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EARLY VOYAGES AND TRAVELS IN THE LEVANT.


      *      *      *      *      *      *

The Hakluyt Society.

REPORT FOR 1892.


THE TRAVELS OF PIETRO DELLA VALLE IN INDIA, edited by Mr. Edward Grey, in
two volumes, have been issued to members during the year. More recently,
a volume containing Mr. Markham’s translation of the JOURNAL OF COLUMBUS’
FIRST VOYAGE, together with documents relating to the voyages of John
Cabot and Gaspar Corte-Real, has also been issued.

Mr. Theodore Bent’s EARLY VOYAGES TO THE LEVANT, comprising the Diary
of Thomas Dallam, and extracts from the Diaries of Dr. John Covel, is
now ready for issue; and there will shortly appear, in two volumes, a
collection of EARLY VOYAGES TO HUDSON’S BAY IN SEARCH OF A NORTH-WEST
PASSAGE, edited by Mr. Miller Christy. These contain carefully annotated
transcripts of the rare first editions of the North-West Foxe and Capt.
James’s Voyage.

The President has translated the LETTERS OF AMERIGO VESPUCCI, and other
documents relating to the career of the Florentine navigator, with Notes
and an Introduction. The volume is now ready for the press.

Dr. Robert Brown’s LEO AFRICANUS is also ready for press.

Among other works undertaken for our Society, Mr. Miller Christy has in
hand JENS MUNK’S VOYAGE TO HUDSON’S BAY, translated from the Danish. This
work will complete our series of voyages to the North-West in the first
half of the seventeenth century.

The Council having decided on sending a set of its publications, as
complete as possible, to the Chicago Exhibition, the books (80) were
suitably bound and sent to Chicago. They were placed in the British
Section (Liberal Arts, Group clv), in a case specially made to hold them.
This set has since been purchased by an American book collector at the
price fixed, 310 dollars.

Our list of Subscribers, with a total of 289, shows an increase on
previous years. The balance at the bank was £239 18_s._ 5_d._ at the end
of 1892.

The following Members of Council retire: Mr. Bouverie Pusey, Mr. Ernest
Satow, and Capt. Sir J. Sydney Webb; and the following gentlemen are
proposed for election: Capt. Nathan, R.E., Mr. F. Ducane Godman, F.R.S.,
and Mr. C. P. Lucas.


_Statement of the Accounts of the Hakluyt Society for the year 1892._

  Dr.                                                                   Cr.
  -------------------------------+-----------------------------------------
  Jan. 1.            £  _s._ _d._|                             £  _s._ _d._
  To Balance        266   6    8 | By Insurance                 2  10    0
   ” Subscriptions               |  ” Rent                     20   0    0
       and Arrears  280  70    0 |  ” Printing and Binding    281   3    9
   ” Sales           72   7    0 |  ” Agent, Commission        16  15    0
                                 |  ”   ”  Gratuity for 1891
                                 |           and 1892          10   0    0
                                 |  ” Prætorius for Maps       10   0    0
                                 |  ” Autotype Co., for
                                 |      Portraits of Della
                                 |      Valle and Admiral
                                 |      Button                  9   5    6
                                 |  ” Index for Della Valle     5   5    0
                                 |  ” Mr. Miller Christy, for
                                 |      Transcriptions         10   0    0
                                 |  ” Messrs. Tweedie, Law
                                 |      Expenses                6   0    6
                                 |  ” Advertising in _Literary
                                 |      Circular_               8   0    0
                                 |  ” Cheque Stamps             0   2    6
                                 |  ” Balance                 239  18    5
                   ------------- |                           -------------
                   £619   0    8 |                           £619   0    8
                   ------------- |                           -------------

Examined and found correct, CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM.

      *      *      *      *      *      *


Works Issued by

The Hakluyt Society.

EARLY VOYAGES AND TRAVELS IN THE LEVANT.

No. LXXXVII.


[Illustration: PORTRAIT OF DR. COVEL, From the Painting in Christ’s
College, Cambridge.

_James Hyatt._]


EARLY VOYAGES AND TRAVELS IN THE LEVANT.

I.—THE DIARY OF MASTER THOMAS DALLAM,
1599-1600.

II.—EXTRACTS FROM THE DIARIES OF DR. JOHN COVEL,
1670-1679.

With Some Account of the Levant Company
of Turkey Merchants.

Edited with an Introduction and Notes by

J. THEODORE BENT, F.S.A., F.R.G.S.






London:
Printed for the Hakluyt Society,
4, Lincoln’s Inn Fields, W.C.
M.DCCC.XCIII.

London:
Printed by Chas. J. Clark, 4, Lincoln’S Inn Fields, W.C.


      *      *      *      *      *      *

COUNCIL OF THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.


CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, ESQ., C.B., F.R.S., _Pres. R.G.S._, PRESIDENT.

MAJOR-GENERAL SIR HENRY RAWLINSON, K.C.B., D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S.,
_Associé Étranger de L’Institut de France_, VICE-PRESIDENT.

LORD ABERDARE, G.C.B., F.R.S.

VICE-ADMIRAL LINDESAY BRINE.

ROBERT BROWN, ESQ., M.A., PH.D.

MILLER CHRISTY, ESQ.

THE RIGHT HON. SIR MOUNTSTUART E. GRANT DUFF, G.C.S.I., _late Pres.
R.G.S._

F. DUCANE GODMAN, ESQ., F.R.S.

ALBERT GRAY, ESQ.

C. P. LUCAS, ESQ.

A. P. MAUDSLAY, ESQ.

CAPTAIN NATHAN, R.E.

ADMIRAL SIR E. OMMANNEY, C.B., F.R.S.

E. A. PETHERICK, ESQ.

S. W. SILVER, ESQ.

COUTTS TROTTER, ESQ.

PROF. E. B. TYLOR, D.C.L.

CAPTAIN W. J. L. WHARTON, R.N.

[Transcriber’s Note: no name, a blank space], _Honorary Secretary_.

      *      *      *      *      *      *



CONTENTS.


    PORTRAIT OF DR. COVEL, photographed from the painting at
      Christ’s College, Cambridge, by kind permission of
      Vice-Chancellor J. Peile                            _frontispiece_

                                                                   PAGE

    INTRODUCTION                                                      i

    LIST OF ENGLISH AMBASSADORS TO THE PORTE IN THE SIXTEENTH
      AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES                                    xlii

    ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA                                         xliii

    DALLAM’S TRAVELS (1599-1600)                                      1

    DR. COVEL’S DIARY (1670-1679)                                    99

    INDEX                                                           289




[Illustration]




INTRODUCTION.


§ 1.—OF THE FORMATION OF THE LEVANT COMPANY OF TURKEY MERCHANTS.

The two manuscript diaries which are published in this volume give us the
experiences of men who resided in Constantinople during the earlier days
of the Levant Company. When Master Thomas Dallam went with the present
of a marvellous organ from Queen Elizabeth to the Sultan Mahomed III in
1599, our Company of Turkey Merchants had scarcely organised themselves.
When Dr. Covel went as chaplain to the embassy in 1670, the Company was
still struggling to gain for itself those rights—or capitulations, as
they are called—which formed the basis of the prosperity of the Company
during the ensuing century and a half. Consequently, I think, a succinct
account of the rise of this Company will form a suitable introduction to
the perusal of the diaries themselves.

In the development of our system of commerce the Company of Turkey
Merchants played a most important part, second perhaps only to the great
East India Company, and its history is the history of one of those
pillars on which British prosperity has been constructed. It was a marked
feature of the sixteenth century, when all those Companies—the African
Company, the Muscovy Company, the East India Company—all had their
rise, and by them was laid the foundation of our subsequent mercantile
successes. The Levant Company lived an active life of 244 years; and,
besides the amount of wealth it accumulated for this country, it did
infinite service in the development of art and research, geography and
travel, the suppression of slavery, and the spread of civilisation
in countries which would still have been unapproachable had not the
continued efforts of the 244 years been towards civilisation and humanity.

The history of the capitulations or treaties with which foreign nations
sought to establish themselves in the greatest centre of commercial
enterprise before the opening out of other routes to India is a very
interesting one, and dates back to remote ages, when commercial bodies
were formed in the city of Constantine, at the time when the power of
the Greek emperors was on the wane. As far back as the ninth and tenth
centuries of our era, the emperors of the East granted to the Warings or
Varangians from Scandinavia capitulations or rights of exterritoriality,
which gave them permission to own wharves, carry on trade, and govern
themselves in the Eastern capital: these rights established numerous
_imperia in imperio_ during the succeeding centuries in Constantinople.
The Venetians obtained them early in the eleventh century; the Amalfians
in 1056, the Genoese in 1098, and the Pisans in 1110, and henceforward
they became so general, that the Greeks of the later empire complained
that there were no wharves for themselves, and that they could not
compete with these indefatigable foreign traders; much as we hear
complaints now amongst our own artisans of the influx of German and
Belgian workmen into England.

When the Turks took Constantinople they did little to interfere
with the existing order of things: the Genoese and Venetians got
their capitulations renewed; the right to have disputes with their
fellow-countrymen decided by their own authorities; the right to have
questions between them and Ottoman subjects decided only in presence of
a Venetian interpreter; exemption from the tax imposed on Christians in
lieu of military service; and the right to appoint their own magistrates
in Constantinople. Being a nomadic race, the Ottoman Turks cared little
for commerce: their ships were the caïques of the Greeks; their emperors
wrote their decrees in red ink, as their Greek predecessors had done; and
to the foreign traders who flocked to Constantinople they gave the same
privileges that the Greek emperors had done, and, as far as they were
concerned, the _status quo_ was maintained.

Meanwhile trade was passing westwards; the time was come when the
Portuguese, the French, and finally the English were to succeed the
Italian republics as the commercial nations of the world.

In 1536 Sieur Foret arranged a capitulation for the French between
Sultan Solyman I and Francis I, and the essential articles of this
treaty have been often redrawn and embodied in many treaties with the
different European Powers, and still remain as the foundation of the
many treaties under which foreigners now live in Constantinople: matters
of dispute between Frenchmen were to be decided only by their own
authorities; questions between Frenchmen and Turks were to be decided
only in the presence of the French dragoman; they could appoint their own
magistrates, and were exempt from the _harach_. This was the first of
what we may call the modern capitulations, by which the Western nations
have obtained their footing in Constantinople; they are by no means an
invention of the Turks, but a distinct inheritance from the old Byzantine
days, which they were compelled to adopt, and which has turned out to be
as great a boon to the Mussulman as to the foreigner who obtained it.

In proportion to the exigencies of the Turk and his want of money, the
system of capitulations has increased in strength. Encroachments have
occurred; fresh clauses have had to be introduced to meet the subtleties
of the Turk; the so-called _avanias_, of which we shall hear more in Dr.
Covel’s diary, had to be combated; but, nevertheless, the progress has
been continuous, and no Company has contributed more to the success of
the foreigner on Turkish soil than the “Turkey Merchants” of England.

During the reign of Elizabeth, our infantile commercial adventures were
beginning to make themselves felt. Early in the sixteenth century there
had been a few isolated cases of voyages to the Levant in search of
wealth. From 1511 to 1534 we hear of certain “tall ships belonging to
London, Southampton, and Bristol, which made voyages to the East, trading
with Sicily, Crete, Chios, and sometimes Cyprus, Tripoli, and Beyrout in
Syria”; but there appears to have been no systematic commerce carried on
in English bottoms in those days, most of the trade between the Levant
and England being conducted by the Venetians. So far back as 1513 we had
a consul established at Chios, and in 1534 (Hakluyt, vol. ii, p. 98) we
read of an exciting voyage made by _The Holy Cross_ and _The Matthew
Gonson_ to Crete and Chios, both ships coming back much the worse for
wear. In 1550 Captain Bodenham, with “the great Barke _Aucher_”, went to
Chios, and three years later Anthony Jenkinson went to Aleppo, and got
trading privileges “on a footing with the most favoured nations”. This
was the actual foundation of our future capitulations, and the first
commencement of our Levant Company.

Up to this time the carrying trade between England and the Levant had
been carried on, on ships called argosies, by the Venetians. Sir Paul
Ricaut, son of a London merchant, who was born in 1620, was secretary to
Lord Winchilsea, and consul at Smyrna for eleven years; he wrote, by
the direction of Charles II, a work entitled _The Present State of the
Greek and Armenian Churches_. He also wrote a book entitled _The Present
State of the Turkish Empire_, a very interesting work, the first edition
of which, Pepys tells us, was destroyed in the Great Fire of London. In
this work he tells us that the ships known as argosies were so called
because they were built at Ragusa for the Venetian merchants. “These vast
carracks called argosies, which are so famed for the vastness of their
burthen and bulk, were corruptly so denominated from Ragosies, ships of
Ragusa.” The Ragusans, as merchants, were much to the fore in those days,
prior to the great earthquake, and had, as we see from Dr. Covel’s diary,
an ambassador of their own at Constantinople.

    “Your mind is tossing on the ocean;
    There, where your argosies, with portly sail,—
    Like signiors and rich burghers on the flood,
    Or, as it were, the pageants of the sea,—
    Do over-peer the petty traffickers,
    That curt’sy to them, do them reverence,
    As they fly by them with their woven wings.”

    (Shakes., _Merchant of Venice_, Act i, Scene 1.)

One of these argosies was wrecked off the Isle of Wight about 1575, and
it is said that the Venetians refused to bring merchandise into such
dangerous seas after this catastrophe. Perhaps this argosy may be the
very one which suggested to Shakespeare the shipwreck of the Venetian
merchantman. At any rate, this fact obliged individual action on the
part of the English merchants of the day, and at once necessitated the
formation of a distinct Company, if the trade with the Levant was to be
continued.

Another point also contributed to the starting of an independent trade
with the Levant, namely, a quarrel with Venice concerning the duties on
currants (_State Papers, Domestic_, 11th April, 1606). In 1575 Venice had
granted a patent to one Acerbo Velutelli, a native of Lucca, which gave
him the sole right of importing to England currants and oil from Venetian
dominions. Velutelli contrived to get these articles conveyed to England
on English ships, and, by exacting an export duty for his own benefit,
enriched himself and impoverished the Venetian traders. Venice then
imposed a fine of 5_s._ 6_d._ on currants and oil conveyed to England in
other than Venetian bottoms. Elizabeth retaliated by a similar fine on
their importation, and for a time trade in these commodities was at a
standstill.

Yet another, and that a political, cause promoted our intercourse with
Turkey. Queen Elizabeth was just entering into her vital contest with
Philip II of Spain, and to secure the alliance and co-operation of the
Sultan was one of her favourite schemes at this critical juncture. Until
the reign of Amurath III the English had been altogether strangers to
Turkey; but in 1579 three merchants were sent to Constantinople—William
Harebone, Edward Ellis, and Richard Staple—to spy out the land, as it
were, and, if possible, obtain for English merchants the same social
and commercial privileges that other nations enjoyed. Two years later
Queen Elizabeth formed a treaty charter with Amurath III for five years,
in which he styles himself “the most sacred Mussulman-like Emperor”, and
she also granted letters patent to a small Company entitled “The Company
of Merchants of the Levant”, consisting of Sir E. Osborne, Thomas Smith,
Stephen and William Garret—“because they had found out and opened a trade
in Turkey, not known in the memory of any man now living to be frequented
by our progenitors.”

The first of the Company’s ships to trade with the Levant was sent out
in 1582. It was called _The Great Susan_, and William Harebone, the
first ambassador from England to the Ottoman Porte, was carried out by
her. He established factories at Constantinople, obtained capitulations
from the Porte, and regularly inaugurated our trade there. Harebone was
considerably assisted by the great Vizier Sokolli and the Sultan’s tutor,
the learned historian Seadedin, in his negotiations. (Von Hammer.)

At the same time it is evident that commercial objects were not paramount
in Queen Elizabeth’s mind, but a desire to obtain the Sultan as an ally
against her formidable enemy. In her letters to the Sultan she takes
advantage of the well-known horror the Mahommedans have of image-worship,
and styles herself, “the unconquered and most puissant defender of the
true faith against the idolaters who falsely profess the name of Christ”.

In 1587 her agent in Constantinople presented a petition to Sultan
Amurath III, for assistance against the Spanish Armada, imploring him to
send help “against that idolater, the King of Spain, who, relying on the
help of the Pope and all idolatrous princes, designs to crush the Queen
of England, and then to turn his whole power to the destruction of the
Sultan, and make himself universal monarch.”

Christendom, luckily for the reputation of Elizabeth, never saw an
alliance between the Crescent and the Cross of so peculiar a nature
brought to any ultimate result. The Sultan promised, but did nothing.
Turkey was already on the decline, and her internal troubles occupied
her sufficiently. Ranke, vol. i, p. 433, speaks of “the advances made
by the English Government to the Turks in the time of Elizabeth”, and
this factor had no doubt as much to do with the formation of the Levant
Company as anything else.

In 1586 a charter was granted to fifty-three individuals, with power to
trade in the Levant; and though, of course, the ambassador resided at
Constantinople, in those days the principal mart of English trade was
Aleppo, where Michael Locke was at that time consul, whose account of
the condition of affairs in that city is quaint and interesting. He also
speaks of the trade of Chios being great some years before, and alludes
to it as “the great store of sundry commodities”, and further states that
in 1593 tin was the principal article of export from England. He founded
a factory at Aleppo which was one of the most flourishing in the Levant
for 150 years. The outlet of this commerce was Scanderoon, and we find
all the vessels which traded to the East, including the ship _Hector_,
which took Master Dallam out, going to Scanderoon before Constantinople.

Sir Edward Barton was the first resident ambassador at Constantinople.
Harebone had evidently been only sent out as a plenipotentiary
extraordinary to inaugurate the intercourse with the Levant. Hakluyt
(vol. ii) gives us an account of the present which Sir Edward Barton
took out on the ship _Ascension_ in 1593 for the Sultan Amurath III: “12
goodly pieces of plate, 36 garments of cloth of all colours, 20 garments
of cloth of gold, 10 garments of satin, 6 pieces of fine Holland, and
certain other things of good value.” To his powerful wife, the Sultana
Safiye, Queen Elizabeth sent a “jewel of her Majesty’s picture set with
rubies and diamonds; 3 pieces of gilt plate; 10 garments of cloth of
gold; a very fine case of glasse bottles, silver and gilt; and 2 pieces
of fine Holland.” With Mahomed III, who succeeded his father, Amurath
III, in 1595, Sir E. Barton seems to have been on most intimate terms,
carrying on the traditional alliance, and hopes of possible hope of
support which had been started in his father’s reign.

Mahomed III was the eldest son of Amurath, one of his 103 children. He
was a son of his Venetian wife and favourite, the Sultana Safiye, a
lady of the House of Baffo, who had been captured by a Turkish corsair
in her youth. Mahomed III put nineteen of his brothers to death on his
accession, the grossest instance of fratricide even in Turkish annals. He
was at the outset of his reign chiefly engaged in wars in Hungary, and
in these Sir Edward Barton accompanied him. They ended in the victory of
Cerestes, and, on his return to Constantinople, Sir E. Barton, worn out
by the rigours of the campaign, died. In Sultan Mahomed III’s letter to
Queen Elizabeth, in 1596, he thus alludes to Sir E. Barton: “As to your
highnesse’s well-beloved Ambassador at our blessed Porte, Edward Barton,
one of the nation of the Messiah, he having been enjoined by us to follow
our imperial camp without having been enabled previously to obtain your
highness’s permission to go with my imperial Staff, we have reason to
be satisfied, and to hope that also your highness will know how to
appreciate the services he has thus rendered to us in our imperial camp.”

Mustapha, the first Turkish envoy to England in 1607, also alludes to Sir
E. Barton: “Mr. Barton was in the army ... when Raab, _alias_ Severin,
was won from the Christians.”

Sir E. Barton came of a Yorkshire family, and was sent out to
Constantinople as ambassador in 1593, with the title of “Agent for her
Majesty with the Grand Seignior”. Subsequently, however, he received his
stipend from the Levant Company. He died at Chalki, one of the Prince’s
Islands, in 1597, and was buried at the monastery there. His tombstone
(which Dr. Covel saw, _vide_ p. 281) was displaced and put over the door
of the monastery wrong way up, until Lord Strangford had it put in its
present position, and the following inscription is still legible:—

    “Eduardo Barton, Illustrissimo Serenissimo Anglorum Reginæ
    Oratori viro præstantissimo, qui post reditum a bello Ungarico
    quo cum invicto Turcorum imperatore, profectus fuerat diem
    obiit, pietatis ergo, ætatis anno xxxv. Sal. vero MDXCVII XVIII
    Kal. Januar.”

Mr. Henry Lello was appointed to succeed Sir E. Barton. From the Venetian
Baily’s report we learn about his reception by the Sultan. He calls him
Sir Henry Billoe (Von Hammer), but this is an obvious mistake. Sir Henry
Lello wrote regularly to England an account of affairs as they progressed
at Constantinople. His term of office is chiefly marked by a prolonged
quarrel with the French ambassador, to which Dallam refers in his MS.
(_vide_ p. 81), to settle which the Baily of Venice, one of the Capello
family, was chosen arbiter.

Sir Henry Lello’s correspondence is now in the Record Office, and from
one of his letters we learn officially how the Sultan received the
present which Dallam took out. I herewith transcribe a considerable
portion of it as bearing very good testimony to the accuracy of Master
Thomas Dallam’s MS.:—

                 “_S. P. Foreign, Turkey, No. 4._

          “_Henry Lello to Sʳ Robᵗ Cecil, 21 Oct. 1599._

    “Right Honorable,—I omitted the last curier, for that I
    could not then, nor yet cannott, advize yoʳ honnoʳ of that
    good succes of my ymployment heere wᵗʰ the Gʳ Signior, as I
    expected, by the meanes of the french Ambassador, who, with
    his great bribes (receyvinge now the Pope’s pay), sparethe
    nothinge to hinder all my desingnes in mallice, seinge the
    reputation of Her Majesty is so great in this port, and cheefly
    for the consulledge of forrestiers, wᶜʰ the Grand Signior
    lyttle after the arrivall of the shipp graunted should come
    under Her Majesty’s banner, nothwithstandinge the same was
    formerly graunted by his father and him sealfe, proffering
    all other reasonable demaunds wᶜʰ her Majesty should desire,
    countinge hir frindshipp before that of any other Christian
    Prince, rejoysinge greatly to see the shipp to come into port,
    and more hir princely presents, espetially the instrument and
    plate, whereof hee made great accompt, and at the tyme apoynted
    mee to come present the same; he made demonstration therof
    by spekinge himsealf to me wᶜʰ hath not ever bin used (as is
    reported) to any Cristian prince’s ambassador, the manner
    whereof in breefe I doe hereby advize yoʳ honnor.

    “Althoughe he kept his court out of the Cittie, yett cam hee
    home of purpose for mee to delliver her Majestie’s letter and
    present, and to kisse his hand, at wᶜʰ tyme I apoynted to
    attend upon me xii gentlemen on horsebacke, vested in cloth of
    gould and silver, a gentlem̅ usher, ii pages in white damaske,
    20 menn in livery gownes, xii merchaunts, desently apparelled
    merchaunt-like in blacke, and my sealf attired as richly as I
    might.

    “The captains of the Chowses and Spahees (Chiauses and Spahis)
    were sent to accompany and entertayne mee to the Gʳ Signior
    his pallace, where first in open court before the Gʳ Signior,
    his Pashas, or Counsellors, I declared to them her Maᵗʸᵉ’ˢ
    pleasure, salutations, and requests.

    “Conferring about divers late accidents, espetially of her
    Majestie’s forces against Spaine, and of the peace made
    betweene him and the French Kinge, wᶜʰ thay all seemed to
    dislike, we spent a smale tyme untill the banquett ordayned
    for mee was provided; which being furnished, only I, Halul
    Pasha, the Cheefe Vizier, and a first Pasha, late general of
    _Scelestia_ (Silistria), sate at one Table, the other Pashas
    satt apart by them sealves; at another, a lyttle distant from
    us, satt the ii _Cadiliskers_, or cheefe Judges of all this
    empire, and apart from them ii of the high Tresorors; by them
    satt alone the highe chaunsellors, every one served accordinge
    to his degree, but our Table furnished wᵗʰ the allowance
    and dayenties as are usually served to the Gʳ Sʳ, in great
    variety and abundance; wᶜʰ finished, order was sent by the Gʳ
    Sʳ that before our entrance unto him bothe I and my gentlemenn
    should be clothed in vests out of his Tresorie, wᶜʰ were there
    scarcely found, yet had I ii, and ten for my gentlemenn; and
    so, in company of the Vizeires, I entered into the presence
    chamber, where the Grand Sigioʳ satt uppon a cushion of red
    sattin most richly ymbrodred wᵗʰ pearls, and all his chamber
    floored with Redd sattin Ritchly ymbrodered wᵗʰ gould; and,
    omyttinge the sumptuousnes of the sight, coming to deliver
    my Ambassadge unto him, I first salluted him in her Highnes’
    name; secondly, declared to him the good intelligence betweene
    her Highnes and his father,[1] and of the bennefitt therof
    to both their dom̅nions and subieckts; thirdly, I ymformed
    him of Her Majesty’s pleasure for my Confirmation in former
    charge of Ambassador, requiringe therein not only his Highnes’
    consent, but princely favour in all future occations; and,
    lastly, recom̅ended unto him the affayres of her merchaunts
    traffickinge in his dom̅nions, wher unto hee him sealf
    answered as afore, sainge he did much reioyce at Her Majesty’s
    frindshipp, and prayed God that shee might allwayes have the
    victory over her enemyes as hether unto. Lastly, he tould me
    I should receyve sattisfaction of all I desiered, Licensinge
    me to departe. I was accompanied with Chiauses and other his
    officers to my house, having binn both outward and homward
    Salluted wᵗʰ divers tiers of artillery from the Shipp, for wᶜʰ
    and the favour of the Grand Signoʳ shewed me that day ministred
    many dayes after occation to speak of my Entertainment.

    “But this while thinkinge my sealf sure of all things, the
    French ambassador, with his bribe of 6,000 chickins,[2] did
    not only over throughe our former graunt of counsolledge of
    forresteeres, but all other demandes I made, besides the
    confirmation of our ould Capittulations, the Vizeer denienge me
    audience to shew reason for my just demands.”

    [Then follows a long account of his difficulties owing to the
    interference of the French ambassador, and certain details
    concerning the war in Hungary; and the letter closes as
    follows:—]

    “I comitt yoʳ honnoʳ to Gode’s most mercifull protection this
    21ᵗʰ of October 1599. Yoʳ honnoʳˢ most dewtifull

                         “Ever to comand,

                                                     “HENRY LELLO.”

    _Addressed_—

    “To the right Honᵇˡᵉ Sir Robert Cecill, knight, principal
    secrʳⁱᵉ to the Queen’s most Exᵗ Magᵗⁱᵉ and Her Highnes’
    honorable privie Counseill.”


§ 2.—OF THE DALLAM FAMILY.

Such was the state of affairs in Constantinople when Master Thomas
Dallam, whose diary we here produce, went to present a complicated organ,
which he had made, as a gift from Queen Elizabeth to Sultan Mahomed
III. His MS. diary was written just after the publication of Richard
Hakluyt’s volumes of travels, or else it would in all probability have
been included in them. From the foregoing remarks it will easily be seen
why so handsome a gift was sent out with so much trouble; the Queen was
anxious for the Sultan’s friendship and allegiance against her Catholic
enemies. To further the interests of the infantile Levant Company such
a present would be exceedingly useful, and, in choosing Dallam as the
bearer of this present, Queen Elizabeth evidently selected, as subsequent
events showed, the most skilled man in his craft that she could.

Some interesting notes with regard to this present may be gathered from
the State Papers, Jan. 1596. For some time there had been a discussion
about sending a present to the new Sultan of Turkey. The Levant
merchants apparently thought it would imperil their own safety and their
factories in Constantinople if Sir E. Barton’s papers were not made out
by the Queen, and if the present did not come from her Majesty herself.
Hence, out of compliance with their wishes, Sir E. Barton, though the
Company’s nominee, was accredited as ambassador from Queen Elizabeth, and
the present, which the Levant merchants no doubt paid for, purported to
be from the Queen of England to the Sultan.

In the State Papers, January 31st, 1599, just a month before Dallam set
out on his voyage, the following entry is made: “A great and curious
present is going to the Grand Turk, which will scandalise other nations,
especially the Germans.” This great and curious present was the organ
which Dallam had built, and which he was about to take out in person.

Of the previous history of Thomas Dallam we know little. From the
tombstone of his son in New College, Oxford, we gather that he came from
the village of Dallam, in Lancashire, not far from Warrington. From the
papers of the Blacksmiths’ Company we learn that he came up to London,
and was apprenticed to that Company, and admitted as a liveryman of the
same. In those days the Blacksmiths’ Company had supervision over many
Companies, including the organ-builders, and in this branch of the craft
Thomas Dallam was employed.

From Dr. Rimbault we learn many details concerning this celebrated
family of organ-builders and the instruments they constructed. Of this
particular one, which Dallam made, and which was set up in Whitehall
for Queen Elizabeth’s approval prior to its being shipped off to
Constantinople, there appears to be no other record; but, immediately on
his return from the East, Thomas Dallam seems to have worked hard at his
trade, and he and his sons constructed most of the principal organs of
the seventeenth century.

In 1605-6 Dallam was engaged for fifty-eight weeks in constructing the
organ of King’s College, Cambridge, for which purpose he closed his
workshop in London, and for this work he received the sum of £371 17_s._
1_d._ This organ was destroyed in the civil wars, but the case still
remains. In 1607 he got £1 15_s._ for tuning the same organ, and a like
sum for the sale of surplus tin, and his name frequently occurs in the
College records till 1641. In 1613 Dallam made “new double organs” for
Worcester Cathedral, and got £211. This organ was likewise destroyed in
the rebellion.

On 29th of September 1626, Thomas Dallam was made a steward of the annual
feast of the Blacksmiths’ Company, but did not put in an appearance, and
was fined £10 for neglect of duty. In the following year he petitioned in
court to be let off his stewardship, and his petition was granted him on
payment of certain small fines.

Almost immediately after his return from Constantinople Thomas Dallam
must have married, for his eldest son, Robert, was born in 1602, and was
brought up by his father in the organ-building trade under the auspices
of the Blacksmiths’ Company. Together, between 1624 and 1627, they put up
an organ in Durham Cathedral, which was eventually sold to the Church of
St. Michael-le-Belfry, York, where it remained till 1885, and was finally
disposed of to Mr. Bell, organ-builder, York, for the sum of four pounds.

Robert Dallam also built an organ for Jesus College, Cambridge, for £200,
and several others. Finally, we hear of him as engaged to build an organ
for New College, Oxford; and he died at Oxford, May 31st, 1665, and, from
his tomb in that College we learn certain particulars about the family,
the concluding lines of which would seem rather to refer to his father
than himself, for we have no record of his having travelled in distant
lands. It runs as follows:—

    “Hic jacet Dᵐⁿᵘˢ Robertas Dallam Instrumenti Pneumatici (quod
    vulgo organum nuncupant) peritissimus artifex filius Thomæ
    Dallum de Dallum in comitat: Lancastriæ mortuus est die Maii
    ultimo

    “anno Domini 1665 ætatis suæ 63.

    “Qui postquam diversas Europæ plagas hâc arte (quâ præcipue
    claruit) exornasset solum hoc tandem, in quo requiescit cinere
    suo insignivit.”

Ralph Dallam, another son of Thomas, also an organ-builder, constructed
the organ which was put up in St. George’s Chapel after the Restoration,
and also built organs in Rugby, Hackney, and Lynn Regis, and died whilst
making the organ in Greenwich Chapel in 1672.

George Dallam, another son, lived in Purple Lane in 1672, and in 1686
added a “chaire organ” to Harris’s instrument in Hereford Cathedral.

Thus it will be seen that Thomas Dallam, the writer of the diary, was the
progenitor of a distinguished family of organ-builders, whose work was
in great request in the seventeenth century. We have also to thank him
for the graphic account of the Imperial Court at Constantinople during
the reign of Mahomed III, and incidents in seafaring life at that period,
which add considerably to our knowledge of the state of nautical affairs
as they existed in the days of Raleigh and Drake.


§ 3.—OF THE FURTHER PROGRESS OF THE LEVANT COMPANY.

It was understood from the first that the Levant Company should pay and
appoint the consuls, ambassadors, and other officials of their Company,
though difficulties arose on this point between the Government and the
Company concerning the salary of Sir Edward Barton. Affairs seem to
have gone on smoothly till 1600, when the monopoly was removed, and the
Company had to struggle on as best it could against competition which
proved almost fatal to it at the very outset of its career.

Accordingly, in 1605, we find petitions from the Company to James
I, complaining that they could no longer pay the salaries of the
ambassadors and consuls, and that they feared that the Turks might seize
their factories and buildings in the Turkish towns. Lord Salisbury
entered into consultation with Chief Justice Popham on the subject, and
the result was that, on the 14th December 1606, letters patent were
granted by James I which may really be said to have established the
Company on a permanent basis. The five years’ terminable licences were
made perpetual, and privileges were granted to several persons and their
sons, and such others as should be after admitted. The Company was to
have the monopoly of all the Levant trade: in fact, the English traffic
of nearly all the Mediterranean was handed over exclusively to the
Company, which was to be open to all merchants who could pay £50 towards
the expenses of carrying on the trade, the salary of the ambassadors and
consuls, and the presents which, from time to time, were necessary to be
given to the Sultan to keep him favourably disposed, and the first year’s
“imposition”, or tax of £5,322, was handed over to the Company to assist
in tiding over a time of difficulty.

Thomas Glover, who had been one of Thomas Dallam’s companions on board
the ship _Hector_ on his journey out, was ambassador at this time, with
power to appoint consuls and regulate the trade for the Company. It does
not appear what emolument he got from the Company, but it was doubtless
considerable, as he was forbidden to trade on his own account, and, under
his skilful management, the successful career of the Levant Company was
inaugurated.

It was absolutely necessary in those early days of mercantile enterprise
to give the monopoly of the Levant trade to one Company; only a rich and
united body, with the privileges accorded to them by their capitulations,
could carry on such trade. It was necessary, for the safety of the
ships, that they should sail in large numbers for mutual protection from
Dunkirkers, corsairs, and other hostile craft, and hence very strict
penalties were imposed on private individuals who sought to carry on
trade under the protection of the Company without actually belonging to
it. The celebrated case of Bates, who refused to pay a tax to the Company
on currants, and drove them off in his own cart from the wharf, was tried
shortly after this, and when it was decided in the Company’s favour,
their monopoly was clearly established.

In the reign of James I the Company received the name of “The Governor
and Company of Merchants of England trading to the Levant Seas”, and the
arms of a ship with three masts in full sail between two rocks. Their
crest was a demi sea-horse salient; their supporters two sea-horses; and
their motto, “Deo Respublicæ et amicis.”

In 1612, Mr. Paul Pindar, another of Thomas Dallam’s companions on board
the ship _Hector_, succeeded Sir Thomas Glover as ambassador for the
Company to the Porte.

In 1623, Sir T. Roe was ambassador. He got a salary of £1,800 per
ann. from the Company, besides a portion of the consulage and other
advantages, but at the same time he was forbidden to carry on a trade
of any kind. During this period the Levant Company continued to make
satisfactory progress, and the only thing to remark is the controversies
which, during the reigns of James I and Charles I, raged between the
regulated Companies, namely, the Levant Company and Merchant Adventurers,
against the East India Company, which, as then constituted, they
considered as the monopoly of a few which told against the monopoly of
larger corporate bodies.

In 1643 further privileges were granted to the Levant Company. In an
ordinance of both Houses, upholding the Levant Merchants, dated 9th of
March 1643, the following points occur:—

    “That for the better supportation and encouragement of the
    Fellowship of merchants of England, trading to the Levant
    Seas, which, besides the building and maintaining of divers
    great ships, both for defence and burthen, the venting of
    kerseys, sages, perpetuanas, and several other commodities hath
    been found very serviceable and profitable to the State, by
    advancing navigation, and transporting into foreigne parts for
    severall years together above 20,000 broadclothes per annum,
    besides other commodities whereby the poor people are sett at
    worke, and the whole kingdome receive benefit. The Lords and
    Commons do ordaine:—

    “That the Fellowship of Merchants trading to the Levant Seas
    shall continue a corporation; that they shall have free choice
    and removal of all ministers by them maintained at home and
    abroad, whether they be dignified and called by the name of
    Ambassadors, Governours, Deputies, Consulls, or otherwise.

    “That they shall have power to levie monies on the members
    of their corporation, or on strangers; on goods shipped in
    English bottoms, or on English goods in strange bottoms, which
    shall goe into or come from the Levant Seas, for and towards
    necessary charge, maintenance, and supply of their ministers,
    officers, and government.

    “That no person shall send ships into these parts limited by
    their corporation, but such as are free brothers, or otherwise
    licensed, each person to pay, if a mere merchant, £50, if above
    twenty-one years of age, or £25 if under that age; and they
    shall have power to fine persons disobeying their orders in a
    sum not exceeding £20, or imprisoning their persons till the
    said sum be paid.”

About this time the Levant Company suffered somewhat from the conflicting
state of parties in England. Sir S. Crowe was appointed in 1642 as
ambassador of the Levant Company; he was a staunch loyalist, and, during
his tenure of office abroad, his goods in England were confiscated by
the Parliamentarians. On hearing this, Sir S. Crowe imprisoned many of
the English factors in Constantinople, and appropriated their goods.
The Parliamentarians forthwith obliged the Company to send out another
representative, Sir J. Bendish, who, after some difficulty, succeeded in
establishing himself as the ambassador of England, and Sir S. Crowe was
sent home. On arriving in London, he was impeached at the suit of the
Company, condemned, and kept in prison till 1653.

The regulations of the Company with regard to their _employés_ were
very strict in those days; none of the consuls under their authority
might marry without the consent of the directors, and the factors or
merchants at Constantinople and elsewhere in the Levant frequently
received admonitions from the governing body at home against “sensuality,
gambling, Sabbath-breaking, neglect of public worship”, and other
irregularities of life in which the merchants, far from the influence of
their strait-laced relatives at home, were prone to indulge.

