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  A

  VOYAGE

  ROUND THE

  WORLD.

  Being an ACCOUNT of a

  Remarkable Enterprize,

  BEGUN

  In the Year 1719, chiefly to cruise on the
  _Spaniards_ in the great _South Ocean_.

  Relating the
  True historical Fasts of that whole Affair:

  Testifyd by many imployd therein; and confirmd
  by Authorities from the Owners.


  By _WILLIAM BETAGH_,
  Captain of Marines in that Expedition.


  _LONDON_:
  Printed for T. COMBES at the _Bible_ and _Dove_ in _Pater-noster
  Row_, J. LACY at the _Ship_ near _Temple Bar_, and J. CLAKE
  at the _Bible_ under the _Royal Exchange_. MDCCXXVIII.


  To the Right Honorable

  GEORGE Vicount TORRINGTON,
  Admiral and Commander in Chief of his
  Majesty’s Fleet, and Knight of the Most
  Honorable Order of the _Bath_.


  JOHN COKBURNE, Esq;

  Sir JOHN NORRIS, Knt.

  Sir CHARLES WAGER, Knt.

  Sir THOMAS LYTTLETON, Bart.

  The Right Honorable GEORGE Vicount
  MALPAS, Knt. of the _Bath_; and

  SAMUEL MOLYNEUX, Esq;

  LORDS COMMISSIONERS for executing
  the Office of High Admiral of _Great
  Britain, &c._

       *       *       *       *       *

_My Lords,_

_Your Lordships are intrusted by the greatest and best of Kings, with
the important Office of directing the whole Navy of_ Great-Britain;
_the strongest safe-guard to all we possess and injoy. Since therefore
all maritime affairs are under your influence and authority, I trust
your Lordships will not refuse to accept the answer of one, whose
accusation in print hath already been addrest to your Honorable Board.
I had the happiness of being several years a purser in the Navy,
tho afterwards unfortunately ingaged under the command of captain_
Shelvocke _in this cruising expedition. As his pretended narrative
is intirely a deception, and his whole conduct an indignity to his
country, I thought it my duty to give your Lordships a genuine account
of the man as well as our voyage; which I have done truly and
impartially, not without hopes it may prove entertaining. If, my Lords,
I am never to meet with any recompense for my hardships, I have yet
the satisfaction of asserting the honor of his Majesty’s commission,
defending the cause of some of his injured subjects; and being devoted
to his perpetual interest, to subscribe my self_,

  Your Lordships
  most humble and
  most faithful servant,

  WILLIAM BETAGH.




ERRATA.


Page 80. line 7. read _marine_. p. 145. l. 17. r. _coco-nuts_. p.
149. l. 12. for _twenty four_ r. _two of our_. p. 160. l. 24. r.
_made a sail_. p. 286. l. 21. r. _after taking off_. p. 311. l. 3. r.
_Glocester_.




  CONTENTS.


  SECTION I.

  _The undertaking, outset and instructions._                       4-11

  _Separation of the Ships._                                          13

  _Captain_ Clipperton _at the_ Canaries.                            ib.

  _----    ---- at St._ Vincent._                                     22

  _Captain_ Shelvocke_’s contempt of his owners
  and officers._                                                   16-20

  _---- ---- his son_ George _an interloper._                         20

  _---- ---- arrival at the_ Canaries.                                21

  _---- ---- conceals the places of rendevous._                       22

  _---- ---- consumes the liquors designd for
  both ships._                                                        23

  _Hipsy, a liquor, its virtues._                                    ib.

  _The_ Emperor’_s colors a protection for pyracy._                   25

  _Bad masters how used by pyrates._                                  26

  _A busker, what._                                                   27

  Shelvocke_’s great generosity._                                     31

  _---- his artful management and innovations
  at St._ Katherine_’s, where he
  makes himself owners agent._                                     35-43

  _Occurrences there._                                             42-51

  _---- his trifling accusation of_ Betagh.                        52-54

  _---- his mean shifts to excuse himself._                        55-57

  _---- his passage round cape_ Horne _and
  dangers at_ Narbrough_’s island and_ Chiloe.                     57-61

  _---- his whimsical discipline._                                    62

  _---- his manifest design to destroy some
  of his people._                                                     65

  _---- his zele for the public._                                  68-69

  _---- his arrival in the bay of_ Conception.                        70

  _Grenadiers cap, a joke upon the mitre._                            72

  _Privatier’s ambassador described._                                ib.

  Hatley _in danger from the enemy._                                  73

  _Five men killd thro_ Shelvocke_’s folly._                          74

  Clipperton _in the streights of_ Magellan,
  _and observations there._                                        76-85

  _---- his confutation of a pretended_ French
  _discovery._                                                        86

  _---- at_ Fernandes _island: his low condition
  and stay there._                                                 87-90

  _---- takes several prizes, one of which
  the_ Spaniards _regain by stratagem._                            91-95

  Shelvocke_’s not keeping company the ruin of
  the voyage._                                                     92-97

  _Viceroy of_ Peru _is informd of the expedition._                   97

  Shelvocke _burns two good ships._                                   98

  _---- his injustice to_ Betagh _and_ Brooks.                    98-100

  _---- his wild attack upon_ Arica.                                 102

  _---- gets rid of fifteen of his people._                      104-108

  _---- fights the_ Peregrine.                                       110

  Indian _swiming remarkable._                                       102

  _Comical article in a_ Scotch _journal._                           104

  Shelvocke_’s malice to_ Betagh_--which is
  well answered._                                                112-119


  SECTION II.

  _Success’s_ Journal_._

  _Regulations aboard the_ Success.                                  121

  Clipperton _takes several prizes and the Marquis_
  de Villa Roche _prisoner._                                     122-128

  Mitchel _with thirteen_ English_, and ten_ Nigros
  _sent to dispose of some of the effects._                          124

  _An odd instance of a corpse floating._                            128

  Indians _diving wonderful._                                        129

  _News of capt._ Mitchel _at_ Velas.                                130

  _A plot of the Marquiss to betray_ Clipperton.                     130

  _---- Treats about his and his family’s ransom._               131-133

  _Isle of_ Tigers _described._                                      133

  _A plot among the men, despairing to meet
  with_ Shelvocke.                                                   134

  Clipperton _takes more prizes._                                134-135

  _A mistake in his conduct._                                        136

  _---- narrowly escapes the men of war, and
  some of his men taken prisoners._                                  138

  Spaniards _behave generously._                                     139

  Clipperton _chases the_ Flying fish _which had
  some of the_ English _prisoners aboard._                      141, 142

  _---- his men reduced to one small meal in
  twentyfour hours._                                            143, 144

  _---- are much refresht at the isle of_ Cocos.                     146

  _---- meets with captain_ Shelvocke _after two
  years parting._                                                    147

  _The particulars of their interview, with
  the reasons of their second separation._                       147-151

  Clipperton _crosses over to_ Asia, _and arrives
  at_ Guam.                                                          151

  _The governer makes him a handsom present._                        152

  Clipperton _over-reacht by him and the_ Marquis.                   153

  _---- finds his error and takes to drinking._                      154

  _---- his ship runs aground: lieutenant_ Davison
  _is killd, and the ship almost sunk
  by the enemy._                                                 154-156

  _The ship at last floats in a wretched condition,
  and makes for_ China.                                              156

  _Anchors in the gulf of_ Amoy.                                     161

  Clipperton_’s men grow mutinous for their
  prize-money._                                                      ib.

  _---- he is forced by the_ Chinese _to divide
  the spoil: the amount thereof._                                162-165

  _---- his account of the owners moiety._                           165

  _---- his arrival at_ Macao.                                       166

  _What became of his people and the ship._                      166-169


  SECTION III.

  Shelvocke _resolves to lose the_ Speedwel
  _and cruise in a new bottom._                                      170

  _The manner how he did it, with the proofs,
  and his new model of government._                              171-178

  _---- celebrates the 10th of_ June _at_ Fernandes.                 179

  _---- launches the new bark, some of
  the men staying behind._                                      180, 181

  _---- fights the_ Margarita; _but wants
  resolution to board her._                                      181-183

  _---- heartily attacks another ship._                              183

  _---- changes his bark for a good prize._                          184

  _---- his account of a very strange sort
  of hogs._                                                          186

  _---- meets with_ Clipperton _after two
  years separation._                                                 187

  _Some account of poor_ Mitchel _and his men._                      188

  _Missing the_ Acapulco _ship intirely_ Shelvocke_’s
  fault._                                                            190

  _---- takes another prize and is informed
  of a truce._                                                  193, 194

  _---- rids himself of six men more._                               195

  _A story of_ David Griffith.                                       197

  Shelvocke _extremely reduced, is on the point
  of surrendering upon the coast._                              198, 199

  _Four of his men murderd._                                         200

  _His wise observations thereon._                              201, 202

  _The main crisis of_ Shelvocke_’s project: his
  taking a rich prize, and dividing the
  money into particular shares tho all conceald
  in his book._                                                  202-207

  _An account of his own profits._                               207-209

  _His indeavours to palliate the story._                        209-214

  _He arrives at_ California; _his reception there;
  his gallant way of life, and manner of
  treating the black gentry._                                    215-220

  _---- arrives at_ China: _his stay and behaviour
  there; with remarks upon him._                                 221-227

  _Some of his_ blunderrata _as an author._                     227, 228

  _A full account of him since his return to_
  England: _with the procedings against
  him at law; his imprisonment and escape._                      228-233

  _A list of his men disperst and lost._                             234

  _A final account of captain_ Clipperton.                           236


  SECTION IV.

  Hatley _and others sent a cruising in the_ Mercury:
  _they fall in with the_ Brilliant _man
  of war._                                                           242

  _---- would have escaped by a trick; but
  through the obstinacy of_ John Sprake _are
  taken._                                                            243

  Betagh _and two more sent to_ Piura _forty
  mile up the coast:_ Hatley _and the rest
  sent prisoners to_ Lima _four hundred Mile
  further._                                                          244

  _The manner of travelling to_ Piura; _with_
  Betagh_’s friendly reception and entertainment
  there._                                                        245-248

  _Description of_ Payta, _and the pedlers in_
  Peru.                                                          248-250

  _The civility of the admiral and capt._ De
  Grange.                                                            251

  Betagh _carried to_ Lima, where _he, capt._
  Hatley, _and his men are likely to suffer
  as pyrates._                                                       252

  _But through the viceroy’s goodness they all
  get off, the fact being_ Shelvocke_’s._                            ib.

  _Sailors of both ships new christend._                             253

  _---- drink punch and quarel, and are put in
  the inquisition._                                                  255

  _---- they are pardond: a good story of ’em
  after that._                                                       256

  Lima _city described._                                             257

  _Different mixtures of people distinguisht._                       259

  _Their habit, convents and riches._                                260

  _Good remark upon the law._                                        264

  _Climate, earthquakes,_ &c.                                        266

  _Why it never rains thereabouts._                                  268

  _How they make butter in_ Chili.                                   269

  _Women and pastimes at_ Lima _described._                          270

  _Story of a lady who killd her lover._                             273

  _Story of two_ Englishmen _who fought a
  prize there._                                                      275

  _An attempt to find_ Solomon_’s island._                           276

  _Full account of the mines of_ Chili _and_ Peru.                   279

  _None but_ Indians _work in them._                                 281

  _The discoverer has one half, the king the other._                 282

  _Grinding-mills described._                                        283

  _Gold purifyd sooner than silver._                                 284

  _Vast quantities of mercury used._                                 287

  _Silver ore; the different names thereof._                         288

  _Mine countries very cold and dry._                                290

  _An observation thereon._                                          291

  Lavaderos _or washing places very remarkable._                 292-296

  _Fine scituation of_ Coquimbo, _or_ Serena.                        294

  _Good account of the creation of metals._                      297-301

  Frezier_’s notion about giants._                               301-305

  _An opinion about the_ Mosaic _history, and
  religion of the_ Indians.                                          307

  Chap. 5. _Being a new account of Capt._ Martinet_’s
  expedition; with remarks on the
  trade to_ Chili.                                                   308

  _French interlopers destroyd: they and the_
  Spaniards _disagree._                                              313

  _The_ Ruby _which met_ Shelvocke _at St._ Catherine,
  _a very rich ship but then unknown._                      316 _and_ 50

  _Some observations conclude the voyage._                       317-324

  _The Jesuits settlement in_ Paraguay, _curious
  and entertaining, translated from the_ French.                     325

  _Two remarks omitted._                                             340

[Illustration]




A

VOYAGE

ROUND THE

WORLD,

By Way of the GREAT

_SOUTH SEA_.


Voyages have been always well receiv’d, and especially by _Englishmen_.
They seem to sute the genius of the _British_ nation, whose people
are particularly distinguish’d for the curiosity of their temper, and
the many great exploits of their shipping in all parts of the world.
’Tis true, this sort of history is often writ by unskilful hands; and
a fact sometimes loses credit for want of method in telling it: but
if the reader meets with something new and authentic, he is generally
satisfied: the greatest pleasure of the mind being an addition to our
knowledge.

The following book is a united journal of two ships, written chiefly to
undeceive mankind in the spurious account of a voyage round the world,
publish’d by captain _George Shelvocke_: which account is not only
injurious to me, but is intirely the most absurd and false narrative
that was ever deliver’d to the publick. And surely a man may be excus’d
for setting the world right in any public affair; much more in an
enterprise, where the credit and dignity of his country are concern’d.
And if our resentments are allow’d to be equal to injuries receiv’d,
what must mine be, when stript of property and good name? Both which
the said _Shelvocke_ has done his utmost to accomplish: And though some
of this treatise is to obviate his many abuses and forgeries, yet I
have endeavoured to make even that part entertaining; to avoid giving
the reader a mere dry story of his wickedness.

Beside our sea journal, I have collected the observations I made
while in the kingdoms of _Chili_ and _Peru_, concerning the _Spanish_
dominions in _America_. The trade, customs, luxury, and gallantry of
the _Creolians_. To which I have added an account of their gold and
silver mines, their manner of separating the mineral from the ore, and
many other things; all which together, I need not doubt, will prove an
agreeable history of this voyage.

In the proceding of our two ships I have the pleasure to be well
assisted; having procured the original journal of Mr. _George Taylor_,
chief mate to captain _Clipperton_, who commanded this expedition,
which I shall make use of to invalidate captain _Shelvocke_’s false
accounts: which journal will at once let the reader into the most
material transactions of _Clipperton_, and convince mankind of his
faithful intentions, tho’ _Shelvocke_ has taken such mighty pains to
vilify him.

Besides which, I have the concurring evidence of many who were aboard
the _Speedwell_; some of which are now in _London_ ready to speak the
truth: and tho I am thorowly satisfyd our story will speak it self,
yet some of the chief facts are already sworn to; the affidavits being
filed in Chancery, and to be seen at the office in _Chancery-lane_.

In the year 1718, during the war between their _Imperial_ and
_Catholic_ Majesties, and while a rupture was daily expected between
_Great Britain_ and _Spain_; some persons of distinction, and
merchants of the city of _London_ agreed upon a subscription, to fit
out two private ships of war, under the Emperor’s commission, to
cruise upon the _Spaniards_ in the _South Seas_. The chief motives
for such an expedition were the desire of being better acquainted
with the navigation of that part of the world, to put their seafaring
friends into a promising imployment, and the many views they had of
a prosperous return from so well concerted an undertaking. But tho
the said breach between _Great Britain_ and _Spain_ was known to be
unavoidable, yet, upon the delay of actual hostilities, the aforesaid
gentlemen were desirous to take the advantage of the war between
the _Emperor_ and the king of _Spain_: and in order to have their
ships in the _South Sea_ before the season was far advanced, they
obtained his _Imperial_ Majesty’s commission, and mand their ships
with a good number of his subjects. They named their first ship the
_Prince Eugene_, and the other the _Starenberg_. Of this armament
_George Shelvocke_ was appointed to be commander in chief, who had
sometime serv’d as a lieutenant in the _British_ navy. Whereupon he was
forthwith order’d to _Ostend_, there to receive the _Flemish_ officers,
the seamen and commission aboard the _Starenberg_: and among other
things, receiv’d orders not to fire any guns, or hoist any colours,
while in that port; and to take aboard no more than sixty _Flemings_,
with three officers; and when he had got his men, wine, and brandy, to
proceed directly to the _Downs_.

In the mean time the _Prince Eugene_ arrived in the _Downs_, having
been fitted and man’d in the river. Three of the owners went to _Deal_,
expecting to meet with both the ships; but were uneasy to find captain
_Shelvocke_ was not yet come. However upon his arrival, they inquir’d
into the cause of his delay, and were surprised to find he had idly
neglected joining his consort as early as he ought; had broke thro’
his orders, made entertainments, hoisted Imperial colours, brought
over ninety _Flemings_ and six officers, fir’d away five barrels of
powder, began upon his wine and brandy which the owners had put aboard
him, and was design’d as the whole stock for both ships, to comfort
them in their long and hazardous voyage. And in short so ill did he
behave, as to bring his owners to change the command, and in his room
appoint _John Clipperton_ captain of the larger ship, and commander in
chief, who had made two voyages to the _South Sea_ before. Besides,
the _Flemings_ were so many in number, and so ill chosen, that the
_British_ seamen grew uneasy. The former having their own officers,
seem’d to over-value themselves upon their sovereign’s commission,
which was not relished by the _Englishmen_. It occasion’d a mix’d
command, and produc’d frequent animosities; so that it was judged
impracticable for them to go the voyage together. At length the war
being begun between _Great Britain_ and _Spain_ in the _Mediterranean_,
the owners agreed to get his Majesty King _George_’s commission, and
to send over the foreign commission, men and officers to _Flanders_,
paying their charges, and allowing two months wages to the men.
After which the owners order’d their ships, being now called the
_Success_ and _Speedwel_, to _Plymouth_, to be there recruited in their
provision, and get their complement of men.

_Clipperton_ being thus appointed commander in chief, had also
the biggest ship, the _Success_, of thirty six guns and 180 men.
_Shelvocke_ had the _Speedwel_, twenty four guns, and one hundred
and six men, under whose command I was appointed captain of marines.
The ships lay near three months at _Plymouth_ for a wind; in which
time _Shelvocke_ continually shewed his resentment at the change of
command, in such a manner that there was a faction fermented from the
captains to the cabin boys.[1] And tho’ he did endeavour to curb his
restless spirit, yet was it so publickly apparent, that one of the
owners, who was chief director of this affair, wrote to him to mind
him of his conduct, and warn him of his duty: to which very man this
_Shelvocke_ owes his having the _Speedwel_, being the second command in
this undertaking. The same gentleman has also assur’d me, that, when
_Shelvocke_ apply’d by letter to him for employment, his circumstances
were so low, that he did not scruple to declare he had no bread to
eat; nor a friend in the world except him, to expect any favour from.
Whereupon the said gentleman having served with him in the navy aboard
the same ship, generously invited _Shelvocke_ to his country house,
where he made him a present of a twenty pound note on his goldsmith,
till he could effectually provide for him, having then this enterprise
in view. When he first told him he should command one of these ships,
_Shelvocke_ was so throughly pleas’d with the news, that he vow’d it
was greatly beyond his expectation; and rather than not go the voyage
at all, he would content himself to be boatswain’s mate.

[1] See pag. 28. of his preface, where he says he stifled his
resentment, not suffering it to break out into an open flame.

The purport of the aforesaid letter sent to _Plymouth_, was to
advise _Shelvocke_ of his mutinous behaviour and rudeness to captain
_Clipperton_; and that by return of the mail, if the owners did not
receive assurances of his intire contentment with the post he had,
a commission would be sent down for another person to command the
_Speedwel_ in his room. Upon which captain _Shelvocke_ wrote at
several times as followeth.

       *       *       *       *       *

SIR,

“I Am favour’d with yours; but surpris’d very much at so sudden a
change: but the many favours I have received from your hands, has
easily brought me to a resolution of submitting.----_Dec. 13. 1718._
I am easy, perfectly easy, and very heartily thankful for all your
favours. I am far from thinking it a disrepute to serve you in any
capacity. For God’s sake, Sir, pardon small falts: I starve without
your friendship. I know the world so well, that I have no other
friend----_Dec. 19._ I assure you I shall always act like a faithful
servant: and no spirit shall proceed from me, but such as honour
and gratitude directs. I shall with the greatest cheerfulness shew
captain _Clipperton_ all the respect in the world.----_Jan. 27. 1719._
All resentments are laid aside by me long since, and don’t doubt of
brotherhood with captain _Clipperton_. Our ships are much better man’d
than ever, both bearing more than their complement; and I am very glad
of the addition you have been pleased to make of so many gentlemen to
the service.”

All these particulars I had from the said gentleman since my return
from the voyage; and captain _Shelvocke_’s letters are here inserted to
shew how forward he was to promise, and how little he meant to perform.

By the sequel of his behaviour throughout this book, all mankind will
see what conceal’d revenge he had in his heart: Being determin’d
henceforth pyratically to act, arbitrarily to manage and destroy
so well concerted a scheme for the interest of all parties, and to
disappoint the hopes of many other people, who were desirous to shew
the _Spanish_ nation how small a force from _England_ could annoy and
plunder them in their most powerful, distant settlements.

Here it must be observ’d with what care _Shelvocke_ has avoided giving
the true reasons why the command was changed; and has labour’d to throw
the miscarriage of the expedition on _Clipperton_’s incapacity, the
change of officers, and the frequent mutinies of his own men: whereas I
shall fully prove that the ruin of our voyage was the consequence of
his own pride, avarice and treachery.

’Tis to be noted that captain _Clipperton_ died before _Shelvocke_
had any thoughts of writing a book: And it’s highly probable that
if _Clipperton_ were alive to answer for himself, _Shelvocke_ had
never been bold enough to print such a scandalous history. And as to
_Shelvocke_’s officers, they were so far from being accessary to any
miscarriage, that he never consulted us on any occasion whatever; tho’
he, as well as _Clipperton_, had strict orders in all enterprizes to
follow that excellent scheme framed and practised by captain _Woodes
Rogers_ in his memorable voyage round the globe; which is certainly the
safest method for all navigators, who mean to execute any project of
this kind; and for which end _Rogers_’s printed journal was put aboard
each ship. It was his rule never to undertake any thing of moment,
without first calling a council of his chief officers, who in writing
testify’d their approbation of, and concurrence in the execution of the
design: But our captain was above confining himself to any precedents
or orders, his will being the only reason for all he did, so that he
never kept any journal or diary at all; which is perfectly agreeable to
his resolution, and the design he first had in view, never to join the
_Success_ after he lost company with her in the storm mention’d in the
third page of his book: And tho’ he seems sorry at the separation, yet
the _Success_ had most reason to be so, for _Shelvocke_ had the whole
store of wine and brandy aboard the _Speedwell_; so that _Clipperton_
was forc’d to go a tedious comfortless voyage without any. _Shelvocke_,
indeed, says he offer’d him his liquors when at sea, and the other
neglected to take them in; which, if true, is not a material objection,
because _Clipperton_ expecting no treachery, but a punctual meeting
to the windward of grand _Canary_, the first place of rendezvous,
doubtless thought it might be then time enough; but I question the
fact, because _Taylor_’s journal takes no notice of their speaking with
each other that day, which runs thus.

“_Success Feb. 15._ these 24 hours fresh gales and squally with rain.
This evening unbent our best and small bowers, stow’d our anchors, and
have been oblig’d to shorten sail several times for the _Speedwell_.”

But, however, to shew that _Shelvocke_ was well enough pleas’d to
part with his consort, he steer’d a course quite different from the
_Success_, and contrary to his duty; as appears by _Taylor_’s journal.
“_Feb. 20._ These 24 hours fresh gales and cloudy with small rain.
At two this afternoon, the storm being somewhat abated, we wore and
made sail, steering away south and by east.” And continuing his course
to the Southward, arrived off the _Canaries_ the sixth of _March_
following, which run he made in fourteen days: Whereas _Shelvocke_
p. 4. has it thus. “_Feb. 20._ We had no sight of the _Success_ or
any other vessel. At noon we set the mainsail double reefed, and at
midnight the topsails, and stood to the north-west,” when it’s plain,
he might have steer’d the same course to the southward, but for views
of his own went to the northward; and accordingly did not arrive at the
_Canaries_, till he might well judge his consort was gone: For page
9. he owns his arrival there on the seventeenth of _March_, which is
eleven days difference, and with this aggravation, that instead of
going to the windward, I well remember we hawl’d close in under the
lee of the said island, being the north-east side thereof; because the
winds govern there most part of the year in the south-west board.

The next day after losing company, _Shelvocke_ seeing a piece of a
wreck float along the _Speedwell_’s side, endeavour’d to persuade us,
that _Clipperton_ was lost in the storm, alledging, for his reasons,
that the _Success_ was built very slight, greater regard being had to
her sailing than burdening well, and that her weight of metal had torn
her sides out, and so was gone to the bottom. But finding this did
not pass with us, he then insisted that she bore away for _France_ or
_Ireland_, to purchase wine or brandy, without which, according to him,
nothing at all was to be done: And I own it was very hard to be forc’d
on a long voyage to the southward, when the sun was in his northern
course, without either of those chearful supports of nature. But to
prove that _Clipperton_ could do his duty without wine and brandy, he
like a good officer sail’d to the _Canaries_, being the first place
of rendezvous; and cruising there his limited time, proceded to St.
_Vincent_, one of the _Cape de Verd_ islands; at one of which places he
doubted not of meeting us.

_Taylor_’s journal has it thus,

“_Success, March 15, 1719._ Having cruised ten days off the _Canaries_,
without meeting our consort or taking any prize, and in little hopes
of either, we steer away to the _Cape de Verd_ islands: And at six
this forenoon the island _Gomera_ bore north half west, distant nine
leagues, latitude 28 : 00 north, longitude 00 : 00 west, whence I take
my departure.”

But _Shelvocke_, who never design’d to give the owners any true account
of his captures or procedings, from this time stood resolved to act
independently on _Clipperton_, and never meet him again, except by
chance: for as soon as we had lost the _Success_, _Hendrie_ and _Dod_,
as well as my self, who were at his table, often heard him declare,
he never would join her again, or words to that effect: wherein he
fulfill’d his promise by knocking his ship on the head at _Fernandes_,
the circumstances of which, as I shall hereafter relate them, will make
it plainly appear to be done on purpose. And further, he assur’d us
all at several times, that on his return to _Europe_, he would avoid
_England_, and go to _Hamburgh_, or some other free port, and there
remain till he should bring his owners to a composition; adding with
an oath, that if they went to law, he would hold them to it with their
own money. And herein also he has kept his word; for though he has been
in _London_ these five years, he still refuses giving the owners any
satisfaction: taking care however by absconding, to avoid being served
with a writ in _Chancery_; which I believe would soon put an end to the
suit so long carrying on by the gentlemen adventurers, on the evidence
of many who serv’d on board the _Speedwell_, as well as my own.

And such was this man’s particular affection for strong liquors, that
we have often heard him say, there was but one honest fellow among all
the gentlemen adventurers; for he spoke well when he desired we might
have brandy and wine enough; tho’ all the time we were fitting out, he
was pleas’d to call them men of worth and honour, and never failed at
every fresh bottle to drink their healths: But now ’tis damn them; and
for his part he would take care of number one. This new way of treating
our Patrons, whose property we were then making very free with,
somewhat startled us: and I fearing these frequent declarations of his
would rather tend to disunite the ship’s company, and ruin our scheme,
look’d often towards _Hatley_ our second captain, as expecting he
would speak first; but finding him silent, I address’d my self to our
commander in these words: Sir, if I may have leave to offer my thoughts
upon these frank declarations of your designs, it is my humble opinion,
that to act separately from captain _Clipperton_, will terminate in
the ruin of this expedition. To which he answered, no, no, we have
a good ship, well man’d, and found with all necessaries; we shall
do well enough: I reply’d, that surely our owners would have hardly
put themselves to the expense of two ships, could they have had any
reasonable prospect of making a good voyage with one in these remote
parts. This threw _Shelvocke_ into a great rage: He us’d me ill; said
I was insolent, and ask’d me if I meant to usurp the command of the
ship? The next day at dinner I drank, as usual, the gentlemens health
to whom we were all indebted for this favourable prospect of making our
fortunes. At this he flung his cann at my Head, while I was drinking,
and took it for an insult of his authority. Nor did he spare any of
his other officers; but at one time or other struck us all, except Mr.
_Dod_, whose greater advance in years perhaps protected him.

This scandalous treatment I was forc’d to undergo for the honour I did
the gentlemen owners, and respectfully mentioning the necessity of our
rejoining the _Success_. And from this time a universal discontent
appear’d in the ship’s company, not only among the officers, but was
visible in the faces of the meanest of the crew. For _Shelvocke_, to
improve his own design, went so far as to insinuate, that at our return
the gentlemen would be cunning enough to defraud us of our proper
dividends; tho’ I dare say there was none among us, who did not think
it more dishonourable to mistrust a set of worthy gentlemen, than to
find our selves deceiv’d by them at last.

Thus may the impartial reader see that all the uneasiness of
_Shelvocke_’s men was occasioned by his own inhumanity and
perfidiousness: And tho’ none of his officers, except my self, ever
offer’d to controvert his base conduct, or absurd sentiments, yet he
has the assurance _p_. 4. to say his people mutinied, and pretended the
ship was incapable to go through the voyage.

I will allow the men that the ship was very full and much pester’d, but
can’t allow _Shelvocke_ that she was so crank or tender as not to carry
sail. The wind was then at S. W. or S. W. by W. and he owns he carried
his topsails the next day after the storm, which was the 20^{th} of
_Feb._ Could she not then make as good way to the southward with her
starboard tacks aboard, as she could to the northward with her larboard?

Page 7. _Shelvocke_ gravely tells his readers that _Hatley_, second
captain, disputed the command with him. The Story in short is thus:
Some questions arising about seamanship, and both of them fuddled,
_Hatley_ seem’d too tenacious of his opinion; at which _Shelvocke_
in a fury bolted up, “See, gentlemen, do you mind how the villain
disputes the command with me?” These were his very words, using him but
in a scurvy manner before all the company, and upon the quarter-deck:
after which he order’d the men to call him no otherwise than Mr.
_Hatley_. This we’ll suppose they submitted to, and indulg’d the mighty
_Shelvocke_ in his mean vanity.

His son _George_ too contributed much to the company’s uneasiness, tho’
he had no real business to go with us; for his name is not among those
who subscrib’d the articles: and he knew nothing of sea affairs, or
indeed of any thing else that was commendable or manly. His imployment
at _London_ was to dangle after the women, and gossip at the tea-table;
and aboard us, his whole business was to thrust himself into all
society, overhear every thing that was said, then go and tell his
father: so that he was more fit for aboarding school than a ship of
war. Yet had this insignificant fellow a dividend of 660 pound out of
one prize, in prejudice to many honest brave men, destroy’d, lost and
begger’d at the captain’s pleasure.

We are now to the leeward of _Grand Canary_, where our captain takes a
little fisherman’s bark, I’m positive not above eight or ten ton, and
which we all pray’d might be turn’d adrift for the poor owner’s use,
but in vain; for tho’ of no import at all to us, yet to him she serv’d
as a good pretext for santering away ten or twelve days, fitting her
out in a warlike manner to peep into every creek of the lee of that and
the neighbouring islands, till _Clipperton_ may be well supposed gone
far enough ahead.

The next place of rendezvous he conceals from his officers. By his own
account, which follows, one would suspect him to be guilty; but by the
help of _Taylor_’s journal I shall convict him throughly.

_Shelvocke_ p. 9. “Having finish’d my cruise without meeting or hearing
of the _Success_, I found my self in a very melancholy state, when I
came to consider that the next appointed rendezvous was at the island
_John Fernandes_ in the great _South Seas_.” And yet p. 11. he says,
“We took our departure from _Faro_, one of the _Canaries_, in hopes
of meeting captain _Clipperton_ among the _Cape de Verd_ islands,
and took our prize along with us.”----which I am sure was not worth a
commission ship to be troubled with 300 leagues.

He well knew this was the next place agreed to meet at, tho’ carefully
concealed from us; however _Taylor_’s journal confirms it.

“_Success, March 21._ Fresh gales, _&c._ At six this afternoon we saw
St. _Vincent_, at ten next morning we anchor’d in the bay and found
a _French_ merchant ship and the _Diamond_ of _Bristol_, captain
_Cleader_, taking in an odd sort of cargo for _Jamaica_, _viz._ asses.
This being appointed the next place of rendezvous, we were in hopes to
find the _Speedwell_, but are convinced of the contrary, to our great
surprise, and greater concern for the want of our liquors, without the
moderate use of which, it’s dull living either ashore or at sea; so
that I cannot help saying we all look like the cargo aforemention’d,
for suffering _Shelvocke_ to keep our wine and brandy.”

Now let any indifferent person judge whether ’tis probable that
_Fernandes_ could be the next appointed rendezvous from the _Canaries_,
being a run of no less than 120 degrees.

We arrive next at the isle of _May_, and are taken for pyrates;
_Shelvocke_ gives it the softer name of freebooters. Here I remember we
had six silver goblets for our common drinking, and he, like a careful
officer, lest they should be lost, calls up the armourer to melt and
hammer five of them into circles to adorn the outside of a fine pail,
made by the cooper, for the more glorious drinking of _Hipsy_, a liquor
compounded of wine, water and brandy, which by the admirers of it, is
also call’d mear, drink and cloth. And now I took leave of a glass of
pure wine; for _Shelvocke_ labouring a little with the gout, imagined
this compound to be its best antidote, and so we all lived upon it in
a wanton manner, till our wine and brandy was exhausted; which, tho’
designed for the use of both ships, hardly served us a twelve month.

This also proved a means of dividing us; for those, whom hard drinking
did not agree with, he distinguish’d with a sour morose behaviour, and
look’d on them as malecontents; so that the quantity of _Hipsy_ was the
only title to a proportion of merit in our captain’s favour.

_Taylor_’s journal gives the following account of the island of St.
_Vincent_, which I thought not improper to insert. “That it affords but
little provision or refreshments of any kind, except goats and young
asses, which he says are good food, their men having eat very freely
thereof. That it’s also but a poor place to wood and water at, there
being but one small drein: and that your boats are always in danger,
from the greatness of the surf.” From hence they took their departure
on the 2d of _April 1719_.

But _Shelvocke_, who was not in so much haste, got no farther than the
island of St. _Jago_, on the 18th of the same month, where he sold his
small prize to the governer for but 80 dollars, tho’ he says 150. Then
he sends away his kinsman _Adams_, our Surgeon, to the chief town of
this island, to inform himself privately all that he could learn of the
_Success_; and to purchase sugar, without which there was no making
_Hipsy_. He return’d with the agreeable news of _Clipperton_’s being
gone from St. _Vincent_’s, which, however, was concel’d from us. And
now _Shelvocke_ being past all fears of meeting _Clipperton_, resolves
to put it out of the power of chance to fall in with him any more, by
forming a design of wintering at St. _Catharine_’s, on the coast of
_Brasil_: and accordingly, on the 20th of _April_, weighs anchor and
sails towards the continent of _America_.

On the 5th of _June_, 1719, we met a _Portuguese_ merchantman near
_Cape Frio_. Our captain order’d the Emperor’s colours to be hoisted,
which, without any reflection, look the most thief-like of any worn
by honest men: those of his Imperial Majesty are a black spread eagle
in a yellow field, and those of the pyrates a yellow field and black
human skeleton; which at a small distance are not easily distinguished,
especially in light gales of wind. So he brings her to, by firing a
musket thwart her forefoot; sends aboard her the best busker (as he
himself call’d _Hatley_) with a boat’s crew; each man arm’d with a
cutlass and a case of pistols.

The _Portuguese_ not only imagines his ship made prize, but thinks also
how he shall undergo that piece of discipline used by the merry blades
in the _West-Indies_, call’d blooding and sweating; which is done by
making the captain, on the ill report of his men, or his declining to
discover where his money is hid, to run the gantlet naked thro’ the
pyrate’s crew; each of them furnish’d with a sail-needle, pricking him
in the buttocks, back and shoulders; thus bleeding they put him into a
sugar cask swarming with cock-roaches, cover him with a blanket, and
there leave him to glut the vermin with his blood.

_Don Pedro_, to save his bacon, took care however to be very officious
or yare handed (as we say) with his present: For no sooner was _Hatley_
on his quarter-deck, but the _Portuguese_ seamen began to hand into
the boat the fruits and refreshments they had aboard, as plantins,
bananas, lemons, oranges, pomgranates, _&c._ three or four dozen boxes
of marmalade and other sweatmeats; some _Dutch_ cheeses, and a large
quantity of sugars.----If they had stopp’d here, it was well enough,
and might pass as a present; but after this there came above a dozen
pieces of silk, several of which were flower’d with gold and silver,
worth, at least, three pound a yard, by retale; several dozen of
_China_ plates and basins, a small _Japan_ cabinet; not to mention what
the men took, who on seeing the _Portuguese_ so brisk at handing their
things into the boat, concluded immediately they had as good a right to
a present, as any body else. So on board they go, laying hold on what
came next to hand: In short, as ’twas all a present, I can’t see who
could pretend to restrain them. Among other things, _Hatley_ brought
the last and handsomest present of all, a purse of 300 moydors.

This convinc’d _Shelvocke_ he was not deceiv’d in calling _Hatley_ the
best busker, that is, an impudent sharp fellow, (from the _Spanish_
word _buscar_, to look out sharp,) who, perhaps, to reingratiate
himself, did the devil’s work; by whose laudable example our boat’s
crew robb’d the man of more than I can pretend to say: but I remember
the boat was pretty well laden with one trade or other; and none of the
officers dared so much as peep into her, till all was out. While these
things were handing into the ship, a sham kind of quarel ensues between
our chieftains.

       *       *       *       *       *

Shel. _Zounds! what do you mean by all this, Sir?_

Hat. _By what, Sir?_

Shel. _Bringing me these baubles?_

Hat. _Sir they are very cheap._

Shel. _But I shall want my money for other uses._

Hat. _They’ll fetch double the cost at our next port._

Shel. _You always act contrary to my orders._

Hat. _Sir, I laid out my own money in the same things as I did yours._

Shel. _It’s a hard case I have no officer worth trusting; I can have
nothing well done, except I go out of the ship my self upon every
occasion._

Hat. _I thought I had done for the better._--

Shel. _I’ll have you know, Sir, I’ll be obey’d._

Hat. _Your commands shall always be to me as a law._

Shel. _Where’s the account or bill of parcels?_

Hat. _Sir, not easily understanding one another, we lump’d it; but I
can draw one out._

Shel. _Pray see you do._

Hat. _Yes Sir._

Shel. _Whither is he bound?_

Hat. _To_ Pernambucco.

Shel. _Where belonging to?_

Hat. _To_ Rio Janeiro, _whence he brought these fruits and
refreshments, which he presents you with; desiring me to give you his
humble service, and that any thing in his ship is at your disposal._

Shel. _Well, I believe he’s a very honest fellow. Take the trumpet;
tell him I thank him, and that he may persue his voyage._

Hatley with the speaking trumpet. _O senior capitan, O ho?_

Capt. _Ho la senior._

Hat. _Amigo, Prosiga v, m, su camino con dios_; that is, go on friend,
and God bless you.

Capt. muttering. _Y, v, m, el voestro con mille demonios, perro
ladron_; that is, go you on, you thieving dog, and a thousand devils
along with you.

The _Portuguese_ captain thus fleeced, hoisted his topsails and away
he goes, glad enough ’twas no worse. _Shelvocke_ will have it, p. 16.
that there were but four or five pieces of silk, but I have as good
a memory as himself: And supposing, tho’ not allowing there was no
more, and as the 80 dollars, prize money, was laid out in sugar and
some refreshments at St. _Jago_, whence must the cost of those silks,
china and cabinet come? since I am positive we could not muster up
five pounds amongst us all when we left _Plymouth_; answering in that
respect the character of right privatiers men; but in no other instance.

He likewise says, p. 22. that _Hatley_’s moydors were but 80 or 100,
whereof ten were given the cockswain, and six to each of the boat’s
crew, which shall, in the sequel, be set in a fairer light, when
_Hatley_ and I were taken prisoners, and 96 of the moydors found upon
him.

In a few days after this, all our petty officers and boat’s crew
appear’d in their fine silk waistcoats, caps and breeches; our
commander himself in a silken skin, as the word _peaud’soy_ implies,
and the beau gentleman his son, in a cinnamon colour’d sute of fine
silk, all wondrous gallant and gay!

_Shelvocke_ soon perceived by the whispering and shyness of his
officers in the cabin, that this management did not please them, tho’
none of us dared to speak the least about it: So to make us easy, as
he would have it (tho’ in reality to make us accomplices) he order’d
us to bring into the cabin all our scarlet sutes;--the Gentlemen who
fitted us out, having given the chief officers, to the number of twenty
five in both ships, a scarlet sute each;--When he made us the following
speech.

       *       *       *       *       *

Gentlemen,

“We have yet a long voyage in hand, and ’tis uncertain where or how we
shall be furnish’d with cloaths, when these we have are worn out or
impair’d. To shew you therefore that I have your interest as much at
heart as my own, I have consider’d that your sleeve cuffs and pocket
flaps will be first subject to the injuries of time; which to prevent,
I here make each of you a present of as much gold and silver flower’d
silk as will serve to cover them. To you gentlemen sea officers,
scarlet with gold; and to you gentlemen of the marines, green with
silver.” For this kind offer we all return’d humble thanks, beging
leave at the same time to be excus’d from this piece of finery: but all
in vain; for our captain would not be outdone in point of generosity:
we must appear something like himself. And he in his black _peaud’soy_
sute trim’d with large silver loops down the breast, made a ridiculous
figure enough.

He has somewhere, I think, call’d me a _Cape of Good Hope man_; which
noted headland I never saw, and therefore know not what he means by
it: But ’tis certain this transaction with the _Portuguese_ proved
_Shelvocke_ a right _Cape Frio_ man, which I believe is very easily
understood.

