius_ living long time amongst them,
knew very well. I answer, _A. Ambrosius_, is suppos’d by _Bede_, and
the best Authors, descended from the _Romans_; who, living many years
under their subjection, in forrain parts, had fully inform’d his
judgement, no doubt, with whatever customs, civill or martiall, then in
use amongst them. For, though the _Romans_ in those times, had utterly
lost all knowledge of Arts, questionlesse civill, and martiall customs
in some sort continued with them. Neverthelesse, if _A. Ambrosius_ did
erect any monument for the _British_ Nobility, he rather, doubtlesse
endeavoured to observe the rules of his own Religion, being a
Christian, then the Heathenish customs of his Ancestors. However, in
erecting it, at the place of their interment, he pursued both. As for
the Christians honouring to posterity their famous men after death,
it being so well known, I need not relate it. And, as concerning the
ancient _Romans_ manner in burying their Emperours, and those that had
triumphed, or otherwise deserved well of the Common-wealth, though they
burned their bodies abroad, the place for sepulture of their Ashes, was
within the City, monuments to their memory being erected, upon the same
place where buried; so was _Publicola_ honoured, so the _Fabritii_, the
_Cæsars_, and others. And, after the same fashion it seems, was the
monument for the _British_ Nobility (if any) set up where they were
interred; as in the place of all others most proper for it, all the
considerable circumstances touching their deaths, happening there in
like manner.

It’s true the _Romans_ set up _Trophies_ for great Victories, in the
most eminent places where those victories were obtained by them; as
the _Trophy_ for _Caius Marius_ his vanquishing the _Cimbrians_, in
the most notable place where that memorable field was fought. Also,
the _Trophy_ dedicated to the memory of _Augustus Cæsar_ that by his
happy conduct, all the _Alpine_ Nations, were reduced to _Roman_
obedience, was erected in the most conspicuous place of the _Alps_.
Now, this martiall custome considered, the _British_ Nobility being
(as the aforesaid Historians maintain) slaughtered in the Town, and
buried at the Monastery adjoyning. Some one of those high hils, on
either side _Ambresbury_, had certainly for site been more eminent,
and the monument it self more exposed to the daily view of travellers,
then about two miles from the Town, in a place remote, where this
_Antiquity_ stands. Which, though indeed eminent of it self, and
overlooking the plains adjoyning; yet, at a large distance, especially
on that side towards _Ambresbury_, and _Salisbury_-ward, is so
surrounded with hils; as it appears with an Aspect of Religious horror,
rather then as carrying any form of whatever sepulture.

[Sidenote: _Math. West. fo. 92._]

[Sidenote: _G. Mon. li. 8._]

This, though sufficient to refute the preceding objection (the
former reasons being grounded upon customs only) I shall yet, from
the histories of those times, further answer thereunto; _Mathew
Westminster_ tels us, _A. Ambrosius_ having compleated his victories
over _Hengist_, and subdued his sons at _York_; _Deinde porrexisse ad
monasterium_ Ambri, _ubi principes defuncti jacebant, quos_ Hengistus
_prodiderat; from thence came to the Monastery at_ Ambresbury, _where
the deceased Nobles, whom_ Hengist _betrayed, lay buried._ And
_Geffrey Monmouth_, prosecuting the same story, affirms also, that
_A. Ambrosius_ being come to the Monastery, _ut locum quo defuncti
jacebant circumspexit, pietate motus in lachrymas solutus est, dignum
namque memoria censebat cespitem, qui tot nobiles pro patria defunctos
protegebat. So soon as he cast his eyes upon the place where the
slaughtered Princes lay interred, deplored them; esteeming that very
ground which covered so many Nobles, dying for their Countreys cause,
worthy eternall memory._ Upon this consideration, _Præcepit_ Merlino
(saith the same Author) _lapides circa sepulturam erigere, quos ex_
Hibernia _asportaverat_. A. Ambrosius _commanded_ Merlin, _that
the stones brought out of_ Ireland (for he still troubles himself
and readers therewith) _should be erected about the place of their
buriall_. Whereby it clearly appears their Sepulchre was set up about
the same place where they were buried, and not elsewhere. Also, as
fully that their buriall place (as both the said Historians have told
us) was at the Monastery of _Ambresbury_, or Churchyard adjoyning to
it. All which former circumstances duly weighed, ’tis not possible
_Stoneheng_ should be supposed their Monument; except _Geffrey
Monmouth_, having made so formall a tale of their easie transportation
from _Ireland_, would compell us also to imagine, posterity might as
easily be induced to assent, they were in like manner removed from the
Churchyard at _Ambresbury_ to _Salisbury_ plain, the one being equally
as ridiculous as the other, and no manner of credit to be given to
either.

Wherefore, laying all the aforesaid Authorities together. First, that
_Giraldus Cambrensis_ formerly cited, tells us, (in that part of his
story which carries most likelihood of truth) a Monument was set up
by _A. Ambrosius_, in memory of the _Britans_, slain at a Treaty by
the _Saxons_, upon the very same place _where slain_; and in order
thereunto the aforesaid _British_ Historians unanimously affirming
the place at which that treaty was held, and where those _Britans were
slain_ was the Town it self of _Ambresbury_, not where this _Antiquity
Stoneheng_ remains: again, if suspect _Cambrensis_ authority, and allow
rather what our Historiographer of _Monmouth_ saith, That the Monument
was erected by _A. Ambrosius_, upon that plat of ground, where the
slaughtered _Britans lay buryed_; he telling us also, their _buriall
place_ was in the Churchyard of the Monastery at _Ambresbury_ (at the
Monastery it self, saith _Matthew Westminster_) certainly then their
Monument (whatsoever it was) being set up at the place, where they
were both slain and buried, and (according to the aforesaid Authors)
they being nor slain nor buryed at _Stoneheng_, it must necessarily
follow, this _Antiquity_ was not erected in Honour of those _Britans_.
Unlesse any man will undertake to prove (which most certain it is none
can) _Stoneheng_ stands now, where _Ambresbury_ stood of old: or that
the Monastery and Churchyard thereof were not at _Ambresbury_, but at
_Stoneheng_.

[Sidenote: _Cam. fo._ 254.]

[Sidenote: _G. Monm. lib. 6. & 8._]

That the Monastery of three hundred Monks, stood there, (to wit at
_Ambresbury_) _Camden_, out of the Book called _Eulogium_, affirms.
And, that the Churchyard was close adjoyning to it, there’s no question
to be made. First, because in all times since Monasteries erected,
it was always in use, to lay out places for Churchyards belonging to
them, near to the Monasteries themselves. Secondly, because divers
Sepulchres, upon severall occasions, broken up at _Ambresbury_
Monastery, manifest the same. Thirdly, because _Geffrey Monmouth_
plainly tels us, they were buried in _cœmeterio, quod est juxta
cœnobium_; _in the Churchyard which is close by the Monastery_. Lastly,
it is further confirmed by these his formerly recited words, _A.
Ambrosius being come unto the Monastery, cast his eyes upon the place
where the slaughtered Princes lay interred_. Which is not possible he
should have done, if the Churchyard had been at _Stoneheng_; it being
very well known _Stoneheng_ cannot be discerned, even from the highest
hils, upon those parts especially, that next surround _Ambresbury_,
much lesse from the Monastery it self, sited in the bottome of a deep
vale by the river _Avons_ side.

Among other Sepulchres found at the said Monastery, it’s worthy memory,
that about the beginning of this Century, one of them hewn out of a
firm stone, and placed in the middle of a wall, was opened, having upon
its coverture in rude letters of massie gold,

[Sidenote: The originall Inscription I could not procure; such relation
thereof neverthelesse as came to my hands, I have, upon credit of those
persons of quality from whom received, inserted it here.]

                          _R. G. A. C._ 600.

[Sidenote: _Leyl. de assert. Arth._]

The bones within which Sepulchre were all firm, fair yellow coloured
hair about the scull, a supposed peece of the liver, near upon the
bignesse of a walnut, very dry and hard, and together therewith, were
found severall royall habiliments, as jewels, veils, scarfs, and
the like, retaining even till then, their proper colours. All which
were afterwards, very choicely kept, in the collection of the Right
honourable _Edward_, then Earl of _Hertford_: and of the aforesaid gold
divers rings were made and worn by his Lordships principall Officers.
Concerning which Tomb (though I list not dispute) why might it not be
the Sepulchre of Queen _Guinever_, wife of King _Arthur_; especially
the Letters _R G._ as much to say, _Regina Guinevera_, declaring her
title and name; and the date _An. Chr._ 600. (if truly copied) agreeing
(possibly well enough) with the time of her death? Besides, _Leyland_
affirms, severall Writers make mention, she took _upon her a Nuns veil
at_ Ambresbury, _died, and was buried there_. To which he gives so much
credit, that (whatever _Giraldus Cambrensis_ delivers to the contrary)
he will by no means allow, either her body to be afterwards translated
from _Ambresbury_, or, at any time, buried by her husband King
_Arthur_ at _Glastonbury_. Unto _Leylands_ reasons for her interment
at _Ambresbury_, _Camden_ (it seems) inclines also, because wholly
silent of her Sepulchre, discovered any where else: though he at large
sets down all the circumstances of her Husbands body, its being found
at _Glastenbury_. For, had _Camden_ apprehended any thing inducing him
to beleeve, her body had been together with his there found, he would
never, certainly, have concealed it from posterity.

[Sidenote: _Speed lib. 7._]

[Sidenote: _Stow fo. 53._]

Whether the aforesaid Tomb so found, were her monument, yea or no,
enough concerning the slaughter and sepultures of the afore mentioned
_Britans_; as also, that _Stoneheng_ was not erected in memory of them.
Let us come now to _Aurelius Ambrosius_, and see whether _Polydore
Virgill’s_ story in relation to _Stoneheng_ agrees with what other
Authors have delivered of _Aurelius_. For from _Polydore’s_ authority,
our modern Writers raise their second, and quite contrary opinion:
namely, that the _Britans_ erected this _Antiquity_ for _A. Ambrosius_
his Sepulchre.

[Sidenote: _Polyd. Virg. lib. 3._]

_Polydore Virgill_ treating of the actions of those times betwixt the
_Britans_ and _Saxons_; Britanni, _Duci suo_ Ambrosio _de republica
bene merito magnificum_ (saith he) _posuerunt sepulchrum_ &c. _The_
Britans _in memory of his great atchievements for the Commonwealth,
erected a magnificent Sepulchre to their Chieftain_ Ambrosius, _made
of great square stones in form of a Crown, even in that place, where
fighting, he was slain, that the prowesse of so great a Commander,
should neither be forgotten amongst themselves, who then lived, or left
unremembred to posterity. Which Monument remains even to this day, in
the Diocese of_ Salisbury, _near unto the village called_ Amisbery.

This opinion of _Polydore_ is grounded (as I conceive) upon no great
likelihood. For, should the _British Nobles_, far inferiour to _A.
Ambrosius_, in honour, and dignity, be buried in the Churchyard of a
Monastery, and a Sepulchre assigned for _Ambrosius_ himself in the
open fields? Should that _Christian_ King, who had accomplished so
many great atchievements victoriously against the _Pagans_, enemies to
_Christ_? Caused Churches to be repaired, which the Barbarism of the
_Saxons_ had destroyed? pulled down and demolished idolatrous places
of the _Heathen_, and (as is more probable) rather, then erected by
him, whilst living, to others, or by others, to his memory after dead,
the very first that began to deface this Heathenish sacred structure
(for, though a _Roman_, yet a _Christian_, and zeal to true Religion
might, no doubt, cause him dispense with ruining idolatrous _Temples_
though formerly built, and consecrated to false Gods by his seduced
Auncestors) should he, I say, be buried Pagan-like, in unsanctified,
unhallowed ground, and others far lesse eminent, lesse conspicuous, in
more noble, and sacred places? It could never be. Neither reason of
State, nor fervor of piety, in those more scrupulous times, could ever
admit thereof.

[Sidenote: _Leyl. de assert. Art._]

Had _Polydore_, or any other, told us some Pagan-Saxon-Commander lay
there intombed, ’twould have carried a shew of much more credit, and
the ancient custome of that _Peoples_ burying their dead might have
been produced, at least as a probable argument, to confirm the same.
For the Saxons a Pagan Nation, if any of _their Princes or Nobility
died, in their houses at home of sicknesse, were buried in pleasant,
and delightfull gardens; if from home, and in the wars, not far from
their camps, in heaps of earth cast up in the fields, which heaps they
called Burrows: and the promiscuous common people in medows and open
fields_. Saxones _Nobiles gens Christi ignara, in hortis amœnis, si
domi forte ægroti moriebantur: si foris & bello occisi, in egestis per
campos terræ tumulis quos Burgos appellabant, juxta castra sepulti
sunt: vulgus autem promiscuum etiam in pratis & apertis campis._
As _Leyland_, who laid a good ground-work towards the discovery of
_British Antiquities_, delivers.

[Sidenote: _G. Monm. M. Westm. Polychron. Caxton. Leyland._]

[Sidenote: _Knolls in vit. Ba._]

[Sidenote: _Ped. Mexia in vit. Con._]

[Sidenote: _Plutarch in vit. Pyrr._]

_Polydore_ neverthelesse, had great reason to imagine _A. Ambrosius_
famed the restorer of his Countrey (and Bulwark of War, as _Camden_
cals him) worthy an everlasting Monument, _Extat etiam nunc id
monimentum in diœcesi_ Sarisberiensi _prope pagum quam_ Amisberiam
_vocant, Which monument is yet extant in the diœcese of_ Salisbury
(saith he) _not far from_ Ambresbury _Town_: and so was the Churchyard
of the Monastery too. He also tels us, _Factum fuisse ad formam coronæ,
it was made in form of a Crown_. An elegant expression (I confesse)
of a no lesse elegant work, if he meant _Stoneheng_; yet no argument
thereby to prove _A. Ambrosius_ or buried, or slain there. For, as
touching _A. Ambrosius_ his death, severall Authors, of as good credit
as _Polydore_ (his integrity neverthelesse I question not, others have
been busie enough therein) affirm, that _Pascentius Vortigerns_ son,
with many rewards corrupted a certain _Saxon_ called _Eopas_ (_Clappa_,
saith _Caxton_) who, taking upon him the habit of a Monk, under
pretence of Physick (_A. Ambrosius_ being then sick) gave him poyson,
whereof he died at _Winchester_. And no wonder he was so poysoned,
many examples of the like kinde being recorded in History. As in later
times, the _Turkish_ Emperour _Bajazet_ the second, under pretence of
Physick poysoned by a Jew: also _Conrad_ third of that name Emperour
of _Germany_, by an _Italian_: and, in times of old, under the same
pretence, _Pyrrhus_ that famous Epirot had been poysoned by his own
Physitian, if _C. Fabricius_ the Roman Consul would have enclined to
such ignoble resolutions, as _Pascentius_ after put in act against _A.
Ambrosius_ in our story.

[Sidenote: _Ma. West. fo. 94._]

Amongst other, who relate this disaster of _A. Ambrosius_, _Matthew
Westminster_ tels us, The said pretended Monk, _tandem ad Regis
præsentiam perductum, venenum ei porrexisse, &c. being at last
admitted to the Kings presence, administered poyson unto him, which
having drunk, the wicked Traytor advised him to sleep, and in so doing
suddenly should recover health! Nec mora, illabente per poros corporis
& venas veneno, mortem pariter subsecutam esse. But, ere long, the
poyson being dispersed through the pores and veins of his body, death
seizes upon him._

[Sidenote: _G. Monm. lib. 8._]

Concerning the buriall of _A. Ambrosius_, if give credit to _Geffrey
Monmouths_ affirming _A. Ambrosius_ on his death-bed gave command,
and was accordingly buried, in the Sepulchre by him (whilst living)
prepared in the Churchyard adjoyning to the Monastery at _Ambresbury_,
then was _A. Ambrosius_ nor _buried_ at _Stoneheng_, nor consequently
this _Antiquity_ erected to his memory. _Geffrey Monmouth_ tels us;
_His death being known, the Bishops, Abbats, and all the Clergy of
that province, assembled together in the City of_ Winchester. _Et
quia vivens adhuc præceperat, ut in cœmeterio prope cœnobium_ Ambrii,
_quod ipse paraverat sepeliretur, tulerunt corpus ejus, eodem atque
cum regalibus exequiis, humaverunt. And with respect to his command,
whilest living, that in the Churchyard adjoyning to the Monastery at_
Ambresbury, _prepared by him, he would be buried, they took his body
and with royall solemnities enterred him there_.

[Sidenote: _Cam. fo. 254._]

Furthermore, at _Ambresbury_, that is, _Ambrose_ his Town, (_Camden_
tels us) _certain ancient Kings, by report of the_ British _story,
lay interred_. Whether _A. Ambrosius_ was one of them, or no, I argue
not; yet the same Author saith, _Ambrose Aurelianus_ gave name unto
the place. And why not, he being buried there, as well, as upon the
translation of the body of _Edmund_ that most Christian King, the Town
of _Edmundsbury_ in _Suffolk_ was so called?

It manifestly hence appears, _Stoneheng_ no Sepulchre, either erected
by _A. Ambrosius_, or by the _British_ Nobility, or to any of their
memories. Some Monument there was, perhaps, anciently set up in honour
of them, at the Monastery of _Ambresbury_. Which, the fury of the
_Saxons_ when victorious, or violence of time, which destroyeth all
things, utterly consuming, might happily be the reason, Historians in
succeeding Ages, finding so notable an _Antiquity_ as _Stoneheng_, not
far from thence, and not apprehending for what use it was first built,
suppos’d no other thing worthy _A. Ambrosius_, or those _Britans_,
then such an extraordinary structure. Whereas, the Monuments in those
ancient times, made for great Princes here in _Britain_, were onely two
Pyramids between which interred, of no extraordinary bignesse erected
to their memory in whate’re Religious places those Princes lay buried.
Moreover, if seriously take notice of the severall sorts of Sepulchres
used by divers Nations, none are found bearing like _Aspect_ with this
work _Stoneheng_, but of other kinde of _Architecture_, far different
in _Form_, _Manner_, and _Composure_. Some, made of one Columne onely;
or, if otherwise, only a vase erected on the place of buriall, as
amongst the _Athenians_: Some, had a Columne whereon the shields used
in War by the deceased, whilst living, were fixt, as in those medals
of silver, which the _Roman_ Senate dedicated to _Vespasian_: Some,
a Columne with a Statue thereon; so the famous Columne of _Trajan_
had a _Colossus_ on the top thereof, as by his medals also appears.
Again, the _Gauls_ on the tops of Mountains, erected _Pyramid’s_ or
_Columnes_, as Monuments to their Princes. The _Saxons_ were buried (as
said before) in huge heaps of earth, to this day visible among us. The
_Keep_ of the now _Castell_ S. _Angelo_ at _Rome_ was the Sepulchre of
the Emperour _Adrian_. (such mighty moles were the Monuments of the
_Romans_) The _Greeks_ erected _Altars_, and instituted Sacrifices to
the memory of their _Chieftains_, as the _Spartans_ to _Lysander_:
The renowned _Carian_ Queen made the _Mausoleum_ for her husband, a
massie bulk of building, 140 foot high: The huge _Pyramid’s_ in _Ægypt_
causing such wonder in the world, were Sepulchres of _Ægyptian_ Kings.
In a word, amongst all Nations, Sepulchres whether little or great,
were always reall and solid piles; not airous, with frequent openings,
and void spaces of ground within, exposed to Sun and wind, neither
uncovered like this _Antiquity_; or in any manner so built, as may
enforce the least presumption, that this our _Stoneheng_ was ever a
Sepulchre.