In 1661 the Earl of Winchilsea went out on _The Plymouth_ as ambassador
for the Company. Captain Hayward was in command of the vessel, with whom
Pepys (p. 50) made merry at the Rhenish Wine House. Lord Winchilsea is
described as “a jovial Lord, extremely favoured by Vizier Kiuprili”. Two
Kiuprilis, father and son, were practically the rulers of Turkey from
1658 to the death of the latter in 1676. Both the Kiuprilis were men of
exceedingly good powers of organisation, and raised Turkey to comparative
power, despite the weakness of her princes. The Sultan Mahomed IV, about
whom Dr. Covel in his MS. tells us so much, was a man of weak character,
devoted only to the chase, and left the organisation of the empire to
his Vizier. From him Lord Winchilsea obtained further capitulations,
an account of which is given us by his secretary, Paul Ricaut, in a
pamphlet entitled _The Capitulations and Articles published by Paul
Ricaut, Esquire, Secretary to his Excellencie the Lord Ambassador, in
1663_, and addressed to the Governors of the Levant Company. In this
pamphlet he says: “The first capitulations took place 80 years before, in
Queen Elizabeth’s reign, and have been enlarged in the time of allmost
every ambassador, with such alterations as the state of affaires, and
the abuses, and the iniquities of the times suggested.” The principal
grievance which this set of capitulations rectified was “that English
ships should be exempt from search for foreign goods”. Mahomed IV, in
his address to Charles II, on the occasion of the granting of these
capitulations, speaks in high-flown language of “the Queen of the
aforesaid Kingdom” who commenced the Levant trade.

A curious and ludicrous instance of the fanaticism of the times
occurred in 1661. An individual called “John the Quaker” arrived at
Constantinople, and began to preach at the street corners repentance to
the Turks in his own native tongue. Naturally enough, the Mohammedans
looked upon him as a lunatic, and consigned him to a mad-house, where he
languished for eight months, until his nationality was discovered, and he
was taken before Lord Winchilsea. On entering the ambassador’s presence,
true to the regulations of his creed, John refused to remove his hat,
whereupon he was bastinadoed; and, on his clothes being examined, a
letter was discovered in his pocket addressed to the Sultan, politely
telling that monarch that he was the scourge employed by God to punish
wicked Christians.

There was a distinct revival at this juncture in the condition of the
power of the Ottoman Turks at Constantinople; under the severe rule
of the elder Kiuprili, and the firm but temperate jurisdiction of his
son Ahmed, both internal and external affairs prospered favourably.
Ahmed Kiuprili conducted the wars with Austria with a fair amount of
success. He won Crete for the Turks, in 1669, from the Venetian general
Morosini; the wars with Sobieski, under his guidance, were, with certain
fluctuations, favourable to the Turks. He, in 1675, instituted the
levy of 3,000 boys from the Christian population to fill the ranks of
the Janissaries; and three days after the peace of Zuranna, by which
the Turks regained much of their lost military prestige, he died, very
shortly after the events related in such minute detail by Dr. Covel in
our second manuscript, and very shortly after the ratification of further
capitulations with the Levant Company at Adrianople; the incidents
concerning the obtaining of which Dr. Covel relates so graphically.


§ 4.—OF DR. JOHN COVEL.

The writer of the second MS. we have before us is mentioned by Evelyn in
his _Diary_ (ii, 338) as “Covel, the great Oriental traveller”. Evidently
he intended either to publish a work himself, or that his diary should
be published shortly after his death, for he divided part of his MS.
into chapters, put in illustrations, and collected together everything
connected with himself, every scrap of letter and paper that would be of
use, even down to his _testamur_ when he took his B.A. in 1657; but this
mass of MS. has remained hidden in the British Museum, and has never yet
seen the light of day. It is easy to see why any publisher would recoil
from bringing out so prolix a work, for the Doctor is wearisome in the
extreme. Before we leave Deal, in his first chapter, at the outset of
his travels, we are treated to at least thirty closely-written pages on
the wonders of the deep, which he picked up there; soon follows a long
dissertation on sea-sickness, and its supposed causes; and whenever he
came near any place of archæological interest, such as Carthage, Ephesus,
Constantinople, etc., he gives us enough information to fill a good-sized
volume on each spot. Consequently, it has been found necessary to
eliminate much in Dr. Covel’s exceedingly bulky diaries.

His narrative is, however, extremely interesting on many points: during
the six-and-a-half years he resided at Constantinople, from 1670 to 1677,
he noticed everything; his sketches of life, costumes, and manners are
minute and life-like. Sir George Wheeler says, in his volume of travels:
“Dr. Covel, then chaplain to his Majesty’s ambassador there, amongst many
curiosities shewed us some Turkish songs set to musick; which he told us
were, both for sense and music, very good: but past our understanding.”
Being, as he was, intimately connected with the embassy, he had ample
opportunity for studying the politics of the time. Dr. Covel was present
at the granting of the capitulations of 1676, which gained for the Levant
Company privileges which established it, for the ensuing century and a
half of its existence, on an unapproachable foundation.

John Covel was born at Horningsheath, in Suffolk, in 1638, and educated
at Bury St. Edmunds and Christs College, Cambridge, in the hall of which
his portrait, by Valentine Ritz, is still to be seen. He studied medicine
in early life with a view to being a physician, which will account for
his intimate knowledge of botany and drugs; but eventually, being elected
to a Fellowship at his College, he changed his line in life and took Holy
Orders.

Covel was distinguished for his erudition, and was a scholar of no mean
repute, as his MS. shows; and on the Restoration, in 1661, he was deputed
to make a Latin oration in the hall of Christ’s College, to celebrate the
return of the Stuart family to the throne of England. He composed a long
poem also to celebrate this event, a few stanzas of which I give here:

    “The Horrible winter’s gone,
      And we enjoy a cheerful spring;
    The kind approach of the Sun
      Gives a new birth to every thing.

    “The trees with blossoms are crowned now,
    Which then did penance in snow;
    And there with busy noise the Bee
    Practise mysterious chemistry.

    “Just so, great Prince, when you arrived,
    Each drooping heart revived;
    Your glorious rays and divine influence
    Gave us new life and sense.

    “Too rigid Fate
    Had blasted Church and State;
    And, with a boisterous storm,
    Put all things out of form.

    “Oh, may your glories ever shine!
      Always rising still more bright.
      What never stops at any height
    Can never decline.”

In 1669 Covel was appointed as chaplain to the ambassador at
Constantinople, Sir Daniel Harvey, by the Levant Company, and Charles II
gave him a dispensation to go to Constantinople and hold his Fellowship
at the same time: it runs as follows:

    “Given at our Court at Dover, 19th day of May, in the 22nd
    year of our reign. Our will and pleasure is that you dispense
    with the absence of the said John Covel, so that he receive
    and enjoy (by Himself or his assignees) all and singular the
    profits, dividends, stipends, emoluments, and dues belonging to
    his fellowship in as full and ample manner to all intents and
    purposes as if he were actually resident in the College.”

During his residence at Constantinople he witnessed many important
sights, notably the great _fêtes_ at Adrianople in honour of the
circumcision of Prince Mustapha, and the marriage of the Sultan’s
daughter, which were the most noted _fêtes_ of the century in Turkey,[3]
and also the granting of the capitulations during the time of the plague.
The next nine years of Covel’s life were spent in travel. In 1679 he
returned to England, and immediately afterwards took his D.D., and was
chosen as Margaret preacher of Divinity at Cambridge. In 1681 he got one
of his college livings of Kegworth, and was soon afterwards appointed as
chaplain to the Princess of Orange, and resided at the Hague. In October
1685 the Prince of Orange intercepted a letter written by Dr. Covel to
Skelton, the English ambassador, giving an account of Prince William’s
tyrannical behaviour to his wife. Dr. Covel was forthwith dispatched home
again in great disgrace; he never spoke of what had transpired, and it
was long a mystery. There is, however, a letter to Princess Mary amongst
his papers, in which he speaks of the scurrilous reports which alleged
that he tried to make mischief between the King and the Prince, and
between the Prince and your Royal Highness, and concludes, “in the words
of the Royal Martyr, your most glorious grandfather, that as He hath
given us afflictions to try our patience, so He would give us Patience to
bear our afflictions.”

Dr. Covel was twice Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cambridge, the
first time in 1689, when King William visited the University, and his
letters show a considerable degree of anxiety as to how the King, whom he
had maligned as Prince, would receive him. In reply to these anxieties,
King William sent a curt answer, stating “that he could distinguish
between Dr. Covel and the Vice-Chancellor of the University”.

Dr. Covel, was not fortunate with his voluminous writings; he got into
another scrape with the Court in a book entitled _The Interpreter of
Words and Terms_; it was ordered to be destroyed, being, as it was
supposed, “in some points very derogatory to the supreme power of this
Crown”. He also wrote on gardening and fruit-trees; but his _magnum
opus_ was a work on the Greek Church, which he published shortly before
his death, which remained for long the standard work on the subject. It
is entitled: _Some Account of the present Greek Church, with Reflections
on their present Doctrine and Discipline, particularly on the Eucharist
and the rest of their seven Pretended Sacraments_. In his Preface he
apologises for the long delay, owing to his “itinerant life”, and having
been “chained to a perpetual college bursar’s place”. It is evident
from his diary that, when at Constantinople, Dr. Covel gave himself
up to this study very closely, in fact, he was deputed to do so, for
the controversy was then at its height which was started by M. Arnold,
Doctor of the Sorbonne, as to whether the Greeks held the doctrine of
transubstantiation or not, and a union between the Eastern and Western
Churches was much feared by the Protestants. The eccentric Marquis de
Nointel, who was the French ambassador to the Porte at that time, was
most eager to bring this about, and as he was on very friendly terms with
Sir John Finch, it was suspected that he used his influence to win over
the English ambassador; hence Dr. Covel had an important task to perform,
and no wonder he writes so bitterly on the ignorance and corruption of
the Greek clergy. To show his zeal, the Marquis de Nointel celebrated
Midnight Mass on Christmas Eve, 1673, in the cave of Antiparos, with a
broken-off stalactite as his communion-table, on which may still be read
the words he carved:—

    “Hic ipse Christus adfuit
    Ejus natali die mediâ nocte celebrato
    MDCLXXIII.”

The ambassador was accompanied by five hundred people—his domestics,
merchants, Greeks, and Turks—and he was so impressed by it, that he
repeated the experiment on two subsequent occasions. The proposed union
of the Churches, however, never came to anything, and by the time Dr.
Covel’s book came out the controversy was at an end and forgotten.

Dr. Covel was appointed Master of Christ’s College in 1688, and retained
this position until his death in 1722, at the ripe age of eighty-four.

The good work that Sir John Finch did for the Company in getting the
capitulation of 1676, as Dr. Covel relates, in the teeth of the plague
at Adrianople, did much for the security of trading and property in
the Levant. Attached to these capitulations is the following clause:
“That two ships’ loads of figs and currants should be allowed to be
annually exported from Smyrna for the use of the King’s kitchen.” Sir
John Finch was the son of the Speaker of the House of Commons, and was
brought up as a physician, together with his bosom companion Thomas
Baines; they studied together in England, and in Padua, and when Sir
John was appointed as Minister to Tuscany, he got Charles II to attach
his friend as physician to the legation, and also to bestow on him the
honour of knighthood. When Sir John Finch was moved to Constantinople Sir
Thomas Baines accompanied him in the same capacity; they were together
with Covel during the trying time of the plague at Adrianople, and
frequent allusion is made to them both in the diary. They were known in
Constantinople as the ambassador and the chevalier, the two inseparable
friends, whose attachment to one another was as romantic as that of Damon
and Pythias. Sir Thomas Baines died in Constantinople in 1680, and,
in great grief, his friend had his body embalmed and sent home to be
buried in Christ’s College. Two years later, immediately on his return
to England, Sir John Finch himself died, and, by special request, was
buried in the same tomb as his friend, with the same marble slab over
them, on which Henry More wrote a touching epitaph. Jointly, they endowed
two scholarships and two fellowships for Christ’s College, and are still
jointly thanked as benefactors of that very College over which their
friend and companion in adversity, Dr. Covel, ruled for forty years after
their deaths.


§ 5.—OF THE SUBSEQUENT HISTORY OF THE LEVANT COMPANY.

From the life of Dudley North, afterwards Sir Dudley, son of Lord North,
and ambassador for the Company to the Porte, which life was written by
his son, we get an interesting insight into the life and times of those
Merchant Adventurers in the seventeenth century, who were undoubtedly the
founders of our national fortunes and national pre-eminence.

Dudley North was born in 1641, and went out to Smyrna as supercargo, and
was apprenticed to a Turkey merchant when eighteen years of age, with
a capital of £400. For many years he lived a most frugal life, making
himself master of the Turkish language, and keeping himself aloof from
the extravagant and luxurious lives which the English merchants in the
Smyrniote factories lived in those days. When they “procured a pack
of hounds, and hunted in the country, after the English way”, young
North resisted the temptation to buy a horse, and went out hunting on
an ass. He was a young man sure of eventual success. On his subsequent
removal to Constantinople, and employment in the factory of Messrs.
Hedges and Palmer, he lived in the building itself, and looked after the
bookkeeping, and gained his first credit by getting in the outstanding
debts of the firm. He made himself master of the “rules of Turkish
justice”, and at once set about to institute five hundred claims in the
law courts. These claims he conducted himself in the Turkish Courts in
the Turkish language, and won a great many of those which his employers
had hitherto looked upon as hopeless.

He soon set up business on his own account, and as it rapidly increased,
he sent for his brother Montagu, from Aleppo, and together the brothers
built up for themselves the fabric of a colossal fortune.

The brothers North appear to have dealt largely in jewels, with which
they tempted the women of the Seraglio, and to have lent money at from
20 to 30 per cent. to impecunious Pashas. Dudley North became treasurer
of the Levant Company in Constantinople, did excellent work in the survey
of the city, and eventually concluded his successful career by being
appointed ambassador for the Company to the Porte. He was a man of strong
business capacity, and “his first care”, says his son, “on setting up for
himself, was to get a fire-tight room to secure his goods from fire, and
a sofa-room in which to entertain the Turks.”

About this time we hear ever more and more, in the Levant Company’s
dealings with the Turks, of the _avanias_, or unauthorised demands made
by the Turks on foreign merchants. Sir Dudley North at once took up this
question, and wrote himself an interesting account of these encroachments
on the capitulations granted to the Turkey merchants. The _avanias_ had
their origin in small matters of etiquette; gradually they spread to
commerce and merchandise, and in 1685 came the great edict, which obliged
every foreigner who had married a Turkish subject, himself to become a
subject of the Porte, and these men were forbidden to leave the country
without the Sultan’s consent.

This edict has given rise to the still numerous Levantine families to
be found in the Turkish Empire, families bearing English, French, and
Italian names, and tracing their origin to those nations, but practically
absorbed in the Ottoman Empire. It was a great blow to many artisans and
merchants who had married and settled in the Levant. No less than forty
French watchmakers, who had married Greek wives and settled in Galata,
were obliged to become Turkish subjects in spite of the remonstrances of
the French ambassador, and the case of Mr. Pentloe settled the question
with regard to the English. He had married a Greek lady, and on his death
left a will appointing two English merchants as his executors, obliging
them to realise his property, and send his widow and her two children to
England. Accordingly, the executors proceeded to carry out his wishes,
but the Turkish Government seized Mrs. Pentloe and her children on
embarkation, and threw the two executors into prison, from which they
did not emerge for some considerable period; all Mr. Pentloe’s money was
confiscated, and our ambassador could get no redress. This iniquitous
_avania_ was not repealed for a hundred years afterwards, and may be
taken as the origin of most of the so-called Levantine families, great
numbers of which are to be found in Constantinople, Smyrna, Salonika, and
other trade centres in the Turkish Empire.

The progress of the Levant Company was steady, and prosperity attended
their commerce. Notwithstanding, in 1681 we find the Turkey merchants
petitioning Parliament against the East India Company, and begging for
permission to have “exercise of trade in the Red Sea, and all other
dominions of the Grand Signior, and to forbid the East India Company to
import raw or wrought silks”; and further stating that as their freights
were “raw silks, gaules, grograms, yarn, cotton, etc., and as they, not
being a joint-stock Company, did not export much gold”, that the East
India Company ought to be restricted from importing such things as they
considered they only had the monopoly of. To this petition the East India
Company drew up an exhaustive reply, and Parliament set the petition on
one side.

For the first three decades of the last century the prosperity of the
Levant Company may be said to have been at its height. In the years
1716 and 1717 they exported to Turkey “43,000 cloths, and a very great
quantity of lead, tin, sugar, etc.” In 1718, for the greater protection
of merchants, “general ships”, which sailed together in large squadrons,
were appointed, and the manufacturers had nothing to do but to convey
their goods to the wharves, consign them to the shipowners, and pay the
freight. These general ships, as they were called, used to leave England
about July 1st, so as to have good weather in the open seas, and reach
Turkey about the right time for the winter markets; then they returned
home with raw silks, mohair, and other products of the East.

For some cause or another, in 1753 the condition of the Levant Company
was not so satisfactory. In this year they sent a petition to Parliament
for the remodelling of their charter on more favourable conditions.
In this petition they stated that a quarrel between Sir Kenelm Digby
and the Venetian admiral in the Bay of Scanderoon had cost the Company
£20,000; that the indiscretion of a young man at Aleppo had imperilled
the lives of all Europeans, and incurred enormous losses on the Company;
that they had to pay an indemnity of £12,000 for prisoners taken in
war, and other similar misfortunes had fallen upon them. Consequently,
Parliament thought fit to grant them their petition: they were to have
unmolested choice of the ministers maintained by them at home and abroad,
ambassadors, governors, deputies, consuls, etc.; nobody except free
brothers of the corporation could send ships into those parts, and very
stringent rules were made on this point, full powers being given to the
Company to fine, imprison, and send home in custody any individuals
who infringed this rule; they were allowed to make their own laws and
by-laws, though these had to receive the sanction of the Board of Trade;
and, with various little assistances from Government in minor points, the
Company of Levant Merchants again became exceedingly flourishing, and
continued to be so until the end of its days.

At the end of the last century it would appear that the Company consisted
of eight hundred members, each and all calling themselves “Turkey
Merchants”. The wages of their officials, that is to say, the ambassador,
secretaries, chaplains, consuls, and physicians at Constantinople,
Smyrna, Aleppo, Alexandria, Algiers, Patras, etc., came to £15,000 per
annum. Many of our consulates in the East, as they now stand, were built
by them, and the fine embassy at Constantinople cost the Company £10,000.
The Porte gave the ground for this building out of gratitude to England
for driving the French out of Egypt, and the opening of it was hallowed
by the liberation of many Christian slaves, mostly Maltese, who came in a
body to the ambassador to tender their heartfelt thanks.[4]

In 1803 it was that the British Government first assumed the appointment
and payment of the ambassador and his secretaries; this was the first
step towards the disestablishment of the Company. The Eastern Question
was then beginning to make itself felt, the Balkan States were in arms
against Turkey, and, the interests of trade being naturally subordinate
to foreign policy, the Levant Company had to give way.

In 1825, when the disintegration of the Turkish Empire appeared imminent,
the Levant Company came to an end. Mr. Canning’s communication to
them ran as follows: “It results solely from considerations of public
expediency, and in no degree from any disrespect, or disposition to
impute any blame to their past administration.” The fact was obvious: the
new order of things had to supersede the old; the political atmosphere
was full of ideas of free trade; and the aristocratic, exclusive Company
of Turkey Merchants had to give way, and they did so gracefully. The
deed of surrender was drawn up in 1825, “of all the several grants,
privileges, liberties, powers, jurisdictions, and immunities granted
and conferred by their charters”; and in solemn conclave the Company of
merchants dissolved themselves, after honourably providing pensions for
their officials, and handing over a substantial balance to the treasury.

During its life of 244 years the Levant Company had had a most exemplary
and noble career, beneficial not only to its members, but to the English
nation, building up for her her commerce, and making her name respected
in the East. It would take a volume to enumerate the deeds of their great
men, and how they have not only contributed to our commercial success,
but have embellished our literature with admirable studies both of the
past and of the present. Sir Paul Ricaut and Sir James Porter wrote
admirable works on the policy and government of the Turkish people.
Montague, Covel, and Pococke gave some of the earliest accounts of the
people of the East in our tongue.

Under the influence of the Company, considerable attention was paid to
archæology: Spon and Wheeler, Chishull, Shaw, and last, but not least,
Lord Elgin, who rescued the marbles of the Parthenon from being damaged
in the bombardment of 1827. The Company’s doctors used to make a special
study of the plague. _Russell on the Plague_ was quite the standard work
of its time, and Dr. Maclean also made a special study of that dread
disease; and to the efforts of these men we may almost say that we owe
the gradual diminution and eventual eradication of the malady.

The rescuing of slaves from corsairs, the liberation of oppressed
Christians, whether they happened to be English, Greeks, or Armenians,
will be for ever one of the noblest and proudest of our actions. Without
the influence of the Levant Company, Greece would probably have never
succeeded in establishing her independence, and the Mussulmans would
have effectually eradicated the Christian populations of the East;
and it is a question for grave thought, as to whether our free and
enlightened Government, during the half-century that it has had control
over our actions in the East, has been as active and as influential as
the Company of Turkey Merchants, who could draw the sword as well as the
purse-strings, and were not hampered by the parsimonious feelings of
those who have to draw up an economical budget to present to the people
whose goodwill they wish to retain.




LIST OF ENGLISH AMBASSADORS TO THE PORTE IN THE 16TH AND 17TH CENTURIES.


    Mr. WILLIAM HARBORNE            1588.
    Mr. EDWARD BARTON             1588-1597.
    Mr. HENRY LELLO               1597-1607.
    Sir THOMAS GLOVER             1607-1611.
    Mr. PAUL PINDAR               1611-1619.
    Sir JOHN EYRE[5]              1619-1621.
    Sir THOMAS ROE[6]             1622-1628.
    Sir PETER WYCH                1628-1639.
    Sir SACKVILLE CROWE[7]        1639-1647.
    Sir THOMAS BENDYSH[8]         1647-1661.
    The EARL OF WINCHILSEA        1661-1668.
    Sir DANIEL HARVEY             1668-1672.
    Sir JOHN FINCH[9]             1672-1681.
    LORD CHANDOS                  1681-1687.
    Sir WILLIAM TRUMBULL          1687-1691.
    Sir WILLIAM HUSSEY            1691 (June-Sept.)
    LORD WILLIAM PAGET            1693-1702.




ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA.


P. xxiii, _for_ “Sir J. Bendish” _read_ “Sir T. Bendysh”.

Pp. xxxiii-v, Sir Dudley North was _not_ Ambassador, but Treasurer, of
the Levant Company.

Pp. xxxix-xl, Mr. Albert Gray adds: “An Act of Parliament (6 Geo. IV,
c. 33, Royal assent 10 June 1825) was passed which, after reciting the
Letters Patent of James I, and the subsequent Acts relating to the Levant
trade, recites that it would be beneficial that the exclusive rights and
privileges of the Company should cease and determine, and that ‘the said
Governor and Company are willing and desirous to surrender up the said
Letters Patent into His Majesty’s hands’. In pursuance of this Act a deed
was forthwith executed surrendering the Letters Patent to the Crown. One
section of the Act is now of some historical importance. It provided
that ‘all such rights and duties of jurisdiction and authority over His
Majesty’s subjects resorting to the ports of the Levant for the purposes
of trade or otherwise, as were lawfully exercised and performed’ by the
Company’s consuls, should thenceforth be exercised or performed ‘by any
consuls or other officers respectively as His Majesty may be pleased to
appoint for the protection of the trade of His Majesty’s subjects in the
ports and places, etc.’ This was the first statutory assignment to Royal
consuls of jurisdiction in places outside the dominions of the Crown.
From this Act sprang in due time the Foreign Jurisdiction Act of 1843
(now replaced by that of 1890), under which British subjects and British
protected persons enjoy the protection of British courts of law in almost
every independent Oriental country from Morocco to Corea, and by means
of which the foundations of law and order are being laid in the great
protectorates of Africa.”

P. 11, “North Cape” is Cape Finisterre, known of old to the seamen of the
Mediterranean as the _North Cape_.

P. 16, “Morottome” is probably Marabout, on the coast of Africa, near a
“fort in ruins”. See Admiralty Chart, sect. vii, 252.

P. 63 _note_, _for_ “Paul Pinder” _read_ “Paul Pindar”.

P. 84, “Chorlaye in Lancashier”, is the town of Chorley, on a hill on the
Chor, nine miles south-south-east of Preston.

Pp. 95, 96, “Grande Malligam” is Malaga. “Alama” may be identified with
Almeria, a large seaport of Spain, _not_ with Alhama, as stated in the
note.

P. 96, “Mount Chegos” is probably Serra de Monchique, north of Cape St.
Vincent, _not_ Los Guigos, behind Algeciras, as stated in the note.

P. 102, “Virginia men” alludes to ships bound for America; “Streightsmen”
to those bound for the Mediterranean.

P. 106, “Les Scenes” refers to the cluster of islands known as the
_Chaussée de Sein_, off the coast of Brittany (cf. _Sailing Directions_,
Glossary, p. 34, ed. for the Hakl. Soc.).

P. 133, “Romania” was the name originally given to the whole of the
western Roman Empire. This term, together with Roumelia, has now become
much circumscribed.

P. 133, _Maniotes_ were the inhabitants of Mani, the southern portion of
the Peleponnesus. This term has probably the same origin as Romani.

P. 140, line 15, _for_ “work” _read_ “word”.

P. 141, _Agnus castus_ is the oleander.

P. 143, “Magla” should be Nagara, exactly on site of ancient Abydos.

P. 153, “Kalenderis” are, as stated by Dr. Covel, a sect of dervishes.

P. 153, “Jamurluck” is a tunic.

P. 154, “Bellonius.” This is Pierre Belon, a well-known French
archæologist, who wrote _Thesaurus Græcarum antiquitatum_, Antwerp, 1589.

P. 196, “Mr. Cook.” This must be the Mr. Coke who was present at the
solemnities, and wrote the following:—“A True Narrative of the Great
Solemnity of the Circumcision of Mustapha, Prince of Turkey, eldest
son of Sultan Mahomed, present Emperor of the Turks. Together with an
account of the Marriage of his Daughter to his great Favourite Mussaip at
Adrianople. As it was sent in a letter to a Person of Honour.

“By Mr. Coke, Secretary of the Turkey Company; Being in Company with his
Excellency the Lord Embassador, Sir John Finch. London, 1676.” Reprinted
in _Harleian Miscellany_.

[Illustration]




PART I.

MASTER THOMAS DALLAM’S DIARY.

[Illustration]


1599.

In this Book is the Account of an Organ Carryed to the Grand Seignor and
Other Curious Matter.

Nessecaries for my voyege into Turkie, the which I bought upon a verrie
short warninge, havinge no frend to advise me in any thinge.

    _Imprimis_ for one sute of sackcloth to weare at sea      1   2   0
    Item for another sute of Carsaye[10]                      1  18   0
    Item for tow wastcotes of flanell                         0   8   0
    Item for one hatt                                         0   7   6
    Item for an arminge sorde                                 0   6   0
    Item for a chiste                                         0   9   8
    Item for 3 shirtes                                        0  18   6
    Item for one doson of bandes                              0  12   8
    Item for half a doson of bandes                           0  10   0
    Item for one bande                                        0   2   6
    Item for sixe shirtes more                                1  14   0
    Item for one doson of hand chirthers (handkerchiefs)      0  10   0
    Item for one pare of garters                              0   4   0
    Item for one doson of poyntes[11]                         0   1   0
    Item for another doson                                    0   2   0
    Item for 2 pare of stockins                               0  12   0
    Item for one pare of lininge britchis                     0   1   4
    Item for one pare of pumpes and pantables[12]             0   3   6
    Item for 3 pare of showes                                 0   7   0
    Item for a girdle and hangers[13]                         0   2   8
    Item for a gowne                                          1  10   0
    Item for a pare of virginals                              1  15   0
    Item for a pare of fustion britchis                       0   2   6
    Item for a hatbande                                       0   4   2
    Item for another hatbande                                 0   1   0
    For a seller and glassis                                  0  11   6
    Item for Rosa solis[14] and a compostie[15]               0   6   0
    Item for oyle and vineger                                 0   2   0
    Item for prunes                                           0   1   3
    Item for Resons of the son (sun-dried raisins)            0   1   4
    Item for cloves, mace, and peper                          0   1   6
    Item 2 pounde of suger                                    0   3   0
    Item for nutmuges                                         0   1   0
    Item for gloves                                           0   3   0
    Item for knives                                           0   5   0
    Item for 30ˡᵇ of tin in bars                              0  18   0
    Item for a grose of Spownes (spoons)                      0   9   0
    Item for otemeale                                         0   0  10
    Item for carreing my chiste to Blacke wale                0   1   6
    Item for my passige to Graves end                         0   0   6
    Item my staying there 4 dayes—it coste me                 0  12   0
    Item at Deale Castell                                     0   1   0
    Item at Dartmouthe                                        0   4   0
    At Plimmouthe, stayinge thare seven Dayes it coste me     0  15   0
    At Argeare[16] in Barbarie                                0   4   0
    At Zante in Gretia
    At Scandaroune in A[17]

From the Landes end of England to the straites mouthe is 4 hundrethe
leagues.

Betwixte the straites mouthe and Argeare in Barbarria is one hundrethe
and fiftie leages.

From Argeare to Cisillia is 2 hundrethe leages.

From Cesillia to Zante is 90 leages.

From Zante to Scandaroune is 2 hundrethe and fiftie Leages.

    400 L.
    150
    200
    090
    250
    ----
    1090 Leages.

[Illustration]




DALLAM’S TRAVELS

WITH AN ORGAN TO THE GRAND SIGNIEUR.

    A brefe Relation of my Travell[18] from The Royall Cittie of
    London towardes The Straites of Mariemediteranum, and what
    hapened by the waye.


The shipp whearin I was to make my voyege to Constantinople, Lyinge at
Graves ende, I Departed from Londone in a pare of ores, with my chiste
and suche provition as I had provided for that purpose, the nynthe of
Februarie 1598 (1599), being Frydaye.

Comminge to Graves ende, I wente aborde our shipp, Called the Heckter,
and thare placed my chiste, my bedinge, and a pare of virginals,[19]
which the martchantes did alow me to carrie, for my exersize by the
waye. Other comoditis I carriede none, savinge one grose of tin spounes,
the which coste me nyne shillinges; and thirtie pounde of tin in bares,
which coste me 18_s._ The shipe beinge verrie unreddie, and no cabbins
appoynted for passingeres, I was constrainede to go into the towne for
my Lodginge and Diette, till the thirtenthe Daye in the After nowne, at
which time anker was wayed and we under sayle, untill we came to Deale
Castell.

Cominge to Deale Castell, thare we came to an anker, for the wynde sarved
not to pass by Dover. Thar our ship stayed fouer dayes for a wynde. In
the meane time we wente a shore into the towne of Deale, and also to
Sandwiche, to make our selves merrie. When the wynde came fayer, it was
in the nyghte, and diverse of us that weare passingers, and also som
saylers, weare in the towne of Deale, wheare som of our company had
dranke verrie moche, espetialy one of our five Trumpeters, who, beinge
in Drinke, had Lockid his Chamber dore; and when he that came from the
ship to call us went under his chamber wyndoe and caled him, he Came to
the wyndoe and insulted him; whear upon we wente all a waye a borde our
ship, and lefte that Dronkerde be hinde. Thar the wynde sarvinge well, we
sayled merraly by Dover, and so a longe the Sleve.[20]

But beinge aboute 30 leages at sea, sodonly thare cam a contrarie wynde,
the which did prove a marvalus greate storme for the space of eyghte and
fortie houres. In the nyghte we did not only louse our pinis caled the
Lanerett,[21] who was to goo with us to the gulfe of Venis, but we also
loste our selves, not knowinge whear we weare by Reason the fogge was
so greate that we could se no son. When it began anythinge to cleare,
we founde our selves to be harde upon the ponie stones[22] betwyxt
Ingland and Ierlande, a verrie dangerus place. Than our mariners did
Labur to gitte into the mayn otion againe, but the storme not altogether
seacinge, but the foge more Increasinge, we wear the next Daye at a non
plus againe, not knowinge wheare we weare, but beinge under sayle, and
the foge verrie thicke. Upon a sodon we saw the seae breake a gainste
the shore, the which was verrie greate Rockes, and we weare so neare the
shore that it was not possible to caste aboute in time to save ourselves
from shipwracke, but it pleased almyghtie God so to defend us from harme
that we weare juste befor the harbur at Dartmouthe, a verrie straite
entrie betwyxte greate Rockes that ar on bothe sides of that entrie. Than
weare we all verrie joyfull, and entred in thare verrie willingly. Thare
we stayed four dayes. In the meane time the Mr.[23] and Martchantes sent
postes aboute to all the haven townes upon that coste to inquier of our
pinis, the Lanerett. In the End word was brought that presently, after
the storme, 3 or 4 sayle of Dunkerkes[24] had her in chace, and in the
storme her topmaste was broken, so that, to save her selfe from beinge
taken, she Ron a shore at Falmouthe. Havinge thar goten a new topmaste,
she sente word by the mesinger that she would meet us in Plimmouthe
sounde. This worde beinge broughte, Anker was wayed, and we under sayell;
when we cam Ryghte before Plimmouthe a peece was discharged to call our
pinis; but even at that time the wynd came contrarie, so that we moste
needes also goo in thare, and cam to an anker in Catt water, wheare we
founde our pinis. Thare we stayed sevene dayes for a wynde.

The 16th day of Marche, beinge verrie could wether, the wynde came
fayer, and as we weare under sayle in Plimmouthe-sounde, thare came in a
litle carvell[25] with salte, who no sonner was come to the shore, and
hearinge the name of our shipe, but they caused a parlie to be sounded
be a trumpett, whearupon sayle was storouk, and tow sailers of that
carvell came aborde our shipe, advisinge our Mr. not to goo to seae with
oute good store of companye; for they wente to seae in a man of ware
from Plimmouthe, caled the Plow, and theye weare taken by seven sayell
of Dunkerkes, who Did straitly examon them if they could tell weare
the Heckter was, or whether she weare gone her voyage or no, but they
protested that they never hard of suche a shipp. Som of these men thei
put to death, to feare otheres. Whate they did with the Reste of theire
men they knew not. They touke theire ship from them, and gave sixe of
them that litle carvell to bringe them home.

When our Mr. and captaine had harde these men speake, he toulde them
that he would not staye one hour for any more companye than God alreddie
had sente him, the which was only our pinis and tow shipes that weare
goinge for New found Land, and for there owne saftie mad haste after us.
Saylinge forthe before a faire wynde, our ship sayled so well that we
could spare the pinis our mayne saile, and yeate the nexte morninge our
pinnis was verrie far behind. Aboute 8 of the clocke, one in our maine
tope discried 3 sayle, the which did ly close by our fore porte a little
after; he saw four more, which lay the same cource, and these weare the
seven sayell which we weare tould of. Than we began to Louke aboute
us, our goneres made Reddie there ordinance, our faightes[26] oute, and
everie man his bandaleare[27] and muskett. We hade the wynde of them, and
needed not to have spoken with them, but our Captaine thoughte it not
fitt to show our selves fearfull or cowardly; Leaste the wynde should
sodonly turne, or scante upon us, and our flyinge would incurridge our
enemyes to com the more bouldly upon us. Than he caled the botson and
bid him beare towardes them, the which he willingly wente aboute; so we
bore Towardes them, and when we came so neare them that we myghte well
disarne the hulke of there amberall and of their vizamberall, and they
cam bouldly upon us, our Mr. bide the botswayne stow them a brood side;
for our mayne sayle was so brode, that they could not se the stoutnes
of our ship; for may hape, cothe he (mayhap, quoth he), they may take
our ship to be one of the Quen’s, and yf we doo hapen to heale them, or
theye us, they which make answer maye say our ship is caled the Seven
stars, for the quene as yeate hathe none of that name; but assowne as
they sawe the brode side of our ship, thinking us in dede to be one of
the Quene’s ships, they presently turned them aboute to flye away. Than
we gave chace to them, havinge almoste loste sighte of our pinis, and
all other shipes savinge those which we gave chace unto. They made all
the sayle they coulde, and yeat with in halfe an hour we weare come with
in shott of them. Than our captain bid the Mr. goner give them a chace
peece[28] shout at the amberall, but hitt him not, so the Mr. goner gave
him a shott cloce by his fore bowe[29]; yeat would they nether strike
sayle, nor show any flagge, but made away with all the sayle they had,
drablings[30] and topgalands, but all would not serve their turne, for
we came nearer and nearer unto them. Than our Mr. bid the goner shoute
throughe the amberall his maynsayle, and so he did verrie near her
drablinge. Than the Amberall, vise amberall, Rear amberall, and one more
shoute the mayn topp; but at that time they hade the wyndie side of us,
though we weare com unto them, yeat no man would once show himselfe. Than
the booteson of our ship stod upon our spar decke,[31] with his sorde
drawne in his hande, commandinge them to come under our Lee side. The
which verrie unwillingly they dide, yeate no man would show himselfe. Now
we beinge verrie neare the coste of Spayne (or France) he tackte about
againe to goo his Ryghte cource, and all this seven sayell did follow us;
than our Mr. caled unto the amberall him selfe, comanding them to caste
oute the bote and com abord us (or eles he would sinke them); after so
callinge twyse unto them, one that semed by his spetche to be a Ducheman,
answered, we woll, we woll, but Longe it was before the boote came
forthe, yeat at laste there bote came forthe, and the captaine of that
shipe, with 4 saylers to Row the bote, wente a borde the wise amberall,
and there stayed halfe an houre. Than those thre captaines came a borde
our shipe; now all this whyle we weare saylinge our courc, and all these
seven shipes durst do no other but follow us. When these thre captaines
came aborde us, one of our company saw one of them have under his arme
a good long mony bage full of somthinge, and so they wente with the Mr.
of our ship into his cabin, and talked a good whyle. In the meane time
the sayleres which broughte these captaynes a borde, standinge on our
hatchis, and our saylers Loukinge upon them, one of our men sayde, surly
I should know this fellow, for he is an Inglishman. That man presently
answered, swearinge a greate othe, and sayde that he was no Inglishman,
nether could speak one worde of Inglishe; and yeat he spoke as good
Inglishe as any of us. Than one of our maysteres mates, our pursser and
boteson touke theyr boote, and foure of our owne sayleres, and wente a
borde thre or foure of those shipps; and in that meane time, our Mr. and
the 3 captaines havinge well talked of the mater, our Mr. cam forthe of
his cabbin and strode upon the sparr decke, causing all our company to be
caled before him, did Reed a letter which semed to be but newly wrytten;
the efeckte of that letter was as yf it had bene made as a pass from the
kinge of France, with sartayne wynes which the captaynes sayde weare a
borde ther shipes. But whyle he was a Reeding that Letter, our mysteres
mate, purser, and bootson came frome the shipps and sayd they weare men
of warre, Laden with nothinge but men, soulders, musketes, Raperes and
dagers, sheldes and buckeleres, and ment nothinge so moche as to have
taken us; but our maister havinge alreddie taken the prise in his cabbin,
seemed to be verrie angrie with his mate and the purser for sayinge so,
he havinge a letter to show the contrarie; so he discharged the captayn
and let the shipes go, the which greved the sayeleres and the Reste of
our company verrie moche. Yf he had done, as he myghte verrie well have
done, broughte these seven sayle as a prise into Inglande, it would have
bene the braveste sarvis that ever any Inglishe marchante shipe did, and
tharby have Reaped greate cridit as any ever did.