Tho’ _Shelvocke_ never kept any journal, or intended to give the
gentlemen any fair account of his actions; yet at his arrival in
_England_, finding this story was blown, he was under a necessity of
removing from himself the imputation of Pyracy as well as he could: and
therefore confidently tells the world, page 23. that he made a protest
against _Hatley_, and deliver’d it to captain _Clipperton_, in the
_South-Sea_, which, if true, instead of mending makes the story worse.

Now, this is mere invention, founded upon the difficulty there seems
to be of confuting him; for _Clipperton_ died in _June 1722_. I was
left a prisoner at _Lima_ in _Peru_, and probably sacrificed. As for
_Hatley_, he indeed did arrive at _London_ in 23; but went immediately
for _Jamaica_, never shewing his face to any one of the owners: so that
_Shelvocke_ imagin’d there was no witness of consequence to reveal
his craft and treachery; having had three or four years to frame and
complete this romantic libel.

However, I desire this invisible gentleman to answer me these following
questions.

Why such protest was not made while _Hatley_ was on board the
_Speedwell_, to be confronted by a cloud of witnesses?

Why that protest (if any such ever was made) should be deliver’d to
captain _Clipperton_, whom _Shelvocke_ from page 22. to 25 of his
preface, and all along has made such a sad insignificant fellow; and to
whom he had too much pride to think himself accountable? and,

Why was not a copy of that protest printed in his book, fairly vouch’d
by his chief officers, as well as that long impertinent one against the
governer of _Sansonate_; on the opposite part of the globe? page 340.
I really believe one would have been much more to his credit than the
other.

We arrive next at St. _Catherine_’s on the coast of _Brazil_, lat.
27 : 30 S: where our captain shews us a masterpiece of machiavilian
politicks; making by the following stratagem the greatest number of
his ships company rogues against their own inclinations: and knowing
this could not be suddenly brought about, he had long been preparing
for that purpose his instrument, one _Mathew Stewart_; who, as his own
steward, waited on us in the cabin, till our arrival at the _Canary_
islands, when and where _Shelvocke_ had promoted him to be first mate
of the ship, tho’ not seaman enough to distinguish between a brace and
a bowline. This was done to gain him greater credit with the men; tho’
it was a direct prejudice to three or four clever young fellows who
were good seamen and artists. His accepting a steward’s place at first
is an undeniable argument he was no seaman. The

The weight of my argument depending much on proving _Stewart_ no
seaman, the reader I hope will pardon my inserting this account of
him. He was the son or apprentice of a shopkeeper at _Glasgow_ in
_North Britain_, and went supercargo of a small ship to _Maryland_ or
_Virginia_. On his return from his first voyage he touch’d at _London_,
where he squander’d away most of his money: so not caring to look his
friends in the face, he desir’d of captain _Shelvocke_ to be imploy’d
in our expedition; who made him his steward. He was a young man of good
sense and good education: so that it’s plain if he were qualified for
doing the duty of a sea-officer, his ambition would not have suffer’d
him to accept a steward’s place: and how fit this man was for first
mate of a private ship of war, I leave other judges than my self to
determine. In this article I appeal to Mr. _James Moffat_ and Company,
mercers in _St. Martins le Grand_.

This spark had not been long tampering with the men, before he brought
them to any thing he pleased; especially when they saw he always had
the captain’s ear, and was so very much in his favour also; which
gave us all a kind of emulation, wondering what rare qualifications
_Shelvocke_ could discover in a fellow, who but a few days before
rinsed our glasses and filled us our wine.

But the mystery was here unravell’d, on our finding a round robine
sent up by the men to _Shelvocke_, by this minion of his. Robine is a
mutinous letter, at the bottom of which every subscriber sets his hand
in a round ring, to avoid being called first in the mutiny. The tenor
of this letter set forth their diffidence of the gentlemen owners,
and their fears of being all cheated: which the fellows before had no
notion of, if not prompted to these apprehensions, as I said before,
by _Shelvocke_ himself; who finding all that he had done and said fail
of the desired effect, had now made use of this emissary _Stewart_, to
poison the men’s minds, when otherwise they would have been quiet at
their duty. I need no stronger argument to prove the honest and orderly
disposition of the ship’s company, than this writer’s own words,
page 4. who says himself, they were four fifths landmen; whose first
complaint, ’tis well known, is always for want of provisions; which
they, however do in a more submissive manner. But this was quite out
of the case; as what they never could or did complain of. Besides, if
the boatswain and his mates were supported in the discharge of their
duty, they were sufficient enough to keep them under. Add to this,
that we were nine officers at his table, an unusual number for such a
ship, being so design’d that we might effectually oppose any intended
mutinies: but this despotic man had so intimidated us, that had we
offered our service, by promising to assist him in bringing those
pretended mutiniers to reason, the very proposal from us would have
been construed a real mutiny. And further it may be easily imagined,
that no one would have had the confidence to deliver this arbitrary
captain any proposal savouring of discontent and mutiny, except a pupil
so instructed; and such was _Stewart_, whom I might more properly call
_quartermaster_, since he officiated as one who had rather been used to
the _Jamaica_ discipline, than a well regulated private ship of war.

None therefore but a man void of truth and shame could impute, as
_Shelvocke_ does, all his innovations and wilful mismanagements to the
mutinies of his men; when any six of his cabin officers, having the
small arms always in our own custody, would have drove the rascals over
the forecastle, without deserving to be recorded as heroes.

In fine, new regulations and articles were made and introduced by
_Stewart_, allowing an additional perquisit to _Shelvocke_ himself
of 5 _per cent_. upon the whole capture to be made; which, after his
example, we all sign’d.

To give the better countenance to this preceding, _Shelvocke_ asked
us officers of his mess, whom we would chuse for our agent? to this
not one of them even dared to say a word, waiting his own direction to
point out the man: At last I said, that since the whole ship’s company,
except our selves, had vested such a power in Mr. _Stewart_, I could
see no reason why he might not make one trouble of it, and pay us all
our respective shares. To this he answer’d with a menacing sneer, ay by
god, I suppose you want that preferment your self. I replyd, I was so
well satisfyd with my own shares, and the imployment given me by the
Gentlemen at home, that I never coveted or thought of any other. This
too gave a great deal of offense. However _Shelvocke_ modestly told us,
that unless we chose his own nephew _Adams_ the surgeon, we should make
a voyage for a _knife_ and _sheath_. It was no sooner said than done:
the doctor drew up an Instrument immediately, and we were constraind to
sign it.

But the merriest agent of all, was _Shelvocke_ himself, who calling
the next day to Mr. _Hendrie_, the Gentlemen’s agent, told him that
he himself would now be agent for the owners, and _Hendrie_ might be
purser of the ship, if he pleased: at which arbitrary usurpation, Mr.
_Hendrie_ was very much shockt; well knowing that as agent he had
a right to twenty shares; but as purser, only what _Shelvocke_ was
pleased to allow; for as yet we had no such officer mentiond aboard
the ship: wherefore seeing the difficulties we lay under, he believed
it was in vain to struggle, and only made this gentle return.----Sir,
I hope I have done nothing unbecoming my duty, either in my office,
or personally to you; and therefore beg leave to remind you, that
those gentlemen who gave you your commission in this ship, made me
also their agent for all such captures as she should make: for which
_Hendrie_ got no satisfaction, but _Shelvocke_’s adding with an oath
that if he did not accept a purser, he should neither be one nor the
other. Whereupon Mr. _Hendrie_ demanded, in his own right, to have a
council of the officers calld who should hear and determine the case;
which being absolutely refused, _Hendrie_ drew up a protest against the
captain’s arbitrary procedings, a copy of which he gave into his own
hand, and deliverd one to each officer of his mess: which is a proof
of _Hendrie_’s honest spirit, and that he was worthy of the post the
gentlemen gave him.

My reader may possibly question how so much craft, so much treachery,
such an abuse of power, could meet together in the person of one man:
but I here solemnly aver every circumstance of this affair to be true;
and appeal to all persons concernd therein, besides the depositions
aforesaid.

Nor is it so much to be wonder’d at, if we consider a commander of a
ship in a far distant latitude, with unlimited power, bad views, ill
nature and ill principles all concurring.----I say, it’s not to be
wondered at whatever such a Man does, for he is past all restraint.

A late instance of this kind is captain _Jayne_, of _Bristol_ who, in a
most extraordinary lingering manner, cruelly starved and tortured his
cabin boy to death; nor could his whole ship’s company hinder it, tho’
it was long a doing: however, when ashore, the men were freed from that
tyrannical power, and were bold enough to speak the truth, which hanged
him.

But to return. Thus was _Shelvocke_’s great estate to be got suddenly,
without any one in the ship to be a check upon him, or even a witness
of the _quantum_ or _quomodo_, _how_ or _how much_; for now ’tis
evident all must pass through his own and his two creatures hands;
_Shelvocke_ being agent for the owners, his kinsman for us of the
cabin, and _Stewart_ agent for the petty officers and men.

Nor did he stop here; for he also proposed to reduce me from captain
of marines to lieutenant, and the two lieutenants of marines to petty
officers: but I having a letter from _Edward Hughes_, Esq; directed
to captain _Mitchel_, then the commanding officer of the _Speedwel_,
to receive me and my servant on board, and to enter me on the roll of
equipage, as captain of marines, which I produced, he desisted, and
I heard no more of it: but this I remember, that in two days time my
pocket-book was stole from me, wherein I kept the said letter, and some
memorandums of our captain’s very fine procedings.

Instead of coming into this harbour of St. _Catharine_’s, it’s plain
_Shelvocke_’s duty was to make the best of his way to the southward,
that he might be early with the enemy the _Spaniard_; for _Clipperton_,
about this time, was actually in the great _South Sea_. But our
commander found it more comfortable to pass the winter away near that
glorious luminary the sun, than at the hazard of losing his liquors
to follow his orders and his commodore into the frozen straits of
_Magellan_, where _Clipperton_ and his men suffer’d extreme hardships,
being quite destitute of those supports which we super-abounded with.

To palliate these mismanagements _Shelvocke_ tells ye, p. 51. that
to save his _English_ provisions, he bought twenty one head of black
cattle; which, I am sure, was but four: one hundred and fifty bushels
of cassader meal; which was no more than five or six: and as for other
provisions (excepting three or four hogs) ’tis a forgery; for the
inhabitants hearing from our deserters of the _Cape Frio_ story, would
no longer deal with us; tho’ Monsieur _Laport_, one of our lieutenants,
who was a roman catholic, apply’d to the _padre_, one Sunday after
divine service, to sell _Shelvocke_ what he wanted.

He says, in his home made story, page 48. that _Hatley_ burn’d the
_Portuguese_ house, tho’ we have often heard him blame _Randal_, his
lieutenant, for so doing, he being really the man. This indeed was but
a brutish return to the people, who out of fear or complaisance had
quitted their house, for our coopers and sail-makers to work in, and
likewise served us for a guard house. But _Shelvocke_ says nothing of
_Coldsea_ the master, the most quarelsome turbulent fellow in the ship,
because whatever imperfect reckoning they had, was kept by him, having
made the tour of the globe together. This man at St. _Catharine_’s
was doom’d by _Shelvocke_ for transportation to _Europe_, because he
insulted his kinsman _Adams_; and to save himself an oath, that he
never should come over the ship’s side again, he suffer’d him, at the
intreaty of Mr. _Dodd_, to enter at a gun-port.

As to the awning, which he set up page 51. and which he intends as a
justification of his coming in here, it proved rather a nusance than a
benefit; for as the place afforded not the proper materials, he could
not make it staunch and tight, so that the rain, as it fell from the
clouds, was not half so troublesom, as the streams it made through this
imperfect piece of work, into the poor men’s necks: besides, it very
much hinder’d our walking the deck. Captain _Clipperton_ had twice made
the voyage before, and therefore was something of a judge; and he, as
well as the gentlemen at home, thought the _Speedwel_ completely enough
fitted out without any additions of captain _Shelvocke_’s.

It’s merry enough to observe how _Shelvocke_ p. 25. makes Mons. _La
Jonquiere_, who was a gentleman of good sense, commander of a fifty
gun ship in the King of _Spain_’s service, and in time of war with
_England_, hold forth to the supposed mutinous crew of an _English_
privatier, then going to take, sink, burn and destroy as many of the
ships belonging to the subjects of the king his master, as should have
the misfortune of falling into their clutches; and to this effect, that
they should behave themselves dutifully and obediently towards their
honest commander, who was leading them to make their fortunes. The
absurdity of this is plain enough, when I consider there were not above
four or five in our ship at most, who understood any thing of _French_:
and I am sure _La Jonquiere_ did not speak a word of _English_:
besides, he had something else to mind; all this being only a drunken
frolick, occasion’d by the _Frenchman_’s coming aboard us to make merry.

Another, but a worse blunder he commits in the speech, he pretends was
made to captain _Hatley_, by Monsieur _La Riviere_, commander of a
_Portuguese_ man of war of forty guns, which arrived there some time
before we sail’d, p. 26. “That it was very likely he might receive
a gratuity from the matter of the ship[2], to prevent his being
troublesome: but that his captain’s coming immediately into a port of
the same nation, was a convincing demonstration to him (besides the
meanness of the story) that there could not be any public or general
base design, and that he was far from mistrusting there could be any
private one, and desired him to give his humble service to me, and tell
me, that he had a great deal of honour and respect for me; and begg’d I
would let him have the conveniencies I had ashore (when I had done with
them) if the _French_ captain had not preingaged them.”

[2] That is the _Portuguese_ off _Cape Frio_.

Now, ’tis very unlikely that a captain of a man of war, of double the
force, and in a harbour of his own nation, should beg leave in so
obsequious a manner for conveniencies, which he might easily command;
and I know of no conveniencies there, except the house which _Randal_
burn’d; for _Shelvocke_ owns himself, p. 57. that he saw no house or
fortification, except the woods. And whereas he (for reasons best
known to himself) will have it that _Hatley_ was so odious to the
_Portuguese_ inhabitants, charging him with things quite foreign to
the truth; it was not his case alone: we were all equally hated by
them; for they were by this time acquainted with the ill treatment the
_Portuguese_ captain met with from us; as he himself plainly allows,
p. 45. saying, “I made no doubt but that captain _Hatley_’s affair
would be reported to this gentleman, by some of the inhabitants; and
therefore told him, that I expected he would go and vindicate himself
to the _Portuguese_ captain, to prevent any disturbances that might
arise, by the account of his mismanagement on board the _Portuguese_ we
met at sea. To which he readily replied, that he would. Therefore to
give him an opportunity of doing it, I sent a complement by Monsieur
_La Riviere_.”

Now had the business with the _Portuguese_, off of _Cape Frio_, been
a fair merchandize, as _Shelvocke_ relates it, p. 16. how comes he
here to call it mismanagement, and cautiously to send _Hatley_ with a
complement to vindicate himself?

A _Creolian Spaniard_, servant to one of captain _Jonquiere_’s
lieutenants, having robb’d his Master of a hundred quadruples, each
of which is four pistoles, absconded in the woods, designing to take
his passage with us round _Cape Horne_, to his own country again. _La
Jonquiere_ and the lieutenant applied to _Shelvocke_, desiring, that
in case the servant should be found, and the money upon him, he would
secure him and take it from him; giving _Shelvocke_ directions how to
remit the money to _France_, on his arrival in _Europe_, all which
he faithfully promised to perform. As soon as the _Ruby_ sail’d, the
fellow appear’d to our men at the watering place, with one moiety
of the money in his pocket, designing, I suppose, to pay for his
passage with it: but _Shelvocke_ not content with that, order’d him
to be seiz’d to the jears, where he was whipp’d and pickled, which
was repeated every _Munday_ for a month: but the fellow, who had run
the risque of hanging for it, and knew the value of money as well as
the captain, stood the lash without confessing he had any more: so
he remain’d on board and had his passage. Thus was _Shelvocke_, with
his wholesome severities, teaching the _Spaniard_ the heinousness of
defrauding his master; when we all very well knew _Shelvocke_ deserved
the same discipline himself: which brings to my mind an excellent
distich of Dr. _Garth_.

    _But little villains must submit to fate,
    That great ones may injoy the world in state._

This story I mention, because he has been cunning enough to skip it
over, and only says, p. 31. “’twas well for him he had some money
from one of the _Ruby_’s people,” which must be the said lieutenant’s
servant.”

I think it needs explanation, how such friendship could exist between
two warlike ships of nations already declared enemies, especially since
_Shelvocke_ has said nothing of it; fancying the world might ascribe
it to his own wise conduct, or rather his gasconading _Monsieur_ into
that complaisant temper.

I must therefore acquaint the reader that _La Jonquiere_ had on board
his ship a good sum of the King’s money, and near twenty fathers;
some of which had been many years in _Peru_, _Chili_ and _Paraguay_
missionaries _de propaganda fide_, and had well fill’d their purses,
the gospel there proving very great gain: besides many other wealthy
passengers from those parts. These pacific gentry did by no means like
the noise of great guns, or changing the pleasures of this world for
the uncertainties of immortality: and Monsieur, no doubt, had found how
to turn that disposition of theirs into a good article in his accounts.
Besides, to my knowledge he had not at his first coming in, above sixty
well men, tho’ he had near 400 aboard, passengers included; which ill
state of his people was chiefly occasion’d by his passing _Cape Horne_
in the winter with indifferent provision, which the _Spaniards_ in
_America_ know not how to cure or pack up.

Before we sail’d, there arrived a _French_ merchant ship from St.
_Malo_, commanded by Monsieur _Dumain Girard_, bound for _Chili_; who
meeting _La Jonquiere_ at sea, had got an order on _Shelvocke_ to pay
him the money: But _Shelvocke_ refus’d it, saying, he would remit it,
on his return to _England_, to the lieutenant, whose money it was;
which, if he has done, is very extraordinary, being contrary to his
dealings in other cases, with those who have had his acquaintance in
this voyage.

At length we sail’d from St. _Catharine_’s, but saw no more ships to
try the project of the Emperor’s colours with: so that nothing to my
present purpose happens, till we got round _Cape Horne_. Where, as we
approach the enemy, _Shelvocke_ fearing some of us might be spies upon
his actions, thought it the wisest way to get rid of those whom he had
hitherto observed uneasy at his procedings; and sets his son _George_
and _Adams_ his kinsman, to tell us, in a formal manner; That such of
us, as did not like to serve under captain _Shelvocke_, should soon be
found with other imbarkations. And this was often repeated.

Let the reader then be pleased to observe, that he has placed this
affair p. 62. before we got to _Cape Horne_: but this is another proof
that he kept no regular journal, for all this happened when we were in
the great _South-Sea_, and liquors began to grow scarce.

He begins, p. 60: where he says, as we advanced to the southward, the
men’s stomachs increased with the sharpness of the air. Here he says
I grew a champion for the officers, and wanted a greater allowance
at his table: which is intirely a false insinuation, for no one was
better pleased with the allowance, and so were the people: and having
served as an officer several years in the navy, I must needs know that
any man, in such an expedition, guilty of what _Shelvocke_ lays to
my charge, well deserved to be shot through the head. Afterwards he
aggravates this story, by saying _Betagh_ had a voracious appetite,
and eat more than came to his share. I need not wonder at any thing
_Shelvocke_ says on this head; for he being a very small eater himself,
fancied all other people gluttons: I verily believe he never eat above
two ounces in a day, as long as _hipsy_ lasted; but was a great drinker
all the voyage; whereas I never loved drinking: so that the difference
between us is only this, I eat more than he, and he drank more than I:
and when I am to tell the story, the reflection is turned: He appears a
drunkard, and I a moderate man.

Now this is such mean pitiful scandal for an author who sets out with
the noble title of a voyage round the world, that it must convince
mankind how trifling his observations have been, how ill grounded
his malice is to me, and how far fetched his revenge. ’Tis a poor
reflection upon a man, who in his appetite is as moderate as most are,
and hardly deserves the answer I have given it.

’Tis in the same page, where he says I had the insolence to tell him
publickly, that the _voyage_ should be _short_ with him. I frankly
own I said the words, and scorn to deny it: but said them not in that
order he has maliciously put them. For to avoid his brow-beating me,
I often used to sit cross the spitsail-yard arm in fine weather, with
a book, or the fishgigg to strike the fish; and one time coming down
pretty thirsty, I found them all drinking hugger mugger in the cabin,
upon which I said, Faith, now I find I must drink in spight; which
_Shelvocke_ furiously resented, as an argument that I would drink
in spight of him, whether he would or no: upon which I thus addrest
him, and said, since we are past the _Cape_, the most dangerous and
fatiguing part of our navigation, and are so near the enemy, I beg of
you, Sir, to let us live as easy as possible; for now I hope in God the
_voyage_ will be _short_ with us. These were infallibly my very words:
but according to his way of perverting them, what must the reader
imagine, but that I designed to throw my captain over-board, or murder
him?

As _Shelvocke_ has turn’d it, it can bear no better meaning. This I
think a very cruel mischievous way of perverting a man’s words, and not
unlike the Devil’s method of quoting scripture.

However, my good captain, for these and other reasons that I have
set forth, was pleased to order me under confinement: and it may be
here thought strange, considering what a troublesome creature he has
represented me, that I bore this with such temper and submission; ’tis
much he don’t say I mutinied. But I was taken into custody, laid at
my full length on the arms-chest at the bulk-head in the steerage, and
confined just there: and, what with the height of the chest and the
bedding, the upper deck was so very close, I had hardly room to lie
extended upon it, there being no possibility of sitting up, so that my
victuals was brought me there; and when I offered to make water upon
deck, the centinel was always close at my heels with a drawn sword: and
thus I continued twelve or fourteen days, no body daring to speak to
me, except Mr. _Hendrie_, who before this was also turn’d out of the
mess.

Liberty is what we are all fond of; but the ridiculous manner of my
confinement made it more irksom and tedious: so that it was natural
for me to try any method for inlargement. And if _Shelvocke_ had
proceded legally, I should have been try’d by a council of our own
officers, according to captain _Rogers_’s method, which we were order’d
to follow: but being past all hopes of that, I soon found it plain,
that all he wanted was an humble letter under my hand; for by what
his son _George_ had said (that we should be soon found with other
imbarkations) I believe I was intended a sacrifice to the _Spaniard_:
therefore finding by _Adams_, that a letter was expected, I e’en writ
five or six lines in as handsome a manner as I could, but not that
long forg’d letter, p. 26. fram’d and contrived just to serve his own
purpose, by making him appear innocent and me guilty: the original of
which, if he can produce of my hand writing, I here promise to own all
the rest of his book to be true. And doubtless, if I ever wrote such a
letter, _Shelvocke_ would be wise enough to preserve it, not only for
his own credit, but to put me to confusion.----Wherefore I here dare
him to it: and whatever I did write, the reader may easily see that the
nature of my circumstances extorted it.

As for the additional allowance, which he speaks of, p. 62. ’tis
inserted there on purpose to make that inference, p. 74. where he
says he could not procede directly to the northward, because the
supernumerary allowance aforementioned had wasted our wood and water;
and so truly _Shelvocke_ says he was obliged to go to _Narbrough_’s
island to recruit these two articles.

Sure this man has the greatest share of hypocrisy that I ever met with.
This story is a mere vile fiction made here at home, to excuse himself
to the Owners, who have all been inraged at his conduct. _Shelvocke_
was still fearful of meeting his consort; and goes to _Narbrough_’s
island, for nothing but to loiter time away, and avoid any probable
chance of seeing _Clipperton_: besides no private ships have any
business to touch to the southward, there being nothing at all to be
got; and by his own account you see it was a foolish attempt, for he
came back as he went, and narrowly escaped losing his ship.

While he is going round _Cape Horne_, he gravely tells us, p. 73. how
melancholy it was to be without his consort. “I must own (says he)
that this navigation is truly melancholy, and was the more so to us,
who were by our selves, without a companion, which would have somewhat
diverted our thoughts from the reflexion of being in such a remote part
of the world, and as it were, separated from the rest of mankind, to
struggle with the dangers of a stormy climate.”----poor _Shelvocke!_
Now this is all such a jest, that it makes the reader laugh: for after
all your whining, ’tis plain it better suted your scheme to be without
captain _Clipperton_, who having no store of wine or brandy, must
needs be very melancholy in this wretched climate; and therefore these
reflections of yours would seem much more natural from _Clipperton_,
who wanted your company more than you did his.

Still to confirm this, as we came into the parallel of the island of
_Chiloe_, on the continent, latitude 40 South, _Shelvocke_ would go in
there, and all the arguments we could use to the contrary, signified
nothing: for late as it was, if we had gone to _Fernandes_, there were
some hopes of meeting captain _Clipperton_, that being the last place
of rendezvous, and where only all private ships do first touch for
wood and water, without going to any part of the continent for fear of
alarming the coast: besides, he well knew that no _British_, _French_,
or any other ship ever touch’d there; nor hath any chart ever described
it: yet he would venture in, where we almost miraculously escaped
with our lives; and all this, like the rest of his schemes, to avoid
joining captain _Clipperton_.

We were no sooner enter’d, but we found our selves surrounded with
terrible breakers; for such is the uncertainty and rapidity of the
several tides or currents meeting there, that ’twould at once astonish
and baffle the most judicious mariner to describe it.

We were first taken under the bow with a current setting from the lee
of one island: (there being several) then immediately under the quarter
with another, so that the ship could not answer her helm. At last the
most powerful of these currents horsed her away on the west shore, into
three fathom and a half, where the torrent ran with such impetuosity,
and the ground was so foul, that the sand appear’d on the surface from
the bottom: all which together afforded us a dismal prospect. However
the anchor brought her up, which if we had not let go when we did,
every man of us must inevitably have perish’d: for had she touch’d the
bottom there, she must in a moment have gone to pieces, or overset by
the strength of the current.

According to this description, the reader, tho’ unacquainted with
seamanship, will easily conceive that every soul of us was in the
utmost danger by the unwarrantable procedings of this one obstinate
man: Tho’ to do justice to my enemy, I must allow captain _Shelvocke_
to be as able a seaman and artist as perhaps any whatever; which still
makes his guilt in this affair the more enormous.

To confirm what I have already said, the ship, while riding here, kept
continually on the sheer, till the cable was so rubb’d and gaul’d by
the rocks, that it was stranded, and then it parted: But _Shelvocke_
will have it, p. 80. that the great strain it then bore, was occasion’d
by the wind blowing fresh: whereas if it had blown more than a
moderate gale, we could not have kept our topsails loose; which very
providentially saved all our lives: for as soon as we found her adrift,
we back’d her off to the eastward, the tide being chang’d; but had she
cast with her head to the westward, our voyage must infallibly have
terminated there with our lives.

As to the reasons he gives for going to this place, they are all
invented and made at home. He says, p. 77. _La Fontaine_, the
_Frenchman_ we had out of the _Ruby_, gave him great hopes and ideas of
the place, for that he had been there; but I am sure that ship never
touch’d to the southward, farther than _Conception_: and then he says
that _Frenchman_’s assurances prevail’d upon us all unanimously to go
to this island: whereas, as I said before, we all too well knew the
danger and vanity of it, (to call it no worse) and labour’d in vain to
dissuade him from it.

I have given the reader many specimens of _Shelvocke_’s hypocrisy and
baseness; here follows an instance of his ill manners. At our arrival
in the harbour of _Chiloe_, _Shelvocke_, by the advice of _La Port_ our
third lieutenant, hoisted _French_ colours, and assumes the name of
_Janis le Breton_; and the _Speedwel_ he calls the _St. Rose_, in which
the said _Le Breton_ had made several voyages in these Seas.

Here he puts in practice the strangest discipline that ever I heard
of. As soon as we were in the harbour, the night approaching, our
captain orders the watch upon deck to divide into three parties: on
the forecastle, a midships, and on the quarterdeck; and to call out
every five minutes to look out well afore there, look out well abaft
there, each party in their turn answering aloud, Ay,--Ay; and this
to be continued every night. This hollowing and hooping so terrified
the people ashore, that they never dared to appear by day; and had
nothing to do all night, but drive their cattle into the woods too far
for us to follow them, and secure their best effects as well as they
could. Add to this the terrible scarecrow figures we made by day in
our grenadiers caps, which he made us all put on to fright the enemy,
and which were at least two and twenty inches high. So that the people
aboard the canoe, which first came to us, and carried _Shelvocke_’s
first letter to the governer, were so scared at us, that they never
had courage enough to return with an answer: but erected a pole with a
white flag of peace, in the night time, and at the foot of it left a
letter from the governer, with a present of twelve large hams for our
captain.

By this letter, p. 84. it was great condescension in the governer to
take that notice of us: for tho’ we indeavour’d to pass for the ship
above mention’d, yet by this odness of discipline, and monstrous kind
of caps, I rather think they took us for some wild creatures from a
country yet unknown. Now if _Shelvocke_ had at heart the interest of
his owners, he would have improved this disposition of the governer,
who had, as it were kindly broke the ice, by making the first present:
For all the governers for his _Spanish_ Majesty are strictly forbid to
deal in any wise; but particularly ordered to oppose all nations having
any provisions whatever, as being most jealous of that clandestine way
of trade.

The governer, no doubt, expected some sort of return for his present:
at least a gentleman like one: for none of the governers in this part
of the world come to take the air, but to make their fortunes. But our
_Janis Le Breton_ returns about a pound and half of butter, at least
eighteen months in salt; a pound of black pepper, and two _Dutch_
cheeses about the bigness of ninepin bowls. Now any one may imagine
how stupidly ridiculous this appeared to a gentleman, governer of a
province flowing indeed with milk and honey. However, in his next
letter he thanks our captain in terms as civil as the former.

If _Shelvocke_ had sent the governer a handsome piece of silk of the
_Cape Frio_ acquisition, for his lady, it would have been a genteel
return, and sutable to the gaiety of the _American Spaniards_. I make
no doubt we should have had fat beeves and hogs, as many as we wanted:
but the whimsical duty which our commander order’d us to perform,
together with his own aukward behaviour, made us really appear both
frightful and ridiculous: and if he had acted as he ought, what pretext
could remain for his loitering here, and not going immediately to
the place of rendezvous? But his coming in and all he did here, was
intirely vain amusement, idly wasting five or six weeks, ordering us
every day ashore, in our fools caps, in the persuit of game or shooting
the wild boar.

So that what we were chiefly supplied with, was the produce of two
small islands on the starboard-side going in; for which we were
indebted to lieutenant _Brook_’s good management, who at our first
coming secured all the small imbarkations he found in the bay, which
hindered the inhabitants carrying off their cattle.

I come now to the story, p. 98. relating to my self, which he has
drest up with silly falsities only to expose me. In short, _Shelvocke_
order’d me and lieutenant _Dodd_, with as many marines as the pinnace
could carry, to go ashore at the flag place, to exercise only; whereas
he falsly says it was to get supplies from the _Spaniards_. I who had
never learned, seeing the rest of our officers had taken it in their
heads to learn, thought it would appear singular, if I did not learn
too: so we exercised about half a dozen times making but one line of
about fifteen men (tho’ he talks of ranks) and went strait aboard. The
real design of this was quite otherwise than he would have the world
believe: for the second or third day after our arrival, two canoes
approach’d us to form some judgment of our designs; and for that reason
we were order’d to exercise ashore, in this manner, to appear as
formidable as we could: but it was in hopes the _Spaniards_, taking
it for a formal landing to plunder them, would knock us on the head,
which was easily enough to be done; for _Shelvocke_ when he sent us,
said there was no need of any powder or shot, tho’ we cautiously took
some unknown to him: besides, had it been only to exercise, it might
have been done aboard, or at the watering place the other side the bay,
where there was none but our own people.

There was no reason to send us in the very mouths of the _Spaniards_,
with so few men, unfurnish’d (as he thought) with ammunition, to a
place where only danger could be expected, if it was not with secret
hopes to have us cut off: For _Dodd_ and I being two of those who were
a check upon him, he did not want above half his number of men to carry
on his separate views and base designs. And tho’ he says _Hatley_
commanded the boat, I seriously aver that _Hatley_ was not among us:
but it was the pinnace, and no soul with us but the marines, who rowed
her ashore and off again, by eleven a clock the same morning, tho’ he
says I was left all night.

But fully to prove that _Shelvocke_ never kept any journal at all; I
do own that about five weeks after this time, I being ashore on one
of the two islands on the other side the bay to keep a guard at the
watering-place, where was no body but our own men; captain _Hatley_
came in the evening for a longboat load of wood and water, when it
began to blow fresh, and a great swell to tumble in, which obliged
him to hawl the longboat further out to her grapling, to prevent her
thumping against the rocks; so that the men were forced to wade middle
high to carry in their burthens of wood: the swell still increasing,
I did not care to be sowsed over head and ears, and desired captain
_Hatley_ to go off without me, which he did; and lieutenant _Brook_
came in an hour’s time afterwards and carried me and my guard off.

This is the plain short truth: and the reader by this time may ghess
what a fine life we had of it, under the arbitrary direction of a
captain, who had neither principles to act honestly, nor conscience to
speak truth.

At the close of this tale he endeavours to be witty, by saying that
the men refused to carry me to the boat; for that they would not load
themselves with the weight of one who was neither seaman nor soldier.
Whether they said so, or no, I shall not inquire, for wit and truth
may be as far distant as the poles. It’s the only place in all his
book where he aims to be witty, and the singularity of it makes me
take this notice of it: though I can see no reason for his giving it
that turn here; because bringing a boat off shore could not require a
man to be much of a soldier or sailor: but if he means want of courage
or conduct, I allow he has always been witty enough not to tell me so
since we came home.

_Shelvocke_ flushed with his imaginary success at this island of
_Chiloe_, now affects the Statesman; and offers to the public a scheme
of the advantages which might accrue to _Great Britain_, by taking
that island, p. 113, 114; with hopes, no doubt, of being at the head
of such an undertaking: but one may easily foresee, without prejudging
the man, that he who has behaved so ill in this expedition, will
never be trusted with any command in another: and ’tis well enough
known, without his medling, that no people can make settlements in the
_Spanish West-Indies_, with so much ease and safety, as the _English_
if they please; as having skill and power to do anything at sea, if
they have good commanders.

But it must appear very absurd to the government, to whom he submits
this notion of his, that a mariner who has circumnavigated the globe,
can discover no better place than _Chiloe_ for his _Britannic_
Majesty’s subjects to possess themselves of; from the great dangers of
which he owns all of us to be but providentially escaped: for according
to his own, and my description of it (who have been very particular)
it appears immediate destruction for any one to attempt the going in.
He owns he lost his anchor at his first coming too; and gives a most
terrible account of the chanel, himself: and yet has the folly and
presumption to incourage his own countrymen to settle here. What can
this be, but a design against the lives of his Majesty’s good subjects?
In my humble opinion ’tis malice prepense, and deserves exemplary
punishment.

And as for the additional stock of provision he boasts of, p. 100, he
has much magnified it in his book: and whatever it might be, it was not
worth our going there to alarm the coast, and thereby frustrate the
very design of our coming out. A stranger would rather believe he had
been bribed before he left _London_, by this counter method to defeat
the whole enterprize.

Captain _Clipperton_ by this time might reasonably be supposed
gone from _Fernandes_: so away we sail from _Chiloe_ to our own
satisfaction, as well as the great joy of the King of _Spain_’s
subjects, whom we had plagued all round that bay, tho’ to little
purpose.

But instead of _Fernandes_, he is quickly furnished with another
excuse from holding his course thither; which he says, p. 115, was the
persuasions of his people to the contrary: “for they had notions, which
the _Frenchman_ had inspired them with, of vast advantages by going
first to the port of _Conception_.” This too is all a fiction, forged
at home to palliate his own male practice; for we were all against
medling with the continent, and wanted to seek out our consort and try
our fortune at sea; which ’tis well known has always been, and must be
the practice of privatiers, who mean to succede in their undertaking.

But if any doubt had arisen, why did he not, in this emergence, call
a council of his officers according to his own instructions, which
obliged him particularly to follow that method observed by captain
_Rogers_, printed at large in his voyage, and where there are examples
enough of this kind? But _Shelvocke_’s reason for not doing it now, and
for never once doing it at all, is a manifest proof that the faults he
imputes to his officers, are forgeries of his own, made to excuse his
vices at the expense of their credit.

However, _Shelvocke_ goes into _Conception_, where he took two ships;
the one waiting for her loading, and worth little; the other was worth
to us about 1500_l_: one moiety of which was laid aside for the owners;
but when he lost his ship, they divided that and all among them, as
he says, p. 227; tho’ he has thought fit not to mention any thing of
his own six shares. Here he stays about a fortnight, under pretense
of receiving ransom for the two ships; tho’ he knew very well that
the governers in those parts never will, or dare suffer that practice,
since thereby privatiers might make a tolerable hand on’t, tho’ even
the whole coast were alarm’d: for it’s not only loss of ship and
cargo to the ransomer, but likewise confiscation of all his goods and
chattels: and what is yet to them more dreadful, the anathema or curses
of the church.

Nevertheless the governer of _Conception_ desires he may treat with
one of our captain’s officers: so I was order’d on that important
negotiation; but all my intreaties could not prevail with _Shelvocke_
to let my servant go in his hat: he must wear one of the foremention’d
tall grenadier caps two foot high. The fellow being of a squat size
looked more like a burlesk figure in a droll, than a servant to an
ambassador. So I proceeded, and was attended to the governer by all
the mob in the town, and had much ado to look grave at so much farce.
_Shelvocke_ says, p. 142, “the man’s cap gave great offense, as if
intended to ridicule the mitre:” which I can’t deny; for the churchmen
had good reason to take umbrage at the extreme height of it.

P. 123. He has a falsity too flagrant to be believed at all. “I could
perceive, says he, with my perspective an enemies boat pass within
pistol shot of my pinnace, but captain _Hatley_, who commanded, never
offered once to follow her, or bring her to: _Hatley_ truly said
he did not mind her, tho’ his boat’s crew all agreed that she was
full of men:” This he exults upon mighty captain-like; but I affirm
that _Hatley_ did chace her immediately, and we were all well enough
diverted with it; he following her quite cross the bay till he came
within reach of the enemies guns on the platform; from whence they
fired twice at him, and so well aimed, that in all probability the
third would have sunk him, or made him the head shorter, the shot being
eighteen pounders. This I am sure was in the sight of ten thousand
people round the bay; for all that part of _Chili_ was alarm’d, and
whosoever was fit to bear arms appeared here to see the issue of our
exploits.

_Shelvocke_ having taken here, just after coming into the port, a
small prize bound from _Lima_, found by letters she brought from
the merchants there, that the coast was alarm’d to norward by one of
_Clipperton_’s prizes retaken by the _Spaniards_: but this he keeps
a secret from us, and resolves now to get rid of his men as fast as
he can; therefore sends away lieutenant _Randal_, and an officer of
marines, with about twenty five men, in a small bark which we took in
the bay, to attack a little vessel that was hawl’d up almost dry, in
a creek about six or seven miles from us: _Shelvocke_ must needs have
known that there could be nothing in her, since it was no secret to
the _Spaniards_ that we were an _English_ privatier. The vanity of
this attempt wants no explanation of mine, since he hath sufficiently
described the folly and misfortune of it himself, p. 125. which is
worth reading: there he lost five of his men, risquing their lives to
take an empty, vessel: and the only incouragement he had of success
from this undertaking, was from the boatswain of a small _Spanish_
prize which he took a day or two before, who was already grown so
very sincere a friend, and so heartily in our interest as to give us
prodigious informations: and upon the credit of this man, _Shelvocke_
pretends he sent the poor fellows to make this new experiment; which I
may venture to say has proved our captain to be no politician.

After this he tells you, p. 127, the men murmur’d and grew very uneasy,
damning the _South Seas_----as well they might, being thus order’d
upon fools errands, without any hopes of making a good voyage for
themselves; destined as it were for mere tools to carry on his own
selfish ignorant projects. And yet _Shelvocke_, with a bold face and
harden’d heart, says, even this too was their own fault. In short
his conscience is an original; his book is an original, and he is an
original; but I hope in God neither of ’em will ever be copied.

Captain _Clipperton_ persued his voyage directly from the _Cape Verd_
islands, and I do think it somewhat extraordinary, and well deserving
the reader’s remark, that the _Success_ arrived at the entrance into
the streights of _Magellan_ on the 30th of _May_ 1719, being 52 and
30 south latitude. But _Shelvocke_ could not find his way to St.
_Catherine_’s, in latitude 27 : 30 south, till the 20th of _June_
following, by his own account, p. 17.

I shall transcribe captain _Clipperton_’s procedings as minuted down in
Mr. _Taylor_’s journal.

_Success, May 29._ “This day at noon I make my course from the
westermost point of the island _Fogo_, one of the _Cape Verd_ islands,
latitude 14 : 40 N. to _Cape Virgin Mary_, the north point of the
entrance into the freights of _Magellan_, in latitude 52 : 15 S. to
be S. 29 : 00 W. the distance 1580 leagues, mer. dist. 36 : 04 W.
longitude 44 : 18 W.”

_May_ the 30th. “Fresh gales and squally for the first part these
twenty four hours, but fairer towards the latter end. This afternoon we
anchored in the streights of _Magellan_, in ten fathom water. The south
point of the entrance call’d _Queen Catharine’s Foreland_, bearing
then S.S.W. five leagues, and _Cape Virgin Mary_ N. by E. one league.
It makes like a large deep bay. We weigh from hence the next day,
proceding farther till we come to _Queen Elizabeth_’s islands; where we
send our pinnace ashore on the main, having found a fresh water river,
but frozen up. We saw several flocks of geese and ducks, but were
very shy. Our surgeon’s mate remains on shore. One _Robert Dawson_, a
saylor, departed this life. Our surgeon’s mate was brought on board in
the morning almost dead with the cold. At ten in the morning we weighed
and made sail.”

_June_ the 7th. “Fresh gales and fair weather the first part, but the
later much snow. At two this afternoon anchor’d in forty fathom water,
the northmost point of _Elizabeth_’s Island bore S. W. one league,
St. _Bartholomew_’s island E. by S. two leagues: the yawl was sent
ashore to gather greens. This place affords great quantity of a sort of
wild sellary, which very much refreshed our men, and is good salading
enough.”