[Sidenote: _Leyland. de assert. Art. fol. 25._]

I have given you a full relation what concerning _Stoneheng_ hath been
delivered by Writers, in respect of us though ancient, yet in regard
of the great antiquity of this _Work_, indeed but modern, _Geffrey
Monmouth_ living not full five hundred years ago, and _Polydore
Virgill_ long after him, in King _Henry_ the eighths reign: Who, as
they are the principall Authors that write any thing of _Stoneheng_;
so, upon what authority deliver the same, they make not appear.
Insomuch, _Camden_ gives no more credit to their relations in this
very particular, then unto common sayings, (so he cals them) as if
grounded upon _Fame_ only, or invented by themselves. And it may the
rather be so presumed, because, as they lived not in ancient times, and
consequently could not themselves bear testimony of any such things;
so, neither the _Britans_ nor _Saxons_ for a long time after their
first arrivall here, had any Records or Writings to convey whatever
actions, either of their own, or others to posterity. _Ninnius_ a
_British_ Historian, living about one thousand years ago, telling
us, Britannos _doctores nullam peritiam habuisse, &c. The great
Masters and Doctors of_ Britain _had no skill, nor left memoriall of
any thing in writing_: confessing, that himself _gathered whatsoever
he wrote, out of the Annals and Chronicles of the holy Fathers. Nec_
Saxones _amusi quicquam penè de rebus inter ipsos, &_ Britannos _eo
tempore gestis scriptum posteritati reliquerint_, &c. _Neither did the_
Saxons _being unlearned_ (saith _Leyland_) _leave almost any thing in
writing to posterity, of the actions performed in those times betwixt
themselves and_ Britans: _whatsoever, remembred after Christ taught in
this Island, of the first victories of the_ Saxons, _being both taken
up upon trust from the mouth of the common people, and committed to
writing from vulgar reports only. Neither the_ Britans, _utterly worn
out with so many wars, had_ (as the same Author hath it) _or desire, or
opportunity, had they desired it, to bestow their pains in compiling
any whatever history, that might commend their actions to succeeding
Ages._

But, it maybe objected: If _Polydore Virgill_, and _Geffrey Monmouth_
could neither be eye-witnesses themselves, nor have authority from
other more ancient Authors for what related by them concerning
_Stoneheng_: and that from whatever writings ancient or modern, not any
thing of certainty can be found out concerning the same; from whence
then appear, for what use, or by whom _Stoneheng_ erected? I answer,
though not appear from Histories written either by the _Britans_ or
_Saxons_; yet, as _Gildas_ professing he wrote his History (for the
former reasons) _by relations from beyond Sea_: and, as _Ninnius_ his
_out of the Annals and Chronicles of the holy Fathers_ as aforesaid:
so, severall other ways a possibility of truth may be gathered, namely,
from the authority of other Nations; from the concurrence of time for
such undertakings; from the customs of forepassed Ages in like works;
from the manner and form of building proper to severall Countries; from
the use to which such buildings applied, and the like. Upon which, as
occasion serves, intending hereafter more largely to insist, I shall
in the mean while set down the judgement our late Writers give of this
_Antiquity_.

[Sidenote: _Cam. fo. 251._]

_Camden_, a diligent searcher after Antiquities of our Nation, having,
in his _Chorography_ of _Wiltshire_, collected all the aforesaid
opinions, together with his own, gives a summary description of
_Stoneheng_, in words as follow. _Towards the North, about six miles
from_ Salisbury, _in the plain, is to be seen a huge and monstrous
peece of work, such as_ Cicero _termeth_ insanam substructionem.
_For, within the circuit of a ditch, there are erected in manner of a
Crown, in three ranks or courses one within another, certain mighty
and unwrought stones, whereof some are twenty eight foot high, & seven
foot broad, upon the heads of which others, like overthwart peeces, do
bear and rest cross-wise, with a small tenon and mortaise, so as the
whole frame seemeth to hang; whereof we call it_ Stoneheng, _like as
our old Historians termed it for the greatness the Giants dance. Our
Countrimen reckon this for one of our wonders, and miracles. And much
they marvell, from whence such huge stones were brought, considering
that in all those quarters bordering thereupon, there is hardly to be
found any common stone at all for building: as also, by what means they
were set up. For mine own part about these points I am not curiously
to argue and dispute, but rather to lament with much grief, that the
Authors of so notable a Monument are thus buried in oblivion. Yet
some there are, that think them to be no naturall stones hewn out of
the rock, but artificially made of pure sand, and by some glewy and
unctuous matter knit and incorporate together, like as those ancient
trophies or monuments of victory which I have seen in_ Yorkshire. _And
what marvell? Read we not I pray you in_ Pliny, _that the sand or dust
of_ Puteoli, _being covered over with water, becometh forthwith a very
stone, that the cisterns in_ Rome _of sand, digged out of the ground,
and the strongest kind of lime wrought together grow so hard, that they
seem stones indeed? and that statues and images of marble scalings,
and small grit grow together so compact and firm, that they were
deemed entire and solid marble? The common saying is, that_ Ambrosius
Aurelianus, _or his brother_ Uther _did rear them up, by the art of_
Merlin, _&c._ Thus far _Camden_, it being needlesse to repeat more from
him, having already delivered the story from the Authors themselves.
Yet here neverthelesse, as necessarily induced thereunto, I shall take
leave to observe something more remarkable to our purpose in hand, upon
his words.

In the first place then, _Stoneheng_ is by him called _a huge
and monstrous peece of work_, terming it from _Cicero_, _insanam
substructionem_. To which I say, had _Camden_ as well attained other
abilities of an _Architect_, as he was skilfull in _Antiquities_: or
been as conversant in _Antiquities_ abroad, as learned in those of
his own Nation, he would have given a far different judgement hereof.
For, whosoever is acquainted with the ancient ruines yet remaining in
and about _Italy_, may easily perceive this no such huge building,
either for the circuit of the work, or bignesse of the stones,
they being as manageable to the _Roman Architects_, as amongst us
to raise a May-pole, or mast of a Ship. And, if this styled _huge_
and _monstrous_, what may be said of _Diocletians_ baths? the great
_Cirque_? _Marcellus_ his Theater? _Vespasians Temple of Peace_? and
other prodigious works of the _Romans_? the very remainders whereof now
lying in the dust, breed amazement and wonder (not without just reason
too) in whosoever beholds them with attentivenesse and judgement. Nay,
whereas he styles it _insanam substructionem_, it’s demonstrable,
that betwixt this Island of great _Britain_, and _Rome_ it self,
there’s no one structure to be seen, wherein more clearly shines those
harmoniacall proportions, of which only the best times could vaunt,
then in this of _Stoneheng_.

Moreover, _Our Countreymen marvell_ (saith he) _from whence such huge
stones were brought, considering that in all those quarters bordering
thereupon, there is hardly to be found any common stone for building_.
Upon what trust _Camden_ (his extraordinary judgement otherwise
considered) took this relation, I know not. For there is not onely
common stone thereabouts, for ordinary uses, but stone of extraordinary
proportions likewise, even for greater works (if occasion were) then
_Stoneheng_: the Quarries of _Hasselborough_ and _Chilmark_, both of
them not far from the borders of the plain, having of a long time
furnished all the adjacent parts with common stone for building. And
(to come nearer the matter) it is manifest, that in divers places about
the Plain, the same kinde of Stone whereof this _Antiquity_ consists
may be found, especially about _Aibury_ in North-_Wiltshire_, not many
miles distant from it, where not onely are Quarries of the like stone,
but also stones of far greater dimensions then any at _Stoneheng_, may
be had.

[Sidenote: _Plut. in Marcel._]

[Sidenote: _Herod. lib. 2._]

[Sidenote: _Ptol. lib. 4._]

[Sidenote: _Plin. lib. 36._]

[Sidenote: _Dom. Font. lib. 1._]

_They wonder also_ (saith he) _by what means they_ (that, is such
huge stones) _were set up_. What may be effected by that _Mechanicall
Art_, which _Dee_ in his _Mathematicall Preface_ to _Euclyde_, cals
_Menadry_, or _Art of ordering Engines for raising weights_; those (it
seems) of whom _Camden_ speaks took little notice of, when _Archimedes_
during the siege of _Syracuse_, raised out of the Sea, and turned
in the air at pleasure, the Ships and Gallies of the _Romans_, full
fraught as they were with Souldiers, Mariners, and their ordinary
lading: and if King _Hieron_ could have assigned him, a fit place to
firm his engines on, he would have undertaken to remove, even the
terrestriall _Globe_ out of the worlds _center_, so high, perfection
in this _Art_ transported him. What should I say of the _Obelisk_
in Ages so far past, brought from the Mountains of _Armenia_, and
erected in _Babylon_ by _Semiramis_, one hundred & fifty foot high,
and at the base twenty four foot square of one entire stone? _Est in
fano_ Latonæ (saith _Herodotus_ of his own knowledge) _delubrum ex
uno factum lapide, cujus parietes æquali celsitudine ad longitudinem
quadragenum cubitorum, cujus lacunari, pro tecto impositus est alius
lapis quatuor cubitorum per oras crassitudine. In the Temple of_ Latona
(in _Ægypt_) _is a Chappell formed of one stone, whose walls being of
equall height, are in length forty cubits, covered in like manner with
one sole stone four cubits thick_. Those, which made this wonder would
have much more admired, if they could have seen the _Obelisk_ raised
in times of old by King _Ramesis_ at _Heliopolis_, in that part of
_Ægypt_ anciently called _Thebais_, in height one hundred twenty one
Geometrical feet (which of our measure makes one hundred thirty six
feet) of one entire stone: and so little wonder made they of raising
it, that the Architect undertook and did effect it, the Kings own son
being at the same time bound to the top thereof. Amongst the _Romans_,
_Augustus Cæsar_ erected in the great Cirque at _Rome_, an _Obelisk_
of one stone, one hundred and twenty foot, nine inches long: another
also, was set up in _Mars_ field, nine foot higher then it, by the
said Emperour. And it seems also, neither they, nor _Camdens_ self had
ever seen that _Obelisk_, which even in these our days, in the year
one thousand five hundred eighty six, _Sixtus Quintus_ caused to be
erected in the _Piazza_ of S. _Peter_ at _Rome_, one hundred and eight
_Roman_ palms high, and at the base twelve palms square, (according to
our Assise, fourscore and one foot high, and nine foot square) of one
entire stone also: _Dominico Fontana_ being _Architect_. But, there are
more strange things (as Sir _Walter Raleigh_ hath it) in the world,
then betwixt _London_ and _Stanes_. It is want of knowledge in _Arts_
makes such admirers, and _Art_ it self have so many Enemies. Had I
not been thought worthy (by him who then commanded) to have been sole
_Architect_ thereof, I would have made some mention of the great stones
used in the work, and _Portico_ at the West end of S. _Pauls_ Church
_London_, but I forbear; though in greatnesse they were equall to most
in this _Antiquity_, and raised to a far greater height then any there.
What manner of Engines the _Ancients_ used for raising; and what secure
ways they had, for cariage and transportation of their huge weights, is
more proper for another subject.

[Sidenote: _Vitr. lib. 2. cap. 6._]

_Some there are_ (saith _Camden_) _that think them to be no naturall
stones, hewn out of the rock, but artificially made of pure sand, and
by some glewy and unctuous matter, knit and incorporate together, like
those ancient trophies, or monuments of victory, which I have seen
in_ Yorkshire. As for these Monuments (for my part) I have not seen,
otherwise I would give my sense upon them, and happily they may be
found as far from being artificiall, as those at _Stoneheng_. _And
what marvell?_ (saith he) _read we not, I pray you, in_ Pliny, _that
the sand or dust of_ Puteoli, _being covered over with water, becometh
forthwith a very stone &c._ He might as well have told us the Rocks
in _Portland_ are artificiall. But it’s true, this sand of _Puteoli_,
was much used by the _Ancients_, and it is such a kind of earth, as
is very famous for its admirable effects in building, being tempered
with the cement of _Cuma_: For, it not onely yeelds strength to all
other buildings, but thereby also, all works made in the Sea under
water, are most firmly consolidated. Yet, doe I not find, that ever the
_Ancients_ made any artificiall stones thereof, or that _Vitruvius_
hath any thing to that purpose, to him the credit given to _Pliny_, and
others, concerning the Earth of _Puteoli_, being only due; posterity
being in the first place beholding unto him for finding out the nature
of that earth, he giving us not only the effects thereof, but the cause
also from whence those effects proceed. _Hoc autem fieri hac ratione
videtur, quòd sub his montibus_ (i.e. _in regionibus_ Baianis, _& in
agris, quæ sunt circa_ Vesuvium _montem) & terræ ferventes sunt, &
fontes crebri, qui non essent, si non in imo haberent, aut de sulphure,
aut alumine, aut bitumine ardentes maximos ignes. Which is_ (saith
he) _by reason in those mountains_ (to wit, _in the regions of_ Baiæ,
_and fields about mount_ Vesuvius) _the grounds are hot, and full
of springs, which heat could not be, but that from the bottome, are
nourished mighty great fires, arising from sulphur, alume, or brimstone
there._ Indeed, according to _Pliny_, the sand upon the side of the
hill of _Puteoli_, being opposed to the Sea, and continually drenched,
and drowned with the water thereof, doth (by the restringent quality,
no doubt, of the salt water) become a stone so compact, and united
together, that scorning all the violence of the surging billows, it
hardeneth every day more and more.

Neverthelesse, whosoever could find out any kind of earth in this
Island, naturally apt, to make artificiall stones of such greatnesse
as these; and, like them so obdurate also, that hardly any tool enter
them: or, that our Auncestors in times of old, did make use of such
a cement, and in what manner composed by them. The benefit thereof
doubtlesse, would amount so ample to this Nation, that Records could
not but render him deservedly famous to all posterity. In the mean
while, as it is most certain those stones at _Stoneheng_ are naturall;
so, am I as clearly of opinion, the very Quarries from whence hewn,
were about _Aibury_ beforementioned: where, no small quantities of
the same kind, are even at this day to be had; vast scantlings, not
only appearing about the Town it self, but throughout the plain and
fields adjoyning, the Quarries lying bare, numbers also numberlesse of
stones, are generally seen. (being no small prejudice to the bordering
inhabitants) As also, not far from the edge of _Wiltshire_, in the
ascent from _Lamborn_ to _Whitehorse hill_, the like stones are daily
discovered. To mention, more places in particular is needlesse, the
Quarries at and about _Aibury_ (without relating to _Lamborn_, or what
ever other) distant but fifteen miles or thereabouts from _Stoneheng_,
being of themselves sufficient to clear the doubt. These, having
through long time, got the very same crustation upon them, are in like
manner coloured, grained, bedded, weighty, and of like difficulty in
working, as those at _Stoneheng_. Some of which, being of a whitish
colour, are intermixt and veined here and there with red: some, of a
lightish blew, glister, as if minerall amongst them: some, for the most
part white, perplexed (as it were) with a ruddy colour: some, dark gray
and russet, differing in kinds as those stones at _Aibury_ do. Some of
them again, of a grayish colour, are speckled or intermixt with dark
green, and white, together with yellow amongst it, resembling after a
sort, that kind of marble which the _Italians_ (from the valley where
the Quarries are found) call _Pozzevera_; nothing, notwithstanding, so
beautifull, though naturally much harder, and being weathered by time,
as in this work; disdain the touch even of the best tempered tool.
Insomuch, that if nothing else, the more then ordinary hardnesse of
them is such, as will in part convince any indifferent judgement in the
nature and quality of stones; those, in this _Antiquity_, are not (as
_Camden_ would have them) artificiall, but naturall.

[Sidenote: _H. Hunting, lib. 1._]

[Sidenote: _Cam. fo. 241._]

Whatsoever, worthy admiration concerning _Stoneheng_, either in
relation to the greatnesse of the work in generall, the extraordinary
proportion of the stones in particular, the wonder the people make,
from whence brought, by what Arts or Engines raised, and in such order
placed, _Camden_ delivers; certainly, in his judgement he was wholly
opposite to the opinions of the aforesaid _British_ Historians. He
would never else, with so much regret have complained, _The Authors
of so notable a Monument lay buried in oblivion_, had he given any
the least credit, this _Antiquity_ had been built, either by _A.
Ambrosius_, or the _British_ Nobility, or to eternize either of their
names, or actions to succeeding generations. Let _Geffrey Monmouth_
and his followers, say what they please, _Henry Huntingdon_ (his
Contemporary, if not more Ancient) is mine Author, _Nec potest aliquis
excogitare, qua arte tanti lapides adeo in altum elevati sunt, vel
quare ibi constructi sunt. No man knows_ (saith _Huntingdon_) _for what
cause_ Stoneheng _erected, or_ (which is fully answered already) _by
what Art such huge stones were raised to so great a height_. Take with
you also _Draytons_ judgement in his _Poly-olbion_ couched under the
fiction of old _Wansdikes_ depraving _Stoneheng_. (_Wansdike_ being a
huge Ditch in _Wiltshire_ so called, anciently, as _Camden_ opines,
dividing the two Kingdomes of the _Mertians_ and _West Saxons_ asunder)

[Sidenote: _Poly-olbion Cant. 3._]

    _Whom for a paltry ditch, when_ Stonendge _pleas’d t’upbraid,
    The old man taking heart, thus to that Trophy said;
    Dull heap, that thus thy head above the rest doth reare,
    Precisely yet not know’st who first did place thee there;
    But Traytor basely turn’d to_ Merlins _skill dost flie,
    And with his Magicks dost thy Makers truth belie_.

For, as for that ridiculous Fable, of _Merlins_ transporting the stones
out of _Ireland_ by Magick, it’s an idle conceit. As also, that old
wives tale, that for the greatnesse it was in elder times called the
_Giants dance_. The name of the _dance of Giants_ by which it is styled
in _Monmouth_, hath nothing allusive, no not so much as to the _tale he
tels us_, saith a modern Writer in the life of _Nero Cæsar_.

[Sidenote: _Speed lib. 7. Stow fo. 58. in 4ᵒ._]

[Sidenote: _Cam. fo. 194._ _Speed lib. 7._]

Furthermore, our modern Historians _Stow_ and _Speed_, tell us, in
severall parts of the Plain adjoyning, have been by digging found,
peeces of ancient fashioned armour, and the bones of men, insinuating
this as an argument, for upholding the opinions of the _British_
Writers. To which, if they would have those to be the bones of the
slaughtered _Britans_, how came those Armours to be found with them,
they coming to the Treaty unarmed, and without weapons? Howsoever, what
is done in the Plains abroad, concerns not _Stoneheng_, Neither can
any man think it strange, that in a place, where _Fame_ hath rendred,
so many memorable and fierce battels, fought in times of old, rusty
armour, and mens bones should be digged up. It is usuall throughout
the world in all such places, and (if I mistake not) _Sands_ in his
Travels, relates, that even in the Plains of _Pharsalia_, such like
bones and Armour, have lately been discovered: and Sir _Henry Blunt_
in that notable relation of his voyage into the _Levant_, speaks with
much judgement of those _Pharsalian_ fields. Likewise, the aforesaid
Writers, might well have remembred, some of themselves deliver, that at
_Kambulan_, or _Cambula_ in _Cornwall_, such habiliments of War have
been digged up, in tillage of the ground, witnessing either the fatall
field, sometimes there fought, where _Mordred_ was slain by _Arthur_,
and _Arthur_ himself received his deaths wound: or else, the reliques
of that battel betwixt the _Britans_ and _Saxons_, in the year eight
hundred and twenty. ’Tis true, the relation conduces much towards
confirming, that ancient custome of the _Saxons_, formerly recited out
of _Leyland_, considering especially, not far from this _Antiquity_,
lie certain hillocks, at this day commonly called the _seven Burrows_,
where it may be presumed, some _Princes_, or _Nobles_ of the _Saxon_
Nation lie interred. But, that _Stoneheng_ should therefore be a place
of buriall, the aforesaid relation to maintain the same is nothing
worth.

They adde moreover, the stones yet remaining are not to be numbred,
according as our Noble _Sydney_ in his Sonnet of the wonders of
_England_.

    _Near_ Wilton _sweet, huge heaps of stone are found,
    But so confus’d, that neither any eye
    Can count them just, nor reason reason try,
    What force brought them to so unlikely ground_.

This, though it scarcely merits an answer, yet, to satisfie those
which in this point may be curious, let them but observe the orders
of the Circles, as they now appear, and not passe from one to another
confusedly (noting neverthelesse where they begin) and they’ll find the
just number easie to be taken.

Now, though whether in order to the Place it self where this
_Antiquity_ stands, or _Persons_, by whom _Stoneheng_ pretended to be
built, enough laid, to wave the reports upon fancy, or common Fame,
formerly delivered: to the state of _Time_ neverthelesse, wherein the
_British_ Histories would have it erected, because nothing by me hath
yet been spoken, I will therefore adde, ’tis not probable such a work
as _Stoneheng_ could be then built. For, although our _Britans_, in
ancient time possessed, together with the _Roman_ civility, all good
_Arts_, it is evident during the reign of _A. Ambrosius_ (about the
first coming in of the _Saxons_ here, and towards the later end of
the fifth Century, as Historians and Chronologists compute it) in the
last declining of the _Roman_ Empire, the _Arts_ of _Design_, of which
_Architecture_ chief, were utterly lost even in _Rome_ it self, much
more in _Britain_, being then but a Tempest-beaten _Province_, and
utterly abandoned by the _Romans_. _Britain_, therefore, being over-run
with enemies, and the knowledge of _Arts_ then lost amongst them:
none, questionlesse, can reasonably apprehend so notable a work as
_Stoneheng_ could in such times be built.