[32][At our cominge home out of Turkie it was well knowne that those
seven saile, after they escaped from us, and before our coming home, they
had taken and Robed upon the seae, betwyxt London and New Castell, thre
score sayle of Inglishe and other contrie ships.]


MARCHE 1599.

The 20th Day, the wynde sarvinge well, we paste the Northe Cape, and
entered the bay of Portingale. The 23 we Recovered the Soothe Cape. Than
we weare becalmed for a time. The 24 thare came an Infinite company of
porposis aboute our ship, the which did leape and Rone (run) marvalusly.
The 25 we saw 2 or 3 greate monstrus fishis or whales, the which did
spoute water up into the eayere, lyke as smoke dothe assend out of a
chimnay. Sometime we myghte se a great parte of there bodye above the
water. The calme did yeat continue. The 27, havinge a verrie fayer
wynde, the which did blow a good gale aboute 12 or one of the clocke,
we entered the straytes of Marie-medeteranum in Dispite of our enymyes.
At the entrie it is butt 3 Leages at the moste from shore to shore. In
my thinkinge it seemed not to be above 3 myles, but the Reason of yt
is because the Lande is verrie hie on bothe sides, Spayne on our Lefte
hand, and Barberie of the Ryghte. On Spayne side we did se a verrie fayer
towne or cittie, caled Tarrefe,[33] the which stood verrie pleasantlye
close to the seae. On Barbarie side Thar is a myghtie mountayn of Rockes,
the which theye do call Ape hill.[34] 7 Leages further, on Spayne side,
thar is a verrie strone (strong) towne Caled Jebbatore.[35] This towne
Lay verrie fayer to our vew. It is verrie well fortified, and of greate
strengthe. Thare dothe also Ly a greate number of the king of Spayens
gallies and men of warr, to keepe the straites. On the easte side of
the towne tharis a greate mountayne, wheare on a great parte of the
towne dothe stande. This mountayne is verrie upryghte on bothe sides,
but on the easte sid it is so uprighte that no man can go to the top of
it. It standes cross wyse to the seae. On the fore end tharis a stronge
bullworke, by which means the towne is more secure.

We sett oute from Plimmouthe the 16th of Marche, havinge than verrie
could wether, and no sine of any grene thinge on trees or hedgis; and
the 27, at the entringe of the straites, the wether was exsedinge hoote,
and we myghte se the feeldes on bothe sides verrie grene, and the tres
full blowne, the which unto me was a verrie greate wonder to finde suche
an alteration in a 11 dayes. Ryghte over againste Jeblatore, on Barbarie
side, thar is a towne verrie fayer to our vew, caled Shutte.[36] This
towne is waled aboute, and the feldes about it verrie pleasante, and of
good soyle.

Thoughe on bothe sides of seae tharis hudge mountains and Raged Rockes,
on the Easte end of this towne a litle tharis a Large and stronge
bullworke (or forte), and the Lyke is on the weste side. The kinge of
Spayne Dothe also houlde that toune, beinge in Barberie.

A litle further on the Coste of Spayne thar is a Towne caled Marvels,[37]
but I could not well disarne it for the fogge which at that time Laye
upon the seae. The nexte towne is caled grand Malligan,[38] and than
Sallabrin,[39] which towne is fortie Leages easte of Jeblatore.

The 28 of Marche we sayled still a longe by the shore of Spayne, wheare
we myghte se upon hudg mountaynes great store snowe that Dothe ly thare
contenually, and yeate in the vallies below it is verrie hote.

The 29th daye we sayled by the shore of Africa.

The 30th daye we entered into a harber in Barberia, Caled Argeare.[40]

When we weare upon the sea before the towne it made a verrie fayer show.
It Lyethe cloce to the seae, upon a verrie upryghte hill. The towne in
proportion is Lyke a top sayle. It is verrie strongly waled about with
tow wales and a dich.

The housis be bulte of Lyme and stone. The greateste parte of the towne,
or housis in the towne, have flatt Roufes, covered artifitialy with
playster of paris. A man beinge on the topp of one house may goo over the
greateste parte of the towne. Diverse of the streetes ar verrie narrow
and uneasie goinge in them, for the towne standes upon Rockes. Above the
towne, upon the top of the hill, thar is a castell, the which may comande
the Roode, or a parte of the seae before the towne. Almoste a myle from
that castell into the contriewardes thare is an other castell, the which
is gardede or kepte by a sartaine number of souldieres; but, as farr as
I could Learne, it is but only to keepe the heade of there springes of
water, which com to there fountaines in the town, for the Turkes Drinke
nothinge but water; and they saye that hors and man maye goo under, or
in the earthe, from that castell to the towne. I and 3 or 4 more wente
yeat a myle further into the contrie, wheare we saw another castell, the
which, as we did thinke, was made for the same use. We went so farr into
the contrie at the Requeste of Mr. Chancie, who was our fysition and
surgin for the seae. He wente to gather som harbs and Routes. This dai
being the Laste Day of Marche, it was a wonder to us to se how forwarde
the springe was: trees and hedgis wear full blowne, corne, wheate, and
barly shott, yong oringis and apples upon the trees; and cominge againe
into the towne, we mett Mores and other people drivinge assis laden
with grene beanes, to be sould in the markett. As they went a Longe the
streete, they often would cale to the people, and say, balocke, balocke,
that is to saye, bewarr, or take heede. We saw diverse Moores com in
riding, all naked, savinge a litle clothe before them like a childe’s
apron. Som of them did carrie a darte, otheres a bowe and arros.

There be also a greate number of Jewes, but the greateste nomber be
Turkes.

The toune or cittie is verrie full of people, for it is a place of great
trad and marchandise. They have tow markett dayes in the weeke, unto the
which do com a great number of people out of the mountaines and other
partes of the contrie, bringinge in great store of corne and frute of
all sortes, and fowle, bothe wylde and tame. Thar be great store of
partridgis and quales, the which be sould verrie cheape, a partridge for
less than one pennye, and 3 quales at the same price. Thar be also great
store of henes and chickins, for they be hatchte by artificiall meanes,
in stoves or hote housis, without the helpe of a hen. The maner of it
I cannot at this time playnly discribe, but heareafter I may, yf God
permitte.

They have also greate store of Camels, assis, asnegoes,[41] oxon,
horsis, and som dromedaries. Thar be a greate number of Turks that be
but Renied[42] cristians of all nations. Som, but moste are Spanyardes,
Italians, and other Ilands adjoyninge, who, when they be taken, ar
compelled so to doo, or els to live in moche more slaverie and myserie.
But, in prosis of time, these Renied cristians do become most berberus
and villanus, taking pleasur in all sinfull actions; but that which is
worste of all they take moste delite in, and that is, Theye proule aboute
the costes of other contries, with all the skill and pollacie thei can,
to betraye cristians, which they sell unto the Moors and other marchantes
of Barbarie for slaves.

Thare ar in this toune great store of hote houses, or bathes, the which
they call bangowes,[43] and also cooke’s housis, that dress meate verrie
well.

The next day after we came into the Roode, the kinge sent worde to our
captaine that he should come unto him and bringe with hime the presente
which he had to carrie unto the Grand Sinyor; so our captaine wente unto
him and tould the kinge That the presente which he carried to the grand
sinyor was not only a thinge of greate substance and charge, but allso it
was Defficulte curios, and would aske a longe time to put it together,
and make it fitt to be sene. When the kinge understode whate our captaine
had saide, he would give no cridite unto his wordes, but kepte him as a
prisner, and caused me and my mate to be sente for. When we came before
him, and wear examened, he found us to be in the same tale that our
captaine had toulde; and than was our captane Released and we discharged,
and the kinge sente our captaine for a presente a borde our shipe tow
buls and thre sheepe, the which weare verrie leane, for they do thinke
the worste thinges they have is tow good for cristians. They ar all in
generall verrie covitus, and use all the pollacie they can to gitt from
the cristians, lawfully or unlawfully, as moche as they maye.

The Turkishe and Morishe weomen do goo all wayes in the streetes with
there facis covered, and the common reporte goethe thare that they
beleve, or thinke that the weomen have no souls. And I do thinke that it
weare well for them if they had none, for they never goo to churche,
or other prayers, as the men dothe. The men ar verrie relidgus in there
kinde, and they have verrie faire churchis, which they do call mosques.


OF THE FURTHER PROCESSION OF OUR NAVIGATION.

We departed from the Cittie of Argier the fourthe of Aprill, saylinge
still near the Coste or shore of Africa. 20 leages from Argere Thare
is a faire towne caled Teddell,[44] but we sailed afar of from it. We
also passed by a litle towne calede Budgge,[45] under a hudge mountaine,
risinge hie, and picked lyke a suger lofe. Som of our navigateres saide
that at this place St Augustine did sometime keepe a scoule or exersise.
It is 30th leagues from Argere towardes the easte on the same side.

The seventhe of Aprill beinge Easter eve, we saw verrie strainge
lyghtninge in the skie, or in the eire. It was verrie wonderfull and
strainge, for we myghte se the eayre open and a fier lyke a verrie hote
iron taken out of a smythe’s forge, somtimes in liknes of a roninge
worme, another time lyke a horsshow, and agine lyke a lege and a foute.
Also the Thunder clapes weare also exseding greate. The seventhe daye
we passed by a place caled Morrottome. The 18th, by a hudge mountaine,
which is an Ilande in the seae, close by the shore. This ilande is called
Simberrie.[46] Upon that shore, over againste it, was somtime the Cittie
of Carttag, but some wryteres caled it Carthage. Aboute five leagues
further we sawe the cape, or forte, caled Debone.[47] At the weste sid
of it thar is a greate and large Tovne, caled Tonis,[48] by some peopell
Thunes. Thare dothe lye some parte of the Turkes gallis. The 14th we
sayelled by a famous iland Caled Sissillia,[49] cloce by the shore of it.
This ilande, they saye, is threscore leages in lengthe; a verrie frutfull
and pleasante iland. It dothe yelde greate store of corne and all maner
of frute. At the weste End Thare Dothe alwayes ly at the leaste nyne
gallies, and at the weste end ten or more.

Neare unto the easte ende of this Cissillie there is a verrie heie
mountayne, the which they do cale Montabell, but the ryghte name of it
is mounte Ettna. In the Daye time we that sayle by it maye se the topp
of it covered with snow, but in the nyghte we did see manye flashis of
fiere, to our thinkinge about the mydle of the mountaine. This brave
ilande is under the kinge of Spayne. We did leave it upon our lefte hand.
Than, upon our ryghte hande, we saw another ilande, which is caled Malta,
and that is likewyse under the kinge of Spayne, and is now kept for the
quantati (_sic_) the Master of the Roodes,[50] so that the Turkes can
hardly pass that waye. A litle before we cam so farr as Malta, we gave
chace to a shipe, beinge the 15th daye. After the mayster of that shipp
parsaved by our flage whate we weare, and did se that thre suche as him
selfe was not able to contende with us, he caste out his boote and came
a borde us, and broughte with him for a presente diverse Comodities: som
turkie carpites, some quiltede Coveringes of watchat[51] silke, and tow
or thre great peecis of salte fishe that wear 7 or 8 foute longe and one
foute square. It was strainge fishe unto us. We never tasted it, for
after he that broughte it had talked privetly with our mayster, he gave
him leve to Departe, and to take all his presente with him; but it muche
greved our sayles (sailors), for som offesers of our shipp wente aborde
that shipp whyles he was talkinge with our mayster, and they founde
by the pursseres bouke that theye had ten thousand Dolleres worthe of
Spaynishe goodes a borde. But our Mr. having recaved som secrite bribe,
he sayed that the shipe and good came from Sio,[52] wheare Mr. Willyam
Auldridge was consell, with other idle reasons, and tharfore he would not
take anythinge from him; and so the ship went awaye. Than we paste by
Malta. The 17th daye we gave chace to another shipp of Massillia,[53] and
borded here, but had litle or nothinge from her. Than we crost the gulfe
of Venis.

The 19th we discried lande in Gricia.

The 20th daye we paste by Saffranee, leavinge it on our lefte hande. At
this porte of Saffranee[54] thare be tow tounes, and a moste singuler
good harber. Neare unto it is the iland caled Sante, but rether Zante.
The same Daye we came to an anker before the greate toune of that ilande,
the which theye Do call Zante, by the name of the ilande; thar is also
a good harbur. The toune or Cittie of Zante is Cittiwated cloce to the
seae, and is a good myle in lengthe; behinde it, upon a verrie hie
and stepie hill, Dothe stande a large platforme of a castell, whearin
Dothe live the governer of that castell and towne; he is caled the
Providore.[55] Within the wales of this castell is diverse other dwelers,
and many housis; within that place the Providore dothe tow dayes in the
weeke hould a courte, and heare diverse causes, as well of the Grekes
as of the Venition and Italians; for this ilande is under the Ducke of
Venis, but he houldes it under the greate Turke, and Dothe paye tribute
yearlye or quarterly for it. The greateste parte of the people in this
ilande be Greekes, and theye doo labur harde in planting and triminge the
corron (currant) gardins, ollive gardins, and vinyards. Hear growethe
verrie litle corne, but from hence comethe the moste of our Corrance and
beste ayle (oil); thar is also good wyne. There provition of breade,
beefe, gotese, shepe, and swyne and pullin (fowls), they have it from
Castle Turne[56] in Morea, the which place is neare the playnes of
Arcadia, whear plentie of catle ar. The Providore, and those which ar
nexte unto him in office, whome they do cale sinyors of healthe, would
not suffer us to com on shore because we came from Argeare, whear Turks
do live, and we broughte from thence som Turkes in our shipp; yeate,
at the End of six dayes, we had proticke,[57] which is, Leve to com a
shore. The order thar is, that all Those which doo com out of any parte
of Turkie, havinge not a letter of healthe from som Venition or Ittalion,
muste remayne ether a borde the ship, or in the prison which they do cale
the lazerett, for ten Dayes; yf in the meane time any man hapene to be
sicke, they muste all reste thare for ten dayes more, and so still for
ten Dayes untill the have there healthe.

Whyleste we laye thus for sixe dayes upon the seae before the towne, I
touke greate notis of a little mountayne, the which, as I thought, did
ly close to the seae, and semed to be a verrie pleasante place to take
a vew of the whole iland and the seae before it. It showed to be verrie
greene and playen ground on the tope of it, and a whyte thinge lyke a
rocke in the mydle tharof. I touke suche pleasur in behouldinge this
hill that I made a kinde of vow or promise to my selfe that assowne
as I sett foute on shore I would nether eate nor Drinke untill I had
bene on the tope tharof; and in the meane time did labur with tow of my
companyons, and perswaded them to beare me company. One of there names
was Myghell Watson, my joyner; the other’s name Edward Hale, a Cotchman.
The day beinge come that we should go a shore, I chalinged my associates
with there promise, and gott there good wils to go with me before we
wente into the towne. This hill is called by the Greekes Scopo (_i.e._,
outlook). It is from the town more than a myle, but I gave our sayleres
somthinge to carrie us in the coke boote, as we thoughte to the foute
of the hill; but when we weare sett a shore we found it to be almoste
tow myles unto it. When we cam to the foute of it, by greate fortune we
hapened on the ryghte waye, the which was verrie narrow and crouked. It
was arlye in the morninge, and we weare toulde, 2 or 3 dayes before,
that no man muste carrie any weapern with him when he wente a shore, and
tharfore we wente only with cudgels in our handes. So, assendinge the
hill aboute halfe a myle, and loukinge up, we sawe upon a storie of the
hill above us a man goinge with a greate staffe on his shoulder, havinge
a clubed end, and on his heade a cape which seemed to hus to have five
horns standinge outryghte, and a greate heard of gootes and shepe folloed
him.

My frende Myghell Watson, when he saw this, he seemed to be verrie
fearfull, and would have perswaded us to go no farther, tellinge us that
surly those that did inhabite thare weare savidge men, and myghte easalye
wronge us, we hauinge no sordes or dageres, nether any more Company; but
I tould him that yf thei weare divers, I would, with Godes help, be as
good as my worde. So, with muche adow, we gott him to go to that storie
wheare we sawe the man with his club; and than we saw that that man was
a heardman. Yeate, for all this, Myghell Watson swore that he would goo
no farther, com of it what would. Edward Hale sayd somthinge fayntly that
he would not leave me, but se the end. So we tow traveled forwarde, and
when we cam somthinge neare the topp, we saw tow horsis grasinge, with
packe sadls on ther backes, and one man cominge downe the hill towardes
us, having nothinge in his handes. Cothe I to my fellow: Nede, we shall
see by this man what people they be that inhabit heare. When this man
came unto us he lay his hand upon his breste, and boued his head and
bodye with smylinge countinance, makinge us a sine to go up still. Yeat
than Ned Hall began to diswade me from goinge any further; but I tould
him it would not stand with my othe to go backe untill I had bene as
farr as I could go. Cominge to the top thare was a prittie fair grene,
and on one sid of it a whyte house bulte of lyme, and some square, the
whyche had bene the house of an ancoriste, who, as I harde after wardes,
Died but a litle before our cominge thether, and that she had lived five
hundrethe years. Ryghte before us, on the farther side of the greene, I
saw a house of som 20 pacis longe, and waled aboute one yarde hie, and
than opene to the eaves, which was aboute a yarde more. And I se a man
on the inside reatche oute a coper kettell to one that stood with oute
the wale. Than saide I to Ned Hale: I will go to yender house and gitt
som drinke, for I have greate neede. The wether was verrie hote, and I
was fastinge. But Ned Hale tould me that I had no reason to drinke at
there handes, nether to go any nearer them. Yeate I wente bouldly to the
sid of the house, whear I saw another man drinke, and made a sine to
him within that I woulde drinke. Than he touke up the same ketle which
had water in it, and offer it me to drinke. And when I did put out my
hande to take it, he would not give it me, but sett it further of, and
than cam near the wale againe, and lifte up a carpit which lay on the
ground, and thar was six bottels full of verrie good wyne, and a faire
silver cupe, and he filed that silver boule full of a redeishe wyne,
which they do cale Rebola, and he gave it me to drinke; and when I had
it in my hande I caled to my frende Nede Hale, who stood a far of, for
he was a fraide to com neare. Hear, Nede, cothe I, a carrouse to all
our frendes in Inglande. I pray you, cothe he, take heede what you dow.
Will you take what drinke they give you? Yeae, truly, cothe I; for it
is better than I have as yeat disarved of. When I had give God thankes
for it, I drank it of, and it was the beste that ever I dranke. Than he
filled me the same boule with whyte Rebola, the which was more pleasante
than the other. When I had muche comended the wyne, and tould Ned Hale
that he was a foule to refuse suche a cup of wyne, than he come neare the
house, and desiered to have som water; so he had the kettle to drinke in.
When this was all done, I was so well pleasede with this entertaynmente,
that I knew not how to thanke this man. I had no mony aboute me but one
halfe Dolor of Spanyshe mony, and that mony is best accepted of in that
countrie. I offered to give that peece of silver to this man, but he
would not by any means take it. Than I remembered that I had tow severall
(Seville?) knyfes in my pocket. I toke one of them and gave it him, and
the blad gilded and graven. When he had taken it oute of the sheathe and
louked upon it, he caled with a loude voyce: Sisto, Sisto! Than another
man Came runninge, unto whom he showed but only the hafte of it, and
than they began to wrastell for the knife; but he that I gave it unto
kepte it, and leape ower the wale to the side whear I was, and, bowinge
him selfe unto me, he toke me by the hande, and led me aboute by the
ende of that house, and so into a litle cloyster, throughe the whyche we
passed into a Chappell, whear we found a preste at mass and wex candls
burninge. He pute me into a pue, whear I satt and saw the behaveour of
the people, for thare weare about 20 men, but not a woman emongste them;
for the wemen weare in a lower chapell by them selves,[58] yeate myghte
they heare and se. Ned Hale cam after, but hauinge loste sighte of me, at
his cominge into the chappell he kneled Downe neare unto the wemen, but
saw them not; but they saw him, and wondred at his behaveour; for, after
I had kneeled Downe, I stode up in my pue to louk for him, and than I saw
tow wemen put oute there heades and laughed at him—as indeed they myghte,
for he behaved him selfe verrie foolishly. Nether he nor I had ever sene
any parte of a mass before, nether weare we thinge the wyser for that.
This chapell was verrie curiusly paynted and garnished round aboute, as
before that time I had never seene the lyke. Sarvis beinge ended, we
Departed out of the chapell; but presently one cam after us, who did seme
verrie kindly to intreat me to goo backe againe, and he leed us throughe
the chappell into the cloyster, wheare we found standing eyghte verrie
fayre wemen, and rychly apparled, som in reed satten, som whyte, and som
in watchell Damaske,[59] there heads verrie finly attiered, cheanes of
pearle and juels in there eares, 7 of them verrie yonge wemen, the eighte
was Anchante (ancient), and all in blacke. I thoughte they hade bene
nones, but presently after I knewe they wear not. Than weare we brought
into that house wheare before I had dranke. Clothe beinge layde, we weare
requested to sitt downe, and sarved with good breade and verrie good wyne
and egges, the shels of them collored lyke a damaske Rose,[60] and these
mad lyke an alla compana (_alla campagna_[61]) Route, for they keep it in
the earthe, because nothinge will thar take salte. My fellow, Need Hale,
would nether eate nor drinke anythinge but water, yeat I did eate one
egge, bread and chese, and I dranke tow boules of wyne. Whylste we satt
there, the Jentelwemen came in, and thre of them came verrie neare us,
and louked earnestly upon us. I offered one of them the cup to drinke,
but she would not. Than I offered to give him that tended upon us my
halfe Dollor, but he would not take any monye. These wemen standing all
to gether before us, I thoughte they had bene Dwelleres there, because
no mony would be taken. I presented my other knyfe, of 2_s._ price, unto
the ould Jentlewoman, the which she was unwilling to take, but at laste
she tooke it, and than they all flocked together, and, as it semed to me,
they wondered muche at it. When thei had well louked upon it, they came
altogether towardes me and bowed there bodies, to show ther thankfulnes.
So Ned Hale and I Touke our leves and wente awaye verrie merrily; but
when we came to the place wheare we lefte our fainte-harted frend Myghell
Watson, who all this whyle has layen in a bushe, when we had tould him
the wonderes that we had sene, and of our kinde entertainmente, he would
not beleve us, for he was a shamed, and desiered us to make haste to
the towne that he myghte git som vittals; but we mad the less haste for
that, and wente to se another monestarie. Near unto the place upon this
mountaine growed many sweete floweres, in stead of heathe, time, and
other good earbes, and fine springes of watere. Cominge to the towne
of Zante, we Inquiered out the house wheare our marchants and other
passingeres weare, which was at the sine of the Whyte Horse; but Myghell
Watson, for shame, would not go in with us. When our martchantes saw us,
they began to be verrie angrie, sayinge that they had soughte alaboute,
and thoughte that we had bene drowned, or com to som evell fortune; but
I bid them hould ther peace, and lett me tell them my adventurs. When I
had toulde them all the storie, they wondered at my bouldnes, and some
Grekes that weare thare sayde that they never hard that any Inglishe man
was ever thare before. It was than aboute 12 of the clocke, and nyne
of these Jentlmen would needes go presently thether to se That which I
had done, and because I would not go againe, beinge wearie, for it was
4 myles thether, they hiered a gide, and yeate, when they came to the
mountaine, they myste of the Ryghte way, and did climbe upon the Rockes,
so that som of them gott fales and broke there shins; but at laste they
got thether, and the waye for them by me beinge preparede, thei weare bid
verrie welcom; but there gide hade Instrucktede them with that which I
never thought on, the which was, that at ther firste cominge they should
go Into the chappell, and thar offer som mony, as litle as they would,
and than theye should have all kinde entertainmente. So, verrie late in
the evininge, they Returned safly againe, and gave me thankes for that
which theye had sene.

The 30th day I wente with 3 more, havinge a Greke to show us the way into
the Castle.


MAYE.

The firste day of maye we saw there greatest traverses[62] or sportes
that they have in all the yeare, for that day dothe meete at the toune
of Zante all the able men of the Greeks with there best horsis and
artillerie, which is nothinge but staves to Rvne at the Ringe, or at
quintan.[63] They borroed our five trompateres to sounde whe[n] they
Run at Ringe the prizis; the maner of it was so simple, that it is not
worthe keping in memorye. In the fore noune they Run Quintan for a prize,
the after noone at Ringe.

The second of Maye we departed from Zante.

The Turkes which weare passingeres in our shipp, and came with us from
Argeare in Barbaria, and were to goo wythe us to Scandarowne, did somwate
hasten us on of our voyege, and, the wynd beinge fayer, we sett sayle
the second of Maye. The sam daye we sailed verrie neare an Ilande called
Travallie,[64] in the which we did se a Castle, and in that Castell, or
in som monestarie near unto it, thar be alwayes Thirtie fryeres, and
no wemen in that Ilande, nether any more housis: it is low ground and
levell, and litle above one myle in lengthe.

The third Daye we Entered in betwyxte Neagraponte, the mayne land of
Grece, and a fine Iland called Sireego.[65] They saye that in this
Iland faire Hellin was borne, and from thence stolne awaye before the
Distrucktion of Troye.

The fourthe and the fifte Daye, havinge but a litle gale of wynde, we
sayled cloce by the shore of Candie. This Ilande is fiftie leages in
lengthe. We sayled neare unto that highe hill Caled Crete, wheare St.
Pale preachede, and an ould Jue That was a passinger in our ship tould us
that on the tope of that hill Dothe stand a brason man houldinge a bowe
bente as yf he wear shoutinge againste the easte, and he sayd that it was
placed thare by arte magick, before which time few ships could live upon
those seaes, the Easterly wyndes weare so furius; but sence that time
they have bene as other places or seaes ar. Over aginste Candie we lefte
many litle Ilandes, spetialy at the easte end, Melo and Antimelo.[66]

The sixte Day we had a virrie straite entrie betwyxte tow Ilandes at
aleven of the clocke, and did Run within a bot lengthe of the shores.
They be verrie hudge and upryghte mountaines. That which we lefte on our
Ryghte hande is calede Cassa,[67] a place not Inhabbited; the other upon
our lefte hande is caled Scarpanta, and it is Inhabitede. In this Ilande
tharbe verrie greate store of foule, that in the nyghte time doo Rouste
in the grounde as our counis in Ingland dow.

16 leagues from Thence is the Ile of Roodes, but sence that Ilande was
taken by the Turkes, the Roods[68] hathe bene kepte by the Spanyarde at
Malta.

The seventhe daye we saw the coste of Carmanee.[69]

The 8 and 9 we weare in a maner be calmede. The tenthe, and eleventhe,
and 12th we sayled by the Coste of Siprus, havinge it upon our lefte
hande. Neare unto the weste ende we saw a towne caled Baffa.[70] Eyghte
leagues further, at Cape Gata, we sett a man a shore, who was a Greke,
and borne in Siprus, and thare dwelled, but havinge a brother dwellinge
in Candie, whom he had not in a longe time seene, he gott passage in a
shipe to goo to Candie; but the wynde would not suffer the ship to tuche
thare, but carried that man to Zante, and in 3 monthes space he could
not meete wythe any ship to carrye him backe againe to Candie. When our
shipe came, he hearinge that we weare to sayle by Candie, he fell at
our Maysteres feet, and craved passege in our shipe thether. So he was
taken in. Yeat when we sayled cloce by the shore of Candie, our Mr. would
not land him thare, but carried him to Siprus, and sett him on shore
thare; the which I thought was the man’s hard fortun, and so he thoughte
himselfe, for he wepte bitterly, because he had spente so muche time,
and could not se his brother, whom he so dearly lovede.

Aboute ten leagus from the easte end of this Iland, in Siprus, near unto
Cape Grego, thare is a greate and large towne caled Famagusta. It is a
harber, or good porte. Thare dothe lye the moste of there gallis and
other shipinge.

The 13th daye we sayled Juste to the easte ende of Siprus, for the wynde
was verrie smale.

This Iland is the moste pleasante of any that hetherto I did ever see.
The shores be lowe, and playne feeldes risinge into the lande still hier
and hier, that a man maye se neare twentie myles into the Contrie, wheare
we sett the man a shore. We saw great store of wylde swyne; but, out of
all question, it is a verrie fruitful contrie.

When we weare about the mydle of Siprus, we sawe the Mounte Lebynus,
which is in Assirria, and but tow smale dayes Journaye from Jerusalem.
The 14th, havinge a freshe gale of wynde, we recovered the Cape
Cansele,[71] the which is neare unto Scandaroune. The 15th we came to an
anker in the Roode before Scandaroune, the which is in the verrie bottom
of all the straites as farr as any shipp can go. The 16th daye our Mr.
Guner, tow of his mates, Mr. Chancie, our surgin, one of our Trumpeteres,
my selfe, and my maete, John Harvie, every one of us havinge a muskett,
with powder and shott, we wente ashore, and though the mountaynes thare
be exsedinge heie so that no ship dare goo within tow myles of the shore,
for feare of not havinge a wynde to carrie them out againe, yet betwyxte
those mountains and the seae there be desarte placis, thicke woodes, and
boges, whearin dothe breed score of wyld foule, and allso wyld beastes,
namely swyne and foxes.

We havinge entred into these woodes, thinkinge to kill som wylde foule,
our myndes wear trabled to find oute som pathe waye, for feare of
tearinge our cloese, and everie tow or 3 butlengthe[72] (boatlengths) we
should finde a man caled a mountaineard, lyinge in a bushe, havinge in
his hande ether a bowe and arrowes, or eles a peece, the which weapeins
as we supposed they did carrie to kill wyld foule; but we havinge strayed
some thre myles into the wildernes, we found a square playne, the which
was nothinge but a quagmyer, and in the mydeste thar of was tow myghtie
greate buffelawes, beastes biger then our greate oxen. At the firste we
saw nothinge but there heades, and they made a great noyse with their
snufflinge, and, in the ende, went Runing awaye, which was a wonder to
us, for had it bene an ox, or cowe, or horse of oures, theye would thare
have bene drowned.

Whylste we stood wondringe at this, we espied a great companye, to the
number of aboute 40, of the afore sayde mountayneares, the which weare
gathered together, and goinge aboute to catche us by inclosinge us
aboute. This company beinge in that place, we knew not how to with stand,
but only by flyinge away, and the woodes that weare betwyxte us and the
seae weare so heie that we could not see the seae nor the maste of our
shipe; but Runninge at a ventur throughe thicke and thine, thorns and
bryeres, tearinge our close, at the laste we recovered a fayer playne,
wheare we myghte se our shipe, and within a myle of the shore. Than weare
we glade, and touke our ease, wheare we founde a fayre fountaine of
verrie comfortable water, for we weare fastinge, and faynte with travell.

After we had couled and Refreshed our selves, we Returned throughe the
scatelsteade,[73] plat,[74] or foundationes of the towne or cittie of
Scandaroune, so caled by the Turkes, but formerly caled Allicksandretta.
There we myghte se greate peecis of wales wheare goodly housis and
monestaris had bene, which in the same is now nothing but boges and
pondes, wals of housis, and a castle, so sunke into the grounde with
water aboute it that no bodie can go unto it. We did se thare, upon the
wales of an oulde house, verrie strainge varmente Runing up and downe
at great pace, som of them biger than a great toude, and of the same
collore, but they had longe tayles lyk a Ratt.[75] Som of them weare
longer maede and less of boddie, and so many otheres of diveres fations.
An other time my mate Harvie and I wente into the feeldes to washe our
lininge, and, whylste it was a driinge, we went to gather some fruite,
for thar be great store of good frute that is comon, cominge to a whyte
Damson tre. As we were a gatheringe we espied a great Ader that was in
the tre upon the bowes, at least 12 or 14 foute from the grounde. He was
even Reddie to leape upon one of us. Assown as we turned our backe to run
awaye, He leape oute of the tre, and Rune into a thickett of brieres. A
greate number of suche smale matteres I will omitte.

The 18th Daye our ship was to be unladen of suche goodes as was appoynted
to goo to Alippo[76]; but that morninge, as sowne as we weare up, we
saw a marvalus goodly show of tentes upon the sid of that mountayne,
stritchinge downe unto that fountaine which I spoke of before; the which,
when our mayster sawe, he sente a boate ashore to know the cause; and
our marchantes sent him worde that he should not, by any meanes, send
any goodes or any man a shore untill he did se all the tentes gone, for
thare was the souldieres of Damascus, a parte of the greate Turkes armye,
that weare goinge to the warres, and if theye did finde any thinge on
the shore that did lyke them, they would tak it as theire owne. So at
nyghte we saw these tentes a takinge up, for, by Reason the contrie is
verrie hote, theye dow travell by nyghte, and not by daye; so for four
dayes there came everie nyghte a fresche companye, and we kept a borde
our shipe. Everie daye thar would com Ridinge to the seae side a great
company of brave horsmen, with their lancis. Som hade their neagors to
carrie their Lancis and other weapeins. Som sayd that they weare sent for
to Constantinople, the which is 20 dayes Jurnaye from Scandaroune.

The 30th daye the Franch Consell which is Resedent at Alippo Dined aborde
our shipp.

The same daye, towardes nyghte, our men begann to unlood our ship of
such goodes as was for Alippo, for souner theye could not well, by
Reason of the abbundance of Jenesaris that passed that waye, and pitched
thare tentes within one myle and halfe of the Roode; and it is a verrie
uncomfortable place. Thare is but 3 houstile,[77] one Itallian, one
Franche, and one Inglishe. Some litle cottigis thare be made of Reedes,
lik a somer house, and tow smale tentes.


JUNE.

The firste of June Thar was letters convayede verrie straingly from
Alippo to Scandaroune, the which is thre score and twelve myles
distance. After I hade bene thare a litle whyle, I persaved that it was
an ordinarie thinge. For, as we weare sittinge in our marchantes house
talkinge, and pidgons weare a feedinge in the house before us, thare came
a whyte cote pidgon flyinge in, and lyghte on the grounde amongeste his
fellowes, the which, when one of the marchantes saw, he sayd: Welcom,
Honoste Tom, and, takinge him upe, thare was tied with a thred under his
wynge, a letter, the bignes of a twelve penc., and it was Dated but four
houres before. After that I saw the lyke done, and alwayes in 4 houres.

The fourthe Daye, in the morninge, thare weare pitched above twentie
tentes at the place afore sayde, but the number of brave Jenesaries I
could not learne, because I could not be conversante with them, or any
that did know it. The moste of them weare horsmen, and everie man had
his Lance, and most of them his boye, or slave, to beare his Lance, and
everie mane his bowe and quiver of arrowes, and semeterrie by his sid.
Not only there maner of shoutinge, but ther bowes and arrowes be strainge.

In the time of our being at Scandaroune, our longe boote wente everie
Frydaye to Tharschus,[78] the cittie or towne wheare the appstele St.
Pale was borne, for that was ther markett Daye, and she wente to buy
vittals. Tharshus is but 16 myles from Scandaroune, and aboute the myd
waye, or somwhat nearer to Scandarowne, is the place wheare Jonas[79] was
caste out of the whales bellie, as the Turkes and Greekes tould us.

The Mr. guner of our shipe, one of his mates, my mate Harvie, and I, with
two saylores which Rowed us thether, we wente to that verrie place, and
thare we gathered and filled a sacke full of sampeare,[80] whiche did
grow upon those Rockes.

The tenthe of this monthe we departede from Scandaroune towardes
Constantinople, the wynde beinge direcktly againste us, bordinge it from
shore to shore.

Towardes nyghte we came neare to a fayre towne on our Ryghte hande; at
one end of it thare is a fayre and large castle, and the towne is a
great lengthe by the sea side. This towne is caled Yeaass,[81] about
six leagues from Tharesus, which the Turkes do cale Bayas, for they do
chainge the names of moste townes.

The 12, 13, and 14th we sayled by the coste, and neare the shore
of Carmanye, which is in Asia the Less. The wynde beinge nothinge
favoarable, we had great leasur to louke upon the shores.

The 15th day we saw Siprus againe.

The 20th daye we Recovered to a Cape, which is one hundrethe leagues from
Scandaroune.

The 23 we sayled by Castle Rosee,[82] which is in litle Asia.

The 25 we sawe a farr of the famus Ilande Called the Roodes, the which in
times paste hathe bene kepte by Christian Knyghts, but now Inhabited by
Turkes.

The 26 we sayled by the shore of the Roods, of the which we tooke
sufficiente vew, for the wynde was directly againste us; we myghte se
whear divers fortes hathe bene upon litle mountayns.

This Ilande is 14 or 15 Leagues in lengthe and four leagues in bredthe.
The 27 we sayled by the northe ende of the Ilande, and at the northe
ende of the Ilande, and at the northe-easte corner of the same, thar is
a towne or Cittie, the which for Cittiwation and strengthe I cannot not
give it due commendations.