_June_ the 13th. “These twenty four hours squally with snow. We find
here a good watering-place. Here is a fine wood, most hazel, with some
tall beach trees, several of which are fit for masts.”

---- 14. “Sent our launch ashore with our empty casks: captain
_Clipperton_ and the carpenter went this morning ashore to look for a
good stick for a mizen-mast, and find a good one ready fell’d. At noon
the captain return’d with some wildfoul. Our men gather muscles and
limpets in great plenty. Here we begin sorely to feel the want of our
wine and brandy: and our men by frequent eating shellfish to help out
with their allowance, are much troubled with the scurvy.”

20. “Cloudy weather, with much sleet and rain. Our launch brought on
board her loading of wood, which we stowed away among the cask: at five
this morning clear’d the hause and brought the small-bower on board:
hoisted the launch in; at eleven our pinnace brought on board a mizen
and mizen-top-sail-yard, with a new studdinsail-boom, and got ready to
sail.”

21. “Weighed this forenoon at eleven. The tide being spent, stood into
a small bay, but could find no ground with seventy fathom line; so were
obliged to run to leeward again. Winds from S. W. to N. W.”

22. “Fresh gales and squally: at one this afternoon anchored in a
fine bay in fifteen fathom, shingly ground: the northmost point of
_Port Famine_ N. by W. five leagues, and the southmost point of the
small bay, which we christen’d _no Bottom Bay_, S. by E. four mile.
At seven we weighed again plying to the southward; we had this day a
good amplitude, and find the variation to be 14° : 15´ northerly. All
the trees along shore are very tall; their tops cover’d with snow;
the land prodigious high, so that we have strong flaws of wind almost
continually: fresh water to be found in every bay.”

29. “A canoe with four _Indians_ came on board us, being two men a
woman and a boy: they are of a middle stature, dark complexion, a broad
roundvisage, low fore-heads, black hair, very lank and short, with
no cloathing but a skin to cover the middle: they had a small streak
round the skin of their wrists, of a fine azure blue: they would not
suffer the woman to come on board: captain _Clipperton_ ordered them
some bread and cheese, which they eat greedily, but would not touch a
drop of brandy. They brought us some wild geese and ducks, which they
exchanged for knives: they had a fire in the midship of their canoe,
which is made of the bark of trees sewed together. They had bows and
arrows, and some fishing tackle. After two hours stay they went ashore,
making signs they would come again. To day we buried _Thomas Camfield_
a marine.”

30. “Cloudy weather: our pinnace went ashore this afternoon at one, and
returned at six, and with them the _Indian_ canoe loaden with large
muscles, which they truck’d with our people for bread, and what else
they could get.”

_July 1._ “Moderate weather: our pinnace was sent ashore to fetch one
of our men that tarried there yesterday, but could not find him. Our
surgeon’s mate had one of his toes cut off, mortified with cold that
night he stay’d ashore. At seven forenoon loosed both topsails; at nine
weigh’d, and our pinnace brought the man aboard: an _Indian_ canoe came
on board; and one of them steping in, and being under fresh way, the
rest of his companions held fast the towline, till they were almost
hawl’d under water: so they were forced to let go the rope, and the
_Indian_ remain’d on board. _Cape Froward_ bore at noon E. 14 mile;
_Point Gallant_ N. E. by E. four mile.”

2. “Moderate weather at half an hour past four this afternoon anchored
in twenty fathom, small sand and shells. The body of _Prince Rupert_’s
island bore south three mile: the low point of the bay we were in N. W.
one mile. Another _Indian_ canoe came on board: the woman they had wore
a necklace of small beautiful shels, nicely strung, which went five
or six turns round her neck; it look’d, at a small distance, like a
pearl one. At seven this morning weigh’d and try’d the strength of the
current, which ran about two knots.”

3. “For these twenty four hours strong gales of wind and cloudy
weather: this afternoon at one anchor’d in thirty one fathom; small
stones and shells. Point _Middleton_ W. by S. two leagues, and the
point of St. _Jerom_’s found N. W. by W. four mile: the tide run two
knots and a half. At five in the afternoon, being high water, sounded
in twenty seven fathom, at ten, forty five fathom, at twelve, forty
five fathom, the ship having tail’d out. At four in the morning we
found she drove: brought the cable to the capston and hove; but the
tide running strong to leeward, and a fresh gale, she drove very fast:
so that half past five we were forced to cut away the anchor with half
the cable: and before we could get our sails set we were just aboard
_Prince Rupert_’s island, having fifty fathom close to the side of it:
but our sails filling, we had the good fortune to run off; and were
forced quite back to _Point Gallant_ bay, where we anchor’d in fourteen
fathom.”

5. “These twenty four hours strong gusts of wind, with much snow and
rain. At night dy’d Mr. _John Crawford_: several more fall ill: captain
_Shelvocke_ has many curses: at six forenoon our pinnace was sent
ashore to get greens and other refreshments for the sick men. Winds at
W. and N. W.”

7. “These twenty four hours strong squalls of winds: lowered our fore
and main yards, at three this afternoon moor’d the ship. Mr. _William
Pridham_ our master gunner departed this life: buried one _Thomas
Oldfield_.”

8. “These twenty four hours pretty moderate weather: at four this
afternoon got up our lower yards: at eleven this morning we buried our
gunner ashore, under a triple discharge of our small arms: and had an
end of a strong plank drove down at the head of his grave, inscribed
with his name, the ship’s name, with the month and year.”

10. “Squally weather with snow. At two this morning lower’d our yards
again: at five _Francis Doyle_, one of our marines, died. The pinnace
kept constantly imploy’d in fetching muscles and other shellfish: and
the wild sellery, already mentioned, being the only eatable we can yet
discover.”

11. “Moderate gales and hazy weather, with snow. At three this
afternoon clear’d the hause: at seven this morning got up the yards
again; this day put our ships company to shorter allowance of six to
two, _i. e._ one piece of beef or pork for six men.”

17. “At eight in the forenoon weighed again, and at noon anchor’d in
_York Road_, which is the same place we were drove out from when we
lost our anchor; it is gravelly ground: _Point Middleton_ W. S. W.
three leagues, _Cape Quad_ W. by S. five leagues.”

18. “Hazey weather with rain and snow. At half an hour past nine this
evening the ship drove, it being loose sandy ground; hove up the anchor
and stood into the bay. At eleven anchor’d in eight fathom: our buoy
being staved, weighed the best bower to bend another, and so let it
drop again. Moor’d: winds at W. N. W.”

20. “This morning captain _Mitchel_ and lieutenant _Davison_ went in
the pinnace to _Terra del Fuego_ or the south shore, in order to make
a discovery of the passage that the _French Tartan_ is said to have
went thro’ into the _South-Sea, May 1713_, and to see if there was any
anchoring beyond _Cape Quad_; being furnish’d with all necessaries for
that purpose.”

29. “The pinnace return’d, having found the passage thro’ which the
_Tartan_ pass’d, but so narrow, that it was judged hazardous to go far
that way: but their provisions fell short, and that place affording no
manner of supply, they were forced to return before they could satisfy
themselves throughly: yet they found several good bays to the N. W. of
_Cape Quad_ to anchor in. The _Indians_ gave them a seal, which they
broyled and roasted, and said it eat as well as any venison.”

_August 1._ “Captain _Mitchel_, with three more of our officers took
the pinnace at six this forenoon, and resolve this time to inform
themselves of the truth concerning the passage already mentioned into
the _South-Sea_, and see if ’twere practicable for us to go through.
Our other boats go a wooding and watering. This morning died _Thomas
Parry_ corporal of marines.”

5. “Captain _Mitchel_ returns: but found no such passage to go thro’
into the _South-Sea_, as Monsieur _Frezier_ would make us believe. It’s
true they found a narrow streight which led them into a spacious bay
full of ice: but no passage through.”

I shall transcribe no more from _Taylor_’s journal of what happen’d to
them in these streights: what I have taken is for the information of my
seafaring reader, and to shew him the many fatigues that _Clipperton_’s
men were harrassed with in mooring and unmooring; their struggling
with contrary winds and currents; the loss of their anchor, and their
narrowly escaping a shipwreck against _Rupert_’s island: all which
will easily convince him that to go through _le Mair_ streights and
round _Cape Horne_, is the safest and shortest navigation: Besides,
the _French_, who have carried on a constant trade to those seas for
almost thirty years, have always chosen it: add to this that captain
_Clipperton_’s endeavours to find out the passage through _Terra del
Fuego_, talked of by _Frezier_, demonstrate that he would gladly have
been out of the streights as soon as he could: but _Mitchel_, who was a
good seaman and curious enough, having made two essays, which took him
up a fortnight, returned without finding any new passage: so that it’s
very doubtful whether any _Tartan_, or other imbarkation ever past that
way; tho’ _Frezier_ has fondly imagined it a new discovery, and has
marked it in his chart, which also is faulty in other respects.

_August 18._ Captain _Clipperton_ got out of the streights of
_Magellan_, proceding directly towards _Fernandes_, lat. 33 : 30 S.
being the third and last place of rendezvous, where he arrives on the
7th of _September 1719_. According to his instructions he stays here
a month for _Shelvocke_, and if he had stay’d four, he must then have
gone without him. Captain _Clipperton_ not being able to conjecture
what was become of the _Speedwel_, gives her up for lost: however,
before he weighed he sent captain _Mitchel_ ashore to set up a cross,
burying at the foot thereof a bottle, wherein was a letter for captain
_Shelvocke_, directing another place of rendezvous and some proper
signals to know each other at sea: but fearing that two of his men who
had there deserted and absconded in the woods, might mischievously take
down the said cross; he had his own name and _Magee_’s the surgeon,
carv’d in the bark of one of the largest trees first presenting it self
at landing.

_Taylor_’s Journal _Sept. 8. 1719_. “This being the last place of
rendezvous to meet with or hear of the _Speedwel_: we find no signal
nor footsteps of her; which gives us all no small uneasiness.”

---- 9. “At eight this morning sent sixteen men ashore: three of them
die soon after they land, cursing _Shelvocke_ with their dying breath,
for running away with our wine and brandy. The truth of it is, our case
is deplorable enough; for we have not a drop of either to chear the
languishing spirits of our sick men: and we that at present, through
the providence of the Almighty, injoy our health, cannot help being
dejected to think how soon it may come to our turns to be taken with
sickness.”

14. “Uncertain weather with rain. This day our boats bring eighteen
goats aboard: sent ashore for some salt; our men having found here a
good quantity ready made, which was left by some of the _French_ ships
who often touch here.”

28. “We continue to get our wood and water aboard, and our ship in a
posture for sailing.”

_Oct. 6._ “Moderate gales of wind and fine weather. Captain _Mitchel_
with some more of our officers go in the pinnace to the east part of
the island to look four of our men, who have absented a fortnight: two
of which men they found in the custody of our goat hunters, having
met with them when in persuit of their game, saying they had greater
difficulty in securing these fellows, than in killing double the number
of goats: for at first they were forced to fire several times at them
before they would surrender. They told our men that for the first five
days they were hard put to’t, being forced to subsist wholly on the
cabbage-trees, of which here is great plenty; but that having by good
fortune one night found some fire that was left by our hunters, it
served them in good stead, for they could then dress their fish and
fill their bellies. Our pinnace is sent ashore to launch the longboat.
Salted more fish, and brought off four cask more of seal.”

7. “Got all our people off the island into the launch, with most of
the things we had on shore; leaving the two men that run away to take
possession of _Alexander Selkirk_’s habitation, who was taken off this
desolate place by captain _Rogers_ in 1709; after having liv’d here
above four years alone. Captain _Mitchel_ goes ashore to set up a cross
with a bottle buried at the foot of it, wherein is a letter for captain
_Shelvocke_. At five this morning unmoord, and at eight weighed.”

The names carved as aforesaid on the bark of the tree stood thus, as I
saw them.

    Captain _John ----_
    _W. Magee._
      1719.

The reason why _Clipperton_’s surname is omitted, was because he was
well known in the _South-Seas_: and if any _Spaniards_ or _French_ who
occasionally touch there had seen it, the discovery of the name might
probably have alarmd the coast of _Chili_ and _Peru_.

This done, captain _Clipperton_ holds his course to the norward, soon
arriving in the parallel of _Lima_: which being the chief scene of
action, he stands off and on at a convenient distance, to prevent being
descryed from the shore; where he had cruised but a small time, before
he made himself master of several prizes: but necessity obliging him to
send at least two officers, besides a sufficient number of his men on
board each prize, it weaken’d him very much, so that he soon grasped
more than he could hold. Add to this the low condition of his men,
both by sickness and a reduction of their allowance that they were not
overable to work the ship; besides the loss of thirty men, who dyed
between the equator and this place. The misfortune of all this will
best be seen in what follows: for in _November_ the _Success_ giving
chase to a fresh sail a head, the last taken prize was run away with by
the _Spaniards_, who by stratagem got the better of the few _English_
that were put aboard her in a hurry: while the enemy, with manifest
risque of their own lives, ran their ship ashore among the rocks, and
alarmd all the coast.

--Here follow _Taylor_’s own words.

_Success_, _November_ the 20th. “Fresh gales and fair weather.
Yesterday at three in the afternoon we were surprized to see that when
we made the signal to tack and stand off from the land, our last taken
prize instead of observing the same, made sail for the shore as fast as
she could, she being then the sternmost and nearest the shore, while we
stand off, having another sail in view.”

21. “Little winds and fair weather. At three this afternoon finding
the pink that yesterday stood in for the shore was run away with by
the _Spaniards_, we begin to think it now full time to send all the
_Spanish_ prisoners ashore, as well to save our provision, as to let
the _Spaniards_ ashore have early notice of our good treatment towards
those we had taken; that our men may be used after the same manner.”

From this period, therefore, I date the breaking of our scheme, and
the ruin of our voyage; of both which captain _Shelvocke_ was intirely
the author. This I need not labour to prove, because it’s manifest if
_Shelvocke_ had joyned _Clipperton_, and been here at his duty, the
loss of this prize had not happened; or which is infinitely worse, the
alarming of the _Spaniards_: upon whose security the greatest hope of
our enterprize was founded.

From this misfortune of _Clipperton_ on the coast of _Peru_, and
the wilful mismanagement of _Shelvocke_ in rousing all the coast of
_Chili_, a stop was put to the success of both our ships, and the
consequence was an imbargo laid by the Viceroy of _Peru_, which was
enough to check all our growing wishes and expectations. Here then
we must a while leave captain _Clipperton_, who could do nothing
effectually without the assistance of our ship, which he now thought
had quite deserted him, or was cast away: and if the _Speedwel_ had
joyned him, his prizes could not have grown so numerous: for ’twas
designed, that one of the ships should carry the captures to the desert
islands to leeward, where the prisoners might have subsisted on their
own provisions; we sinking the first taken ships, to leave them no
opportunity of alarming the coast, ’till the work were done, and our
fortunes made. According to _Clipperton_’s own scheme, who projected
and commanded this voyage, our greatest dependance was in this
parallel: _Lima_ being the grand mart of all trade and business carryed
on from _North_ to _South_ on this vastly extended rich continent.

Here I think it worth observing that captain _Clipperton_ can no
way deserve censure in his conduct, having hitherto, tho’ under a
hard lot, acted justly and prudently: but what can be the merits of
captain _Shelvocke_, who after providentially escaping the violent
tempest at first setting out, makes his own ill use of it, and would
never again endeavour to meet his consort; but shun’d it with all
the craft imaginable? What recompense can _Shelvocke_ make for the
indecent censures and cruel reflexions thrown upon the memory of the
dead? Certainly _Clipperton_ deserved better from a man to whose
wilful mismanagement all his misfortunes are justly imputed: and ’tis
no wonder, if he took to drinking, after having miscarryed in three
voyages to the _South-Seas_: the two first by circumvention of the
_Spaniards_, and this last by the treachery of one who should have been
his consort and friend: ’tis what we see daily in people undone by
the baseness of men and the frowns of fortune. As to the humanity of
our two commanders, there is certainly this difference between them;
_Shelvocke_ took care on all occasions, to risque the lives of his men
that few might remain witnesses of his falshood, and the dividends of
those who did survive might rise in greater proportion: for out of his
106 men carryed from _Plymouth_, he brought only 25 to _China_; whereas
_Clipperton_ brought most of his thither; and behaved with generosity
and good temper, witness his concern for his men, who were run away
with in the prize lately mentioned, and his good treatment of the
enemy; since he did not care how soon the _Spaniards_ went ashore to
give what account they thought fit of him.

The contrivance by which the _Spaniards_ got their ship again, was
thus. The _Spanish_ captain seeing by the number of prizes then in
the custody of captain _Clipperton_ that he could not spare many of
his hands to put aboard the pink, which already had above a dozen
passengers, besides the ship’s company: the master of the _Rosary_
privately bid the passengers hide themselves in the hold with the
countermaster or boatswain who was a _Frenchman_, ordering them
upon a signal agreed on, to seize as many of the _Englishmen_, as
should happen to go into the hold; and this plot they believed would
succede as the lieutenant drew nearer and nearer to board them; for
_Serjeantson_ had but seven or eight men with him. The lieutenant
upon his boarding the prize, ordered all that appeared to him, such
as _Indians_, _Nigros_ and seamen to go into the great cabin, except
the captain and pilot, and then placed a centinel at the door. When
he thought he had effectually secur’d his prisoners, he gave orders
to hoist the topsails and stand for the commodore: then apprehending
no danger, the men heedlesly went down to see what there was aboard.
The passengers who were secretly in the hold surprized the men,
knocking some of them down with billets of wood: the prisoners in
the cabin immediately rushed on the centinel and disarmed him. The
master or pilot, according to the sign, coming at the same time behind
_Serjeantson_ knocked him down likewise, and ordered them all to be
bound; tho’ none were killed as _Serjeantson_ informed me, whom I
afterwards found a prisoner at _Lima_.

The _Spaniard_ thus regain’d the possession of his ship; but did
not long injoy her; for eagerly running her ashore, he lost her on
the rocks, and narrowly escaped with his life: then setting the
_Englishmen_ free from their bonds, they all got ashore as well as they
could, the _Spaniards_ taking them prisoners the nearest way to _Lima_.

The viceroy of _Peru_ understanding what the _Spanish_ captain had
done, order’d a new ship to be built for him at _Guiaquil_, and a
general tax among the traders to pay the value of her, as a reward for
the service he had done the public. One of _Clipperton_’s men upon
examination declared all he knew of our designs in this voyage: and
upon these occasions, there is seldom one wanting who will tell any
thing to merit what favour he can. Among other discoveries, the viceroy
is informed of the cross and bottle at _Fernandes_, with the written
signals for captain _Shelvocke_, and that two of _Clipperton_’s men had
deserted there: upon which he immediately sends out a small vessel to
fetch the two men, and the bottle containing the signals.

We return now to _Shelvocke_ whom we left in the bay of _Conception_
treating with the governer about the ransom of the two ships: but our
captain finding he was only trifled with, thought fit to burn the two
ships there in the harbour: upon which I shall only observe, that it
was a very extravagant humour: for one of the ships, the St. _Fermin_,
he owns _p._ 153, was the best fitted out of any of the _Peruvian_
traders, and _p._ 104, he says the loss of his anchor at _Chiloe_ was
one of the greatest damages he could have sustained: therefore ’tis
much that a man of his pretended knowledge could not save an anchor
and cable to supply the former loss of his own: the neglect of which
appeared sufficiently afterwards.

After he had set fire to the ships, he took along with him the
fruit bark, upon which he orders a deck to be made, calling her the
_Mercury_: (an odd name for a vessel that could neither sail nor row)
and away we procede towards _John Fernandes_.

In our way thither, the prize and plunder money of the St. _Fermin_
was distributed; and here he says _p._ 157, that captain _Betagh_
indeavours to raise a mutiny but fails in the attempt. Particularly,
that I opposed the owners having part of any thing but what was upon
freight or mention’d in the bills of lading; and thus he runs off
two pages of mere scandal, as if I only was uneasy, whereas all our
officers had convincing proofs of his bad principles as well as I. I
might have said in common talk among our selves, that I always thought
wearing apparel found in chests between decks, should be deemed fair
plunder: and may be it is so. Is it just therefore, that what a man
delivers as private opinion only, shall afterwards be reap’d up and
call’d mutiny; especially by one who has made every thing plunder, and
ruin’d and destroy’d near a hundred men in the voyage? But this man is
perpetually blaming every body but himself to screen his own villanies.

_Jan. 17^{19}/_{20}._ We arrive at _Fernandes_, where Mr. _Brook_ being the
first officer that landed, immediately saw Captain _John_ ---- and _W.
Magee_ cut in the tree-bark as aforesaid: upon the news of which every
body seemed to rejoyce, but our worthy captain, who would have it an
invention of _Brook_’s, for which he used him scurvily before all the
company, telling him ’twas a lie. It’s very strange a man can’t believe
his own eyes, or would feign a thing of this nature, which any one
going ashore might be convinced of in a moment: but _Shelvocke_ hated
the mention of it, and feared the truth of it, lest his whole company
would be impatient, and persuade him without delay to go to leeward
and joyn his consort. _Brook_ had hitherto been a great favourite with
_Shelvocke_, but for this unwelcome discovery he is now put upon the
black list, as by the sequel will appear.

I shall quote our author’s own words, _p._ 160. “Some of my men
accidentally saw the word _Magee_, which was the name of _Clipperton_’s
surgeon, and captain _John_ cut out under it upon a tree, but no
directions left, as was agreed on by him in his instructions to me. His
actions being thus grosly repugnant to his instructions, it was evident
that he never meant I should keep him company, or ever joyn with him
again.”

Now this is so notorious a falsehood, that every step of captain
_Clipperton_ shews the contrary, and proves you the greatest impostor
that can be: your very wording of it, shews to what mean shifts you are
reduced. Why must it be, _accidentally_ saw the word _Magee_? Was it a
meteor that vanished after the first appearance? or if the men did see
it by chance, are you so simple to persuade us it was cut in the tree
by chance? And then to say _Magee_ was first, and the captains name
under it, is not the contrary more probable? Besides, we all saw the
captain’s name first: and this is only a stupid indeavour to degrade
him. As for the directions agreed upon, they were buryed in the ground,
and discovered to the viceroy who sent for them as I said before; and
tho’ _Shelvocke_ was ignorant of this at _Fernandes_; yet, at the
writing of his book, he well knew it: and therefore the coarse language
he gives _Clipperton_ as above, makes himself appear a worse wretch
than I expected.

After this, instead of going directly to leeward to meet with the
_Success_, he must needs have another touch with the shore; and
accordingly steers away to _Arica_, sending the _Mercury_ along shore
before him, which took a bark laden with cormorants dung (used there as
manure) the owner of which came on board us in the night, and informed
us that one of _Clipperton_’s prizes had alarmed the whole coast, and
that two _Spanish_ men of war were fitted out from _Lima_ in quest of
us: and this is what we believed _Shelvocke_ knew before, by letters
taken in the St. _Fermin_. Here he puts four quarter deck guns into
the _Mercury_, and hawling her pretty near the shore, gets into her,
with my self, Mr. _Stewart_, three more officers, and a few men: then
bringing the _Speedwel_ and _Mercury_’s broadside to bear on the town,
he begins _Quixot_ like to canonade it; which really had no other
effect than to scare away the women and children: for the men contrary
to our expectation assembled on the naked beach, and suddenly erected a
good breastwork of stones and what rubbish they could find, gallantly
standing our fire: but the swell giving us some motion, we could not
bring our guns to bear so as to dislodge any of them. _Shelvocke_
being tired with destroying his munition, sends an _Indian_ prisoner
under a flag of truce to demand of the town what they would please to
give to be rid of us; and tho’ he says nothing of this, _p._ 167, the
_Indian_ leap’d out of the boat, swiming through the terrible breakers,
which made landing there impossible; delivers his message, and returns
faithfully the same way to the boat with answer, That they car’d not
a fig for any such _borracho_; that is drunkard, the most contemptuous
name they make use of. Upon which our captain called for his pinnace,
and taking _Stewart_ with him, goes aboard in a pet; but left the rest
of us to unmoor the _Mercury_, and carry her out into the road. At his
getting into the boat, not as he says at his departure, the inhabitants
gave us a regular hedge fire, and three huzzas, or horse laughs. To
confirm what I said about the strict prohibition of ransoming; the
owner of the dung bark was forced to do it by stratagem, coming in the
night with his money, being 1300 dollars, and pray’d us to carry her
three or four mile out, and then turn her adrift, that the bargain
might be a secret, or look as if she was not worth our keeping.

_Shelvocke_’s aversion to journal-keeping was so great, that I cannot
help inserting the following memorandum to confirm it. One Mr.
_Hamilton_ our ensign, a gentleman of a good family in _Scotland_, had
a mind, tho’ he was no seaman, to keep a journal for his amusement; and
upon taking this bark he enters it thus in his book.

_Feb. 5th. 1720._ “This geud day we a taen a sma vashel lodded wi
turd.” This humour causing some laughter in the steerage, _Shelvocke_
lent his son _George_ to inquire the meaning of that uproar. Upon
_George_’s report, the captain came down and asked _Hamilton_ what
business he had to keep a journal? adding that he was a sawcy fellow,
and there should be no pen and ink work aboard his ship: so that he was
oblig’d ever after, like _Shelvocke_, to keep his account by dint of
memory.

From _Arica_ we sail down along shore, and now _Shelvocke_ enters
vigorously upon his own project; which was effectually to rid himself
of his officers, having been often heard to say, he hated so many
captains. He knew by _Rogers_ his journal, that all the merchantmen in
those seas are man’d with _Indians_ or _Nigros_; with which he could
easily supply any loss of his own men; and which, far from demanding
any share of prize money, would sell for money in another part of the
world. Whereupon he sends away fifteen of us in the _Mercury_, seven
of which were officers, just in the mouth of the enemy, in the very
track of their ships; and with a moral certainty of being taken, if
not destroyed, for cruising on their own coast, and in one of their
own bottoms. It is very remarkable that one of this ill fated company
should be the boatswain, who is always look’d on as the most necessary
officer to be left in a ship; the good order of the men depending as
much upon him, as the captain himself: and a boatswain was never sent a
cruising in this world before. His name was _Nicholas Laming_, a good
man, and a good officer. After we were taken prisoners, he died on the
road with the great fatigue of his journey.

To put this man’s wickedness yet in a dearer light, give me leave
thus fairly to describe the _Mercury_. She was really nothing but a
lighter; was built and always imploy’d as such; tho’ not quite so heavy
or strong as those in the _Thames_: for as the _Spaniards_ have no
wharves, cranes, or carts to load their vessels with in that country;
so she differ’d from our lighters, only by being a small matter
slighter and shallower, the better to run into shoal water; where the
_Nigros_ and _Indians_ do the office of cranes and horses, by wading
deep in the water to load her. He built a deck upon her as high as the
gunnel, fix’d a mast in her, and then put a gang of his ships oars into
her: one of which I measur’d, finding it thirty three foot in length,
and so heavy that no less than three men could row with one of them:
beckets having been fix’d to the looms for the easier managing of them.

Now I appeal to any impartial judge of a ship or bark, how it was
possible for the men, if standing, to row with such an oar in such a
vessel: for they must at each stroke indanger their knuckles against
the deck before the blade could be raised out of the water: and if
sitting, ’tis still worse, because there’s no foot-hold; moreover the
man at the handle could not extend his arms to fetch a stroke. Then
if we consider her as to her sailing, she would go well enough right
afore it, provided it blew strong enough: but upon a wind, the meanest
capacity may imagine what she could do, as having no gripp of the water.

In this notable imbarkation were we sent to seek our fortunes; and I
believe ours to be the first company that ever was order’d to cruise
in a lighter. This being the last time he was likely to have the
pleasure of using me ill, he resolved to do it in a manner peculiar to
himself: all the rest having the favour of knowing their orders an hour
or two before. Immediately upon my receiving the message, that I must
go in the _Mercury_, I went down to lash my hammack in the _Speedwel_:
then taking my money bag out of my chest, I seal’d and deliver’d it
to Mr. _Hendrie_ then our purser, telling him I expected no account
of it, till it pleased God we met in _England_. _Shelvocke_ who had
set a spy to watch my words and looks, now calls up all hands, and
ask’d them if they thought they were going for a sacrifice, using me
in a manner too scandalous to be recorded. After this, our commander
captain _Hatley_ and the rest of us got into the vessel and put off,
steering along shore to the _northward_. We cruised four or five days
and landed twice at the isle of _Lobos_, where _Shelvocke_ promis’d to
leave instructions, but we found none: and if he intended we should
joyn him again, he would have told us his design of going in to plunder
the little town of _Payta_, where we could easily have joyn’d him,
having the rich prize (as he calls her) twelve days in our hands before
we were all taken. During our cruise, we took one small bark tho’ he
says two, p. 177, and that of no value: after which we took an old
_English_ pink bound from _Panama_ to _Lima_, which _Shelvocke_ says
at random was worth 150000 dollars, tho’ he never saw the vessel, or
knew what was in her: and I am sure we found no money at all aboard
her; for she was bound in her ballast with a small parcel of pedlary
ware from _Panama_ to _Lima_: but were it from _Lima_ to _Panama_ there
probably had been money in her. We all got aboard the prize, except
a hand or two left to take care of the _Mercury_, and kept cruising
between _Lobos_ and cape _Blanco_; and while we hop’d to be taken up by
our faithful commander _Shelvocke_, we fell into the hands of one of
the _Spanish_ cruisers of 30 guns, called the _Brilliant_: which after
we struck, continu’d their fire into the _Mercury_ ’till they destroyed
her, tho’ the men very providentially escaped and were made prisoners
with us. As soon as the _Spaniards_ boarded the said pink to strip and
rifle us, about ninety six moidores taken from the _Portuguese_ off
cape _Frio_ were found upon _Hatley_, for which he indeed was us’d but
scurvily--And this is the fair light I promised, p. 30. when I was
treating of this story before.

After leaving us, the next thing remarkable is his long story of
escaping the _Peregrine_ a _Spanish_ man of war at _Payta_: which
account as it is a wild story full of abominable romance and vain
glory, I shall answer it particularly: for _Hatley_ and all of us were
sufficiently inform’d of the whole affair, as soon as we were set
ashore at _Payta_, which was in a day or two after this thing happen’d.

_Shelvocke_ to magnify his own exploits, does well to magnify the
force of his enemy. He says, the _Peregrine_ had upwards of 450 men,
and mounted 56 guns: I will allow him that she carry’d 40, but never
more; for I was aboard her afterwards at _Lima_; and I believe when
he met with her, she had 350 men aboard, but such a mixt crew of
ignorant creatures, that I am certain twenty expert seamen would do
more execution than all they together. As for the commander of her,
whom _Shelvocke_ calls an admiral, he was a _Creolian_, a mere fresh
waterman, who never saw any action before: and as for the people aboard
him, they were composed of _Nigros_, _Mestizos_ and _Indians_; besides
which there were not above a dozen white faces in all: for this ship
was purposely design’d to carry the late viceroy prince _Santo Bueno_,
his family and retinue to _Acapulco_; but in the mean time order’d a
short cruise on the coast. She sail’d so heavy that the _Spaniards_
never expected she would be of any use against the _English_
privatiers: and for that reason, put all their good able men aboard the
other three cruisers, the _Zelerin_, _Brilliant_ and _San Francisco_,
which were light ships and good sailers. The _Peregrine_ was so unable
and unwilling too, that if she had not found the _Speedwel_ in harbour,
she would never have follow’d her to sea; for we were told at _Payta_,
that the first fire from the _Speedwel_ terrify’d the enemy so very
much, that they could not tell whether they were really dead or alive.
They all immediately ran from their quarters, and the very steersman
who had the helm, quitted it: so that the ship which was then close
hawl’d standing in, came with her head sails in the wind, and muzzled
her self; that is, she lay bobbing up and down, with her sails flapping
against the mast: and how could it be otherwise, where there was only a
few good officers among a mere mob of black people fear’d out of their
wits. The commander and his officers did what they could to bring them
to their duty: they beat them, swore at them, and prick’d them in the
buttocks, but all would not do; for the poor devils were resolved to be
frighted: most of them run quite down in the hold, while others were
upon their knees praying the saints for deliverance. The _Speedwel_ did
not fire above eight or nine guns; and as they were found sufficient,
_Shelvocke_ had no reason to waste his powder: but ’tis plain the
_Peregrine_ might easily have run him aboard, if there had been but
a few good seamen to stand by the bowlines and braces. However, this
panic of theirs gave _Shelvocke_ a fair opportunity to get his men
aboard, cut his cable, and go away right afore the wind. This is the
plain truth of the matter, which every body was agreed in: for I heard
of it at several places; tho’ _Shelvocke_ has cook’d up a formal story
of a desperate ingagement to deceive those who knew him not, into a
wondrous opinion of his conduct. He talks of his ship being greatly
shatter’d in the fight, and several of the enemy kill’d; but ’tis all
bluster: there was not a drop of blood spilt: for if the _Peregrine_
did fire a few guns, their confusion prevented them doing any mischief.
And _Shelvocke_’s killing some of the enemy is very unlikely, when so
many of them run down and hid themselves.

’Tis impossible for words to express the baseness of captain
_Shelvocke_ in puting together so much reproachful language utterly
void of truth and reason, as there is from p. 176 to 180. All the
malice of his book is here sum’d up in a body. He says I mutinied about
going into the _Mercury_, and insinuates that I threaten’d his life.
This is a very poor charge of his, after contriving so plausible a
scheme to destroy us. But I remember I answer’d these words p. 53, when
we had just doubled cape _Horne_. As for his accusation of mutiny, ’tis
as weak as the other: for tho’ ’tis evident we were deliver’d up as a
prey, yet _Shelvocke_ had gone such lengths with us, that he would
call even a wry face mutiny: and my whole account of his transactions
is full of answer to this sort of calumny. Then he says I prevail’d
on _Hatley_ to run away with the prize, plying him with liquor for
that purpose: and runs on a long formal story of the wickedness of
this thing, when I have made it plain she had no money, or any thing
valuable aboard. Does not _Shelvocke_’s great ignorance in these facts
demonstrate that these false accounts in his book were all invented
here at home?

After this he accuses me with discovering to the enemy the secrets of
our expedition, for which I was us’d respectfully, and made an officer.
It must be great weakness in _Shelvocke_ to fancy he had any secrets
to discover, after he had alarm’d all the coast himself: besides the
_Spaniards_ knew well enough what we came there for; therefore ’tis
childish to talk of secrets: indeed _Shelvocke_ kept his own private
designs a secret from us, which I dare say was no intention of the
voyage; and I could not have known the places of rendezvous, without
the help of Mr. _Taylor_’s journal. The reason of my being us’d
respectfully is this.--_Don Pedro Midranda_, the admiral who took
us, had a personal esteem for Sir _Charles Wager_, and I have reason
to believe was formerly his prisoner. The _Spanish_ admiral had been
treated with great candour and generosity by Sir _Charles_: and upon
examination, finding that I gave a good account of Sir _Charles_, he
was pleas’d to shew us great favours for his sake. It was owing to
this, that I and all but captain _Hatley_ met with kind treatment:
for my own part, I had the honour to eat at his table all the time we
were aboard; where he seldom fail’d to toast Sir _Charles Wager_, at
every meal. Then it’s plain the aforesaid guilt of _Hatley_’s made that
difference between him and the rest.

He says I was made an officer, and that I desired of my new captain, if
we had the good luck to take _Shelvocke_, I might have the honour of
boarding him first.

After such vile procedings, by my troth I believe no body would think
it an honour to board captain _Shelvocke_: but I deny that I ever
said so, and whatever any of us said, he can only ghess at it. ’Tis
certain we had reason to think and speak ill enough of him; since it
was evident he got rid of us to serve a turn. However, as we were now
treated much civiler than it was in _Shelvocke_’s nature to allow of;
I frankly own there was not a man among us, but would gladly have seen
him fall into the same admiral’s hands: for in a very few days after
this, _Shelvocke_ rids himself of eleven more of his men, whom he sent
under _James Hopkins_, one of his mates, aboard an empty bark not worth
a groat, which he calls the St. _David_, p. 180, leaving them to shift
for themselves, with no more than a week’s provision: after which they
were compell’d to surrender among the _Indians_: and one of them, _John
Gundy_, born at _Plymouth_ dock, had his throat cut for not stripping
immediately: the rest I saw prisoners with us at _Lima_. _Shelvocke_
is modestly silent upon this article, saying only, p. 187, that he was
oblig’d to leave the St. _David_ to cruise off _Payta_: but not a word
of the mate and his ten men.

As to my being an officer in the king of _Spain_’s service, ’tis mere
scandal and nonsense; for if I had acted in that station in a time of
war between the two crowns, ’tis very improbable I would venture home
so soon, being the first of the prisoners who appear’d in _England_.
Indeed we all, except _Hatley_, had our passage to _Cales_ in a
_Spanish_ advice-boat, call’d the _Flying-fish_. Mr. _Pressick_ our
surgeon’s mate, acted as surgeon in her, receiving wages; and so did
all our men, being releas’d from prison to help navigate the vessel
home. For my part, as I was well treated, I would not eat the bread of
idleness, but kept my watch as other officers did; and pray where’s
the harm of all this; tho’ _Shelvocke_ and his blunderbuss of a son,
have had the stupidity to call it treason? And it must appear a very
malicious charge, as well as an ignorant one, that after a man has been
driven amongst the enemy, he must be call’d a traytor for being us’d
kindly and accepting his passage back again; that because I was not
murdered there, I ought to be executed at home. This is _Shelvocke_’s
great christianity and good conscience.

Lastly, he accuses me of being of a nation and religion which the
_Spaniards_ are fond of.

In the first place, captain _Shelvocke_ is very ill bred, to make any
national reflexions at all; and then very ignorant not to know, they
are never allow’d as argument. If he means I am an _Irishman_, I am
well enough pleased to own it: not forgeting that his Majesty has many
loyal subjects of that kingdom, in the state, church, navy and army.
If by the other reflexion he means my religion to be of the _Romish_
church; I shall make this answer to it. That it certainly is the
religion my parents design’d I should be of: but when I came to riper
years and better understanding, I made use of that liberty which God
has given all mankind, to make such confession of faith as is most
agreeable to holy scripture and right reason.

Thus determin’d, I took the oaths above twenty years ago; by which I
quitted the _Romish_ faith, and abjur’d all papal authority in these
kingdoms: I did all that is requir’d in those cases, and therefore
’tis needless to say more. Consequent to this I had the imployment
of a purser in the navy, which I held some years; having before that
served in several other inferiour capacities. I have continued ever
since a lawful member of the church of _England_; What pretense then
can _Shelvocke_ have to persecute me in this unjust public manner, and
charge me with the popish religion; especially after he has cruelly
forc’d me among the most rigid professors of it?

But if he means by this accusation to make me appear as a disaffected
person, I hope he will be mistaken: for I never drank the _Pretender_’s
health, tho’ _Shelvocke_ made a constant practice of it, and every
tenth of _June_ proposed it in an open manner; constraining some to
do it, and using others ill who had spirit enough to refuse it. In
what light then shall I place this _Shelvocke_, to make his infamy
truly appear? A man who hath solemnly taken the oaths of allegiance,
abjuration and supremacy, with king _George_’s commission in his
pocket, commander of above a hundred men, to whom he should appear
an example of goodness and loyalty, and in a public time of war to
drink the _Pretender_’s health, and command his men to do the same,
is an instance of such perjur’d villainy, as can never be exceded!
Considering I am a seafaring man, ’tis for my credit that _Shelvocke_
will allow me to be of any religion: and I am really sorry I cannot
return him the complement; but he has made such an abandon’d wretch of
himself, that I am persuaded mankind will say ’tis better to have some
religion than none at all. For after a man has broke thro’ oaths, which
I call sacred ingagements, and violated all moral virtues, by which
he was bound to promote the interest of us and our owners; what idea
can we have of him? when thus he stands guilty of treachery, cruelty,
perjury, ill-nature and ill-manners; you cannot call him a _christian_,
and he is far short of a _mahometan_ both in faith and practice.

Here I take leave of my noble captain _Shelvocke_, being quite
separated from him, as he intended; and now forced to submit to
the _Spaniard_, which however prov’d the fairer enemy of the two.
Henceforth therefore, I must trace him by the help of _Taylor_’s
journal, and the concurring evidence of those whose hard lot it was to
remain under his command: while I go back to captain _Clipperton_, whom
I shall, in as brief a manner as possible, bring to the end of his
voyage, which also ended his life. He staid his month for _Shelvocke_
at _Fernandes_, as I observed before: the account of his progress and
actions after that, I will impartially transcribe from _Taylor_’s
journal, as I find it.

[Illustration]

[Illustration]




SECTION II.


_Success Oct. 20, 1719._

“This day a paper was fixt upon the main-mast, declaring what should
and should not be deemed plunder.

“The man who first spys a sail, proving a prize, to have five dollars
for every hundred ton the prize measures.

“Every man aboard a prize found drunk, or in any indecent act with a
white or black woman, to be punished according to the nature of his
offense.

“Every man, of whatsoever degree, concealing any money, or other thing
above the value of half a dollar, shall forfeit his share of such
prize, and twenty dollars out of his share in the next that shall be
taken. The variation by an amplitude taken this day in latitude 15 39
S. is 9″ : 20 N. E.”

25. “We this day arrive in the latitude of _Lima_, our cruising
station; where we brought to, and lay under our topsails till four in
the morning: then made sail, and at seven chased a small vessel, which
we came up with at eleven, being a snow of about forty ton, laden with
sand and rubbish for manure. She was navigated by seven _Indians_ and
two _Nigros_: her master was left sick ashore. They would not give us
any intelligence. We found nothing aboard her worth the trouble of
carrying away, except two jarrs of eggs, two of molosses, and a couple
of dollars.”

28. “At one afternoon make a sail. At two are a long-side of her, being
a ship of about 150 ton, call’d the St. _Vincent_, with wood from
_Guiaquil_. There are two fryars, sixteen _Indians_ and four _Nigros_
aboard.”