[Sidenote: _Serl. lib. 3._]

That, amongst the _Romans_ and _Britans_ both, _A. Ambrosius_ governing
here, all Sciences were utterly perished, is evidently manifest. For,
the _Goths_ had then invaded _Italy_; and that vast Empire drooping
with extreme Age, by the fatall irruption of strange Nations, was not
only torn in peeces, but _Barbarisme_ having trod learning under
foot, and the sword bearing more sway then letters, or learned men,
all Sciences were neglected; and particularly that of _Building_ fell
into such decay, that till of late about the year one thousand five
hundred and ten, it lay swallowed up, and (as I may so say) buried
in oblivion. When one _Bramante_ of the Dutchy of _Urbin_, attaining
admirable perfection in _Architecture_, restored to the world again,
the true rules of building, according to those Orders, by the ancient
_Romans_ in their most flourishing times observed. Furthermore, not
onely liberall Sciences and _Architecture_, but _Art_ military also,
about the time of _A. Ambrosius_, was so far lost amongst the _Romans_,
that they were ignorant, yea, in the very rudiments of War. Insomuch,
(as _Procopius_ in his second Book of the _Gothick_ Wars relate)
_Barbarism_ had bereft them of the skill, even in what manner to sound
a retreat.

[Sidenote: _W. Malmes. fol. 8._ _Camden fo. 87._]

With us here also, the _Saxons_ domineer’d over all, and _A. Ambrosius_
with the _Britans_ had enough to do, in endeavouring the recovery
of their lost Countrey from a mighty prevailing Enemy, that in few
years afterwards (maugre all the ways which force or policy could
invent) conquered the whole Nation. Among other calamities attending
that miserable Age, _Camden_ (from _William_ of _Malmsbury_) directly
to the purpose in hand tels us. _Cum Tyranni nullum in agris præter
semibarbaros, nullum in urbibus præter ventri deditos reliquissent_:
Britannia _omni patrocinio juvenilis vigoris viduata, omni Artium
exercitio exinanita, conterminarum gentium inhiationi diu obnoxia fuit.
When the Tyrants_ (to wit, the _Romans_) _had left none in the Countrey
but half Barbarians, none in the Cities and Towns, but such as wholly
gave themselves to belly-cheer_; Britain, _destitute of all protection,
by her vigorous young men, bereaved of_ all exercise, and practice of
good Arts, _became exposed for a long time to the greedy, and gaping
jaws of Nations confining upon her_.

[Sidenote: _Gildas._]

Here you have it from an Author, more ancient then _G. Monmouth_ a
little, though both lived in one age, the times about _A. Ambrosius_
government, whether before, during his reign, or after, were so full
of miseries, that he complains, none then employed, or exercised in
any whatever works belonging to _Art_. They had somthing else (as
appears by divers Writers) to think upon, all their abilities being
insufficient to defend their Countrey from forein servitude, their
Cities and Towns from ruine, and destruction, and their habitations
from rage of cruell and insolent enemies, robbing, spoiling, burning,
wasting, all before them: to which, plague, pestilence, and famine
being joyned, the inland part of the _Island_, even to the Western
_Ocean_ was welnear totally consumed.

Besides, the Countrey was so oppress’d, what with outward hostile
miseries, what with intestine tumults and troubles: that, had they
not lost the _practice of all Arts_ (as the former Historian saith
they had) so far were they from erecting any work of this kind, that
they were compelled to abandon their Towns, and houses, built in times
foregoing by their Auncestors, and betake themselves to mountains,
caves, and woods for shelter. Now, if the calamities of those times
hung over the _Britans_ heads, in so generall manner, that not one
amongst them had leisure to put pen to paper, (as from _Leyland_ before
remembred) much lesse able were they, without all peradventure, to
undertake so great a work as _Stoneheng_, wherein, as all rationall men
must grant, numbers of men employed, and many years taken up, before
brought to its absolute perfection.

[Sidenote: _Cam. fo. 228._]

But, nothing can better expresse the ignorance of that Age, then the
barbarous manner of inscription upon the Tomb of the _British Hector_
King _Arthur_, nephew to _A. Ambrosius_, found long since in the
Churchyard of the Abbey at _Glastenbury_, the letters whereof, being
exactly represented to our view by _Camden_, do, as by demonstration,
fully discover to us the Barbarism of those times. As, barbarous in
those characters, so were they ignorant in, and had lost the use of all
other _Arts_. _Nor exercise nor practice of good Arts, was then amongst
them_, saith the Historiographer of _Malmsbury_. And well he might so
deliver himself, not withstanding _Matthew Westminster_ tels us, _A.
Ambrosius_ repaired _Churches_, which the rage of _Saxons_, enemies
to _Christian Religion_, spoiled. For, besides, the vast difference
betwixt such works as _Stoneheng_, where _Art_ overmasters the common
skill of man, and making up the decaies of ruinated buildings, is
apprehensive even to the meanest capacities: _Gildas_ and _Bede_ (whose
Antiquity and learning the greater it is, the more is their authority
acceptable) affirm, the _Britans_ in those times knew not in what
manner to bring up bare wals of stone. When, the _Roman_ Legion sent
to aid the _Britans_ by _Valentinian_ the third, under the conduct of
_Gallio_ of _Ravenna_, was remanded hence, for defence of _France_;
before departing, they exhorted the _Britans_ to make a wall overthwart
the _Island_, to secure themselves from the _Barbarians_, _Picts_, and
_Scots_: which wall, _Bede_ tels us, _was made not so much with stone,
as turffes, considering they had no workmen to bring up such works
of stone; and so_, (saith the venerable Historian) _they did set up
one, good for nothing. ’Twas made by the rude, and unskilfull common
multitude, not so much of stone, as turffes_ (saith _Gildas_ also)
_none being found able to give direction for building works of stone_.
This was about thirty six years preceding _A. Ambrosius_ government.
In which time, the _Romans_ abandoning _Britain_, _Vortigern_ usurped;
call’d in the _Saxons_ to his aid; was deposed by his Nobility; and
_Vortimer_ his son set up. Whom _Rowena_ having made away; _Vortigern_
was re-enthronis’d. Him _A. Ambrosius_ invades, and having burnt him,
together with _Rowena_ in _Wales_, assumes the Crown as his; holding
continuall war with the _Saxons_, untill poysoned by _Pascentius_ as
aforesaid.

It being thus, that nothing but universall confusion, and destructive
broyls of war, appeared then in all parts; more ancient, and far
more propitious times, must be sought out for designing a structure,
so exquisite in the composure as this: even such a flourishing Age,
as when _Architecture_ in rare perfection, and such _People_ lookt
upon, as by continuall successe, attaining unto the sole power over
_Arts_, as well as _Empires_, commanded all. I say, such _Times_, and
_Persons_, because those things, which accord not with the course of
time, which by a generall consent of Authors agree not; which by the
approved customes of ancient Ages, and votes of learned men, are not
received and allowed, and consequently no ways probable; I easily admit
not of.

Another fiction there is concerning _Stoneheng_, not to be past over;
and though the cause upon which it’s grounded, be far more ancient
then the government of _Ambrosius_, or aforesaid slaughter of the
_Britains_: neverthelesse, in respect it is a new conceit, not thirty
years being past since hatch’t, I suppose this the most proper place
to discourse thereof, having ended with _Geffrey Monmouth_, _Polydore
Virgill_, and their followers.

[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 181._]

The Author thereof is _Anonymus_, unlesse known in being Translator
of _Lucius Florus_. His opinion, (in his _Nero Cæsar_) _Stoneheng_
the Tomb of _Boadicia_ (formerly remembred) Queen of the _Iceni_.
His reasons, first, because that memorable battell betwixt her, and
_Suetonius Paulinus_ fought upon a Plain. Secondly, in respect the
_Britans_ buried her magnificently. For confirming this, he tels
us, _Had the pretieus volumes of the_ Cornelian _Annals, and_ Dio
Cassius, _and_ John Xiphiline _been within the spheare of_ Geffrey
Monmouths _studies, not_ Aurelus Ambrosius, _nor those four hundred
and sixty Noblemen of_ Britain, _murthered in_ Vortigerns _reign,
should have carried away with him the fame of this materiall wonder,
but magnanimous_ Boadicia. It seems, he would not be behinde-hand with
_Monmouth_; for, as the one finding no story more famous then of _A.
Ambrosius_ and the slaughtered _Britans_, fathered _Stoneheng_ upon
them: so, to make the inventive faculty, as apparently predominant in
himself; this other, respecting _Boadicia’s_ heroicall actions, would
as willingly make the world beleeve this _Antiquity_ her Monument.

His principall argument I delivered before; to wit, the battell betwixt
Her and the _Romans_, wherein _Boadicia_ utterly overthrown too, being
fought upon a Plain. Was there in old time (did he think) no Plain
in _Britain_ to fight a battell on but _Salisbury_ Plain? How came
_Boadicia_ and her Army thither? I find indeed, _Boadicia_ leading
one hundred and twenty thousand fighting men out of the _Icenian_
Countries, and like a terrible tempest, falling upon _Camalodunum_,
that famous _Roman_ Colony of old, (where the first fury of the War was
felt) she surprised it and razed it to the ground; _Suetonius Paulinus_
then in _Anglesey_: Intercepting _Petilius Cerealis_, who advanced
with the ninth legion to relieve that Colony, she cut all his Infantry
in peeces: Putting to the sword all those, which imbecillity of sex,
tediousnesse of age, or pleasure of the place detained from following
_Suetonius_ in his march from _London_: And taking _Verulamium_,
sackt and burnt it down to ashes. But, how she marcht from thence to
_Salisbury_ Plain is neither apparent nor probable; not the least
inkling being left in the world, what hostile acts she committed, which
way she moved, or what done by her, after the ruine of _Verulam_, till
utterly overthrown.

[Sidenote: _Tacit. Ann. lib. 14._]

[Sidenote: _Dion. Cas. lib. 62._]

Can it be imagined, she that destroyed so great a Colony, together
with a free-borough of the _Romans_, slain seventy or eighty thousand
persons in such horrid manner as scarce credible; reserving not
one Prisoner alive, but killing, hanging, crucifying, and burning
whatsoever _Romane_, or to that party enclined: that was yet
victorious, and her Army encreasing daily; can it be imagined, I say,
she marcht to _Salisbury_ Plain with so huge an Army invisibly? or
stole from _Verulam_ thither by night, lest notice should be taken of
her proceedings? _Anonymus_ self cannot think so unworthily of his
_Boadicia_, yet certainly after such manner she went, if ever went
thither at all: Otherwise, _Boadicia_ marching in the height of glory,
and bearing down all before her till rancountred by _Suetonius_. Those
faithfull Historians _Tacitus_, and _Dion_, (both so sedulous in
delivering her Fame to posterity) would never have omitted so notable a
march, through such a large tract of enemies Countrey, as of necessity
she was to make from _Verulam_, to _Salisbury_ Plain; but would have
prosecuted her War, by recording the spoyls, rapines, burnings, and
devastations made therein; as particularly, as from the first fomenting
the rebellion, till her advance to _Verulam_, they have done.
Upon which Town, and the aforementioned places only, the aforesaid
Historians directly tell us the whole burden of the War fell. _Ad
Septuaginta millia civium & sociorum iis quæ memoravi locis occidisse
constitit_, saith _Tacitus_. _It was manifest, there were slain in
the places, I have remembred, the number of seventy thousand Citizens
and Allies._ Bunduica _duas urbes_ (saith _Xiphilines Dion_ also)
_populi_ Romani _expugnavit atque diripuit, in iísque cædem infinitam,
ut supradixi, fecit._ Bunduica _took and razed to the ground two Towns
of the_ Romans, _and in them made that infinite slaughter, I have
mentioned before, of fourscore thousand persons_. At _Verulam_ then, it
fully appears, the course of her Victories stopt, the inhumane butchery
of the _Romans_, and their confederates, ended with the massacre in
that Town; which could not possibly have hapned, if with such a firm
resolution to extirpate the _Roman_ name in _Britain_, and such a
numerous Army to effect it, she had gone on victoriously unfought with,
so far as where this _Antiquity_ stands. And therefore the Plain of
_Salisbury_ could not be the place of battell, as _Anonymus_ would fain
enforce it. Who having so largely, and with so good advice, discoursed
the motions, and actions of this rebellion, with all the circumstances
thereof, from the first rise, till she destroyed _Verulam_, should
either have found some warrantable authority for _Boadicia’s_ so great
an undertaking afterwards, else never engaged her so far within the
_Roman_ Province; otherwise, some may imagine, he framed it, only
out of ambition for a meer pretence, rather, then stated it, from a
reall endeavour, to make discovery for what cause _Stoneheng_ at first
erected.

[Sidenote: _Tacit. Ann. lib. 14._]

[Sidenote: _Dion. Cass. lib. 62._]

Furthermore, _Suetonius Paulinus_ was too well skilled in the
discipline of war, to make the seat thereof in a Countrey so absolutely
_Roman_, as betwixt the _British_ Ocean and the River _Thames_. He
had it’s true (being return’d from _Anglesey_) abandoned _London_,
no colony. But upon what result? finding his accesse of strength
disproportionable to the War in hand, and therefore _determined with
the losse of one Town to preserve the rest whole_, (whether _London_
or _Camalodunum_ is not to the purpose) and, by attending the motions
of the enemy, wait all fair occasions to give _Boadicia_ battell,
_being unwilling to try his fortune too suddenly, multitude and
successe making the_ Britans _outrageously daring_. In the interim
neverthelesse, raising what forces, the exigency of so important
affairs would permit.

[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 105._]

[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 154._]

[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 155._]

[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 166._]

Which way _Suetonius_ marched from _London_ is altogether omitted,
yet if lawfull to conjecture, why not? to draw off the Forces of
_Catus Decianus_ Procurator, (not long before fled into _Gaul_, for
fear of this War) together with the remains of _Petilius Cerealis_
troops; quartered, as _Anonymus_ confesseth, in those very camps yet
appearing about _Gildsbrough_ and _Daintry_ in _Northamptonshire_,
then, confining the _Icenian_ Dominion to the Westward. Which Troops
therefore, lay doubtlesse, in very great danger if not timely relieved;
especially in case _Boadicia_ should conduct her Army that way; as, ere
long afterwards she did so far as _Verulam_; this course being taken
by her, not improbably, in pursuit of _Suetonius_. Neither was it very
dangerous for the _Roman_ Generall to lead his Forces that way, the
Enemies main strength lying about _Camalodunum_. Howsoever, whether he
marched up to them or no, concluded it is, he made his retreat towards
_Pœnius Posthumus_ encamped with the _second Legion_ in the borders
of the _Silures_, (now _Herefordshire_, _Radnorshire_ &c.) for which
_Legion_, _Suetonius_ sending to have it brought up to his Rendezvouz,
his commands being slighted, that strength failed him. _The way which_
Suetonius _took, after his departure, was in mine opinion_ (saith
_Anonymus_) _towards_ Severn, _where_ Pœnius Posthumus _encamped with
the second Legion among the_ Silures. So also _Spencer_ our famous
_English_ Poet finds it. Whereby it appears, _Suetonius_ retreat was
not Westward to _Salisbury_ Plains, but Northerly towards that _second
Legion_. In this retreat, I may not omit, _Anonymus_ conducts him
over the _Thames_ at _London_; which if granted, and, _that he kept
the river upon his right hand still_, untill engaging _Boadicia_, as
_Anonymus_ saith he did: then was _Suetonius_ march _far away_ indeed
from _Salisbury_ Plain. The course of that River winding, as we all
know, through _Barkshire_ out of _Oxfordshire_, where _Tame_ from the
County _Buckingham_, and _Isis_ from the edge of _Glocester_ Province,
make their conjunction a little beneath _Dorchester_. And, if keeping
this course _still_ by the Rivers side, _Suetonius_ marcht alongst the
banks of _Cherwell_ also, then must _Anonymus_, whether he will or no,
bring him up close to _Gildsbrough_ and _Daintry_, as aforesaid; and
thereby (for it is admitted _Cerealis_ horse-troops were at the fight)
reconciling all opinions, upon his direct way towards the _second
Legion_.

How far on, neverthelesse, toward _Pœnius Posthumus_ Camp _Suetonius_
advanced is uncertain; but, that the battell might be fought in some
Plain about _Verulam_, or upon that rode, is not altogether improbable.
(Especially considering part of _Suetonius_ strength consisted of
_Londoners_, who, as _Auxiliaries_ followed him in this War, and would
not stay behind). For, the _Roman_ Generall when marshalling his Army
for fight, had with him (saith _Tacitus_) _the aids of the places
adjoyning_. What places were these? the last _place_ named by him was
_Verulam_, the next place before it _London_; and, if the Historian
intends either of these two, by the _places adjoyning_ to the field,
where the battell fought; then, may _Anonymus_ prove the desarts in
_Africa_, as soon as the Plains of _Salisbury_, to be the place of
Battell.

[Sidenote: _Cant. 10._]

_Spencer_ saith, the battell was fought near _Severn_:

      _Which seeing stout_ Bunduca _up arose,
      And taking arms, the_ Britons _to her drew;
      With whom she marched straight against her foes,
    And them vnwares besides the_ Seuerne _did enclose_.

[Sidenote: _Tacit. Ann. lib. 14._]

[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 179._]

[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 178._]

[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 161._]

_Suetonius_, when resolving for fight, _deligit locum artis faucibus,
& à tergo silvâ clausum, satis cognito, nihil hostium nisi in fronte,
& apertam planitiem esse sine metu insidiarum. Choosed a place with a
narrow entrance, enclosed behind with a wood, being well assured, he
had no enemies but before him, and the Plain being open was without
fear of Ambush._ Thus _Tacitus_ describes the field, the _Roman_ Army
consisting of scarce ten thousand armed men. In what part of _Britan_
soever this Plain lay, it was, for certain, of no great extent, being
hardly able to contain the vast multitudes of _Boadicia’s_ Army;
computed two hundred and thirty thousand fighting men, by _Dion_,
and therefore could not possibly be _Salisbury_ Plain. For, the
_Britans_ placing their carts and wagons _supra extremum ambitium
campi, in the utmost borders of the field_, had so environed their
Army therewith, that upon the rout given, they could hardly flee away,
_quia circumjecta vehicula sepserant abitus, by reason the carts_
(saith _Tacitus_) _hedged in the passages on every side_, and (to use
_Anonymus_ own words) _were like a wall against evasion_. Now, if the
_Britans_ had so surrounded the utmost borders of _Salisbury_ Plain,
and in such manner barricado’d up all the passages thereof, their
numbers should rather have been millions then thousands, as every man
knowing those Plains must needs confesse. Besides, _Anonymus_ self tels
us, _after the_ Britans _in the head of their battel began to shrink
and turn, that alone was a blow to all behind, who being many score
of thousands, remain’d untoucht, during the fight, because they could
never come up to handy-strokes, for_ want of room _in the narrowings of
the field_. He told us even now there was scope enough. _Whereabout in
these parts of_ Britain, (saith he) _that very place was, unlesse it
were upon_ Salisbury _Plain, where there is a black heath, and_ scope
enough, _is not for me to imagine_. Now, on the contrary, when coming
to the issue, he tels us the Plain was narrow, and they _wanted room_.
Did the _Britans_ want room in the field, and were on _Salisbury_
Plain? Surely, in the heat of his describing the Battel _Anonymus_
forgot his own invention; the fury of the _Romans_, in beating down the
_British_ squadrons, therewith dasht the main force of his conceit to
peeces. Suspicious and jealous men had need of good memories. Upon the
aforesaid situation he might rather have observed, the great experience
of the _Romane Generall_ in martiall affairs, then from thence
suggested, the _Britans_ in point of honour erected _Stoneheng_ to
the memory of _Boadicia_, _Suetonius_ not onely choosing to make good
a straight enclosed behinde with a wood, for securing his own small
Troops, but such a straight also, where the Plain, or field before it,
was not of sufficient extent for _Boadicia_ to marshall her great Army
in. Furthermore, _Anonymus_ determining (it seems) to parcell out his
ground proportionable to the numbers, undertakes to give posterity an
exact survey of this Plain, telling us, it _was a Plain of five or
six miles over_: This makes it more apparent ’twas not _Salisbury_
Plain, which far and wide so expatiates it self through the middle of
_Wiltshire_, that it is not onely _five or six miles_, but (as I may
say) five times six miles over. This famous battell then, being struck
upon a Plain hardly capable of _Boadicia’s_ Army, was not fought upon
_Salisbury_ Plain; but, on some other, which _Suetonius Paulinus_ found
best for his own advantage, and therefore _Stoneheng_ (as _Anonymus_
would fain have it) could not be the Sepulchre of _Boadicia_.