This 27 daye died one Thomas Cable, who was under 20 yearis of age, and
son to one of the owneres of our shipe.

As we weare to pass betwyxt the northe end of the Ilande and the shore of
Asia, which is but 5 leagues betwyxte, and the wynd direcktly in ye gulfe
againste us, and also we wantede freshe water and other vitals verrie
scarce, our Mr. and marchantes thoughte it good to touche at the towne.

Cominge to an ankere neare unto the wales of the towne, thare we founde
in the Roode a gallioune of the great Turkes, the bigeste ship he hathe,
aboute one thousand tun, a verrie carte, a ship of no strengthe; yeat was
she Richly laden, and cam from Alicksandria.

We weare no sowner come to an anker but the Turkes began to com aborde
us, so that the verie firste day thar came abord us not so few as five
hundrethe Rude Turkes, and lykwyse everie day that we stayed thare they
seased not.

The nexte daye, beinge the 28 of this monthe, the Captaine basha,
governer of the towne, beinge gone abrood with there galles on some
greate busines, the Chia[83] his Debitie (deputy), who for the time was
Captaine, he, with the chefeest men of the towne, came abord our ship,
and she was trimed up in as handsom maner as we could for the time. Our
gonroume was one of the fayereste Roumes in the ship, and pleasant to
com into. In the gonroume I had a pare of virginals, the which our Mr.
goner, to make the better showe, desired me to sett them open. When the
Turkes and Jues came in and saw them, they wondered what it should be;
but when I played on them, than they wondered more. Diveres of them would
take me in there armes and kis me, and wyshe that I would dwell with
them. When the Captaynes Debutie had well vewed our shipe, the Captaine
and Mr. of our shipe, accordinge to the Custam of the contrie, did give
unto this man as muche brode clothe for a present, as would make his
Captaine a veste or a goune after the Turkie manere; and so they wente
awaye. Assowne as they weare gone, the stuerde of our ship and his men,
my mate Harvie and I, went on shore to se the towne within. When we came
to the gate wheare we should enter, I louked well upon it, and saw a
superscription wryten or coutt in stone, but I could not understand it,
only the yeare of our Lorde, when this gate was bulte or Reedified, and
it was thus sett downe: Ano Dom. 1475.

When we had entered this gate, the firste turninge that we could finde
upon our Ryghte hande we turned up a verrie fine streete to go to the
wales. We there founde myghtie greate ordenance, bothe of brass and Iron,
the which was made by Christians; som great peecis of brass that weare
burste when the Turkes lay seige unto the towne.

Ther weare marvalus greate peecis that weare made of hamered Iron,
everie stafe[84] at the leaste 3 Inches square, and houped aboute lyke
a barrell, the bore so bige as tow man myghte creep in bothe at once. A
Greeke that gided us aboute the Wales tould us that one of these peecis,
beinge once discharged, could not be charged a gaine, and made Reddie to
be discharged, in less than tow houres.

This towne is Doble waled, betwixte the wales the distance of a pare of
shorte butts (boats), and the ditche is verrie Depe, but drie.

To be shorte, havinge paste Rounde aboute the towne with oute any
contradicktion or staye, only the time that we Dranke a pitcher of wyne
which coste us but one penye, we made haste unto the seaye sid, and
so to goe aborde. When we weare with oute the gate, loukinge for our
bote, we se it cominge of from our shipe. When it cam to the shore,
thare was in it Mr. Maye, our preatcher, and one that was appoynted to
be our Imbaseders under butler. Cothe Mr. Maye to me: Ar you Reddie to
goo aborde? Yeae, truly! said I; for I am verrie hungrie and wearrie
with travell. I praye you, sayde he, go backe againe with me to the
gate, that I maye but se the superscription over it, and sett one foute
within the gate, and then I will go backe againe with you. So we wente
all backe with Mr. Maye to the gate. When we weare thare, he saw a farr
of a fountaine of water, made lyke one of our Conducktes, with a fayre,
brighte Dishe of steele hanginge in a cheane, for the Turkes drinke
nothinge but water. I praye you, cothe Mr. Maye, goe with me to yonder
fountaine, that I may drinke som of that water, for it semethe to be
verrie good, and I have a greate desier to drinke som of it. So we wente
all with him to the fountaine, and everie one of us did drinke a dishe of
water. As we weare a drinkinge, thare came unto us tow stout Turkes, and
sayd: Parlye Francko, sinyore? which is: Can ye speake Ittallian, sinyor?
Soe cothe Mr. Maye. Soe, as theye weare a talkinge, I louked aboute me,
and a Turke, settinge upon his stale (stall), who did know me—for he had
hard me play on my virginals and kissed me aborde our shipe—he beckened
me to com unto him; and when I came som what neare him, in kindnes and
som love he bore unto me, made me a sine to be gone; and poynted to the
gate, and bid me make haste. So to the gate went I as faste as I coulde
Truge, and my mate Harvie and the Reste of my Company followed after as
faste as theye could; leavinge Mr. Maye and the under butler talkinge
with the Turkes, for theye tow could speake Ittallian a litle, and so
could none of us. When we weare gotten withoute the gate we Louked backe
towardes the fountaine, but we se nobodye there; for the Turkes had
carried Mr. Maye and the other man to prison. By chance we founde our
bote and sayleres thare Reddie, and aborde our shipe we wente. When we
came aborde, I wente presently to our Mr., and tould him all that had
hapened. When I tould him how I had bene aboute the towne, he Imagened
that we by that meanes had given som offence; because it is Daingerus
for a stranger, beinge a Christian, to Take a vew of that towne, and
so thoughte that for our faulte these men weare taken presoners. What
wordes did pass betwyxte our Mr. and me I will omitt till God send us
into Inglande. No man durste be so boulde as to goo ashore all that Daye,
nether did any com abord us.

The nexte morninge a litle Greeke bote cam from the towne abord our
shipe wythe a Letter from Mr. Maye, Direckted not onlye to our Mr. and
marchantes, but also to the Reste of theyre companye. This Letter was
wrytten so pittifully, as yf theye had bene presoneres thare seven
yeares: showinge how they weare taken from the fountayne and copled
together, lyke as theye hade bene tow Doggs, with a cheane of could
Rustie Iron, and lede into a Darke dungeon, thare cheane fastened with a
staple unto a poste wheare they muste continually stande, and nether sitt
nor knele, and everye tow houres weare shaken over them whippes made
of wyere, threatening most Crouell punishmente; and tharfore desiered
that by all meanes thei would seke som meanes for theyer spedie Release,
or eles that theye myghte be presently put to Deathe, for theye weare
not able to Induer that myserable lyfe and sharp punishment, which was
lykly to be Inflicted vpon them yf the ship did once departe. Our Mr.
and marchantes weare so wounded with Reding this letter, and pittinge
the presoneres case, and banishinge all feare, they Resolvede to go
ashore. Our Mr. and five martchants havinge made themselves as brave as
they could, they wente a shore verrie stoutly to the Captayns house,
desieringe to speake with the chial, the Captain bassha his debutie, who
after he had made them to staye whyle he came unto them to know the cose
of theire cominge, one of our men that could beste speak Ittallian Tould
him that Theye founde them selves verrie muche aggreved that theyer men
should be stayede as presoneres, and not to be Informed of the Cause; and
lyke wyse wondered how they Durste be so bould as to make stay of any
one of our men, we beinge goinge with so Riche a presente to the Grand
Sinyor, and those tow men which theye had stayed weare tow spetiall men,
one of them our Divine and preacher, the other the chefe and princepall
man for the presente. This, with other wordes, they sayed to feare
them; also theye sayd that yf he would not presently deliver those men,
they would hier a gallie and send to the Grand Sinyor, that he might
understand how they wear wronged and hindred in their voyege without any
occation given to our knowledge.

The Answer of the Chial was this:

Yeaster Day I was abord your Shipp presentinge my Captayn’s person in his
absence; you gave me not suche entertainmente as my place Did Requier;
you made me no good cheare, nether Did you give me a presente for my
Captaine.

Our men answeared: The beste Entertainmente that we could give unto yow
for the time yow had; good cheare we could mak yow none, for we had
nothinge for our selves; our cominge to this place was to haue some
Relefe heare, and to furnishe our selves with suche vitals as this
contrie yeldethe for our monye. Whereas yow saye that yow had no presente
for your Captayne, yow say not truly, for yow had so muche brode Clothe
as would make your Captaine a Veste. But than said the chial: I had none
for my selfe, and one will I have before yow have your men. Then saide
they: Is that all the occation that moved yow to Impreson our men? And
will the gifte of suche a presente give you contente That we maye have
our men? Yea, surlye, sayde the chia. And so this Quarell was ended.
Heare yow maye se the base and covetus condition of these Rude and
barbarus doged Turkes, and how litle they do Regard Christians.

This Cittie wale which is nexte unto the seae is marvalus stronge, and
so fortified with greate ordinance, not upon the wale, but their nosis
Do louke throw the wale, so placed that no ship can pass on that side
of the lande withoute leve. Within the town, in most streetes, a man
cannot trott a horse, the streetes ly so full of bulletes, made of
marble,[85] and of all sizis, from 16 Incchis to 3 Inchis. Many other
Thinges conserninge this Cittie and Iland I do omit till my Returne into
Inglande; but of all the townes or Citties that in my life I have sene,
for strengthe I never saw the lyke.

Now, havinge Redemed our men oute of prison, the next day beinge the
30th, or last day of June, we wayed Anker, hoysed saile, and so to sea.

The firste of July, beinge under saile, we entered the sea Aegebu,[86]
passinge by and emongste the Iles of Archipelagua, wheare is a marvalus
company of little Ilandes. The second daye we sailed by one of them
emongeste the Reste, leavinge it southe. It is caled Lango.[87] Upon the
northe side verrie pleasante lowe grounde, wheare semed to be not only
store of vines, but plentie of other frute. Also we se a verrie fine
toune, whose wales Resiste the waves of the sea. Within the towne verrie
fayer buildinges, the which was never done by the Turkes, thoughe they
now Inioye (enjoy) the same. It was our happ to caste Anker before the
towne alnyghte, but in the morninge we sett sayle. The towne is called
Lango (Stanco), by the name of the Ilande.

The third daye, standinge upon the spar-decke of our shipp, I tould no
less than 16 Ilandes which weare Rounde about us.

The fourthe day, leavinge Learo[88] southe, we came to the Ilande Samose,
wheare that famos felosefer Pathagarus was borne. This Ilande, for the
moste parte, is Inhabited with Greekes. The wynde beinge verrie contrarie
to our cource, that findinge a faire Roode, we Caste anker thare, wheare
we myghte se a litle towne, a myle and better from the shore.

The people in the towne, seeinge our shipp com to an anker, we sawe them
Rune into the felds and drive awaye there Cattell with greate speede up
into the mountaines. Also in the Rood, halfe a myle from us, was a litle
shipp or barke, the which they halled ashore, and carriede awaye the
goodes that was in her; but they touke more paynes then theie needed, for
we ment them no harme, and one hour within nyghte we wayed Anker; but
the wynd was so Direcktly in the narrow passage[89] we had to go betwyxt
that Iland and another,[90] that we could not pass, but weare forced to
put in againe at the southe easte corner of the same ilande, under hudge
mountaine.[91] To my thinkinge it is only one parme stone (pumice stone),
and of sartaintie all that parte which was nexte unto the sea is a fearme
stone, and verrie streighte uprighte.

The nexte Day som of our men went a shore to se yf they could find any
freshe water, and to cut doune som fier wood.

One of those men, beinge a verrie bould fellow, stole away from his
fellowes, and wente to the towne aforesayde. He presumed partly upon his
language, but the reste of his fellowes came aborde without him, and
everie one did thinke that he was taken prisoner. The nexte daye, aboute
ten of the clocke, he came to the sea sid, and weaved for a boate; so,
when he cam aborde, he broughte with him som hens and som breade, and
was halfe Drunke with wyne. About tow houres after came to the shore
the captaine of that ilande, who was a Turke, and broughte with him a
presente, in hope to recave a better.

Heare doth grow a kinde of graine or corne, which theie do call myllio
(millet), a small seed muche lyke unto canara-bird seed. The increase of
it is at the least one hundrethe and fiftie foulde. They make of it finer
bread than of wheate. The eighte Daye Died one John Knill, sarvante to
Mr. Wyseman, marchante, who was also one of the owneres of our shipp.

The tenthe daye we wayed anker, and provede to pass our cource, but
the wynde would not suffer us, beinge weste and by northe, as it was
before. When we saw that we could not prevaile againste the wynde, we
came rounde to that place whear we did firste anker, thinkinge thare to
git som better store of vitals and freshe water; but beinge verrie darke
before we could git into the harber, by the necklyience (negligence) of
him that sounded, our ship was a grounde, the which turned us to greate
feare and muche truble a greate parte of that nyghte; yeat in the ende
all was well. But in the morninge, when we did thinke to have gone a
shore, we espied 4 gallis and a frigett, which came stealinge by the
shore. The gallis stayed a league of, under the shore of Asia the lesse,
but the frigett came into the roode to se what we wear, and thar came
to an anker; the which when our Mr. persaved, not knowinge what There
intent was, he caused anker to be wayed with all speed, and beinge under
saile, the frigett went before us, and also the gallis; for than our Mr.
purposed to goo that way which before he Durste not adventur; for whearas
we should have lefte this ilande on our Righte hand, now we lefte it on
our lefte hand, and ventured to goo be twyxte Samose and the mayne land
of Asia the less, the which is a marvalus straite pasege for suche a ship
as ours was. Even in the straighteste place these four gallis stayed for
us, but when they se our strengthe and bouldnes, they weare afrayed of
us. They had placed ther gallis cloce by the shore, so that ether the
beake head did tuche the shore or else there ors myghte, and yeat had we
hardly roume enoughe to pass betwyxte theire ores and the mayne lande.
Our Mr. caused all our company to stand up and make as great a show as we
coulde, and when we weare ryghte over againste them, our five trumpetes
sounded sodonly, which made them wonder, loukinge earnestly upon us, but
gave us not a worde; so we Dashte them oute of countinance who mente to
have feared us, and we lefte them by the shore of Samose, beinge the
eleventhe day of July.

The 12th daye we discried Scio. The 13th we sayled by the shore of that
ilande.

The 14th we cam to an anker in a rood, tow leagues shorte of the greate
towne or Cittie of Scio, so called by the name of the ilande.

The 15th day, in the morninge, our longe boate beinge reddie to go
ashore for freshe water, which we stod great need of, for in 3 dayes
before we had nothinge to eate but rice boyled in stinkinge water, and
our bevveredge did also stincke. The boate beinge lanched, thre of our
jentlmen passingeres came unto me and asked me yf I would goo a shore to
see yf we could buy some freshe vittals, and I sayd: Yeae, with all my
harte. Assowne as we weare in the boate, the Mr. was tould of it, and
he louked over the ship side, and spoke unto me, for the other myghte
have gone with his good will, and nevere com again, nether woulde he
have stayed halfe an hour for them; but theye did know that he would not
leave me behinde. So the Mr. asked me whether I would go, and I tould
him but to sett foute on shore, drinke som freshe water, and com aborde
with the boate. Than he bid me come aborde againe presently, but the
jentlmen had me betwyxte them, and helde me faste; nether did I meane to
dow as he bid me. Well, sayd the Mr., I see ye will goo ashore, and the
companye that is with yow will draw yow up to yonder towne which you se,
and I will tell you before you goo that which yow shall finde true. In no
parte of the worlde Dothe grow any masticke[92] but in this ilande, and
now is the time for it. The commodities heare ar nothinge but masticke,
cotten woll, and wynes. Yow cannot goo to yonder towne but yow muste
needes go throughe the gardens wheare these thinges grow; and yf you be
sene to take one sprige of masticke, or one podd of cotten woll, or one
bunche of grapes, it is a whole yeares impresonmente, and thare wilbe no
redemption for you. Tharfore do not saye but that I gave yow suffitiente
warninge, etc.

This iland of Scio is risinge from the sea side som 3 or 4 myle, and this
towne which we mente to go unto is tow myle from the sea, and it semed, a
farr off, to be a prittie towne, with a castell in the mydeste of it.[93]

When the Mr. had tould us his mynde, for the Daingeres we myghte fale
into unawares, than he sayd to me that yf I cam not backe againe with the
boat when she had taken in water, he would sett sayle and be gone; but we
feared not that, for as sowne as we came to lande, we wente direcktly to
the towne. It was upon the Sondaye, and the people seinge our ship com
to an anker, and seldum had sene the lyke in that contrie, and lykwyse
saw us com a shore, many wemen and childrin came to meet us, who wondred
as muche at us as we did at them. We wente on right forwardes, givinge
no bodie one worde till we came into the mydle of the towne under the
castell wale, and thare standinge still loukinge aboute us, thare came
a Greeke unto us, and demanded whom we soughte for, or whither we would
goo. To of our company could speake Ittalian well, who Answered that our
cominge was to buy som vitals.

This man saide thare was a Consoll in the towne, and we muste repare unto
him before we could have anythinge, so he wente with us unto the Consols
house. The streetes weare full of people, which flocked together to louke
upon us.

When we came to the Consols house, we weare to go up a pare of staires,
made lyke a ladder at one end of the house withoute. This lader went up
to a stage or scaffould which was on the backesid of his house, that
louked righte towardes the sea wheare our shipp lay at an anker. The
consoll was apon this stage, sittinge at a table, and with him thare
was six verrie gallant jentlwemen, and verrie beautifull. Assowne as we
came up, these brave wemen arose and wente awaye, and the Consoll came
unto us, imbracinge us one after another, and bid us verrie wellcom. He
caused the Table to be furnished with a verrie fine bankett (banquet) of
sweete meates, and but tow litle cakes of breade; our drinke was verrie
good raspis.[94] Whyleste we satt thare talkinge, the common sorte of
the people in that towne came to the garden wales, for on that sid of
the house was the Consols garthen, and the wales weare of stone withoute
morter, and the people Did so muche desier to se us, that they did climbe
upon the wales. The Consoll many times stood up chidinge them, and
shakinge his hande at them, threatininge punishmente; but the more he
chid, the more the people did climbe upon the wale, and the wale beinge
over loden, Downe came the wale, makinge a greate noyes, the lengthe of a
pare of butes (boats), and almoste so muche in another place. The which
made The Consoll verrie angrie, and he myghte verrie well have wyshte
that we had note com thare.

Wheare we satt we myghte se our shipp ryghte before us, and we se the
boate goo a bord with water.

In this meane time, the Consoll had sente tow men aboute the towne, to se
what vitels they could git for us; at the end of tow houres theye came
againe, and tould us that theye could find nothinge that was to be sould
at that time, beinge Sondaye, but aboute a bushell of garlicke, the which
we wear contented to take, because we would have somthinge; and we saw
that we weare trublsom to the Consoll; so, havinge taken or leves of the
Consoll, he apoynted one to carrie our garlick to the townes end before
us. Goinge Downe the ladder from the scaffould, upon bothe sides of the
ladder did stand the chefeste wemen in the towne, in degrees one above
Another, to se us at our goinge awaye; they stoode in suche order as we
myghte se theire facis and bristes nakede, yeat weare they verrie richly
appareled, with cheanes aboute theyre neckes, and juels in them and in
there eares, theire heades verrie comly dresed with rebbininge of diverse
collores; but that which made us moste admiere them was their beautie and
cleare complecktion. I thinke that no parte of the worlde can compare
with the wemen in That contrie for beautie; but afterwards we understood
that yf we had gone to the Cittie, which was but sixe myles further, we
should have bene muche better entertained, for in that Cittie was an
Inglishe Consoll, whose name was Mr. Willyam Aldridge, a fine jentlman,
but our Mr. would not put in thare, for feare of beinge put to som
charge; for he was a verrie myserable and sparinge man, all for his owne
profitt, and not regardinge to satisfie other mens Desieres, or to give
his passingers anye Contente.

Beinge Come aborde our ship with our bage of garelicke, it was not so
selenderly regarded but that we myghte have had chapmen (buyers) for it,
and our monye againe with profitt.

The same Daye Anker was wayed, and we under sail, but we profetted litle,
for before the morninge we came to an Anker againe somethinge neare to
the same place.

The nexte daye, beinge the 16 daye, we wayed Anker againe, and weare
becalmed before the greate toone of Scio, verrie neare unto it, but our
Mr. would not suffer any man to goo ashore.

The 19th of July we came to the Iland Tenedoes, the which is ryghte over
agenste the southe Ende of the platt or ruins of the great Cittie of
Troye, the wynde beinge Direcktly againste us, and also a great Currante
which comes from the rever of Hellisponte. We came to an Anker by the
Shore, neare to that southe gatte of Troye; a greate parte of the gate is
yeat standinge, with som hudge peecis of those myghtie wales that hathe
bene.

The xxth Daye we wayed Anker againe, but could do no goode, for the wynde
and currante was againste us, and we came to an anker againe neare to the
same place.

The 21 Day, Died a boye Caled John Felton, who was borne at Yarmouthe.

Also, the same day, I and som more of our company wente a shore, and
sawe som monimentes in Troy, peecis of wales, sutchins,[95] and marble
pillares.

We beinge come aborde againe, ii of the greate Turkes gallis cam by
us, some rowinge and som saylinge; bucause they should not com a borde
us, our Mr. caused Anker to be wayed, and towardes nyghte, the wynde
faylinge, we came to an anker againe.

The 22th Day, tow friggotes which came down the ryver Hellisponte, seinge
our ship, and knowing her to be a ship from Inglande by her flage in the
mayn top, tow Inglishe men that weare in one of the friggotes desiered
of ther Captaine that they myghte haile our shipe. The captaine was
verrie willinge so to dow, The which our captaine, or Mr., persavinge,
and knowing the frigotes to be Turkes, and because theye should not come
a borde us, he caused Anker to be wayed with all speede; for the Turk’s
condition is suche that, yf they come a borde, the captaines would have
had a presente, or have beged somthinge.

So by that time that theye weare com unto us, we weare under saille.
Than the tow Inglishe men caled unto us, and, after som salutations,
theye tould our Mr. thate thare was cominge at hande The Amberall of the
greate Turkes navie, and, in his Company, 15 gallis more; and also showed
how we myghte knowe the Amberall from the reste, for his gallie had
tow lanthorns on his poupe, and the reste but one a peece. And so these
friggotes departede.

No souner weare the frigotes gone but we discried the gallies verrie
neare unto us, for theye cam downe the rever Hellisponte, at a corner by
the wales of Troye. The sighte of these gallis, to our thinkinge, was a
marvalus show, they weare so curiusly paynted with fayre collors and good
varnishe. The slaves that weare in them rowinge satt all nakede. As they
weare rowinge towardes Tenedoes, the wynde cam fayer for them, and than
they cut ther sayels, and the slaves weare covered with a peece of canves
that over sprede them all. When the gallis weare under saile they showed
muche better than theye did before. The sailes weare made of cotten woll,
and one clothe verrie whyte, and another verrie blewe, and the masts of
the sam colores.

As theye weare sailinge by us, our Mr. caused the gonors to give them
thre peecis, the which was but meserably done; yeate, beinge so neare the
wales of Troy, the eckco was suche that everie peece semed to be five by
the reporte.

Than the Amberall sente a gallie unto us to demande his presente, and
also to aske whye we did salute him no better. The gallie beinge com
unto us with his messege, our Mr. answered that the Amberal’s presente
was caked[96] under the hatchis, nether did he know what it was untill
he came to our imbassador at Constantinople; and for that thare was no
better salutation, or more shott given to the Amberall, the reason was
That he did [not] knowe that the Amberall was thare. Yf he hade he would
have given him all the ordinance in our shipp.

This excuse beinge made, the captaine of that gallie, who did not com a
borde us, but sente a litle boate to our ship sid, for the gallie durste
not com neare us, but the men in this boate sad that their captaine
myghte not returne to his amberall excepte he carried him som smale
presente.

Than our Mr., makinge deligente seartche in our ship, he found tow
holland chestis, the which he sente to the amberall. Than the captaine
of that gallie demanded a presente for him selfe. Our Mr. answered
that he had nothinge. Than he desiered to have som tobacko[97] and
tobackco-pipes, the which in the end he had. And so he sailed to
Tenedose, wheare the Amberall and the reste of the gallis weare come to
an Anker. At his departur, our Mr. gave him one peece with the shott.

Aboute tow houres after this gallie was gone, the wynde beinge verrie
smale, and touke us shorte righte befor Cape Jenisarie, by som people
caled the Cape of Janisaries.[98] Thare I wente a shore wythe som of our
martchantes, wheare we founde a litle scateringe villidge, inhabited with
Greekes. Thare we boughte som breade and hens.

Also thare we saw more at large the rewins of the wales and housis in
Troye, and from thence I broughte a peece of a whyte marble piller, the
which I broke with my owne handes, havinge a good hamer, which my mate
Harvie did carrie a shore for the same purpose; and I broughte this
peece of marble to London. This Cape Jenisarie is aboute ten myle from
Tenedose.

Now, beinge Come aborde our ship, we sett saile the same Daye, and
entered into the rever Hellisponte seven leagues, and thare came to an
Anker neare unto the tow Castels caled Sestose and Abidose. Sestose is
in Thracia, and Abidose in Litle Asia. These tow Castels are verrie
strongly kepte for the defence of entringe the Straites of Hellisponte
aforesaid, which is the waye that all shipinge muste pass by that goethe
to Constantinople.

The 24 a Captaine of one of the Castels came aborde our shipp, and
broughte with him a presente.

Diverse other Turkishe captains came a borde us in the time that we
stayed thare, and also the Consoll of Gallippelo.[99] Beinge thare by
chance he came a borde us. This Consoll is a frier, and verrie fine
Jentlman.


AUGUSTE.

In the time that we stayed heare for a wynde, we wente many times a
shore, but what hapened, and what we saw at this time, I pass over.

But our Imbasador who was than at Constantinople, hearinge that our shipp
had layne longe thare for a wynde, he sente downe a Chirmagee[100] to
fetche up sartaine letters, and also for us that weare for the present;
in the Chirmagee came Mr. Thomas Glover,[101] Mr. Baylye of Saulsburie,
and a Jenisarie. From Constantinople to that place is neare aboute tow
hundrethe and fiftie myle.

The nexte morninge, being the fifte of Aguste, not only we that weare for
the presente, butt also Mr. Maye, our preatcher, and other Jentlmen that
wente to sarve the Imbassader, would needes leave the shipe and goo with
us, for it was thoughte by our fizitions that one of our sailores was
infeckted with the plague.

The Chirmagee would not carrie us all, but Mr. Glover did hier tow boates
more. We weare, in all, 16, with Mr. Glover and Mr. Baylye.

The sixte Daye we arived at Gallipilo, and cominge to the Ittallian
Consol’s house, who is a frier, he recaved us verrie kindly, but our
staye was so shorte that we had no time to se the Cittie. Haveing fayer
wynde, we made haste to sea againe. Aboute the mydle of the nyghte
followinge, haveinge no wynde at all, and our men wearie with rowinge,
we wente a shore, wheare we founde 3 or 4 wynde myls and the wales of an
ould Castele. Though it was verrie Darke, yeat some of our men rowed up
and downe till theye founde a litle cottage, wheare they gott some fiere.
Others broke downe an ould hedge; and so we made a greate fier under the
Castle wale. At Gallipilo, the daye before, at our goinge to sea, we
boughte halfe a mutton, and heare we boyled the one halfe, and rosted the
other. Thoughe it was but in a homly fashon, yeat we eat it bothe merrily
and sweetly. Our fier was so large that we hade hyghte (heat) enoughe.

Before the morninge we wente to sea againe. When it was Daye, the wynde
rose so greate that we weare forced to goo a shore, and to hale our
boates on lande at a greate Towne Called Relezea.[102] Thare we founde
wyne and breade greate plentie, but some of our Company did wake into the
feeldes, and entered into a vinyarde to gather grapes; but beinge pursued
by the Greekes that owed the vinyard, they weare not only in Dainger of
recavinge som hurte, but also of lousing theire garmentes. Cuthberte
Bull had loste his Cloake, and one that wente to be the Imbassaderes
Couke was pinyonede, his girdle and knyfes taken awaye; but one Mr.
Gonzale, a verrie stoute man, redemed those thinges againe, and made the
Greeks rune awaye, for he beate them wythe their owne weapons, but not
in theire owne grounde. Than the pore Greeks made a greate complainte
unto the governor of the towne, whoe was than in our company, and had
broughte us a sheepe for a presente. He quickly made us all frendes,
and Mr. Glover was verrie willinge to make the Greekes restetution for
the hurte was Done them. This governor, or Captaine of this towne, is
a verrie stoute and stronge man of his person, but actevitie he hade
none, for som in our company did prove him many wayes: he could nether
run, leape, wrastell, pitche the barr, the stone upon the hande, trowe
the sledge,[103] nether any defence with sorde or cudgell; but yf he
did catche a man in his armes fadem wyse,[104] he would so crushe him,
that he would make his harte ake, and reddie to stop his brethe. He
beinge askede the reason whye he could do none of these exercisis, he
Answered that Turkes would never pracktise the same that Christians did.
At this toune we stayed alnyghte. The nexte morninge, our captaine, Mr.
Glover, gave unto this governor or captaine, 2 or 3 peecis of goold caled
chickenes,[105] for his love and good company, for he was verrie willinge
to make us merry and lothe that we should departe.

The same daye, beinge the eighte daye, we touke our jurnaye by lande,
towinge our bootes by the shore ten myles.

In the after nowne we came to a towne called Hora,[106] for our boates
was not able to goo any further, the wynde was so hie and the sea so
roughe; thare we stayed alnyghte. At this towne, but espetialy at the
laste before, is great store of corne and vinyardes, verrie good; also
greate store of silke wormes, wyne a pottell[107] for one penye; but the
inhabytans of all these townes ar verrie pore, the Turks dothe kepe them
so under, levinge upon the frutes of these pore peoples labures. All this
contrie which we traveled through from over againste Troye, or the place
wheare we lefte our shipp, is Thratia, whearin Constantinople doth stande.

The nexte daye, beinge the nynthe daye, we lefte our boates at Horra,
and wente 3 myles farther to a towne caled Cannosea,[108] but farther we
could not goo anythinge neare to the sea, for it is so hillie and full
of woodes, a verrie wyldernes; so thare we stayed that daye and alnyghte
ever loukinge for our boates, but they could not com. Our captaine, Mr.
Glover, when we had well vewed the towne and se that the condetion of the
people was not to our lykinge, he made choyce of a house for us to lodge
in, that was next unto the sea. The towne stode upon a hill, and this
house upon the verrie brinke or end of the hill, beinge the heighte of
St. Paules Churche a bove the sea; and we weare to go up a ladder into a
gallarie, that was made at the end of the house, loukinge towardes the
sea, and thare was a litle dowre to go into the roume wheare we shoulde
lodge upon the bare bordes.

For, in all this time that we traveled, we never put of our clothis,
nether did we finde any beed to rest in. In this roume thare was not so
muche as a stoule or forme to sitt upon, nor anythinge in the house but
one shelfe, whereon stood tow pitcheres and tow earthen plateres; note
one wyndoe to give lyghte, but one litle hole throughe a stone wale.

We beinge at this towne before nowne, to pass awaye the time after we had
made a shorte diner, we walked downe to the wood sid, which is close to
the sea; a wildernes or desarte wood, which is put to no use, as we did
thinke, by the sighte of it. Thare we saw diverse sortes of varmen, which
we have not the like in Inglande.

Growinge towardes nyghte, and rememberinge whate hard lodginge we should
have in our new In, findinge a thicke softe weed, that growed by the wood
sid, everrie one of us that was thare gathered a bundle of it to laye
under our heades, when we should sleepe.

Nyghte beinge come, and our supper ended, everie man chalked out his
ristinge place upon the bare bordes; our jenisarie placed him selfe upon
a borde that laye louse upon the joistes. Everie man had his Sorde reddie
Drawne lyinge by his side; tow of our company had musketes. When we had
layne about halfe an houre, we that had our weeden pillowes weare sodonly
wonderfully tormented with a varmen that was in our pillowes, the which
did bite farr worss than fleaes, so that we weare glad to throw awaye
our pillowes, and swepe the house cleane; but we could not clense our
selves so sowne. Thus as we laye wakinge in a Darke uncomfortable house,
Mr. Glover tould us what strainge varmen and beastes he had sene in that
contrie, for he had lived longe thare. He spoake verrie muche of Aderes,
snaykes, and sarpentes, the defferance and the bignes of som which he had
sene.

Passinge awaye the time with such lyke talke, the moste parte of us fell
a sleepe, and som that could not sleepe laye still and sayd nothinge for
disquietinge of the reste, all beinge whyshte. Mr. Baylye had occasion
to goe to the dore to make water, the dore was verrie litle, and opened
very straitly into the gallarie, the wynde blowed marvalus strongly, and
made a greate noyse, for the house lay verrie open to the sea and wether.
Mr. Baylle, when he lay downe to sleepe, had untied his garters a litle,
so that when he came into the gallarie, the wynde blew his garter, that
was louse and trayled after him, rounde aboute the other legge; it was
a greate silke garter, and by the force of the wynde it fettered his
legges bothe faste together. Our talk a litle before, of Aders, snakes,
and sarpentes, was yeat in his rememberance, and the place was neare
wheare muche varmen was. He thoughte they had swarmed aboute him, but
aboute his legges he Thought he was sur of a sarpente, so that soddonly
he cried oute with all the voyce he hade: A sarpente! a sarpente! a
sarpente! and was so frighted that he could not finde the doore to gitt
in, but made a great buslinge and noyse in the gallarie. On the other
side, we that weare in the house, did thinke that he had saide: Assalted!
assalted! for before nyghte we doubted that some tritcherie would hapen
unto us in that towne, so that we thoughte the house had bene besett
with people to cutt our Throtes. Thare was 15 of us in the house, and it
was bute a litle house; everie man touke his sorde in hande, one reddie
to spoyle another, not any one knowinge the Cause. One that could not
finde his sorde, goot to the Chimnay, and offeringe to climbe up, Downe
fell a parte of the chimnaye tope upon his heade, and hurte him a litle;
another, that was sodonly awakede, strouke aboute him with his sorde, and
beate downe the shelfe and broke the pitcheres and plateres which stood
thar on; the roume being verrie darke, for it was a boute mydnyghte.
Otheres did thinke that they weare pullinge downe the house over our
heades. Our janisarie, who should have bene our garde, and have protecked
us from all Daingeres, he lykwyse doubtinge the people of the towne, and
hearinge suche a noyse sodonly, he touke up the louse borde wheare on he
laye, and sliped Downe into the valte. As we weare thus all amayzed, at
the laste Mr. Bayllye founde the waye in at the doore. When Mr. Glover
saw him com in, he sayd unto him: How now, man, what is the matter, who
do you se? Mr. Baylle was even bretheless with feare, cryinge out, and
with struglinge to gitt in at the doore, so thet he could not answer him
at the firste; at last he sayd: A sarpente! a sarpente! had trubled him.
When Mr. Glover harde him say so, than feare was gone, and he wente to
the Dore, and thare he founde Mr. Bayllis’ garter reddie to be carried
away with the wynde. After we a litle wondered at our greate amayzmente
for so smale a cause, Mr. Glover caled everie man by his name, to se yf
any man weare slayne or wounded; for thare was sixtene of us in all,
our weaperns all drawne, and the roume was but litle. Everie man beinge
caled, we weare all alive, and but smale hurtes done. At laste we founde
our janisarie wanting; who myghte well be ashamed to make it knowne
wheare he was; but Mr. Glover callinge him verrie earnestly, he answered
in the valte. He could not git out any way, but Mr. Gonzale Touke up
the borde that laye wheare he wente downe, and lyinge a longe upon the
floure, he could but hardly reatche him, to take him by the hande;
without muche adew theye puled him up. When he leaped into the valte,
beinge verrie sore frighted, he caste of his uper garmente, and lefte
it behind him in the valte, but no man could perswade him to goo downe
againe and fetche it, for the place was lothesom, and it should seme that
he was thare frighted with somthinge, in that kinde Mr. Baylye was; so
his garmente remayned there till the morninge, that he who oned the house
did fetche it.

The nexte morninge, Mr. Sharpe, Mr. Lamberte, and tow jentlmen more,
hiered mules, and touke theire jurnaye by lande to Stambole, or
Constantinople, the which was 3 dayes jurnaye.

The same Daye, when these 4 jentlmen weare gone, we returnede to Hora
againe, wheare we lefte our boates, and stayed thare alnyghte.

In the morninge we departede, and in the afternowne we wente ashore at
a towne caled Heragleza,[109] other wyse Rellinge. Betwyxte this towne
and the sea, upon a hill Dothe stande tow and twentie fayer wynde milns;
everie milne hathe six sayles. They stande upon a straighte lyne, and of
an equalle distance, so as theye made a verrie fayer shaw when we weare
upon the seae. We weare at this towne verrie Curtiusly entertained,
wheare we made merrie till mydnyghte, than Entringe our boates. In the
morninge, beinge the 14th Day, we came to Selabrea,[110] a faire and
large towne. We wente thare a shore for wyne and water, but we stayed not
so longe as to se all the towne. Heare I se greate abundance of moske
mylyons,[111] that weare as big as our sidrums or pumpions,[112] sould
for the vallue of one penye or 3 halfe penis a peece.

The 15th day, beinge Wednesday, we arived at Constantinople.

The 16th our shipp Came neare to the Seven Towers, which is the firste
porte that we com unto of the surralia (seraglio) which doth joyne close
to the Cittie. From that poynte or corner of the surralia unto the Cittie
it is almoste tow myles; thare our shipp cam to an anker, and the nexte
daye she begane to be new payntede.

The 17th we wente aborde our ship for the presente, and carried it to
our imbassaders house in the Cittie of Gallata, in the vines[113] of
Peara[114]; and because there was no roome heie enoughe to sett it up in
his house, he caused a roome to be made with all speed withoute the house
in the courte, to sett it up in, that it myghte there be made perfitt
before it should be carried to the surralia.