30. “At four afternoon made a good sail, which we came not up with
till eleven at night: she is a pretty large ship, of at least 400 ton,
from _Panama_ for _Lima_, having a good many passengers aboard. She
is called the _Trinity_, and was taken by captain _Rogers_ when he
plunder’d _Guiaquil_, 1709.”

_Nov. 2._ “This afternoon at one saw a sail: at three came up with her,
being a vessel of about seventy ton, bound from _Lima_ to _Panama_; she
has on board the countess of _Laguna_, and several other passengers,
a good deal of ready money, and at least 400 jars of wine and brandy,
being two articles we much wanted. Our captain asks the lady whether
she will come aboard the _Success_, or remain in the prize. She chuses
the later. He sends a marine officer with a guard to take care she be
not molested by any of our men, and that none enter her cabin but her
own domestics, or such as she allows of. Mr. _Godfrey_, our agent,
went aboard the prizes, carrying to each a couple of jars of wine and
brandy, which was a very acceptable present.”

18. “At seven this morning we saw a sail: at eleven she became our
prize, proving to be a _London_ built pink of about 200 ton from
_Panama_ for _Lima_, with wood, of little value: but they tell us of
two rich ships from _Lima_ coming this way; and that there are two
_Spanish_ men of war of fifty and thirty guns, fitted out in quest of
us.”

This being the prize that was run away with by stratagem _Nov. 20_, I
need not repeat it. Turn back to p. 91 and 95.

24. “This afternoon we took a prize call’d the _Cayetan_, of about 200
tons, laden with wood from _Panama_ for _Lima_: she has aboard forty
_Nigros_ and thirty _Spaniards_, most of them passengers.”

27. “Anchor at the isle of _Plate_ with our three prizes. Our captain
being now under some apprehensions of the enemy’s men of war, which
we know are clean, and fitted out on purpose to destroy or bring us
in; begins to think that his cruising without a second, will turn but
to little account: resolves therefore to make the most of what he has
got; which consisteth chiefly of _European_ goods found in the prizes
already taken. And being well assured the _Spaniards_ dare not purchase
them by reason of a strict prohibition from the king of _Spain_, he
puts a handsome cargo of ten thousand pound or upwards, aboard the
lady’s bark now call’d the _Chichly_; and appoints captain _Mitchel_
commander of her, and to dispose of them to the best advantage on
the coast of _Brasil_. He mounts her with eight guns, puts aboard
thirteen _Englishmen_ and ten _Nigros_, with what provision and other
necessaries he can spare him. Captain _Mitchel_ at parting gave us
three cheers, which was answer’d by the _Success_. Here our captain
discharges the other two prizes after rummaging them of all we wanted,
and gave them to the _Spaniards_; reserving the _Nigros_, and the
captain of one of them for our pilot. We ply to windward again to come
into our station.”

_Decemb._ 12th. 1719. “We saw a sail about five in the evening, and
at seven took her. She is called the _Rose_, bound from _Cheripe_ for
_Panama_, laden with provisions. Our launch and pinnace were all day
imploy’d in bringing on board the flower, and other provisions in order
to discharge her. Having got as much flower out of her as we could well
stow away, we cut her mainmast by the board, lest she should overset,
and so let her go. These prisoners inform us, that our men who were
taken by the _Spaniards_ were sent to _Lima_ by land. Here we continue
to cruise, standing off all day, and towards the shore at night: but
nothing happens till

27th. “Anchor in _Guanchaco Bay_ in nine fathom clay ground, and find
two ships at anchor. We fire a shot at each: but they make no return:
send our boats aboard: but found them abandon’d, and could discover
that all the loading had just been taken out, and nothing left aboard,
except some bread, and a few jars of water. We hung out a flag of
truce, and fired two guns at half an hour’s interval, hoping they
would come aboard to ransom their ships. They answer’d us from shore;
but seeing no boat coming to us, we fired again, and remain here till
next day, when seeing it was in vain to wait any longer, and that they
would neither ransom nor beg their ships, we pull’d down the flag, and
set the ships a fire. At eight forenoon, the church of _Guanchaco_
bore E. 3 leagues, from whence I take my departure, latitude 8 : 10
S. designing for the _Gallipagos_. The currents here set much to the
northward.”

_January_ 9th. 1720. “Arrive at duke of York’s island being one of the
_Gallipagos_. Here we scrub and clean our ship, and refresh our selves
with tortoise: after visiting some more of these islands, we steer away
to the northward.”

21. Made a’sail: sent our pinnace a head to keep sight of the chase,
by making false fires: at eleven at night came up with her, and on
our firing a gun she brought to, being a ship from _Panama_, having
on board the marquiss _de Villa Roche_ president at _Panama_, and his
family bound for _Lima_, called the _Prince Eugene_. This is the same
ship in which captain _Clipperton_ was circumvented and taken in his
late voyage in these seas, when he received but indifferent treatment
from the said marquiss at _Panama_, before whom he was carry’d.”

22. “Mr. _Davison_ our first lieutenant was sent to command the prize;
and I was order’d his assistant. At eight in the morning the pinnace
came aboard to search for treasure: at eleven returned, carrying the
marquiss, and what else they found most valuable. Nothing remarkable
happens till,

_February_ 26th. “We are plying to windward in our cruising station
with the last mention’d prize. A _Spaniard_ who was accidentally
wounded at the taking of her, dying last night of his wound, his
countrymen desired he might he bury’d after their custom and
formalities; which was granted them. When they ended their prayers, the
corpse which lay ready on a gratin with a good bag of ballast ty’d at
the feet, was thrown over board: but to the admiration of every one,
the body floated, and continued so till we sailed quite from the sight
of it. The marquiss _de Villa Roche_ being present said, it was very
portentous, and that some surprizing accident must be the consequence.”

“Upon throwing the corpse into the water, the _Spanish_ custom is to
cry aloud _Bon Viaje_ three times, that is, a good voyage. This day
took an observation in latitude 11 : 50 N: the current here sets very
strong to windward.”

_March 8._ “We made the island of _Port Velas_ latitude 10 : 30 N:
the next day anchor’d in thirty fathom. We find here a good watering
place. The _padre_ and boatswain of the _Prince Eugene_ come aboard to
be examined, as likewise the marquiss to dine: the father and boatswain
being desirous to go ashore, they have leave, on condition they will
indeavour to persuade the people to drive some cattle to the shore, and
spare what provision they can in exchange for what we have aboard.”

_March_ 13th. “Our launch being near the shore, where runs a great
sea, she was hove along, soon fill’d and sunk. By this accident we
lost two men, _John Trumbal_ serjeant of marines, and _Roger Pengelly_
gunner’s mate. And here the wonderful perfection of the _Nigros_ is
most remarkable: all the rest of the men got ashore, when one of our
_Nigros_ stripping himself, takes a rope’s end, dived, and slung the
boat: after which we hawld her up and towd her aboard, very little
damaged.”

_March_ 16th. “The _padre_ and countermaster return with some natives,
bringing four head of black cattle, some fowl, and fruit, as a present
for the marquiss; but told our captain, that their _alcalde_ or
governer could not allow us to trade with him. They give us an account
of captain _Mitchel_, who put in here to water, and say that his
men shot some of their young bulls: but that 200 of the inhabitants
appearing under arms, he thought it best to go away. We doubt not
of his being here, because we have seen some shirts and wearables
of _Mitchel_’s men. The next day the marquiss writes letters ashore
privately, to stir up the people to surprize our men at the watering,
and secure the boats. These with other mischievous letters wrote to
_Lima_ were stopp’d by Mr. _Godfrey_ our owners agent, who finding
them in an _Indian_’s hand ashore, sent them to captain _Clipperton_,
who now debars the marquiss the use of pen and paper, and uses him
but roughly. The _Indians_ who were yesterday aboard, and to whom
our captain made a few presents for themselves, the church and the
governer, return this morning with some good fresh beef. After this,
captain _Clipperton_ treats with the marquiss about ransoming the
prize; but not agreeing, he orders the timber with which she was laden
to be thrown overboard, saving as much for firing as we could stow:
after which we rummage the cabin, taking away all the clothes and
equipage.”

_March_ 20th. “The marquiss and his lady dine aboard the _Success_:
after which they go ashore for recreation, leaving their only child
aboard as a pledge. They send off a good bull, and some fowl: there
being no oxen on this continent. On the 26th, the governer sends us two
bulls more; and on the 31st, the marquiss sends a present of fruit to
his child, to bring which there are seven _Indians_ a horseback: they
left two letters hanging on a stick in the sand. Nothing happens to
the 4th of _April_, but more presents from the marquiss, attended as
before.”

_April_ 4th. “This evening the marquiss and his lady, with the governer
and others came aboard. Nothing is said of the marquiss his plot; but
all chearful company. The bargain of ransoming goes on so far, that
all the _Spanish_ prisoners are orderd ashore, except those who had
rather stay in the prize: but no talk of money in the case: On the
8th and 9th, the marchioness and the child are carried ashore, and we
salute ’em with three guns; the marquiss remaining with us till the
performance of articles, which were signed. The governer has a quantity
of indigo delivered him, and he sends us a handsom present of beef,
which we are all very glad of. We weighd; leaving the prize to the
_Spanish_ captain, and are now plying to windward with moderate gales
till

_April_ 20th. “We anchor in the gulph of _Amapala_ in 17 fathom: send
the pinnace to find a watering: the _Spaniards_ oppose their landing,
but suffer them to put on shore a _Spaniard_ and _Indian_ belonging to
the marquiss, who are going to _Rio Lexos_ to fetch the ransom money:
but it is my opinion we are all bit. Not being able to get water at
_Amapala_, the pinnace is sent to the isle of _Tigris_; where they find
very good water, and the _Indian_ who guided them is rewarded with some
clothes. Our men meet with abundance of game on the island, killing a
good number of deer. Here is also a great plenty of boobys, which are
better eating than those catch’d at sea. Here we stay till the 10th
of _May_, much longer than we intended, in expectation of the ransom
money; but having little reason to believe the _Spaniards_ will be
punctual and faithful, we unbent our sheet anchor and stow’d it, taking
our departure from hence, latitude 12 : 36. N.

_May_ 20th. “This day, the books, instruments and clothes of lieutenant
_Serjeantson_ were sold at the mast: being run ashore in the _Rosary_
pink with his men as aforesaid. Here I find a strong current to the N.
About this time the cloathing, linen and other necessaries taken in our
prizes were distributed, being deem’d fair plunder.”

_June_ 4th. “We arrive next at _Gorgona_, latitude 2 : 35 N. The
current sets to the eastward. Here is wood and water, and great plenty
of fish; but they wont take the hook, and we have no seine. From hence
we ply to windward, and nothing happens till

_July_ 25th. “We spy a sail, and come up with her: she struck to us,
being the St. _Vincent_ which we took once before, now commanded by Don
_Clement de Andrado_, laden with timber and cocoa nuts from _Guiaquil_
for _Lima_. We keep to windward with our prize, and

_August_ 11th. “Anchor at _Lobos la mar_: the distance from this
island, and _Lobos la tierra_ is 10 leagues. Our chief imployment here
is to catch seal for the company. Our men have tents on shore, working
in their several stations. Here we scrub and clean our ship, taking out
of the prize what is most valuable. Our men, tho’ fatigued with work,
live well and look well, and are now ready for another cruise. Nothing
happens till

_Sept._ 6th. “A plot is discovered among the men, wherein the
conspirators had form’d a design to seize the captain and officers,
and run away with the ship: all who were secured, to be put ashore at
the small desolate isle of _Lobos_, but the opposers to be shot. After
discovery, the two principal actors, _Joseph Maynard_ boatswain’s mate,
and _James Roch_ the ship’s corporal were severely punish’d, besides
being put in irons: the rest were pardoned.”

“The cause of this uneasiness among the men, was their despair of
making a good voyage, having no hope of the _Speedwel_’s joyning them,
which had brought them into great straits and difficulties; so that
they did not much care what happen’d.”

_Sept._ 15th. “Our design of coming down again to the northward, was
to look into _Cheripe_, if we could see any ships there; but chance to
fall to the leeward of it, by reason the currents set us much to the
northward, tho’ we have already made allowance for the same: we soon
beat up again, finding the coast alarm’d, and seeing no ship.”

_Sept._ 17th. “This day sent our pinnace well arm’d to chase a small
vessel which she came up with, being a fishing boat that has used to
make up her fish on the isle of _Lobos_, where we found a good parcel
ready split and salted; besides a handsome quantity of fresh fish in
the boat. We anchor again at _Lobos_, in 38 fathom, and find the S.
_Vincent_, which we left here, was drove ashore and sunk. We clear
the fishing boat, and send her away with 38 _Spanish_ prisoners: after
which we weigh again and ply to windward, being in latitude 7 : 00 S.
Here the currents set pretty much to the southward: no prize, nor any
thing occurs, only the burying four or five of our hands; we hold our
course for the bay of _Conception_ where we arrive.”

_November_ 1st. “Going into the bay we spy three sail of ships at
anchor: the fort fired a signal gun: we hoisted _Spanish_ colours,
and kept plying up till ten at night: being moon light, we discover a
fourth ship standing in after us: we bore down upon her: she haled us
in _Spanish_; we answer’d her with our guns; but the wind failing, and
she being clean, gained a head of us. In the morning the pinnace and
launch were sent after her: but soon left chasing, she being got almost
out of sight. However, we really lost the substance for the shadow, our
captain now steering for _Coquimbo_.”

5. “We came up with another sail, which upon our firing a gun struck
her colours: she is call’d the _Solidad_: she hath a cargo of tobacco,
sugar, and cloth enough to purchase her loading of wheat at _Coquimbo_,
whither she is bound from _Lima_. They inform us that our last chase
had much such another cargo; and that the two _Spanish_ men of war
fitted out in quest of us and our consort, were returned to _Callao_ to
be victual’d afresh: and had orders from the viceroy to cruise on the
coast of _Chili_, not only upon us, but all the _French_ interloping
traders.”

6. “The greatest part these 24 hours fresh gales of wind and hazy
weather, with a great southern swell. At one this afternoon, coming
open with the harbour of _Coquimbo_, we saw three sail of men of war
at anchor, with their topsails loose in their tops; who, immediately
on seeing us, slipt or cut their cables and stood after us, we hawling
close upon a wind, our prize doing the same: but she being the
windward-most, and at much the greatest distance from the enemy, they
judged it necessary to send the best sailer among them after her: at
three the headmost ship came up with our prize, and fired at her: upon
which she struck: but after she had so done, the man of war fired
several guns more into her, the reason of which we could not ghess: the
other two ships crowded all the sail they could after us till four,
when the biggest carryed away her mizentop-mast: he then fired a gun,
tacked, and stood in for the shore again, which we were not very sorry
for: one of them carrying 50, one 40, and the other 26 guns, all clean
ships, _French_ built and sailed well. It pleased God the wind favour’d
us whilst they continued the chase; so that we weather’d _Isla de
pajeros_, i. e. the island of birds which lay just in our way: for if
we had been forced to tack, we must have been taken.

“We have on board us the captain of the prize, and eight seamen,
besides twelve _Nigros_. There were taken with her, twelve of our men,
besides Mr. _Milne_ our third lieutenant who commanded her. However,
we had the good luck to ease her of 97 pound weight of wrought silver,
when she first became our prize.”

Mr. _James Milne_, whom I have since had conversation with in _London_,
told me that the reason of the enemies continuing their fire after
he had struck to them, was owing to the rage of the captain to find
him a _Spanish_ prize instead of an _English_ privatier; and vexed at
this mistake, he could not immediately quit his passion, but struck
_Milne_ upon the head with his drawn sword. However, the captain soon
after sent for him up, and finding him almost stript by the soldiers,
generously asked his pardon, and order’d him a complete sute of apparel
from top to toe. The captain’s name was _Don Blas de Lesso_ and had
been a guard marine in the _French_ service where he lost one of his
legs. I mention this to the honour of the said gentleman, who kept Mr.
_Milne_ aboard him all the time the men of war were in quest of us
and the _French_ interlopers, using him very kindly: and tho’ he was
carried prisoner to _Lima_, the said captain soon got him his liberty,
procured him his passage gratis to _Panama_, and gave him a jar of
brandy, and a jar of wine for his sea store; beside 200 dollars for his
expenses to _England_. But I am sorry to hear he never acknowledged
it by letter from _Panama_ or elsewhere; the said _Don Blas_ having
spoke of it to a particular gentleman, then factor for the _British
South-Sea_ company at _Panama_.

_November_ 7th. “This day our agent Mr. _Godfrey_, and Mr. _Cook_
second lieutenant, had words about a pair of gold buckles, which
the later had got privately in his keeping. The lieutenant gave Mr.
_Godfrey_ very scurrilous language: but our agent insisted, that it
was his immediate province to inspect all such matters. Whether _Cook_
keeps the buckles I know not: but he went in a very unmannerly way to
captain _Clipperton_ and told him he would no longer take the charge
of the watch: whereupon Mr. _Chambers_ the master took that charge
in his room. The next day the clothes and other things belonging to
our people, taken by the man of war, were sold publicly at the mast.
Being thus worsted at _Coquimbo_, and forced to fly their men of
war; remembring our mistakes at _Conception_, and that we must now
abandon these coasts with short provisions, and no hopes of captain
_Shelvocke_, we begin to be much dejected. However we keep jogging on
the northward, and

14. “Make the isle of St. _Gallan_, whose latitude I find 13 : 42 S. On
the 15th. stood into the road of _Pisco_; but finding nothing, we stood
out again, holding to the northward.”

16. “See a sail and give chase. She hoisted _Spanish_ colours and fired
a gun; and finding that she could wrong us, she hawld up her courses,
and took in all her small sails: we let fly our topgallant sheets,
firing three guns to windward, that being the signal between our ship
and the _Speedwel_, in case we should meet. The chase holding her
wind, we could not come near her. The next day at two in the afternoon
she tacked, and stood for us, as if resolved to ingage us: we edgd on
towards her, ’till we got within a mile or thereabouts, when she fired
several guns at us, which we return’d with a broadside: upon which she
held her wind again, and stood to the westward; and being just cleaned,
and a prime sailor, went at least two foot for our one; so that we
soon found we had no share in her.”

Mr. _Taylor_ is very right; for I my self was in this sham fight. I
call it so, because I believe neither of the commanders had any great
stomach for a battle. In the first place, it was contrary to the orders
of captain _Fitzgerald_ who commanded this ship called the _Flying
Fish_: for being ready to sail for _Cales_, he was only now order’d
out by the viceroy in quest of _Shelvocke_; of whom news was brought
to _Lima_, that he had a day or two before taken the _Jesu Maria_ out
of _Pisco_, leaving the _Spaniards_ the bark he built at _Fernandes_.
_Pisco_ being but a little to windward of _Callao_, they were in hopes
of catching _Shelvocke_ as he went to leeward: and the _Flying Fish_
having a very considerable treasure aboard, the captain was strictly
order’d to forbear attacking, or speaking with any imbarkation, except
_Shelvocke_. On the other hand, _Clipperton_ may well be supposed
willing enough to decline ingaging with a ship just come out of harbour
with 200 fresh men aboard; at a time when his people were in a very
low condition and dispirited, as appears by the journal: neither had
he half the number of men. So that I am of opinion if the dollars had
been left ashore, the _Flying Fish_ would have been able to carry
_Clipperton_ into _Callao_. For _Fitzgerald_, who was a _St. Malo_ man,
had aboard him a hundred townsmen, stout fellows; and the rest were
the best hands he could pick out of all the ships at _Callao_ for this
occasion.

_November_ 18th. “_Maltesi_ one of the _Guara_ islands bore N. E. one
league; from whence I take my departure in latitude 11 : 10 S. Being
fine weather we heel’d and scrubb’d both sides of our ship. We stood in
for _Guanchaco_: but finding nothing there, bore away for _Cheripe_:
where seeing nothing, we stood away for _Payta_, designing to try our
fortune at every port to the northward; particularly to get a supply of
flower, which being now all expended, we have three pound of _Indian_
corn served to a mess of six men each.”

27. “Saw point _Helen_: shorten’d sail and stood from the land. Hoisted
out the pinnace and yawl to set the prisoners ashore belonging to the
last prize retaken by the enemy. After which we steer to the westward
for the _Gallipagos_ islands, in order to refresh our men, who are very
bad with the scurvy.”

30. “Had an observation, and find my self in latitude 00 : 09 N. Here
is a strong current to the northward, and I believe a little westerly.
I am 22 miles more northerly than the log gives, variation and leeway
having been allow’d. All our bread, flower, and _Indian_ corn is now
expended, and we have but one little meal in 24 hours; which is a small
piece of _English_ beef (being yet very good) and calivances. Six men
in a mess.”

_December_ 4th. “Mr. _Thomas Fairman_ our purser departed this life;
and we committed him to the deep. Measur’d our logline and find it
three fathom too short, which amounts to 52 mile one hour with another
since we left cape _Helen_. Having an observation, I rectify my account
and find the latitude 00 : 36 N. We keep plying to windward against a
strong S. W. current in sight of the _Gallipagos_.”

6th. “Sent the pinnace to discover an anchoring place at one of the
islands: returns without finding any; but saw abundance of tortoise
ashore. Send the pinnace and yawl to get some. They return with fish
enough to serve the company a day: But there running a prodigious surf,
they could not land, or look for turtle. We kept plying off and on, and
sounded in foul ground from 80 to 50 fath; the latitude of the island I
make 9 minutes N. ’tis a mere rock: so we left it, and steer’d away for
another S. W. being the same which the _Spaniards_ make to lye under
the equator. We run along shore but can find no anchoring: so that
being unwilling to lose more time, we make our best way to the isle of
_Cocos_, where we hope certainly to get fish, fowl, and coco-nuts; our
people being very sick and weak.”

7th and 8th. “We had several islands N. E. but on the 9th got clear
of them all. This day I took charge of the captain’s watch, and Mr.
_Chambers_ the larboard, Mr. _Davison_ being sick, and lieutenant
_Cook_ still refusing his duty. Little happens in this passage, but
burying two or three of our hand. Our people fall apace; therefore are
in pain lest we miss the island.”

17. “Going very slowly ahead, find there is a southern current. Lye so
till day light, believing we are near the island. At nine forenoon with
joy we beheld the island _Cocos_ about nine leagues N. W.”

18. “Anchor in 13 fathom white sand. Here all our people and the
marquiss _de Villa Roche_ got ashore, where we build a house for the
sick men. Here is abundance of good fish round the island which we take
pains to catch, the surf being sometimes very great. Our people find
here plenty of coco-nuts, crabs, boobies and their eggs, this being
their hatching time. Our captain broaches the last hogshead of brandy,
allowing every man a dram a day: and on new-years-day gave the people
a gallon of strong beer for six. This food, ease, and refreshment
pretty well recover’d all our company. We wood and water, tho’ with
much difficulty; for here is a great swell coming in from the northward
constantly at full moon and change: therefore are forced to wait ’till
the spring tides are abated before we can get any thing off.”

_January_ 17. 1721. “The marquiss came aboard as do most of our people,
being ready to sail. Eight nigros and three of our men desert here, and
abscond in the woods. The names of our men are _Higgins_, _Caulker_ and
_Shingle_. The anchorage here being rocky, we have sadly gaul’d both
our cables. After continuing here a month, we weigh and set sail, from
whence I take my departure, _January_ 20th. latitude 05 : 38 N. running
now to the northward on the coast of _Mexico_.”

23. “We spy a sail to which give chase, and send the pinnace to keep
sight of her: but at night she gives us the slip.”

25. “This morning I see the coast of _Mexico_. About seven we made
a sail: at 11 she struck to our pinnace: which returns and brings
account that she is the _Jesu Maria_ a _Spanish_ ship, but now in the
possession of captain _Shelvocke_, who commands her. That he has about
40 of his men aboard, the rest being all dead or dispersed. That he
lost the _Speedwel_ at _Fernandes_; where they stay’d five months, and
built a barque out of the _Speedwel_’s wreck, with which they put to
sea, and coasted along _Chili_ and _Peru_ meeting several ships, but
could do nothing with them; ’till they came to _Pisco_ near _Lima_,
where they took this prize, being the ship we went in there to look
for. They differ much in their account: but have no regular command
among them, being all alike as the _West-India_ privatiers. They have
chose a quartermaster, carrying every thing by a majority of votes: so
that we find, they have quite broke their articles with the owners, and
have shared all among themselves.”

27. “Perceived captain _Shelvocke_ to hoist St. _George_’s colours
at main-top-masthead, firing three guns at intervals, being signals
to speak with us. We lye to for his boat, which came aboard with a
letter for captain _Clipperton_; who immediately sent back the boat
for their purser to be examined concerning their actions on the coast
of _Brasil_, and in the rest of their absence from us. Sent away the
boat: but the purser Mr. _Hendrie_ stays; who gives but a dark story of
their procedings; and that he was not allow’d to take any account of
the treasure for the owners. At eight captain _Shelvocke_ came aboard
being sent for by our captain and agent to give an account of his
transactions. The boat brought Mr. _Dod_ their lieutenant of marines to
continue with us; he having been used very ill for standing up for the
owners interest.”

28. “Came aboard from captain _Shelvocke_, six chests of pitch and
dammer, and two barrels of tar, with six slabs of copper. Captain
_Clipperton_ spares him two of our quarterdeck guns, some great and
small shot, a compass, and a few other necessaries. His people have
laid out a great deal of money with us for clothes, shoes, hats, _&c._
Captain _Shelvocke_ goes aboard and parts company. Here remain with
us two of the _Speedwel_’s officers, Mr. _Hendrie_ the purser and Mr.
_Dod_ lieutenant of marines, designing with us for China. We keep to
the northward on the coast of _Mexico_, meeting with strong west and
north-west currents ’till latitude 15 : 00 where they set S. E. In this
passage we have met captain _Shelvocke_ three times without speaking,
whom we knew by his making the signals. Our men have caught some
tortoise, which has been very acceptable, but nothing material happens
in all these traverses till _March_ 7th. “Our officers consult, and
resolve to joyn captain _Shelvocke_ the next time we meet, in order to
attempt the _Acapulco_ ship homeward bound.”

13th. “Made a sail, which by the signals proving to be captain
_Shelvocke_, we brought to. He comes aboard with his lieutenants.
Our captain and they agree in general, that if we meet the _Manilla_
ship, _Shelvocke_’s company to joyn us, and run her aboard at once.
Accordingly we cruise for her: and on the 15th captain _Clipperton_
holds another consultation; wherein proposals being agreed on, are
sign’d and sent to captain _Shelvocke_; _That if he and his crew would
refund all the money shared among themselves contrary to their articles
with the owners, and agree to put it in a joynt stock, then all faults
should be forgot; both companies would unite, and procede to cruise for
the_ Acapulco _ship_.”

17. “Not hearing from captain _Shelvocke_, and the time for the
_Manilla_ ship setting out being several days past: Resolved in a
council to make our best dispatch for _East India_. We have an infirm
ship’s company, and but five months provision, which must serve us to
_China_ unless we get a supply at _Guam_.”

“At six in the evening, the westmost land in sight, which I take to
be _port Marquiss_ bore N. N. W. eight leagues; from whence I take my
departure, it lying in 16 : 50 north latitude.”

_May_ 10th. “This day at noon we make _Serpana_ one of the _Ladron_
islands, _Guam_ being a few leagues farther ahead. The latitude of
_Serpana_ I find to be 13 : 42 N. and the difference of longitude from
_port Marquiss_ 121 : 08 W. Nothing worth notice has happen’d in this
tedious passage, only burying six of our hands. All our people are very
weak, and take the scurvy apace: so that land is now a very welcome
sight.”

13. “Anchor at the island of _Guam_. Send the pinnace ashore with a
flag of truce. They tell our lieutenant, they cannot trade with us
without leave from the Governer.”

16. “A prow came from the governer with Mr. _Godfrey_ our agent,
acquainting us, that we may be supply’d with provisions. Accordingly
our launch brought aboard some cattle, bread, sugar, brandy and fruit.
The next day his honour sent us a handsome present of palm wine, sugar
and chocolate; for which we drink his health with a complement of seven
guns.”

_May_ 18th. “The marquiss _de Villa Roche_ our prisoner, went ashore in
company with our agent, the first lieutenant and doctor, having agreed
with the governer about his ransom. We give him five guns at landing.
Our launch is imploy’d these six days in bringing wood, and water, and
provision aboard: during which time the governer desired he might have
some arms and ammunition in exchange. Accordingly captain _Clipperton_
sends him twelve fuzees, three jars of powder, sixty round shot, four
pair of pistols; beside cutlases, long swords and daggers.”

25. “Receive a letter, wherein the governer demands the marquiss’s
jewels, some consecrated plate, and two _Nigros_ being christians
and subjects to the king of _Spain_: as also a certificate under the
captain and officers hands that peace was proclaimed; detaining Mr.
_Godfrey_ and Mr. _Pritty_ ’till all this is performd. Hereupon our
captain sends a letter with a certificate that the _Solidad_, the
last prize we took on the coast of _Chili_, told us there was a peace
between _England_ and _Spain_; but withal assured the governer that if
he did not in 24 hours send the ransom with the two gentlemen, he would
demolish the houses upon the shore, burn the ship in the harbour, and
do all the mischief he could at the _Philippine_ islands. In the mean
time we receive a letter that the governer will pay for the consecrated
plate, and desires more powder and shot. To which our captain sends
answer that he will not spare any more ammunition or the _Nigros_.”

28. “Our yawl went ashore for more provision: but the officer of the
village told us we should have no more, unless we sent more powder
and shot: upon which we immediately weighd, staying for no answer
by Mr. _Godfrey_ or Mr. _Pritty_. Sent the pinnace ahead to sound,
and made the best of our way to the ship in the harbour. The people
ashore had raised a battery during this sham treaty, from whence
they began to fire at our pinnace; which being returned gave account
that what channel they found, was within pistol shot of the shore.
At six afternoon, in making up to the ship, we run aground, they
having carry’d her into shoal water: so that now we sustain two fires
together, one from the battery over our heads, and another from the
ship. At nine we got foul of the rocks where we cut away two of our
anchors indeavouring to get the ship off; during which time the enemy
fired so warmly with stones and shot from a new battery erected on
a hill, that we suffer’d extremely in our hull and rigging. We have
three men wounded, beside the misfortune of losing Mr. _Davison_ our
first lieutenant who was an honest fellow and a good officer. Thus the
_Success_ is forced to lye in a miserable condition exposed to the
continual fire of the enemy, who in the night have still this advantage
of us; that the surface of the water being smooth as a millpond easily
shows them our position, whereas we have no other direction for our aim
than the flashes of their guns.”

29. “In this emergence our captain being overcome with liquor, and
quite unable to command the ship; we officers came to a resolution
of running out clear of the enemy as soon as we could get the ship
afloat, and signed a paper to indemnify Mr. _Cook_ if he would take
upon him the command. At four afternoon we set her floating and cut
away the small bower anchor; but in ten minutes we run aground again:
at seven carry out the kedge anchor; but in heaving, the hawser broke.
We immediately carry out another hawser with a lower deck gun to it,
having now lost all our anchors and still aground. At two forenoon,
the enemy hale us several times to surrender or except no quarter. At
five, carry out the maintopmast-shroud hawser on the starboard bow
with another gun; still plying the enemy with our great guns below,
and small arms on the poop. We do them little mischief; tho’ they
never miss us, especially our boats as soon as they see them stir. At
eleven forenoon, carry out the rest of the small bower, with two lower
deck guns right ahead into five fathom: we clear away the hold ready
to start our water to make the ship lighter: got our upper and lower
deck guns forward to bring her by the head, the ship hanging abaft on
a rock: we keep two guns out of the stern ports, continually firing at
the enemies new battery; but can’t bring them to bear. These twenty
four hours we have happily only one wounded: but the ship is wretchedly
paid off between wind and water.”

30. “At six afternoon the ship floating, we cut away the yawl being
sunk with the shot: the other boats are much damaged: hove to our
small bower; then cut away it, and the other two hawsers, and sent the
pinnace ahead to tow the ship off. Just as we got afloat, the enemy
fired so smartly from the new battery that their shot raked us through
between wind and water, killing one of our people, and wounding two
others. Thus have we lost both our bower anchors and cables, the stream
and kedge anchors, four hawsers, four of our lower deck guns, nineteen
barrels of powder, two men kill’d and six wounded: having stood these
fifty hours, a fair mark for the enemy to fire at: and if we had not
got clear, I do believe they would have sunk us before morning. We are
all very sorry for Mr. _Godfrey_ and Mr. _Pritty_, not knowing how the
governer may use them ashore. At ten afternoon we brought to, and begin
to splice our rigging, not a rope of which has escaped a shot: As for
the masts and yards, they have all been severely pepper’d, and the
carpenters have been all night stopping the holes in the ship’s bottom.
At seven forenoon stow our guns in the hold, bar in the ports, hoist in
the launch and pinnace, and at noon steer away west with an easy sail,
hoping to save our passage before the _Monsoons_ come on. Wind at S. S.
E.”

31. “Our carpenters are imployed in fishing the masts and yards, and
the rest of our people in fixing the rigging. At six afternoon, the
body of the island _Guam_ bore E. seven leagues, from whence I take
my departure, north latitude 13 : 20. allowing half a point N. E.
variation, designing now for _China_. Nothing remarkable till

_June 23._ “Find our ship to be in a very weak condition, scarce a
whole timber in her upper works: discover one of our fashion pieces to
be shot through, which being the chief support of the after part of
the ship, we are obliged to frap her, to keep her together: it blowing
pretty fresh, we dare not carry sail; having been forced for a week
past to feud under bare poles through variable winds and bad weather.
We impatiently look out for land, being afraid the currents have
forcibly set us much to the eastward.”

24. “At day break, find our selves among several islands, one of which
is _Barbuon_ at the north point of the island _Luconia_. I saw also
seven rocks, mark’d in some draughts; and likewise other islands,
mark’d in some manuscripts with a figure of 5, and by captain _Dampier_
called the _Bashee_ islands. _Dampier_’s account and mine agree: but
by Dr. _Halley_’s chart to _Luconia_, my reckoning is out by above
three degrees; except he means the south cape of _Luconia_ which may
reconcile the difference. From _June_ 14th to 19th. I found the current
set to the southward; but whether W. or E. I know not: and from thence
chiefly northward.”

30. “Make the isle and shoals of _Prata_ latitude 20 : 46 N. The
longitude from _Barbuon_ to it is 4 : 46 W.”

_July_ 1st. “Saw a sail to the eastward which we take to be a _China_
junk. At six forenoon see other islands, and several boats a fishing.
At nine forenoon bent the sheet cable: sounded in 30 fathom clay
ground. At noon had the islands from N. N. E. to W. by S.: these lands
were never mark’d in any chart. Longitude from _Prata_ 2 west.”

2. “Anchor in 13 fathom: send away the pinnace for intelligence how
_Macao_ bore. Return’d with a boat and three _Chinese_, of whom we
could only understand, that _Canton_ was to S. W. of us; so we parted,
and had the land from N. E. to W. of us: soundings from 22 to 13
fathom.”

3. “We gain nothing to windward: but are further to leeward of _Macao_
than we expected. We can get no pilot, and so bear away for _Amoy_: at
six afternoon made the white rock lying near the main land: at seven
forenoon saw several boats a fishing: had 21 fathom clay ground.”

4. “At six afternoon saw the land N. E, and several islands laid down
in the charts. Have had soundings from 30 to 15 fathom, latitude _per_
observation 23 : 40.”

5. “Not knowing the way into _Amoy_, and not being the length as yet,
hold upon a wind designing to ply off and on ’till daylight. At six
afternoon saw the range of islands that run to _Amoy_: the eastermost
bore S. S. W; the southmost N. N. W. At four forenoon made a sail; have
had several boats aboard to sell us fish, but can’t understand them.
Soundings from 22 to 14 fathom good ground. At ten forenoon saw the
_Piscadore_ islands from S. S. E. to E. S. E. 8 leagues.”

6. “At five afternoon came to with our sheet anchor in the gulf of
_Amoy_. Longitude from _Barbuon_ W. 4 : 48. Blessed be God in our
passage hither, from the 24 of _June_ we have had pleasant gales and
serene weather, the winds between west and S. W. At ten the _Hoppo_’s
men come aboard to know what we do here. Told them we was a king’s
ship. They wrote down particularly our force and number of men,
desiring us to be faithful in our account. The very next morning our
men, in a mutinous manner, demand of captain _Clipperton_ their prize
money, alledging that the _Success_ could never put to sea again. The
first man that attacked the captain was _John Dennison_. I interposed
thinking it my duty; whereupon _Edward Boreman_ bid me desist, or
expect a brace of balls thro’ my head: Mr. _Cook_ with a sneer said,
let the poor man rest and take breath a little, meaning the captain:
upon this our captain went ashore to the _Hoppo_ or commissioner of the
customs. During these four days we receive aboard a great quantity
of rice, some cattle, fowl, wood and water. On the 12th, the officers
go ashore and are handsomly received by the _Hoppo_, with whom we
make an agreement to anchor in the harbour and lye the monsoons out.
Two _Hoppo_ men or customhouse-officers are sent aboard to hinder
private dealing with the natives. Several _Mandarins_ or noblemen visit
the ship with the _Hoppo_. Some of the men go ashore without leave,
for which our captain going to correct them, the whole crew unite
and resist. We get more provision aboard; after which the _Hoppo_’s
agent receives the port charges, being 1700 dollars, about 400 pound
sterling. Our captain receives a present of wine and fruit from one of
the _Mandarins_. Nothing material till

_August_ 25th. “We officers sign a paper for the captain to allow all
the ships company money to buy necessaries. Captain _Mitchel_ being
gone, and _Davison_ we succeded him being kill’d, _Cook_ violently
insists upon having thirty shares as second captain: which by his own
management with the men, we were forced to yield him: but when the
question was put to make provision for the gentlemen who were kill’d
or taken from us, and the two officers from the _Speedwel_, _Hendrie_
and _Dod_ who are passengers with us, _Cook_ was first man to oppose
and reject it: so that we settle the shares as well as we can. Our
captain and most of the officers are willing to allow something to the
two passengers aforesaid; captain _Shelvocke_ having used them ill for
favouring the owners interest, particularly Mr. _Hendrie_ the agent
whom he would not suffer to act, but made him swab the deck: however
the company murmur at making them an allowance, and I doubt they will
receive nothing. After this we fall into great disorders and confusion,
and the men are strangely set against the captain, refusing to work
without their whole prize money, and complain to the chief _Mandarin_
call’d _Hyhung_: upon which captain _Clipperton_ is sent for, who
represented, that according to our articles, the capture ought to be
shared at _London_. However _Cook_ goes secretly to the _Mandarin_ and
underhand favours the men, insinuating that they would be cheated;
and threaten’d, if _Clipperton_ did not easily comply, to tell the
_Mandarin_ of his fine doings at _Guam_, and the great loss of captain
_Mitchel_ sent in the _Chichley_ prize with a good cargo never since
heard of: So that in short there came a guard of soldiers aboard of us,
and an order to captain _Clipperton_ to divide all the shares and pay
them.”

_Sept._ 16th. “Which was done this day without reserving anything for
_Shelvocke_’s two officers, our dead men, or thole who were taken
prisoners.”

                                         dollars.
The share of money and plate.               280
The share of gold.                          100
The share of jewels.                         39
                                            ---
The total of a foremastman’s dividend.      419
                                            ---

    Which at 4 _s._ 8 _d._ a dollar, makes _English_ money, 97 _l_, 15
    _s_, 4 _d._


According to this distribution,

                            _l._  _s._ _d._
The captain’s share was     1466   10   00
The second captain           733   05   00
The captain of marines,    }
  lieutenants of the ship  } 488   16   08
  and surgeon; _&c._       }

_Taylor_ not having here, or at leaving _China_, mention’d any thing of
what became of _Clipperton_, or the gentlemens money, I think proper
to insert that account as I had it from one of our owners and several
of the _Success_’s people. The owners moiety consisting of dollars,
wrought silver, gold and jewels amounted to upwards of 6000_l._
sterling, and was put aboard a _Portuguese East-India_ man, called
the _Queen_ of _Angels_, _Don Francisco la Vero_ commander, which was
unfortunately burnt at _Rio Janeiro_ on the coast of _Brasil_, _June_
6th 1722; of which effects no more came to hand than 1800_l._ As for
captain _Clipperton_, he having sold the _Success_ in _China_, took his
passage in her to _Batavia_; and from thence in a _Dutch India_ man
he came to _Holland_. He stay’d there a few weeks upon his own affairs,
and went directly to his family at _Galway_ in _Ireland_, where he died
two days after his arrival, in the year 22: being an _Englishman_ born
at great _Yarmouth_, in the county of _Norfolk_. But more of this in
another place. I procede to the journal.

_Sept._ 25th. “Weighed out of _Amoy_ harbour. Our arms, ammunition, and
sails came aboard: it being a practice, with the _Chinese_, for their
security, to take these ashore from all strangers.”

30. “Weighed and run out of the gulf, from whence I take my departure,
latitude 24 N: designing now for _Macao_ an island belonging to his
_Portuguese_ majesty.”

_October_ 4th. “Anchor in the road of _Macao_: salute the fort: captain
goes ashore and returns with the commander of a _Portuguese_ man of
war. Here we are informed of peace in _Europe_. _Cook_ and _Veitch_
go to _Canton_ to consult with Mr. _Winder_ supercargo of an _India_
man and son to one of our owners, what our captain is to do with the
_Success_. Upon their return the ship is condemned, being uncapable
to procede for _England_; and is sold for about 4000 dollars, much too
cheap.

“Here I settle my account of time, and find I have lost a day coming
westward round the world; therefore I allow but six days for this week
and go on.”