[Sidenote: _Dion. Cass. lib. 62._]

Concerning _Boadicia’s_ magnificent obsequies; a mighty Prince may be
buried with great solemnity, yet no materiall Monument dedicated to
his memory. Examples of this kinde are so frequent, there needs no
mention of them. _Humaverunt magnificè_, (they are _Dions_ words) the
_Britans_ laid her into the earth magnificently, with as much pomp,
happily, and honour, attending her to the grave, as their barbarous
customs for their glorious Chieftain would admit; but, that they raised
any Monument, or erected whatsoever kinde of Sepulchre for her, much
lesse so notable a structure as _Stoneheng_, he no where tels us. Which
had the _Britans_ done, the Historian could not avoid, taking more
knowledge thereof, then of her bare enterment, and would undoubtedly
have recorded it. Again, grant _Salisbury_ Plain the place of Battell,
yet, _Dion_ saith not, they buried her magnificently where the battell
fought, only, _Humaverunt magnificè_: adding withall, those, that
escaped the field, prepared to re-enforce themselves for a new triall,
in the mean while a disease seizing on _Bunduica_, she died. Now
then, after so terrible an overthrow, wherein ’tis reported she lost
fourscore thousand _Britans_; _Boadicia_, in all likelihood, endevoured
to recover the _Icenian_ Countreys, her principall strength; having in
her speech before the Battell insinuated the fenny parts thereof, as a
refuge if the worst should happen. In what Countreys else could they
recruit? where falling sick she died, (whether by violent or naturall
death is not materiall) and as ever observed among all Nations, was, no
doubt, buried in her own territories, among the graves of her renowned
Ancestors.

[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 117._]

[Sidenote: _Sueton. in Ner._]

[Sidenote: _Dion. Cas. lib. 62._]

That the _Britans_, untill _Julius Agricolas_ time, had learned
nothing (as _Anonymus_ takes speciall notice) but _to fight, and were
no handicraftsmen_, whereby they might be capable of erecting such
works as _Stoneheng_, being already fully proved from _Tacitus_, I
will adde, the ringleaders or heads of commotions against Empires and
Commonwealths were anciently, (in many Countreys at this day) not
only themselves punishable by the Laws with death, but their whole
families and kindred though guiltlesse, suffered in like manner;
their very houses also, being razed to the ground, lest any knowledge
of such pernicious undertakings should remain visible to posterity:
and a capitall crime it was, in whomsoever that restor’d them. How
comes it then, _Boadicia_ the principall promoter, and Head of an
insurrection so fatall, as accounted by _Suetonius Tranquillus_, among
the infortunate losses of the _Roman_ Empire, and the more ignominious
by a womans conduct, should be permitted by the conquering _Romans_, a
monument to eternize her fame to succeeding Ages? _Boadicia_, that ript
up the bellies of the _Roman_ Legionaries, and cutting out their bowels
impal’d their bodies upon burning stakes; that hanged up the most noble
and honourable _Roman Dames_ naked, and slicing off their paps, sowed
them to their mouths, as in act of eating them; that in scalding water
boiled the _Roman_ infants, and young children to death; their Parents,
Husbands, and Commanders unable to relieve them, but enforced to give
way, and happy in so saving themselves from the cruell inhumanities
of the _Conqueresse_. _We fought for to live_, saith _Tacitus_. Yet,
when ere long afterwards, victoriously recovering _Britain_ to _Cæsar_,
by so memorable a battell as compared to their victories of old,
should the _Romans_ suffer the enthralled _Britans_ to erect a Trophy
to her memory, whose purpose was absolutely to root out all that was
_Roman_ here? what greater infamy to the _Roman_ name, except the
permission of it? They, who rased and broke in peeces whatever titles
and inscriptions, bearing the names of their _Cæsars_; pulled down and
demolished the royall _Ensigns_, _Trophies_, _Statues_, _Temples_, or
whatever else sacred, to their own Emperors, when actively administring
to the prejudice of the _Romane_ State; would they permit any publick
monuments be erected to the memory of a conquered Prince, of an Enemy
so barbarously cruell as _Boadicia_? That she lives in History, they
could not prevent; so live their worst of Emperors. Moreover, publick
Monuments were in all ages set up in honour of the Vanquishers, not
vanquished; respecting which, _Anonymus_ should also, either have made
_Boadicia_ Victresse, or never supposed _Stoneheng_ her Sepulchre.

[Sidenote: _Ner. Cæs. fo. 182._]

[Sidenote: _Tacit. Ann. lib. 14._]

The time assigned by _Anonymus_, for erecting these _orderly irregular,
and formlesse uniform heaps of massive marble_, (as he cals them) _to
the everlasting remembrance of Boadicia_, is much above fifteen hundred
years since: _Petronius Turpilianus_ succeeding _Suetonius Paulinus_ in
the Leivtenancy of _Britain_; who by his idle and lazy life, making the
world beleeve there was peace here: _Anonymus_ will have it a proper
time, for permitting _such an office to the Britans_, in _Boadicia’s_
honour. Times of peace, ’tis confest, when _Arts_ flourish under
nobly minded Governours, are chiefly proper for erecting magnificent
buildings. The Government under _Petronius_ was guilty of none of
these. As for the State of _Britain_ in generall, _Tacitus_ in the life
of _Agricola_ tels us, _Petronius_ had composed the former troubles;
but in what sort, the fourteenth book of his _Annals_ declares; _non
irritato hoste, neque lacessitus, neither the Enemy, incensed him;
nor he, provoked the Enemy_: otherwise _Petronius_ durst not do. And,
if peace setled, why doth the Historian call them Enemies? Concerning
his own person in particular, _Petronius_ gave himself over to an
unprofitable life, disguising it under the honourable name of peace.
_Honestum pacis nomen segni otio imposuit_, saith _Tacitus_. And, the
_Britans_ (as said before) were not then civilized, nor friends to
such Arts as either nourish or are nourished by peace, therefore such
a work of wonder as this _Antiquity_ famed, not to be expected from
them. For, as through the malignities of the Age, wherein _Aurelius
Ambrosius_ lived, the _Britans_ had utterly lost the practice of all
those _Sciences_, in times foregoing, learned by their Auncestors from
the _Romans_: so, through the neglect of civil policy in the preceding
_Roman_ Governours, in this Leivtenancy of _Petronius_, the _Britans_
had not attained the knowledge of any those _Arts_, not many years
afterwards, taught their posterity by the _Romans_. Whole imperiall
Eagles took not wing in _Britain_ with such lofty speed, as over other
Countreys; _The_ Britans _being a fierce Nation, slowly giving ear to
any peace_, the _Romans_ had work enough in subduing them. _Julius
Cæsar_ rather shewed the Island to his successors, then left them
possession of it: _Augustus_ and _Tiberius_ held it policy to neglect
it: _Caligula_ intending to invade _Britain_, was diverted by his Wars
in _Germany_: _Claudius_ first prosecuting the conquest with effect,
established the colony at _Camalodunum_, and his Leivtenants _Aulus
Plautius_, _Flavius Vespasianus_, _Ostorius Scapula_, and _Didius
Gallus_ by little and little, after much contest, and various successe,
subdued certain Countries; and reducing the nearest part of the Island
to the form of a Province, built also, or rather cast up some few
fortifications further within the land: _Nero’s_ Generals had much to
do in keeping, what their predecessors gained; _Suetonius Paulinus_
(under him) struck that fortunate battell with _Boadicia_, else the
_Romans_ beaten out of all. So that, in the time of _Petronius_, the
_Romans_ having obtained no such assured dominion over the _Britans_,
as might make them, themselves confident to undertake great and
stately buildings here, for their own either publick, or private
accommodations; (the ruine of _Camalodunum_ being too fresh in memory)
occasion was not offered, nor the time yet come, to let the _Britans_
know by what _Arts_ all civill Nations of the world, did erect their
excessive, rather then not magnificent structures, for eternizing their
names to succeeding generations. And therefore, the Leivtenancy of
_Petronius Turpilianus_, not proper for building this _stony marvell_,
as _Anonymus_ suspects. For, beside what’s delivered, whensoever
_Stoneheng_ built, the preparation only of materials for the work,
and bringing them to the place, what _Engines_ or _Arts_ soever used,
necessarily, spent more time, then _Petronius_ consumed in the whole
continuance of his government here. What tumults succeeded him, let
others declare.

[Sidenote: _Suet. in Vespas._]

Furthermore, _if those_ times of _Petronius_ would not, _yet_ (saith
_Anonymus_) _other ensuing seasons might permit such an office to the_
Britans, _her name for ever glorious among them_. The hainousnesse of
her Rebellion, horridnesse of her cruelties, and inveterate hatred
_Boadicia_ bore to the _Romans_, whereby _her name for ever infamous
among them_, clearly manifest all other _ensuing seasons_, equally
improper for those ancient inhabitants of this Island, to erect
_Stoneheng_. If the _Britans_, once attaining the _Romane_ manner of
_Architecture_, in any succeeding times had expelled the _Romans_,
and been triumphant; some probable reason, at least, _Anonymus_ might
have alledged, towards advancing his opinion. But _Boadicia_ and her
_Complices_ overthrown, the _Roman_ Power in this Island encreasing
dayly, and the liberty of the _Britans_ as fast declining, no following
_season_ could be opportunely favourable, for undertaking such a
work by them; the erecting whereof, yea the sole endeavouring to
commemorate by such publick means, so mortall an enemy to the _Romans_
as _Boadicia_: nothing but the dearest lives of the bold attempters,
could, certainly, expiate. The _Temple_ upon Mount _Cœlius_ at _Rome_,
begun to _Claudius_ sacred memory by _Agrippina_, was destroyed to the
very foundations by _Nero_. If then, insulting _Agrippina_ might not
erect a memorable structure, to the glory of her deceased _Cæsar_; whom
the _Senate_ and _People_ of _Rome_, in all solemne manner deified:
What oppressed _Britan_, durst undertake the raising a publick Monument
to the honour of vanquished _Boadicia_, whom the State (in all reason)
for ever declared enemy to the _Roman_ Empire? And though, after a long
succession of years, the _Romans_ abandoned this Island, yet, when
departed, the _Britans_ were left in such deplorable condition, (at
large declared before) that, albeit _her name_ never so glorious among
them, they had much more to do, in saving their own miserable lives
from plague, famine, and the sword, then any opportunity, or ability
to erect whatever Monument to the glory of _Boadicia_. But, of this
enough; the invalidity of _Anonymus_ opinion especially respected.
The discovering the originall foundation of an _Antiquity_ so famous,
being not to be enforced by jealous suspicions, raised upon bare and
groundlesse conjectures.

                   •       •       •       •       •

This _Antiquity_ (call’d by _Henry Huntingdon, The second_: by
_Poly-olbion_

              ——_First wonder of the land_)

because the _Architraves_ are set upon the heads of the upright stones,
and hang (as it were) in the air, is generally known by the name of
_Stone-heng_. It is sited upon the Plain in the County of _Wiltshire_
in _England_, not far from _Ambresbury_ (the foundations of whose
ancient buildings, frequently digged up, render it to have been in
times past a _Town_ of no small fame) six miles at least from new
_Salisbury_ northwards.

The whole work, in generall, being of a circular form, is one
hundred and ten foot diameter, double winged about without a roof,
anciently environed with a deep Trench, still appearing about thirty
foot broad. So that, betwixt it, and the work it self, a large and
void space of ground being left, it had, from the Plain, three open
entrances, the most conspicuous thereof lying North-east. At each
of which, was raised, on the outside of the Trench aforesaid, two
huge stones gate-wise, parallel whereunto, on the inside two others
of lesse proportion. The inner part of the work, consisting of an
_Exagonall_ figure, was raised, by due symmetry, upon the bases of four
equilaterall triangles, (which formed the whole structure) this inner
part likewise was double, having, within it also, another _Exagon_
raised, and all that part within the Trench sited upon a commanding
ground, eminent, and higher by much, then any of the Plain lying
without, and, in the midst thereof, upon a foundation of hard chalk,
the work it self was placed. Insomuch, from what part soever they came
unto it, they rose by an easie ascending hill.

Which, that it may be the more clearly demonstrated, (being by me,
with no little pains, and charge measured, and the foundations thereof
diligently searched) I have reduced into _Design_, not onely as the
ruine thereof now appears, but as (in my judgement) it was in its
pristine perfection. And that the groundplot, with the uprights, and
profyle of the whole work may the more distinctly be understood, I have
purposely countersigned each _Design_ of them with _Numbers_, and the
particular parts thereof with _Letters_.

                                 Nu. 1

Signifies the Plant of the whole work in generall, with the Trench
round about it, drawn by a small scale, that it may be seen all at one
view.

                                  _A_

The Trench.

                                  _B_

The Intervall betwixt the Trench and Work.

                                  _C_

[Sidenote: _Rosin. lib. 2._]

The Work it self; in the inmost part whereof, there is a stone
appearing not much above the surface of the earth, (and lying towards
the East) four foot broad, and sixteen foot in length. Which, whether
it might be an _Altar_ or no, I leave to the judgement of others,
because so overwhelmed with the ruines of the Work, that I could make
no search after it, but even with much difficulty, took the aforesaid
proportion thereof. Yet for my part, I can apprehend no valid reason
to the contrary, except that the whole constructure being circular in
form, the Altar should rather have been placed upon the center of the
Circle, then enclining to the circumference. Neverthelesse it cannot be
denied, but being so sited, the _Cell_ (as I may call it) was thereby
left more free, for the due performance of those severall superstitious
rites, which their Idolatry led them to. Besides, though the _Altare_
amongst the _Ancients_ was exalted and raised somwhat high above the
earth; yet, their _Ara_ was made quadrangular, not very high, and as
some will have it close to the ground, being consecrated as well to the
supernall as infernall Deities: and therefore in respect of the form,
it may hold well enough it was anciently an Altar.

                                  _D_

The supposed Altar.

                                  _E_

The great stones which made the entrances from the outside of the
Trench, seven foot broad, three foot thick, and twenty foot high.

                                  _F_

The parallel stones, on the inside of the Trench, four foot broad, and
three foot thick; but they lie so broken, and ruined by time, that
their proportion in height cannot be distinguisht, much lesse exactly
measured.

                                  _G_

The scale of fifty foot.

                   •       •       •       •       •

The _Design_ follows.

[Illustration]

                                 Nu. 2

The Groundplot of the work, as when first built, in a greater form,
with the foure equilaterall triangles making the _Scheame_, by which
the whole work was composed.

                                  _H_

The six principall entrances, three whereof directly opposite to those
of the Trench.

                                  _I_

The stones which made the outward Circle, seven foot in breadth; three
foot and an half thick, and fifteen foot and an half high: each stone
having two tenons mortaised into the _Architrave_, continuing upon
them, throughout the whole circumference. For, these _Architraves_,
being joynted directly in the middle of each of the perpendicular
stones that their weight might have an equall bearing, and upon each
side of the joynt a tenon wrought, (as remains yet to be seen) it may
positively be concluded thereby, the _Architrave_ continued round about
this outward circle.

                                  _K_

The smaller stones of the inner circle, one foot and an half in bredth,
one foot thick, and six foot high. These had no _Architraves_ upon
them, but were raised perpendicular, of a pyramidall form. That, there
was no _Architrave_ upon these, may be hence concluded, the stones
being too small to carry such a weight, the spaces being also too wide,
to admit of an _Architrave_ upon them without danger of breaking, and
being but six foot high, there could not, possibly, be a convenient
head-height remaining for a passage underneath, especially, considering
fully the greatnesse of the whole work.

                                  _L_

The stones of the greater _Hexagon_, seven foot and an half in breadth,
three foot nine inches thick, and twenty foot high, each stone having
one tenon in the middle.

                                  _M_

The stones of the _Hexagon_ within, two foot six inches in breadth, one
foot and an half thick, and eight foot high, in form pyramidall, like
those of the inner circle.

                   •       •       •       •       •

The Scale which hath this mark, _X_, is of thirty foot, by which
likewise all the ensuing _Designs_ are drawn.

                   •       •       •       •       •

The _Design_ follows.

[Illustration]

                                 Nu. 3

The upright of the work, as when entire, in which the perpendicular
stones of the outward circle, are countersigned with the Letter _I_, as
in the groundplot.

                                  _N_

The _Architrave_ lying round about upon them, being mortaised into
them, and joynted in the middle of each of the perpendicular stones.
This _Architrave_ is three foot and an half broad, and two foot and an
half high.

                                  _O_

The _Architrave_ lying on the top of the great stones of the _Hexagon_,
and mortaised also into them, sixteen foot long, three foot nine inches
broad, and three foot four inches high. This _Architrave_ continuing
onely from stone to stone, left betwixt every two and two, a void space
free to the Air uncovered. For, if they had been continued throughout
the whole _Hexagon_, then necessarily there must have been two tenons
upon each of the said stones, as those of the outward circle had, but
being disposed as aforesaid, that one, which was in the middle, and yet
remains apparent, was sufficient for the thing intended.

                                 Nu. 4

The Profyle, or cut, through the middle of the work, as entire,
countersigned with the Letters of the Groundplot.

The _Designs_ follow.

[Illustration]

[Illustration]

                                 Nu. 5

The whole work in _Prospective_, as when entire, whereby the generall
composure of the particular parts of the uprights, are together
all seen: and, by which also, the stately Aspect, and magnificent
greatnesse thereof, are fully, and more apparently conspicuous.

                                 Nu. 6

The Groundplot of the work, as it now stands, countersigned with the
same Letters by which the Plant marked _Nu. 2_ is described. The stones
of the greater _Hexagon_, and outward circle, after so long contest
with the violence of time, and injury of weather, are for the most part
standing at this day; which, though not all at their full height, as
when first set up, yet the Footsteps neverthelesse, of so many of them
as exprest in the _Design_, are still remaining in their proper places.
Those of the inner circle, and lesser _Hexagon_, not only exposed to
the fury of all devouring Age, but to the rage of men likewise, have
been more subject to ruine. For, being of no extraordinary proportions,
they might easily be beaten down, or digged up, and at pleasure, made
use of for other occasions. Which, I am the rather enduced to beleeve,
because, since my first measuring the work, not one fragment of some
then standing, are now to be found.

                                 Nu. 7

The Ruine yet remaining drawn in _Prospective_.

                                  _P_

The manner of the tenons, of a round form, mortaised into the
_Architrave_ of the outward Circle.

                                  _Q_

The tenons of like form in the middle of the stones of the greater
_Hexagon_.

                                  _R_

The English foot (by which the work it self was measured) divided into
twelve inches, and each inch subdivided into four parts.

The _Designs_ follow.

[Illustration]

[Illustration]

[Illustration]

Hitherto, upon what occasion _Stoneheng_ built (you may easily
perceive) is very doubtfull, the true History of those times, when
first erected, and by which the memory of things especially made over
to succeeding Ages, being either not written, or if written, utterly
lost. Likewise, as for what use set up, not yet known; so, by whom also
founded, is equally uncertain.

You cannot but remember, in what manner the ancient Inhabitants of
this Island lived, before reduced to civility by the _Romans_ I have
formerly delivered: also, how they were first instructed by them, in
severall _Arts_ and _Sciences_, whereof the _Britans_ wholly ignorant,
before the _Romans_ arrivall here, and teaching them. I have given
you in like manner, a full description of this _Antiquity_, whereby
doubtlesse it appears to you, as in truth it is, a work built with much
_Art_, _Order_ and _Proportion_. That the ancient _Britans_, before the
discovery of this Island by the _Romans_, could not be the _Founders_
thereof, by the former reasons, I suppose, is clearly manifested.
For, where _Art_ is not, nothing can be performed by _Art_. As, for
that which concerns the _British_ Nobility, _Aurelius Ambrosius_, or
_Boadicia_, enough already.

It rests now, to endeavor the discovering by whom _Stoneheng_ built; in
what time, and, for what use anciently erected. But, it is not expected
(I hope) any absolute resolution should be given by me, in so doubtfull
a matter; for, _as it hath been always lawfull for every man in such
like matters_ (saith _Camden_) _both to think what he will, and relate
what others have thought_: So pardon me, if I take upon me, what others
have done before me, and interpose mine own opinion also, grounded
neverthelesse upon such Authorities, customes, and concurrence of time,
as very probably may satisfie judicious and impartiall Readers.