The twentethe daye, beinge Mondaye, we begane to louke into our worke;
but when we opened our chistes we founde that all glewinge worke was
clene Decayed, by reason that it hade layne above sixe monthes in the
hould of our ship, whicte was but newly bulte, so that the extremetie of
the heete in the hould of the shipe, with the workinge of the sea and the
hootnes of the cuntrie, was the cause that all glewinge fayled; lyke wyse
divers of my mettle pipes weare brused and broken.

When our Imbassader, Mr. Wyllyam Aldridge, and other jentlmen, se in what
case it was in, theye weare all amayzed, and sayde that it was not worthe
ii_d_. My answeare unto our Imbassader and to Mr. Aldridge, at this
time I will omitt; but when Mr. Alderidge harde what I sayede, he tould
me that yf I did make it perfitt he would give me, of his owne purss,
15_li._, so aboute my worke I wente.

The 23, the kinge of Ffess[115] cam to se my worke, and he satt by me
halfe a daye.

The 27, our ship cam nearer unto the surralia. The same daye the kinge of
Fess came againe to se our worke.

The 28, the Heckter, our ship, made hire salutation to the Great Turke,
thare called the Grande Sinyor, on the northe side of the Surralya, the
Grande Sinyor beinge in his Cuske (kiosk), upon the wale which is close
to the sea.

This salutation was verrie strange and wonderfull in the sighte of the
Great Turke and all other Turkes. She was, as I have saide before, new
paynted (upon everie topp an anshante,[116] viz., mayne top, fore top,
myssen top, sprid saile top, and at everie yardes arme a silke penante).
All her braurie[117] I cannot now relate; her faightes[118] was oute,
and in everie top as many men, with their musketes, as coulde stande
conveniently to descharge them.

Anker was wayed, the Daye verrie calme and fayere. Althinges beinge
reddie, our gonores gave fiere, and discharged eighte score great shotte,
and betwyxte everie greate shott a vallie of smale shott; it was done
with verrie good decorume and true time, and it myghte well desarve
commendations.

But one thinge I noteed, which perswaded my simple consaite that this
great triumpte and charge was verrie evile bestowed, beinge done unto
an infidell. Thare was one man sicke in the ship, who was the ship
carpinder, and wyth the reporte of the firste greate peece that was
discharged he died.

Lyke wyse at the verrie end of this sarvis an other man, who was one of
the stouteste saileres in the shipp, and all this whyle had plyed a great
peece in the beake heade of the shipe, as he was raminge in his cartridge
of pouder, som fier being lefte in the bretche of the peece, the pouder
touke fire and blew that man quite awaye in the smoke; aboute 3 dayes
after all his lower parte, from his waste downward, was founde tow myle
from that place, and his heade in an other place. When all was done the
Grande Sinyore sent tow men abord our shippe to se how many greate peecis
thare was, for he thoughte there hade bene four score, and there was but
27.

The 30th daye my worke was finished, and made perfitt at the imbassaderes
house.


SEPTEMBER.

The seconde day, the Grand Sinyor desieringe to take a better vewe of our
shipp, he came in his goulden kieke (caïque) upon the watter, and wente
round a boute the shipp; but he came so sodonly that his beinge there was
not knowne till 2 or 3 houres after.

One houre after him came the Sultana his mother, in the lyke maner.

The thirde Day, our imbassader Delivered a presente to the Vizeare Basha
at his house.

The 4 day the Grande Sinyores secritarie, caled the Cappagaw,[119] came
to se our instrament.

The 7th day the Gebustaniebashaw[120] came to se; lykwyse also the Heade
Patriarke was expeckted, but he came not, because som Turkes dined with
my lord that daye.

The 8 day, beinge Satterday, we began to take Downe our instramente, for
that day the Grand Sinyor went from the surralia som six myles by water
to an other surralia wheare the sultana his mother dothe live; for one
monthe in the yeare it is tolerable for him to goo to that place, ether
in Auguste or in September; at any other time he may not goo so farr
from his owne Surralia, excepte he be garded with a hunreth thousande men.

The 11th Daye, beinge Tusdaye, we Carried our instramente over the water
to the Grand Sinyors Courte, Called the surralya, and thare in his moste
statlyeste house I began to sett it up. This watere which we crosed from
Galletta to Surralia is a streame that comethe from the Blacke Sea, and
is called Hellisponte, which partethe Asia and Thratia, and as it comethe
Downe by Galletta, a creke of that rever[121] goethe up into the contrie
aboute sixe myles, which partethe the tow Cittis of Constantinople and
Galletta; they maye go betwyxte them by lande, but it is 12 myle, and to
cross the water it is but one myle. At everie gate of the surralia thare
alwayes sitethe a stoute Turke, abute the calinge or degre of a justis
of the peace, who is caled a chia; not withstandinge, the gates ar faste
shut, for thare pasethe none in or oute at ther owne pleasures.

Beinge entered within the firste gate, thare was placed righte againste
the gate five greate peecis of brass, with Christians armes upon them....
Than we passed throughe verrie Delitfull walkes and garthins; the walkes
ar, as it weare, hedged in with statly siprus tres, planted with an
equale Distance one from thother, betwyxte them and behinde them, smaler
tres that bearethe excelente frute; I thinke thare is none wanting that
is good. The garthenes I will omite to wryte of at this time. The waye
from the firste gate to the seconde wale is som thinge risinge up a hill,
betwyxte wales aboute a quarter of a myle and better. The gats of the
second wale was also shutt, but when we came to the gate, my Intarpreter
caled to those that kepte it within. Thoughe they had Knowledge of our
cominge, yeat would they not open the gates untill we had caled and tould
them our busines. These gates ar made all of massie iron; tow men, whom
they do cale jemeglans,[122] did open them.

Wythein the firste wales ar no housis but one, and that is the
bustanjebasha his house, who is captaine of a thousande jemeglanes, which
doo nothinge but kepe the garthens in good order; and I am perswaded
that thare is none so well kepte in the worlde. Within the seconde wales
tharis no gardens, but statly buildinges; many courtes paved with marble
and suche lyke stone. Everie ode[123] or by corner hath som exelente
frute tre or tres growing in them; allso thar is greate abundance of
sweete grapes, and of diveres sortes; thar a man may gather grapes everie
Daye in the yeare. In November, as I satt at diner, I se them gather
grapes upon the vines, and theye broughte them to me to eate. For the
space of a monthe I Dined everie day in the Surralia, and we had everie
day grapes after our meate; but moste sartain it is that grapes do grow
thare contenually.

Cominge into the house whear I was appoynted to sett up the presente or
instramente; it semed to be rether a churche than a dwellinge house; to
say the truthe, it was no dwellinge house, but a house of pleasur, and
lyke wyse a house of slaughter; for in that house was bulte one litle
house, verrie curius bothe within and witheout; for carvinge, gildinge,
good Collors and vernishe, I have not sene the lyke.[124] In this litle
house, that emperor that rained when I was thare, had nyntene brotheres
put to deathe in it, and it was bulte for no other use but for the
stranglinge of everie emperors bretherin.

This great house it selfe hathe in it tow rankes of marble pillors; the
pettestales (pedestals) of them ar made of brass, and double gilte. The
wales on 3 sides of the house ar waled but halfe waye to the eaves; the
other halfe is open; but yf any storme or great wynde should hapen,
they can sodonly Let fale suche hanginges made of cotten wolle for that
purpose as will kepe out all kindes of wethere, and sudenly they can open
them againe. The fourthe side of the house, which is close and joynethe
unto another house, the wale is made of purfeare (porphyry), or suche
kinde of stone as when a man walketh by it he maye se him selfe tharin.
Upon the grounde, not only in this house, but all other that I se in the
Surraliae, we treade upon ritch silke garpites, one of them as muche as
four or sixe men can carrie. Thare weare in this house nether stouls,
tables, or formes, only one coutche of estate. Thare is one side of it a
fishe ponde, that is full of fishe that be of divers collores.

The same Daye, our Imbassader sente Mr. Paule Pinder, who was then his
secritarie, with a presente to the Sultana, she being at hir garthen. The
presente was a Coatche of six hundrethe poundes vallue.[125] At that time
the Sultana did Take greate lykinge to Mr. Pinder, and after wardes she
sente for him to have his private companye, but there meetinge was croste.

The 15th, I finished my worke in the Surraliao, and I wente once everie
daye to se it, and dinede Thare almoste everie Daye for the space of a
monthe; which no Christian ever did in there memorie that wente awaye a
Christian.

The 18 daye (stayinge somthinge longe before I wente), the Coppagawe
(Capougee) who is the Grand Sinyor’s secritarie, sente for me that one
of his frendes myghte heare the instramente. Before I wente awaye, the
tow jemaglanes, who is keepers of that house, touke me in theire armes
and Kised me, and used many perswations to have me staye with the Grand
Sinyor, and sarve him.

The 21, at nyghte, it was a wonder to se what abundance of lampes thare
was burninge rounde aboute all the Toweres of the Churchis, bothe in
Constantinople and Galleta.

When we demanded the cause, they tould us that as that nyghte Mahamet,
theire Messies, was borne.[126]

The 24, at nyghte our ambassodor Caled me into his Chamber and gave me a
greate Charge to goo the next morninge betimes to the surralia and make
the instrumente as perfitt as possibly I could, for that daye, before
noune, the Grand Sinyor would se it, and he was to Deliver his imbassage
to the Grand Sinyor; after he hade given me that charge he toulde me
that he had but done his dutie in tellinge me of my dutie, and cothe he:
Because yow shall not take this unkindly, I will tell you all and what
you shall truste unto.

The Imbassadores spetche unto me in Love after he had given me my charge:—

Yow ar come hether wythe a presente from our gratious Quene, not to an
ordinarie prince or kinge, but to a myghtie monarke of the worlde, but
better had it bene for yow yf it had bene sente to any Christian prince,
for then should yow have bene sure to have receaved for yor paines a
greate rewarde; but yow muste consider what he is unto whom yow have
broughte this ritche presente, a monarke but an infidell, and the grande
Enymye to all Christians. Whate we or any other Christians can bringe
unto him he dothe thinke that we dow it in dutie or in feare of him, or
in hoppe of som greate favoure we expeckte at his handes. It was never
knowne that upon the receaving of any presente he gave any rewarde unto
any Christian, and tharfore yow muste louke for nothinge at his handes.
Yow would thinke that for yor longe and wearriesom voyege, with dainger
of lyfe, that yow weare worthie to have a litle sighte of him; but that
yow muste not loake for nether; for yow se wheat greate preparinge we
made and have bene aboute ever sense your cominge, for the credite of
our contrie, and for a Deliveringe of this presente and my imbassadge,
the which, by Godes helpe, to-morrow muste be performede. We cale it
kisinge of the Grand Sinyor’s hande; bute when I com to his gates I
shalbe taken of my horse and seartcht, and lede betwyxte tow men holdinge
my handes downe close to my sides, and so lede into the presence of the
Grand Sinyor, and I muste kiss his kne or his hanginge sleve. Havinge
deliverede my letteres unto the Coppagawe, I shalbe presently ledd awaye,
goinge backwardes as longe as I can se him, and in payne of my heade I
muste not turne my backe upon him, and therefore yow muste not louke to
have a sighte of him. I thoughte good to tell yow this, because yow shall
not heareafter blame me, or say that I myghte haue tould yow so muche;
lett not your worke be anythinge the more carlesly louked unto, and at
your cominge home our martchantes shall give yow thankes, yf it give the
Grand Sinyor contente this one daye. I car not yf it be non after the
nexte, yf it doo not please him at the firste sighte, and performe not
those thinges which it is Toulde him that it can Dow, he will cause it
to be puled downe that he may trample it under his feete. And than shall
we have no sute grantede, but all our charge will be loste.

After I had given my Lorde thankes for this frindly spetche, thoughe
smale comforte in it, I tould him that thus muche I understoode by our
martchantes before my cominge oute of London, and that he needed not to
Doubte that thare should be any faulte ether in me or my worke, for he
hade sene the triall of my care and skill in makinge that perfickte and
good which was thoughte to be uncurable, and in somthinges better than it
was when Her Maiestie sawe it in the banketinge house at Whyte Hale.

The nexte morninge, being the 25, I wente to the Surralia, and with me my
mate Harvie, who was the ingener, Mr. Rowland Buckett the paynter, and
Myghell Watson the joyner.

Aboute an houre or tow after my lorde was reddie, and sett forwarde
towardes the surralya, he did ride lyke unto a kinge, onlye that he
wanted a crowne.[127] Thare roode with him 22 jentlmen and martchantes,
all in clothe of goulde; ye jentlemen weare these: Mr. Humfrye Cunisbye,
Mr. Baylie of Salsburie, Mr. Paule Pinder,[128] Mr. Wyllyam Alderidg,
Mr. Jonas Aldridge, and Mr. Thomas Glover.[129] The other six weare
martchantes; these did ride in vestes of clothe of goulde, made after the
cuntrie fation; thare wente on foute 28 more in blew gounes made after
the Turkie fation, and everie man a silke grogren[130] cape, after the
Ittallian fation. My Livery was a faire clooke of a Franche greene, etc.

Now when I had sett all my worke in good order, the jemyglanes which
kepte that house espied the Grand Sinyor cominge upon the water in his
goulden Chieke (caïque), or boate, for he cam that morning six myles by
water; whear I stoode I saw when he sett foote on the shore.

Than the jemyglanes tould me that I muste avoyd the house, for the Grand
Sinyor would be thare presently. It was almoste halfe a myle betwyxte
the water and that house; but the Grand Sinyor, haveinge a desier to se
his presente, came thether wythe marvalus greate speed. I and my company
that was with me, beinge put forthe, and the Dore locked after us, I hard
another Dore open, and upon a sodon a wonderfull noyes of people; for a
litle space it should seme that at the Grand Sinyore’s coming into the
house the dore which I hard opene did sett at libertie four hundrethe
persons which weare locked up all the time of the Grand Sinyore’s
absence, and juste at his cominge in theye weare sett at libertie, and
at the firste sighte of the presente, with greate admyration did make a
wonderinge noyes.

The Grand Sinyor, beinge seated in his Chaire of estate, commanded
silence. All being quiett, and no noyes at all, the presente began to
salute the Grand Sinyor; for when I lefte it I did alow a quarter of an
houre for his cominge thether. Firste the clocke strouke 22; than The
chime of 16 bels went of, and played a songe of 4 partes. That beinge
done, tow personagis which stood upon to corners of the seconde storie,
houldinge tow silver trumpetes in there handes, did lifte them to theire
heades, and sounded a tantarra.[131] Than the muzicke went of, and the
orgon played a song of 5 partes twyse over. In the tope of the orgon,
being 16 foute hie, did stande a holly bushe full of blacke birds and
thrushis, which at the end of the musick did singe and shake theire
wynges. Divers other motions thare was which the Grand Sinyor wondered
at. Than the Grand Sinyor asked the Coppagawe[132] yf it would ever doo
the lyke againe. He answered that it would doo the lyke againe at the
next houre. Cothe he: I will se that. In the meane time, the Coppagaw,
being a wyse man, and doubted whether I hade so appoynted it or no, for
he knew that it would goo of it selfe but 4 times in 24 houres, so he
cam unto me, for I did stand under the house sid, wheare I myghte heare
the orgon goo, and he asked me yf it would goo againe at the end of the
nexte houre; but I tould him that it would not, for I did thinke the
Grand Sinyor would not have stayed so longe by it; but yf it would please
him, that when the clocke had strouk he would tuche a litle pin with his
finger, which before I had shewed him, it would goo at any time. Than he
sayde that he would be as good as his worde to the Grand Sinyor. When the
clocke began to strick againe, the Coppagaw went and stood by it; and
when the clocke had strouke 23, he tuched that pinn, and it did the lyke
as it did before. Than the Grand Sinyor sayed it was good. He satt verrie
neare vnto it, ryghte before the Keaes (keys), wheare a man should playe
on it by hande. He asked whye those keaes did move when the orgon wente
and nothinge did tuche them. He Tould him that by those thinges it myghte
be played on at any time. Than the Grande Sinyor asked him yf he did know
any man that could playe on it. He sayd no, but he that came with it
coulde, and he is heare without the dore. Fetche him hether, cothe the
Grand Sinyor, and lett me se how he dothe it. Than the Coppagaw opened
that Dore which I wente out at, for I stoode neare unto it. He came and
touke me by the hande, smylinge upon me; but I bid my drugaman aske him
what I should dow, or whither I shoulde goo. He answered that it was
the Grand Sinyore’s pleasur that I should lett him se me playe on the
orgon. So I wente with him. When I came within the Dore, That which I
did se was verrie wonderfull unto me. I cam in direcktly upon the Grand
Sinyore’s ryghte hande, som 16 of my passis (paces) from him, but he
would not turne his head to louke upon me. He satt in greate state, yeat
the sighte of him was nothinge in Comparrison of the traine that stood
behinde him, the sighte whearof did make me almoste to thinke that I was
in another worlde. The Grand Sinyor satt still, behouldinge the presente
which was befor him, and I stood daslinge my eyes with loukinge upon his
people that stood behinde him, the which was four hundrethe persons in
number. Tow hundrethe of them weare his princepall padgis, the yongest of
them 16 yeares of age, som 20, and som 30. They weare apparled in ritche
clothe of goulde made in gowns to the mydlegge; upon theire heades litle
caps of clothe of goulde, and som clothe of Tissue[133]; great peecis of
silke abowte theire wastes instead of girdls; upon their leges Cordivan
buskins,[134] reede. Theire heades wear all shaven, savinge that behinde
Their ears did hange a locke of hare like a squirel’s taile; theire
beardes shaven, all savinge theire uper lips. Those 200 weare all verrie
proper men, and Christians borne.

The thirde hundrethe weare Dum men, that could nether heare nor speake,
and theye weare likwyse in gouns of riche Clothe of gould and Cordivan
buskins; bute theire Caps weare of violett velvett, the croune of them
made like a lether bottell, the brims devided into five picked (peaked)
corneres. Som of them had haukes in theire fistes.

The fourthe hundrethe weare all dwarffs, bige-bodied men, but verrie low
of stature. Everie Dwarfe did weare a simmeterrie (scimitar) by his side,
and they weare also apareled in gowns of Clothe of gould.

I did moste of all wonder at those dumb men, for they lett me understande
by theire perfitt sins (signs) all thinges that they had sene the
presente dow by its motions.[135]

When I had stode almost one quarter of an houre behouldinge this wonder
full sighte, I harde the Grande Sinyore speake unto the Coppagaw, who
stood near unto him. Than the Coppagaw cam unto me, and touke my cloake
from aboute me, and laye it Doune upon the Carpites, and bid me go and
playe on the organ; but I refused to do so, because the Grand Sinyor satt
so neare the place wheare I should playe that I could not com at it,
but I muste needes turne my backe Towardes him and touche his Kne with
my britchis, which no man, in paine of deathe, myghte dow, savinge only
the Coppagaw. So he smyled, and lett me stande a litle. Than the Grand
Sinyor spoake againe, and the Coppagaw, with a merrie countenance, bid me
go with a good curridge, and thruste me on. When I cam verrie neare the
Grand Sinyor, I bowed my heade as low as my kne, not movinge my cape,
and turned my backe righte towardes him, and touched his kne with my
britchis.

He satt in a verrie ritche Chaire of estate, upon his thumbe a ringe with
a diamon in it halfe an inche square, a faire simeterie by his side, a
bow, and a quiver of Arros.

He satt so righte behinde me that he could not se what I did; tharfore he
stood up, and his Coppagaw removed his Chaire to one side, wher he myghte
se my handes; but, in his risinge from his chaire, he gave me a thruste
forwardes, which he could not otherwyse dow, he satt so neare me; but I
thought he had bene drawinge his sorde to cut of my heade.

I stood thar playinge suche thinge as I coulde untill the cloke stroucke,
and than I boued my heade as low as I coulde, and wente from him with
my backe towardes him. As I was taking of my cloake, the Coppagaw came
unto me and bid me stand still and lett my cloake lye; when I had stood
a litle whyle, the Coppagaw bid me goo and cover the Keaes of the organ;
then I wente Close to the Grand Sinyor againe, and bowed myselfe, and
then I wente backewardes to my Cloake. When the Company saw me do so
theye semed to be glad, and laughed. Than I saw the Grand Sinyor put his
hande behind him full of goulde, which the Coppagaw Receved, and broughte
unto me fortie and five peecis of gould called chickers,[136] and than
was I put out againe wheare I came in, beinge not a little joyfull of my
good suckses.

Beinge gotten oute of the surralia, I made all the spede I could to that
gate where the imbassador wente in, for he and all his Company stode all
these tow houres expecktinge the Grand Sinyors cominge to another place
whear he should deliver his imbassege and Letteres.

When I came to that greate gate I sawe our Imbassador takeinge horse to
begone. As I was making haste towardes him, he saw me, and came to me,
Askinge me yf the Grand Sinyor had sene the presente. I tould him yeas,
and that I had sene the Grand Sinyor, and that I had gould out of his
pockett; whearat he semed to be verrie glade.

As he was speakinge unto me thar cam towe brave Turkes ridinge to my
lord, bidinge him take his place and staye a litle; than my lord bid me
take my place awhyle, for he desiered to heare more of that good neues.

So, when everie man had taken his place, thare was a greate gate opened
on one side of the courte, and sodenly thar came oute at that gate five
hundreth men on horsbacke, whose habbittes wear strainge to us, and their
horsis wear verrie good.

Lykwyse thare came 500 jenisaris on foute, everie man havinge in his
hande a great cane like unto a beadles staffe, and theye wear also in a
strange habitt. This thousande men did but only cross the Courte for a
show; they beinge gone, thar came sixe brave Turkes, well mounted, to our
imbassador, and conducted him to the water side.

When my Lord was com to his owne house, he, with the 12 jentlmen, entred
into his Chamber, and than he sente for me to tell him in what maner the
Grand Sinyor had sene the presente, and how I came to se him. When I hade
tould them the discource of it, they weare all verrie glad that he did
so well like the presente; but my lorde sat still a good whyle, and said
nothinge untill one asked him what he did stodie, on seinge althinges
proved so well. My lord Answeared him, that he was sorye for onethinge,
the which was that he never had any thoughte of my cominge into the Grand
Sinyors presence, nether that any other would make it doubtful unto him,
for if he had but mystrusted it never so litle, he would have bestowed
30 or 40_li._ in apparell for me.

The laste of September I was sente for againe to the surralia to sett
som thinges in good order againe, which they had altered, and those tow
jemoglans which kepte that house made me verrie kindly welcom, and asked
me that I would be contented to stay with them always, and I should
not wante anythinge, but have all the contentt that I could desier. I
answered them that I had a wyfe and Childrin in Inglande, who did expecte
my returne. Than they asked me how long I had been married, and how many
children I hade. Thoughe in deede I had nether wyfe nor childrin, yeat to
excuse my selfe I made them that Answeare.

Than they toulde me that yf I would staye the Grand Sinyor would give
tow wyfes, ether tow of his Concubines or els tow virgins of the beste I
Could Chuse my selfe, in Cittie or contrie.

The same nyghte, as my Lorde was at supper, I tould him what talke we
had in the surralya, and whate they did offer me to staye thare, and he
bid me that by no meanes I should flatly denie them anythinge, but be as
merrie with them as I could, and tell them that yf it did please my Lorde
that I should stay, I should be the better contented to staye; by that
meanes they will not go about to staye you by force, and yow may finde a
time the better to goo awaye when you please.


OCTOBER.

The seconde of October my Lord Imbassader held a feaste abord our ship,
and invited the baylie of Venis and sartaine Turks.[137]

The 12, beinge Fridaye, I was sente for to the Courte, and also the
Sondaye and Monday folloinge, to no other end but to show me the Grand
Sinyors privie Chamberes, his gould and silver, his chairs of estate; and
he that showed me them would have me to sitt downe in one of them, and
than to draw that sord out of the sheathe with the which the Grand Sinyor
doth croune his kinge.

When he had showed me many other thinges which I wondered at, than
crossinge throughe a litle squar courte paved with marble, he poynted me
to goo to a graite in a wale, but made me a sine that he myghte not goo
thether him selfe. When I came to the grait the wale was verrie thicke,
and graited on bothe the sides with iron verrie strongly; but through
that graite I did se thirtie of the Grand Sinyor’s Concobines that weare
playinge with a bale in another courte. At the firste sighte of them I
thoughte they had bene yonge men, but when I saw the hare of their heades
hange doone on their backes, platted together with a tasle of smale
pearle hanginge in the lower end of it, and by other plaine tokens, I did
know them to be women, and verrie prettie ones in deede.

Theie wore upon theire heades nothinge bute a litle capp of clothe of
goulde, which did but cover the crowne of her heade; no bandes a boute
their neckes, nor anythinge but faire cheans of pearle and a juell
hanginge on their breste, and juels in their ears; their coats weare like
a souldier’s mandilyon,[138] som of reed sattan and som of blew, and som
of other collors, and girded like a lace of contraire collor; they wore
britchis of scamatie,[139] a fine clothe made of coton woll, as whyte
as snow and as fine as lane[140]; for I could desarne the skin of their
thies throughe it. These britchis cam doone to their mydlege; som of
them did weare fine cordevan buskins, and som had their leges naked,
with a goulde ringe on the smale of her legg; on her foute a velvett
panttoble[141] 4 or 5 inches hie. I stood so longe loukinge upon them
that he which had showed me all this kindnes began to be verrie angrie
with me. He made a wrye mouthe, and stamped with his foute to make me
give over looking; the which I was verrie lothe to dow, for that sighte
did please me wondrous well.

Than I wente awaye with this Jemoglane to the place wheare we lefte my
drugaman or intarpreter, and I tould my intarpreter that I had sene 30 of
the Grand Sinyores Concobines; but my intarpreter advised me that by no
meanes I should speake of it, whearby any Turke myghte hear of it; for if
it weare knowne to som Turks, it would presente deathe to him that showed
me them. He durste not louke upon them him selfe. Although I louked so
longe upon them, theie saw not me, nether all that whyle louked towards
that place. Yf they had sene me, they would all have come presently
thether to louke upon me, and have wondred as moche at me, or how I cam
thether, as I did to se them.

The nexte daye our shipp caled the Heckter, beinge reddie to departe, I
wente to carrie my beed and my Chiste aborde the shipp. Whyleste I was
aborde the shipp, thar came a jemoglane or a messenger from the surralia
to my lord imbassador, with an express comand that the shipp should not
departe, but muste stay the Grand Sinyores pleasur. When my lord hard
this messidge, with suche a comande, he begane to wonder what the Cause
should be. He thoughte that thare hade bene som forfitt made, or that som
of the chips company had done horte or given som greate offence unto som
greate person; but, what so ever it was, he knew that the Grand Sinyores
comande must be obayed; tharefore, when he had stodied longe what the
cause myghte be, and beinge verrie desirus to know the truthe, he wente
to the messenger and desiered him to tell him the cause whye the Grand
Sinyor had sente this comande, or whearfore it should be.

The messenger tould him that he did not know the cause whye, nether
whearfore, but he did hearde the chia say that yf the workman that sett
up the presente in the surralia would not be perswaded to stay be hind
the shipe, the ship muste staye untill he had removed the presente unto
another place.

When my lord had got thus muche out of him, he began to be somwhat
merrie, for he was muche greved before, thinkinge it had bene a greater
matter; for the martchantes was bound in 5 hundrethe pounde unto the
owneres of the shipe that she should departe that day, which was the
Thursday folloing, yf wynd and wether sarved; also for the time that she
stayed there her Chargis was everie day 20_li._

Than my Lorde inquiered for me and sente one to the ship whear I was, who
tould me that I muste com presently to my Lorde; so when I came to my
lorde I found with him another messinger, who broughte the sartaintie of
the matter that it was for no other cause but for my stainge to remove
the organ; but when my lord tould me that I muste be contented to staye
and Lette the ship goo, than was I in a wonderfull perplixatie, and in my
furie I tould my lorde that that was now com to pass which I ever feared,
and that was that he in the end would betray me, and turne me over into
the Turkes hands, whear I should Live a slavish Life, and never companie
againe with Christians, with many other suche-like words.

My Lord verrie patiently gave me leve to speake my mynde. Than he lay
his hand on my shoulder and tould that as he was a Christian him selfe,
and hooped tharby to be saved, it was no plote of his, nether did he
know of any suche matter as this till the messinger came. In the ende
cothe he: Be yow contented to staye, and let the ship goo; and it shall
coste me 5 hundrethe pound rether than yow shalbe Compeled to staye a
day Longer than yow are willinge your selfe after yow have removed the
presente; and yow shall stay heare as longe as yow will, and goo assoune
as yow will, or when yow will make choice of your company; and yow shall
wante nothinge, silver or gould, to carry yow by seae or Lande, and goo
muche safer and more for your pleasur ten times than yow could to go
with the shipe, for the ship goethe to Scanderoune, in the botem of the
straites, which is oute of her way homwardes, and thare will staye a
monthe at leaste to take in her loadinge; and the place is so corrupte
and unhe(lth)full that many of her men will thare grow sick and die, and
yow shall by this means be oute of that dainger.

My Lorde did speake this so frindly and nobly unto me, that upon a sodon
he had altered my mynde, and I tould him that I would yeld my selfe into
Godes hand and his.

Than said my Lorde: I thanke yow, I will send to the shipe for suche
thinges as yow desier to have lefte behinde, for yow muste goo presently
to the surralia to se the place wheare yow muste sett up the presente, or
els they thinke that yow mean not to com at all; so away wente I with my
drugaman or interpreter my ould way to the surralia gates, the which they
willingly opened, and bid me welcom when I came to that house wheare the
presente did stande. Those jemoglanes, my ould acquaintance which kept
that house, and had bene appointed by the Grand Sinyor to perswade me to
staye thare allwayes, as indeed theie had done diveres times and diveres
wayes, now they thoughte that I would staye in deed, theye imbraced me
verrie kindly, and kiste me many times. What my drugaman said to them I
know not, but I thinke he tould them that I would not staye, tharfore,
when I was gone oute of the house doune som 4 or 5 steps into a courte,
as I was puting on my pantabls, one of these jemoglanes cam behinde
me and touke me in his armes and Carried me up againe into the house,
and sett me doune at that dore wheare all the Grand Sinyore’s brothers
weare strangled that daye he was made Emprore. My interpreter folloed
apase. When he that carried me had sette me doune, I bid my drugaman
aske him why he did so, and he, seinge me louk merrely, he him selfe
laughed hartaly, and saide that he did so but to se how I would tak it
yf they should staye me by force. Than I bid my drugaman tell him that
they should not need to go aboute to staye me by force, for I did staye
willingly to doo the Grand Sinyor all the sarvis that I could.

Than these 2 jemoglanes wente with me to show me the house wheare unto
the presente should be removed.

The waye was verrie pleasante throughte the garthens, whear did grow
store of siprus trees and many orther good frute trees in verrie comly
and desent order. Beinge paste the gardens, we entred upon a faire grene,
wheare we founde som galland Turks ridinge horses on the easte sid of
that grene or plain upon the wale of the surralia. Close to the sea sid
Dothe stande a prittie fine litle buldinge which theye cale a Cuske
(kiosk), made for a bancketinge house; but espetially, as I persaved, it
is a place wheare the Grand Sinyor dothe use to meet his Congquebines
twyse in the weeke. It is finly covered with Leade, and bulded squear on
the topp; in the midle a litle square tour like a peramadease (pyramid?)
on a greate heighte, and on the top of that a litle turrett well gildede,
and on the side nexte to the sea a faire large gallarie wheare men may
stande and se bothe up and doune the rever of Hellisponte, and lik wyse
over it into Asia.

On the other 3 sids towards the grene ar verrie larg pentazis
(pent-houses), supported with fine marble pillers, the flore spred with
fair carpites, the roufe under the pentas verrie Curiusly wroughte withe
gould and collors; but cominge into it it is a litle wonder, I cannot
duly discrib it; but the roufe is a round hollo, verrie curiosly

[_A page is lost here._]

pipes and Laid them in order on the carpites. By chance I caled to my
drugaman and asked him the cause of theire runinge awaye; than he saide
the Grand Sinyor and his Conquebines weare cominge, we muste be gone in
paine of deathe; but they run all away and lefte me behinde, and before
I gott oute of the house they weare run over the grene quit out at the
gate, and I runn as faste as my leggss would carrie me aftere, and 4
neageres or blackamoors cam runinge towardes me with their semetaries
drawne; yf they could have catchte me theye would have hewed me all in
peecis with there semeteris. When I cam to the wickett or gate, thare
stood a great number of jemoglanes, praying that I myghte escape the
handes of those runninge wolves; when I was got out of the gate they
weare verrie joyfull that I had so well escaped their handes. I stayed
not thare, but touke boate and went presently to my Lord and tould him
how I had run for my life. Asoune as my drugaman came home, my lord made
him beleve that he would hange him for leaving me in that dainger; but
at laste granted him his Life, but forbid him to com to his any more. He
was a Turke, but a Cornishe man borne. Now, as I was runinge for my life,
I did se a litle of a brave show, which was the Grand Sinyor him selfe
on horsbacke, many of his conquebines, som ridinge and som on foute,
and brave fellowes in their kinde, that weare gelded men, and keepers of
the conquebines; neagers that weare as blacke as geate (jet), but verrie
brave; by their sides great semeteris; the scabertes semed to be all
goulde, etc.

The 21, my Lord would not suffer me to goo to worke, because it was our
Sabothe daye.

And that did louse me somthinge, for that daye the Grand Sinyor had
appointed to com and sitt by me to se how I put my worke together, and
was come upon the grene, which when the jemoglanes persaved, they run
to mete him, and tould him that I came not to worke that daye. Than he
returned againe, and thoughte that I had kepte my selfe awaye of purpse,
and tharefore he would not com any more.

The 24 my worke was finished.

The 25 I wente to that place againe with the Coppagaw, to show him
somethinges in the presente, and to se that I had lefte nothinge amise.

And than those jemoglanes was verrie earneste with me in perswation to
stay and live thare.

The Laste of October my Lord imbassader wente to the vizear’s house
with all his train of Inglish men; for that daye the vizear[142] had
appointed to end a contrivarcie which was betwixte him and the Franche
imbassader[143]; but the Franche imbassader seinge us go by his house
with a greater company than he could make, he would not com after us,
the which was litle for his credditt. The 2 imbassaders made sute bothe
for one thinge, and the vizear recaved great bribes of the Franche
imbassader.


NOVEMBER.

The 12th of November I wente to Andranople gate, that is the farthest
gate of Constantinople, towardes Andranople. Upon a goodly plaine
withoute that gate, I se a carravan of the Taleste (tallest) Camels that
ever I had sene in all my time. Than we returned into the Cittie to see
Diverse monymentes, the which I would not for anything but that I had
sene them. I have not time now to wryte them, but of force muste leave
them un named untill a time of better Leasur.

This daye, in the morninge, I put on a pare of new shoues, and wore them
quite oute before nyghte; but this daye I touke a great could with a
surfett, by means whearof I was sore trubled with a burninge fever, and
in great dainger of my Life. When I was somthinge recovered, by the helpe
of God and a good fisition, it hapened that thar was good Company reddie
to com for Inglande, suche as in 2 or 3 years I could not have had the
lik, if I had stayed behinde them, and they weare all desierus to have my
company. My Lord was verrie unwillinge that I should goo at that time,
because I was verrie wayke, not able to goo on foute one myle in a daye.
But I desiered my lord to give me leve, for I had rether die by the way
in doinge my good will to goo hom than staye to die thare, wheare I was
perswaded I could not live if I did staye behinde them.


OF OUR PASIGE BY SEE TO VOLA (VOLO) IN ROMALEA.

My lord Ambassador would have me to carrie may beed with me, and gave
order for the carreinge of it on ship borde, and also that when we came
to travell by lande that I should have one horse to carrie me, and
another to carrie my beed and my Clothes.

The 28 of November, beinge Weddensdaye, at 4 acloke in the after nowne,
we departed from the cittie of Constantinople and Gallata in a Turkishe
ship caled Carmesale,[144] in the which we had a discontented voyege, the
Mr. and sailer wear so barbarus.

The nexte daye we came to the tow Castles caled Sestoes and Abidose,
wheare som of our company wente ashore and touke in as good wyne as the
worlde yeldethe, but it was but for their owne provition.


DECEMBER.

The firste of December we departed from thence, and after 7 myles we came
to the ruins of Troy, and sailed behinde Tennidose, leavinge it on our
Lefte hande.

The wynde beinge tow Large for our waike (weak) shipp, we came to an
anker at the iland Lemnos the same daye.

At this place we weare in greate dainger of beinge caste awaye.

The sixte day we sett saile againe, havinge a faire wynde, but towardes
nyghte we weare becalmed.

The 7th daye, the wynde beinge contrarie, we came to an anker by the
shore of Romalea, the maine lande of Grece.

The 8 day, the wynde cominge faire, we sett saile, and entred the rever.

The nexte morninge, beinge Sunday, we arived at Vola, in Romalea, the
maine of Greece, not farr from Thessalonica.

The 10th we touke horsis, and began our jurnaye by land over the Confines
of Thessale.

The 12th daye, at nyghte, we came to a towne caled Zetoune.[145] Beinge
come to this towne, our horsis and mayls (mules) returned to Vola; and
heare we rested tow dayes. I may say rested, for I am sure we had no
reste in the nyghte, our lodginge was so bade, be side the greate feare
we wear in of haveinge our throtes cutt. The beste comoditie we had was
that we had good store of good wyne and good cheape (sheep).

Heare we hired freshe horsis and mayles (mules). We weare but 8 men,
yeat we had everie daye 12 horsis.... Four of them weare to carrie our
clothes, my beed, and wyne and vitell for 3 dayes. For some nyghtes we
weare like to ly without dors, and at som touns we could not gitt any
vitels. Whyle we weare in this toune we weare warned to keep close, for
thar weare som of the Grand Sinyor’s souldiers that weare cominge from
the wars.

The 14th we departed from Zetoun, and haveing rid 6 or 7 myles, we began
to climbe the hills of Parnassus, wheare we had all maner of ill wether,
as thundringe, lightninge, rayne, and snow, and our waye was so bad as I
thinke never did Christians travell the like. The mountains weare huge
and steepe, stony, and the wayes verrie narrow, so that if a horse should
have stumbled or slided, bothe horse and man had bene in greate dainger
of theire lives.