30. “Twenty of us agreed here, at six dollars each, to go to _Canton_
in a boat with chests and bedding, and get a passage from thence to
_England_: but it was my good hap to miss going in her, losing only
my money; for she was taken by the pyrates: and some of our people
now at _Canton_ have lost their things: So that seven of us agree for
a _Mandarin_’s boat at twenty dollars each, finding it unsafe to go
otherwise: we anchored at a town half way to _Canton_, being obliged
to get into a private boat, while the _Mandarin_ convoyed us in sight
of _Canton_. In our passage we saw a pyrate take a boat; and I find
it is a common practice. I think it very scandalous: but probably the
_Chinese_ government wink at it.”

_November_ 4th. “We arrive at the _English_ factory at _Canton_: are
very kindly received. They meet, and agree to carry us to _Great
Britain_ at five pound a man, being a very great favour: Accordingly we
all pay our money. I and two or three more went aboard the _Maurice_,
captain _Peacock_ at _Wampo_, being the place where the _European_
ships lye about three leagues down _Canton_ river. The rest of our
company divide in several ships.”

9. “We made sail in company of the _Macclesfield_ an _English East
India_ man, and an _Ostender_ call’d the _House_ of _Austria_.”

13. “The grand _Ladron_ island bore N. E. four leagues; from whence I
take my departure. Latitude 22. N.”

The run from _China_ to _Great Britain_ being generally well known, it
is foreign to my purpose to extract any more of this journal. I here
give Mr. _Taylor_ my hearty thanks for the use of it: and am pleas’d
I can do it in this public manner. Without it, I could not have been
able in some particulars to confute the false and treacherous relation
given by captain _Shelvocke_; who never kept any journal himself, or
suffer’d any one to use pen and ink, but his own creatures. If Mr.
_Taylor_ had designd to publish his account, he doubtless might have
enterd remarks and occurrences of another nature than those which
concern navigation and geography. And altho’ the expedition of these
two ships faild in all its best particulars, yet a good journal of
their procedings round the whole ocean might have been entertaining:
for men love to read of enterprizes, tho’ they prove unfortunate.

Lastly, I must observe to Mr. _Taylor_’s credit, that he has kept his
account truly and carefully like an honest man and a good artist;
having judiciously markd the currents and rectifyd the latitudes of
many places. He arrivd at _Batavia_ in _December_; at the cape of _Good
Hope_ in _February_; at St. _Helena_ and _Ascension_ in _March_; and in
_May_ 1722, at _London_: having thus made a complete tour of the globe.

[Illustration]

[Illustration]




SECTION III.


Here I resume the history of my captain, whom I left cruising off
_Payta_; while _Hatley_, I, and the rest of us were taken by admiral
_Midranda_, otherwise call’d general of the _South-Sea_.

_Shelvocke_ having hitherto failed of making his fortune, begins
now to think it too late, at least for this season. The scheme of
our voyage is at an end; the enemy is alarm’d; their ships all laid
up, except the two _Spanish_ men of war which are in quest of the
_English_ privatiers: and _Shelvocke_ probably would now be glad of
his commodore _Clipperton_’s company. But finding as he says p. 199,
his circumstances to be in an extreme melancholy posture; he sails
back to windward, and resolves upon a new experiment, which was to get
rid of the owners ship, and cruise upon a new bottom: thereby thinking
to intitle himself to all he should get, exclusive of us prisoners
and the gentlemen at home. And this is captain _Shelvocke_’s law and,
conscience, and the real shift he now makes to dispute it with the
gentlemen who fitted him out.

Accordingly he sails to _Fernandes_, where he arriv’d the beginning
of _May_, being winter in that hemisphere. He was too good a seaman
to believe he could ride it out the remaining part of the winter, in
a wild road, destitute of any kind of shelter, and exposed to strong
gusts of northerly winds which frequently blow there in that season:
he well knew there was no meddling with the coast for the enemies men
of war: therefore he makes half the tour of the island, seemingly to
push her into some creek; after which, he comes to in the usual place,
with only one anchor to trust to; for he had taken care to have no
more. Here the ship rode several days safe enough: and during his
stay, seventeen of his men are sent ashore, while others were imploy’d
in getting off water to favour a false design of going to sea again:
and under this pretence of watering, both now and after, many things
of value were secretly carry’d ashore, which the people in general
wonder’d to see there, and could not imagine who brought them. However,
the more effectually to put his project in execution, he weighs from
this place, and comes to anchor close in shore: upon which his people
unanimously fear some very odd mischievous design, and suddenly
recollect how they had often heard him say, That it was not difficult
living at _Fernandes_, if a man should accidentally be thrown there,
since Mr. _Selkirk_ had continu’d upon it four years by himself.

Possest with these things, the people were amaz’d, that their captain
would leave a clear berth and good anchoring to venture farther in,
where it was foul and rocky; and where if the cable parted there could
be but little hopes to save the ship: whereas in their first situation
they had clear anchoring, room and drift enough to get their tacks
aboard, to claw it off either to the east or westward. As soon as the
anchor was down, Mr. _Brook_ the first lieutenant advised flinging two
of their heaviest guns, which, in case of losing the anchor, might
bring her up a little ’till they could set the sails: But _Shelvocke_
rejected all these things with a stedfast tranquillity, and now says
he had no opportunity of getting to sea in four days, tho’ he was
ready: which I am sure is an absurdity wants clearing up, p. 205.
Moreover, how can _Shelvocke_ impose this sham readiness on mankind,
when his seventeen hands are all at this time on the island, and who
he owns came down so seasonably to his assistance, as soon as the ship
touched the shore? Here, he says, a hard gale of wind came from the
sea, which brought in such a tumbling swell, that in a few hours the
cable parted, the ship struck, and all the masts went overboard.

This is the plausible reason he gives for losing his ship, being a
wind rais’d only in his brain, and of his own invention: for ’tis a
most notorious falshood, to say, there was any gale when the cable
parted: all his people have in one word assur’d me and many others to
the contrary. And _Shelvocke_ very well knew, that if he should be
catched by a gale in that perilous road-stead, and so poorly found with
ground tackle, they must all inevitably have perish’d, by reason of
the prodigious breach the sea makes in any thing of weather against
the sunken rocks and stones all along the shore. He therefore took
care to secure all their lives by destroying his ship in fine serene
weather, which the ingenious captain perform’d by bringing a spring on
his cable, with which he hove his ship’s broadside against the swell,
and kept her in that position ’till the cable was tore asunder. Mr.
_Dod_, who pretends not to be a seaman, says, that about three hours
before the ship went ashore, some hands were at work on the quarter
deck hawling in a hawser which was made fast to the cable; and that
he inquir’d of _Gilbert Henderson_ the gunner, what that was for?
_Henderson_ answer’d him, that if he would be rightly inform’d, he must
go and ask the captain. To confirm this, several of his people have
made _affidavit_, that it blew no wind at all, that every soul of them
got commodiously ashore, and that it’s their belief he lost the ship on
purpose: and its remarkable, he made not one tryal to prevent it.

Soon as the cable parted, Mr. _Laport_ his third lieutenant seeing
immediate ruine, cry’d out, Set the foresail; hoping thereby to do
some good: and while _Edmund Philips_ and others were actually upon
the yard, _Shelvocke_ hastily order’d them down, and taking the helm
in his hand, said, Ne’re mind it boys; stand all fast, i’ll lay her on
a feather bed: which, as it proved a plaguy hard one, shews his great
indifference as to the event of the ship.

Page 26. He brags of his being thirty years an officer in the navy:
what then must we say to a man of such experience, who will lavishly
destroy two or three ships, and save not an anchor and cable for a time
of need? There’s nothing can excuse it, but owning what I have been
proving. Either way it’s very bad: his judgment and his honesty being
both in great danger.

Another circumstance comes in here--When we met _La Jonquiere_ at St.
_Catherine_’s, _Shelvocke_ procur’d of him a pair of smith’s bellows
and forge, p. 29, which at that time we could see no manner of occasion
for: but without them, ’tis now evident, he could never have made
bolts, spikes, nails and other iron work for a barque able to carry
fifty or sixty men to sea; and in short, without the bellows, he could
never have begun such a piece of work at all. I am sure none of us
mistrusted then, that the _Speedwel_ was to be lost; tho’ our captain
had a greater foresight, and provided accordingly. Sometimes indeed,
large burdensome ships that strain and labour much in a grown sea, and
often snap their bolts and chainplates, may want such a thing; but a
lively handy vessel like ours of 170 ton, had no more occasion for a
pair of smith’s bellows than a great cathedral organ.

I offer not these things as clear demonstrations, but circumstances
only; for it is impossible in this case to go farther: and there’s
no room for any other sort of proof in a fact where a man has no
conspirators, but keeps all the design in his own breast.

In short the ship struck several times and bulg’d. The captain and his
men all got ashore: he says one was lost; but it is utterly false: and
how wretched so ever he has painted their lives and conversation, the
reader will but little regard what he writes: for it is certain he
saved all that was most valuable; particularly sugar and powder, both
which are damaged as soon any thing. He sav’d but little provision;
because that is always stow’d in the hold: but he rememberd to get
out his commission, with all the plate and money. What else could he
expect? He used to say it was easy living at _Fernandes_, but now ’tis
to serve another turn, he says quite other things.

Here they put themselves under the _Jamaica_ discipline; and divided
among them every shilling of the money laid by before for the Owners,
and all our shares left in the ships by us who were taken prisoners:
and the only reason _Shelvocke_ gives for this, is the old story, his
men would have it so: but I that have most reason of any man living
to know him best, shall prove that _Shelvocke_ lost not a tittle of
his command after the shipwreck: for after they had put themselves on
the model aforesaid, whereby he says the captains are allow’d but four
shares; he could manage it so, as to have six. And whatever hardships
he may sham the reader with, p. 223, those six proportions are much
better now, than sixty before. For pray consider, the gentlemen Owners
are intirely excluded; who were to have one half of all the capture;
and then he has got rid of more than half his ship’s company, among
whom _Hatley_, as second captain, was intituled to thirty shares; my
self to twenty, the two mates, the surgeon’s mate, the ensign, a
serjeant and corporal of marines, besides the foremastmen. All these
shares, I say, being deducted, besides reducing three more of his chief
officers, _La Port_, _Hendrie_ and _Dod_, two of which afterwards
quitted the ship, does not all this make it evident, that six shares,
where there are but 52 dividends of the whole capture are better than
60 where there are 650 dividends of half the capture? This shews how
greatly _Shelvocke_ would impose upon mankind, and is a confirmation
that it was his aim and his interest to destroy the ship; and bring
about this new regulation.

As to the whole trifling account of his transactions at _Fernandes_
taking up above fifty pages of his book, as it is little to me; I shall
take but little notice of it: leaving the reader to amuse himself
with it at leisure. He has taken pains all along to make us believe,
that the shipwreck was not his own act and deed, by representing the
hardships he was exposed to ashore, from the dissention of his people,
the barreness of the place, and the improbability of his getting well
to sea again: But this is all artifice, to make the reader imagine,
that no man would run himself voluntarily into so many difficulties.
It is certain they liv’d poor enough upon the island; but having good
carpenters, caulkers, smiths, and all proper workmen, he continually
imploy’d them upon the main point: which was to get a new bark built
out of the old ship; in order to make a private fortune in a more
expeditious manner, than he could before: as I shall demonstrate by and
by, when I shew my reader the written account of their acquisition,
and how they shard it on the coast of _Mexico_; tho’ _Shelvocke_ has
conceal’d it. One thing I must not forget, p. 225, he says that Mr.
_Brook_ having got the love of the people; was named to be their future
commander: but as it did not take place, I shall shew how _Shelvocke_
took care it never should, by making away with him and five more at
_Sansonate_.

However, I must not quit him without a story I lately had from Mr.
_Hendrie_, which shews how he was divested of his authority, as he
calls it, p. 219. Captain _Shelvocke_ maintaind as absolute sway at
_Fernandes_, as before, till the tenth of _June_ came about. The men
knowing what affection the captain had for that anniversary, some
of them begd to have the small arms to celebrate the day in the most
dutiful manner they could: upon which _Shelvocke_ readily consented;
and those who did not care to assist at it, diverted themselves about
the island, not knowing but a civil war might be the consequence. So,
a bonfire was made steeple high, the loyal subjects wearing artificial
roses of linen rags and paper, while several cordial vollies and huzzas
were let off; _Shelvocke_ himself being captain of the mob, and his
son _George_ the skinker to fill out the liquor. But, what sower’d the
festival was, they had nothing to drink the _Chevalier_’s health in,
but vinegre, water and sugar, being the best punch they could get. At
the close of this rejoycing, the captain demanded their muskets; but
the men were wise enough to keep them, the scheme having been chiefly
laid for that purpose.

In short, on the fifth of _October 1720_, the bark is completed,
launched, and calld the _Recovery_. And thus by giving her a new name,
captain _Shelvocke_ has the new fashiond assurance to tell mankind that
the Owners title is quite sunk, as if there never had been any such
thing: tho’ he still proceded with the king’s commission, being the
property of the Owners; and is the same which he afterwards producd at
_China_, as a protection for his own person, and a security for all
that he had rapaciously got together.

And whereas, p. 216, he affectedly says, that the men in a body
thank’d him for giving them a prospect of deliverance; I think it very
improbable that the men would be so courtly, when above twenty of
them chose to remain upon the island. And whereas again, p. 242, he
insinuates that they who stay’d behind were afraid to venture in the
new bark; I think it much more natural to suppose, they had rather stay
upon that island and trust to the mercies of providence, than be made
the certain tools of _Shelvocke_’s tyranny and self interest.

My captain’s first enterprize was with the _Margarita_, p. 262, he
calls her a forty gun ship; which at that rate could not burthen less
than 400 ton. In this I can confront him of my own authority: for I
was aboard this ship afterwards at _Callao_, and she never carried
above 200 ton and eighteen guns: but _Shelvocke_ wisely magnifys
her force, because her geting clear might bring no other slur upon
his captainship: whereas she certainly escaped thro’ his own fear:
for after his gunner was kill’d he took the helm in his hand from
_Christopher Hawkins_, and puting it hard down, sheer’d off from her.
P. 279, he says, he heard the captain and three of the _Margarita_’s
men were killd in the action; which is so far from truth, that they
had none kill’d, and only a _Nigro_ wounded in the cheek. They had not
above a dozen cartridges of powder aboard, and two or three small arms
belonging to the passengers, with only stones or ballast for shot. The
commander of her was a _Frenchman_, who told it me all at _Callao_:
beside which, captain _Opie_ in the _Carteret_ brought from _Buenos
Aires_ one of the _Margarita_’s passengers, who told the story to fifty
gentlemen about town.

_David Griffith_, who went with _Shelvocke_ to _China_, confirms
all the above particulars. He has been with me since his arrival in
_London_, and says that captain _Morel_, who was afterwards taken
aboard the _Conception_, declared there was a man in the _Margarita_,
who stood ready by the colours immediately to strike, if captain
_Shelvocke_ could have taken courage to board her. _David_ further
assures me, that _Shelvocke_’s whole account of that story is to excuse
his own faint heart: for whereas he talks of his animating the men,
and their backwardness to fight, it is a mean pitiful forgery; for the
men were unanimous for boarding the enemy; and _Shelvocke_ shamefully
refused it; took the helm and sheerd off.

His next feat is plundering the village of _Iquique_; where he got a
good quantity of provision, wine and brandy: immediately after which he
meets with and attacks the _Francisco Palacio_ a large merchant ship:
and _Shelvocke_ by this time being somewhat potvaliant, I believe he
did his indeavour to carry her; but she provd too big for his bark.
However his main purpose being to change his new baptized vessel, as
soon as he could, he quickly met with an opportunity that succeded.
Standing into the road of _Pisco_, they discover a good ship: whereupon
_Shelvocke_ summons his people, who came to a resolution to board her
at once; which they luckily performd without resistance. This prize
was calld _Jesu Maria_ of 200 ton, laden with pitch, tar and copper:
so that our freebooters decently quit their slight new tenement for a
good, clean, weatherproof habitation. It seems the _Spaniard_ offerd
16000 dollars for her again: but _Shelvocke_’s people were certainly
in the right to keep the prize; for considering their circumstance, no
money at that time could be an equivalent.

A way he sails to _Payta_ in the _Jesu Maria_, where the most important
thing I find, is the reflexion he makes upon the conduct of captain
_Clipperton_, who he says refused a booty of 400,000 dollars, king’s
money, which lay there in the governer’s hands.

Here _Shelvocke_ gives another great example of his ignorance; for to
my experience, who was first set there ashore, after being a prisoner;
I know very well that the place is poor and without a governer, having
no trade whereby any duties, worth mentioning, can arise to his
_Catholic_ Majesty: There is indeed a head man (as there is in all
places) called _Teniente_, who makes a hard shift to live by exacting
port charges and other small fees from the vessels that touch there
only for refreshments, and to put their pedlars ashore. _Clipperton_
knew this very well, and was too prudent to make a fresh broil upon
the coast for nothing at all, and that’s the reason he never touchd
there; tho’ _Shelvocke_ has magnified himself so much upon it, and
has absurdly connected two facts together, which happend at a year’s
distance: For the first time the _Success_ was in the parallel of
_Payta_, was _Nov. 1719_; and the second time _Nov. 1720_, as appears
plainly by _Taylor_’s journal: and yet this ignorant book-writer, p.
188 and 288, has mention’d _Clipperton_’s puting prisoners ashore there
in _Nov. 1719_, being the first time: whereas the prisoners he designd
to put ashore was in _Nov. 1720_, a twelve month afterwards; which
however he did not; but landed them at _Cape Helen_; as specifyd in the
journal the 2d. section of this voyage. He is very right to assert that
which no one can doubt of, when he says _Clipperton_ might have taken
_Payta_ as easily as he did; and so might any vessel, sending ashore
six armed men, for there’s no such thing as firearms, being a naked
village of defenceless _Indians_. But it is endless for me to set the
public right in every fact of _Shelvocke_’s history; for as the whole
is divided into voluntary falshood and plain ignorance, his book may
more justly be calld a romantic libel than a journal.

His next arrival is at the island of _Quibo_, p. 303; where he talks
of a terrible sort of hogs with their navels upon their backs; for my
part I don’t easily believe such out of the way things; but refer our
captain _Quibo_ to dispute it with the physicians and anatomists.

In their passage hither he says his men frequently got drunk and
quareld; and that he went in danger of his life, and used to have his
clothes tore from his back, if he endeavourd to part them. This too
may be a very important discovery to the rest of his readers; but I my
self know him so well that it is no news to me: for _Shelvocke_ used to
make freer with the wine and brandy than any one; and I believe his men
thought it no harm to follow his example and drink their skins full,
especially since their new establishment was more like a commonwealth
than an absolute monarchy.

During these useful discoveries of our author, I think ’tis pity any
thing should interrupt him; but as the devil would have it, _Jan.
1721_, he meets captain _Clipperton_ in the _Success_, which interview
he says was very astonishing: And truly I believe it was: _Clipperton_
might well be surprized at the history of _Shelvocke_’s management; and
_Shelvocke_ had as great reason to wonder the other did not confine
him for it: And I can tell him the gentlemen here at home wondered at
it, and took it ill that he did not. But what astonishes me most, is
that _Shelvocke_ has the hardiness to give us the history of captain
_Mitchel_, for the truth of which he appeals to a dead man, Mr.
_Davison_, who told him so; which _Davison_ was killd at _Guam_ before
_Shelvocke_ came to _China_. The tragical circumstances, as he calls
them, p. 309, of a jealousy between _Clipperton_ and _Mitchel_; of the
later’s being orderd with a rich cargo to a place no where to be found,
and yet orderd thither on purpose to be destroyd, are reflexions so
malicious, and yet so irrational, that _Shelvocke_ must be fuddled
when he writ them.

The journal tells us how he was fitted out, and whither bound; that his
cargo was ten thousand pound value: is it possible then, supposing a
real misunderstanding, that _Clipperton_ would pay so dear to get rid
of the gentleman? ’Tis certain he never imbarked his men in lighters or
in empty prizes with any design to make away with them, as _Shelvocke_
served us: captain _Mitchel_ was put aboard a clean ship, well mand,
and provided with stores and necessaries, and a valuable parcel of
goods to dispose of at _Brasil_ for the Owners advantage in order to
secure them something: and it is true that neither he nor the twenty
three men with him were ever yet heard of: But how is _Clipperton_
chargeable with that? or what excuse can _Shelvocke_ make for these
impious reflexions, but a sort of pleasure he has in being revenged
on the memory of the dead. Thus far _Mitchel_ may be accounted for:
The journal _March_ 16th. 1720. tells us that being obliged to wood
and water, he touched to the northward, at port _Velas_; where it’s
very probable he and his men became a prey to the enemy: for the said
article mentions that several of _Clipperton_’s men saw some shirts
and other things worn by the natives, which by the mark convinced
them _Mitchel_ had been there. _Shelvocke_ goes on in this childish
manner, p. 308. talking of submersions of islands, and that it was
conjectured _Mitchel_ and his men, the ship, the island and all were
sunk under water: This likewise he says was Mr. _Davison_’s opinion;
who I know had more sense than to say or think any such silly thing.
He says farther that _Clipperton_ never cleand his ship, whereas the
journal takes notice of his having done it two or three times; besides
several others omitted by me, as not for my design to transcribe every
such trifling remark. As for _Clipperton_’s behaviour at _Conception_,
_Coquimbo_, and afterwards at _Guam_ it was ill judged no doubt: and
tho’ it was so, I have impartially enterd it in my second section,
it being much more for my purpose to tell the truth, than to stifle
it: But let it be as it will; he certainly had the Owners interest in
view, and thought honesty the best policy; though captain _Shelvocke_
has taken leave to think otherwise. On the next leaf he says, that
upon meeting the _Success_ he expected to be treated by them as one
belonging to the same interest; but found himself mistaken. Truly
there’s nothing strange in that; for his was a private interest, and
theirs a public one. Besides, the journal says, that he would not come
into terms: which is answer enough to all his complaints of unkindness,
treachery, and so forth.

After meeting with the _Success_ several times in the _South Seas_,
I come now to the last time of their meeting, which was in _March
1721._ off of _Acapulco_; whereas the journal mentions, it was
thought most adviseable to joyn both companies, and attempt the great
_Manilla_ ship. As to the remarks that _Shelvocke_ has made upon this
transaction, and the pains he has taken to represent _Clipperton_
a monstrous creature, ’tis not to be minded. The journal says, the
proposal to _Shelvocke_ was this, That if he and his crew would refund
all the money shared among themselves contrary to the Owners articles,
and put it in a joint stock; then all faults should be forgot, both
companies would unite and procede to cruise for the _Acapulco_ ship:
The very next article in the journal is, that not hearing from captain
_Shelvocke_, and the time for the _Acapulco_ ship setting out for
_Manilla_, being several days past; Resolved in council to make our
best dispatch for _East India_. Here is the plain true account of the
affair, and how the treaty broke off: but _Shelvocke_ has labourd
hard to pervert the truth of this fact, as he has done all the rest,
thinking to gain pity from mankind, by telling what he sufferd through
the deceit of _Clipperton_, never expecting that these things would be
refuted and clear’d up. Besides, there may be other reasons assignd
for _Clipperton_’s sudden separation, tho’ not enterd in the journal:
for he knew, before he left _England_, that the _Spanish_ fleet was
all taken and destroyd by admiral _Byng_; and therefore a peace was
probably concluded, being two years past: and therefore Shelvocke, who
had not made his fortune while the war lasted, and had really ruind
the project, ought of the two to be the sufferer. ’Tis very likely,
_Clipperton_ for these reasons did not care to imbarrass his ship just
upon the point of his leaving the _South-Sea_; but on second thoughts,
concluded it was better to keep what he had got. These, I say, are
very fair conjectures: but the reason mentiond in the journal above is
sufficient of it self; for _Shelvocke_ thought the conditions proposed
by _Clipperton_ were too strict: He did not care to refund what he had
unlawfully shared, which doubtless he ought to have done; and for the
neglect of which, ’tis evident the whole affair ended.

P. 321, _Shelvocke_ talks of articles which he demanded of _Clipperton_
and _Godfrey_: That in case they took this rich prize, he and his
people should be intitled to their proper shares, according to their
first agreement with the Owners: This in my humble opinion is a great
weakness in _Shelvocke_ to publish, tho’ he passes for a cunning
fellow: for why should he insist upon a repetition or confirmation of
the first articles with the gentlemen Owners, if he was not conscious
of his having, some how or other, forfeited his right by a notorious
mismanagement and breach of trust?

P. 327. He concludes this long invective with a smart reflexion upon
_Clipperton_, that it was his fear to ingage the _Manilla_ ship, which
made him recede from the proposal. For my part, I really think he
had reason to fear it, having twice narrowly escaped the men of war
already: and since _Shelvocke_ refused to put his plunder money in the
common stock, why should _Clipperton_ risk all he had, to mend another
man’s fortune? _Shelvocke_ most certainly would have been glad of so
great an addition to his capture, as the _Acapulco_ ship must have
afforded; and I doubt not he would have run away with a very handsome
share of it, as he has done with all he took both before and after: and
now he is bitterly vext with _Clipperton_, because the bite did not
take.

_Shelvocke_’s next exploit is at _Sansonate_; where finding a ship
at anchor call’d the _Holy Family_ he attacks her, and after some
resistance takes her: She proved no great prize: but being a better
sailer, he thought fit to shift the cargo of the _Jesu Maria_, and
change ships with the _Spaniard_.

_Shelvocke_ says p. 331, that this ship was fitted out and commission’d
on purpose to take him; and would have us believe he has performed
wonders in the ingagement. I own I am at a loss to account for this
man’s extravagant assurance, when he and I, and every body knows the
viceroy never grants commissions to merchantmen. There were three men
of war out already; and had this been a commission ship, there would
have been officers and sailors aboard making a regular force of 150 men
at least; who would never have submitted, especially in the condition
they found _Shelvocke_. He owns himself it was a merchantman, and yet
stupidly says they were commission’d to take him.

Just as he was going to sea, he receives a letter from the governer
with notice that there was a truce between _England_ and _Spain_;
wherein he demanded restitution of the ship and cargo; on refusal
of which he should be declared a pyrate. Tho’ _Shelvocke_ did not
depend upon this for truth; yet being greatly reduced and wanting all
necessaries of life, he was willing in some measure to treat about it.
He sends ashore lieutenant _Brook_ his next officer with five men under
a flag of truce; who were immediately made prisoners.

Thus he gets rid of six more of his people, under the show of a treaty
with the governer, for they were never since heard of. I don’t expect
the world will judge of this affair as I do, because those who are
ignorant of the circumstances of these things, and unacquainted with
_Shelvocke_’s personal behaviour, cannot make a proper censure. When
a man dies in a course of physic, who knows whether ’tis chance, or
design in the doctor? the patient is gone by legal prescription. So
here a gentleman is fairly orderd ashore into an enemy’s hand: and if
he never returns, who can say it is a design or accident? Thus much
is certain, they went without a hostage, tho’ _Shelvocke_ always had
strong notions of the _Spaniards_ resentment, and their manner of
revenge; especially in _Mexico_, where the _Indians_ are the cruelest
people alive. And while he was speaking of _Mitchel_’s story, we find
him quick enough to leave it past doubt, that he and his men perishd in
some obscure manner: and yet he must now send a young gentleman ashore
into the clutches of this enemy, at a time when he knew the whole coast
was exasperated, and himself destitute of all common necessaries;
with a very indifferent force, and consequently not able to resent
any affront, much less to avenge himself on the governer, in case he
detaind _Brook_ and his men. _Shelvocke_ immediately before and after
this acted in a hostile manner on that coast; and even in their view
he took this ship called the _Holy Family_, where the countermaster
lost his life: so that if poor _Brook_ and his men were sacrific’d by
way of atonement, ’tis no severe supposition. For my own part, I know
he hated _Brook_, for adhering to the constitution of his country; and
because he could not digest the jacobite healths, that _Shelvocke_ usd
to drink: I have observed before, how he abused him for discovering
_Clipperton_’s name on the tree, when we first touchd at _Fernandes_;
and _Shelvocke_ himself explains the jealousy he had of him, when they
were there the second time: all which being considerd, I leave those to
make inferences, who have been long in the world, and studyd mankind.

There’s another gentleman this author has made free with, _Randal_ by
name, _Brook_’s brother in law, who having gone round the world with
_Shelvocke_ was arrested by the Owners at his landing, as were several
others, and secured in the King’s bench prison, where he died. This
lieutenant _Randal_ has not escaped the malice of his pen; but in many
places of the book, is very ill treated. And I cannot help observing
that a great part of captain _Shelvocke_’s voyage is libelling the
dead: such as _Clipperton_, _Davison_, _Randal_, and others. This way
of accusing is infamous, and abhorrd by all civilized nations; which I
hope is some excuse, for my appearing in their defense: and tho’ I can
but poorly perform the office, yet what I do offer, is founded upon
certain knowledge and truth.

Before I leave this prize calld the _Holy Family_, I must inform the
reader, that _Shelvocke_, far from having any merit in taking her,
ought to have lost the command of his own ship for deserting his post
upon the quarter deck. After two or three of his men were wounded,
_Shelvocke_ expecting warm work, sculkd with his son behind the boat
which lay upon the main deck; and left _David Griffith_ alone to ply
the gun upon quarter deck: for which desertion, _Griffith_ ought in
justice to have succeded as captain of the ship. Moreover, whenever
_Shelvocke_ ventured from the said barricade and judged a shot was
coming, he would skilfully plant himself behind the main mast, leaving
_David_ by himself to fight the _Philistines_. But to return.

_Shelvocke_ unable to get provision at _Sansonate_, retires with fresh
apprehensions that he must be forced to surrender whether peace or war;
and chose therefore to go to _Panama_, where he hoped for tolerable
usage, there being an _English_ factory: And what excuse can he invent
for not going there before the loss of these six men? Conscious of his
guilt, he frames a long protest against the governer’s procedings,
which doubtless is a thing all invented since, and no original.
Accordingly he steers away for the gulf of _Amapala_, where among the
islands he hoped for a recruit of water; but found none: and being now
indeed in a deplorable condition, forced to drink the sea water or
their own urine; they agree, weak as they are, to bear away again for
_Quibo_ to get water. In their way to this place, they providentially
met with a small supply at the isle of _Cano_, with the apparent hazard
of _Randal_’s life. For _Shelvocke_, tho’ he was so liberal with the
lives of other men, took care of his son, tall boy _George_, and his
minion _Stewart_, keeping them safe aboard; and never orderd either of
them ashore when there was any appearance of danger; nor is there one
instance of it in all his book. At last with miserable difficulties
they reach _Quibo_, where they wood and water at leisure; thinking
however still to surrender at _Panama_, if fortune did not throw some
agreeable prize in their way, which happend very soon: For a few days
after they left _Quibo_, a small bark laden with beef and pork fell
accidentally into their hands, taking them for _Spaniards_: Tho’ she
proved a lucky prize to _Shelvocke_, at a time when his people were
near starving, and had not provision enough to hold them to _China_,
yet he tells us p. 266, that they were all so tired of the sea, and
past hopes of making a considerable dividend of money, that they chose
rather to go ashore at any rate and surrender.

While things were in this doubtful state, and nothing material happend
for three days; but it was really expected a period must be put to
_Shelvocke_’s privatiering, a sail presented her self standing along
shore to _Panama_, which he immediately gave chase to, leaving the bark
which he had in tow, with four of his men and five _Nigros_ to take
care of her. He made all the sail he could ’till night, when fearing
the chafe would give him the slip, he advised, as he says, bringing
to, that the bark might come up again; but having otherwise resolved,
they continued their sail all night. Early the next morning, being the
20th of _May_, he came up with the chase, and after a small dispute
carryd her. I must not omit that when they returnd to the bark, they
found her quite deserted, and the decks coverd with blood: so that he
has now four more of his men destroyd, and leaves it past question that
they were murderd. After which he would patch the story up with an idle
supposition, that the _Spanish_ crew he left in the bark all jumpd into
the sea and drownd themselves: Is it not as easy to imagine they saw
a boat coming by before they acted the murder? or if not, ’tis common
for the natives of that part of the world to swim several leagues. All
people naturally secure their method of escape before they commit a
violence of this nature: and I am sure ’tis a more rational conjecture,
than to think they would destroy the _English_ first, and murder
themselves afterwards. _Shelvocke_ crys out it was a cruel return for
his civilities, having lent them these four men to assist them, p. 374.
Sure this cannot be captain _Shelvocke_ himself, but his son _Georgy_
who talks of sending men aboard a prize out of civility. This is such
a sort of complaisance, as when an officer takes the defendents goods
in execution, and out of pure good nature sends a man into the house
to keep possession. Such stuff as this is worth reading for the great
rarity of it; but who would ever expect to meet with it in a book calld
A voyage round the world. He goes on and says, “It seemd strange to
me, that our men should suffer themselves or run the least hazard of
exposing themselves to be thus butcherd.” Indeed, captain, I believe
they could not help it; otherwise it would have been somewhat strange:
and I am apt to fancy no man alive can help it when he is overpowerd.
But what sort of language is this, “to run the least hazard of
exposing themselves to be thus butcherd?” Did you ever hear of peoples
voluntary exposing themselves to have their throats cut? Did not he
hazard and expose the men who left them there without an officer?
_Shelvocke_’s reason why this seemd strange is as good as the rest; for
says he, they were four in number! a mighty number indeed against a
ship’s crew. He owns they were five _Spaniards_, and there might be ten
for any thing we know: it was certainly for his purpose to lessen the
number: and why might not the five _Nigros_ joyn in the massacre upon
certain views and promises? I have as much reason to suppose the one
as the other. But the whole story is such a piece of dull thinking and
poor language, that ’tis time I have done with it.

THIS being the great crisis of captain _Shelvocke_’s voyage, I shall
be more particular in relating the affair of this last prize, which
will open the most notorious scene of villany and deceit that has
appeard yet, p. 371. The ship was called the _Conception_, _Don Stephen
de Recova_ commander bound from _Callao_ to _Panama_ having on board
several persons of distinction, particularly the _Conde de la Rosa_
a _Spanish_ nobleman who had been sometime governer of _Pisco_ and
was now going home to _Spain_: “laden with flower, sugar, marmalade,
peaches, grapes, limes, _etcætera_.” Now, _Be it known to_ ALL MEN,
_That, that_ et cætera _was A hundred and eight thousand six hundred
and thirty six pieces of eight_: and _Shelvocke_ little thought when
he took this prize or compiled his book, that I of all men should have
this exact state of the affair. He often said, he would never give the
gentlemen Owners a fair account; and I have often promised in this
treatise to prove that he did say so; and now we have both made our
words good. I have not only an authentic account; but I’ll declare
also how I got it. When I was taken and carried prisoner to _Lima_,
I had leisure enough to reflect on my misfortunes: how likely I was
to be ruind, and the Owners to be cheated. So that to prepare them in
defense of their rights, I wrote over to one of them the substance of
what had occurrd to me: how _Shelvocke_ had mismanaged; how arbitrarily
he had acted in defiance of their articles, and what his private
intentions were in the future part of the voyage. As soon as I came
to _London_, which was in _October 1721_, I confirmd the purport of
my letter with several new circumstances. For all which performance
of my duty, I do suppose my name has met with so much accusation and
reproach in captain _Shelvocke_’s book. But beside my advices, the
gentlemen had many proofs from other prisoners and other people. Eleven
months after, being _August_, captain _Shelvocke_ himself arrived, and
waits immediately on the said gentleman to compound in the lump for
all his transactions; not owning any thing of this prize, which he
had unlawfully shared, and every thing else among three and thirty of
them. Instead of compromising the matter, the gentleman read him my
letter, secured him, and the same day had him confined in _Wood-street_
counter. A few days after his pupil _Stewart_ arrives at _Dover_, and
was seized by the honest warden of the castle according to directions;
who faithfully secured his book of accounts and brought it with
the prisoner to the Owners, from whom I had the book and copyd the
dividend, which is as follows.

  +---------------------+-------------+----------+-----------+---------------+
  |      Names.         |    Quality  |  Number  |Dollars.   | English Money.|
  |                     |             |of Shares.|           |               |
  +---------------------+-------------+----------+-----------+---------------+
  |_George Shelvocke_   |Commander    |    6     | 11325       2642 10 00    |
  |_Samuel Randal_      |Lieutenant   |    2½    |  4718     }               |
  |_John Rayner_        |Capt. Marines|    2½    |  4718     } 1100 17  4    |
  |_Blowfield Coldsea_  |Master       |    2½    |  4718     }     each.     |
  |_Nicholas Adams_     |Surgeon      |    2½    |  4718     }               |
  |_Matthew Stewart_    |First Mate   |    2     |  3775     }               |
  |_Monsieur Laporte_   |2 Mate       |    2     |  3775     }  880 16  8    |
  |_George Henshal_     |Boatswain    |    2     |  3775     }     each.     |
  |_Robert Davenport_   |Carpenter    |    2     |  3775     }               |
  |_William Clark_      |Gunner       |    2     |  3775     }               |
  |_James Daniel_       |Midshipman   |    1½    |  2830     }               |
  |_David Griffith_     |Ditto        |    1½    |  2830     }               |
  |_Christop. Hawkins_  |Ditto        |    1½    |  2830     }               |
  |_Oliver Lefevre_     |Sail Maker   |    1½    |  2830     }               |
  |_John Doydge_        |Surgeons Mt. |    1½    |  2830     }  660 00  00   |
  |_William Morgan_     |Ditto        |    1½    |  2830     }     each.     |
  |_John Popplestone_   |Armourer     |    1½    |  2830     }               |
  |_James Moyet_        |Cooper       |    1½    |  2830     }               |
  |_John Pearson_       |Carpent. Mt. |    1½    |  2830     }               |
  |_Geo. Shelvocke jun._|Nothing      |    1½    |  2830     }               |
  |_William Clement_    |Able Seaman  |    1     |  1887¼    }               |
  |_John Norris_        |Ditto        |    1     |  1887¼    }               |
  |_James Moulville_    |Ditto        |    1     |  1887¼    }               |
  |_George Gill_        |Ditto        |    1     |  1887¼    }  440  7  2    |
  |_Peter Fero_         |Ditto        |    1     |  1887¼    }     each.     |
  |_John Smith_         |Ditto        |    1     |  1887¼    }               |
  |_Edward Atcocks_     |Ditto        |    1     |  1887¼    }               |
  |_John Theobald_      |Barber       |    1     |  1887¼    }               |
  |_William Burrows_    |Ord. Seaman  |     ¾    |  1415¾    }               |
  |_Daniel mac Donald_  |Ditto        |     ¾    |  1415¾    }  330  6 10    |
  |_Richard Croft_      |Ditto        |     ¾    |  1415¾    }     each.     |
  |_John Robins_        |Grommet      |     ½    |   943¾    }  220 04 02    |
  |_Benedict Harry_     |Cook         |     ½    |   943¾    }     each.     |
  +---------------------+-------------+----------+-----------+---------------+
  |       33            |             |   52¼    |  98604¾   |  23007 15 6   |
  +---------------------+-------------+----------+---------------------------+

Here the reader perceives the sum total of this dividend to be short of
what I said the capture amounted to: but in order to set that matter
right, there is a secret article of 627 quadruples of gold, which
_Shelvocke_ graciously shared among private friends; each of which
quadruple or double doubloon is worth sixteen dollars or pieces of
eight,

                   _dollars_                           _l._  _s._  _d._
  And makes in }               { which at 4 s. and }
    the whole  }    10032      { 8 d. each, makes  }   2340   16    00

  which being   }
   added to the }   98604¾     ----  or  ----      23007   15    06
                   ----------                         ----------------
         makes     108636¾     ----  or  ----      25348   11    06

All which money _Shelvocke_ has the prodigious modesty to conceal;
and only says the prize was laden with flower, sugar, fruit, _&c._
_Stewart_’s book mentions the 627 doubloons, but not a word how they
were divided. So that we must imagine them to be sunk among both the
_Shelvockes_ and _Stewart_: perhaps _Adams_ came in for a little. For
as _Stewart_ was agent, cashier and paymaster, it was an easy matter to
hide a bag of gold from the public, and dispose of it afterwards in a
committee of two or three.

When _Shelvocke_ orderd me upon that expedition in the lighter, as I
gave my fortune over for lost, so I judged my person to be in a very
precarious condition: and thinking my money safer in the _Speedwel_,
I deliverd it to Mr. _Hendrie_ the former agent, being about 350
dollars: for I little dreamd of the scheme that _Shelvocke_ had formd,
to lose the ship and seize all for himself; but that if my money came
to _England_ I should have it some time or other. However, all these
effects were shared at _Fernandes_, as aforementioned. So among other
things I left a wig with _John Theobald_ the barber on the list, who
sold it afterwards to _Coldsea_ the master for ten dollars: but as soon
as _Theobald_ found me out in _London_, he honestly came and paid me
the money, and told me his share of this prize was as it stands in the
account: but he knew nothing of the second dividend.

By the above account it’s plain _Shelvocke_’s dividend of the silver
taken in the _Conception de Recova_ came to 2642 l. 10 s. of which he
afterwards made thirty _per cent._ in _China_, reckoning at a medium;
for sometimes it is there at forty, but never under twenty five. The
gold he doubtless brought home, being there less than value. He sold
the ship for about 650 pound; but says, p. 457. he paid twice that sum
for port charges: and therefore I don’t place it to account; tho’ I
know very well he had wit enough to make all his people contribute.
And, as there is no minding what he says, it was certainly for his
purpose when he writ the book, to lessen that money he sold his ship
for, and to swell the sum he paid for anchorage. For why should he
pay 2166 pound port charges, and _Clipperton_ but 396, as _Taylor_’s
journal mentions, when we all know _Shelvocke_’s was but a merchant
ship, and _Clipperton_’s a warlike ship, carrying forty guns and above
three times the number of hands! This great disparity, and the reason I
just now mentiond, makes my captain strongly suspected: but however, as
I am not certain, I shall reckon nothing for it. Add to this the amount
of the St. _Fermin_ and other prizes taken on the coast of _Chili_,
which was at least 2000 pound, all shared as before, tho’ not set down.
Then lastly, the ship’s cargo is unaccounted for, which he gently slips
over, and forgets he ownd, p. 313, it was a valuable one. This is
intirely his own perquisit and pocket-money; for as no soul but himself
can now tell what that value was, or what he made of it: I can only
remain an unhappy, ignorant, injured sufferer; and wonder that so much
baseness and treachery can appear, and yet live unpunisht.