[Sidenote: _Pausan. fo. 392._]

[Sidenote: _Idem fo. 75_:]

[Sidenote: _In Vitr. lib. 4._]

Touching the _Founders_ of _Stoneheng_. Among the _Ægyptian
Antiquities_, or those _Eastern_ Nations from whom the _Græcians_
deduced their learning, I find not any such composure ever used: or
with the _Greeks_ themselves, mention made of any work conformable to
this, in point of _Order_, (as the mod conversant in those Histories
cannot contradict) I read neverthelesse, in _Pausanias_, of a _Temple_
amongst the _Eleans_ erected without walls: _novam quandam in_ Eleorum
_foro templi formam vidi. I saw_ (saith he) _in the market place of
the_ Eleans, _a Temple of a new form. Modicæ est ædes altitudinis,
sine parietibus, tectum è quercu dolatis fulcientibus tibicinibus.
A low thing, without walls, having the roof supported with props of
oaken timber_ (instead, it seems, of Columnes) _neatly wrought_. He
remembers a _Temple_ also in _Attica_ sacred to _Jove_ without a
roof. The _Thracians_ (as I read likewise) used to build _Temples_
dedicated to _Sol_, _of a round form, open in the middle_, and also
without a _roof_: by the form, or roundnesse thereof, they signified
the Suns figure; by making them open, and rooflesse, they expressed his
surmounting, and dilating light equally to all things. _Thraces soli
rotunda templa faciebant_ (saith _Daniel Barbaro_) _in medio sub divo,
& aperta erant: hac forma Solis figuram innuebant: quòd autem aperta
essent, & sine tecto, innuebant Solem supra omnia esse, & lumen suum
diffundere_.

[Sidenote: _Scamoz. lib. 1. fo. 9._]

[Sidenote: _Camden fo. 64._]

Howsoever, considering what magnificence the _Romans_ in prosperous
times anciently used in all works, both publick, and private:
their knowledge and experience in all _Arts_ and _Sciences_: their
powerfull means for effecting great works: together with their _Order_
in building, and manner of workmanship accustomed amongst them:
_Stoneheng_ in my judgement was a work, built by the _Romans_, and
they the sole _Founders_ thereof. For, if look upon this _Antiquity_,
as an admired and magnificent building, who more magnificent then the
_Romans_? _Essi soli frà i populi dell’ vniverso, con ogni termine di
magnificenza edificarono tutti i generi d’edifici. They only amongst
all the Nations of the Universe, erecting all sorts of buildings, with
all kinds of magnificence_, saith _Scamozzo_ in the first Book of his
_Architecture_. If consider the _Art_, and elegant disposition thereof,
all _Arts_ and _Sciences_ (we must know) were in full perfection with
them, and _Architecture_, which amongst the _Greeks_ was youthfull
only, and vigorous; under the _Romans_ their _Empire_ grown to the
full height became manly and perfect, not in _inventions, and elegancy
of forms alone, but also in exquisitenesse of Art, and excellency of
materials. Salito al colmo l’imperio_ Romano, _ella pure divenne virile
e perfetta: non solo nelle inventioni, e nella elleganza delle forme,
mà parimente nell’ esquisitezza dell’ artificio, e nella singolarità
della materia_. As the same Author hath it. If take notice of their
power and ways by which they effected such goodly structures, their
means were not ordinary according to the common custome of other
_People_; and why? because, besides particular _Artisans_ practised in
severall _Arts_, they employed in those their works whole bodies of
their own _Armies_, and whatever Nations subdued by them. _The_ Romans
_were wont to exercise therein_ (saith _Camden_) _their Souldiers,
and the common multitude, upon great policy doing the same, left
being idle they should grow factious, and affect alteration in the
State. The_ Britans _complained_ (saith _Tacitus_ likewise) _corpora
& manus contrivisse, that their bodies and hands were worn out, and
consumed by the_ Romans, _in bringing to effect their great and admired
undertakings_: in that kind employing their slaves and prisoners also,
as holding it, rather then by violent deaths to cut them off; more
profitable for the _Commonwealth_, more exemplary for others, and far
greater punishment for their Prisoners, to enjoyn them continuall
labour.

[Sidenote: _Choul. fo. 5._]

If observe _their Order_ in building; the only _Order_ of
_Architecture_, which _Italy_ may truly glory in the invention of,
is the _Tuscane Order_, so called, because first found out by the
_Tuscans_, that in a more then ordinary manner they might reverence
their _Deities_ in _Temples_ composed thereof. (_Janus_ their first
King, according to the common opinion of divers ancient Historians,
being the first of all others, that built _Temples_ to the Gods)
Which _Order_, though first used by the _Tuscans_, certain it is, the
_Romans_ took from them, and brought it in use with other _Arts_, in
severall parts of the world, as their conquests led them on. Now of
this _Tuscan Order_, a plain, grave, and humble manner of _Building_,
very solid and strong _Stoneheng_ principally consists. So that,
observing the _Order_ whereof _Stoneheng_ built, there being no such
Elements known in this _Island_ as distinct _Orders_ of _Architecture_,
untill the _Romans_ introduced them, the very work it self, of so
great _Antiquity_, declares the _Romans Founders_ thereof. Who, that
hath right judgement in _Architecture_, knows not the difference, and
by the manner of their works how to distinguish _Ægyptian_, _Greek_,
and _Roman_ structures of old, also _Italian_, _French_ and _Dutch_
buildings in these modern times? Is not our Shipping by the mould
thereof, known throughout the world _English_ built? Who did not by the
very _Order_ of the work, assure himself, the body of the Church of S.
_Paul London_, from its Tower to the West end anciently built by the
_Saxons_: as the Quire thereof, from the said Tower to the East end
by the _Normans_, it being _Gothick_ work? yet that there might be a
_Roman Temple_ in old time standing in that place, I will not deny, the
numbers of Oxeheads digged up and anciently sacrificed there, setting
all other reasons aside, so probably manifesting the same. And in all
likelihood, the _Romans_ for so notable a structure as _Stoneheng_,
made choice of the _Tuscane_ rather then any other _Order_, not only
as best agreeing with the rude, plain, simple nature of those they
intended to instruct, and use for which erected; but also, because
presuming to challenge a certain kind of propriety therein, they might
take occasion thereby, to magnifie to those then living the virtue of
their _Auncestors_ for so noble an invention, and make themselves the
more renowned to posterity, for erecting thereof, so well ordred a
building.

[Sidenote: _Vitr. lib. 5._]

Besides, the _Order_ is not only _Roman_, but the _Scheam_ also
(consisting of four equilaterall triangles, inscribed within the
circumference of a Circle) by which this work _Stoneheng_ formed, was
an _Architectonicall Scheam_ used by the _Romans_. Whereof, I shall
have more occasion to speak, when I come to set down, for what use this
_Antiquity_ at first erected.

Again, the _Portico_ at _Stoneheng_, is made double, as in structures
of great magnificence the ancient _Romans_ used; so at the foot of
the _Capitol_ the _Temple_ to _Jove the Thunderer_, built by _Augustus
Cæsar_; so the _Pantheon_ at _Athens_, royally adorned with one hundred
and twenty vast columnes of rich _Phrygian_ marble, by the _Emperour
Adrian_. But, some may alledge, the _Romans_ made the Pillars of their
double _Portico’s_, of one and the same symmetry, or very little
different, which in this _Antiquity_ otherwise appearing, cannot be a
_Roman_ work. To as much purpose it may be alledged the _Temple_ of
_Diana_ at _Magnesia_, was no _Greek_ work, because the Pillars of
the inner _Portico_ were wholly left out. Yet it’s true, the _Romans_
usually made them as is objected, and the reason was, because of the
weight the inner Pillars carried: now, in this work, no roof being to
be sustained, nor any manner of weight born up, though the judgement of
the _Architect_, thereby to save labour and expence, ordered the stones
making the _Portico_ within, of a far lesse proportion then those
of the outward circle, it retains neverthelesse the proper _Aspect_
(principally aim’d at by the ancient _Architects_) in use amongst the
_Romans_, and consequently for ought alledged to the contrary by them
built.

[Sidenote: _Vitr. lib. 3. cap. 1._]

In this _Antiquity_, there is a _Portico_ also (as I may rightly term
it) within the _Cell_, or greater _Hexagon_, reduced likewise into the
same figure. Now, that the _Romans_ used to make _Portico’s_ on the
inside of their buildings, as well sacred as secular, by the ruines
of their _Basilicaes_ or Courts of _Judicature_; by that _Temple_
without a roof anciently dedicated to _Jove_ in Mount _Quirinalis_,
now the _Horse_ Mount in _Rome_; by the _Temple of Bacchus_ there of
a round form, at this day consecrate to S. _Agnes_ without the gate
_Viminalis_, manifestly appears. But in what ever structures else
the _Romans_ used them, certain it is, within their most stately
_Temples_ which lay uncovered, and had no roofs, they always made such
_Portico’s_; and though in other _Temples_ they sometimes dispos’d
them, yet from _Vitruvius_ it may be gathered, they properly belonged
to the _Aspect Hypæthros_, which was uncovered and rooflesse as this
_Antiquity Stoneheng_, he peremptorily assigning _Portico’s_ to be
made on the inside of no kind of _Temples_, but those; His words are,
_Hypæthros in interiore parte habet columnas, remotas à parietibus ad
circuitionem (ut porticus) peristyliorum. Temples open to the air,
and without roofs, have columnes on the inside, distant from the walls,
as Courts Portico’s about them._ Even, after the same _decorum_ as at
_Stoneheng_.

Furthermore, if cast an eye upon _their_ artifice and manner of
workmanship, _Stoneheng_ appears built directly agreeable to those
rules, which the _Romans_ observed in great works. For, the _Roman
Architects_, in distinguishing the manner of their _Temples_, always
observed (as _Vitruvius_ in his third book teacheth us) the greater
the Columnes were, the closer they set them together; so in this
_Antiquity_, the stones being great, the spaces betwixt them are
likewise narrow.

[Sidenote: _Leo Bap. Alber. lib. 3._]

[Sidenote: _Leo Bap. Alber. lib. 3._]

The _Architraves_ also, in this work were all of them set without
morter, and fixed upon the upright stones by tenons (as formerly
described) in the very same manner, as in great structures, where
the stones solid, and of more then ordinary greatnesse, the _Romans_
were wont to doe. _They laid them without any unctuous incorporating
matter, nullo fulta glutino_, saith _Leo Baptista Albertus_. And
divers examples of this kind might be brought, I my self amongst other
_Antiquities_ have seen the ruines of an _Aquaeduct_, built by the
_Romans_ in _Provynce_, running through a deep valley, and raised in
height equall to the adjacent Mountains, upon huge Arches fifty eight
foot wide, the stones whereof, being of extraordinary scantlings, were
laid without any cement or morter, to incorporate them with the rest of
the work. And, where occasion guided their judgements to the observance
of this rule, they united and compared the stones together, by certain
ligatures or holdfasts, (the _Italians_ call them _Perni_, pegs or
tops, for such they resemble, and we, from the verb _tenere_ to hold,
not improperly calling them _tenons_) _quæ inferiores, & unà superiores
in lapides infixæ, cavatæ fuere, ne quid fortè protrusi ordines alteri
ab alteris distrahantur. Which_ (saith _Albertus_) _being formed in the
inferiour stones, were hollowed or mortaised into those above, left
by any chance they should start one from another, and break the order
of the work_. Here the _Florentine Architect_ gives us the self same
manner of banding stones, when the _Romans_ laid them without morter,
as if he had seen this very _Antiquity Stoneheng_.

[Sidenote: _Camden._]

[Sidenote: _Speed._]

Moreover, what ever footsteps of the _Romans_ found in other places
of this Island, it’s not inconsiderately to be past over, that in
_Wiltshire_, the County (as is said before) where our _Stoneheng_
remains, _Roman Antiquities_ are most perspicuous, not only, by the
apparent testimonies of the coyns of their Emperors in divers places
digged up, but by severall their encamping places yet to be seen,
as _Leckham_, in times of yore a seat of the _Romans_: the place
also where old _Salisbury_ now sheweth it self, within six miles
of _Stoneheng_: and within three miles thereof _Yanesbury_ Castle,
supposed a work of _Vespasians_ when he conquered, and after kept in
subjection the _Belgæ_, ancient inhabitants of that tract. Likewise the
mines nearer yet to _Stoneheng_, of a fortresse our Historians hold
anciently a garrison of the _Romans_, and in many other forts of that
Shire (both by their form and manner of making well known to have been
_Roman_) the tract of their footing is yet left.

[Sidenote: _Cam. fo. 64._]

[Sidenote: _Tacitus._]

[Sidenote: _Beda._]

But it is objected, If _Stoneheng_ a _Roman_ work, how comes it, no
_Roman_ Author makes mention of it? I answer, their Historians used
not to commit to writing every particular work, or action the _Romans_
performed: if so, how vast would their volumes have been? _Stoneheng_
’tis granted, is much admired by us, yet, how far more admirable
works were the _Romans_ Founders of, not mentioned in any of their
ancient stories? That notable bridge invented and built by _Cæsar_,
for passing his Army over the _Rhine_, himself at large describes,
remembring little or nothing neverthelesse concerning divers other as
great works in _Gaul_ and _Batavia_, suppos’d to be performed by him
also. _Dion_, _Herodian_, _Eutropius_ and other their Historians tell
us, the _Romans_ built the so famed wall, commonly by us called the
_Picts wall_, extending crosseover our Island from the _Irish_ Sea to
the _German_ Ocean, above fourscore _Italian_ miles in length, with
many towers and fortresses erected upon it; when works of as great
admiration in _Britain_ they have past in silence: those wonderfull
causeys made throughout the land, by dreining and drying up Fens,
levelling hils, raising valleys, and paving them with stones of such
breadth, that Wains might without danger passe one by another, not any
ancient _Roman_ Author (for ought appears) directly mentioning. Yet,
who doubts them _Roman_ works? _I dare confidently avouch, the Romans
by little and little founded and raised them up_, saith _Camden_.
And why? mark I pray, because, whilst _Agricola_ governed _Britain_,
_Tacitus_ tels us, _severall ways were enjoyned_. If then, because
_Tacitus_ affirms in generall terms only, _severall ways enjoyned_,
_Camden_ confidently concludes them _Roman works_, no _Roman_ History
otherwise remembring them; Why may it not, the same _Tacitus_ telling
us in like manner, _Agicola exhorted the Britans in private, and
helpt them in common, to build Temples, Houses, and Places of publick
resort_, as peremptorily be inferr’d, _Stoneheng_ was a work built
by the _Romans_, though not particularly remembred by them in their
stories? In a word, _Temples_ and places of publick resort, the
_Romans_ built here, and were the first that did so, leaving it to
after ages to find out by their _Manner_ of _building_, _Order_ in
_building_, and _Power_ and _Means_ for _building_, such lofty ruines,
as appears in this _Antiquity_, could be remains of none but _Roman_
building.

[Sidenote: _Camden fo. 63._]

The next thing to be enquired after, is, in what time _Stoneheng_
built. Happily, about those times, when the _Romans_ having setled the
Country here under their own _Empire_, and, together with bringing over
_Colonies_ reduced the naturall inhabitants of this Island unto the
society of civill life, by training them up in the liberall Sciences.
For, _then also_ (saith _Camden_) _did they furnish the_ Britans, _with
goodly houses, and stately buildings, in such sort, that the reliques
and rubbish of their ruines, cause the beholders now, exceedingly to
admire the same, and the common sort of People plainly say, those_
Roman _works were made by Giants, of such exceeding great admiration,
and sumptuous magnificence they are_.

This relation of _Camdens_, reflects chiefly upon the time of
_Agricola_; neverthelesse, that _Stoneheng_ (though fabled Giants work)
was then built, I dare not affirm: the great works of the _Romans_,
brought to perfection in this Island, being not the work of a day. It
hath been the invention of wise _Romans_ of old, affecting civility,
to raise goodly buildings here: but the precise times when, in things
so far from all knowledge, cannot be with any certainty avouched. For
my part, I should choose to assign those times for building thereof,
when the _Romans_ in their chief prosperity most flourished here, and
refer the first erection to the time betwixt _Agricolas_ government
formerly mentioned, and the reign of _Constantine_ the Great: in order
to which, the times rather somwhat after _Agricola_, if not during his
own Lievtenancy, then next preceding _Constantine_. For, long before
_Constantine_ acquired the Soveraignty (which was not till the year
of our Lord three hundred and ten) the magnificent splendor of that
mighty _Empire_ began sensibly to wane, and the ambition of the great
Captains of _Rome_, (some few excepted) tended rather to make parties
for obtaining the _Purple Robe_, then (after the manner of their
ancestors) to eternise their names by great and admirable works, or
patronizing good _Arts_, for want whereof they began likewise to decay
apace; _Serly_ in his third Book speaking of those times, telling us,
that _id temporis Architecti, si cum superioribus conferantur, rudiores
& ineptiores extitisse videntur. In those days although there were many
Architects, yet, compared with such as lived in the preceding Ages,
they were very rude and unskilfull._ Besides, the condition wherein
this Island was, divers years preceding _Constantine_, would not admit
such undertakings. For, by the civil discord of the _Romans_, the
_Britans_ taking occasion to make frequent revolts, in hope to recover
their lost liberty, the _Romans_ were put upon other manner of Councels
then to think of building; namely to reduce the _Britans_ to their
wonted obedience, and keep the Province in some reasonable quiet, by
expelling the _Scots_ and _Picts_ (savage and perfidious _People_ even
from times of old) making daily inroads and incursions thereunto.

[Sidenote: _Gildas._]

Now, as for these reasons, it’s not likely _Stoneheng_ could be built
in the times next before _Constantine_, so, by what follows, it will
manifestly appear, it was not erected after his Reign. For, after his
transplanting the seat of the Empire into the East, and the government
of the then known world, under the _Romans_, distinguished by _East_
and _Western_ Emperours, a deluge of barbarous Nations (like so many
Locusts) swarmed over all. Who, as with their vast multitudes they
oft had formerly attempted it, so, thence forward, till bringing that
mighty Empire unto its finall and fatall period; and thereby utterly
destroying in like manner all _Arts_ and _Sciences_, together with
_Architecture_, (not restored again, even in _Italy_ it self, untill,
as formerly remembred) they never desisted. Moreover, in the times
after _Constantine_, no _Temples_ to Heathen _Deities_ (such as I shall
make appear this _Antiquity Stoneheng_ was) were erected here, they
being times of defacing, rather then erecting idolatrous places. For,
most of the succeeding Emperors becoming _Christians_, the tempestuous
storms of perfection were over, and the thick clouds of superstition
beginning to be dissolved by the bright beams of the Gospel, and true
light of CHRIST, every where _Temples_ were shut up against false
Gods, and set open to the true GOD. According to that of _Gildas_, _No
sooner was the blustering tempest, and storm of persecution blown over,
but the faithfull Christians, who in the time of trouble and danger
had hidden themselves in woods, deserts, and secret caves, being come
abroad in open sight, renovant Ecclesias ad solum usque destructas,
basilicas sanctorum martyrum fundant, construunt, perficiunt &c.
Churches ruinate to the very ground they reedifie, Temples of holy
Martyrs they found, build, and finish &c._ So that, in stead of
idolatrous _Temples_, built in the Ages preceding _Constantine_, during
his reign and after, whilst the _Romans_ continued in any prosperous
state here, by erecting _Christian Churches_, they began generally to
neglect, and suffer fall to decay, rather then new build _Temples_ to
their _Pagan_ Gods.

[Sidenote: _Tacit. in Vit. Agr._]

These pressing occurrences therefore, to wit, civill broyls amongst
the _Romans_ themselves, frequent insurrections of the _Britans_,
daily inrodes by the _Picts_ and _Scots_, together with the _downfall_
of _Paganism_, _decay_ of _Arts_, and fatall _ruine_ of the whole
_Empire_, making the times both long before and after _Constantine_
incompatible for undertaking such works as this _Antiquity_, it may
safely enough be concluded, if _Stoneheng_ not founded by _Agricola_,
yet created it might be about fifteen hundred and fifty years ago, in
the times somewhat after his government, _the_ Province _being formerly
left by him in good and peaceable state_, the _Britans_ reduced
from _Barbarity_ to order and civill conversation, and the _Romans_
flourishing in all manner of _Arts_ and _Sciences_.