Also we weare doged, or followed, by 4 stout villans that weare Turkes.
They would have perswaded our drugaman, which was our gid (guide), to
have given his consente unto the Cuttinge of our throtes in the nyghte,
and he did verrie wysely Conseale it from us, and delayed the time with
them, not daringe to denye ther sute; and so theye followed us 4 dayes
over Parnassus; but our drugaman everie nyghte give us charge to keepe
good watche, espetialy this laste nyghte, for theye did purpose to goo no
farther after us, and our Turke, whome I cale our drugaman, had premeded
(permitted) them that that nyghte it should be don. Now, after he had
given us warninge to kepe good watche, he wente unto them and made them
drinke so muche wyne, or put somthinge in there wyne, that theye weare
not only drunke but also sicke, that they weare not able to attempte
anythinge againste us to hurt us, for the which we had verrie greate
cause to give hartie thanks unto Almyghtie God, who was our chefeste
savgaurd.

This nighte we Laye in a lytle village under a wonderfull heie rocke.
Thoughe that countrie be contenually could, yeate the wemen thare never
weare anythinge on their feete; they ar verrie well favored, but their
feete be blacke and broade.

This man that was sente with us to be our drugaman, or intarpreater, was
an Inglishe man, borne in Chorlaye in Lancashier; his name Finche. He was
also in religon a perfit Turke, but he was our trustie frende.

The nexte daye, beinge the 17th, we came to Lippanta,[146] wheare our
Turke revealed all this unto us, and these men we had sene, but never
more than one at once, and he never stayed longe in our companye, for he
came but to speake with our Turke aboute their vilanus plott.

This day we had bothe wynter and somer; in the morning we did tread upon
froste and snowe; before nowne we came to the bottem of the mountaine,
wheare did run a rever, so bige and stifly, beinge fulle of stons, so
that we durste not adventur to rid over it; but our Turke, ridinge up and
doune by the rever sid, espied tow stoute fellowes, the which wear naked
and more than halfe savidge or wyld; he caled them unto him, and they
unwilingly came. Than when he had talked with them, he comanded one of
them to take his horse by the bridle and leade him throughe the rever,
and so he did, havinge a greate stafe in his hand; than the other savige
man touke Mr. Paul Pinder’s horse by the heade and led him over, and than
Sir Humfray Conisby his horse, and so one after a other. This rever was
thicke and moddie, and was no other than mearly snow water, that dothe
desend from those hils wheare it dothe contenualy snow.

Longe before nyghte we came to Lippanta, whiche is a greate haven toune.
The people in it ar Turkes, Greekes, and Jues (Jews); but the greateste
parte be Jues, the second Turkes. This Lippanta is a good haven toone,
lyethe close to the sea, in the risinge of a hill, and upon that hill is
a castell, the which hathe 2 counter wales, etc.

In diverse partes of the toune are verrie fine Springs of exelente
watter, and som of them do drive myls, the which myls be verrie straingly
made, for only one water whele, withoute any cogwhele or anythinge els,
dothe turne the stone, and will grinde 30 bushils a daye and upwards.

To make the like I am able to giv direckion.

Aboute this toune theye make greate store of verrie pleasante wynes,
bothe whyte and reed.

Also heare dothe grow good store of Currante, greate plentie of orringis
and lemons, palm sidrons, palm garnetes (pomegranates), dates and almons,
and verrie good ayle (oil).

We lodged heare 3 nyghtes in the house of a Jew, who is by Inglishe men
caled the honeste Jew, for he is verrie lovinge unto Inglishe men.

The 20th daye we touke a boote and croste the Gulfe of Lippanta, and
the same nyghte came to Petras (Patras), in Morea. All our way thether
we weare in good hoope to have hade greate entertainmente thare by Mr.
Jonas Aldredge, an Inglish man who was Consoll thare; but he was gone 40
myles from home to hange a Jew. By misinge of him we weare constrained to
lodge at a Romain’s[147] house in suche maner as we (did) all our jurney;
for thouge we had house roum enoughe, yeat we laye in our clothes upon
the grounde, savinge at the Jewe’s house in Lippanta thare was tow bed
steades, Inglishe fation; but those would not sarve us all.

At this place Mr. Cunisbe was like to have cutt of a Jew’s heade, who
railed againste our Saviour; but Mr. Paull Pinder and the reste of our
Company, with muche at dow, prevented it.

This Petrace (Patras) is in Morea, ether adjoyninge or a parte of Greece.
Hear is a good porte for ships; but the towne is neare halfe a myle from
the sea, in the risinge of a hill. A litle a bove the towne is a castle,
but the towne and Castele ar but of smale strength.

Hear is indiferente store of Currante and ayle, and greate store of
corne, for theye doo sell som to other contris that wante; also good
store of goates and shepe and other catle. Because som of our companye
was sicke, we restede heare 3 dayes.

The 24, being Christmas Eeve, we proseded in our jurnaye throughe Morrea.
A bout nowne we came to a rever that we muste pass throughe; and,
determaninge thare to baite, for we ever had vitals reddie dreste for 3
dayes, we pitched and placed ourselves under the alder trees, to kepe us
from the son; for thoughe it was Christmas eve, yeat we thoughte it to be
as hoate wether as we have it in Inglande at Whitsontide, and swallowes
came fliinge a bout us. Our dinner ended, we croste the rever, and entred
into a foreste-like Cuntrie, wheare we saw nether towne nor villidge,
but somtime a shipheardes Hoote (hut). At nyghte we founde 3 litle pore
cottidges. In this wylde cuntrie, wheare we rested the moste part of the
nyght; and whyle 4 of us slepte, the other 4 did watche, for we touke the
place to be daingerus to sleepe it. I was one of the 4 that did watche
in the fore parte of the nyghte. Betwixte 11 and 12 of the clocke we saw
a bale of fierr, as bigge as a greate foot bale,[148] risinge out of the
easte, and did rise of a greate heighte, and did give a greate lighte;
than, faulinge towardes the weste, the lighte and fier bothe was less and
less. Mr. Conisbe was verrie sorie that he had not sene that fier bale.

At 4 a clocke in the morninge, beinge Christmas daye, we Sett forwardes.
This day we could not number the heardes of swine which we saw and paste
throughe, and also heardes of shepe and goates, and we weare verrie muche
trubled wethe shepheardes’ doggs, the which weare like to pluck us of our
horsis.

This cuntrie is a parte of the plains of Arcadia. Aboute (an) howre we
cam to a villidge, wheare we did thinke to have boughte som vittels, but
we could gitt nothinge but 8 egges.

When we weare a myle oute of this towne upon the plains, the day before
was verrie fair, but now thar fell a sodon shower of raine, the which
came downe as if it had bene powered downe with bouls, and no winde; but
our horsis stood stone still, and would not stur one foote. The shower
lasted not a bove halfe a quarter of an hour, and for a great parte of
that time for a myle round aboute us we could se no ground for water.
Upon a sodon it seaste, and the water was gone, all savinge som which
laye in hollow placis.

Pasinge throughe this plaine, upon our righte hande we myghte se the
seae, and upon the sandes an infinite company of wyld swans.[149] Upon
our lefte hande we sawe highe mountains.

At nyghte we came to a Castell, caled Castell Turneaes,[150] the which
dothe stand upon a verrie hie hill, posseste with a garreson of Turkes,
and is 3 myles from the seae. It is a Castele that may be kepte with a
verrie few men. The waye to it is so lade[151] that ordenance cannot be
broughte anythinge near it.

On St. Stevn’s Day we did thinke to have croste a parte of the sea to the
iland Zante, but the wynde was so hie that we could not.

On St. John’s Day, the wynde beinge somwhat abatted, we carried our
supportes[152] and other Lugedge to the seasid, wheare we weare in hoope
to find som boats. Cominge thether, we founde a great markett of swyne
and other cattell, and so thar is everie day, beinge faire weather. The
iland Zante hathe all theire provition of vittell from thence. From this
place it is but 12 or 18 myles by sea, yeate we had muche adow to hier a
hogge boate to carrie us to Zante. For our passage and carriege of our
stufe we payed seven Chickens (sequins), or 7 pecis of gould which weare
nyne shillinges a peece.

Heare, at the sea sid, we parted from our drugaman, or the Turke that was
our gidd from Constantinople. Thoughe he was a Turke, his righte name was
Finche, borne at Chorlaye in Longcashier.


OUR ENTERTAINMENT AT ZANTE.

Beinge come to Zante, we could not be permited to goe a shore,
because the governers of the toune did understand that we came from
Constantinople, or oute of Turkie. It (is) ther Custom to deale so with
all straingers that come out of Turkie, if they have not a letter of
health from some Venitian or Ittalian.

So by the judgimente of the Provodore and the tow Sinyors of Healthe, we
wear comited to the lazaretto, which is a prison for all suche travelers,
and thare to remaine for 10 dayes; and if, at the ende of 10 dais, any
man be founde sicke when the Sinyors of Healthe com to examon and se
them, than they muste remaine thare for 10 daies more.


JENNARIE.

By suche meanes as our martchantes who ar facktors thare did use, we had
poticke (pratique) the 6 of Jenuarie, but at our firste cominge we weare
in doubte to have laine thare longer in this prison, but we hade a greate
favor showede us, for we weare not put into the ordenarie preson, but
into a new house wheare never any bodie had dwelte, and it was cloce to
the seae. Also the water men which brought us from Castell Turneas[153]
was commited with us, because they broughte us in theire boote; and we
weare constrained to finde them vittals for 7 dayes; for than the Sinyors
of Healthe came unto us to se if any man weare sicke. Than Mr. Paule
Pinder desiered that they would releace the water men, and ease us of
that charge. So theye weare contented that the water men should have
proticke, or libertie, if theye would leape out at a window into the sea,
and washe them selues over heade with theyer clothis on; the which theye
weare verrie lothe to dow, but Mr. Connisbye drew his simmeterie, and
swore a greate othe that if they would not leape out quickly he would cut
of theier legges, and made them perforce leap oute; and so we weare rid
of them.

Many thinges which hapened in the time of our impresoment, for wante of
time I doo omit.


FEBRUARIE.

We stayed in the iland of Zante fortie and 6 dayes, ever expectinge som
ship to com in thare that would Carrie us to Venis, or els for Inglande,
but the firste that came war the Heckter, in the which I wente out of
Inglande; and we did thinke that she by that time had bene in Inglande.
When I saw her I was somwhat sorie, for I had a great desier to have gone
to Venis; but yeat I was glad againe, because I knew that in her was a
sur passidge, and emongste men that did know me.

The 26 of Februarie, in the morninge, we departed from Zante. The nexte
day we had ill wether and the wynd contrarie, so that we returned again,
and went in at Safflanee,[154] in Morea. In our company was the Edward
Boneventur[155] and the Swallow. In that harbur we founde the great
Susan[156] of London, a ship of 3 hundrethe tun; and thare was the Riall
Defence of Brstoll. The laste of this monthe cam in thare the martchante
Boniventur.


MARCHE 1599.

The firste of Marche came in a litle shipe caled the Diamon.

In this contrie is verrie good muscadine,[157] and thar is also som
Currante. This harbur is verrie good; what wether so ever blow, a ship is
without dainger thare. On the weste sid dothe stand a pretie toune caled
Luksere[158]; on the easte, a Castell. When we wente to sea from hence
we weare in Company eighte ships; beinge 4 or 5 leages at sea, the wynde
came contrarie, and like to be foule wether, so that we returned againe
to the same harber; in the morninge the wynde came fair againe, and we
sett saile againe.

The sixte daye we paste the Gulfe of Venis, the which daye the wynde came
all southe weste a smale gale, so that we could not keepe our course; but
as we weare turninge in the nighte, the wynde came faire at southe and
by easte, and contenued the nexte daye.

The 9th daye we descried Mount Etnaye, but thare it is caled
Muntabell,[159] the burninge mountaine in Cisillia. In the Afternoone we
came under the shore of the same lande; at the firste we did thinke to
com to an anker because the wynd was bad, yeate torninge up and downe by
the shore, we saw the watche toweres make lightes at the topp of theire
tours, to shew unto other watche toures how many ships they saw that
weare not theire frendes; for thare be of those touers round aboute the
iland, so that yf one Touer do show so many lightes one after another
as they se ships, it will goo round aboute the iland in a verrie shorte
time. Yf we had com to an anker we feared them note, but theye weare a
frayed of us; yeat doubtinge the wynde would be worse, or else no wynd at
all, we kept at sea. The next day we weare so neare the shore that we saw
a greate company of souldiers, bothe horse and foote, gathered together.

For all that, towardes eyghte we came to an anker neare the shore. When
the wynde came faire, everie ship sett saile before our Anker was upe
or wayed. The other 7 ships beinge under saile, they gave chase to a
Spainishe shipe which was goinge to Malta with wheate, and when she saw
so many Inglishe ships under saile she thoughte it better for her to
goo backe againe to Sesillia than to keepe her cource. Our shipe beinge
the hindmoste of all the 8, yeate we out wente them all, and touke that
prise. There was but 10 men in her; it was but a smale barke; she was
loden with wheate. When our sailers had pillidged her our Mr. gave the
ship and wheate to Captain Coke, a man of ware; we had out of her verrie
fine whyte breade and good Chese. In the nyghte folloinge thare rise a
myghtie storme, the wynde at weste, at which time we weare 30 leages from
Capp Passaro,[160] wheare we weare laste at Anker. This storme contenued
48 houres, that we weare not able to beare any saile; in this storm the
prise which we hade taken was Caste awaye.

The 13th day, beinge Weddensday, we weare in sighte of Cape Passaro
againe, beinge driven backe againe thre score Leagues, and thar came to
an Anker againe, wheare we founde a greate Flemishe shipe. That nyghte
the watche touers made lightes as they did before. The nexte morninge we
wayed Anker again, but we weare driven further backwardes. The second
nyghte after we recovered that place againe; this truble we touke to be a
punishmente for takinge of that prise. The nexte day, beinge Sundaye, and
the 16th daye of Marche, it was verrie calme and extreame hoote wether;
at 8 a clocke at nyghte we sett saile, for the wynde came faire at easte,
but a verrie smale gale; the next day we weare becalmed betwixte Malta
and Cesillia.

The 19th we mett with an Inglishe ship caled the John and Francis,
neare the coste of Cesillia, loaden with Turkes and Jues bounde for
Alicksandrea.

The 21, beinge Good Fridaye, the wynde came faire, and broughte us to
Panthaleara (Pantelaria).

One Easter day the wynd was direcktly againste us, and drive us backe.

The 25, beinge Tusdaye, we mett with the Rebeka of London and the Gren
Dragon of Bristoll.

The 29, the wynde beinge faire, we paste by Cape Bone; 10 leagues from
that we paste by a litle Ilande caled Simbre,[161] a verrie hie mountaine
also the same daye by Porta Farren,[162] the goinge into Tunis.

The firste daye of Aprill we Croste the Gulfe of Lions. Our vitals beinge
verrie badd, I was invited to diner with our marchantes in the great
Cabbin, and beinge at diner, we harde the crye of a mearmaide, like as
yf one had hailed our shipe; but our bootswane forbid any man to make
answeare or to louke oute.

The second daye the wynde came faire; the thirde day the wynde being
bade, we came to an anker at Firma[163] Teara, wheare our botes wente a
shore for freshe water and stores, not inhabeted, but with bannished men
thare. Neare unto a watche tower we founde a man lyinge deade withoute
a heade, for it had bene cut of by som Turks as we supposed. This Iland
is verrie neare a place or towne in Spaine caled Iverse.[164] Our ship
did rid but a litle from the toune and Castle, which Castell is verrie
stronge. The 6 daye, beinge Sondaye, in the morninge, as we weare wayinge
anker, Thare came a boate from that toune, and broughte our marchantes
for a presente tow gootes, oringis, Lemons, leekes, and Chibbals,[165]
and grene beans, indeco, lettes, and other earbs. The 7th daye we sailed
by Caldaroune[166] and by Alligante, which is an hondrethe Leagues within
the straites mouthe; thare we mett with tow Flemishe sale that came from
Talloune.[167] The 8 daye we weare becalmed before Alligante. The 9 daye
we paste by Cape Pale,[168] in the nyghte folloinge by Cape Degate[169];
in the morninge we weare becalmed before Alama,[170] a fair toune in
Spaine, as it is said, not moche inferrier to London. We weare in a maner
becalmed all that daye and the nyghte followinge.

This day we saw greate store of the spane (spawn) of whales, whearof they
make spermacetie; it did swym upon the water as the whale lefte it: upon
the water it showed reed; but when we touke upe som of it in a buckete,
it was whyte, and like grease.

Also this daye, beinge a verrie smale gale of wynde, a great fishe caled
a storke (shark?), of a marvalus length, did follow our ship, sid by sid,
with his eyes a bove water waytinge for a praye; for if a man had come
withe in his lengthe of the water, he would hardly have escaped him.

Our Mr. goner made reddie his harpinge iron, and, when the sutle fishe se
him reddie to pitche it at him, he staied and fell behinde the ship, and
came up on the other side, and sarved him so 2 or 3 times; but at laste
he hitt him a litle behinde the heade with a full blowe, but his skine
was so harde that the iron turned duble and would not enter anythinge at
all, only we myghte se a litle whyte spott wheare it lighte. Nether did
the fishe make any show of felinge it, but turned him a boute, and wente
awaye direcktly from the ship.

The 11th daye, the wynde beinge muche againste us, as we weare turninge
to gitt somthinge of the wynde, we came neare unto the Castell
Defeare[171] in Spaine, and verrie neare unto the shore, we loukinge
still when the Castell would shoute at us, but they would not. Than,
beinge com less than a league from the shore, we had no wynde at all,
and so it contenued all the nexte daye. By this meanes our fleete weare
scattered one a league from another, so that yf the Spainishe gallis had
come forthe they myghte have taken us one after another.

That daye it was strainge to se how the porposis did rune in greate
fleetes or scoles (shoals), in what maner it is credable to reporte, and
the noyes that they made.

The 13th we mett with a ship of Yarmouthe. The 15th we came neare to
Gibletore,[172] wheare we mett with 3 Inglishe men (or ships) and one
Flemin, which made our fleete 14 saile; but the wynde was so contrarie
that we coulde not com neare the narrow gutt of the straite’s mouthe,
but laye becalmed unto Budgrow,[173] also to Marvels,[174] and Grande
Malligan.

The 16th we weare becalmede. The nexte morninge we saw 2 greate whalis,
which wear so huge that we thoughte them to be tow gallis or frigates:
ite was an extreame hoote day.

The 17th, at 10 a clocke, the wynde came faire at northe-easte, so that
aboute a 11 of the clocke at nyght we entred into the narrow gutt,
which is 4 leagues in lengthe. At the son risinge we paste bye Cape
Sprott,[175] which is 10 leages withoute the straite’s mouthe, at which
time we had in our sighte 21 saile of ships.

The same daye, towardes nyghte, one shipe in our Companye, caled the
Rebecka, the which at that time was the moste speedie of saile, touke her
leve of us, with an intente to bringe the firste newes into Ingland of
our safe cominge homwardes.

The nexte morninge, beinge the 19th, we descried Mount Chegos,[176] a hie
lande in Spaine, 7 leagues from the Southe Cape.

The 20th, in the morninge, beinge Sundaye, verrie arlye, one in our
mayntope saw a saille Cominge towardes us direckly; and when we myghte
well desarne the hull of her, we did know her to be the Rebecka, the
same shipe that touke her leve of us tow dayes before to carrie newes
of our safe cominge homwards. The Cause of the returne of that ship was
for that tow galliouns of Spaine did give Chace unto her, yeate nothinge
so good of saile as she; but the Mr. of the Rebecka thoughte them to be
Carreks[177] Cominge from the Indies loden with greate welthe, whearin he
was muche desaved, for theye weare tow men-of-warr that did ly in wayte
for our ship, as afterwardes theie confesed. When they weare come neare
unto us, we did also thinke them to be but than cominge from the Indies.
One of them was a shipe of one thousande tow hundrethe tone, the other 8
hundrethe. Our Mr. was verrie unwillinge to feighte with them, but our
saylors was verrie desierus; so we presently wente to prayers, and than
our gonors made reddie their ordinance, feightes[178] oute, and everie
man his place appointed, and all thinges in reddines, we havinge the
wynde of the Spanishe ships. Our ship, caled the Heckter, laye sid by sid
to the greate gallioune, and an other Inglishe shipp Called the Greate
Susan laye close by the other, ever expectinge who would give the firste
shoute. All the other ships that weare before in our Companye weare gone
a league and more of from us, without dainger of any shott. Thare was
great odes betwixte our shipp, that ship was caled the Great Suzana

[_Here some pages are missing._][179]

unto him, and desiered him to give me and my mate Harve leve to go
a shore thare, and we would take poste horse, and make what speed we
Could to London; so at laste he granted me and 3 more leve to goo, upon
Condition that we would take the Spainishe Captaine with us, and bringe
him safe unto the marchantes, the which we promesed to doo.

Than we wente a shore at Dover, and our trompetes soundinge all the waye
before us into the towne, wheare we made our selves as merrie as Could,
beinge verrie glad that we weare once againe upon Inglishe ground. After
diner, thar Came into the toune a Franche imbasseter, beinge accompened
with divers knightes and jentlmen of Kente; so, at tow of the Clocke,
we touke poste horse to Canterburrie, and from thenc to Rochester that
nyghte, and the nexte day to London.

[Illustration]




PART II.

DR. COVEL’S DIARY.

[Illustration]




DR. COVEL’S DIARY.


CAP. 2.—OUR LEAVING THE DOWNS, AND PASSAGE THROUGH THE CHANNEL TO SEA.

_Sept. 21._ In the morning we had a fresh gale at N.N.E., and it so
continued between N. and E. a fair wind for us. About half-an-hour after
eleven we set sail out of the Downes, being seven general ships, for the
Levant; Captain Partridge in the Turkey Merchant, for Scanderoon.

    Capt. Joh. Hill, in the London Merchant, } for Smyrna and
    Capt. Pain, in the Speedwell,            } Constantinople.

    Capt. Dier Roles, in the Mary and Martha,}
    Capt. Kerington, in the Levant Merchant, } for Smyrna.
    Capt. Stoey, in the Pearl,               }

    Capt. Bromwell, in the Tho. and Frances, } for Smyrna and Scanderoon.

Our convoy were, Capt. Robinson, in the Greenwich,[180] as Admiral (who
was to leave us at the next end of Candia, and go on to Scanderoon with
the Turkey Merchant), and Capt. Wild, in the Assurance, as Vice-Admiral,
who was to go with all the rest of us as far as Smyrna, with _Virginia
men_, and some _coasters_ and _streightsmen_.[181] We made up in all
about 100 sail going out of the Channel. I took my passage upon the
London Merchant, with that very able and long-experienced Seaman, a
most carefull and understanding commander, Capt. John Hill, whose
honest, sober, and discreet management of all his affaires I can never
sufficiently commend, as I must never forget his singular respect and
kindnesse to myself.


CAP. 3.—OUR PASSAGE FROM THE LAND’S END TO THE STREIGHTSMOUTH.

_Saturday, Sept. 24._ About ½ an hour past two, afternoon, we weigh’d
anchor, and stood of with an easy sail. Next morning, by eight o’clock,
we were clear of _the Land’s End_, leaving it N. 6 W. about nine leagues,
and we told 75 sail in company.

_Sept. 26._ The wind came up at South. It blew hard, and brought much
rain. We made several tacks, and our _Freshmen_ passengers were all in
a miserable, squeamish, and puking condition. I had held up perfectly
well till that morning, when I began (as well as the rest) to find some
odde wamblings in my stomack. Wherefore, counting it very healthfull, at
first coming to sea, to evacuate what humours might overflow, I went and
sat down in the Captaine’s Round-house[182] on purpose to provide that
designe; for the higher any one sit within the ship, the motion of it
affects him the more, and cause his giddinesse and _mawkishnesse_ to be
the greater. After I had sat there till I was sufficiently squeamish,
I went down to the Cook and got at least thre pints of warme small beer
into my belly, and then returned up to the Round-house again, where the
reeling of the Ship had its desired effect. I then went down and took a
second dose of warme beer, and so came up to the Round-house again; and
after somewhat a longer pause then before, I fell to my former exercise.
This I repeated several times, till at last, when I cam down to the
_wast_[183] of the ship, and took a turn or two there, I found my stomack
begin to settle. I immediately drank a spoonful of _Purle[184] royals_
(as they call it), that is, _sack and wormwood_, and a little while after
I took as much more. Thus for a while supping not above one spoonfull
at a time (sometimes of old Hock, sometimes of sack, with wormwood), I
afterwards continued walking gently and santering up and down the Ship,
till by noon I could have eaten and drunk as well as any one. But I dined
onely with a little fresh broth, and as much _Cremor tartari_ in it as
made it palatable; and with a cautious and moderate diet, I was very
well in lesse than 24 houres, and I thank God I never was in the least
sea-sick after in any weather whatever.

_Sept. 29._ The Admiral called all the Turkish commanders on board. He
told them that the Dutch and we had chased six Algier men of War on shoar
at _Cape Spartel_ (which is the most northern _Cape_ of Africk, just at
the _Streight’s_ mouth) not far from _Tangier_, and that we had sunk,
and fired, and destroy’d them all, and released many English and Dutch
prisoners. He had received the news by some Dutch Merchant ship, which
that day past by us; for all ships, if friends, when they meet upon the
sea, _share_ up to one another, and sometimes lay by their sails, or send
of their boats, mutually to hear and relate what newes they have.

_Saturday, October 1st._ The Admiral and Vice-Admiral, and several
Commanders, came on board us, and dined with us; and on the 3rd we all
dined on board _the Turkey Merchant_. When we thus treat one another, if
the weather be fair and will permit it, we seldome fail of some merry
fellows in every _ship’s crew_, who will entertain us with several
diversions, as divers sorts of odde Sports and Gambols; sometimes with
their homely drolls and _Farses_, which in their corrupt language they
nickname Interlutes; sometimes they dance about the mainmast instead of a
may-pole, and they have variety of _forecastle songs_, ridiculous enough.

_Oct. 5._ The wind blew hard all night, and with the labouring of the
Ship the table and chaires in the great Cabin brok loose from the cords
with which they were _lash’t_, and hurt our surgeon and some of the
gentlemen that were up there.

_Oct. 7._ At 6 o’clock at night we saw to S.E. 25 sail going southward,
and we saw them again, next morning, about 6 o’clock. We took them for
_Newfoundland_ men going for Lisbon and the Streights.

_Oct. 8._ About 10 o’clock _the Burlinges_ appear’d S. from us (which are
rocks lying of from the nethermost Cape of the last stretch before you go
into _Lisbon_). We were in 39° 55´ of latitude, and observ’d a current on
those coasts setting Southwards. That night we lay by. Next morning we
reckon’d 26 sail between us and the Rock of Lisbon. They were Flemings,
and we supposed them to be the same which we had seen the day before
standing to the Southwards.

_Oct. 9._ Sunday, about 2 afternoon, some Hollanders came into our
Company. It blew a violent _gust of_ wind; we lay by with our head to the
westward all night till next morning.

_Oct. 11._ At 4 afternoon the ships from _Cadiz_ or _Cales_ went in. We
saw there in the Harbour a great ship at Anchor, with the English Flag at
the main top mast head, which we concluded to be Sir Thos. Allen.[185]

_Oct. 12._ At noon we were in 18 fathom water northwards of from
_Tangier_. The Admiral’s boat went ashoar to carry letters and newes, but
stay’d not long, so that in 18 dayes we went from Plymouth Sound to the
Streight’s mouth.


CAPT. 4.—FROM THE STREIGHT’S MOUTH TO TUNIS.

       *       *       *       *       *

The seamen have a custome to demand passage-money of every one that
never past the streights before. Those that refuse to pay, they seise
them and duck them down from _main yard_ end into the Sea. There were
several that chose rather to be plunged than to part with their money;
for many that could swim would in calm weather, for a smal reward, leap
from _the main yard_ and into the Sea, but they alwayes took care to fall
streight up (end wayes) upon their feet, with their legs close, into the
Sea; for to fall otherwise so high on the water (especially upon the
belly) would bruise or spoil a man.

Our seamen told us that they had the very same custome whenever they past
between the _Burlenges_ and the main land of _Portugal_, in their voyages
to _Lisbon_; and a French sailor who was on board us told us of a mad
ceremonious fashion they had of dousing every freshwaterman (with a pail
of sea-water), which they nicknamed his Baptism, if he never before had
past between _Les Scenes_ and the firme land at Bretaigne.

Having run a convenient while on the Barbary coast, we shar’d of toward
_Gibraltar_, and Oct. 12, at 4 o’clock, we were within lesse than a
league of it, having it N. b. W. We saw two Flag Ships in the Bay. The
mountain that overlooks the Town of old was called _Calpe_. It seem’d,
indeed, very high—much higher than _Abila_, especially when we were near
it.[186] The side to the south shows reddish, and hollow’d in, as if it
had been battered down or mouldred away. The top is little and flat, and
this, perhaps, might make some of the Antients to compare it to half of
a broken pitcher inverted, or turn’d with the bottom upwards. It shew’d
very steep towards the E., but in all its shapes as we past bye I could
by no means fancy either it or Abila in the least.

At six o’clock we met with two of our men of war going out of the
Streights. About 12 o’clock that night, or something after, _The Pearl_
fell foul upon our Ship, and rent of _the Gallery_ on _the Larboard
side_. Some of the passengers (who lay in the G. Cabin) were up, and one
of them had just been in that very gallery, but feeling it somewhat cold,
he did not stay, but stept into the G. cabin, and in that very moment
this damage happened. The crash of the gallery alarmed us all, but we
soon recovered ourselves when we understood the whole matter. However, we
had all, indeed (especially that Gentleman) a great deliverance, for had
the wind or waves become so high as to have rowl’d _the Pearl_ upon us
with greater violence, we might have (one or both) gone to the bottome.
S. D. G.

_Oct. 13._ About 11 o’clock the whole fleet was becalm’d on a sodain
under _C. Malaga_; yet, by 6 that evening, we had a stiff gale for
half-an-hour. At 8 we came to anchor before _Malaga_, in 14 fathom water.
Next morning, about ten, we went on shore and hosted with Signor Carlos,
an Irishman.

The first thing we went to see was the _Major Domo_, or great Church. It
is, to the best of my remembrance, in a manner, round, _Scalop’t_, as it
were, on the sides into 6 or 7 hollow moldings, like vast great _niches_;
and in every one was an Altar for private Masse.[187] The Cupola is
hang’d upon rows of pillars, set in a round likwise, so as we may walk
conveniently between them and the Entrance into those round Isles or
_niches_. We were there in the time of high masse, yet, so long as we
were bare-headed, and behaved ourselves gravely and civilly, we might
walk up and down and se every thing without the least molestation. One
of our company (a young man who had had the misfortune of too precise
an Education), seing we design’d to go into the _Domo_, came to me and
my brethren (the other two Chaplaines going for Smyrna and Aleppo), and
askt us whether we were not afraid, and touch’t in conscience, to go
into an _Idol Temple_, as he cal’d it. I told him I was of St. Paul’s
mind, _To me an Idol is nothing_. I could myself freely go into it, if
it was an _Idol Temple_, for God, the searcher of hearts, knowes that I
do not do it to joyn in their way of worship, but onely to se it and be
the better able to discourse of it as an eye witnesse, and confute what
was really unlawfull in it. But I bad him have a care; if he had any
scruple, I advised him to go home, which he did. I mention this passage
here, because this young man that was so extremely scrupulous, fell into
great debaucheries afterwards at Smyrna, and at last turn’d Turk. Let the
greatest Saint _that thinketh he standeth, take heed lest he fall_.

We thence went to see Sta. Victoria, which is a convent of _Augustines_.
In their Church are (ἀναθήματα) _offerings_ hang’d up without number, in
memory of deliverances and miracles wrought by that Saint, which they
there call _virgo miraculosissima_. Amongst the rest is a small boat
of reeds, cover’d over with a kind _of Tarpaulin_, about 4 or 5 yards
long, in which 7 Christians (after their prayers, I suppose, to this
Saint) escaped from captivity at Algiers to this port. There hangs up
the effigies of a child that was raised from the dead, and a serpent
of great length (I guest it 4 or 5 yards), which had been destroy’d
by Christians in Africa, and sent hither. There is within (as in most
convents) a fair square court, cloyster’d above and beneath; in the upper
cloyster are the Brethren’s cells, in the lower the walls are hang’d with
pictures, most of them representing miracles wrought by their saints.
One was how a dish of fry’d fish, by a crosse of the Saint’s finger (I
think it was the founder of their Order), revived, and leapt down out
of the dish as quick as ever they were. Another was how he supported a
stone of 100 tons weight (that was falling upon him and his attendants)
only with his stick, or, rather, with a bullrush in his hand. My brother
Huntingdon[188] and I convers’t with the good Fathers that went about
with us in the Latine, and as any very remarkable thing occurr’d we
interpreted the story in English to our company. Now it happen’d that
one _Paulo_, a Greek (who had been in England some time to learn our
language, in order to be a _Turgeman_[189] to our nation at Smyrna),
being by, and hearing us recount these miracles, very indiscreetly broke
out into a loud laughter. The Fathers were very highly and very justly
incensed at it, and we had much adoe to pacify them, and excuse the folly
of the fact. It hath been a warning to me to make better choyce of my
company in such places ever since, least I might suffer for the men’s
rudeness and childish indiscretion.

Therefore that evening, with more wary friends, we went and saw (_San
Domingo_) the Convent of the Dominicians. It was a very fine and sweet
place, built much after the fashion of the former, but much more
beautifull and stately. In the middle of the court was a little garden,
enclosed with a hedge of oranges and lemons, like our codling[190]
hedges; in the quarters stood small orange and lemon trees, and pots of
several very pleasant greens. Santering up and down, we walk’t into the
Upper Cloyster; and seeing a door and entry open into a fair room, where
somebody was talking, one of our company, who spoke Spanish, ventur’d
boldly in, but sodainly made a profer to retire, as being mistaken. It
happen’d to be a very Reverend Father’s lodging, who presently stept out
to us and accepted our apologyes as being strangers, and not knowing
our way out. He earnestly invited us in and gave us a noble treat of
sweetmeats and fruits, and several sorts of wine. He afterwards caryed
us down into a large garden, and bad us gather what oranges and lemons,
and what fruits and flowers we pleased, and at last brought us out
to the gate, where, with all decent respect, and many thanks for his
extraordinary courtesy and civility, we took our leave. He had in his
chamber very many excellent pictures; one was of Christ taken from the
Crosse, which he valued at 3,000 dollars; besides the admirable painting,
I took especiall notice of the unusuall manner of the head, the face
being roundish, the hair being flaxen, or inclined to yellow, and the
beard short and curl’d round about the chin.

Next morning, Oct. 15, an ingenious Gaille man[191] (one Mr. Jolly) and
I, by chance were standing by one of the gates of the City towards the
Sea, and talking of the strength of the Town. I happen’d to say that
gate seem’d so decay’d and crazy, as surely it could not well be moved
without falling to pieces. There stood a man just by us in mean habit
(but dressed in all things like a Spaniard) who, in as good English as
we could speak, said, _Yes, Sir, I assure you it is shut every night
and opened every morning, as you may guesse by the Hinges_; which were
then almost worn away. We were not a little surprised, and we made
this reflection in ourselves upon it, that Strangers ought to be very
carefull what they talk in their own language in other Countryes before
them whome they know not, for they may be better understood then they
think for, and easily entrapt or involved in difficultyes beyond what
they intended or imagin’d. However, it happen’d otherwise with us now,
for, talking farther with him, he proved an high man who was maryed and
lived in Town; he was extreamly civil to us, and offer’d to show us what
we had not yet seen of the City. We accepted the favour, and with him
we went to several Nunneryes, where, instead of dull, mopish, vapour’d
women, or grave precise matrons, as we expected, we found as pleasant,
bright, and airy ladyes as ever I met with all elsewhere in all my life.
Their particular chat is not worth the recounting, but it was extreamely
gentile, merry, and diverting. We past for Captaines (I suppose our
Interpreter had named us so), and they beg’d of us every where for some
cheese, or butter, or Holland, or thin stuffs. We always stick to one
answer, assuring them that we had no provisions to spare, for we put into
that port on purpose to buy some; we were laden only with Tin and Lead
for Turkey, and some cloth which was not our own. They offer’d us many
fine works and several sorts of sweetmeats to sale; we bought some which
were very admirably well done. My Lord Baltimore[192] had then a daughter
in one of these Nunneryes which we saw (I think it was at _San Bernado_);
she was but a girl, and placed there onely for education, and undoubtedly
(setting religion aside) it is a way of breeding infinitely beyond all
our English Schools. A very lovely sister there beg’d a silver pick-tooth
and case of me, and return’d me for it a pretty little picture of the V.
M., curiously wrought, all with coloured straw. Platonic love is here
very much esteem’d and practised, and really I have that charity and
Justice to believe it may be done with perfect innocence. In one place
we found a jolly Friar talking at the grate with the Sisters, who, with
great civility, retired so soon as we came in. Once, as we were sitting
by them, in came a surly, stately Don, very richly attired; and after a
profound reverence towards the Ladys, and a kind of a scornfull nod to
us, he lean’d his head to the wall by the side of the grate, and with his
armes and leggs acrosse, and his eyes fixt upon one of them (which was
very ingenious, but not handsome), he stood thare in such a fixed posture
as, had it not been sometimes for a sneaking silly sigh (true or feign’d,
I know not), you would have thought he rather saw Medusa’s head then his
dear Dulcinea’s face. He spoil’d all our mirth; all was hush’d, and after
a decent pause we left him to his _Devotions_. He askt our Interpreter
whether we were Catholics; he answered Yes, and all past very well.