From all which particulars it is evident captain _Shelvocke_ has
secured to himself and brought to _England_ a great sum of money, being
neither his merit, nor his due: and tho’ he is probably possest of much
more than we can make out, yet even _Stewart_ himself assured me, that
_Shelvocke_ could not be less than seven thousand pound gainer by the
voyage.

P. 371, he says this was the second of those warlike merchant ships
that was fitted out in an extraordinary manner and commissiond to take
him. This is another instance of his vain-glory and absurdity, and is
sufficiently answerd by referring to what I said about the other ship
calld _The Holy Family_, which he also said was commissiond to take
him. But how particularly silly it appears in this case, let any one
judge that reads it. Can it be believed or imagined that the _Conde de
la Rosa_, whose property this money chiefly was, would venture so great
a sum aboard a ship that was commissiond to take a privatier? I never
heard, nor the oldest man alive, that a ship fitted out for warlike
enterprize, was stored with money instead of ammunition. Suppose two
or three honest fellows were equipt to take a highwayman that had long
infested the roads and plagued the country; can any one believe they
would furnish their pockets with half crowns instead of a pair of
pistols? Sure _Shelvocke_ must take his reader for an _Ignoramus_; and
having lost all morals himself, thinks other people have lost their
senses.

After this, I think, I need not be very studious to prove captain
_Shelvocke_ a sad fellow. I have hitherto labourd diligently; but now
I believe his and my readers will come easily on my side. This fact is
too flagrant to be denyd: ’tis self-evident and known to every body.
All the anteceding circumstances of his voyage are mean dishonest
actions, tending to this one perfidious end: and whoever reads his
preface after seeing this account, must read it with indignation.
What pretense has he there to talk of reputation, truth and integrity?
P. 31, he councils all those who may hereafter subscribe for another
cruising expedition, to regulate well their articles; and look out for
a commander of strict _honour_ and _honesty_: which advice from captain
_Shelvocke_ can be of no other use, than that it certainly excludes him
for life. And how black soever he appears, he may thank himself: for
tho’ his transactions were never so foul and unjust, I should perhaps
have lived and died a private sufferer; and not given my self the
excessive trouble of being public defendent, had not _Shelvocke_ turnd
public author, and added folly to his villainy, by putting it in print.
But it’s high time to disabuse mankind, when an author not content with
doing private injuries, shall print and publish whatever his wicked
heart can invent, and thus indeavour to make his poison universal.

P. 378, he says, “he took out of the _Conception_ twelve months
provision of bread, flower, sugar and sweatmeats; with a like
proportion for the _Success_, which he expected to find at _Tres
Marias_, being then a stranger to _Clipperton_’s faithless desertion.”
Not to mention the falshood of his expecting to meet _Clipperton_, who
never promised to meet him, ’tis a piece of barefaced hypocrisy to say
he put up any provision for the _Success_. _Shelvocke_ knew better
what to do with his money and time, than to venture the loss of both
to look for a man whom he always shund and hated for having the chief
command: besides he speaks immediately of going to _Asia_; for being
well supplyd with money and necessaries, their thoughts of surrendering
were laid aside, and all their despair vanishd. He twice calls it a
hazardous experiment going over to _Asia_; and gives us some trifling
reasons, but the others he says he will keep a secret, being needless
there to mention, p. 380: one of which I have lately unfolded for him;
which was really a fear lest he and all his money should be seized at
_China_.

Any one acquainted with the story may discover all his thin disguises,
and easily perceive that every word he says from p. 381 to 385 makes
plainly against him. He talks of cakes of virgin silver found in the
prize, moulded into marmalade boxes to defraud the king of _Spain_ of
his fifths; while he, at the same time, appears much more guilty to
defraud the gentlemen Owners, and us prisoners, and imposing now this
notorious sham upon his disinterested readers. Does so much fruit,
marmalade and passengers aboard, prove that the ship was commissiond to
take him? or why does _Shelvocke_ talk so much of sweatmeats, except
the money run in his head. Twenty five thousand pounds and upwards,
besides rich plunder, is a fine box of marmalade truly.

P. 382. He fairly says every thing taken out of the _Conception_ was
divided according to the new articles made at _Fernandes_; which I
believe to be mighty true, because it is the genuine account which I
copyd from his own steward’s book; tho’ _Shelvocke_ then little thought
that _Betagh_ would have it here to produce against him. He complains
he had no more than six shares. I have proved already at the beginning
of this section, that six, according to his last arbitrary scheme, are
much better than sixty by the first articles with the Owners. But
how in the name of sense could _Shelvocke_ expect sixty out of two
and fifty? for it’s plain by the account there are no more. Thou art
a very unconscionable fellow indeed to have more than your due, and
yet complain you have not more than all. This is neither _Scotch_,
_English_, nor _Irish_: ’Tis the devil! and if _Shelvocke_ can make
sixty out of two and fifty, he must be more than a devil.

The next page or two he is very fearful of falling into the hands of
the _Spaniards_, tho’ he talkd of nothing but surrendering just before
this prize happend. This may look odd to a reader, who thinks he has
nothing to lose beside flower and fruit; but after this discovery of
the money it seems natural enough to be afraid to lose it. And why does
he by way of caution speak of a rich prize that was formerly retaken
from captain _Clipperton_ by venturing too near the shore, if the
circumstances were not similar and parallel to his own case?

But I need not trouble my self any longer to expose the wretched shifts
he makes to cover his guilt. ’Tis like a schoolboy who has been tardy
and robbd an orchard: he first tells a lye to hide the roguery, and
then invents twenty more to patch that up.

_Shelvocke_ having now done his business, steers away for _California_,
in order to wood and water and clean his ship, that he might hasten to
_China_ and make a good market of his silver: for the natives there are
so fond of it, that by changing any species of silver into gold, a man
may make 30 or 40 _per_ cent.

Accordingly in _August 1721_, he arrives at _California_; and gives his
readers a description of the natives in the comical stile, thinking to
make amends for the rest of his stupid incoherent romance. He would
fain give us great ideas of the good breeding and gentility of those
salvages, tho’ they have no intercourse with any other part of the
world: but as I don’t take _Shelvocke_ to be a judge of good manners, I
look upon what he says as a fable. He has the vanity to dwell upon that
idle story of the king of the _Indians_ delivering him his sceptre,
which he says was done in a very handsome manner; but he immediately
returnd it, and doubtless with much grace and majesty: and yet he says
he could not tell whether he was a king or no, only he had a black
stick in his hand; which as it was the best thing the poor creature
had, he gives it to _Shelvocke_, expecting no doubt a spoon or knife
for it, which they are always glad of. And _Shelvocke_ will have it
that this fellow was a king, and this black stick was a sceptre; which
as he deliverd, it is pity _Shelvocke_ did not keep it, and make
himself king of the country: for it’s plain the _Indian_ resignd his
sovereignty by parting with the stick.

There’s none can forbear laughing who reads his daily manner
of feasting these _Californian_ gentry with vast quantities of
hasty-pudding: or his grave way of telling how respectfully and
ceremoniously they returnd his civilities, keeping a constant equipage
for the captain and his men, whenever they came ashore. In short, after
all the country rung of _Shelvocke_’s fame and came in daily to view
him, he concludes this ridiculous farce by telling ye the manner of his
taking leave.

Page 398. When he loosed his topsails, having a mind to appear awful,
he saluted the king and court with five guns, which mightily frighted
them: but when they understood he was going away, the men were sadly
cast down, and the women all fell a crying; which was a sure proof of
their being in love, tho’ _Shelvocke_ is modest and don’t own it.

His saying he had a mind to appear very awful at parting, agrees well
with the adoration which he says they paid him at first reception, p.
389: if wild ranting and frolicking can be calld adoration.

His pretended natural history of _California_ is all dull and
tasteless, except just that which is taken from captain _Rogers_ who
was there in 1710. _Shelvocke_ p. 399. it begins with the same words
as he does p. 317. _Shelvocke_ says p. 390, “The rocks as you enter
the harbour are like the needles of the isle of _Wight_.” _Rogers_ the
same words, p. 317. The description of the men, p. 404, is verbally the
same as the other p. 314. Their grinding a black seed which they eat
for bread, is stolen from his journal. _Shelvocke_ says their language
is guttural and harsh, p. 409. _Rogers_ p. 314, word for word the same.
Their manner of living amicably and in common, is a transcript from
the same author. Their bows and arrows, and their wonderful manner of
diving is all the same.

_Shelvocke_ says, p. 408, A late navigator represents the
_Californians_ as idle, lazy and jealous of their women; and that he
never could have a sight of any but such as were old. Which _Shelvocke_
indeavours to be merry upon, by saying, “he could not tell how that
gentleman treated them; but that he himself succeded so well in his
addresses as to have them by hundreds every day young and old.” And
after the frumety kettle had been boyling for them all day, it’s no
wonder if some of them gave him their company all night: for he often
says they were very civil and complaisant, and used to be concernd at
the mens taking snuff for fear it should kill them.

The navigator here meant is the aforesaid author; whose accounts
being universally commended, there’s no room to admit _Shelvocke_’s
impertinence: but after a man has made himself so notorious a plagiary
as I have just now proved him, ’tis a very stupid blunder in him to
find fault with that only which signifies nothing. _Rogers_ his words
are p. 316. “They appear to be very idle, and seem to look after no
more than a present subsistence.”--This is confirmd of all _Indians_
who having no traffic, or knowledge but what is natural, must needs be
indolent and idle: therefore I see no occasion there was to contradict
this, when he had stole all the rest; except his ill breeding is so
natural to him, that he can’t forbear it.

As for his being freer with the women, I don’t dispute that; neither
is it for any man’s honour to confute him: only I can’t help remarking
_Shelvocke_’s words at the close of this page 408. “I may venture
to say, quoth he, that we ingaged them so far by trifling presents
and entertainments, that no body upon those terms need want their
assistance for the future.” The plain _English_ of which is, that any
man may lye with the women for a rusty knife, or a porringer of thick
milk.

Captain _Rogers_ has given us a handsome concise description of the
people and the coast: and if a mariner who comes after can make no
additional discoveries, he is a thief to print for his own another
man’s observations, and a blockhead to trouble the world with his own
schoolboy remarks; such as his conceited notions of a king and sceptre;
he and his dirty crew having adoration paid them, and his foolish tales
of ceremonious equipage and hasty pudding.

Captain _George Shelvocke_ having here finish’d his wise observations,
prepares to cross the western ocean from _Mexico_ to _China_; and
with a hypocritical sigh laments the absence of _Clipperton_, whom he
partly came hither to meet with: but says he had the inward comfort of
having added this instance of his indeavours to the advantage of the
expedition in general, p. 433.

Now I leave the reader to judge whether ’tis likely he came here to
seek _Clipperton_, or was sorry for the disappointment, after having
so long shund him, blinded the world with a false relation of his
acquisition, conceald all the money, and divided it among three and
thirty of them? and yet this man has the calm assurance to talk of his
indeavours for the advantage of the expedition!

In two or three days sail he says he discoverd land, which he takes
the liberty of naming _Shelvocke_’s island. Vain creature! dost thou
expect any one after reading this narrative of your actions shall
mention the word _Shelvocke_ without ridicule? much less shall an
island where you never set foot ashore be calld after your unworthy
name. Had you been there sacrificed for your avarice and tyranny, as
_Peter Baldivia_ was at the place which bears his name, you might ever
remain, like him, unrivald in your title; and your son _George_ might
have wrote your epitaph.

In _Shelvocke_’s passage over to _Guam_ nothing material happens but
the death of seven or eight more of his men; some of whose shares, I
have reason to believe, became his perquisit: for two of their widows
have assured me, that after much painful application they could get no
relief. On his arrival at _Guam_ he makes this cunning observation,
that he found it one hundred leagues short of captain _Rogers_ his
account: but I don’t wonder at that; because this later kept a public
regular journal, and has printed each day’s run; which book _Shelvocke_
would never let his people look into, or keep a true reckoning
themselves.

Page 438. Here he says he should have been very glad of refreshments;
but the ill state of his people was an objection against his staying,
lest the governer should take an advantage of their weakness and
surprize him. When they were upon the point of perishing, as he calls
it, one would think it was a very proper time to get refreshments.
But this is another instance of his falsehood; for the true reason is
conceald, namely, his fear of losing the hundred and twenty thousand
dollars, _&c._ which he had aboard.

In _November_ he gets to _China_, and meets with some of _Clipperton_’s
people at _Macao_; from whose intelligence he gives us that part only
of _Clipperton_’s conduct which is blameable. I own I can’t find out
the pleasure of triumphing over a dead man’s character, especially in
those private defects which can do the defamer no service or credit.

By my transcript of _Taylor_’s journal, _Shelvocke_ may see I have
not omitted those facts which related to _Clipperton_, and I am glad
to give him this proof of my impartiality: but where he has perverted
the story, I am obliged to oppose him: for _Shelvocke_ says that
_Clipperton_ was orderd into custody at _Macao_, for silly reasons
which he gives, and not worth my reciting, because there’s nothing in
them. If the reader please to return to the last page or two of the
journal, he will find that _Clipperton_ honestly withstood dividing his
capture as long as he could, till an order from the _Mandarin_, and
a guard came aboard the ship to oblige him: this _Shelvocke_ has the
malice to call taking into custody; tho’ he knew the story as well as
I can tell him. And whereas he says they fleeced _Clipperton_ and let
him go; ’tis quite wrong; for _Clipperton_ paid but 1700 dollars for
anchorage, as by the journal, which is not 400 pound: and _Shelvocke_
owns he paid above 2000 pound, p. 457: therefore ’tis manifest the
latter was fleeced, not the former.

Immediately after which he has these words, “I thought it proper to
make this digression for the information of such of the Gentlemen
owners who have thought _Clipperton_ blameless, that they might pass a
judgment on his conduct: since it is certain that he will never, either
privately or publicly, let them into the truth of his story.”--What
can be more offensive than this, first to invent a falsehood, and
then say ’tis for the gentlemens information? which he concludes
with a jesuitical turn, that _Clipperton_ never would _publicly_ or
_privately_ let them into the truth of his story; the only reason of
which is a mental reserve that honest Mr. _Shelvocke_ has, that truly
he knew captain _Clipperton_ was dead.

What remains of this author, relating the shifts he made to get himself
and his money transported to _England_, whether true or false, tis
immaterial to my design: and so I leave him aboard an _East India-man_
which brought him home the first of _August, 1722_. His 14th chapter,
as it contains nothing of our dispute, is no ways liable to my
exception. I believe his cautions and directions to be very just,
and may be useful to any who shall go upon that cruise: but his own
behaviour is a proof, that it’s easier to give good advice than to
follow it.

       *       *       *       *       *

THUS have I taken fair pains gradually to trace and answer captain
_Shelvocke_: to expose his ignorance in some things, and detect his
many wilful forgeries in others. I have discoverd nothing of his
wickedness out of its proper place with design to prepossess mankind;
well knowing that where truth is to be found, art is needless.

Upon the whole the reader may perceive that he lays all the mischiefs
of his voyage to the obstinacy of his men, always taking care to shift
off the guilt from himself: And to prepare his readers the better,
has the groundless assurance to say in the fourth page, that they had
actually formd a design of returning with the ship to _England_.

2. At St. _Catherine_’s he says they forced him to sign the new
articles, or else they would have run away with the ship.

3. Going in to _Chiloe_ he says was the mens fault; where we so
narrowly escaped a shipwreck.

4. At going in to _Conception_ a little to leeward, he says the same.

5. At _Fernandes_, he says they forced him to divide the Owners money,
and enter upon the new _Jamaica_ discipline.

6. Upon meeting _Clipperton_, he says, ’twas his men demanded a
confirmation of the first articles with the Owners, after they had
twice made new ones for themselves.

7. When he left the four men aboard the bark where they were murderd,
he says his people would not let him bring to till she came up.

8. ’Twas his men also gave him an island, and obstinately calld it
after his name: the vanity and inconsistency of all which I have
sufficiently exposed. But I would fain know what forced him to conceal
that great sum of money taken aboard the _Conception_? Or who obliged
him to play the hypocrite and keep it a secret when he publishd his
book? I could ask him many more questions that would stagger him:
particularly, who forced him to dedicate his volume of scandal and
forgery to the lords of the admiralty? who flatterd him into a belief,
that their lordships would patronize the author of so much treachery
and cruelty? and whom he has had the unpardonable boldness to deceive
in the first line of his dedication; by telling them, that having
before had the honour to present them the original minutes of his
transactions, he now has laid before them a more perfect account of
his procedings: when at the same time he never kept a journal, tho’
he says he lost one at _Fernandes_, p. 417, which place I shall quote
for the _particularity_ of it.--“When I was shipwreckd on the island
of _John Fernandes_, I among many other things lost some _particular_
remarks and memorandums of the ship’s way _et cætera_: therefore in
_general_ have not been _particular_.” I can’t tell what he would have
the world understand by this; but I and every common sailor knows, that
if a man loses the particular memorandums of a ship’s way _et cætera_,
he has lost them in general _et cætera_.

If such language, such remarks and pitiful forgeries can pass for _A
voyage round the world_, a man may e’en stay at home and compose one.
’Tis nothing but a bundle of falshood and scandal: and _John Bunyan_’s
Pilgrim’s progress is a much better journal, and better writ.

For the entertainment of the curious I shall here subjoyn a few of
_Shelvocke_’s _blunderrata_; tho’ the captain is said to have had the
assistance of his son, and his son the assistance of the learned.

Page 196. Mightily disabled.

207. _Saved_ the ship _not_ coming to pieces.

257. To hear the silence of the night destroyd.

278. With a resolute despair.

418. In _general_ have not been _particular_.

307. Shall _now_ continue my narration of our _future_ procedings.

265. We had not an _hour’s_ hopes of living a _minute_ longer, _&c_,
_&c_, _&c._

Soon as captain _Shelvocke_ returnd to _London_, he waited on the
same gentleman I have often mentiond, who framed and directed this
expedition; where being self-convicted of his past wicked actions, he
hoped by a genteel donation to pacify the resentment he expected to
meet with: but the said gentleman to whom he thus applyd, was rather
shockt at the visit; and instead of hearkening to any terms, charged a
constable with him, and carryd him to the _Cockpit_. The secretary of
state being absent, he was there advised to take out an action against
him at _Doctors commons_, and another at _Common law_ at the Owners
suit; with several processes against some of his people, who came home
in the _India_ ships with their ill gotten wealth. So that captain
_Shelvocke_ was himself that day confined in _Wood-street Counter_;
and a few days after about a dozen of his crew, being all that yet
appeard, were arrested also and confined.

After this the said owner applyd to the court of _Admiralty_ for a
warrant to keep _Shelvocke_ in custody of the marshal, in order to
be tryd for a pyracy on the _Portuguese_; for robberies on the king
of _Spain_’s subjects since the cessation of arms; and lastly for
defrauding his owners and people, affidavits having been made of these
several facts by two of his own officers and others. But the court
refused him a warrant, because it was not sworn that the witnesses saw
the moydors taken out of the _Portuguese_ captain’s scritore; tho’
they swore they were taken out of his possession and brought from the
ship. This greatly disappointed the owners, and involved them in the
tedious law suit which followd: for they found it difficult to lay the
action at _Doctors commons_, being under the discouragement of the
judge of that court: and the proceding at _Common law_ was so intricate
and doubtful, that they were forced to seek relief in the court of
_Chancery_. Upon setting forth the case, the Lord chancellor granted a
writ of _Ne exeat regnum_ against the said _Shelvocke_, markt 8000_l_,
and some of his men in lesser sums: but _Shelvocke_ getting bail to the
action at common law, contrived so with the marshal of the king’s bench
prison, that he escaped on a _Sunday_, and prevented the said writ in
chancery being served upon him; and has ever since absconded. Mean time
the bill in chancery was carryd on, to which _Shelvocke_ refusing to
put in answer; a writ of rebellion was issued out: but a brother in law
of _Shelvocke_’s applyd to two of the owners, being complainants named
in the bill, and so prevailed with them, that they pretended they were
about a competition with the defendent: so that a sudden stop was made
to the prosecution; except other of the owners would exhibit a fresh
bill, and spend more money, having already laid out above 400 pound:
which however was designd more to punish his unparalleld wickedness,
than for any real prospect of advantage.

Now let mankind judge what a check this must be to all future aid and
assistance to the crown; when at any time a prince upon a declaration
of war, shall require his loving subjects to fit out private ships to
cruise upon and annoy the enemy! Is it not a temptation to the crew
of any other ship who carry only money aboard, to run away with the
vessel, come home in the face of their imployers, and go to law with
their own masters money? Is it not to give such men hopes of protection
from the laws of their own country, which surely are made to punish,
not defend the cruel and the wicked? Here’s an example, where a writ
granted by the highest officer in the kingdom has not been able to
secure an offender, who has found means by corrupt practices to prevent
the execution of it. But yet more astonishing is this man’s assurance
to impose a scandalous narrative upon the world for truth, to gloss
over his cruelties and robberies by the innocent name of _A voyage
round the world_; and after all, dedicate this libel to the lords of
the admiralty; wherein he courts them for favours, while there are
repeated letters from the king of _Spain_ to demand satisfaction for
depredations upon his subjects, committed by this very man; and he
still braving it with impunity.

’Tis proper therefore to insert here, that complaint was made to one
of the principal secretaries of state by the marquiss _de Pozzo Bueno_
ambassador from the king of _Spain_, while his _Britannic_ majesty was
at _Hanover_; “_That on the_ 11th _of_ April 1721, _in the road of_
Sansonate _on the coast of_ Mexico, George Shelvocke _commander of an_
English _privatier did then and there make prize a ship calld the_
Holy Family, _value one hundred thousand dollars, belonging to_ Don
Lewis Carillo _of_ Lima _in_ Peru; _altho’ the said_ Shelvocke _had
notice given him of a cessation of arms agreed upon in the year_ 1720,
_between the crowns of_ England _and_ Spain, _and publishd in those
seas before the said capture._”--I have seen a copy of this memorial,
being writ in _French_, and sent to one of our Owners; and here is now,
or was a _Spanish_ agent in _London_ to solicit the business. It is
hard to know how this affair will be determined, now _Great Britain_
and _Spain_ are at such variance; but if the court of _Madrid_ comes
quickly into terms, which looks not improbable, the government may
still lay hold on _Shelvocke_ for all his robberies in the _South-Sea_,
as well as his pyracy on the _Portuguese_; tho’ courts of justice
either want the inclination or power to punish him.

       *       *       *       *       *

Here follows a distinct list of the number of men, lost and destroyd
according to the will and pleasure of captain _Shelvocke_; only 33
remaining out of 106 to divide the whole profits of the cruise: and it
is observable that of all his people only two died a natural death and
two by casualty.

  Turnd ashore at St. _Jago_ and St. _Catharine_’s    }
  before we got into the _South-Seas_,                }
  nine, _Andrew Pedder_ chief mate,                   }
  _Henry Chapman_ third mate, _Charles_               }
  _Turner_ gunner, _Henry Hudson_ boatswain,          }    9
  _William Parsons_ and _William_                     }
  _Coon_ boatswain’s mates, _George Hint_             }
  and _Charles Perry_ seamen.                         }

  Commanded ashore near _Conception_                  }
  in _Chili_ where they were murderd,                 }
  three, _John Eady_ midshipman, _John_               }    3
  _Daley_ and _George Aboigne_ marines.               }

  Sent a cruising to be taken prisoners,              }
  fifteen, _Simon Hatley_ second captain              }
  of the _Speedwel_, _William Betagh_ captain         }
  of marines, _Gilbert Hamilton_ ensign,              }
  _John Sprake_ second mate, _Nicolas_                }
  _Laming_ boatswain, _Christopher Pressick_          }
  surgeon’s first mate, _Robert Cobs_                 }    15
  serjeant of marines, _Matthew Appleton_,            }
  _Martin Hayden_, _Richard Bond_, _Richard_          }
  _Gloyns_, _John Panther_ seamen,                    }
  _John Wilson_, _John Nicolson_, and _Tho._          }
  _Barnet_, marines.                                  }

  Orderd on a cruise in a bark with                   }
  one week’s provision, and obliged then              }
  to surrender on the coast, eleven, _James_          }
  _Hopkins_ third mate, _Robert Rawlins_              }
  midshipman, _William Dobson_, _Thomas_              }     11
  _Wilkinson_, _Edward Oasting_, _John Bone_,         }
  _Charles Weatherly_, _William Kitchen_,             }
  _Richard Cross_, _John Guathar_ and _John_          }
  _Gundy_ seamen.                                     }

  Left on _Fernandes_ eleven, besides                 }
  thirteen _Indians_, _John Wisdom_, _Joseph_         }
  _Monero_, _William Blew_, _John Riddleclay_,        }
  _Edmund Hyves_, _Daniel Harvey_,                    }        11
  _William Giddy_, _John Robjohn_, _Thomas            }
  Hawkes_, _James Row_ and _Jacob_                    }
  _Bowden_ seamen.                                    }

  Left in a prize and murderd four,                   }
  _John Giles_ serjeant of marines, _John_            }     4
  _Emlin_ seaman, _John Williams_ marine,             }
  _George Chappel_ a lad.                             }

  Sent ashore into the hands of the                   }
  enemy without a hostage, and never since            }
  heard of, six, _Edward Brook_ first lieutenant,     }     6
  _William Tamly_ midshipman, _Fredric_               }
  _Macenzie_, _Robert Bowman_, _Richard_              }
  _Philips_ and _John Poulton_ seamen.                }

  Begd their passage with _Clipperton_,               }
  to be freed from _Shelvocke_’s tyranny,             }
  three, _James Hendrie_ agent for the                }      3
  Owners, _Thomas Dod_ lieutenant of                  }
  marines, and _William Morphew_ midshipman.          }

  Died four, _Richard Arscot_ in the                  }
  _Speedwel_, and _Edmond Philips_ in _Shelvocke_’s   }
  bark, _William Campbell_ drownd                     }      4
  going round _Cape Horne_, and _Richard_             }
  _Hannah_ drownd going to the wreck                  }
  from _Fernandes_ island.                            }

  Deserted at St. _Catharine_’s three,                }
  _Abraham Dutour_, _Anthony Wood_, and               }     3
  _William Leveret_.                                  }

  Stayd on board the _Ruby_ at St. _Catherine_’s      }
  two, _William Mariner_ sail                         }     2
  maker, and _Lawrence Lancette_ of the               }
  carpenter’s crew.                                   }

  Left ashore at _Payta_, _Rich. Bavin_.                    1

  Deserted at _Chiloe_, _Robert Morris_.                    1
                                                          ---
                                            In all         73
                                                          ---

  Stayd with _Shelvocke_ and divided                 }     33
  all (his son being included.)                      }
                                                          ---
                            Total ship’s company          106
                                                          ---

’Tis fit I say something to the memory of captain _Clipperton_, who
being this time so extraordinary well fitted out, and having been twice
this cruise before, doubted not of easily making a good voyage for the
Owners and All of us: but after he was separated from the _Speedwel_,
and under the hardship of losing his stock of liquors; he was forced
to sail comfortless under a doubtful expectation, till he came to the
last scene of action: where being still disappointed of his consort,
’tis no wonder if he gave the voyage over for lost. When afterwards he
did meet with captain _Shelvocke_ on the coast of _Mexico_, all his
proposals proved ineffectual. Thus _Clipperton_ having in vain made
three foreign voyages, two of which were round the globe, he took it to
heart, grew dejected, and in his passage to _Asia_ minded nothing at
all. However, we see by the journal that he kept good order, and acted
by council during his whole cruise upon the enemy.

When he came to _China_ he sold the _Success_, laying by the Owners
moiety as aforesaid: then he arrived in _Holland_, aboard a _Dutch
East-India_ ship, and died two or three days after he came to his
family in _Ireland_; being heart-broke, as I am well informd, at his
long run of misfortune.

He was an _Englishman_, born at great _Yarmouth_ in the county of
_Norfolk_, and used to the water from his infancy. He was certainly
a complete seaman, as the northern _English_ generally are, and in
all the south navigation he was perfectly experienced. His humanity
and good nature are undeniable, having never arbitrarily exposed or
commanded away the lives of any of his people: and tho’ he had private
failings, they were common to mankind, and not such as _Shelvocke_ has
unfairly represented.

My readers in general, as well as the gentlemen adventurers, may here
see that the miscarriage of all this expedition is wholly imputable
to the captain of the _Speedwel_, who cruelly treated his own people;
deserted the other ship till the war was over; acted separately, and
managed every thing arbitrarily: tho’ our orders were strictly to copy
captain _Rogers_ his method, and in all attempts and difficulties to
act by a council of our own officers.

So that if _Shelvocke_ had early rejoynd the _Success_ and concurrd
with _Clipperton_, according to the said precedent, We who are extreme
sufferers had not only profited thereby, but the advantages might have
been national. The charge of our expedition was upwards of fourteen
thousand pound, and I believe the _Duke_ and _Duchess_ did not stand
the _Bristol_ gentlemen in so much. And tho’ _Rogers_ had aboard him
some troublesom spirits, who opposed his better views, yet it’s well
known he brought home a capture of a _hundred and seventy thousand
pound_ value. We were certainly as well fitted out as they: and thus
having precedents and examples, what might we not have done, if
conducted, as they were, with prudence, care and integrity!

[Illustration]

[Illustration]




SECTION IV.

    _Containing observations on the_ Spanish America _in general, and
    the remarks I made while I was confined in_ Peru.




CHAP. I.


About the middle of _March 1720_, when _Shelvocke_ sent _Hatley_
and the rest of us to seek our fortunes in the lighter, calld the
_Mercury_, he himself in the _Speedwel_ went to plunder the village
of _Payta_, which was just under our lee, and where we might easily
have joind him, had he imparted his design to us: however we had not
cruised long in sight of _Cape Blanco_, when we took a small bark with
a good parcel of chocolate and flower. There was an elderly gentlewoman
aboard, and a thin old fryer, whom we kept two or three days; and
after taking out what we wanted, we discharged the bark and them
together.

Soon after this we took the pink which _Shelvocke_ calls the rich
prize; She had no jealousy of our being an enemy, but kept her way to
the southward, till seeing the _Mercury_ standing towards her she began
to suspect us. About noon she puts the helm hard a weather, and crowded
all the sail she could afore the wind: and being in her ballast this
was the best of her sailing, which also proved the greatest advantage
they could give us; for had she held her wind, we in our flat bottom
could have had no share in her. About ten at night, with rowing and
hard sailing, we got within shot of the chase and brought her to,
being pretty near the shore: they were about seventy persons aboard,
thirty of which were _Nigros_. _Hatley_, I remember, upon going aboard
left me and _Pressick_ with four more hands in the _Mercury_; where we
continued two or three days, till a heavy shower of rain (hardly ever
known upon that coast, and which _Shelvocke_ takes notice of p. 185)
spoild all our bread and other dry provision; it was then time for us
to get aboard the prize, which we did; sending three hands afterwards
to take care of the _Mercury_.

We stood off and on the said cape seven or eight days expecting to meet
with the _Speedwel_; and there we set ashore the _Spanish_ captain,
the _padre_, and some gentlemen passengers. At last we spyd a sail
about five leagues distance, plying to windward: not doubting it was
the _Speedwel_ or _Success_, we stood towards her, while she kept
edging towards us. About ten in the morning we were got near enough to
discover it was a warlike ship, as she proved; tho’ neither of those we
wishd for. The master of our prize had before informd us, that he met
the _Brilliant_ man of war cruising for our privatiers; which till now
we intirely disregarded.

Hereupon captain _Hatley_ advising with me what to do we concluded
that some advantage might be made of the information given us by the
_Spaniard_: that as the _Brilliant_ had spoke so lately with the
pink, probably there would not be many questions asked now. Upon
which _Hatley_ and I drest our selves like _Spaniards_, and hoisted
_Spanish_ colours: we confined our prisoners in the great cabin,
suffering none of them but the _Indians_ and _Nigros_ to appear upon
deck, that the pink might look as she did before; in which contrivance
we had succeded, but for the obstinacy of _John Sprake_, whom we could
not keep off the deck.

As the Admiral came up he fired a gun to leeward: hereupon we lowerd
our topsails, making easy sail till we got along side of him. Their
first question was, if we had heard any thing of the _English_
privatier? we answerd, No. The next was, how it happend we were got no
farther in our way to _Lima_? We answerd, by reason of the _currents_.
They askd us two or three more questions, which we still answerd in
_Spanish_. They seemd thoroughly satisfyd; and were just getting their
tacks aboard in order to leave us, when the said _Sprake_ and two
more of our men appeard on the main deck: a _Frenchman_ aboard the
admiral looking out at the mast-head spyd their long trowsers, by which
knowing them to be _English_ he cryd out, _par Dieu Monsieur, ils sont
Anglois_, they are _Englishmen_. Upon this they immediately fired
a broad side into us with round and partridge shot; by one of which
_Hatley_ was slightly wounded in the head.

After we had surrenderd they took all the _English_ aboard them, and
put a couple of their own officers into the prize. The admiral then
bore down to the _Mercury_ about two leagues to leeward, and tho’ they
fired at least twenty five guns into her, the three men escaped unhurt;
and the vessel tho’ full of water had not weight enough to carry her
to the bottom. After taking in the three men, our commander _Don Pedro
Midranda_ went in to _Payta_ carrying the pink with him, where he set
us ashore. He orderd me to _Piura_ about forty mile up the country; and
did me the favour to let _Pressick_ the surgeon and _Cobs_ a marine
serjeant go with me: but captain _Hatley_ and the rest he sent under a
guard, with mules to carry them to _Lima_, which is above four hundred
miles further on the coast; the reason of which I have partly given at
the close of my second section: for the cape _Frio_ story being blown,
and the moydors found upon _Hatley_, they had a mind the thing should
be sifted and the guilty punishd. The admiral having taken in water
and refreshments, quickly put to sea again in quest of the _British_
privatiers, designing to take us up to _Lima_ as he came back.

The weather in this latitude being too hot, the custom is to travel
from six in the evening till eight in the morning. My _Indian_
guide set me on the best mule he had, which not caring to follow
company, I led my fellow travellers the way till ten a clock. While
day-light lasted, I observed the country one open plain, with _Indian_
plantations regularly enough cantond out on each side of us. This
level is from 30 to 100 mile broad, and extends 300 mile along shore;
for I am now going to the southward, having the _Cordileer_ mountains
on the left hand, and the great ocean on the right. If this land was
well waterd, as the soil is pleasant and fertile, it might be as fine
a country as any: but travellers are here obliged to carry water for
their mules as well as themselves. At the approach of night we were
puzzled in the way: I often found my self stopt by great hills of sand,
and my mule as often indeavourd to pull the reins out of my hand,
which proving troublesome, the _Indian_ advised me to throw the reins
on the mule’s neck; and as soon as that was done the creature easily
hit the way. These sands are often shifted by from place to place,
which I take to be occasiond by the strong eddies of wind reverberated
from the mountains. At night we rested a little at an old empty house
in a coppice about half way, which the guide told us was built by the
inhabitants of _Piura_, for the accommodation of the prince St. _Bueno_
viceroy of _Peru_, where they met him in formality and regaled him.

At seven in the morning we arrived at _Piura_, being a regular handsom
town scituate on the banks of the river _Collan_. The _Indian_
conducted us to the house of a good _Spanish_ gentleman and his wife
who having received his charge, the guide returnd to _Payta_. In a
quarter of an, hour’s time the towns people flockd in to see the rary
show; and instead of being used like prisoners at discretion, we were
entertaind with respect and civility, which we were not sure to meet
with. Our landlord, I should say keeper’s name was _Don Jeronimo
Baldivieso_. He had five daughters, upon the sight of which and their
candid way of receiving us, we hoped our time would slide easily away,
and our captivity prove agreeable. I began now to be sensible of the
admiral’s favour in ordering us to this place; for he had such interest
in all the kingdom of _Peru_, that for his sake we found good genteel
treatment. Soon as we had refreshd ourselves, according to the custom
of the place, with chocolate, biskets and water; we were diverted with
the sound of a _Welch_ harp in some inner apartment: the artist had
good command of it; for I heard parts of several famous _Italian_, as
well as _English_ compositions; and upon inquiry, was informd that all
the _Spaniards_ daughters had learnd music, and sung or playd upon some
instrument or other. Tho’ at first this seemd a little unaccountable
to us, yet I afterwards found that music was common in _Peru_: for the
_Italian_ party having a few years before prevaild at the court of
_Madrid_, the said viceroy prince St. _Bueno_, who was an _Italian_,
had brought a great many musicians of that country along with him;
which has now, spread music every where, and is as good in _Peru_ as
in old _Spain_.

This I thought proper to mention, because by means of music and an
inoffensive carriage, we lived in good harmony with those who had a
right to treat us as enemies.

It was a practice here every day for the neighbours to come and view
us; at which I was well enough diverted: for _Cobs_ being my serjeant,
we had exercised the brown musket together; so that we turnd readily
about to shew our selves: but Mr. Pressick hung down his head, and grew
melancholy.

_Payta_ being the place, as I said afore, where the pedlars or walking
merchants are set ashore, they make _Piura_ their first stage to
_Lima_, disposing of their goods and lessening their burthens as they
go along: some take the road through _Caxamarca_; others through
_Truxillo_ along shore. From _Lima_ they take their passage back to
_Panama_ by sea; and perhaps carry a little purchase of brandy with
them. At _Panama_ they again stock themselves with _European_ goods,
returning by sea to _Payta_, where they are set down: there they hire
mules and load them; the _Indians_ going with them, in order to
bring them back: and so these traders keep in a continual round till
they have got enough to live on. Their traveling expenses are next to
nothing; for the _Indians_ are brought under such subjection, that
they find lodging for them, and provender for their mules. This every
white face may command, being a homage the poor _Indians_ are long
accustomd to pay; and some think they have an honour done them into the
bargain, except out of generosity they now and then meet with a small
recompense. In the _British_ and _French_ nation a pedlar is despised,
and his imployment lookd upon as a mean shift to get a living: but it
is otherwise here, where the quick return of money is a sufficient
excuse for the manner of getting it. And there are many gentlemen in
_Old Spain_, who, when their circumstances in life are declining, send
their sons to the _Indies_ to retrieve their fortune this very way.

Our lodging was in an outhouse purposely kept for these traveling
merchants. According to the _Spanish_ custom, we had our dinner sent
to table under cover, where _Don Jeronimo_ and we eat together; while
the good lady of the house and her daughters sat together in another
room: this is the practice at all meals, and if any strong liquors are
drank, it is then. In all our conduct I think the good _Spaniard_ was
never disobliged, except once when he saw me drinking a dram with the
doctor at a little victualing house. As nothing is more disagreeable
to the _Spaniards_ than drunkenness, I had much ado to make amends for
this step towards it, tho’ they easily admit of gallantry in the most
familiar degree: so that ’tis only changing one enormity for another.
Here are several churches endowd; one convent of _Franciscans_, and a
seminary for youth instructed by two _Jesuits_.

After we had past about six weeks at _Piura_, our _Indian_ guide came
again to wait on us to _Payta_, the man of war being returnd. When we
were upon the point of taking leave, our surgeon was missing, which
retarded us a day longer: they had conceald him in the town, and
designd to keep him there, being a very useful man: and if he could
have had a supply of medicines, he might soon have made a handsom
fortune. However the next day we mounted our mules and parted with
great reluctance, especially with _Don Jeronimo_ and his family.

We went aboard the _Brilliant_ at _Payta_, which having done nothing
at sea, made a sort of cruising voyage to _Callao_, the port of
_Lima_. The civility I received from the admiral or general of the
_South-Seas_, as he is there calld, is what I have touchd upon at the
end of my first section, both before we were set ashore at _Payta_,
and in our passage from thence to _Callao_. I shall only add one
particular to the honour of _Monsieur de Grange_, a captain under the
general. Soon as we were taken by the _Brilliant_, as aforesaid, this
gentleman seeing the soldiers had stript us, being the conquerers
usual perquisit in all these cases; he generously gave me a handsom
sute of clothes, two pair of silk stockins, a hat, wig, shirts, and
every thing according. We arrived at _Lima_ in about five weeks, and
were immediately committed to the same prison where the rest of our
companions were sent, except _Hatley_, who, having a particular mark
set on him, was confined by himself. And I can’t help remarking,
tho’ Mr. _Hatley_ was no friend to me, that it was a cruel thing
in _Shelvocke_ to send him of all men upon that enterprize in the
_Mercury_. For when captain _Rogers_ came into these seas upon a like
cruise 1709, _Hatley_ upon some occasion was separated from him, and
made a prisoner afterwards upon the continent: and now being catchd the
second time, with the aggravation of the _Portuguese_ money found upon
him, he had like to have been torn to pieces.

The court of judges went soon upon the examination of our story, and
drew up a charge against us as pyrates: since by the moidors found upon
_Hatley_, it appeard they were taken from the subjects of a prince in
perfect amity with the crown of _England_: but it was happy for us
that the viceroy _Don Diego Marsilia_, who was an archbishop and in
the decline of life, was pleased coolly to discriminate the affair,
and finding really but one of us guilty, would not sign any order for
shedding innocent blood. As for _Hatley_, some were for sending him to
the mines for life; others for hanging him: but the several accounts of
capt. _Shelvocke_’s vile procedings contributed to his deliverance,
the truth of which here were enough of our people at _Lima_ to witness.
For besides lieutenant _Serjeantson_ and his men who were brought
hither, here came the men whom _Shelvocke_ sent with _Hopkins_ to
shift for themselves in a poor empty bark, who for want of sustenance
were forced to surrender to the _Indians_: so that the court finding
_Shelvocke_ more a principal in the pyratical story than _Hatley_,
and believing we had been plagued enough before we came hither, they
thought fit to let us all go by degrees. _Hatley_ indeed was kept in
irons about a twelvemonth, and then got to _England_.