[Sidenote: _Vitr. lib. 4. cap. 8._]

[Sidenote: _Plin. lib. 16._]

[Sidenote: _Tom. 1. lib. 33. Tom. 2._]

[Sidenote: _Rosin. lib. 3._]

[Sidenote: _Choul fol. 217, 229._]

Now, concerning the use for which _Stoneheng_ at first erected, I am
clearly of opinion, it was originally a _Temple_, it being built with
all accommodations properly belonging to a sacred structure. For, it
had an intervall or spacious Court lying round about it, wherein the
_Victimes_ for oblation were slain, into which it was unlawfull for
any profane person to enter: it was separated from the circumadjacent
Plain, with a large Trench in stead of a wall, as a boundary about
the _Temple_, most conformable to the main work, wholly exposed to
open view: Without this Trench, the promiscuous common multitude,
with zeal too much, attended the _ceremonies_ of their solemne though
superstitious Sacrifices, and might see the oblations, but not come
within them: It had likewise its peculiar _Cell_, with _Portico’s_
round about, into which _Cell_, as into their _Sanctum sanctorum_
(pardon the expression) none but the _Priests_ entred to offer
Sacrifice, and make atonement for the _People_: Within the _Cell_
an _Ara_ or _Altar_ was placed, having its proper position towards
the _East_, as the _Romans_ used. _Aræ spectent ad Orientem_, saith
_Vitruvius_. And, that there hath been the heads of Bulls, or Oxen, of
Harts, and other such beasts digged up, or in, or near this _Antiquity_
(as divers now living can testifie) is not to be omitted; for who
can imagine, but these were the heads of such, as anciently there
offered in Sacrifice? together with which also, were heaped up great
quantities of Charcole, happily used about the performance of their
superstitious ceremonies. That the ancient _Romans_ had Charcole in
use amongst them, _Pliny_ affirms. And when I caused the foundations
of the stones to be searched, my self found, and yet have by me to
shew the cover of a _Thuribulum_, or some such like vase (I suppose)
wherein _Choul_ in his discourse of their Religion, reports the ancient
_Romans_ used to carry Incense, wine or holy water, for service in
their Sacrifices, lying about three foot within the ground, near one of
the stones of the greater _Hexagon_.

[Sidenote: _Vitr. lib. 4. cap. 7._]

The _Order_ whereof this _Temple_ consists, according to the rules
of _Art_ observed by the ancient _Romans_ in works of this kinde, is
mingled of _Greek_ and _Tuscane_ work. For, as the plainnesse and
solidnesse of the _Tuscane Order_, appears eminently throughout the
whole _Antiquity_: so the narrownesse of the spaces betwixt the stones,
visibly discovers therein, the delicacy of the _Corinthian Order_.
Which commixture amongst the _Roman Architects_ was very usuall, in
regard _Vitruvius_ (in his fourth Book and seventh Chapter) treating
somwhat largely (his method otherwise considered) of severall sorts of
the like composed _Temples_, mixt of the _Greek_ and _Tuscane_ manners
tels us: that, _Nonnulli de Tuscanicis generibus sumentes columnarum
dispositiones, transferunt in Corinthiorum & Ionicorum operum
ordinationes. Some taking the qualities of the columns of the Tuscane
Order, transfer them into the symmetry of the Corinthian and Ionick
works._ Whereby (to please themselves it seems in their own inventions)
_efficiunt Tuscanicorum & Græcorum operum communem ratiocinationem.
They make of the Tuscane and Greek works one common composure._ As the
same Author likewise remembers.

[Sidenote: _Vitr. lib. 3. cap. 1._]

The _Aspect_ of this _Temple_; by which we understand that first shew
which _Temples_ make to those that draw near unto them, is _Dipteros
Hypæthros_, which is double winged about uncovered. _Dipteros circa
ædem duplices habet columnarum ordines_ (saith _Vitruvius_) _Dipteros
hath double orders of columnes about the Temple. Hypæthros sub divo
est, sine tecto_, (as the same Author) _Hypæthros is open to the air,
without a roof_.

[Sidenote: _Vitr. lib. 3. cap. 2._]

The Manner of this _Temple_ is _Pycnostylos_, or _narrow spaces_.
_Pycnostylos_ is that kinde of _Temples_, which hath the columnes set
thick, and close together _crebris columnis_, as _Vitruvius_ also hath
it.

But it may be objected, though it appears from very good Authorities,
the Artifice, and workmanship of this _Antiquity_, together with the
_Scheam_ which formed it, were _Roman_: and the _Order_ of which
consisting, invented in _Italy_, and so consequently _Roman_ in
like manner: as also, by the severall peculiar accommodations, the
probable reliques of _Heathenish_ Sacrifices, and determinate rules of
_Architecture_, it was anciently a _Temple_: Neverthelesse it appears
not, the _Romans_ ever used any whatever profane structure like this,
much lesse any manner of _Temples_ of this kinde of invention, _Where
the Temple lies open without walls, surrounded only with pillars_. For,
that the upright stones which make this work _Stoneheng_, are in stead
of them, may well enough be granted.

[Sidenote: _Phil. in Vitr. lib. 4._]

To this I answer, the learned in _Antiquities_ very well know, those
things which oblivion hath so long removed out of mind, are hardly to
be discovered. Yet, as to the first part of the objection, that the
_Romans_ never used any whatever profane structure like this, _Varro
de re rustica_ (as I find him cited by _Philander_) tels us, that they
had in use amongst them a round building without any wals, having a
double _Order_ of columns round about, this he cals by the name of
_Tholus, ædificium rotundum, columnatum duplici columnarum ordine.
A round edifice_ (saith he) _environed about with a double order of
columns_. Which double _Order_ of _Columns_ _Pyrrho Ligorio_ a famous
_Neapolitane Architect_, and great discoverer of _Antiquities_, in his
description thereof designes without a roof also.

[Sidenote: _Vitr. lib. 4. cap. 7._]

[Sidenote: _Ædes sacræ Templa dicta fuerunt, quòd essent quasi ædes
Deorum. Rosin. lib. 2. cap. 2._]

[Sidenote: _Dan. Barbar._]

But to come to their sacred works, which in regard of this _Antiquity_,
are (it’s true) of most concernment, I find the _Romans_ used (as
_Vitruvius_ witnesseth) such manner of _Temples_. For (in his fourth
Book, and seventh Chapter) he delivers, there were amongst others
two forms of round _Temples_, commonly in use amongst them, the one
called _Monopteros_; the other _Peripteros_. This, had the _Cell_
enclosed about with a continued wall, and at a proportionate distance
from it, the columns placed which made a _Portico_ round about it,
clean different from _Stoneheng_: the other made open, and in stead
of a wall encompassed with a row of pillars only, having no enclosed
_Cell_ within it at all, as much conducing to our purpose in hand. His
words are these, _Fiunt autem ædes rotundæ, è quibus aliæ sine cella
columnatæ constituuntur. They make also_ (saith he) _round Temples,
of which some are built without a Cell, environed with Pillars only_.
These were without any wals, (as his Commenter hath it) lying open to
the Air. And truly (as I may presume to say) from this very manner the
invention of _Stoneheng_ was principally taken, in ordering whereof,
the _Architect_ disdaining usuall and common forms, of both the
aforesaid forms composed one. For, taking the outward circle from the
_Monopteros_, he made it open also as in that, but in stead of the
continued wall circularly enclosing the _Cell_ of the _Peripteros_,
at _Stoneheng_ he made only an _Hexagon_ about the _Cell_, leaving
the same open in like manner. And, as _Hermogenes_ (whom I shall have
occasion to remember again) to illustrate his work, leaving out the
inner row of Pillars, made a single _Portico_ about the _Temple_ at
_Magnesia_, whereby it came to be a new invention, for which he is
famous to posterity: so the subtile _Architect_, whosoever he was, to
ennoble this his work, adding the said _Hexagon_ here, made a double
_Portico_ round about this _Temple_, and thereby a new invention
likewise, no lesse famous to succeeding Ages. Our _Antiquity Stoneheng_
had otherwise been of the self same _Aspect_ without a _Cell_, as
_Vitruvius_ hath before delivered. That _Temple Monopteros_, was
environed with a row of pillars; this _Temple Stoneheng_, in stead
of them, supplied with a rank of pillasters (as they may well be
called) continuing round about it. That, lay open to the air without
any walls: so doth this at _Stoneheng_. That, had over the pillars an
_Architrave_, _Freese_, and _Cornice_, the _Order_ being delicate:
this at _Stoneheng_, over the pillasters an _Architrave_ only, as most
conformable to the solidnesse of the _Order_ and plainnesse of the work.

Thus it fully appears, the ancient _Romans_ used to erect _Temples,
which lay open without walls, surrounded only with pillars_; in
invention like this at _Stoneheng_. But, let us see whether the form
_Monopteros_, had any roof over it. That the _Romans_ had _Temples_
uncovered, and without roofs, like _Stoneheng_, is in part already,
and shall more manifestly be hereafter proved: and searching curiously
into their _Antiquities_, it will be found the greatest, most splendid,
and most magnificent work of all others, which the _Ancients_ made
for service of their _Deities_, were those kinde of _Temples_ of
the _Aspect Hypæthros_. Whether the _Monopteros_ was one of that
kind, appears not yet, and _Vitruvius_ is very obscure therein;
neverthelesse, that it was built without a roof, I shall illustrate by
these reasons.

First, _Vitruvius_ tels us not it had a roof; for, in his precepts of
all severall kinds of _Temples_, after he hath delivered the _Aspect_,
_Form_, and _Manner_ of them with much exactnesse, he omits not
throughout his fourth Book to demonstrate aswell the contignation,
as proportion of timbers of the roofs, belonging to all those
_Temples_, which had any, and when vaulted he gives us likewise the
form thereof, if the _Temples_ so covered: but, in the description of
the form _Monopteros_, there is no manner of timber work, nor form of
vault, nor the least word mentioned of any roof at all, in what place
soever throughout his whole work speaking thereof. In which respect,
considering all _Temples_ having roofs, those roofs are described by
_Vitruvius_, and that he describes no roof belonging to this, it must
necessarily follow, the _Temples_ in form _Monopteros_ had no roofs
over them.

Again, after giving the proportion of the _Architrave_ over the
columnes of the _Monopteros_, he saith, _Zophorus & reliqua quæ insuper
imponuntur, ita uti in tertio volumine de symmetriis scripsit. The
Freese and other ornaments laid upon them, are as in his third Book
of symmetries made mention of._ Now, in his third Book, he only treats
of proportions, and not one word is so much as mentioned by him of any
manner of roofs at all, only in the close of the said Book, he gives
the proportion of frontispices belonging to quadrangular _Temples_:
the same referment in like manner he makes for the ornaments of the
_Peripteros_, and withall proceeds to a full description, in what
manner the roof of its _Cell_ was made, which questionlesse, he would
likewise have done in the other form, if it had been covered. For, he
saith, whatever is to be laid above the _Freese_ of the _Monopteros_,
is, as set down in his third Book: but, in his third Book, there is
not One word mentioned of any roofs; the conclusion then follows the
_Monopteros_ was without a roof.

[Sidenote: _Bern. Baldo._]

Lastly, he positively tels us it was _sine Cella, without a Cell_:
now the _Cell_ (and which for distinction sake I have so called in
describing this _Antiquity_, because it was applied to the same use,
to perform their sacred rites in) was indeed properly, the inner, or
chief part of the _Temple, quam nos corpus Templi vulgò dicimus, we
commonly call it the body of the Church_, which enclosed with wals, was
covered with a roof, as _Vitruvius_ declares in the form _Peripteros,
tecti ratio ita habeatur &c. The manner of a roof_ (saith he) _was
thus &c._ But, the _Monopteros_ was without a _Cell_, and consequently
without a roof also, as having no walls to bear it. For, in regard of
the manner of the _Architecture_, the pillars standing in _Island_
(as we say) the work could not securely bear a roof, if made of any
great capacity: either therefore, they made _Temples_ of this form
very little (in which respect only, _Palladio_ supposeth it might
be vaulted) inconsistent with the _Roman_ greatnesse, or else, like
_Stoneheng_ they were wholly uncovered and rooflesse. Howsoever, it
is manifest, the _Aspect_ was just the same. And if I should say, the
ruines of one after the same form also, remains yet in _Oxfordshire_,
which the common people usually call _Rolle-rich-stones_, take it but
as my conjecture only, as likewise one or two built after the like
manner in _Scotland_, no man unlesse _Hector Boetius_ knowing by what
Kings.

Moreover, the proportions appearing in this _Antiquity Stoneheng_, are
much conformable to those, assigned by _Vitruvius_ to the parts of the
_Monopteros_: He tels us, _Tribunal habent & ascensum ex suæ diametri
tertia parte: they had the Tribunal_, (by which is understood that
levell upon which the _Temple_ placed) _and the ascent, consisting of
one third part of the Diameter_. So at _Stoneheng_, the work it self is
one _third part of the Diameter_ of the circumvallation: And, acording
to the proportion allowed by him to _the Ascent_, it seems those
_Temples_ were sited more stately then others, (by consequence great
also) and certain it is, whosoever views this _Antiquity_ attentively
with judgement, upon the place where remaining (for the _Folio_
being too little I could not expresse it in Design) and doth allow a
proportionate depth to the Trench surrounding it; considering also,
together therewith, the levell of the plain lying without, he will then
finde it standing upon such a rising ground, that the _Ascent_ unto it,
was not much lesse magnificent, then what _Vitruvius_ hath declared.

Furthermore, besides the aforementioned round _Temples, Vitruvius_ in
the same Chapter tels us, that, _generibus aliis constituuntur ædes,
ex iisdem symmetriis ordinatæ, & alio genere dispositiones habentes.
The_ Romans _built them after other manner of inventions, following the
same proportions, and having their disposures after another kinde_. Of
which, if vouchsafed to posterity the descriptions, some of them might
have been found, not only agreeable in _Aspect_, but happily of the
very self same form also, as this _Temple Stoneheng_ doth appear.

Now considering this discourse may happen into the hands of those,
who cannot by words so easily apprehend things of this _Art_, I have
for their satisfaction brought into _Design_, the plants of both the
aforesaid _Temples_ mentioned by _Vitruvius_, whereby their conformity
with _Stoneheng_, and the invention thereof taken from them, is more
clearly manifested.

                                  _A_

The Plant of the _Monopteros_.

                                  _B_

The _Order_ of _Pillars_ which continued round about it, to which the
outward circle (of Pillasters) in this _Antiquity Stoneheng_, directly
corresponds, as will appear in the second Figure thereof, formerly
described by the Letter _I_.

The _Design_ follows.

[Illustration]

                                  _C_

The Plant of the _Peripteros_.

                                  _D_

The _Portico_ continuing about the _Cell_.

                                  _E_

The Circular _Cell_ enclosed with a wall, which in the _Temple
Stoneheng_, to vary the invention, was converted into an _Hexagonall_
form, and in stead of walling it round about, the _Architect_ as said
before, left it wholly open, as most agreeing with the nature of the
_Deity_ to whom consecrate.

The Design follows.

[Illustration]

By the Plants of which said _Roman Temples_, although it is plainly
manifest, from whence the invention of _Stoneheng_ was taken: yet, that
it may more clearly be understood, I have, unto the _Order_ of pillars
which makes the _Portico_ of the last of those _Temples_, applied the
_Architectonicall Scheam_ by which our _Antiquity_ was formed; whereby
the intersection of the severall triangles fully demonstrates after
what manner the greater _Hexagon_ made open at _Stoneheng_, was raised
from the solid wall environing the _Cell_ of the _Peripteros_.

                                  _F_

The Rank of _Pillars_ which made the _Portico_ of the _Peripteros_.

                                  _G_

The _Architectonicall Scheam_ by which _Stoneheng_ formed.

                                  _H_

The circular wall environing the _Cell_ of the _Peripteros_.

                                  _I_

After what manner the stones of the greater _Hexagon_ at _Stoneheng_,
were raised from the circumference of the said wall.

The Design follows.

[Illustration]

But, before deliver my judgment, unto which of their _Deities_ this
_Temple Stoneheng_ was anciently dedicated by the _Romans_, I shall
give you some customs in force amongst the _Ancients_, relating the
_Decorum_ used by them, in building their particular _Temples_:
whereby, those several opinions seemingly conclusive to whom
_Stoneheng_ sacred, may more evidently appear invalid, and my own
more apparently probable. Those therefore that endevour the searching
out _Antiquities_ of _Architecture_, must amongst others, especially
prescribe to themselves five things to be guided by. _viz._ _The
Situation_, _Aspect_, _Manner_, _Form_, and _Order_ of the work as in
use amongst the _Ancients_. For, inventing the severall ornaments of
_Architecture_, at first for honour and distinction onely of their
_Deities_, they appropriated to each of them particular _situations_,
precise _forms_, peculiar _Orders_, according to the severall
qualities, in regard whereof adored by them.

The _situation_ of the _Temples_ to _Venus_, _Mars_, _Vulcan_, they
ordained to be chosen without their Cities, as those which moved mens
minds to lasciviousnesse, wars, and devastations. Within their Cities
they placed the _Temples_ of the Patrons of _Chastity_, _Peace_, good
_Arts_: and of such Gods also, to whom the Protection of their Cities
committed. To _Pallas_, _Mercury_, and _Isis_ the chief Presidents of
Artificers, and Merchants, they built _Temples_ near the Market places,
or upon the Market places themselves. To _Apollo_ and _Bacchus_ near
the _Theater_. To _Hercules_ near the Cirque or _Amphitheater_. Unto
_Æsculapius_ and _Salus_, in places most of all others healthfull, and
near to pure streams, and waters; because the infirm people, coming
out of a pestilent and contagious _Aire_, to that which was good and
healthfull, by drinking those waters might the sooner, and with lesse
difficulty be recovered, whereby zeal to those supposed _Deities_
encreased.

The _Aspect Hypæthros_, mentioned before, of which _Stoneheng_ appears
built, was proper only to some of their Gods, as shall be remembred in
due time: the other _five_ (needlesse here to name) were indifferently
disposed, sometime to one, and sometime to another _Deity_, as the
magnificence of the _Temples_ to be built required, and, as to be made
with _Portico’s_ or without.

The _Manner_, which _Vitruvius_ distinguishes into five kinds,
according as the intercolumnes are of five severall proportions, was
only so far forth peculiarly appropriated to their _Deities_, as it was
agreeable to the proper _Order_, otherwise they followed the greatnesse
of the Work.

But, to each of them appropriating particular forms of _Temples_;
to some of their Gods, they made them of a round form, to others
quadrangular, to others of many angles: some of them having their
_Temples_ covered, with roofs over them; others again built uncovered,
without any manner of roofs at all: As, our _Antiquity Stoneheng_.

Lastly, the _Order_ of which they built them, was so diligently
observed, according to the peculiar qualities of their _Deities_, that
seldom or never they varied: as in fit place I shall remember. These
aforesaid rules also were so firmly observed by the _Ancients_, that
even at first sight the _Roman Architects_ of old were able to judge,
to what _Deity_, this, or that _Temple_ sacred: and the modern _Italian
Architects_, by the ruines of them at this day, give such notable
testimonies towards the discovery of them, as are very hardly to be
contradicted. Whosoever desires more of this, may read _Vitruvius_,
_Leo Baptista Albertus_, and other Authors writing of _Architecture_.
That then we may arrive to a degree of certainty unto whom our
_Stoneheng_ anciently dedicated; some such _Deitie_ of the _Romans_ is
to be found out, in whose honour they built _Temples_, not only in such
_situations_ as this at _Stoneheng_; but with whole nature or quality
the _Form_ and _Aspect_ thereof may be agreeable also; and the _Order
proper_. For, whosoever goes about to enforce other reasons, do as I
conceive but beat the air, neither can they reduce this _Antiquity_ to
any probable Originall.

[Sidenote: _Vitr. lib. 3. cap. 1 & 2._]

[Sidenote: _Fab. Cal._]

[Sidenote: _Vitr. lib. 4. cap. 7._]

To which of the _Roman_ Deities _Stoneheng_ consecrated, are, as I
said before, severall opinions. Some presume it sacred to _Diana_,
but upon what ground their conjecture is raised, considering both
the _Aspect_ and _Manner_ of this _Temple_ utterly different from
those the _Ancients_ used to dedicate to Her, I cannot conceive; for,
the _Manner_ of the _Temples_ erected to _Diana_, was _Diastylos_,
i.e. _columnis ampliùs patentibus_, made with large and void spaces:
the _Aspect_ of that at _Ephesus_ was _Dipteros_; that at _Magnesia
Pseudodipteros_: which _Manner Hermogenes_ inventing to save expence
and labour, though he left out the _Order_ of pillars within, and
thereby the _Portico_ came to be more large, yet the _Aspect_ continued
still the same. And, as in the _Aspect_ and _Manner_, so likewise in
the _Order_ and _Form_ it’s different: that, at _Ephesus_ aforesaid
being of the _Ionick Order_, the _Order_ peculiarly appropriated
to _Diana_, and quadrangular: of the same _Form_ also, was that at
_Magnesia_ aforesaid, and so likewise the _Romans_ built them, as by
the now Church of S. _John_ Evangelist at the _Latian_, or _Latine_
Port, anciently the Temple of _Diana_; and that in Mount _Aventine_
also, the chief of her _Temples_ in _Rome_, fully appears. The
_situation_ of the Temples dedicated to her, was in groves, whence
_Vitruvius_ cals her grovy _Diana_.