One of our English Merchants there (of good repute, though I shall not
vouch the truth of his story), hearing me recount this adventure, told us
that about 7 or 8 years before, soon after his first coming to Malaga,
he had got acquainted with a young Sister, and often waited upon her,
as well to divert himself as to perfect his Spanish Tounge; for there
at the grate you have all the newes that is stirring, and the best and
most refined language. He by degrees was wheedled into such fondnesse,
as the presents which he had at several times made her came in a short
time to about 40 lb. He found (being but a young beginner) that his trade
would not bear so expensive a diversion, where upon his visits were more
seldome, and his presents very few and meane, and at last he came no
more at her at all, nor answer’d one line, though he received many most
passionate ones from her, and there had past many such (as the manner
is) betwixt them before. Not long after, he was one evening set upon by
a Rogue (which she had hired), and was desperately wounded, and narrowly
escaped with his life. The _Rufian_ soon after confest it, being himself
mortally wounded and taken in such another enterprise. And here I cannot
omit another story of our worthy Captain. About 8 or 10 yeares since, he
had great concernes with a wealthy Spaniard, a merchant of this City, and
very much kindnesse past between them, insomuch as they call’d brothers,
and Captain Hill lay on shoar at his house and was freely treated there,
sometimes for many dayes together. It happen’d that another Spaniard
(a neighbour who often came thither, and was of both their familiar
acquaintance), being a great _Bigot_, and very zealous for the Roman way
of worship, often made attempts upon our Captain to make him a Prosolyte;
and there being once some great Festivall and a solemne procession to
be made, he desired our Friend to be there, adding that he doubted
not in the least that he would then yield and be convinced of all his
errors. The Captain, having appointed either some business or some other
recreation, civilly excused himself, and thank’t him for his kindnesse
and good wishes. It so fell out in the procession that, as they were
carrying the Image of the V. M. on men’s shoulders in Triumph (as their
manner is on such occasions), either by the stumbling of the bearers or
some other miscarriage, over she tumbled, and fell down directly on her
face upon the stones. At night all three met to sup at the merchant’s
house, and immediately this zealot accosted the captain: “O, Sir, had you
been here to-day at the procession to have seen the many miracles which
were wrought, I am sure you could no longer have resisted the truth;
such a blind man received his sight, and such a deaf woman recover’d her
hearing, and a poor neighbour of ours, that hath gon with crutches to my
knowledge these many yeares, threw them away, and leap’t and walk’t as
well as I can do.” Our Captaine, who had heard of the Ladye’s misfortune,
reply’d: “Surely, Sir, it is a wonder indeed that the B. V. cured the
Deaf and the Lame and the Blind; I heard she fell down and broke her own
Nose. I pray, can you tell whether she cured that or no?” The Bigot, at
this gibe, fell into such a rage, as nothing at first would serve turne
but the poor Heretique must go into the Inquisition; and neither former
friendship nor Interest nor persuasion could prevayl of a good while to
pacyfy him. The good Merchant himself (the common friend), being not
a little offended, though it was spoken onely in merriment, and under
(_the Rose_, as we say) the freedome and protection of his own house. So
nice a thing it is in some countrys to jest or meddle with the publick
Religion.

There is a Nunnery here (as I remember, it is call’d San Joseph) where
young infants are received and brought up: Poor people that are not
well able to provide for their children, or others who have Bastards,
secretly bring them in the night, and, pulling a bell to give notice,
they lay them in a moving kind of _hollow Roller_ placed in the wall on
purpose, and so turn them in, themselves who bring them being unseen and
undiscovered. If the child be baptised, the name is noted or written
upon the breast, and oftentimes mention is made of some peculiar mark
made by nature or Art somewhere on the body, by which they may be known
again; and there is also a register kept in the convent of all that are
so brought in. In my opinion it is a very great peice of charity to
allow such places, though at first thought they may indeed seem a kind
of encouragement for lew’d persons more securely to commit wickednesse;
yet, undoubtedly, they save the lives of many poor innocent Babes. I have
met with those who have ventur’d to say, that if a poor Votaresse there,
or any where else in Town, should by chance steal a taste of forbidden
pleasure, the Fruits of her frailty and the honour of the Society are
this way secured; but I always look’t upon this as a satyrical conjecture
rather then a known truth.

The Spaniard’s common diet in Malaga, such as it is, is extraordinarily
cheap. We took my landlord’s dinner the first day, which was a large
_ensalada_ or sallet, a pottage of onyons, gourds, and herbs; a little
fry’d fish, dryed and cold, with oyl; _mala infana_ (which they call here
_Melongenas_), a sort of gourd, pear-fashioned, some as big as my fist (I
think Gerard calls them in English _mad-apples_[193]), split and fil’d
with a little pepper, oil, and salt, and then broil’d or stew’d: these,
thus drest, they count rich food, and they slice them also into their
pottage. Of these and such stuff eight of us eat what we could, and paid
but a _Real_ (about 6_d._) for all, besides bread and wine; but at night,
for 4 fowles and a neck of mutton stew’d, six of us paid a dollar and
half apiece, besides wine, which is near 50 Shillings of our money; and
next day, at dinner, for one joynt of mutton and a little forequarter of
Lamb and two foules, 12 of us paid a dollar a piece, besides wine, which
is about 3 lb. English.

We staid one night with mine Host on shoar, and we had a proud fellow
which entertain’d us a while with a song or two to a _Guitarra_. He
first lay’d by his old threadbare cloak with great deliberation and
wonderfull gravity; then, with his dagger behind and his hat cock’t,
his eyes staring, his browes bent, and his _Mostachos_ new brush’t, he
yell’d and acted with that strange state and fiercenesse, as if he had
been swaggering at some desperate criminals and threatening to hang
them; but, with a _Real_ or two we came off well enough. After supper
and a little chat we thought of our lodgings. All that lay on twills and
bedsteads were sorely bitten with little bugs, which left hard knobs
and pimples wherever they seised. I, with one or two more, had the
fortune to putt our twills for coolnesse into the middle of the floor,
which (as all above stairs as well as those below are) was laid with
brick, and we escaped all these pestilent companions. These insects,
so well known in all hot countryes (but to us never seen before), are
here called _chismes_ and _chinches_, and in Italian _cimici_, from
the Latin _cimex_, in French _punaises_; they are shaped much like a
spider, but far lesse, with six legges and a bottled[194] breech, the
back being often reddish. They are truly cal’d by _Pliny_[195] most
nasty animals, for besides their venomous bite they have (especially if
they are bruised) a most intolerable filthy smel. One of our comrades,
catching one in the night as it was preying upon him, and thinking
it had been a flea (after a slovingly custome which he had got), bit
_it with his teeth, thinking so to kill it_; but the abominable stink
set him on vomiting in such a manner as he verily thought he had been
poyson’d; which make me amazed how they came to be prescribed inwardly
by the antients as a medicine against feavers,[196] unlesse it was that
(after the Italian proverbe, _Un Diavolo scaccia il altro_) _one devil
drives out another_; but, perhaps, being drunk in wine, they may go down
whole, and not prove so nauseous. We started a controversy, whether
these _chinches_ and fleas, and gnats (and flyes) have any smeling or
no, and we concluded clearly in the affirmative, not only because these
never stir out of their holes and lurking-places till the steam and
perspiration of your bodyes invite them, but because all strong smels
drive them away, as the savour of wormwood, Lavender, Rue, Hemp, Hops,
Russia Leather, and the like, and the smoke of these and such other
strong smelling herbs doth the same. And we were told here that many
use the _Squilla_ or _Sea Onyon_, cut into pieces, and thrust into the
joynts and crevices of their bedsteads, or strew’d on their mats; as
likewise they presse out the juyce of them, and use it in like manner. It
is manifest that the fierce _effluviums_ of these things very grievously
affect these vermin, and seeing they all have eyes, why may they not as
well have organs of smelling, or something _Analogous_ to it?

_Malaga_ is prettily well fortifyed for fear of surprise from the Moors;
it hath two Castles—one upon the side of a hill, and the other at the
bottom of it on the East side of the Town; and there is a communication
between them both, made by two walls reaching from one to the other; but
there appears a higher place, which, if it was possest and planted with
canon, could command them both. There is also an Arsenal, but what store
of armes and warlike provisions were in either this or them I know not,
for we were told we should not be permitted to se them, and therefore
never attempted it. It is a part where most vessels going to or coming
from the _Levant_ put in. There is a great trade driven there; it is
famous for Almonds, Raisins, Oile, great olives, and rich Sack. The
grapes which make the Raisin are very fat and fleshy, affording nothing
near so much juyce as those that make the Sack, and therefore they are
the sooner dry’d by the Sun. We tasted their old wines in many places,
and to my palate they seem’d all much more fulsome and sweet than our old
_Malagas_ in England, which have had the advantage of the Sea to refine
and harden them. We brought good store of the best we could find on
board, with plenty of all sorts of fruits and fresh provisions.

That night, Saturday, Oct. 15, about 11 o’clock, we weigh’d Anchor, and
Capt. Pool, in another man of warre, came out of port with us. I think
he was in the _Guernsey_ frigot. Next day the Admiral, Vice-Admiral, and
several Commanders came on board and din’d with us.

_Oct. 27_ we dined on board _the Martin_, and our Admiral gave us new
orders in case we should be engaged to fight with any Enemies, and that
evening we discouered thre ships with white ensigns, which proved French,
of _Monsieur Martells_ Squadron, lying about _Tunis_ and _Tripoly_. The
French Admiral himself was in one.

_Oct. 29_, Saturday, we lay on the South end of Sardinia, with
Epulo[197] N.E. b. N., 10 or 12 miles distant from us. The Admiral
that Evening call’d a Council of all our Commanders, and told them he
had orders from the Duke of York to go to _Tunis_ and stay some time
there; That he had a letter for the King of _Tunis_ from our King about
continuing our league and peace with him, For at that time we had peace
with _Tunis_, but war with _Argieres_; the _French_ on the contrary had
peace with _Argieres_ and war with _Tunis_, and we had a current report
that Sir Tho. Allen and _Monsieur Martel_, the French Admiral, had agreed
to let English ships of Merchandize go freely into _Tunis_, and French
Merchant Ships into _Argieres_, provided they caryed no provisions, or
ammunition, or stores for war. We had met thre French men of war, and we
understood two more lay near _Tunis_ to block up that Port. From all this
arose a grand dispute amongst the commanders, whether it was safe for us
to go into _Tunis_ or not. Whether we should hazard such a prize as all
our Merchant ships were. It was urged that there might be more French
ships there than we knew of, and it was uncertain what they might do with
us. That the _Tunesas_ might break with us upon such an opportunity as
this, and seize our ships and Merchandize. Some dowbted that the Admiral
had no such order, and it was thought when we dined on board _the Martin_
(who was bound for _Tunis_) that the Captain of her contracted with our
Admiral to se him safe in, and so all was mere pretence and fiction.
Some question’d whether the Admiral could command us to attend him;
others, whether by their _Charter party_ with the Turkey company they
were not obliged to ply their voyage and accompany the convoy no farther
than it consisted with their safety. It was asked who could justify the
agreement between _Sir Tho. Allen_ and _Monsieur Martel_? and many
such _quæres_ and difficulties were banded to and fro; but at last the
Admiral positively resolved to stand by his order, and our Capt. and all
the Commanders of our Turkey ships agreed to go in with him except Capt.
Partridge, who was as stifly set against it; and, returning on board his
own ship, he divulged the whole businesse amongst his passengers, adding
all the aggravations of our danger, and suggesting all the arguments of
Fear he could to them. Presently came many on board us sorely frighted,
and zealously opposed our going in, insomuch as the two new Treasurers
of the Turkey Company (then going out, one to _Smyrna_, and the other to
_Aleppo_) threatened to enter into a protestation with Capt. Partridge
against the Admiral’s proceedings, and courted us to joyn with them. We
civilly denyed it, telling them that we trusted in the known prudence and
careful conduct of our own Captain, and should cheerfully go along with
him wherever he caryed us. However, all this while these disputes were
kept, as much as possible, from the common seamen, for fear there should
have arose a Faction among them likewise; yet secretly all commanders
were thinking of some preparation against the worst, and that night we
shaped our course for _Tunis_, steering S.E. ½ S. Next morning, Oct. 30,
about nine o’clock, we spied the two _Frenchmen_ of war, just upon the
Coast of _Africk_, as we thought, setting out of _Porto Farina_; they
stood towards us a little, then went westerly, and never came near us
by 7 or 8 leagues. We bore away directly for _Tunis_, and upon this all
the rest of our ships in company went along with us; and that afternoon
at 2 o’clock we got under _Cape Carthage_, where all the Commanders went
on board the Admiral, and soon were agreed and well pleased; and at 3 we
came all to anchor before _Tunis_ castle, in 4 and 5 fathom water, the
Cape lying N.N.E., the Castle W. b. S.


CAPT. 5.—OUR STAY AT TUNIS AND CARTHAGE.

That night we went on shoar for water, but were not then permitted
to have any; yet we might freely ramble upon the shoare. The Castle
seems very strong to the Sea. We were not suffer’d to view the other
side to the Land. By the Castle they have several pools or ponds of
standing water, one of which (as we were told) can, at pleasure, have
communication with the sea. These are full of fish. We bought good store
of Mullet, and there we had one true _Bream_, large and very fat. We
had them very cheap, as we thought, but our Interpreter counted them
dear. There were several sorts of fruit brought to us—excellent melons,
Pomegranates, Limes, and _salating_ herbes, with which we stock’t
ourselves, and so came again on board. Next morning (Oct. 31) we went on
shoar at the watering-place, where were come down many country people
with Eggs, Hens, Sheep, Goats, Bullocks, milk, Pompions, Fish, Pigeons,
citrons, Dates, Oranges, Lemons, and Limes (which are a sort of _hedge_
or _crab_ Lemmons), with whose juice our Seamen make their punch. There
was also store of bread to be bought. They make some of it of pure
good wheat, most of it of _millet_, some of what we call Turkish wheat
(maize), much of barley flour, and _lighten_ it with leaven of salt and
sower’d honey and oil, which give it a brackish taste, yet it is not
unpleasant whilst it is new. They bake it flat, with a rising in the
middle like a coppled[198] cake. Every ship stored themselves from hence
with what they wanted of sea provisions. Our Capt. caried a net on shoar,
which by all our Seamen was called a _Sain_ (I suppose from σαγλιὸν,
_Sagena_, Math. xiii, 47). It was a sort of drag net. Having obtained
leave, we turned it twice or thrice in the sea, but we catch’t few fish,
and those very small ones. They wer _Mullet_, _Barboni_, and our common
_plaice_, and a little sort of what we call _Maids_. I hang’d a little
_Barboni_ up in my cabin, and it gave forth a little thin light, like
that of rotten wood, for many nights together; and by degrees, as it grew
dryer, it at last vanish’t. I did not then take notice of the change of
colour in them (whilst they are dying) which _Pliny_[199] mentions, and
for admiring of which _Seneca_[200] rebukes and flouts at some Romish
gluttons.

Some of our Captaines and Passengers with me hired a couple of their
Janisaryes, or rather souldjers, to be our Guides, and away we went
together to see the Ruines of _Carthage_, which reach quite from the
watering-place near the Castle up beyond _Cape Carthage_, agreable to
what we read in Polybius,[201] near upon ten miles as we guest, but
the guides said it was fifteen, which may seem probable enough, for
_Strabo_[202] makes the old City only to have been in compasse thre
hundred and sixty _stadia_, which is five and fourty miles, at eight
_stadia_ to a mile; yet Livy[203] makes it not much above half as much.
And the ground lay in hills and dales, so as we could by no means make
any tolerable judgement. Of from the shore, for a mile together, the
Land was then sown with Barley, but all that ground is so full of small
rubbish as a man can hardly set his foot upon cleer Earth; _Jam seges est
ubi magna stetit Carthago_. We went first by the sea side, where they
make Salt by letting in the Sea Water in Summer into broad shallow flats,
and, after the Sun hath exhaled the moisture, the Salt remains in great
panes behind. We saw great quantities of it here and there heapt up,
which they told us was for the _Grand Signor_. Whether they have the art
to refine it, or whether they send this coarse (_bay_) salt (as we call
it) to him, I did not think to enquire. However, I find in _Pliny_[204]
that, of old, the Africans made great quantities of salt upon this coast,
about _Utica_, now call’d _Biserta_, which is not above thirty miles from
hence to the west, just on the other side the River _Bograda_. These men
may as well now be said to make _Hills of salt_ as those were then, and
I believe it is altogether as _dry and hard_ as that was. Perhaps some
of that which we cal’d common salt at Constantinople came from hence.
We were informed by our Guides, who spoke broken _Italian_ and _lingua
Franca_ (which is bastard Spanish, mixt with words of most trading
nations), that from _Cape Carthage_ to the Castle was once _Terra firma_,
full of rubbish as the rest now is, but by an Earthquake it sunk down. It
is very likely, or perhaps the foundations of the city were laid in the
Sea, for we saw from the shore many broken pieces of walls and ruines of
buildings under water; and our Seamen, in Haling the _sain_, found the
bottome very foul ground a good way from the Shore into the Sea. Along
by the sea side remain at land many, many Vaults, some cover’d in part,
some all over, some quite open. In summer, people come down from several
places, and keep shop here. The hardnesse of the mortar in these and
other remains is very remarkable; a stone will very hardly break it, yet
it is not fine, but the sand, or red earth, intermixt, is very grosse,
and full of small pebbles. One Vault, a little distant from the shore,
seem’d to go far under the ground. We could see in about a furlong, but
did not go in far because we wanted lights. It was crosse-arched to a
row of pillars in the middle. I fancy’d it might have been part of the
stables underground for Elephants, which Strabo[205] saies went in the
neck, or _Isthmus_, from Sea to Sea, sixty _stadia_, or about seven
miles. We found, now, great quantities of bones of Foules and other
little creatures in it, and it smelt strong, so as we believed it now to
be a receptacle or den for foxes or wolves, or such beasts of prey.

We went thence up from the sea towards the middle of the Ruines. All the
way there remaines pieces of walls and buildings, but not one pillar
or stone of any note. There lye heaps of rubbish so thick that it is
impossible to plough in that part, unlesse they removed it, which would
be at most as tedious a piece of work as to rebuild it. There was amongst
the rubbish much Alabaster, Marble of all sorts (white, Black, Red,
streaked red and white, white and black, and the like), a sort of red
stone, porish, but much harder then brick. We observed not one Flint,
no sort of Free-stone, very little brick, onely in one side going up to
_Cape Carthage_ all was brick, and nothing else, but not one whole one
nor half one was to be found. The earth at a distance shews red with the
crumbled and scatter’d pieces. There was also much white brick, extream
hard. In one place we found small pieces of Porphyry, and some thin flat
bits (like broken pavements) of blackish marble spotted with green, like
a sort of what we call _serpentine stone_. I am more particular in this
point, that we may from hence have some guesse at the Beauty and Majesty
of this City when it was standing in its Glory, for if our houses in
London shew so well, being all built with plain brick, what would they
have done had they been all of various Marble?

       *       *       *       *       *

At last we came up to a place which our Guides and our Seaman call’d
_Queen Dido’s Tomb_. We all concluded at first that these were the
Elephant Stables so much talkt of by old Authors, but at last I chang’d
my opinion, and do now verily think that they were onely cisternes for
keeping of water, as Tunis[206] is also now supply’d by such cisternes.
We were told that farther up towards _Cape Carthage_ there are more
considerable mines, and finer things to be seen; but there was a
_Mosque_ there, and several houses about it, where we were informed many
_Dervises_ or holy men lived, and that it was dangerous going amongst
them. Leo Africanus makes them very great, but we were not near enough
to judge anything of their Grandeur. However, I and another happened to
straggle a little that way from our company, and one of our guides threw
down his mantle and his staf, and would not stir till we came back; for
he said his head would go for it if we should commit any error, or come
by any harme through his neglect, so he hallow’d us backward, and we
obey’d. It seems sometimes there are streight Arabs (_i.e._, Arabs from
the Straits) lye lurking about, not far off from the shore, who, if they
can conveniently snap any stranger, they will spirit him away and sell
him for a Slave; so that upon all accounts I think it was very well that
our curiosity carried us no farther that way.

       *       *       *       *       *

When we were come on board, we design’d next morning to go and see
_Tunis_, but this unhappy accident disappointed us. Most of our
_malcontents_, before mentioned, went thither in the morning when we went
to Carthage. We had no Factory there, but onely an English Consul to do
all our business, whose name then was Mr. Earlesman. They waited upon
him and embroyl’d him with their story. Our Admiral had wrote to him the
night before to invite him to dinner that day, but the letter chanced
to pass through some of their hands, and came not to him till past ten
o’clock, being then delivered by one of them. The Consul (whether upon
this account, or whether he staid to entertain them, I know not) staid at
home, and returned no answer to the Admiral, who staid dinner for him,
and at last was disappointed in his design’d treat. About eight at night
the Consul came to him to excuse himself, but the whole matter was so
ill-resented by the Admiral, as he resolved to weigh Anchor that night.
The Consul urged that the _Martin_ (the ship which the Admiral was so
earnest to bring in there) was almost unladen (for all our ships’ crews
helpt him with their long bootes), and would infallibly be ready to go
with us by twelve the next day, being bound for Zant. But the Admirall
thought himself too much neglected; first, because the Consul came not
of his own accord to wait upon him; next, because he came not when
kindly sent for; so, in a heat and a hurry, we were all forced to weigh
Anchor that night about eleven o’clock. Several, perhaps, that staid at
Tunis all night, were left behind. _Paulo_, the Greek, with whom we were
embroyl’d at Malaga, was one, and one of the Admiral’s passengers was
another, being an Armenian Bishop, who had studyed sometime in Italy, and
now went home as a Roman _Emissary_ or _Seminary_. All our Ship’s company
were, by good fortune, on board, and we came away together.


CAPT. 6TH.—OUR PASSAGE FROM TUNIS TO CERVI.

We had newes at _Tunis_ that twelve Algerine men of war were gon to the
Eastward; some designing for the _Archipelago_, others for _Rhodes_,
_Cyprus_, and those parts towards the end of the Mediterranean. This made
our whole fleet keep company together, and for this reason the Consul was
more earnest that the Admiral should take the _Martin_ away with him, but
it was left behind. Notwithstanding this ruffle between the Admiral and
Consul, when the Consul went of (which was about nine or ten at night)
he was complimented with nine guns, being in that station the King’s
representative.

_Nov. 7th._ At two o’clock the Admiral call’d all the commanders on board
to a consult, and the next day we dined all on board the Assurance.

_Nov. 8th._ Tuesday, when we were past _Zant_ (having _C. Matapan_ to
the E. about eight leagues, and _Sapienza_ about ten to the N.), about
five after noon we saw a _spout_ to the Northward. We had most dismal
turbulent weather for thre whole dayes and nights, and a constant rain,
with most dreadful thunder and Lightning almost all the time. The dry
weather which we had till now had so _parch’d_ the wast[207] of the
ship and the upper timburs, and made all above so leaking, as I could
not keep my cabin dry; one night I was soundly wet as I lay on my bed.
I was informed that it was very usuall to have such tempestuous weather
hereabouts at this time of the year; and our captain told us that in
_Zant_ earthquakes are very frequent, that he hath known twelve in
a week. That the people in summer almost all leave their houses and
live abroad till winter. That on the west side, far from the Sea, is a
mountain that spues forth a sort of _petroleum_, or Bituminous Lime,
as black as soot, and it will grow hard and look like it, which was
not unknown to Pliny.[208] This issues out on the _East side_ of the
mountain, and flames alwayes arose plentifully when the _west_ wind
blowes, and hath then a stronger smell then at other times.

_Wednesday, Nov. 9th._ The Sailors that had been on the watch told me
that in the night, after the storme was over, they had seen two little
_Lights_, one at the foremast top, the other hanging upon one of the
_main stayes_. They call’d them _Corposans_; I suppose from _Corpo
Santo_, as the _Italians_ name them, believing them to be the Ghosts
of some saints who come to relieve them. But our men would hardly be
persuaded but that they were not some _Hobgoblins_ or _Fairies_, or
the inchanted Bodyes of witches, and we had many a fine story told
to that purpose. The Heathens of old when they saw but one named it
_Helena_,[209] when two, both, that is, _Castor_ and _Pollux_; why they
were then made the Seamen’s Tutelar Gods or saints you may see at large
in _Natalis Comes_,[210] and determine whether the antient or modern
superstition is more justyfiable. Our seamen assur’d us that in many
voyages to the _Indyes_ and elsewhere they have seen sometimes six or
seven together (sometimes many more parted or splintr’d into small
globulor sparks, like pills), and _hanging as it were_ on the _yards_ and
sails, or upon the masts, but most commonly aloft, which makes me adde
this one reason to what _Carles_[211] hath given us why so many sometimes
appear together in our dayes, whereas not above thre at most (and that
most rarely) are mentioned as ever seen together by the antients, viz.:
as our Ships are bigger, and of more ballast and burthen, so their masts
and yards and riggings are caryed much higher, and by consequence more
of that unctious gleam, which after the dissolution of the clouds and
ceasing of the Tempest remains dispersed in the Air, and affords _matter_
for these _Meteors_, is rather aloft than nearer to the Hull of the ship,
and so is more plentifully met with all by the upper rigging and tackles,
and cleaves to them. And asking farther about this point, they told me
these _lights_ are oftner seen and more together upon a tall ship then
upon a _pinnace_ or small vessel.[212] I was not a little displeased
with our seamen who were on the watch that night, because they did not
call me; whereupon the next night (Nov. 9) they did call me, for after
very much Thunder and Lightning and tempestuous weather, about four
o’clock appear’d two more, one towards the _main top_, which disappeared
before I got out, the other was at the very top of the fore-mast. They
told me it was beginning to fade. It seem’d a dim light, as of a flame,
shining through a steam or smoak,[213] about the bignesse and shape of
an ordinary egge, the top a little wavered, and growing fainter and
lesser it soon went out. When I came back into the great _Cabin_, there
appear’d a Circle about the candle which stood on the Table; I would call
it rather a _Halo_, because it was very little coloured. The farther
we were from it the plainer it appear’d and bigger (almost as broad as
both my hands); as we came nearer to it it lessen’d proportionably, and
just at it we could not perceive it, all which depended on the various
refractions through the moist and mixt vapours which then fill’d the Air.
One of our _Mates_ told me that once, as he sailed formerly in these
_streights_, there appear’d a very bright Helena at the very _spindle_
of the _main top mast_, and one of their men went up and moved his hand
round about, and neither saw nor felt anything, when they below saw it
all the time. We sent up one to ours, but before he got at it it went
out; perhaps his approaching might move and part the Air, and contribute
something to its so soon vanishing. But if what our Mate told us be true,
it requires more consideration than I thought fit to afford it at that
time, unlesse I had seen the like.

_Nov. 10._ _Cape St. John_ (or the west end of Candia) lay in sight of
us S.E., and the Admiral came about ten o’clock on board us to take his
leave. After two houres stay he went of, and we gave him seven guns,
the three last with shot, as a token of more respect. His Ship answer’d
again with great civility. _Capt. Partridge_, with the _Turkey Merchant_
(whether he had not yet fully digested his discontent about our going
into _Tunis_, or whether it was the natural rugged temper of the man,
I know not), sailed away before the Admiral, for _Scanderoon_, without
taking any civil leave, or firing one gun. We remained now but seven in
company: six Turkey Merchant Men and Capt. _Wild_ in _the Assurance_, our
Convoy and Admiral. After _Capt. Robinson_ and _Capt. Partridge_ were
gon, _Capt. Wild_ came to dine with us, and as we were set newes was
brought in by one of our _powder monkey’s_ from the Top Mast head that
there were five great ships _a Head_, coming _stem for stem_ towards us.
We all concluded that they were some of the Algerines before mention’d,
therefore Capt. Wild immediately returned to his Ship, and gave the
signal to the whole fleet to make ready to engage them. At the _top
mast_ head, with a glasse, I made seven of them, there being two small
vessells besides the first five. It was pleasure to se the great alacrity
and readinesse, I may say the eagernesse, of our Seamen in preparing for
the dispute. All their Hamocks were down in a trice; their chests and
lumber turn’d out into the boates, or stived[214] by the _main chains_ or
elsewhere, out of the way. We had a clear ship in a very little while,
and all our men posted in their several quarters, and rounds of powder
and ball provided by every gun. Our Captain told me, if I pleased I might
go down into the _hold_, and be safe there with the Chirurgeon. I told
him if he would give me leave I would rather stand by him all the while,
for I should as heartily and (he need not doubt) as earnestly pray for
our good successe there as any where else. He thankt me, and told me it
would not a little encourage his men to se me above board. With that all
our Passengers took heart and came and stood with me upon _the quarter
deck_, where were armes and ammunition provided for us all. We were to be
the second Ship in the line, and after we had all made a little back till
we were all ready, we bore up bravely to them. But when we came at them
they proved five French men of warre, with one _Satée_[215] and another
small vessell with a _meson_[216] and _stay sail_,[217] which I suppose
were as _Tenders_.[218] They belong’d to the same Squadron with those
which we saw by _Tunis_ under _Monsr. Martell_. One of their Lieutenants
went on board our Admirall, and told him that they came from _Toulon_,
and had been looking out for _Tripoleses_ and _Tuneses_, who it seems
had been there abouts six or seven days before. Being asked, he said the
_Algerines_ were about _Rhodes_ and _Cyprus_. And thus our _scare fight_
past over, without any blowes. My Curiosity was fully gratyfied with this
Prelude of a battle, for I believe I could give a shrewd guesse at all
the rest, and that I then thought enough. Though indeed I did not see the
least sign of fear or want of courage in any one, yet I suppose all of us
were well satisfyed and pleased to sleep that night in a whole skin.

For thre or four dayes the wind was full in our eye; we tacked and
tumbled backwards and forwards between _Cerigo_ and the W. end of
_Candia_; then we got between _C. Matapan_ and _Cervi_; and having been
thus beaten up and down, and made no progresse, and little hopes being
left of a fair wind, by consent we came all to Anchor on the S.W. side
of _Cervi_,[219] in nineteen fathom water, about five o’clock, Nov. 14,
afternoon. That evening I went with the Captain in his pinnace sounding
the several depths in the bay, and then went on board our Admiral,
where all the Captaines resolved to go on shore next morning for what
provisions we could find, especially of wood (whereof there is plenty),
and fresh water if we could find any. Next morning our Capt. and I and
two of our Gentlemen passengers went on shore in the _yale_[220] betimes,
before any of the other Commanders appear’d. We landed at a spot where it
was plain ground and an open place, and therefore free from _Ambuscades_.
Immediately came down an old Greek from the top of the mountain in a
poor patch’t habit, in a thick coarse jacket, a woollen shirt, with no
stockings nor shoes, but onely some pieces of a raw hide of an oxe or
bull wer laced[221] on to the soales of his feet with the hair side
inwards, which I suppose never go of till time and rottennesse separate
them. With these his feet are so plyable that he can easily go up or
down a rock which our shoes will not suffer us to do, at least with that
dexterity. Old Hesiod was born not very far from hence, and I thought we
had had one of his old acquaintance risen from the dead and come to us,
his _coat_ and _socks_ and _shirt_ being exactly in his Boetian fashion.
He had a skul cap on, border’d with a Lambskin, which he pull’d off, and
came boldly to us. We had a native Greek in our boates crew, and he was
our Interpreter, for I spoke as good school Greek to him as I could in
our pronunciation, but my language seem’d as perfect gibberish to him
as his did to me. We askt for Flesh: Sheep, bullocks, goates, and the
like. He told us they were all driven of the Island the day before, for
they took us for _Africans_ and Enemyes, seing us lying so long upon
their coast. We askt for water. He told us there was none but what was
preserved from the rain in hollow basins in the Rocks, which he directed
us to; and I afterwards tasted of it, and found it good. There are no
people who continually live there, but they come from the continent to
till the ground, which lyes on the edges of the mountain round by the
Sea, and had good corn then growing on it; they likewise bring sheep and
other cattel sometimes from the main land to feed here. We asked him if
he could procure any cattel or other necessaryes to be brought over for
our money. He said he would go and informe his friends, and see what he
could do; he doubted not but we might have something; in the meantime he
shew us where we might try for water. He answer’d all along with such a
show of innocent simplicity as we were much pleased with him; and I gave
him a Tunbridge knife which I had in my pocket, and everyone likewise
gave him something, which he received with a wonderfull submissive
reverence, and promising us a very grateful returne of our kindnesse,
away he went, running directly up the mountain. By this time all the
other Commanders (except Capt. Wild) and a great many of their men were
come on shore. Most of them brought fire Armes with them, and in all we
might then make about a hundred Firelocks. All the Captaines strictly
commanded their men not to stir far from the shore; and our Captain, to
make us more wary, told us that in the year (as I remember) 1664 our
general ships passing by here for Turkey came to an Anchor, and many
went on shore on the mainland there, whereof thre worthy merchants and
six or seven others were snapt by the natives, who lay in wait for them,
and it cost them 1,600 dollars for their redemption. The Turkes call
that part of _Peloponnesus_ (as well as all Thrace) _Romania_; and from
that word (by an _Aphaeresis_) these wicked people are called _Maniotes_
(as the inhabitants of _Smyrna_, _Scio_, _Cyprus_, _Candia_, are
called _Smyrniotes_, _Sciotes_, _Cypriotes_, _Candiotes_, and the like
elsewhere). These who live upon the Rocks and mountaines by the Sea are a
sort of lawlesse people, and the Turkes themselves cannot govern them or
reduce them into any good order. These miscreant wretches lye constantly
watching upon the Rocks and Mountaines, not so much to secure themselves
from the injuryes of Pirates as themselves to Thieve and rob whome they
can catch, and all the Christian Passengers which they can seise on the
shore they sell to the Turkes to serve in their Galleys or otherwise as
slaves; and I have been assured that if they can conveniently _spirit_
away Turkes themselves they will serve even them in like manner, and
sell them for slaves to any Christian who will be their chapman.[222]
There was a fawning cunning _varlet_ came to those Gentlemen then, and
pretended to procure them all manner of provisions which they could
desire, but betray’d them then, as this vile wretch did us now. I could
not but call to mind old _Sinon_ in Virgil,[223] for our _Cheat_ seem’d
to pretend to the very same motto: _Poor, but very honest_. Believe me,
Greeks are Greeks still; for falsenesse and treachery they still deserve
_Iphigenia’s_ character of them in Euripides,[224] _Trust them and hang
them_, or rather hang them first for sureness. We kept in little bodys
near the shore, where there were small thickits of Juniper and mirtles
with their berrys then ripe, and we had excellent sport in killing
_Fieldfares_ and _Thrushes_, and such other birds, which were there at
feed in great abundance. Some went towards the Sandhills, where was
store of game in little plashes made by the sea-water, which was cast
in there by winds and stormes. After we had sported our selves a while
with shooting in these thickets and Plashes,[225] two or thre of our
Commanders invited me to a Collation, and as we were set in the shade
under some pieces of rocks, we saw several of our men (notwithstanding
all the Captaine’s commands, and our Captaine’s History) struggling up
the Mountain. One was habited something like our Captain, and, at a
distance, appear’d indeed to be him; whereupon some Gentlemen coming by
us would by all meanes have tempted my Curiosity to have follow’d them,
but our Captaine’s lecture at our coming on shore had stir’d up such
wary apprehensions and jealous reflections in my mind, as I could not
possibly be persuaded that it was he; and the Captaines there with me
were in a very great rage to see such inconsiderate people running into
that danger. No sooner had these gentlemen left us but we hear’d thre or
four guns go of upon the Mountain; and, looking up, we saw some of the
Straglers posting down in wonderful haste; and presently appear’d several
Men brandishing their _cutlasses_ or _Cimitars_, and making them glitter
against the Sun. We immediately rose, and went to the body of our Company
to hear what was the matter. It happen’d that five or six gentlemen had
got some seamen with them, and away they had ventur’d up the mountain.
The Gentlemen (I know not whether it was by good Fortune or Policy) were
hindermost, and just as their Vanguard was got on the brow of the other
side the Mountain, up rose about a dozen Rogues, who had layn sculking
there in the thickets, and ran upon them. They being scatter’d abroad,
and not near one another by fourty or fifty yards or more, at this
surprise fired upon the Rogues without doing any execution (perhaps most
of them were charg’d only with small shot). So soon as their fire was
over, the Rogues came more boldly on, though armed onely with half Pikes
and _Cutlasses_. Our Seamen, who had not in the least considered to
make good their retreat, threw down their Armes, and betook themselves
to their heels. But our gentlemen had the start of them, and so, God
be thanked, these all escaped, though very narrowly, all coming down
without their Armes, most without their Hats, some with but a piece of
a Shoe, their feet and leggs being battered and torne, and their bodyes
bruised with rushing through the Shrubs and jumping down præcipices,
for they came right forward, thinking the shortest way was best. Four
of the poor Seamen were taken—two of the _Mary and Martha’s_ men, one
of the _Levant Merchant_, and a fourth of the _Tho. and Francis_, whome
they first had slightly wounded in the face, then they seised him and
tyed his hands behind him, and left him with thre Rogues to guard him.
These drove him before them, and because he often linger’d and offer’d to
stop, they pricked him forward in the back, and wounded him in several
places with their half pikes. The poor man was a very stout fellow and
a good wrastler, and feeling the thing which bound his hands something
loose, slipt his right hand out, and, with great courage and presence of
mind, turn’d upon the Rogues, who were uselesse, and thought they had him
safe. With this advantage, he ran the first quite over, and struck up the
heels of the second; the third (who was a little behind the other) made
a blow at him with his _Cimitar_, which he saved from his head with his
lefte arme, and lay’d hold of the weapon with his right hand. The Rogue,
drawing it a little back, cut the poor fellow’s hand badly. Yet this
saved him from a second stroke, for he being something under the Rogue,
he struck him up _hand and foot_, and before the other two could come at
him, away he came. The great concerne which he had for his dear life and
dearer liberty added something more then natural vigour to his leggs, and
as much lightnesse to his heels. At last he got to us, and told us all
that had past. There were, in another place, two of our seamen (one the
native Greek) who made a very soldjere-like retreat. As they straggled
from us, they kept together, and, out of a thicket, up start five or six
_Maniotes_, and made towards them. They, standing together, presented
their Muskets (resolving not to fire but to good purpose, and therefore
not till they were very near). Down the Rogues dropt again. The Seamen
retreated; they again follow’d. The Seamen presented again, and they
again squatted down. Our Greek at last spoke to them, and told them to
_keep of_ in their own language; at which they stopt, and so these two
retired leasurely and safely to us. After some debate what we ought to
do, we all in a body were marching up the mountain to rescue our men; but
_Captain Wild_, being all this while on board, and observing all which
had happened, thought we were not strong enough; and, therefore, firing
a great shot over us, call’d us back; and sometime after came all his
soldiers on shore well armed; and then Mr. Day (his Lieutenant), a brave
stout man, marshall’d us all, and put us in order: and away he led us up
the mountain. But when we arrived, we saw we were come too late; for all
the Rogues had crost the water in their bootes, and were just landing
on the Main, and with our glasses we could discover our poor Captives
amongst them, bound. The Lieutenant was earnest for bringing our boates
about and going to them, for they appear’d in all much short of a hundred
men. Our Captaines, though all brave men, were utterly against that, for
being, by their Charter-party, bound to ply their Voyage, they could not
tell how they could answer such an adventure, for we knew not what event
our landing on the main land in a Hostile manner might produce, so some
of them came back presently; but the Lieutenant and the rest rambled all
over the Island, where they saw not one man left, nor found so much as
one house. Here and there were Coves, in which they found some tatter’d
cloths, and a few poor utensils; as likewise a sack of meal, and good
store of onions and such-like very mean booty. I hardly believe that this
_Maniotes_ do ever bring any cattle hither (though our honest _Sinon_
told us they did), or, at least, they feed them on the other side the
Mountain, and not in view, for fear of _African_ or other Pirates, who
would sweep them of. They onely come here to till the ground and reape
the corne, and now and then to make such _Ambuscades_ as these; and very
slender provisions will serve them upon these occasions. Some of our
men, as they march’t, found some Hats, swords, pistols, and such like
(it seems uselesse) baggage, which our first _Myrmidons_ had discreetly
scattered in their retreat. At last all came down, and we went on board,
much lamenting our sad misfortunes, and all concluded that if we had
proceeded on at our first march, and not staid for Captain _Wild’s_
souldiers, we had certainly rescued our men, and perhaps sufficiently
chastised those Sons of Belial. After some little conference with all the
Captaines, we joyntly agreed to contribute to their ransome, and everyone
setting down their good will, we had that night subscribed about 1,500
dollars, the poorest seaman giving one. Next morning the Admiral sent out
his boat, and we went in ours with white flags of Truce round the Island,
but not one man appeared to treat with us, or to take the least notice of
us. Wherefore the money was collected and deposited in the Consul’s hands
at _Smyrna_, and, about two yeares after, the poor slaves were found in
the galleys and redeemed, though they proved most ungrateful wretches,
for I heard that when they got into England they offered to sue their
Captains for their wages, which they pretended was due to them for all
that time.