I was released out of prison in about ten days, by the interest of
captain _Fitzgerald_ a native of St. _Malo_, who was in favour with the
viceroy, and past his word for my limitation at _Lima_. Upon inquiry
for Mr. _Serjeantson_ and his men, I understood that most of them had
taken up the religion of the country, had been christend, and were
dispersed among the convents in the city. The first that I saw had
got his new catechise in one hand, and a pair of large beads dangling
in the other. I smiled, and askd the fellow how he liked it: he said
very well; for having his religion to chuse, he thought this better
than none, since it brought him good meat and drink, and a quiet life.
Many of _Shelvocke_’s men followd this example; and I may venture to
say this was as good a reason as most of our people could give for
their conformity. Tho’ ’tis reckond very meritorious to make a convert,
and many arguments were used for that end; yet was there no rigour
shewn to bring any of us over. Those who thought fit to be baptized,
had generally some of the merchants of _Lima_ for their _padrinos_ or
god-fathers, who never faild giving their children a sute of clothes,
and some money to drink their healths.

About this time four or five of _Clipperton_’s men, and as many of
_Shelvocke_’s got leave from their convents to meet together at a
public house kept by one _John Bell_, an _Englishman_, who had a
_Nigro_ wife that for some services or other had got her freedom. The
design of this meeting was to confirm their new baptism with a bowl of
punch: the consequence of which was, they all got drunk and quareld;
and forgeting they were true catholics, mistook an image of some good
saint that stood in a corner for one of their own company, knockd him
down, and demolishd him. I missing the fellows for a few days, inquired
at _John_’s house what was become of them. He told me the story, and
said they were all put in the _Inquisition_; for the thing having
took air, he was obliged to complain of it, or go there himself: but
promised that underhand he would indeavour to get them released; which
I found afterwards was done in five days: so that they had time enough
to say their catechise, repent and be sober. _Bell_ said, if the men
had still remaind heretics, this drunken-bout had not come within the
verge of the ecclesiastical power; but being novices, and just let into
the church, they were the easier pardond; since their outrage upon the
saint was no proof of their relapse into error, or an affront to the
catholic faith, because they were all disorderd with liquor.

At length about a dozen men of both our ships, being now pretty well
instructed, were discharged from the cloysters, and sent to _Callao_ to
help careen and fit out the _Flying Fish_, then designd for _Europe_.
Here they enterd into a project to run away with the _Margarita_, a
pretty sailing ship that lay in the harbour, and go upon the account
for themselves: but not knowing what to do for ammunition and a
compass, they applyd to Mr. _Serjeantson_, telling him they had a
design to steal away by land to _Panama_, where being an _English_
factory, they might have a chance to get home; that they had got half
a dozen firelocks with which they could kill wild hogs or get some
game as they went along, if he would be so kind to help them to a
little powder and shot, and a compass to steer their way through the
woods: the fellows, by begging and making catholic signs to the good
people at _Lima_, that they were poor _English_ newly baptized, had
got together some dollars which they desired _Serjeantson_ to lay out;
who not mistrusting the plot, took their money and bought them what
they wanted. Thus furnisht one of them came to me at _Lima_, and said
there was an opportunity offered to make my fortune, by running away
with the _Margarita_ at _Callao_, if I would imbrace it: whereupon
he told me the story, and that _Sprake_ was to have the command, as
being the only artist among them. I answerd that it was a bold design;
but as captain _Fitzgerald_ had ingaged for my honour, I was obliged
not to meddle with it. In a few days the plot was discoverd, their
lodgings were searchd, their arms taken away and they put in prison.
The government was greatly provoked, and had near determined their
execution, when an order came to release all but _Sprake_; who being
the projector was kept in irons two or three months and then set free.
I believe, in this affair their late conformity did them great service:
but both these stories are an argument, that neither the _church_
nor _state_ are so rigorous in _Peru_, as the _Romish_ dominions in
_Europe_.

[Illustration]




CHAP. II.

_Describing the City of_ Lima.


_Lima_ is the metropolis of _Peru_ and the seat of an archbishop. ’Tis
a regular built city, the streets all strait and spacious: so that you
go thro’ it almost any way without turning a corner. It is composed
of little squares like _St. Jago_ the capital of _Chili_, which is
copyd from this. It stands in an open vale, having only a gentle stream
to water it; and which divides it as the _Thames_ dos _London_ from
_Southwark_, allowing for the great disproportion. The port of _Lima_
is at _Callao_ seven mile below it. The houses are only one story high,
of twelve or fourteen foot, because of the frequent earthquakes in that
country. There are about eight parishes, three colleges for students,
twenty eight monasteries of fryers, and thirteen monasteries of nuns:
so that the religious take up a fourth part of the city. However by the
easy flow of money, and the vast sums bequeathd, being the effects of
celibacy, they are all well endowd and supported. Besides which, there
are two hospitals for the sick, poor and disabled; and where several of
our men were kindly lookt after. The length of the city from north to
south is two mile: the breadth one and a half; the wall with the river
making a circumference of six mile. On the east side of the stream lies
the other part of the city; being joynd by a very handsom stone bridge
of five or seven arches.

I compute there are now sixty or seventy thousand persons in
_Lima_, all sorts and colours included: and I don’t wonder at any
multiplication in a city which is the centre of so much affluence and
pleasure. For besides the natural increase of the inhabitants, all
ships which trade that way, whether private or public, generally leave
some deserters who chuse to stay behind for the incouragement all white
faces meet with.


The Inhabitants are thus distinguisht.

  _Spaniards_         Natives of _old Spain_.
  _Creolians_         Born in _America_ of _white_ parents.
  _Mulattas_          Issue of _white_ and _nigro_.
  _Mestizos_          Issue of _white_ and _indian_.
  _Quartron nigros_   Born of _white_ and _mulatta_.
  _Quartron indians_  Born of _white_ and _mestizo_.
  _Sambo de mulatta_  _Nigro_ and _mulatta_.
  _Sambo de indian_   _Nigro_ and _indian_.

Issue of _sambo mulatta_, and _sambo indian_ are calld _giveros_. These
are lookt on as having the worst inclinations and principles; and if
the cast is known, they are banisht the kingdom.

       *       *       *       *       *

Hence procede endless denominations according to the variety
of mixture: and some people make a science of it, to know the
multiplicity of casts and give them a name: but the forementiond are
the chief and most particular. It is counted creditable to mend the
breed by ascending or growing whiter; but a descent or cast the other
way is calld _saltatras_; from _saltare retrò_, to go backward; and is
lookd upon as base born and scandalous.

The difference of birth and parentage causes an observation pleasant
enough: for they are as great strangers to each other as _chevaliers_
are in _France_, or graduates and scholars in our universities. So that
a _quartron indian_ will hardly keep company with a _mulatta_: and a
_mestizo_ thinks himself a king to a _sambo_.

Of all parts of the world, the people here are most expensive in
their habit. The men dress as they do in _England_, their coats being
either of silk, or fine _English_ cloth, and hair camblets imbroiderd
or laced with gold and silver, and their waistcoats commonly the best
brocades. The women never wear hoops or stays, only a sticht holland
jacket next their shifts: they generally throw over their shoulders a
square piece of swanskin flannel intirely coverd with _Flanders_ lace,
besides the silver or gold lace round the peticoat: when they walk out,
the _Creolian_ women are veild, but not the _Mulatta_; and till the
age of thirty or forty they wear no headcloths: their hair being tyed
behind with fine ribands. But the pride of both sexes appears chiefly
in _Maclin_ and _Brussels_ lace, with which they trim their linen in a
most extravagant manner, not omitting their sheets and pillows. Beside
the outward covering of the mantle aforesaid, their linen is doubly
borderd with it top and bottom, with ruffles of four or five furbelows
hanging down to the knee. Then as to pearls and costly stones, which
they wear in rings and bracelets for the neck and arms, they are very
immoderate; though the value is hardly equal to the appearance.

Of all the convents in _Lima_, that of _St. Domingo_ is the richest,
and _Francisco_ the largest. The provincial or governer of the
_Dominicans_ is chosen triennially out of their own body, and his
income above seven thousand pound a year. I was present at one
election, which I mention because of the great splendor and cost which
attended it. A large triumphal arch was built cross the street: the
inside lined with scarlet cloth and velvet, and hung all over with
jewels and wrought plate. Thro’ this the principal people of _Lima_
past with the new provincial at their head; where he stopd to hear a
short oration pronounced by a girl upon that occasion, and then went to
his convent to finish the solemnity.

The processions in _Lima_ are made with more show and pageantry than
those in _Europe_, and are sometimes very extravagant. I was present
at that noted one when the image of _St. Dominic_ goes to church to
wait upon that of _St. Francis_, which is attended with a deal of
firework and equipage: and I doubt not the managers of our opera and
comedy would improve much by seeing the odd figures and machinery of
this grand visit, which is made yearly to keep up the singular esteem
the _Spaniards_ have for those two orders. Tho’ these expenses are
profuse, yet at _Lima_ they are common, where the begging fryers often
die possest of dollars, from the value of ten to twenty thousand pound.
One instance of the riches of this place, I was told by several who
rememberd it: that when the duke _de la Plata_ their viceroy made his
entry, the inhabitants paved the merchant street thro’ which he past
with bars of silver, each of which was 2500 dollars at least: which
piece of finery I can liken to nothing but the account we have of
_Jerusalem_ in the days of king _Solomon_.

The viceroy has a handsome palace in the great quadrangle of the city;
which I take to be near as large as _Lincolns-Inn-Fields_ at _London_.
His salary is ten thousand pound a year, and his perquisits double that
sum: and tho’ his government expires at three, four, or five years end
as the king pleases, yet ’tis supposed he makes a good fortune for
life; for he has all places in his gift, both in the government and
army throughout _Peru_, except particular persons are sent or nominated
by the king.

The judicial court consists of twelve judges, not to mention the
inferior officers, council and solicitors. Here all causes should
come to be decided; but they are too often determined aforehand in
favour of the party who gives most mony. And tho’ these vast dominions
abound in riches, yet there is not abundance of work for the lawyers;
because the statutes are few and plain: which is certainly happier
than a multitude of laws _explaining_ one another ’till they are so
_intricate_ that the issue of a cause depends more upon the craft of
the solicitor and advocate, than the truth of the case. Moreover, a
multiplication of laws begets an infinity of attorneys and council, who
live high and great upon the distresses of other people, and as often
argue a man _out_ of his right as _into_ it.

Yet in _Peru_ there are _corregidors_ or magistrates in districts
from _Lima_ who find ways and means to oppress the poor _Indians_,
notwithstanding they are perjured if they trade with them. These
natives live chiefly by husbandry and working the mines; and the
_Spanish_ court have found it necessary to forbid the _corregidors_
trading with them, in order to secure them a quiet possession of the
fruit of their labour. To evade this oath, another person under-hand
procures a parcel of _European_ goods and disperses them among the
_Indians_, who, tho’ they want none of them, must buy them at 3 or 400
_per cent._ more than prime cost; a time being positively fixt for the
money.

These hardships are past retrieving, because every magistrate knows his
reign to be but short, and if he don’t make a fortune he is laught at:
So that they wink at one another; and the great distance between _Peru_
and _Spain_ is a reason the king’s orders are seldom regarded, being
two years going backward and forward: whence arise many clandestine
doings. For according to law, the king should have a twentieth part
of all gold, and a fifth part of all silver; but there are vast
quantities that never pay duty carryd privately over the continent
the north way, as well as the south way by trading ships. And tho’
there are prodigious sums allowd for militia, garisons, and repairs of
fortifications: yet it is not one half applyd. From all which it is
easy to imagine what immense revenues would come to the treasury at
_Madrid_, if his _Catholic_ majesty was but faithfully served.

The country in _Peru_ is naturally subject to earthquakes: and I have
heard that the _English_ plantations in the north of _America_ have
felt them. At _Lima_ they had two great ones about fifty years ago,
which overturnd houses, churches and convents: and in the reign of
_Charles_ the late king of _Spain_, there was an earthquake near the
equinoctial line that lifted up whole fields, and carryd them several
miles off. Small shocks are often felt without doing any harm; and I
have been two or three times calld out of bed when such a thing has
happend, tho’ we have heard no more of it: but upon these occasions the
bells always toll to prayers.

Notwithstanding this country, especially nigh the coast, has sufferd
much by earthquakes; yet their churches are lofty enough, and neatly
built. That part of their architecture which requires most strength is
generally finisht with burnt bricks; but their houses are all built
with _bambo_ canes and bricks dryd only by the weather, which are
durable enough because it never rains. The covering is a matting with
ashes upon it to keep out the dews, which is all the wet they have.

The small river of _Lima_ is mostly snow water descending from the
neighbouring mountains, which are coverd all the year with snow; but
partly dissolved in the summer season, which is from _September_ to
_March_. One would expect it much hotter thereabouts than it is, there
being no proportion between the heat of this climate in _America_
and the same degree of latitude in _Africa_; for which there are
two reasons: one is the cool temper of the air proceding from the
congealed snow on the mountains, which diffuses it self every way:
the other is, the humidity of the vapours which hang over the plains,
and which are so frequent, that when I came first to _Lima_, I often
expected it would rain. These vapours are not so coarse, low and
humble as our fogs, nor separated above like our summer clouds; but an
exhalation between both, being spread all round, as when we say the
day is overcast. So that sometimes a fine dew is felt upon the outward
garments and discernd by the eye upon the nap of the cloth. This is a
happy convenience at _Lima_, the people being thus screend one half of
the day from the sun; and tho’ the afternoon be sunshine, ’tis very
tolerable being mixt with the sea breezes, and not near so hot as
at _Lisbon_, and some parts of _Spain_ in _Europe_ which are thirty
degrees further from the equator.

The want of rain in this part of the continent obliged the poor, I
should say happy _Indians_, before the conquest, to make dreins and
canals for bringing down water from among the distant mountains; which
they have done with such great labour and skill that the vallies are
kindly refresht, producing grass, corn, and variety of fruits: to which
the aforesaid dews may also a little contribute.

_Zarate_ the _Spanish_ historian has given us the natural cause of this
perpetual drought. He observes that the south-west winds blow upon the
_Peruvian_ coast all the year round; and the ocean is therefore calld
_pacific_, because the winds never disturb the waters. These easy gales
always bear away the vapours from the plains before they can rise and
form a body sufficient to descend in a shower: but when they are carryd
farther and higher, they grow more compact and at length fall by their
own weight into rain.

This is so fair and rational an account, that I wonder _Monsieur
Frezier_ has affected to contradict it. ’Tis convincing to a stranger;
and to most gentlemen there who are curious enough to think about it.
Any one who reads _Frezier_’s voyage may see he has not only mistaken
the _Spaniard_, but given us long conjectures of his own, very confused
and improbable.

They have plenty of cattle, fowl and fish; and all provision common to
us except butter; instead of which they always use lard. They have oyl,
wine and brandy enough, tho’ not so good as in _Europe_. They drink
much of the jesuits herb _camini_ brought from _Paraguay_ by land; for
all _East-India_ tea is forbid. They make a decoction of it, and suck
it through a pipe or quill. It is generally here calld _mattea_, being
the name of the bowl out of which they drink it. Chocolate is their
usual breakfast and a grace-cup after dinner: Sometimes they drink
a glass of brandy for digestion, but scarce any wine at all. In the
kingdom of _Chili_ they make a little butter, such as it is; and their
way of doing it is remarkable. The cream is put into a sheepskin stript
off whole, and kept on purpose: after tying the ends fast, two women
lay it on a table, and shake it and sowse it between them ’till it
comes.

Tho’ the _Spaniards_ are no friends to the bottle, yet gallantry and
intrigue are here brought to perfection, for they devote so much of
their time to the service of the fair sex, that _Venus_ seems here to
keep her court. It is unmannerly not to have a mistress, and scandalous
not to keep her well. As for the women they have many accomplishments
both natural and acquired; their conversation is free and sprightly,
their motion graceful, their looks winning, and their words ingaging:
they have all a delicate shape, not injured with stiff bodyd stays,
but left to the beauty of nature; so that there’s no such thing as
a crooked body among them. Their eyes and teeth are particularly
excellent, and their hair being generally of a dark polisht hue is
finely combd, and platted or tyd behind with ribands, but never
disguised with powder: for the brightness of their skin round the
temples appears very well shaded thro’ the hair like light thro’ a
landskip.

Tho’ these amours are universal at _Lima_, yet the men are careful
enough to hide them; for no indecent word or action is allowd in
public. They have two usual times for these entertainments: one is at
the _siesta_ or afternoons nap, which is commonly with the mistress;
the other is in the evening cross the water in calashes, or at the
great square in the town where the calashes meet in great numbers
towards the dusk: these are slung like our coaches, but smaller; and
many of them fit only for two sitting opposite. They are always drawn
by one mule with the _nigro_ driver upon his back: and it is usual
among these calashes to observe several of them with the windows close
up, standing still for half an hour together.

In these pastimes they have several customs peculiar to themselves.
After evening prayers the gentleman changes his dress, from a
cloak into a _montero_ or jocky coat, with a linen laced cap and a
hankerchief about his neck instead of a wig. If he wears his hair it
must be tuckt under a cap, and that flapt all down: so that it is a
universal fashion to be disguised some way or other; for those who have
no mistress are ashamed to be thought strictly virtuous, and must be
in some mask or other to countenance the way of the world. But as all
this is night work, they have an establisht rule to prevent quarels,
which is never to speak or take notice of one another; whether they
are going in quest of amorous game, or visiting their ladies: so that
in short the forepart of the night is a masquerade all the year round.

Among that rank of people who don’t keep calashes there are several
points to be observed. Particularly when they take the evening air,
one couple never walks close upon the heels of another; but to prevent
the publishing any secret whispers, each couple walks at the distance
of twelve yards at least: and if any lady drops a fan or any thing by
accident, a gentleman may civilly take it up; but he must not give it
to the lady, but the gentleman who is with her; for she may be the
sister or wife of him that takes it up: and as the women are all veild,
these wise laws are instituted to prevent any impertinent discoveries.
A freedom of that kind is lookt upon as the highest affront in all
gallantry, and merits a drawn sword thro’ the liver. They are so
careful in these rules, that if a man sees his intimate friend any
where with a girl, he must in no wise take notice of him, or speak of
it afterwards:

These things are all done with the greatest gravity imaginable; and
thus the practice of love becomes decent, safe and easy: so that a man
may possess his mistress without any visible inconvenience, and spend
all the money he has in the world without fear of brawls, duels, or
a roundhouse: not like the rude hectoring blades and prentices of a
certain _northern_ metropolis who are continually affronting the female
sex, with shocking words or scandalous actions.

Altho’ the commerce of love is here so regularly settled, yet there are
some jealousies now and then subsisting, which sometimes have ended
fatally. There was a story of this sort pretty fresh when I was at
_Lima_. A young lady had for some time, as she thought, been sovereign
mistress of her lover’s heart; but by cruel chance she found him in
company with another woman, and perhaps a handsome one. As _Shakespear_
says, _Trifles light as air are to the jealous confirmations strong_:
so she waited for no further proof of his infidelity, nor any excuse
for the wrong done her; but suddenly drew his dagger and dispatchd
him. She was soon confined and brought to tryal: and when every one
expected she would be cast for her life, her judges gave it this
turn, that it was not malice fore-thought, but excess of love that
prompted her to the rash deed. Whereupon she was acquitted: but the
nice casuists thought she should in honour have hangd her self. This
instance shews how sacred a thing love is there judged to be, tho’ in a
state of concubinage only. And the moral good or evil of some actions
are hard to be determined, while different governments have different
customs.

How agreeable soever these practices are to the _Creole Spaniards_,
yet they cause a great inconvenience to society: for the men are so
seriously taken up with their delicacies, that the women ingross most
of their time, and spoil all public conversation. For this reason there
are no taverns or coffee-houses, so that the men are only to be met
with at their offices or at church. They have a sort of playhouse where
the young gentlemen and students divert themselves after their fashion:
for what performances they have in the dramatical way are so mean, that
they are hardly worth mentioning, being scripture stories interwoven
with romance and obscenity.

It was at this theatre that two _English_ sailors of _monsieur
Martinet_’s squadron fought a prize a little before I came to _Lima_.
They first obtaind leave of the viceroy to exercise at the usual
weapons; and after the shew-day was fixt, most of the preceding time
was taken up with preparatory ceremonies to bring a good house. They
each traversed the town by beat of drum in their holland shirts and
ribands, saluting the spectators at their windows with a learned
flourish of the sword; so that by the extraordinary novelty and manner
of the thing, the whole city came to see the tryal of skill: some gave
gold, but few less than a dollar. When the company male and female was
close packt up together, the masters mounted the stage: and after the
usual compliment peculiar to the _English_ nation of shaking hands
before they quarel, they retired in great order and stood upon their
guard. Several bouts were playd without much wrath or damage: but the
design of this meeting being more to get money than cuts or credit, one
of the masters had the seasonable fortune to receive a small harm on
the breast, which having blooded his shirt began to make the combat
look terrible: whereupon the company fearing from such a dreadful
beginning that the zele of the champions might wax too intemperate; and
till they were reconciled, no man in the house was safe, unanimously
cryd out _basta, basta_, which signifys enough, enough; and so the
house broke up. The sailors finding this a better prize than any they
ever made at sea, humbly besought his excellency for another trial of
skill: but the viceroy and people were all against it, from a religious
objection which could never be got over; and that was, lest the fellows
should kill one another, die without absolution and be damnd.

While I was at _Lima_, I grew acquainted with one _monsieur Thaylet_,
a gentleman whose effects were seised by _Martinet_’s squadron, as an
interloper from St. _Malo_: after which he remaind in _Peru_, where
he was imployd by the government, he having been formerly commander
of several good ships. The first service he had, was to fetch the
bottle with instructions for _Shelvocke_, buryd by _Clipperton_
at _Fernandes_, p. 97 of this book. On his return with the said
instructions and the two men who deserted there, the viceroy willing
to incourage him, thought of another short expedition for him in the
same vessel; being an _English_ ketch of about sixty ton, and had
served captain _Martinet_ as a tender. The viceroy having lately
had certain notice by a _Spanish_ ship, that they accidentally made
an island in the _South-Seas_ till then unknown to them, tho’ markt
in several drafts by the name of _Solomon_’s island; it made his
excellency curious to persue the discovery. He thereupon orderd the
ketch to be fitted out for two months under _Thaylet_’s command; who
accordingly saild into ten degrees south, in which latitude the island
was said to lye. He cruised thereabout till his provision was nigh
expended; and returnd without success. However as the same account
came by two different ships who touchd there, the _Spaniards_ verily
believe there is such a place; for the men reported, that the natives,
as to their persons and behaviour, were much like the _Indians_ on
the continent; that they had many gold and silver things among them,
but that their language was new and unintelligible. The reason why
Mr. _Thaylet_ could not meet with _Solomon_’s island, might be from
the uncertainty of the latitude, and his inability of making further
search, being provided for only two months: for I have been informd
in _London_ that the said island or islands lye more southerly in the
_Pacific_ ocean than where they are laid down in the _Dutch_ maps. And
the two _Spaniards_ who had been there, were only small trading vessels
carryd thither by irregular currents; and could give no certain account
of the latitude, because they kept no reckoning.

To sum up this chapter, I shall only observe that the _Spanish
Peruvians_ are better seated for the happiness of this world, than any
people I know. If they are indolent, their great affluence makes them
so. If they are delicate, the kind serenity of the climate contributes
greatly to it. Much husbandry and labor is needless, where the whole
year is a fruitful spring. Indeed the _Nigros_ and _Indians_ do all the
work; for a white face is exemption enough from all labor and care. In
our unequal gloomy regions, many customs would be condemnd, which are
there the pure effect of nature: for the night and day make a happy
medium between cold and heat. Therefore, if the general bent of human
nature be for constant happiness and freedom from pain, the man of
pleasure must go to _Peru_, and make _Lima_ his temporal paradise.

[Illustration]




CHAP. III.

    _Of the mines of_ Chili _and_ Peru; _and the method of working out
    the_ gold _and_ silver _from the mass._


_Chili_ being the southermost division of the continent of _America_,
is therefore cooler than _Peru_; and perhaps would sute an _English_
constitution better. It is divided from _Peru_ at the tropic of
_Capricorn_; and is remarkable for that vast chain of mountains known
by the name of _Cordileer_, which coast along from _Magellan_ streights
up to the _istmus_ of _Darien_, being about 4000 mile. It is governd
by a lieutenant general, stiled _president_ of _Chili_, because he is
at the head of all civil affairs as well as military: nevertheless he
receives orders from the viceroy of _Peru_. The capital city is St.
_Jago_; it was founded in 1541, and is a copy of _Lima_.

I shall here entertain the reader chiefly with an extract from
_Frezier_’s voyage relating to the mines, and the manner of separating
the mineral from the earth. He undertook the _South-Sea_ voyage by
permission of king _Lewis_ the XIV^{th}, and was there about six years
before us, on purpose to make such discoveries, plans and observations
as he thought fit. His account, as it is good and intirely new, will
without doubt be agreeable to the curious reader:

In _Chili_, the mines which at present yield most gold, are about the
towns of _Conception_ and _Copiapo_; and the villages of _Tiltil_ and
_Lampanqui_ near _Valparaiso_; tho’ the whole mountains are more or
less impregnated with it. The silver mines of _Peru_ are at _Lipes_,
_Guaico_, _Iquic_ and St. _Anthony_: gold ones being very scarce in
that part of the continent. _Potosi_ has originally afforded such
surprising quantities of silver, that it has been proverbial for its
treasure: the town stands at the bottom of the famous mountain where
the mines lye, and is very populous. The country is obliged by the
king’s order to send a great number of _Indians_ yearly to work in
those mines; for all white faces are excused from servitude, and the
_Nigros_ are not able to work in them because the cold will kill them:
but they are imployd in all other business on the surface; so that the
native _Indians_ are only destined to this labour.

The _Corregidors_ or magistrates who overlook those _Indians_ appointed
to work in the mines, summon them to set out all together on a certain
day. They generally take their wives and children with them, who, with
tears in their eyes, leave their native homes, and travel unwillingly
on to the house of bondage. Many indeed forget their habitation, and
after the years end settle at _Potosi_, which is the chief reason that
town is so populous, and almost equals the city of _Lima_ as to its
number of inhabitants.

Tho’ the mines here are far diminisht in their produce, yet the
quantity of ore that has been already wrought, and lain many years upon
the surface, is thought capable to yield a second crop; and when I was
at _Lima_, they were actually turning it up, and new milling it with
great success: which is a proof that these minerals generate in the
earth like all other inanimate things. And it is likewise certain from
all accounts of the _Spaniards_, that gold and silver, as well as other
metals, are continually growing and forming themselves in the earth.
This opinion is verifyd by experience in the mountain of _Potosi_,
where several mines have fallen in and buryd the workmen with their
tools. After some years they have dug the same place, and discoverd
many bones and pieces of wood with veins of silver actually running
through them.

These mines belong to him who first discovers them. He immediately
presents a petition to the magistrates to have such a piece of earth
for his own; which is no sooner done than granted. They measure
eighty _Spanish_ yards in length and forty over, which is about two
hundred foot in length and one hundred in breadth, and yield it to
the discoverer; who chuses what space he thinks fit, and does what he
pleases with it. Then they measure just the same quantity for the king,
which is sold to the best bidders; there being many who are willing to
purchase a treasure which may prove inestimable. If any other person
has a mind to work part of the mine himself, he bargains with the
proprietor for a particular vein. All that such a one digs out is his
own, paying the king’s duty, which is for gold a 20th part, and for
silver a 5th: And some landlords are so well satisfyd with letting out
their ground and their mills, that they live upon the profit.

The mill for grinding and separating the gold from the ore is made
after the manner of our cyder mills. There is first a round stone
cistern about ten foot diameter, with a deep orbicular chanel at the
bottom. This stone cistern is bored in the middle to let thro’ the long
axil-tree of a horizontal wheel placed under it, and wider than the
cistern: the wheel is set round with half pitchers, that it may turn
as the water falls upon them. This wheel turning the axil, causes a
milstone to roll along edgeways by another spindle in the chanel of the
cistern above, which grinds the hard ore put in it.

When the stuff is a little broken, they put quick-silver to it, which
immediately clings to the gold, and leaves the dross: then they let
fall a stream of water, the force of which dissolves the earth, and
drives it out at a notch made for that purpose. The gold with the
mercury lyes at the bottom by its own weight; which, after they have
done work, they gather up and put into a linen bag to squeese out the
quick silver as well as they can: then they lay it to the fire, that
the remainder may evaporate. This is what they call _pinna_ gold, being
clung together like a pine apple; and when this is once melted, it
needs no more refining: so that a gold miner has a great advantage of a
silver one; for the mercury, adhering so naturally to the gold, leaves
all the dross immediately, and the workman knows every day what he
gets: whereas the silver miner can’t know till a month or two after.

The silver ore is ground as the gold aforementiond, or sometimes broke
with iron pounders of 200 weight to fall by a machine. But milling
being the usual way, they grind the ore with water, which makes first a
thin mud that runs out of the cistern into a receiver: whenas ’tis dry
pounded, it must be steept in water and moulded with the feet, which
occasions much more trouble.

The mud is disposed in square parcels of a hundred weight a piece, upon
a smooth floor made on purpose. On each of these they throw a great
quantity of salt, and mix it all together for two or three days; then
they sprinkle it equally with quicksilver, on each mass perhaps about
fifteen pound; for the richer it is, the more mercury it requires. An
_Indian_ moulds each of these squares seven or eight times a day, that
the mercury may incorporate. Sometimes the ore is greasy, and then they
put lime to it: wherein they are cautious; for it is very remarkable,
that sometimes it is so burnt with heat, that the mercury and silver
are both lost. Now and then they intermix a little lead to help the
operation of the quicksilver, which is but slow in cold weather. So
that at _Lipes_ and _Potosi_ they are a matter of six weeks kneading
the ore: and at _Puno_ particularly, they lay a brick pavement upon
arches, under which they make fires to help the works: but in other
countries they do it in eight or ten days.

When the workman thinks the mercury has attracted all the silver,
he takes out a little bit, and washes it in a basin. If the mercury
looks dark, the ore is too much heated; to remedy which, they add more
salt, which makes the quicksilver evaporate. If the mercury is white,
they squeeze a drop of it under the thumb: the silver sticks to the
skin, and the mercury slips away. This they find will do; so that
when all the silver is gatherd up by the mercury, they give the ore
three different washings: and when all the dross is gone, they put the
silver in a woollen bag, which they press between boards, to get the
quicksilver out. After ’tis hung up, draind and prest as much as they
can, they put it into a wooden mould, generally the form of a sugar
loaf, with thin copper plates at the bottom full of holes.

After taking off the moulds, these pieces are calld _pinnas_, which
are set upon a frame over an earthen vessel full of water coverd with
a cap, which they surround with lighted coals. When the mass grows
very hot, the quicksilver that still remains will come out in smoke,
which having no passage, circulates between the mass and the cap, till
descending to the water, it thickens and sinks to the bottom. Thus the
mercury loses but little, and will serve several times, tho’ there must
be a new supply because it grows weak with using.

According to _Acosta_, they use to spend 7000 hundred weight at
_Potosi_ in a year: by which one may judge what vast loads of silver
they got.

When the mercury is quite evaporated, the silver remains a spongey
hollow lump: and this is calld virgin silver; being pure and
unadulterated. All this according to law must be carryd to the mint,
and pay the fifth part to his majesty. There the silver is cast into
ingots or bars of different weight, about a foot long or more. These
bars which have paid the duty can have no fraud in them, but it may
be otherwise with the _pinnas_ uncast: for the maker often intermixes
iron or lead; therefore they should all be opend, and tryd by fire,
which would discover another cheat of wetting them, to make them heavy:
for their weight may be increased near a third part by dipping them
in water, when they are very hot. There are also different degrees
of fineness in the same piece, which might be found out: but the
_Spaniards_ not having convenient places to discover these frauds, and
not caring for it, they e’en let them go.

There are many sorts of silver ore, according to the different
consistence of the earth. Some is blackish mixt with iron, calld
_nigrillo_: another greenish of a copper mixture, calld _cobrisso_:
some white with real silver veins, calld _plata blanca_; and sometimes
the ore is black with lead particles, this is calld _plomo ronco_, and
is commonly the best: because instead of kneading it with quicksilver,
it may be melted in a fornace, and easily parted from the lead. The
old _Indians_ not having, or knowing the use of mercury, got all their
silver from these sort of mines; and having but little wood, used to
heat their fornaces with the leaves of plants, and the dung of their
sheep: they made their fornaces upon the mountains, that the wind might
pass thro’ and keep the fire strong. There is another brown ore like
this last mentiond, where the silver is not seen at all; but if wetted
and rubd against iron, it turns ruddy, calld _rosicler_, and yields
the finest of all silver. There is another sort calld _zaroche_ which
shines like isinglass; and the _paco_ soft and clayish, but neither of
them valuable. Lastly, there is a very choice ore found in one of the
mines of _Potosi_ containing many threads of pure silver, wound up like
lumps of burnt lace: this is calld _arana_, or spider, being something
like a cobweb.

At _Copiapo_ there are gold mines just behind the town, and all about
the country, which have brought many purchasers and workmen thither,
to the great damage of the _Indians_: for the _Spanish_ magistrates
take away not only their lands, but their horses, which they sell to
the new proprietors, under pretence of serving the king and improving
the settlement. Here is a great deal of _Magnet_ and _Lapis lazuli_
which the _Indians_ know not the value of: and some leagues in the
country there is plenty of saltpetre, which often lies an inch thick on
the ground. About 100 mile east upon the _Cordileer_ mountains, there
is a vein of sulphur two foot wide, so fine and pure that it needs
no cleaning. This part of the country is full of all sorts of mines;
but in other respects is so barren, that the natives fetch all their
subsistence from _Coquimbo_ and that way, being a mere desert for 300
mile together: and the earth abounds so much with salt and sulphur
that the mules often perish for want of grass and sweet water. There
is but one river in 200 mile, which the _Indians_ call _Ancalulac_,
or hypocrite, because it runs only from sun-rise to sun-set. This is
occasiond by the great quantity of snow melted from the _Cordileers_ in
the day time, which freezes again at night; where the cold is often so
great, that people’s features are quite distorted. Hence _Chili_ takes
its name, _Chile_ signifying cold in the _Indian_ language: and we
are certainly informd by the _Spanish_ historians, that some of their
countrymen and others, who first traded this way, died stiff with cold
upon their mules: for which reason the road is now always lower along
the coast.

The mine countries are all so cold and barren that the inhabitants get
most of their provision from the coast: this is caused by the salts
and sulphurs exhaled from the earth, which destroy the seed of all
vegetables. The _Spaniards_ who live thereabout find them so stifling,
that they drink often of the _mattea_ to moisten their mouths. The
mules that trip it nimbly over the mountains, are forced to walk gently
about the mines and stop often to fetch breath. If those vapours are so
strong without, what must they be within the mine it self, where if a
fresh man goes, he is suddenly benumbd with pain? and this is the case
of many a one; but the distemper seldom lasts above a day; and they
are not so affected the second time: But vapours have often burst out
so furiously, that workmen have been killd on the spot: so that one
way or other, multitudes of _Indians_ die in their calling. To fortify
themselves against the aforesaid steams, they are continually chewing
_coca_, a herb which is their common preservative.

An observation occurs here to my memory; that upon the road to _Piura_,
the night when we lay down to sleep, our mules went eagerly to search
for a certain root not unlike a parsnip, tho’ much bigger; which
affords a great deal of juice, and in such a sandy plain often serves
instead of water: but when the mules are very thirsty, and they can’t
easily rake up the root with their feet, they will stand over it and
bray till the _Indians_ come to their assistance.

Tho’ the gold mines are more peculiar to _Chili_, yet there are one
or two washing places for gold in the south of _Peru_ near _Chili_,
which I shall now speak of, being the next thing remarkable. About the
year 1709 there were two surprising large lumps of virgin gold found
in one of those places; one of which weighd thirty two pound complete,
and was purchased by the count _de Moncloa_ then viceroy of _Peru_ and
presented to the king of _Spain_. The other was shaped somewhat like an
oxe’s heart. It weighd twenty two pound and a half, and was bought by
the _corregidor_ of _Arica_.

To find these _lavaderos_ or washing places, they dig in the corners
of a little brook, where by certain tokens they judge the grains of
gold to lye. To help carry away the mud, they let a fresh stream into
it, and keep turning it up, that the current may send it along. When
they are come to the golden sand, they turn off the stream another
way, and dig with mattocks; and this earth they carry upon mules to
certain basins joynd together by small chanels. Into these they let a
smart stream of water to loosen the earth, and carry all the gross
part away, the _Indians_ standing in the basins and throwing out all
the stones. The gold at bottom is still mixt with a black sand, and
hardly to be seen till it is farther cleard and separated, which is
easily done. But these washing places differ, for in some there are
gold grains as big as bird shot: and in one belonging to the priests
near _Valparaiso_, some were found from two or three ounces to a pound
and half weight. This way of getting gold is much better than from the
mines: here is no need of iron crows, mills, or quicksilver; so that
both the trouble and expense are much less. The _Creolians_ are not
so curious in washing their gold as the people in _Europe_: but great
plenty makes them careless in that and many other articles.

There are abundance of iron mines in _Peru_ and _Chili_; besides lead,
tin and copper, which the _Spaniards_ intirely neglect, as not worth
their while to work them. Copper serves for a little kitchen furniture;
but most of their utensils are of silver, even those for vulgar uses.

About the town of _Coquimbo_ there is plenty of gold found in the
streams that come down from the mountains after the rain showers.
These showers are only at certain times of the year: but if they came
oftner, they would undoubtedly always have the same effect. And now I
speak of _Coquimbo_, it would be a fault not to mention the charms of
its scituation. It lies in the 30th degree south, a short mile from the
sea. It stands on a green rising ground about ten yards high, which
nature has regularly formd like a terras north and south in a direct
line of more than half a mile, turning at each end to the eastward.
The first street makes a delightful walk, having the prospect of the
country round it, and the bay before it. All this is sweetly placed in
a valley ever green, and waterd with a river, which having taken its
rise from among the mountains, flows through the vales and meadows in a
winding stream to the sea.

_Baldivia_, who built this town in the year 1544, to serve as a resting
place between _Chili_ and _Peru_, pleased with the beauty of the
scituation, and the happiness of the climate, calld it _la Serena_;
signifying tranquillity and mildness; which name it deserved more than
any place in the world. The whole country puts one in mind of the poets
golden age: there the sharp north winds never blow; and the heats are
fand with refreshing gales; so that the revolving year is only spring
and autumn joind together.

_Conception_ lies six degrees higher in a part of the country
abounding, like _Serena_, with all the comforts of life, as well as
inestimable mines of gold. At the king’s station a little to eastward
they have a washing-place, where they have got _pepitas_ or gold grains
of four pound weight: and these sort of washes are innumerable, but
remain as it were undiscovered thro’ negligence and incuriosity. The
_Cordileer_ mountains abound with hardly any thing else but minerals:
this is true of those which have been opend; and very likely all the
rest are so. About 300 miles inwards from _Conception_, there’s one
hill yields copper so remarkable, that _Melendes_ who discovered it,
found lumps weighing a hundred quintals a piece, each quintal being a
hundred weight. Mr. _Frezier_ says he saw one of forty quintals making
into six field pieces, six pounders each. Some are part copper and
part stone, which the inhabitants affirm do all in time breed and grow
intirely to copper. There is another hill adjoyning which is scarce any
thing but loadstone: and many of them afford sulphur and salt: About
the town it self there is pit-coal a few foot under ground. In the year
1510, many mines were found near the _Cordileer_ mountains, affording
at once gold, silver, copper, iron, lead and tin: which destroys the
notion, that different metals are never formd together in one mine.

About twenty mile to the eastward of _Serena_ are the washing places of
_Andacol_, whose gold is twenty three carats fine: and the inhabitants
all affirm that after seventy or eighty years they find them recruited
with gold as plentifully as at first. And the governer of _Coquimbo_ as
well as others have assured, that on the mountains the gold mines are
so numerous that, forty or fifty thousand men might easily be imployd:
but for want of hands, the king of _Spain_ must content himself without
the treasure.

    Spain _in_ America _had two designs;
    To plant the_ gospel _and to seise the_ mines:
    _For where there is no real supply of wealth
    Men’s souls are never worth the charge of health.
    And had the kings of that new world been poor,
    No_ Spaniard _twice had landed on their shore
    ’Twas gold the_ Pope’s _religion there that planted,
    Which, if they had been poor, they still had wanted._

[Illustration]




CHAP. IV.

    _Some account cf the origin of Metals, with various opinions
    concerning their formation in the earth._


The old _Creolian Spaniards_, and some others imagine that this plenty
of gold in _Chili_ was occasiond by _Noah_’s flood, which threw down
the mountains, and broke up the mines, and washd away the gold into
the lower grounds where it now continues. But, besides the great
probability that that deluge was only upon the land of _Palestine_,
_Moses_’s history on which this fancy is founded, rather contradicts
it; and tells us that the deluge made very little alteration in
the surface of the earth. Besides, by all the late discoveries in
_America_, we are convinced that the mountains yield more gold than
the rivers. Common rains may send the gold to the lower parts: for in
_Chili_ the showers that fall from _May_ to _September_, are daily
making new gutters upon the hills, which bring down the golden grains
with them.

Without doubt earthquakes have made great alterations in this part
of the world; some of which, according to several historians, have
changd the scituation of mountains, and turnd rivers into lakes: and
some authors have supposed that these subversions have proceded from
an inward fermentation, which has burst open the hills, and forced the
minerals, before they were duly formd, into the water chanels where
they are so often found. Tho’ this does not at all answer how metals
are formd, yet great commotions have often happend in the bowels of the
earth, and put many things out of their natural position; particularly
shells, which in most countries have been found, sometimes in heaps,
and far enough from the sea where they were first formd.