    _Ecce suburbanæ templum nemorale Dianæ_, saith _Ovid_.
    _See where_ Diana’s _grovy Temple stands_.

In which sort _Virgil_, _Pliny_, and other Authors also tell us her
Temples were always sited. The _Architecture_ therefore of the Temples
to _Diana_, and this at _Stoneheng_ being so far different, there is no
probable reason _Stoneheng_ should be suppos’d dedicated to her.

[Sidenote: _Nat. Com. lib. 3. cap. 18._]

[Sidenote: _Camden fo. 64._]

[Sidenote: _Camden fo. 517._]

[Sidenote: _Ibid. fo. 366._]

[Sidenote: _Strab. li. 16._]

[Sidenote: _Rosin. lib. 2. cap. 7._]

[Sidenote: _Camden fo. 490._]

Moreover, whether or no this opinion maybe consistent with any of those
qualities, the Ancients endowed this Goddesse with, let us examine
further the Nature of the Deity it self. Is _Stoneheng_ consecrated to
_Diana_ because she presided over ways? what publick roads then, or
common high-ways are to be read of, which anciently led over the Downs
near this _Antiquity_? The most ancient ways we meet with, and which
the _Romans_ first made in this _Island_, as _Camden_ sets them down,
are four, _Watling-street_, _Ikemild-street_, _Ermin-street_, and
the _Fosse_. _Watling-street_ led through _Verolamium_ directly as it
were by a streight line to the West side of _Leicestershire_, and from
thence through the Northerly Counties into _Wales_. _Ikemild-street_
began in the Countrey of the _Iceni_, tending Eastward.
_Ermin-street_ in the same quarter, running through _Cambridgeshire_,
_Huntingdonshire_, and so on towards _Lincolnshire_ led the right way
into the Northern Countreys on that side: (this street-way, happly,
may be that which among the inhabitants passeth now by the name of
_High Dike_.) The _Fosse_ passing through _Warwickshire_, came down
to _Stow_ on the _Would_, thence to _Cirncester_, from _Cirncester_
continuing on towards _Bath_ and beyond it to _Somerton_ into the
Western Provinces: the ridge whereof is yet to be seen in divers places
of that tract. All of them lying so far from _Stoneheng_ that none of
them are remembred to come nearer then _Cirncester_ to any part of the
Plains whereon it stands, and therefore in this respect there can be
no cause to imagine this _Antiquity_ should be dedicated to her. Or,
is _Stoneheng_ sacred to _Diana_, because she was the Patronesse of
Gates? for which reason the Ancients built her Temples, either near
to them within their Cities, or not far from them in the pleasant
suburbs. But what Cities, or places having any such Gates, were ever
found anciently so near _Stoneheng_, as might cause the dedication of
so great a work to her? surely none. Or, is _Stoneheng_ hallowed to
_Diana_ because she had the tutelage of Mountains? if so, then where
are those Mountains to be found near this _Antiquity_ on _Salisbury_
Plains? which Plains, North, South, East and Westward through the
midst of _Wiltshire_ are so open, that they terminate the Horizon. If
any such Mountains there, why do all Historians call them Plains? But
admit Mountains somtimes on _Salisbury_ Plain, what then became of
them? were they removed by Earthquakes, swallowed into the ground by an
_Hiatus_ of the earth, or levell’d by inundations? then let it be made
apparent when such like accidents fell out. Or is _Stoneheng_ dedicated
to _Diana_, because she delighted to bath her self in fountains and
fresh springs? where are those fountains and fresh springs to be found?
haply, in the utmost borders they may be had, none certainly in the
body of the Plains, or any thing near _Stoneheng_: spring veins being
not there to be found, unlesse by sinking wells or pits very deep,
which the inhabitants are enforced to make in severall places for
watering their sheep, and as glad they are there, as the Patriarchs
of old in the deserts of _Canaan_ to come by them. Or is _Stoneheng_
sacred to _Diana_, because reputed Goddesse of hunting? then, who ever
desirous of a Temple for her, may finde it in _Daphne_, the anciently
famous suburbs of _Antiochia_, where was not onely a Temple dedicated
to her, but an _Asylum_ also, as _Strabo_ witnesseth: such places
only being held proper for her mysteries, where interven’d variety of
pleasures, goodly shadowy groves, delicate walks, and pleasant springs
of most cool and fresh waters. In the midst of these delights the
Ancients sited her Temples, not in wilde Downs, or vast Plains, so wide
and open that hardly see from one side of them to another, affording
neither shelter for travellers against canicular heats, nor succour for
cattell against the boisterous blasts of blustering _Boreas_. Lastly,
is _Stoneheng_ dedicated to _Diana_, because the supposed guardian of
woods? then remains it to be made apparent by them, those Plains in
ancient times bore another countenance then at present. That they were
full of Forrests, woods and groves, with variety of lawns, replenished
and stored with such sorts of game, and wilde beasts in chase whereof
_Diana_ and her companions are said to recreate themselves: from whence
some are of opinion she was called _Diana_, as much to say _Deviana,
quoniam venantes per devia & silvas deviare solent, captantes feras.
Because of huntsmens deviating, or wandring out of the way, through
uncouth paths and woods in pursuit of their game._ That those Plains
afforded as much pleasure and delights as the _Thessalian Tempe_, the
_Syrian Daphne_, or what place else as famous where her _Temples_
anciently stood: and, in what unknown age they were disafforrested
and laid wast. Which, if ever so, certainly some signs thereof would
remain, or at least be found there, as well as in other parts of the
Island, in times past overgrown with woods. As in _Anglesey_ formerly
mentioned; in _Cheshire_, where, in digging their marlepits are often
found huge trees, demonstrating to posterity the forrests there
anciently growing; in the Isle of _Axholm_ in _Lincolnshire_, where
the inhabitants have hardly any fewell, but what such trees afford so
digged out of the earth; in _Somersetshire_, where I my self have seen
trunks of trees lying under ground, and expressing the places in times
past overgrown with trees, very few or none being in those places now
standing. Besides, some remembrance of the aforesaid forrests and woods
History questionlesse would yeeld; now what occasion soever Historians
take for mentioning this tract, not one word is delivered by them to
that purpose, all unanimously consenting ’twas never other then at
present an open and champion Countrey. A Theater on which _Bellona_
often displayed her bloody ensigns, and acted severall tragedies in
times of old: A field of _Mars_, where _Romans_, _Saxons_ and after
_Danes_ for obtaining the dominion of this Island decided their
ambitious controversies. Of which actions we have visible testimony
unto this day, witnesse those burrows, and places where they cast
the bodies of their slain, over all quarters of the plain dispersed,
which in long time are so shrowded by nature with ever growing grasse,
that their memory will remain by their sepulchres to all posterity;
that which consumes all works of Art, making them still more fresh
and flourishing: witnesse spoils of war there frequently digged up,
as formerly remembred: severall encamping places of those severall
Nations in all parts of the plain even yet appearing, no place in the
whole Island, respecting the circuit, having more remains of them: Also
that huge Trench, mentioned before by the name of _Wansdike_, running
through the very bowels of them, such manner of trenches appearing no
where in any part of _England_ beside, saving where the like plains
interveen; so at _Newmarket Heath_ the like trench vulgarly called
_Devils Dike_, as if _made by Devils not by men_, is to be seen;
though in ancient times it was the limits of the Kingdome of the East
_Angles_, and it took end, as _Camden_ very well observes, _where the
passages by reason of woods grew cumbersome_: Which, if the like be
granted for _Wansdike_ (as is very probable, it ending also with the
Plains) then without controversie there were no more woods in times
of old on _Salisbury_ Plains then at this day; it running overthwart
them, as in a direct line from East to West. And who knows not, that
other manner of fortifications then running trenches upon direct lines
are to be cast up for defence of woody situations? But why urge more
Authorities, when the Inhabitants of the Countrey tell us, the soil or
ground being hot, dry, and chalky is altogether improper for the growth
of trees. Thus then the situation of the place, so antipathizing in all
respects with the nature and qualities anciently attributed to _Diana_,
and the _Manner_, _Form_, and _Order_ of this _Antiquity_, so contrary
to the custome used by the _Ancients_ in erecting her Temples, no
reason wherefore this _Temple Stoneheng_ should be conceiv’d as erected
for celebration of the superstitious ceremonies anciently ascribed unto
her _Worship_.

Some, again, would have _Stoneheng_ consecrated to _Pan_; because _Pan_
a _Greek_ word signifying the _Universe_, under him the whole frame of
_Nature_ was adored. And therefore, the _Ancients_ made his statues
with horns, saith _Servius_, expressing thereby the beams of the _Sun_,
and horns of the _Moon_; those issuing from his forehead, and turning
upwards towards _Heaven_, as _Boccace_ will have it, signified the
Celestiall bodies: feigning also, as the world moves with extraordinary
swiftnesse, he excelled likewise in speed of running. By the purple,
ruddy, and enflamed face, attributed to _Pan_, that pure fire,
above all other _Elements_ holding his place in the confines of the
Celestiall Sphears was demonstrated: by his large long beard descending
down upon his breast, the two superiour Elements _Aire_ and _Fire_
of a masculine nature, sending down their impressions upon the other
two naturally feminine was shewed: by the spotted skin covering his
breast and shoulders, the eighth sphear wholly embelished with glorious
stars; inveloping in like manner all appertaining to the nature of
sublunary creatures was represented: by the sheep-hook which he held
in one hand, Natures dominion over all things (according to _Boccace_)
was signified: and as _Servius_ saith, because this staffe, or rod was
crooked, the year revolving into it self, was thereby expressed: in
the other hand holding a Pipe, consisting of seven reeds, whereby, the
Celestiall harmony conceived by some to have seven sounds, and seven
different tunes, according to the number of the _Planets_, and their
_Sphears_ which are seven, was so set forth.

After this manner _Mythologists_ discourse of _Pan_, with various
opinions, according to the subtile niceties of their severall fancies:
and in these respects as having relation to the _Heavens_, this
_Antiquity Stoneheng_ is imagined sacred to _Him_. ’Tis true, if
_Mythologie_, and not demonstrative reasons were to be fixt upon in
matters of _Architecture_, the former conceptions might be some ground
to frame conjectures _Stoneheng_ sacred to _Pan_. But, _Architecture_
depending upon demonstration, not fancy, the fictions of _Mythologists_
are no further to be embraced, then as not impertinently conducing to
prove reall truths. Wherefore, the aforesaid ancient rules for building
_Temples_ considered, and comparing the _Order_, _Form_, _Aspect_
and _Situation_ of the _Temples_ to _Pan_, with the like in this
_Antiquity_, so much contrariety is found betwixt them, as may convince
any reasonable judgement _Stoneheng_ not dedicated to _Him_.

[Sidenote: _Nat. Com. lib. 5._]

[Sidenote: _Dion. Hali. lib. 1._]

[Sidenote: _Rosin. lib. 2._]

[Sidenote: _Pausan. fo. 496._]

[Sidenote: _Vitr. lib. 1. cap. 2._]

[Sidenote: _Alexan. Don._]

[Sidenote: _Pomp. Totti._]

[Sidenote: _Pausan. fo. 114. & 317._]

[Sidenote: _Ibid. fo. 516._]

_Pan pastorum, venatorum, & universæ vitæ rusticanæ præsidem
crediderunt Antiqui_, saith _Natalis Comes_. _Pan_ was the reputed
_God_ amongst the _Ancients, of Shepherds, Huntsmen, and all those that
led an agrestick life_. The same Author also calling him _Piscatorum
Deum_, the _God of Fishermen_ as well as _Shepherds_. _Arcadibus
Deorum antiquissimus & honoratissimus est Pan_, saith _Dionysius_.
_Pan is the most ancient, and most honoured Deity of the Arcadians._
And in _Arcadia_ itself where he was principally adored, they built
his _Temples_ for the most part in Towns of the same _Form_ and
_Order_ as to _Juno_: In the _Town of Heræa_, _habet Pan templum suum_
(saith _Pausanias_ in his description of _Arcadia_) _quod olim_ Junoni
_dicatum fuit_, Pan _had his Temple which anciently was dedicated to_
Juno. Now, the _Order appropriated_ to _Juno_ by the _Romans_, was
the _Ionick_, as is manifest from _Vitruvius_, who tels us, _To Juno,
Diana, and Bacchus_, and to the other _Deities_ of the same quality,
_they built Temples of the Ionick Order_. The _Form_ in like manner
of her sacred structures was quadrangular, as in Mount _Aventine_, in
_foro Olitorio_ (or the herb Market) in Mount _Quirinal_, and elswhere
amongst the _Romans_ the _ruines_ of her _Temples_ do evidently
witnesse: as also, her _Temples_ anciently at _Argos_, and amongst the
_Elians_ in _Greece_, built of the like _Form_, and of the _Dorick
Order_. But this _Antiquity_ is of the severe _Tuscane_ work, and of a
round figure. The _Temples_ to _Pan_ had a _Portico_ onely in _front_,
at _Stoneheng_ it continues round about the _Cell_. The _Temples_ to
_Pan_ were not exposed to the open _Aire_, and built uncovered as
_Stoneheng_ was, but had roofs upon them. For, _Ignis ei perpetuus
ardebat_, therein _they kept perpetuall fire_, as at _Acacesium_ a
_Town_ also of _Arcadians_; all _Temples_ wherein they kept such fires
being covered, as the _Temple_ to _Apollo_ at _Delphos_ amongst the
_Greeks_, and to _Vesta_ at _Rome_ amongst the _Romans_. But, if at
any time they did erect them distant from a _Town_, reserving always
the _Form_ and _Order_, they chose such situations as wholly environed
with trees; for example, the _Temple_ to _Pan_ in Mount _Lycæus_,
was compassed in with a thick wood, _condenso circumseptum luco_, as
_Pausanias_ hath it: so likewise, that _Temple_ sacred to _Him_ in the
_Parthenian_ Forrest, according to the said Author. Now, this _Temple
Stoneheng_ is sited in an open champion Countrey, where scarce a bush
or tree, much lesse thick woods, or forrests to be seen throughout
the whole Plain; nor was there ever any in times of old as History
remembers, and the nature of the soil, as I am informed, is no wise
prosperous for their growing there, as is sufficiently before declared.

But _Pan_ (say they) being the God of _Shepherds_, why might not
_Stoneheng_ to gratifie them be erected, and consequently by the
_Romans_ dedicated to their God _Pan_? no place in the whole Island
more abounding with sheep, then the circumadjacent Plains; the almost
innumerable flocks whereof, not only most plentifully satisfying the
bordering inhabitants for food; but, from their delicate fleeces, a
great part of the known universe are clad also. I answer, amongst the
_Romans_ (declared at large before to be _Founders_ of _Stoneheng_)
I do not finde any one _Temple_, _Holy House_, _Sanctuary_, _Grove_,
_Altar_, or any such like sacred structure consecrated to _Pan_ in
their own Country; much lesse any _Temple_ dedicated unto Him by them
in _Britain_: and therefore, utterly improbable this _Temple Stoneheng_
should be erected by the _Romans_ unto _Pan_.

[Sidenote: _Dion. Hal. lib. 1._]

[Sidenote: _Rosin. lib. 2. cap. 20._]

[Sidenote: _Justin. lib. 43._]

[Sidenote: _Plutarch. in Rom._]

[Sidenote: _Rosin. lib. 3. cap. 2._]

[Sidenote: _Plut. in Rom._]

There was a _Temple_ indeed, built to _Pan Lycæus_ on Mount _Palatine_,
by those _Arcadians_ which accompanied _Evander_ into _Italy_; in
which, though the _Romans_ in succeeding times performed the same
rites, as the _Arcadians_ anciently had instituted; yet, _He_ passed
with the _Romans_ under the name of _Lupercus_, and in honour of
_Him_, as some Authors of opinion, certain festivals or games called
_Lupercalia_, at _Rome_ onely, not in Provinces conquered by them, were
solemnized by the _Romans_; Noblemens sons running in those games,
according to the primitive institution setting forth and beginning
their course at Mount _Palatine_, and so round about the City to the
same place again. I may not omit, neverthelesse, that severall Authors
deliver the _Lupercalia_ were instituted in thankfulnesse to _Lupa_,
or the wolf that gave _Romulus_ suck, and the course of those games
beginning at Mount _Palatine_ (not so much in remembrance it seems of
_Pans_ Temple there, as) from the _Lupercal_ or _the very place they
say where_ Romulus _was cast out_.

[Sidenote: _Dion. lib. 1._]

_Dionysius_ of _Halicarnassus_ tels us the _Arcadians_ built the
aforesaid _Temple_ to _Pan_, _idoneo invento loco &c._ when they had
found out a _convenient place_ for it adjoyning to their habitations:
the condition or nature of which place is not unworthy your
observation; for by his description thereof we shall easily perceive
what manner of situation was by the _Arcadian_ Shepherds held proper
for performing the ceremonies of their God _Pan_. His words are, _Erat
tum, ut fertur, spelunca sub tumulo magna, denso querceto contecta, &
sub petris profundi fonticuli, solúmque rupibus contiguum nemorosum, &
frequentibus ac proceris opacum arboribus: ibi ara deo extructa, more
patrio sacra fecerunt. Under the Hill_ (to wit, Mount _Palatine_) _was
anciently, as report goes_ (saith he) _a great cave or den, covered
over by a thick grove, deep wells or riverets running amongst the
stones of the cave, and round about it a wood, by the many and tall
trees growing therein very dark and obscure: there the Altar of the God
was placed, and his Sacrifices after their Country manner performed_.
Now is _Stoneheng_ thus sited, or was there ever any such like place
near this _Antiquity_? of all the places in _England_ that I know, none
comes nearer that cave, then _Ochy-hole_ in _Somersetshire_: And if the
Ancients held such dismall situations only proper for _Pans Temples_,
then without peradventure _Stoneheng_ was never erected in honour of
him, they being no innovators in their superstitions.

[Sidenote: _Dion. lib. 1._]

A further observation may be made to our purpose, upon the aforesaid
description, _Erat tum antrum magnum, it was anciently_ (saith
_Dionysius_) _a great cave_. But in his own time, which was under
_Augustus_, the _Romans_ had so choked up the place with building,
that the manner how _Pans Temple_ in old time stood, was hardly to be
discovered: _nunc quidem ædificiis_ (saith he) _fanum circumquaque
sepientibus, difficilis conjectura est qualis olim loci natura fuerit.
At this present, verily, the Temple being every way environed with
buildings, it is hardly to be conjectured in what manner of place it
anciently stood_. This was the cause which enforced him to deliver to
posterity the former description meerly upon report. Certainly then,
the _Romans_ employing the place to profaner uses, _Pans_ Deity was
little esteemed by them; otherwise, they would never have polluted it,
by setting up private houses upon the place consecrated to him. Now the
_Romans_ slighting him after this manner at home, little reason appears
so magnificent a structure as _Stoneheng_, should be erected by them
for adoration of _Pan_ in other Countreys.

[Sidenote: _Nat. Com. lib. 5._]

Furthermore, the Sacrifices in times of old offered to _Pan_ were milk
and honey, offered up in simple Shepherds crocks or earthen pitchers:
_quare non ritè sacrificabant, qui tauros illi immolabant, aut qui in
aureis poculis lac aut vinum offerebant &c. Wherefore, they sacrificed
not aright_, saith _Natalis Comes, who immolated Buls or Oxen unto
him, or out of golden cups poured forth milk or wine upon his Altars_;
for goblets of that metall were proper onely for the supernall and
celestiall _Deities_, not to terrestriall, and such as had care of
Heardsmen or Shepherd Swains. To which purpose also, the same Author
out of _Apollonius Smyrnæus_ remembers _Pan_, thus speaking of himself.

    _Sum Deus agrestis, cur his sunt aurea sacris
      Pocula? quo vinum funditis Italicum?
    Ad petram cur stat taurus cervice ligatus?
      Parcite: non hæc est victima grata mihi.
    Pan montanus ego sum, ligneus, ipsáque vestis
      Pellicea est: mustum è fictilibúsque bibo._

In English thus:

    _A rurall God am I, in golden cup
    The Falern wine, why then d’yee offer up?
    Why at mine Altar, stands the stern Bull bound,
    Or Oxe that’s fat, with laurell girland crown’d?
    Spare ye such cost: no gratefull victimes these
    Are unto me, others lesse costly please.
    A Mountaineer, a wood-man clad in skin
    Am I: your wine in earthen vessels bring._

But the Sacrifices anciently offered at _Stoneheng_ (already remembred)
were _Buls_ or _Oxen_, and severall sorts of beasts, as appears by the
heads of divers kinds of them, not many years since there digged up.