The native _Indians_ believe that gold and silver breed in the earth
without any original vein; because after certain years the mines and
washing-places have afforded a perfect new supply; several instances
of which I have before mentiond. And it is undeniable, that in _Chili_
these _lavaderos_ are common in the low grounds, where infinite
treasure lies conceald for want of labourers: for the _Spaniards_ apply
chiefly where the profit is most obvious; and when any new mine is
sprung, they all flock thither.

I have been informd at _Lima_, that several _Frenchmen_, whose effects
were confiscated by his _Spanish_ majesty’s order for carrying on an
interloping trade between _France_ and _Chili_, have thought it better
to stay in the country at any rate than return home: and so made shift
to purchase a _Nigro_ or two, whom they imployd to fish for gold in
some of these washing places, which turnd to so good a profit that
they were inabled to settle in _Chili_. I spoke with two of them at
_Conception_. They told me they had but little trouble in doing of it;
that they us’d to watch for the showers, and then carry only a few
sieves to refine the earth. These places were chiefly at the small
cataracts and water-falls, where they told me they had often taken up
considerable grains of gold with their hands: but the _corregidors_
always take care they shall not grow too rich.

As for metals being formd by the sun; ’tis a weak notion and
sufficiently exploded. About forty years ago a violent lighting fell on
the _Illimanni_ mountain, which is between _Chili_ and _Peru_. Great
pieces and splinters thereof were found scatterd about the country, and
they were all plentifully veind with gold, tho’ the mountain is ever
known to be coverd with snow. Therefore that heat which is not strong
enough to thaw the snow, can never be able to generate and form gold in
the mountain under it.

But as those opinions are most rational, which are grounded on real
discoveries, one may find out a better way to account for this thing,
than any before mentiond: and from what has been said, fairly conclude,
that all metals are made and formd by subterraneous fires, which burn
as it were in a kiln, conveying their heat far and near through all
the passages of the earth, as well as the solid mass itself.

These fires are known to be in all the mine countries of _America_;
and may well be supposed to dwell in other parts yet unknown. This
intestine heat gives motion to the salts and sulphurs, being the chief
principles of metals. And tho’ their operation is incomprehensibly
different from all that we know or practise, yet may we form a notion,
that these spirituous vapours are forced by fire into the pores of
stone; where being condensed they insinuate themselves like veins,
extend and grow upwards to the surface.

       *       *       *       *       *

I shall now collect some authorities to confirm the opinion that there
are a race of men in the world calld giants.

_Don Pedro Molina_ governer of _Chiloe_ and several other eye-witnesses
have affirmd that in the country behind the _Cordileer_ mountains,
there is a nation of Indians calld _Caucahues_, of an uncommon _size_,
being near four _varas_ or _Spanish_ yards high; which is ten foot
_English_. These are the people antient travelers speak of calld
_Patagonians_, who live on the eastern side, about 50 degrees south
latitude. I know this has been taken as a fable, because many ships
going down that way, have not chanced to see them; the men who appear
on the _Patagonian_ coast and in _Magellan_ straits being generally of
the common stature: and this is what deceived _Froger_ in his account
of _Degennes_ voyage; for some ships have seen both sorts at once.

In 1704, captain _Harrington_’s men belonging to a ship of St. _Malo_,
saw seven of these giants in _Gregory_’s bay. The crew of the St.
_Peter_, a ship of _Marseiles_ saw six of the same; among whom there
was one distinguisht from the rest by a net-work cap that he wore made
of birds entrails stuck round with feathers. Their garments were skins
with the hair inwards; and they all had bows with cases of arrows: they
helpd the sailors with their boat ashore, and gave them some of their
darts: the men offerd them bread, brandy and wine; but they refused
them all. The next day 200 of them appeard in a body. These men they
believed were more sensible of the cold, tho’ larger than others: for
the ordinary size people along that coast had only a single skin thrown
over their shoulders, whereas the others were cloathed.

       *       *       *       *       *

_The following are Mr._ Frezier_’s words translated._

“What I here deliver on the testimony of creditable persons, is so
agreeable to what I read in many good voyages; that ’tis my opinion
there is much truth in it: and a man may believe there is a nation
of people in the southermost part of _America_, much exceding the
common proportion, without being thought fanciful: the time, place
and circumstances all agreeing, seem to carry a truth sufficient to
overcome the general opinion to the contrary. Perhaps the strangeness
of the sight may have caused their size to be somewhat magnifyd: but
if we consider the height of these men not actually measured, but only
ghest at, we shall find that travelers differ very little from each
other. To strengthen what I have advanced, the reader will excuse me if
I collect what I find in various authors upon this article.

“_Leonardo Argensola_ in the first chapter of his history of the
_Molucca_ islands, says that the same _Magellan_, in the straits that
bears his name, took some men who were fifteen spans, that is eleven
foot high: but they soon pined away and died. In the third chapter
he says that _Sarmiento_’s men fought with some of these people, who
were above three _Spanish_ yards high, that is above eight foot. They
repulsed the _Spaniards_ once: but being attackt the second time, they
took to their heels and run at so great a rate, that according to the
_Spanish_ saying, a bullet would not overtake them.

“There is something like this in _Sibald Dewert_’s voyage 1559, who
being at anchor in the _Green-Bay_ in _Magellan_ straits with five
ships, saw seven _Indian_ imbarkations full of giants; who they ghest
were ten or eleven foot high. The _Dutchmen_ fired at them and drove
them ashore, but they were so terrifyd at the fire arms, that they tore
up the trees to shelter themselves from the musket balls.

“_Oliver North_, who came there a few months after _Dewert_, tells us
that he saw giants ten or twelve foot high: tho’ he had seen other men
of the common size.

“_Spilbergen_, as he enterd _Magellan_ straits in 1615, saw on _Terra
del fogo_ a man of surprizing height got upon a rising ground to see
the ships go by.

“_Shouten_ in the same year being in _Port Desire_, his men went ashore
and found heaps of stones laid in such a form that they had a mind to
see what was under them: and they found bones of a human body between
ten and eleven foot long, that is nine or ten _English_ measure; to
which measure _North_’s account and _Dewert_’s must be reduced.

“Other authorities as well living as dead might be brought to justify
this relation: and tho’ some people have doubted it, yet the several
testimonies aforementiond, joind with the account of giants which we
have in holy scripture, should incline us to receive it for truth.”

       *       *       *       *       *

_Frezier_ has a notion that the _Almighty_ framed at first three
different colors of men; _white_, _black_ and the dark _copper_,
which last is the hue of all the _Indians_ in _America_: and tho’
the holy scripture is silent as to the origin of these, yet he doubts
not that the _Nigros_ or _Blacks_ are children of _Cush Noah_’s
grandson, which is an _African_ word and signifies black. But however
piously affected he and others may be to that divine history, it is
impossible this way to account for the originals of people; or even
conjecture how this great extended continent was first planted: and
without admitting _Preadamites_ we shall meet with endless absurdities.
_Grotius_, who was hardly inferior to any man in wit and learning,
rather than disallow mankind’s beginning with _Adam_, would have it
that _America_ was peopled from _Norway_. The _Norwegians_ planted
_Iceland_; from thence came the _Greenlanders_, who overspread the
north-west islands; and so at last all _America_ came to be peopled.
But when one comes to consider, that the _Americans_ are no more like
the _Norwegians_ than the _Nigros_ are like the _Indians_; and that
in all respects the natives of this new world are quite different
from the other, that reasoning of _Grotius_ is weak and insufficient:
and had he lived to see the _Danish_ account of the _Greenlanders_
with other north discoveries, it would have confounded him; Moreover
’tis certain that the _Chilians_ never lived in a social manner like
other nations, but in single families only; nor have they any ideas of
God or religion in any kind, or the being of a soul, all which they
make a jest of. And tho’ it is said, that at the conquest of these
countries the _Spaniards_ found golden and other images in _Peru_,
which the _Indians_ used to worship; yet it’s probable they were made
only to represent some of their kings, whose memory they held in great
veneration. But as this subject requires a separate treatise rather
than a place in this book, I shall procede in my other design. And I
am persuaded that there must be some more divine influence than the
example and arguments of the priesthood, to produce among the _Indians_
so good as an effect a true belief of the _Gospel_.




CHAP. V.

_Observations on the_ Chili _trade._


The town of _St. Malo_ has always been noted for good privatiers. They
annoyd the _English_ and _Dutch_ very much in their trade during the
whole reign of king _William_, and part of queen _Anne_: and tho’ some
religious-headed people fancy that money got by privatiering won’t
prosper, yet I may venture to say the St. _Malo_ men are as rich and
florishing as any people in _France_. It has thrived so well with them,
that all their _South Sea_ trade is owing to their privatiering; and in
the late war they were so generous, that they made several free gifts
to _Lewis_ XIV. And tho’ our _English Admiralty_ always kept a stout
squadron cruising in the _Atlantic_ ocean, yet we never took one of
their _South-Seamen_; and my reason for it is this, they kept their
ships extremely clean, having ports to careen at which we did not think
of. For in the year 1709, when I belongd to his majesty’s ship the
_Loo_, being one of the convoys that year to _Newfoundland_, we saw
upon that coast a 50 gun ship, which we chased, and soon discoverd she
was _French_ built; but she crowded sail and left us in a very little
time. She had just been cleand at _Placentia_: and we might well wonder
to find such a ship in that part of the world, but were afterwards
informd by _French_ prisoners that she was a _South-Seaman_ bound to
St. _Malo_, with two or three million of dollars aboard; and was then
so trim, that she trusted to her heels and valued no body. By their
going so far to westward and northward withal, they had the advantage
of westerly winds, which seldom faild of sending them into soundings at
one spirt, if not quite home. But since _Placentia_ has been yielded
to _Great Britain_, they now make use of St. _Catharine_, the island
_Grande_ on the coast of _Brasil_, and _Martinico_ in the _West Indies_.

This trade succeded so well that they all fell into it, sending every
year a matter of twenty sail of ships: I my self saw eleven sail
together on the coast of _Chili_ in the year 21: among which were
several of 50 guns, and one that would mount 70 calld the _Flower de
Lis_, formerly a man of war. All this being contrary to the _Assiento_
treaty between _Spain_ and _Great Britain_, frequent memorials were
presented at _Madrid_: and the king of _Spain_ willing to keep up his
ingagements with _England_, resolved to gratify the _British_ court
by destroying the _French_ trade to the _South-Sea_. His _Catholic_
majesty knew there was no way to do this, but by a squadron of men of
war. He knew likewise that few of his own subjects were acquainted with
the navigation of _Cape Horne_, or could bear the extreme rigor of
the climate: therefore was obliged to make use of foreigners for this
expedition; and three of the four ships that he sent were mand with and
commanded by _Frenchmen_, according to the old saying, Set a thief to
catch a thief.

The first was the _Glocester_ of 50 guns and 400 men, formerly an
_English_ man of war: the second was the _Ruby_ 50 guns and 350 men
another _English_ ship: the third was a fregat of 40 guns and 200 men:
the fourth was the _Leon Franco_, a _Spanish_ man of war of 60 guns and
450 men all _Spaniards_. _Monsieur Martinet_ a _French_ gentleman was
commodore of this squadron, and commanded the _Glocester_: _Monsieur
La Jonquiere_ had the _Ruby_; the rest I forget. The _French_ performd
their navigation well enough, and got round the _Cape_ tho’ it was in
the middle of winter: but the last of the four being _Spaniards_, after
several attempts, could not weather _Cape Horne_, but was forced by
utter necessity to bear away back to the river of _Plate_, where at
last the ship was unfortunately cast away.

It looks here as if an experiment was made to see if the _Spaniards_
were hardy enough to go through that terrible navigation: but as they
have little or no trade into any cold climates, and unused to hard
work, ’tis no wonder they faild in that point. The _Biscayners_ indeed
are robust fellows enough, and if the _Leon Franco_ had been mand
with them, she had certainly doubled the cape with the other three
ships: but the _Spaniards_ in general, ever since their possessions in
_America_, are grown so delicate and indolent, that it would be hard to
find an intire ship’s company able to perform that navigation.

The great advantage of the trade of _Chili_ this way is so manifest,
that his _Catholic_ majesty is obliged by treaties to shut out all
nations from it as well as the _English_, tho’ he makes nothing of it
himself: and it’s very rare that a _Spanish_ ship has gone by _Cape
Horne_. From hence arises the extraordinary price all _European_ goods
fetch at _Chili_ and _Peru_: I have been told at _Lima_ that they often
are sold at 400 _per cent._ profit; and I may say the goods that are
carryd from _France_ by _Cape Horne_ are in themselves 50 _per cent._
better than those that go in the _Flota_ from _Cales_ to _Cartagena_,
or _La vera Cruz_: because the former are delivered fresh and undamaged
in six months; whereas the other are generally eighteen months before
they can come to _Chili_: so that the _French_, during the foresaid
interloping trade, made their markets, furnishd themselves with
provision, and got home again in twelve or fourteen months time.

When _Martinet_ arrived at _Chili_, in the year 17, with the king of
_Spain_’s commission to take or destroy all his countrymen that were
trading there clandestinly, he soon found imployment for his three
ships, the fourth being lost as aforesaid. And of fourteen sail of St.
_Malo_ men there was but one escaped him; she being landlockt in a
little creek, where she lay hid till he was got to leeward: after which
she weighd and came away with half her cargo unsold.

Tho’ all this was to execute the orders of his _Catholic_ majesty,
and doing a sensible pleasure to the _British South-Sea_ company: yet
the _Creole Spaniards_, especially the trading part of them, found
themselves almost ruind by it; because it hinderd the circulation of
money, and spoild business, so that they could not bear the sight of
the _French_ men of War, tho’ they liked the _French_ merchantmen well
enough. On the other hand, the _French_ imagining they had done the
_Spaniards_ effectual service, expected, no doubt, civil treatment
while they stayd among them. But as soon as _Martinet_ brought his
prizes into _Callao_, and the _Frenchmen_ had received their proper
shares, they forgetting the old antipathy of the _Spanish_ to the
_French_ nation, gave themselves extravagant airs ashore by frisking
and drinking that still incensed the _Creolians_ more against them,
who calld them _Gavachos_ and _Renegados_ for falling foul on their
own countrymen. From one thing or other their mutual quarels grew so
high that the _Frenchmen_ were forced to go in parties about _Lima_ and
_Callao_, the better to oppose public outrages and affronts. At last a
young gentleman, who was ensign aboard the _Ruby_ and nephew to captain
_Jonquiere_, was shot from a window in one of these frays; and the
malefactor took sanctuary in the great church at _Callao_. _Martinet_,
_Jonquiere_ and the other captain join in a petition to the viceroy,
that the murderer may be deliverd to justice: but the viceroy being an
archbishop would by no means violate mother church to humour any body.
Upon which they orderd all their men aboard by public beat of drum, and
brought their three ships with their broadsides to bear on the town of
_Callao_; threatning to demolish the houses and fortification, unless
the rogue was deliverd up or executed. All this blustering could not
prevail with the viceroy to give them any satisfaction, tho’ they
had several other men killd beside the gentleman. At last _Jonquiere_
unwilling to use extremities, and no longer able to bear the place
where his nephew was murderd; obtaind of his commodore _Martinet_, that
he might make the best of his way home.

About this time many fathers and other rich passengers were got
together at the town of _Conception_, intending when this squadron
came by, to take their passage to _Europe_: for they knew that all
ships bound by _Cape Horne_ must touch at _Conception_, or thereabouts,
for provision. Herein _Jonquiere_ got the whip hand of his commodore
having now the advantage of so many good passengers in his ship; for
as the king of _Spain_ has no officers at _Conception_ to register the
money shipt there, so it’s unknown what great sums these passengers
and missionaries put on board the _Ruby_. The reason why there are no
such officers, is because ’tis not worth while, all the money going the
north way to come home in the _Flota_.

By this opportunity the _padres_ and others gaind two great advantages;
first they were spared the trouble of a voyage to _Panama_ or
_Acapulco_; and thence traversing the continent to _Portobello_ or _La
vera cruz_, where they must expect to have had their coffers visited
to see if the _Indulto_ to his Majesty was fairly accounted for. And
then they saved every shilling of the said indulto or duty, because
the _Ruby_ touchd first in _France_, where no cognisance at all was to
be taken of the affair. So that as they saved one moiety of the duty
payable in _America_, they likewise got clear of the other payable in
_Spain_, because the ship arrived in _France_ where they put all their
money ashore.

There was on board the _Ruby_ beside these passengers money,
a considerable sum arising to his _Catholic_ majesty from the
confiscation of the thirteen interlopers taken by this squadron.
All which together I was well informd amounted to four million of
dollars aboard that ship. What a fine booty then have we missd, thro’
_Shelvocke_’s obstinate conduct? For when this same ship _Ruby_ found
us in the harbour of St. _Catherine_; _Jonquiere_’s company, as I said
in my first section, were so infirm, that he had not more than sixty
well men in 400 souls: so that he really was afraid of us; and would
not even send his boat ashore to the watering place, where we kept
guard, and our coopers and sailmakers were at work, till he had first
askd our captain leave. Nor is this at all strange, for understanding
we had a consort, he was really in pain all the time he was there,
lest the _Success_ should come in: and if _Shelvocke_ had not wilfully
lost company with _Clipperton_, and perversly determined never to
joyn him, which he might have done at _Canarie_, there is probability
enough that we should have met with _Jonquiere_ at sea, if not at _St.
Catherine_: then our business had been done for this time without going
any farther: and we were certainly able as it was, to carry the _Ruby_
our selves, had we known her condition.

After captain _Martinet_ had cleard the coasts of _Peru_ and _Chili_ of
his countrymen; he sent express with the news to _Madrid_ his brother
in law _monsieur de Grange_, who came by way of _Portobello_, _Jamaica_
and _London_. Upon delivering his message the king askd him, what he
should do for him. _De Grange_ humbly beggd, that his majesty would
please to give him the command of a ship to go round _cape Horne_
again. He accordingly had the _Zelerin_ of fifty guns. He came first
to _Cales_ where the ship was getting ready, but was surprizd to find
a very cold reception from the _French_ merchants and other gentlemen
of his acquaintance residing there, for as there were merchants of
several nations interested in the ships taken and confiscated as
aforesaid, they unanimously lookd upon him and all the _French_ aboard
that squadron to be false brethren for serving a foreign power to the
prejudice of their own countrymen: and while he expected a valuable
cargo consignd to himself, being what he aimd at, he found himself
quite disappointed; for no man would ship the value of a dollar with
him.

Captain _Fitzgerald_ who was then at _Cales_ seeing this, made him a
considerable proposal for the privilege of going his next officer,
and to take aboard what goods he could procure in his own name. _De
Grange_ being a little imbarrast accepted the offer, and obtaind from
court a commission for him as second captain. Accordingly they mand the
_Zelerin_ chiefly with _French_, and some _English_ seamen; and away
they went, getting very well round the _cape_. When our two privatiers
_Success_ and _Speedwel_ were known to be in the _South-Sea_, this
same ship _Zelerin_ was one of those commissiond by the viceroy of
_Peru_ to cruise for us. _Fitzgerald_ sold his goods at _Lima_ to great
advantage, where he continued, while _De Grange_ served as captain
under the admiral _Don Pedro Midranda_ who took me and the rest of us
prisoners.

The _St. Malo_ merchants, tho’ great sufferers by so many
confiscations, were not much discouraged; for in the year 20, we found
the _Solomon_ of _St. Malo_ carrying 40 guns and 150 men at _Hilo_ on
the coast of _Chili_ with several small _Spanish_ barks at her stern.
She sold her cargo in six weeks time, got a fresh supply of provision
and left the coast without interruption; for by this time _Martinet_’s
squadron was all come away. The _Solomon_’s good success gave them such
incouragement that they immediately fitted out fourteen sail together;
all which arrived in the _South-Sea_ beginning the year 1721: three of
whose commanders having the best acquaintance among the _Creolians_,
quickly sold their cargos and returnd home.

About this time the people of _Lima_ judged the _English_ privatiers
were gone off the coast, at least that no more hostilities would be
committed, because of the truce made between the two crowns. Whereupon
the three _Spanish_ men of war fitted out chiefly to cruise on us, were
orderd against these fresh interlopers. I was on board the _Advice_
boat calld the _Flying Fish_ in company with the said three men of war,
when they came up with the eleven sail of _St. Malo_ men altogether on
the coast of _Chili_; and instead of firing upon them, the _Spaniards_
joynd them like friends. The _French_ expecting to be attackt, kept all
together in a line and dared the men of war to begin. This to me seemd
new, that three such ships purposely fitted for this cruise, should on
their own coast decline doing their duty: for had they proved too weak
they had ports of their own under their lee. In short, the men of war
contented themselves to watch the others motion, keeping them always
in sight: and when any of the _French_ ships steerd to the shore, the
_Spaniards_ sent their pinnace or long boat with the _Spanish_ flag
hoisted; the sight of which effectually deterrd the _Creoles_ from
treating or trading with the _French_. Thus they made shift to hinder
all these ships disposing of their goods: except they were met by
chance at sea and sold some clandestinely. At length, being tired out,
the _Frenchmen_ got leave to take in provision, and went home with at
least half their goods unsold. Notwithstanding all this and the severe
edicts against it in _France_, I know they still continue the trade,
tho’ privately: nor is it probable they will ever leave off so sweet a
commerce, except some other power prevent it.

With these remarks I shall bring this book to a conclusion; having
indeavourd through the whole, to make all the subjects agreeable:
even the controversial part of it, as it was unavoidable, I hope is
inoffensive. After all my difficulties and sufferings, my personal pain
and anxiety of mind, I have one pleasure remaining; which is gratefully
to thank those gentlemen who used me and my ship-mates with great
kindness and generosity while it was our fate to be confined in so
remote a part of the world.

_Don Pedro Midranda_ the admiral who took us, used us with great
humanity, and permitted me to eat with him while aboard.

_Monsieur de Grange_ his second captain who gave me a whole sute of
apparel as soon as we were taken, having been stript by the soldiers
that first boarded us.

_Don Jeronimo Baldevieso_ and _Don Antonio Chierose_, who handsomly
entertaind three of us at _Piura_ at the admiral’s request, before we
were sent to _Lima_.

Captain _Nicholas Fitzgerald_ who passd his word for me at _Lima_;
entertaind me in his house; gave me money and all necessaries during
the eleven months I was there, and afterwards gave me and twenty more
our passage to _Cales_, and wages to those who workd.

_Don Juan Baptista Palacio_ a worthy _Spaniard_ of _Biscay_, knight of
the order of _St. James_, who came weekly to the prison at _Lima_, and
gave money to all our men as well as _Clipperton_’s, according to their
degree.

To captain _John Evers_ of the _Britannia_, who gave me his table and
my passage to _London_.

And to the following persons of honour and worth who presented me
ten guineas each upon my appearance in _London_, as a token of their
concern for my hardships.


The right honorable _Henry_ earl of _Lincoln_.

  _Edward Hughes_        }
  _William Sloper_       }  Esquires.
  _Alexander Strahan_    }

  _Samuel Winder_        }
  _Beake Winder_         }
  _Henry Heal_           }  Merchants.
  _John Barnes_          }

  _Humphry Thayer_       }
  _Thomas Stratfield_    }  Druggists.

Thus have I led my reader through the voyage.--When I first thought
of this work, I intended only to clear my self from the infamous
reflexions of captain _Shelvocke_; but being authorised by men of
worth and distinction, I determined not only to justify my self
and fellow-sufferers, but to give this full account of the whole
expedition: for _Shelvocke_’s is no account of the voyage at all, but
a libel invented to give a gloss to all his evil actions, and blind
those who knew nothing of the story. And tho’ the undertaking proved
abortive, ’tis fit mankind should know the true reason of it, and not
be deceived with base accounts to palliate base actions. Neither do I
think it should be any discouragement to a future subscription of this
kind; for the mistakes in this voyage may be of great use to others,
tho’ they have ruind some of us, and been injurious to all.

[Illustration]




[Illustration]


    _An_ ACCOUNT _of the_ JESUITS settlement in the province of_
    Paraguay _in south_ America.(_translated from the_ French.)


Tho’ many of the _European_ powers have planted colonies in _America_
since the _Spanish_ conquest, yet there never was in any country one
so remarkable, as the settlement of the jesuits in _Paraguay_: The
beginning of it was only about fifty families of _Indians_, which these
fathers collected together, and seated in the middle of the country:
since which it has multiplyd so fast, that there are now 300,000
families; which at the usual computation is two million of souls.
These possess some of the finest land on all the continent, lying
along the river _Paraguay_, between twenty and thirty degrees south
latitude; 600 mile north of _Buenos Ayres_; as much to the south of the
_Portuguese Paulists_, and 400 from the province of _Tucuman_: being
separated from _Chili_ by the _Cordileer_ mountains.

The jesuits have not been able yet to carry their mission farther among
the _Indians_ for want of more fathers: otherwise they could take in 5
or 600 mile of as good pasturage as the world affords. But the country
they now possess is as fruitful as any, and as well waterd; having
their meadows full of sheep and black cattle. They have also stock
enough of timber, corn, indigo, flax, cotton, sugar, pulse and fruit:
and what excels all this, they have mines of gold and silver tho’ the
good fathers won’t own it: however, there have been so many proofs of
it, that it is now indisputable.

The natives are good humourd, tractable and laborious; and by
management of the jesuits learn all useful trades. They are divided
into forty two parishes, which like towns lye five, ten and twenty mile
asunder. Every parish has a _Padre_ for their sovereign, who is obeyd
with exact fear and respect. He punishes every crime as he thinks fit:
so that he is both their absolute priest and king.

The common discipline is a certain number of stripes with a whip,
according to the nature of the transgression. The magistrates whom
they put in under them, are not excused from the same punishment:
but which is very particular, he that is soundly flogd comes humbly
and kisses the father’s sleeve, owns his fault and thanks him for
the chastisement. And this is the way one man governs seven or eight
thousand families: so that there never was a more complete dominion, or
a more passive, obedient people.

The same method is not only observed in all the parishes, but is also
attended with perfect satisfaction of mind. The _Indians_ are content
with food and rayment; and happy in their condition, tho’ the jesuits
intirely reap the fruit of all their labour. They are taught to expect
the felicities of another life, and stedfastly believe the reverend
fathers have the distribution of that happiness. There are warehouses
in each parish, where the people carry all their manufacture, goods and
provision: for they must not eat a chicken of their own, without it
comes in their daily allowance.

Next let it be considerd what vast profit these sovereign ecclesiastics
make of the work of such a multitude of hands. If it is only allowd
that each family brings them clear three pound a year: the total
produce of 300,000 families will be nine hundred thousand pound _per
annum_. Then consider the trade they have to all _Chili_, _Peru_ and
_Mexico_ for the herb _Camini_, or _Paraguay_ tea; where a prodigious
quantity is drank, and at a moderate computation brings them 200,000
pound a year, (all _East-India_ tea being there prohibited.) Their
other commodities must be likewise sold to good advantage; and the
gold dust which the _Indians_ gather up from the washes, when the
river waters have left them, is an unknown revenue. Nevertheless,
these fathers will tell ye, their gospel mission costs them a great
deal of money and pains, and that their income is inconsiderable: but
the jesuits gold and silver coind and uncoind, which comes every now
and then into _Europe_, the shining magnificence of their churches,
and their commerce, which is known to all the _Spaniards_ as well as
others, are demonstrations to the contrary.

’Tis not amiss here to describe the church and habitation of one of
those fathers, as it was related by two _Frenchmen_ belonging to a ship
of _Nants_ commanded by _monsieur d’Escaseau_.

When that ship set sail from the port of _Maldonad_ designing for
_France_, the said two _Frenchmen_ happend to be ashore; and at so
great a distance, that when they came down the boat was gone off
without them. One of these was captain of the small arms, and the other
a serjeant. Being at a loss what to do on a desert coast, they resolved
to advance up the country, and live upon what their muskets would bring
them. In three days they met _Indians_ with beads round their necks,
who kindly received them; and, understanding they were _French_, made
many signs of respect: for they are taught to love that nation and
distinguish them from all others.

They led them up to the _Mission_, several days journey from the
place where they met; and in their way lived upon wild cows, which
the _Indians_ catch when they please, by throwing a noose at ten or
fifteen yards distance so cleverly round their horns, that they easily
come to: which done, they hamstring them and cut their throats.

The _Frenchmen_ being arrived at the _Mission_, were handsomly
entertaind by the jesuit, lord of that parish; at whose apartment they
stayd four months without going once abroad. After this they returnd to
_Buenos Ayres_ under a guard of _Indians_.

The account they gave is as follows. That _Father_’s parish church
is long and spacious, enterd by a portico of several handsome steps;
and supported by eight columns of a good order and well wrought. Over
the door within is a gallery for the music in divine service, which
consists of sixty persons, voices and instruments. There are seats in
the church, where the men are placed according to their seniority and
office: the women sitting in a neat gallery by themselves. The great
altar is defended by a ballustrade of _India_ wood curiously turnd. The
military officers are placed on the right, and the _Caciques_ or civil
magistrates, on the left.

The back of the altar is very richly coverd. In the middle are three
large paintings, framed with solid gold and silver. Above these are
several gravings, and _base relieves_ in gold. The top is finisht with
wood-work richly wrought and gilt up to the roof. On either side the
altar is a wooden pedestal, plated at top with gold, upon which stand
two saints of solid silver. The tabernacle is gilt with gold; and
the _pyx_ wherein the host is kept is of solid gold, set round with
emeralds and other costly stones. The ends and foot of the altar are
hung with brocades fringed with gold. In short, the candlesticks and
other vessels of plate, with which the altar is drest in service time
amidst a great number of wax-lights, make a splendor beyond expression.

There are two small altars, on the right and left of the church, adornd
in proportion to the other: and in the middle towards the ballustrade,
is a large silver candlestick of thirty gilt branches, hanging from the
roof by a silver chain. By all which a man may form some idea of the
riches of that settlement, if the other parishes are like this, which
is very rational to believe.

The _presbytery_ or father’s dwelling consists of several rooms and
a hall furnisht with images and pictures, where the _Indians_ wait
the good father’s levee till he comes forth to give audience. These
lodgings are surrounded with green walks, gardens, and out-houses for
servants. The whole with the church making a large noble square and
walld in.

The forty two jesuits are independent of each other’s government; and
are answerable to no power on earth, but the principal of the convent
of _Cordova_ in _Tucuman_; who makes a general visitation once a year
through the _Mission_, attended by a numerous guard of horse. When he
arrives at the parish, the _Indians_ are to shew all respect and joy.
The magistrates approach him with fear, and a down cast head; while the
common people kneel, and cross their hands as he passes along. While he
stays in the _Mission_, every parish makes up the last year’s account
of their whole expense and income.

All their merchandizes are carryd by water to _Santa Fe_, which being
their great magazine, they keep there a general factor. from thence
they are carryd to _Buenos Ayres_ by land; where they appoint
another factor. From these chief towns they dispose of their goods to
the chapmen of _Peru_, _Chili_, and the three provinces of _Paraguay_,
_Buenos Ayres_ and _Tucuman_. And we may justly conclude, that this
_Mission_ of jesuits carries on more trade than the three provinces
together.

The business of the civil officers is to write down the number of
families, visit their houses, overlook their work, and deliver the
jesuits orders. And as kissing the father’s sleeve is counted an
earnest of their future immortal happiness, this welcome kiss is
promised them as a reward in this life for doing their duty and
minding their work. There are other task-masters for the country, to
whom they strictly declare the produce of every thing, even to an
egg; and are obliged, under certain penalties, to carry all into the
proper store-houses. Servants also are appointed to parcel out to each
family twice a week their allowance of provision: which is done with
surprizing order in the father’s presence. And tho’ these priests are
sufficiently paid for their care and vigilance; yet, to their praise it
must be ownd, they are indefatigable in their labor, to prevent the
people murmuring or misimploying their time. Formerly two jesuits were
in each parish; but since their great increase there is only one, till
they get more from _Europe_.

The _Indians_ are not sufferd to drink wine, or any spirituous liquor.
Herein the good priests copy the law of _Mahomet_, who likewise forbid
his disciples the use of wine; lest being spirited up, they should
rebel, shake off their yoke, and overturn the empire he had founded.

The jesuits marry their men and women young, to fulfil perhaps the
first commandment given to _Adam_, _Increase_ and _multiply_, or for
other wise ends. The first precepts the children learn, are to fear God
and the jesuit; to be humble and patient, and not in love with this
world.

As the civil government is well orderd, so is the military. Every
parish according to its power, is obliged to maintain some regiments
of horse and foot. Each regiment hath six companies of fifty men with
proper officers, and an adjutant who exercises them every sunday
evening. Those officers are traind up from father to son; so that the
military discipline becomes natural, and their forces march in great
order. For this reason the parishes have all an easy communication,
that their army may soon be formd under their proper commanders, of
whom one of the jesuits is generalissimo. Their small arms are swords,
muskets and slings; which last being natural to them, they can throw
heavy stones; and hit a mark at a great distance.

The whole _Mission_ can draw together 60,000 men in a week’s time.
Their pretense for keeping up so great a number is, because the
_Portuguese Paulists_ sometimes make excursions and take away their
people: but the _Spaniards_ laugh at this, well knowing that the
jesuits keep these standing forces to prevent any foreign power giving
disturbance to their colony.

Their omitting to teach the _Indians_ the _Spanish_ tongue, and
forbiding them to converse at all with that nation when they are
sometimes sent to work in the towns for the king of _Spain_’s service,
is plain they mean to keep their government to themselves. For when
any stranger, as these two _Frenchmen_, are driven there by accident,
they are shut up while they stay. And when the _Spaniards_ themselves
passing up the river _Paraguay_ have occasion to touch upon their
settlement, they dare not go beyond their church walls: and when they
beg leave to see the town, the jesuit is sure to walk with them, and
all the _Indians_ are taught to keep in, and shut their doors. They
have other precautions, one of which is, to send out good detachments
of troops to clear their frontiers from _St. Gabriel_’s isles to the
_Maldonad_ hills, and hinder all communication with their country, for
the sake of their gold and silver mines; of which we shall give two
instances. The _Falmouth_ of _St. Malo_ being lost in 1706 near the
_Flores_ islands, some of these troops plunderd part of her cargo;
which they afterwards restored by the interposition of the governer of
_Buenos Ayres_. Two years after this, the _Atlas_ was cast away at the
_Castiles_, and the crew having saved some of their best effects, were
marching over the country to the _Maldonades_, thinking to get home
again by sea; but were met by the _Indians_, who took all from them.
However, they had luckily buryd their silver upon the coast, to the
value of several thousand dollars, which they afterwards took along
with them.

At the foot of the _Maldonad_ mountains are good mines, which were
discoverd by _Pacheco_, who lived at _Buenos Ayres_ and was formerly
miner of _Potosi_ in _Peru_: they are about seventy mile from the
port, and forty from _Montevide_. The governer of _Buenos Ayres_ being
acquainted with it, sent workmen with _Pacheco_, who dug up the place
and returnd with a good quantity of gold ore. But _Valdes Inelau_
the governer being bribed by the father of the _Mission_, gave out
that he had made trial of the ore, and it would not answer the charge
and trouble. However _Pacheco_ kept what he had got, and saw it was
only a trick of the jesuits, to prevent any new settlement near their
dominions.

Some of the said ore was lately tryd in _France_, but yielded little,
being taken from neat the surface. But _Pacheco_, who is known to be as
good a miner as any, says, there is no richer earth in _America_ than
that place affords: and doubts not the rivers thereaway are fertile
of gold dust, as those near the _Paulists_. The young _Indians_ in the
parish of _St. Dominic_, have several times brought gold to _Buenos
Ayres_, which they got privately from the _Mission_; from whence we may
infer there is a good deal of it.

In the year 1706, the aforesaid _D’Escaseau_, being in _Maldonad_ port,
met with some of these _Indians_, who came in a small detachment to
drive some cattle up to the _Mission_. He talkd with them, and made
them a present. In return, they told him if he would go up the country
to a place they pointed at, he might get silver enough. The priests
have all along been jealous, lest the _Spaniards_ should find any of
these mines, because a settlement of that kind might be of dangerous
consequence: and they have taken care to clear the country on that side
of all cattle and provision whatsoever.

From the foregoing particulars, ’tis evident that the jesuits affect
sovereignty and arbitrary rule; and the three chief objects of their
desire are power, splendor and riches. Their method of educating and
governing their people, from whose industry arises all they enjoy,
allowing them the bare necessaries of life; their care to prevent any
communication with the _Spaniards_; their caution when any stranger
comes to their _Mission_ by accident; their standing forces, and
scowring their borders to prevent any new settlement near their limits;
are all manifest arguments that they design to continue independent:
and not only conceal what revenues they have, but many other advantages
they are not yet quite possest of.

Some casuists will say, that all these nations round _Paraguay_ belong
to his _Spanish_ majesty as king of the _Indies_; _Paraguay_ it self
being possest by the _Spaniards_ in 1540, and governd by the viceroy
of _Peru_. According to these gentlemen, the true divine right is the
right of conquest: so that all these _Indians_ are his natural born
subjects, and should obey him alone. They ought freely to parcel out
their land, and dispose of their own crop, and otherwise injoy the
fruit of their labor, whether in the mines or manufactures: this would
make it a regular colony, and cause a general circulation of trade and
money. Doubtless the poor _Indians_ would be glad of all this: but
the wise fathers argue a different way, That since they have got them
under subjection, and brought them into great rule and order, they have
at present a fair title to their allegiance: especially since all this
is done without cruelty or force of arms. ’Tis true, the _Indians_ can
call nothing their property, but give up all as the inheritance of two
and forty ecclesiastical kings ruling two million of good natured loyal
subjects.

We shall give one instance of the great authority of these fathers,
and the duty of their people. When the governer of _Buenos Ayres_
was orderd to besiege St. Gabriel belonging to the _Portuguese_, a
body of 4000 jesuit _Indians_ came to assist him. After lying a short
time before the town, the said governer orderd the attack at four in
the morning. The _Indians_ not receiving their orders from their own
commander, refused to obey; and threatend to revolt: whereupon the
right reverend general was acquainted with it, who not being yet come
from his tent, made haste to the army, and put himself at the head
of his forces: when the _Indians_ immediately formd themselves, and
executed his commands.

The jesuits ought to pay the king a yearly subsidy of so much a
head for every _Indian_ through their settlement, according to the
capitation tax. But this, if paid, is sufficiently returnd by the wages
the _Indians_ receive, when they work for the king, who at the year’s
end is often made debtor to the _Mission_. For, in the first place, the
jesuits dont give in the number of half their families to be taxt. Then
the governer of _Buenos Ayres_, who ought once in five years to visit
all their _Mission_, and take an exact list, is stopt in his journey,
and gratifyd for his trouble: so that he finds it better to take their
own list. And lastly, when 500 _Indians_ are imployd in the king’s
service, the good fathers charge him 1000.

Thus is his _Catholic_ majesty served, not only in the south _Indies_,
but in all other parts of _America_; where his revenues are half sunk
in feignd imployments and imaginary applications. As for the settlement
of the jesuits, I shall only make this observation upon it, That all
people are more naturally led than driven; and the same policy that
founded this government will probably maintain it, if the fathers keep
a succession out of their own society. If ever they make a present of
this colony to a foreign power, it must be that of _France_: for the
_Spaniards_ and _Portuguese_ are hated by all the _Americans_ for their
tyranny and pride: and no other _Romish_ power except _France_, would
be able to defend and support its title.

[Illustration]




_MEMORANDUM._


The circumstance of captain _Shelvocke_’s losing the _Speedwel_ at
_Fernandes_, and his building a bark out of the wreck, has been
received by some people as a most ingenious wonderful performance:
and has been the chief motive of such as never heard the like before,
to buy the book for the sake of that story. Therefore I thought it
proper here to mention, two particular facts of the same kind, tho’ far
superior to that of _Shelvocke_.

       *       *       *       *       *

The one is of _John Oxenham_ of _Plymouth_, in queen _Elizabeth_’s
reign. When Sir _Francis Drake_ had made himself greatly famous for
his exploits against the _Spaniards_ in _America_, the affair at
that time being new, all people were speaking of _Drake_’s glory and
acquisitions. Mr. _Oxenham_ being a sprightly man, and emulous of doing
something very extraordinary, set on foot a subscription at _Plymouth_
to fit out a ship with seventy men to land at the istmus of _Darien_;
hide the ship and leave her there till he returnd; build another vessel
and cross the land by a river thereabouts, and so get at once into
the _South Sea_ and surprize the enemy: for he knew that to go by cape
_Horne_ was very hazardous, tedious and chargeable, especially in
those days. This, tho’ it might seem a strange project and like a wild
chimera, yet ’tis certain he performd it: he left the ship a ground at
_Darien_; coverd her with trees; went inland to a river which leads
into the south ocean; built a bark there 45 foot by the keel, and saild
into the _South Sea_, where he made several rich prizes. However he
afterwards lost them all with his life by the artifices of a lady whom
he took prisoner. If the reader is curious, he may find it at length in
_Hacluit_. Sir _Richard Hawkins_ also has it in his _South Sea_ journal.

       *       *       *       *       *

The other is an example in the reign of king _Charles_ I. After several
experiments were made to find a northwest passage to the _East-indies_,
captain _James_ a very skilful navigator was sent also upon the same
errand: and discoverd more land which he called new _South Wales_. He
wanderd up and down those seas in vain; and then winterd at a place
called by him _Charleton_ island, in 52 degrees. His ship having all
this time received great damage, he there built a pinnace out of the
said ship; and he with his people returnd in it to _England_. See the
journal printed by the king’s command 1633.

If these facts are examined together, besides many that I could mention
done by the buccaniers, pyrates and others, captain _Shelvocke_ will
appear to have done nothing at all to boast of: neither can his
performance hardly bear a comparison.


_FINIS._


Transcriber’s Note:

Page iv, Errata incorporated into book.

Obvious printer errors corrected silently.

Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.





End of Project Gutenberg's A Voyage Round The World, by William Betagh