[Sidenote: _Platin. in Bon._]

[Sidenote: _Dion. lib. 53._]

As for that of the _Pantheon_, it is very well known the _Ancients_ so
called it, not in any relation to _Pan_, but because it was sacred to
_Jove_ the _Revenger_, and according to others to _Cibele_, and all
Gods. For which reason, _Boniface_ the fourth obtained licence from
the Emperour _Phocas_, to consecrate it to the _Virgin Mary_, and all
Saints. And who knows not the _Architecture_ thereof wholly different
from this of _Stoneheng_? The _Pantheon_ hath its _Cell_ enclosed
with a continued solid wall, and the _Portico_ only in front, of the
delicate _Corinthian Order_; of which _Order_ the inner part consisted
likewise, being vaulted in most admirable and magnificent manner. From
whence _Dion Cassius_ delivers his opinion, _inde id nominis habere,
quod forma convexa fastigiatum, cœli similitudinem ostenderet, it to
be called the_ Pantheon, _because by the form of that vault wherewith
covered, it represented the concave of Heaven_, or (as others will)
the figure of the world; for the world being mans house, the firmament
is as the vaulted roof thereof. At the crown of the vault it had an
opening, by which only it received light and air. But, this _Antiquity
Stoneheng_ built of a grave and humble _Order_ (as is said before) had
a double _Portico_ continuing round about it, the Cell thereof free and
open, and every way exposed to the air, received light from all parts.

Wherefore leaving these, _Stoneheng_ was dedicated, as I conceive, to
the God _Cœlus_, by some Authors called _Cœlum_, by others _Uranus_,
from whom the Ancients imagined all things took their beginning. My
reasons are, First, in respect of the _situation_ thereof; for it
stands in a Plain, remote from any _Town_ or _Village_, in a free and
open air, without any groves or woods about it.

[Sidenote: _Vitr. li. 1. cap. 2._]

[Sidenote: _Godw. Antiq. l. 1. cap. 20._]

Secondly, in regard of the _Aspect_; for _Stoneheng_ was never covered,
but built without a roof. Which _Decorum_ the _Romans_ ever observed,
both in the _Situation_ and _Aspect_ of the _Temples_ dedicated to
this their God, and to _Jove_ the _Lightner_, the _Sun_, and the
_Moon_. _Jovi fulguratori, & Cœlo, & Soli, & Lunæ, ædificia sub divo
Hypæthráque constituuntur. To_ Jove _the Lightner, and to Cœlus, and
to the Sun, and to the Moon, they erected buildings in the open air
and uncovered_, saith _Vitruvius_ in the second Chapter of his first
Book. Take with you also his reason. _Horum enim Deorum & species &
effectus in aperto mundo atque lucenti præsentes videmus, because
both the forms and effects of these Deities, we behold present before
our eyes, in a clear and open view._ Another reason I find also why
they built their Temples to _Cœlus_, and those other Deities uncovered
as _Stoneheng_: because they counted it an hainous matter to see those
Gods confined under a roof, whose doing good consisted in being abroad.

[Sidenote: _Pier. Valer. Hier. lib. 39._]

[Sidenote: _Leo Bapt. Alb. lib. 7._]

[Sidenote: _Philand. in 4. lib. Vitr. cap. 7._]

Thirdly, in regard of the _Form_ of _Stoneheng_, which is _circular_.
This figure was proper to the _Temples_ of _Cœlus_ and _Tellus_, whom
the Ancients called _Vesta_, as _Valerianus_ (in his _Hieroglyphicks_)
affirms. _Non solamente la palla, ma una simplice piegatura di ruota,
appresso gli Egizziani demostrava il Cielo. Not only_ (saith he) _the
circular form, but the meer segment of a circle amongst the Egyptians
was an Hieroglyphick of Cœlus_. And to this purpose also, _Leo Baptista
Albertus_ useth these words. _Ædem Vestæ, quam esse terram putarent,
rotundam ad pilæ similitudinem, faciebant. Unto Vesta, whom they
reputed to be the Earth, they built Temples of a round form globelike_.
Besides, observe what _Philander_ commenting on _Vitruvius_ tels us.
_Templorum quanquam alia fiant quadrata, alia multorum angulorum, Cœli
naturam imitati veteres, imprimis rotundis sunt delectati: Although_
(saith he) _the Ancients made some Temples square, some of six sides,
others of many angles, they were especially delighted with making of
them round, as representing thereby the Form or Figure of_ Cœlum,
_Heaven_.

[Sidenote: _An. Pal. li. 1._]

[Sidenote: _Vitr. lib. 1. cap. 2._]

[Sidenote: _Apollod. lib. 1._]

Fourthly, in respect of the _Order_ whereof _Stoneheng_ built. The
severity of this _Tuscane_ work, retaining in it a shew (as it
were) of that first face of _Antiquity_ (as _A. Palladio_ terms it)
being most agreeable to the nature of this their God, reputed the
ancientest of all their _Deities_, and Father of _Saturn_. For, it
was the custome of the Ancients (as in part I remembred before) to
appropriate the severall _Orders_ of _Architecture_, according to the
particular qualifications of those they deified. _Minervæ, & Marti,
& Herculi, ædes Doricæ fient: his enim diis propter virtutem, sine
deliciis ædificia constitui decet. To Minerva, and Mars, and Hercules,
Temples of the Dorick Order were made; for, to these Deities in
respect of their valiant actions, it was requisite to build without
delicacy. Veneri, Floræ, Proserpinæ, Fontium Nymphis, Corinthio
genere constitutæ, aptas videbuntur habere proprietates, quòd his
diis propter teneritatem, graciliora & florida, foliísque & volutis
ornata opera facta augere videbuntur justum decorem. To Venus, Flora,
Proserpina, the Fountain Nymphs, the Corinthian Order was thought
most proper: because unto these in regard of their tender natures,
the work seemed to advance a just decorum, when made delicate and
flourishing, and adorned with leaves and volutes. Junoni, Dianæ, Libero
Patri cæterísque diis qui eadem sunt similitudine, si ædes Ionicæ
construerentur, habita erat ratio mediocritatis, quod & ab severo more
Doricorum, & à teneritate Corinthiorum, temperabitur earum institutio
proprietatis. To Juno, Diana, Bacchus, and to the other Deities of
the same quality, building Temples of the Ionick Order, they had
regard unto the mean, that from the severe manner of the Dorick, and
delicacy of the Corinthian, the condition of their indowments might be
duly moderated_, saith _Vitruvius_. To _Jupiter_, _Sol_, and _Luna_,
though they made Temples _sub divo_ open to the air and without roofs
like this _Antiquity_; yet were they not built of severe and humble
but most delicate _Orders_, and accordingly were adorned with costly
ornaments, and beautified with various enrichments in severall sorts
of sculpture, as by the ruines of them in divers parts of _Italy_
remaining to this day, evidently appears. Respecting therefore, this
_Decorum_ used by the _Ancients_ in building their _Temples_, and that
this work _Stoneheng_ is principally composed of a most grave _Tuscane_
manner, by just proportions of an agreeable form; it is in mine
opinion, as I said before, most agreeable to the quality and condition
of that ancient _Cœlus_, whom Antiquity reputed the very stem whence
all those Deities in the succeeding Ages proceeded. Cœlus _ex eadem
conjuge (scilicet Tellure) procreavit_ Oceanum, Cœlum, Hyperionem _&c.
& novissimum omnium_ Saturnum _suscepit_. Cœlus, _by the same wife_
(to wit _Tellus_) _had_ Oceanus, Cœlum, Hyperion _&c. and last of all
begat_ Saturn. To which purpose also _Lactantius, I finde_ Uranius
_by his wife_ Vesta _had_ Saturn _and_ Ops: Saturn _attaining the
government, called his father_ Uranius, Cœlus, _and his mother_ Terra;
_that by this change of names, he might the more magnifie the splendor
of his originall &c._ Further, I conceive it will not be impertinent to
our purpose in hand, to deliver what the _Ancients_ have reported of
_Cœlus_; and wherefore they ascribed divine Honours unto Him.

[Sidenote: _Boccace lib. 3._]

According to the _Poets_, _Cœlus_ was not that huge machine adorned
with stars, which _Orpheus_ saith was composed for habitation of
the _Planets_, and other _Deities_, and which we behold moving with
continuall revolution: but a certain man so called, son to _Æther_
and _Dies_, that, is _della virtù ardente, & della luce famosa, of
transcendent influence and resplendent brightness_, as _Boccace_ hath
it.

[Sidenote: _Diodor. lib. 4._]

By Historians, especially _Diodorus Siculus_, it’s thus delivered.
_Scribunt primùm regnasse apud Atlantides_ Cœlum: _Hominésque antea
per agros dispersos, ad cœtum, condendásque urbes exhortatum, à fera
eos agrestíque vita ad mitiorem cultum extitisse &c. They write,
he which first reigned over the_ Atlantides _was_ Cœlus, _and that
he invited men living dispersedly before throughout the fields, to
convene, and dwell in companies together, exhorting them to build
Towns, and reducing them from wild and savage to the conversation of
civill life: Taught them also to sow corn and seeds, and divers other
things belonging to the common use of mankind; Ruled likewise over a
great part of the world from East to West; Was a diligent observer of
the stars, and foretold men divers things to come: The year (before
confus’d) bringing into Order, according to the course of the Sun,
reducing it also into moneths after the Moons course, and appointing
likewise the severall seasons of the year. Whereby many ignorant of the
perpetuall course of the stars, and amazed at his future predictions,
did verily believe he participated of Divine Nature, and therefore
after his death, as well for benefits received from him, as great
knowledge of the stars, they conferred on him immortall honours,
and adored him as a God. And, as appears, called_ Cœlus _in regard
of his skill in the celestiall bodies, as also, for divers other
causes eternall King of all the world_. Thus _Diodorus_. It being an
ordinary custome among the Heathens to deifie, and esteem for Gods,
such excellent personages, as either had well ruled, or governed them,
or done any notable thing among them to their especiall benefit, or
good liking. Such, were they men, or women, remained with the name,
reputation, and reverence of _Gods_ or _Goddesses_ after their deaths.

[Sidenote: _Plut. Phil. opin. lib. 1._]

Furthermore, according to the _Philosophers_; _Men_ (they knew not how)
by nature soon wanting, and by instinct as soon seeking some God (in
stead of apprehending better) deified the _best_ to sense. Whereupon,
out of all _Entities_ as most glorious to the eye, they first made
choice of _Heaven_, and _Heavenly_ bodies; considering again, as the
most beneficiall objects, those living creatures, and fruits which
the _Earth_ beneath brought forth, to make compleat generations, they
coupled _Cœlus_ to _Tellus_, adoring _Heaven_ as Father, and _Earth_ as
Mother to these; the pouring down of showers from _Heaven_ seeming in
stead of naturall seeds, and the _Earth_ as a Mother to conceive, and
bring forth the same.

[Sidenote: _Rosin. lib. 2. cap. 5._]

Fifthly, the Sacrifices in times of old offered to _Cœlus_ were Bulls
or Oxen, their great God _Jupiter_ himself, as I find in _Rosinus_,
offering such Victimes unto him. _Ante pugnam, que cum Gigantibus in_
Creta _habita est_, Jovem _sacrificasse dicunt_ Soli, Cœlo, _ac_ Terræ
_bovem. Before the battell struck with the Giants in_ Crete, _they say_
Jupiter _sacrificed an Oxe to_ Sol, Cœlus, _and_ Terra. Now that there
hath oftentimes been digged out of the ground at _Stoneheng_, the heads
of such beasts, in all probability anciently in that place sacrificed;
I need not again remember, being it is so well known.

[Sidenote: _Pier. Valer. Hier. lib. 60._]

Sixthly, all the upright stones in this _Antiquity_ are _Pyramidall_
like flames, in imitation of those _Ætheriall_ fires, wherewith the
_Heaven_ is adorned. Now, that _Fire_ hath the form of a _Pyramis_ is
evident, _percioche, essendo largo da basso, intorno alla materia &
esca, da che si pasce, finisce in acuta fiammache riguardo al Cielo.
Because, being large at the bottome, in respect of the matter and
fewell, by which it is fed, it finishes in an acute flame tending
upwards towards Heaven._ And, that the Heavens are adorned with fires,
_Natalis Comes_ in his Mythology, out of _Orpheus_, makes apparent.
_Nihil aliud esse Cœlum existimans, nisi hunc æthera qui constat ex
altissimis illis ignibus. Supposing the Heaven to be no other thing,
but this Air which consisteth of those transcendent Fires._

[Sidenote: _Vitr. lib. 5._]

[Sidenote: _Pier. Valer. Hier. lib. 39._]

Lastly, that _Stoneheng_ was anciently dedicated to _Cœlus_ I collect
from the _Conformation_ of the work. For the _conformation_ of the
_Cell_ and _Porticus_ in the Plant, was designed with four equilaterall
_Triangles_, inscribed in a _Circle_, such as the _Astrologers_ use
in describing the twelve _celestiall_ signs in musicall proportions.
According to that of _Vitruvius_; _In ea conformatione quatuor
scribantur trigona paribus lateribus & intervallis, quæ extremam lineam
circinationis tangant; In the conformation thereof let four triangles
be inscribed of equall sides and intervals, which may touch the extreme
part of the circumference: quibus etiam in duodecim signorum cœlestium
descriptione, Astrologi ex musica convenientia astrorum ratiocinantur;
by which figures also, Astrologers from the musicall harmony of the
stars ground their reasonings, as concerning the description of the
twelve celestiall signs_. Besides the _Cell_ it self in the formation
thereof, is cast into an _Exagon_, one of the three figures, likewise
used by _Astrologers_ in their aforesaid arguments of the _sympathy_
of the stars. _Figuris tribus_ (saith _Philander_) _utuntur Astrologi,
Trigono, Tetragono & Hexagono. The Astrologers make use of three sorts
of figures; the Triangle, Tetragon, and Hexagon._ Furthermore, the
three entrances leading into the Temple from the Plain, were comparted
by an equilaterall _triangle_; which was the figure whereby the
Ancients expressed what appertained to _Heaven_, and divine mysteries
also. _Aggiungono i Magi_ (saith _Pierius Valerianus_) _che un
triangolo semplice di lati uguali, è indizio di divinità, overo effigie
di cose celesti. The_ Magi _adde that a triangle of equall sides
is a symbole of Divinity, or sign of celestiall matters_. Now this
_Antiquity_ consisting of severall stones, orderly disposed into one
entire work, in imitation, as it were, of those severall stars which
appearing to us in the Heavens in form of a circle, are called the
_celestiall Crown_; and wholly designed by those _Scheams_ wherewith
_Astrologers_ use to describe _celestiall_ bodies, which figures,
usually applied by them to particular accidents onely, being all
joyntly made use of by the _Architect_ for conformation of this sacred
structure, it is not improbable _Stoneheng_ was so composed, because
dedicated to _Cœlum_. Yea further, (if lawfull to compare an idolatrous
place with so divine a work) was not the _Temple_ at _Hierusalem_
adorned with the figures of _Cherubims_; that thereby the Nations of
the Earth might know it was the habitation of the living God? and, why
not in like manner this _Temple_ composed by _Astrologicall_ figures,
that after Ages might apprehend, it was anciently consecrated to
_Cœlus_ or _Cœlum_ Heaven?

[Sidenote: _Dan. Barba. in lib. 4._]

[Sidenote: _Vitr. cap. 7. in Ven. 1584._]

But in this conjuncture; concerning such kinde of _Temples_ as this
at _Stoneheng_, what saith the learned _Patriarch_ of _Aquileia_? _Io
credo, che quel Tempio senza parete significava alcune cose del Cielo,
gli effetti delle quali sono nelle scoperto. I beleeve that Temple
without walls_ (speaking of the _Monopteros_ aforesaid) _had a relation
to_ Cœlum (_Heaven_) _because the effects thereof are openly displaied
to the full view of all men_.

_Camden_ tels us he had heard, that in the time of King _Henry_ the
eighth, a table of metall was found, not far from this _Antiquity_,
engraven with divers strange characters, which being not legible, was
neglected and lost: had, indeed, that Table been found within the work
it self it might happily have brought to light somwhat in relation
to _Stoneheng_. And by all likelihood, in time some inscriptions may
therein be found, it being the custome as well of _Greeks_ as _Romans_,
in times of greatest _Antiquity_, to lay inscriptions (usually) under
the first stones set in what works soever; especially, those of any
great magnificence. Wherefore, I advise mine honoured Friend _Laurence
Washington_ Esquire in whose demeasnes this _Antiquity_ stands, to
whom I am much obliged, for his friendly notice of what things have
been there of late years digged up, that he would be solicitous upon
any search made there, to enquire after them, and if any found not to
neglect, or curiously conceal them, but preserve and willingly produce
the same.

I suppose, I have now proved from Authentick Authors, and the rules of
Art, _Stoneheng_ anciently a _Temple_, dedicated to _Cœlus_, built
by the _Romans_; either in, or not long after those times (by all
likelihood) when the _Roman_ Eagles spreading their commanding wings
over this _Island_, the more to civilize the Natives, introduc’d the
_Art_ of Building amongst them, discovering their ambitious desire,
by stupendious and prodigious works, to eternize the memory of their
high minds to succeeding Ages. For, the magnificence of that stately
_Empire_, is at this day clearly visible in nothing more, then in the
ruines of their _Temples_, _Palaces_, _Arch’s Triumphals_, _Aquæducts_,
_Thermæ_, _Theaters_, _Amphitheaters_, _Cirques_, and other secular,
and sacred structures.

[Sidenote: _Camd. fo. 8._]

History affords only _Contemplation_, whereby their great Actions are
made conceivable alone to reasoning: but the ruines of their buildings
_Demonstration_, which obvious to sense, are even yet as so many
eye-witnesses of their admir’d atchievements.

    Roma _quanta fuit, ipsa ruina docet_,
    _How great_ Rome _was, her ruines yet declare_.

Opinions fancied to the contrary, I have rendred improbable, the
Authors of them in respect of this _Antiquity_ being not only modern;
but also, what said by them _Romance_-like hatched out of their own
brains, even as other fables invented by them, touching the _Britains_
of old. Men possest neverthelesse, with a former conceit of things,
endure not by any means new opinions, having not commonly patience to
search long after the truth thereof. To them, ever the more generally
received, the truer things seem, accounting all of their own time
despicable; insomuch, as some are so far in love with vulgarly receiv’d
reports, that it must be taken for truth, whatsoever related by them,
though nor head, nor tail, nor foot, nor footstep in it oftentimes
of reason or common sense. They that beleeve _Geffrey Monmouths ipse
dixit_, may make themselves merry therewith; in pleasing their own
fancy, they displease not mine. As I have delivered my own judgement
freely, all reason they should enjoy theirs. But such as sail in the
vast Ocean of time, amongst the craggy rocks of _Antiquity_, steering
their course, betwixt anciently approved customs, and convincing
arguments, guided by good Authority, and sound judgement, arrive
much safer, and with better repute, in the secure Haven of undoubted
_Truth_. For mine own part, I had rather erre happily with venerable
_Antiquity_, then so much as trouble my thoughts with modern conceits.
Whether, in this adventure, I have wasted my Barque into the wished
_Port_ of _Truths_ discovery concerning _Stoneheng_, I leave to the
judgement of skilfull _Pilots_. I have endevoured, at least, to give
life to the attempt, trending perhaps, to such a degree, as either
may invite others to undertake the Voyage anew, or prosecute the same
in more ample manner, in which, I wish them their desired successe,
and that with prosperous gales they may make a more full and certain
discovery.

                               _FINIS._




                                Errata.


Folio 10. line 6. These words,

[_The_ Romans _overthrew not the Temples, or razed to the Foundations,
any of the sacred structures of the_ Druid’s _and_ Britans _made of
stone, or other materials, which he might as readily have done, if they
had used any such: but positively_,] should have been printed in the
ordinary letter.

                        Fo. | Line | Read
                            |      |
                        18  |  22  | was
                        28  |   4  | _Cappa_
                        38  |  19  | _Mercians_
                        49  |  37  | streit
                        50  |   1  | streit
                        80  |  23  | the roofe


                         Transcriber’s Notes:

 - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
 - Text enclosed by equals is in blackletter (=blackletter=).
 - Blank pages have been removed.