CAP. 7.—OUR PASSAGE TO SMYRNA.

_Nov. 17._ At noon we weigh’d Anchor, and with the wind at S.S.E. and
S.E. we turn’d out between _Cerigo_ and _C. St. Angelo_. Next day being
entered the _Arches_,[226] we staid for the _Levant Merchant_, and dined
there.

_Nov. 19, Saturday._ We had very much rain all the day, and all the
following night. The wind to E. to S.E., we got nothing of our way,
but with much ado we kept _our own_. This ill weather continued for
the most part till Nov. 21 about noon. That Evening we saw 4 sail in
_Argentiera_[227] bay, one with a flag at the _Topmast head_. We could
not tell who they were; if friends, we had no reason to fear them; if
foes, they certainly feared us. We past between _Milo_ and _Antimilo_;
between _Serfon_ and _Sifanto_[228]; between _Tino_ and _Micono_; between
_Scio_ and _Ipsera_.[229] And Nov. 23, in the morning, we got past _C.
Calaberro_ (or, as our seamen call it, _C. Tobbernose_), from the true
Turkish word _Caraburnes_[230] (_black nose_ or black _snout_), _where
mill stones were cut out_, so call’d, I suppose, from the black rock
out of which they were taken. And if there be yet such _a black_ quarry
there, I should conclude that the Turkes also nam’d it _black Nose_
from thence. We went on with a fair gale at W.N.W., but the Admiral and
_the Speedwell_ running more in to the shore, was becalm’d and left _a
stern_. At 2 afternoon we came up to _the Castle_, where lay without the
port of _Smyrna_ two _Holland men of war_. We saluted the Admiral with
thre guns, and he return’d us thre. Our English Merchants came on board
us, and at five o’clock we came to Anchor at _Smyrna_, and saluted the
Port with seven guns. I went on shore, and lay at Mr. James Adderley
and Mr. Nath. Thurston and Mr. Jon. Prideaux their house, where I was
most courteously and nobly entertained. The _Assurance_ staid without
the Castle, and the _Speedwell_ came not in till the next day. None of
our men of war must go into any of the Turkish Ports so far as to be
commanded by any of their Castles. It seems that the Turks formerly have
been very insolent, and have laid an _Imbargo_ or Arest upon some of our
men of war which were in Port, and, as I have been told, have made use
of them in the last _Candia_ Warre; to prevent which inconvenience for
the future, our men of war alwayes lye without the Castles. And several
French men of war in my time came up to Constantinople, and lay at Anchor
there sometime, and great embroil was like to have happened thereupon
about a Knight of Malta who escaped, of which more elsewhere.


CAPT. 8.—WHAT HAPPENED WHILST OUR SHIPS STAID AT SMYRNA, AND OUR JOURNEY
TO EPHESUS.

Rambling about the Town, one of our passengers, who had lived at Smyrna
before, caryed me to a rich Turkes house, who was one of his old
acquaintance. I think they call’d him _Eusine Chabbey_, a very courteous
man, and friendly to all our Nation. They told me that he once invited
them all at the _cutting_ or circumcision of one of his sons, and treated
them very generously. We found him at Supper, and he very earnestly prest
us to sit down, which we did, _Taylor like_, crosse leg’d, for we saw
neither chair nor stool, nor anything else but the floor cover’d with
carpets. We tasted of his cheer, which was good, plain, wholesome food.
All things being so quite different from our own way of living did very
much surprise me with wonder and delight. But of Turkish entertainments
and other customes I shall give a large account more conveniently
elsewhere.

_Novemb. 26._ Our Consul, the worthy Sir Paul Ricaut,[231] treated us at
his country house, which was six or seven miles out of Town, in a village
called _Sedjagui_; I was told the right Turkish name is _Seghiahkioi_,
as much as _Strangeham_. It seems the word _Kioi_ in Turkish signifies a
_Hamlet_ or Village, and therefore it is made the termination of country
villages very frequently, as our _ham_ is in English names, and it is
pronounced something near the work _qui_, so in _Bailgradqui_, _Hosqui_,
_Ortaqui_, and infinite more everywhere. Several of our nation have
likewise houses of retirement there, as also the Dutch Consul, _Jaques
von Dam_, and others of that nation then had. It is a very pleasant and
convenient place for divertisement, especially in summer. I took much
notice of an old _Coffe_ man there, who was an _Afionjè_ (or Ophiunjè),
_a great eater of Opium_. He seem’d much above 60 yeares old, and told us
that in a morning till he had taken a little dose, as much as a half nut
or more, he had no strength to get up, or to raise or turne himself in
his bed; but after it, he had vigour, briskness enough to do anything. He
was very lean, the flesh, or rather the skin of his cheeks, hanging like
Spanish leather; and he had very oft (almost every minute) a strange kind
of _spasme_ in the muscles of his breast, or a jerking motion like those
who have a strong Hickock.

_Nov. 30._ Some of this generous Factory designing to accompany several
gentlemen, their friends (which now came from England), to Ephesus,
were pleased to admit me into their _caravan_, and my very kind friends
where I lodged accoutred me and furnisht me out with their own Janisary
and everything necessary for that Journey. We were, in all, about two
or three and twenty, all very well provided with horses and armes. That
night we lay at a country town, call’d by our Europeans _Jamovasy_,
but I am told its true Turkish name was _Jaman bakgia_, or _bachi_,
that is, _terrible garden_; it is about four miles beyond _Sedjaqui_.
It is a pretty large town with several _Moscheas_ in it, which are all
shaded with tall Cypruses and some pines, whose verdure at some distance
seems very stately and very pleasant. From thence we went through a
plain for six or eight miles somewhat wet or moorish (which, I suppose,
might happen from the rains falling on either side from the mountains,
and staying there, where it was but narrow). It was spread with _Agnus
castus_ in great plenty, which I have often observed to love such a
moist soil; there was nothing then on the boughs but their seed, which
was very good, and of a stronger smell then that with us. Next we came
to firme sandy ground, fill’d with Oakes (without any underwood), like
some of our parks. They were all short, snoggy trees, much loaded with
boughs; I saw not one good piece of Timber amongst them. Then we ascended
a rocky mountain, not continued smooth at top, but broken into many and
deep dales, for the most part cover’d with several sorts of middle-sized
trees, with shrubs amongst them; the way both going up and going down
was _filled with loose stones, being very difficult_, yet our horses had
been used to such places, and caryed us very safely on. This road is
very dangerous by reason of Thieves, who lurk in the thickets and dens
that are upon it. Many people lay buryed here and there who had been
murdered and slain, and many bones of men lay scattered above ground. We
often saw several people at a distance peeping at us, and one came and
joyn’d himself with us for a mile or two, and then stole away from us;
we thought it was for no good end, but we were too numerous and strong
for them to venture on us. This mountain is now called _Aliman_, and all
our former Travaylers take it for the Antient _Mimas_, and my good friend
Dr. Pickering[232] would needs have the very word _Aliman_ jumbled from
_Almiman_.

[Dr. Covel here gives a long and technical account of all he saw at
Ephesus—of little value now, since the light of recent excavations.]

       *       *       *       *       *


CAPT. 10.—OUR DEPARTURE FROM SMYRNA.

At last, _Dec. 22, Thursday_, about eleven in the morning, we weigh’d
Anchor with a fair gale at S.E.

_Saturday, Dec. 24._ In the morning I had a little Aguish distemper: I
fancy’d that I had gotten cold with overheating myself in wading and
labouring upon the sand-bank the last day we were there a shooting. The
wind blew very hard most part of the day at N.N.E., and we had a very
boysterous Sea. We split our Fore sail, and it almost blew away: we had
stood in close under _Lesbos_ all night, and that day, about four o’clock
in the afternoon, we came to Anchor before _Tenedos_, in ten fathome
water. Soon after, we sent our purser a shoar to wait on the _Aga_, who,
by him, invited us to come and take what Provisions we wanted. He sent us
some fish; amongst the rest _Sea Breme_ (as our Capt. call’d them), with
a large, very sharp prickly fin all along the back, and some fish which
feel’d rough, like perches, with two prickly fins on their back, and on
either side they had just eleven streaks or laces fore and aft (to use
the seaman’s phrase), parallel to one another from the back downwards, of
a bright _gold colour_.

The _Agá_ beg’d some glasse bottles of our Capt., which were sent to him
next day by our Purser, who went a shore and bought all the provisions
which we wanted, and with them good store of white Muscadine, a rich,
sweet, heavy wine. I was so ill as I durst not venture out, but shall
hereafter give you an account of what I observed when I came there a
second time.

_Dec. 27, Tuesday._ About five in the morning we weighed Anchor, and by
eleven o’clock following we were at the mouth of the _Hellespont._

A little beyond the innermost castles of old _Sistos_ and _Abydos_, on
the Southern Shore, lyes a little sand bank, which reaches on round about
a sharp point of land directly opposite to _Magla_ (antiently _Madgla_).
Our second Mate, being on the watch, kept the south side of the Stream
(which continually set out here to the West), for the advantage of the
Eddy and the easier passage on that west side of the point; but, bearing
in too near the South Shore, about two o’clock, ran our ship on ground.
We had but one easy gale, just enough to stem the current, and the sand
and mud at the bottome were soft, so we were in no great danger, and,
carrying out an Anchor a sterne (as is usuall in such cases) with the
Winlace, we soon wrought the ship of again, and so plying our voyage, by
five o’clock we safely doubled the point, and got sea room enough.

_Dec. 28, Wednesday._ About ten in the morning we came to an Anchor
before _Galliopoli_ (the Greeks still call it by the old name
_Callipolis_) in 20 fathom water. We stay’d not above two houres, and
then weigh’d again for _Constantinople_, where, on Saturday, Dec. 31, at
thre in the afternoon, we came to Anchor at the custome house on _Galata_
side, having saluted the Seraglio as we past by with 11 guns.

I went immediately up to my Ld. Ambassador, _Sr. Dan. Harvey_, and
deliver’d those letters of consequence which I thought not fit to venture
with others by the common _messo_ from Smyrna; and, the next day being
New Yeares Day, I entred upon my employment.

When I went to get my books and other things on shore, the Customes ript
open my Trunkes and boxes, and searched and rifled every thing. However,
at last I mist nothing but _Niceron’s Thaumaturgus opticus_, which I
shrewdly suspect was filch’t from me by one who was indeed call’d a
Christian, but had not, it seems, the honesty of a common Turk.

[In Dr. Covel’s MS. there here follows a long and detailed account of
Constantinople, which differs little from those given by other travellers
of the period, and has therefore been omitted.]


EXTRACTS FROM THE GENERAL DIARY EXTENDING OVER THE WHOLE OF DR. COVEL’S
RESIDENCE IN TURKEY.

_Aug. 15th, 1671._ ’Tis observ’d by the Greeks as the feast of Assumpt.
B.V.M. with great solemnity. They all repair to Church, Men and Women
apart. Masse is mumbled over. The priest does not consecrate a wafer
or a whole loaf, but cuts a long square cut about ¾ of an inch broad;
with his nail he makes a crosse on it. After the prayer of consecration
he elevates it, and they adore; then there is the discourse from the
Patriarch. After masse the Priest comes out with holy Water in a pot, a
crosse, and an aspergillum of hyssop, or lime, or rosemary, or what he
can get green (that at the holy fountain was Basil), and Holy bread on a
dish. By use in the Greek Church none are to eat or drink till they cut
it. Everyone comes up towards that place in order: first the Men, then
Women. He gives them a piece of bread, ζυμὸς, leaven’d (it is as that for
the Eucharist), and he holds the Cross for the kisses; he washes them on
the face; they lay down their aspers,[233] and depart. Those that have
paines in their head or are ill come to the Priest, and lean down their
head (Men and Women), on which he layes his book, and reads some piece
of the Gospell; they present aspers for that. All being done, there is
brought to the Church doore a charger of boyld wheat, cover’d over with
crosses made of blancht almonds and raisins; everyone that will takes one
of it, but is obliged to say a Pater Noster and Ave for the souls of the
dead there buried. Masse is said in the same manner.

_Nov. 8th, 1674._ I was at the consecration of the new patriarch
Dionysius, Archbishop of Larissa (or Metropolite).[234] Parthenius
had brought out Methodius, and disoblig’d the greatest part of the
Greek Metropolitans; they joyned against him, bring him out, and get
him banish’t and sent to the Pasha of Cyprus. Mathias, with all the
Metropolites and thre ex-patriarchs, were in the sacristia; it being
ended, out comes the ex-patriarchs with their pastoral staffs in their
hands. They are prettily coloured, like your gaudy tobacco-pipes with
globular joynts, the crosse or handle at top, two serpents’ heads, yellow
like gold. First was Παίσιος, second Διονύσιος, third our Μεθόδιος;
and took their seats on the left of the quire (as you enter) just over
against the Patriarch’s seat, which is like a chair with 4 steps up to
it, a tilt like a flat pulpit over it, supported with a back behind, and
two little posts before. They sat in their order, Παίσιος uppermost, next
the Sacristia, and then followed all the Metropolites, and took their
places on the patriarchs’ side from his seat towards the door in order.
Then in a Pulpit high on the wall of the ex-patriarch’s side an officer
of the Church (I suppose their λογοθέτης)[235] read a long declaration
against Parthenius to justify their proceedings, wherein he made him the
veryest Rogue in the world, calling him διάβολος κακοῦργος, τῶν δαιμόνων
δούλος, etc., and at the end he pronounced him ἀφωριομἐνος, ἀνάθεμα
τρισκαταραμὲνος, at which the ex-patriarchs and all the Metropolites,
wagging their heads, cryed out aloud ἀνὰθεμὰ τον, many of the latter
thrice repeating of it with vehemency. The French Embassador, and we
Franks and many Greeks could not but smile. My Dragoman (a Greek) told
me that if this one be turned out, and Parthenius restored, the other
faction will anathematise him as much, and they served Methodius just
soe. Then Παίσιος read a formall instrument, wherein he personally agreed
to the censure; the like did the other two _ex parte_, and all the
Metropolites, all ending with ἀνὰθεμὰ τον. Then they proceeded to another
part of their service, in which the new patriarch (another Διονύσιος)
had a short part, which he said in sight of all at the door within the
sacristia, where he was all the time. After it (half way in the choir,
just against the Patriarch’s seat) another officer of the Church (which
is the μεγάλη ἐκκλησία, a grand chiesa), I suppose him the μέγας ῥήτωρ,
mounted on a _scabellum_,[236] 1½ foot high, made a very handsome speech
in his commendation, pronounct it very plain and gracefully. He insisted
upon a parallel between their hopes now and their former calamyties,
though touch’t but lightly upon Parthenius, I suppose for fear of his
returne. He complimented the Metropolites and expatr. (ex-patriarchs)
with the presage of future happiness, and their good choyce he commended,
etc. The new Patriarch all the while lookt humbly down to the ground.
After it, he returned a short and modest answer. Next came up toward
the Sacristia (above the Orator a great deal) the Bishop of Heraclea,
with a pastorall staff, and, holding it in his hand, made another pretty
compliment, partly to the New Patriarch, partly (turning about) to the
company, and then, going up to him, presented it to him, and kist his
hand. Then he on his left hand, and another on his right, lead him
along to his seat. In the midway, the ex-Patriarchs, rising from their
seats, met him and kist him (_alla graeca, del un ed altro omero_[237]),
then return’d to their seats; he goes on to his. Then come all the
Metropolites, pass in order, and kiss his hand; returning to their seats
immediately, they passe on towards high masse. The Gospels are bound very
rich in Embroidery gold and silver, and have the crosse on the side,
which, as it was brought back from the pulpit (in which it was read),
the patr., ex-patr., and the French Embassad. kist. The host, before it
is consecrated, is brought through the body of the Church, at which all
the Patr., expat., Papa., etc., uncover their heads (and come downe),
which at other times is cover’d with a black knit kind of Monmouth with
eares, and a kind of course listany hood over it, which they put of and
on upon many occasions. Before consecration and elevation, all adore
to the ground, the patriarch, expat., etc. Masse being fully ended, a
Metropolite went up and preach’t 1st a very short prayer, then name his
text Mat. 5-8, καθάρτατος, then saluted the Patr., expat., Metropolit.,
and the whole auditory, return’d to his text again, where the greatest
part was reckoning up various opinions. He quoted Ignatius, etc., etc.,
and coming to speak of Parthenius, calling him bad enough, [amo]ngst the
rest comparing him to Lucifer and the bad angels; he mistook, and said
Παίσιος (who was there present, and hang’d down his head). Then we many
cry’d out, _Parthenius, Parthenius_, at which he making a stand, said
Παρθένιος λὲγω, and with much adoe went on. He ended his sermon with a
short prayer. The greater part of his sermon was much about Parthenius’s
abusing the Church. At the door of the Church lay many thousands of
candles, which were given by Greekes and others. First, before the New
Patr. came from the Sacristia to his seat, every one lighted his candle,
which made a brave sight from end to end of the church. Just as the New
Patriarch took his seat, all cryed out (again and again repeating) ἄξιος,
ἄξιος, ἄξιος.

After the Sermon was done, the Patriarch took down a small crosse (guilt
with gold) that hang’d behind, and, holding it, he blest people (as he
did once or twice in the office before with his hand, they all bowing
at the same time). Then came out the _pane Benedetto_, and was carried
to him. All the people came (thronging), kist his hand, and took some
bread. The _Aqua benedetta_ was not brought forth, as I saw. The French
Ambassador invited me to dinner with him, as likewise to the Patriarch’s
House, but I excused myself, etc.

_Nov. 21._ we went (my Ld., etc.) to the Islands. We did not touch at any
till we came to Principe.

_Dec. 23_, I was much indisposed; the 26th I fell ill of a continued
feaver, which held me 17 dayes. I lost above 30 oz. of blood, reduc’t me
so low that (it being a very cold season) after my feaver left me I had
much adoe to retain heat in my limbs; my right thigh was perfectly numb
from my knee to my hip, but friction, and bathing, and flannel on my own
head set me right. Dr. Alexander Maurocordato came (by D.’s kindness);
he advised me, 1st, to eat flesh and goe colder in my very feaver. I a
little inclined to his advice, but one poringer of strong broth increast
it strangely, and I got a cold that I could not quit in 4 days. 2dly,
he advis’d bleeding in the _salvatella_[238] (I starv’d my feaver out,
eating nothing for 5 or 6 dayes, but dinner and supper, one little
porringer of Eng. Gruell). 3dly, when I was out of my feaver, which he
cal’d a miracle, he advis’d me to beer, forbad me all wine upon pain of
relaps. I drank beer at dinner, found my stomach windy; at 6 o’clock I
drank again with a tost, but it gave me a most intolerable fit of griping
in my stomach, which, with vomiting, I got away in 3 houres. I recovered
so well as to go to Chappell.

_Feb. 7th, 1667_, came a young priest—he wrote down his name himself, D.
Hilarione Bubuli—to me from padre Jeremiah, to know if any letters were
for Venice from my Ld., me, etc.; amongst other discourse he made a great
discovery to me. He was a Basilian (a Greek), but in orders (by Rome)
a Venetian, born and bred under the Greek Arch Bp. there. He was not
inform’d well by Padre Jeremiah (who is a Greek of another stamp), and,
taking me for a Romanist, told me there were many Metropolites now Romans
in their hearts, and that some money would do anything amongst them;
they question’d not but shortly to make Metropolites enough of their own
way. He said this Patriarch was a lay man, cropt hair bare, but by money
and friends he was made a deacon one day, a priest the next; a Bp. and
metropolite of Larissa the third. The design was this: they underhand by
mediation of the K. of France and his Embass. here, the Emperour and his
resident at Adrianople, the Bailo of Venice, first calumniate the Present
Patriarch, and are now plotting his removal. Next day they have here (now
obscurely) the Metropolite of Paros and Naxia, who they designe shortly
for Metropolite of Ephesus, a true man in his heart to them; next to make
him Patriarch. The businesse is committed to the Italian Archbp. now at
the new church (St. Francesco): he told me the Jesuits and the Capuchins
know of it, and he knew I would be secret, too; he said Padre Jeremiah
was ignorant of it wholly, though he knew him wel affected. I mentioned
Panagiotes at Court; he said he was not acquainted with it, nor must be,
but he had a very great kindnesse for this Metropolite, and he himself
has copied out all their letters of late correspondency, and he will be
ready to make him Patriarch they question not; his name was D. Hilarione
Bubuli, as you may see his own hand on the first whole leaf of this book.
He said the Greek and Latin Church differ in 5 things; 1st, the Holy
Ghost; 2nd, The leaven’d bread in the Sacrament; 3d, Purgatory; 4, The
Pope’s supremacy; 5, The forme of Baptisme. He said they had all their
services in Greek, but Romanized.

[Dr. Covel’s Diary is here very obscure, and evidently intended for
notes, which he himself only could understand.]

    _Copy of the Kaimacham’s to our King at my lord’s audience._

    _Directed thus_:

    To the glorious amongst the princes and lords of the Nation of
    the Messiah, Ld. of Honour, Charles the 2d, King of England,
    whose end be Happy.

    To the Glorious amongst the Princes and great Lds. of Jesus,
    the supreme judge of the Nation of the Messiah, and governour
    of all the Nazareen affaires, Lord of honour, greatnesse, and
    respect, who is solicitous of honour, Charles the 2d, King
    of England, whose end God conclude with all happinesse and
    grandeur.

    We signify unto you the purest sincere friendship of my most
    potent, great, and Majestick master, the Imperiall Lord of
    the pure Ottoman faith, which is our duty to doe (according
    to the office we hold in the high port) with all diligence
    and respect, because of the sincere peace that is between the
    two kingdomes, being desir’d friendly and with honour, we
    signify and sincerely relate how that the choice amongst the
    nobles of the people of the Messiah, Sr. Dan. Harvey (whose
    end be happy), your Ambassador sent to reside at the high
    port, being arriv’d at the Imperiall City frequented by all
    princes and great lords, we receiv’d by his hands your most
    courteous letter, and, according to custome, he came to the
    Imperiall Camp to have his audience; and, after the Imperiall
    manner, having been honour’d and received, he presented at the
    Imperiall throne your letter, and the translation of it, the
    sence whereof was well comprehended by our high Emperour, and
    the presents well accepted by his Imperiall Majesty, who has
    sent by his Imperiall letter an answer, hoping that the antient
    sincere friendship shall be alwayes continued on our part.
    My most honour’d friend then departed to renew the Imperiall
    capitulations; but the most honour’d and happy great Vizier
    being come to the Imperiall stirrop about the affaires of the
    camp, it was defer’d until his arrival. Then, if it please God,
    the happy and supreme vizier arriving, be assured he will not
    fail to renew them. Hoping from your friendship a continuation
    of the good correspondency and augmentation of the confederacy
    day by day, I remain with the desires of the same.

    Dated in the garrison’d City of Salonica.

_July 30th._ Γεράσιμος μητροπολότης Τουρνόβου for 20 purses of money
bought the patriarch’s place. Dionysius, Drista, etc., fled to the French
Embassadores.

    _The G. Signor’s letter after my Lord’s Audience._

    _Directed thus_:

    The Imperiall letter to the Glorious and great Prince of the
    Nation of Jesus, Ruler of Nazarene people, our friend Charles
    the 2d, whose end be happy.

    To the glorious amongst the great Princes of Jesus, and
    reverenc’t amongst the high potentates of the people of the
    Messiah, sole director of the great affaires of the Nazarene
    nation, Lord of the limits of respect and honour, of greatnesse
    and of fame, Charles the 2d, King of England, Scotland, France,
    and Ireland, our friend, whose end we wish may be happy.

    Our sublime, high, and Imperiall signet arriving, you will
    understand how that the most respected amongst the nobles of
    the peoples of the Messiah, your Ambassador Sir Dan. Harvey,
    whose end be fortunate, did arrive with your letters at our
    happy port, and, according to the antient custome, our most
    honourable Viziers did bring him before our noble Throne.
    Being come unto us, he did consigne your Royal letter, which
    was received with all respect and honour, translated, and
    presented at our noble Throne; the tenour whereof was observed
    and pleasing to us. We received also your presents with
    satisfaction, and his requests and demands, whilst they are
    conforme unto our noble lawes, and correspond to the friendship
    between us, shall be consider’d, and for the time to come, you
    not permitting anything in the prejudice of the former peace on
    the part of our Imperiall majesty, there shall not be suffer’d
    any thing in prejudice of the same sworne league, which shall
    be undoubtedly alwayes preserv’d, and to conclude we wish you
    all health.

       *       *       *       *       *

The Turkes at Biram, and at all victoryes and births of the princes, make
great mirth. It happen’d the Sultana was deliver’d of a second son this
last Ramas, Decemb. 1673. The mirth was put of till the Biram, and then
it was doubled; all were mad for 3 nights and three dayes, every shop
open and drest up with laurell flowers, etc., many candle machines with
pretty figures, puppet playes, dancing, etc.; the Janisary’s chambers was
the finest sight. Almost in every shop was 1, 2, or more of these old
mysticall figures of health. Whether it is of any meaning among them,
or only taken up by chance, I could not be informed. In many of them
was a sphere of 2 or three circles; if it signify anything of antient
superstition, it must be endlesse or everlasting health.


1674.

_Jan. 6th._ Usually about 12 tide, beastly boisterous weather; few
vessels at sea. 20th, we were kindly entertained at the Dervises; they
play’d to us; the old supravisor beat the Tambur (the antient Tympanum);
their tones were very passionate; the rest devoutly attentive. Many of
them have a great 6 or 8 square Agat (with a hole in the middle) at
their girdle. He (whome I ask’t about it) told me that stone foretold
the sicknesse of their friends by growing pale on the edges, and their
death by growing pale towards the hole in the middle; he said it sweats
against poison, etc. I remember two Kalenderis aboard the Viner had each
such a one; they had the caps of a wandring Dervise, but in all things
else like the habit of the Kalenderi, in Mr. Ricaut, he makes them
Santons, but in good earnest they are meer Tomes of Bedlam. One had a
horne tyed about his shoulders (like a wild goates, but longer); he blew
it like our sow gelders, high to low. He had a great hand jar, a terrible
crab-tree truncheon, a leather kind of petticoat about his middle, naked
above and beneath. It was then in May or June. He had a course Arnout
Jamurluck.[239] He drank wine (like a fish water) which we gave him to
blow his horne.

_Mart. 26, ’74._ Our King’s letter for the G. S. directed to the most
High and Mighty Emperour Sultan Mahomet Ilam, chief Lord and Commander of
the Mussulman Kingdome, sole and supreme monarch of the Eastern Empire.

To the Vizier, thus directed to the high and excellent Lord the Vizier
Arem.


VOYAGE TO SMYRNA WITH SIR DANIEL HARVEY’S BODY, WHO DIED AUG. 28TH, 1673.

_Apr. 10, 1674._ At 8 at night we weigh’d (being upon the Dogger), and
next day 3½ in afternoon we came to Anchor at the Asia side over against
the little conduit within shot of that most innermost castle. We went
on shoar and dispatcht our business with the Aga there. My Ld. had sent
each of them a vest of cloth; we had our audience without the castle,
in a house on purpose, by the draw bridge. Our Jew Druggerman, 10 or 12
dayes before, had shew’d some strangers up and down without the Castle,
and at last, venturing to peep in, was catch’t and soundly drubb’d.
Notwithstanding this, I went round about the outside and past it.

Several guns on the ground play up and down the Hellespont; on that side
are 14 port holes, where lye great guns chamber’d to shoot stone shot,
very big, near 2 foot diameter, all fixt and immovable, and therefore to
be charged only without. They will fling a shot crosse the Hellespont
with ease. In the night they have lights on either side, and watch if any
ship steals down; just as they eclips those lights, they can see them and
so fire upon them. Bellonius makes it but ¼ mile over; it is near a mile
at least. I was not on the other side Castle, but I counted just 23 gun
holes and thre sally ports between them; it seem’d a farre bigger castle
than Abidos above said.

12. By reason of our present, with leave, we weigh’d at 10 o’clock, and
within lesse then an houre we passt the other outward castles, but at too
great a distance to say any more then that they are fairer and greater,
and built according to modern formes. At night we reacht the N. end of
Mitilene about 8 o’clock.

14. At 4½ in the morning within sight of the Centurion and Smyrna
Castle. At 10 we anchor’d, and went on board. Capt. Wild thence to the
Advice frigot (then there in port), thence to Smyrna.

_26th._ Put my dear Lord Harvey’s body on board the _Centurion_.[240]
The great Cabin was hang’d and the floor cover’d with mourning; round
about were fasten’d scutchions; the Steerage was hang’d likewise. My
Lord’s body was taken of the Dogger into the Centurion’s long boat, there
cover’d with a rich velvet Pal, bordered with white Sarsenet and satin.
At the Head of the Corps was fixt a Hatchment, my Lord’s armes, in a
square frame standing on one of the corners. At the head of the boat
was his six trumpeters and his drummer. The Advise’s long boat tow’d
it forward, and in it was his 6 Trumpeters likewise, and his drum, all
sounding a dead march, went slowly forward in a round; the Consul’s (Mr.
Ricaut’s) boat followed; after that many of the festoons in other boates.
At its reception into the Centurion there was 3 voleyes of small shot
and 30 Guns fired. The Advice fired 28; all the General ships and others
in port fired, some 12, some 14, some 16 guns. Worthy Capt. Hill, who
brought him out, fired every minute all the while we were going on the
Dogger. The Body was put down into the hold, and a Cenotaph stood in the
great cabbin, cover’d with the pall. The great Scutcheon displayed at the
head six great tapers burning by in six great silver candlesticks. I gave
away about 40 dwt. weights among the officers of the Centur., and sent
a cask of 19 Meters of wine among the Seamen. We din’d aboard, treated
civilly. The Consul brought flasques of Smyrna wine; Mr. Temple brought
20 flasques, and several fresh provisions. At 6 at night we all returned
to Smyrna.

22. Parted from Mr. Temple’s seate at 21st, midnight, or towards one
o’clock this morn. Got on board the Mary and Martha by 6. Out of the
sandhead, lay becalmed all that day and night over against the w. end of
long Island.

_29th, Wednesday._ Ashoar at Tenedos; gave the Aga of the Castle 1 oak
case.

All the Greeks live the N.E. end of the Town. They goe in the streets
cover’d with a petticoat over their head, gather’d in to a button above;
their gown without a wast, hang’d on with two latchets on either side,
girdle above their brests. A bullock there for 4½, kil’d, drest, cut out
in the street in ½ an hour. Holy fountain at the N.E. end. No church, but
several Papasses say masse in a little hole in a stinking house, which
the padres make a Tavern about 8 yards square; the V.M. in a little hole,
etc.

_2, Saturday_, came to the custome house by 12 o’clock. Saluted the
Seraglio with 7 guns. Deo laus et gloria ex grato corde.

       *       *       *       *       *

_Apr. 1st_ was Maunday Thursday, to the Greek it is μεγάλη πέφτη.[241]
At daybreak the Patriarch washt the disciples’ feet. A great waxe candle
was brought before him (instead of a mace). He came to his throne in
the ordinary habit. Every Greek (that makes it right) makes his crosse
leisurely, ἐν τῷ ὀνὸμάτα τοῦ πάτρος[242] ✠ (the top of the brest), καὶ
τοῦ ὓιου ✠ (the middle), καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου πνέυ ✠ (on the right above the
pap), ματος (on the left above the pap). All the Metropolites do it very
gravely. There were, 1st (next to the preacher’s throne), Heraclea; 2d,
Cyzikos; 3d, Νικομέδια; 4th, Chalcedon; 5th, Philippopoli, etc., etc. The
patriarch came to his seat (whilst the choir sang the Gospel out of St.
John 13). Then there were the 12 priests (all maryed), which came two and
two, and bow’d to the ground, and kis’t the patriarch’s hand, retired
back, ador’d again, and retired into the Sacristia. Then all array’d in
priests’ cloathing proper, only upon everyone’s neck was the apostle
wrought in gold, whom they represented. First came a miserable poor
wretch (without a cape, etc.) to represent Judas; then a good stretch
after followed all the rest, and seated themselves before the Patriarch,
who was at the other end. Then the Patriarch vested himself in his robes,
στοιχάριον,[243] with a hole on top like a surplice with sleeves, body
to the ankles; sallow green (or yellow green) tuffetay, Ὡράριον,[244] a
broidered tippet, ἐπιμανίκιον,[245] embroyder’d sleeves (he crosses and
kisses every vestment, and he was putting on this and forgot, then pul’d
it of), ἐπιτρακχὴλιον,[246] embroyder’d kerchief put about his neck,
Ζώνη his girdle (alla turkesa), ὑπογονάτιον,[247] a square embroyder’d
handkerchief (foot and half square), with 4 tassels; it hang’d by his
right side. Then his 2 deacons help him down (4 staires); he begin with
Judas, and the Third deacon in the pulpit (reading the same Gospel)
repeat to every washing, “He began to wash their feet,” etc.; he kneels
down, and washes the right foot (which only is bare), his 2 deacons
helping him with bason, Ewers, etc. Whilst the 3d Deacon is in the pulpit
reading, he strips himself of all his robes (the στοιχάριον, ἐπιμανίκιον,
ὡράριον, ὑπογονάτιον), but the ἐπιτρακχὴλιον, and another lose vest, half
slew’d[248] to draw the sleeves (with laces), set with 3 bells on each
side, and two to each corner (likewise when he vested himself he put
of his monkes hood), τὸ ἀνάνω καμηλαῦχον,[249] and divel’s cap (as the
G. S. cal’d it) τὸ ἔσω καμηλαῦχον, and put on an embroyder’d crown set
with diamonds and pretious stones, and quarter’d (with 4 glass diamonds
and perls); upon the top a crosse emerald and sapphire. He puts on a
blewish _pestemal_[250] before him, and a large Towel over his shoulder,
with which, when he has wash’t the foot, he wipes, then kisses, and the
person at same time kisses his crown. He proceeds (beginning at Judas)
till he come to St. Peter 12; there begins a Dialogue; the Deacon go on
to (Joh. 13); he asks: Lord, will you wash my feet, etc., the deacon only
repeating the passing words; at last he wash him, too. Imediately all
the rabble strive for the water to dip handkerchiefs in it, and a Greek
answer’d me (as I ask’t) that it must be very pretious after so many
good prayers. This done, the Patriarch returns to his seat, the deacon
leisurely reading the same Gospel again. He re-vests himself, the 12
rise, and, reverencing 2 by 2, return to the Sacristia; after them the
Patriarch, then there changing his clothes for his ordinary habit, he
returns to his seat, and then the masse begins. When he went out of the
church his 2 deacons bore up his traine, the candle going before him. He
treated me at his lodge with coffee; invited me to dinner, but Draco and
I would not stay. Many gatherings for Judas[251]; amongst the rest there
were there the 4 treasurers of the Church, ὁὶ ἐπίτροποι τοῦ παγκυρὶου.
There is a great chest, fair and rich, on the right hand coming in,
called the παγκύριον. Draco’s brother-in-Law, who was at first a furrier,
is the chief, worth, by common report, 600 purses of money (300,000 doll.
= 75,000 lb.). The Prince of Moldavia owes him 80,000 doll.; Wallachia
as much; the church as much; and every Metropolite something. He gave a
silver broach for candles, worth at least 500 doll., to μεγάλη ἐκκλησία.
He hath taken the debt of the Church upon himself, covenanting to be
continued 4 or 5 year. Over against the Patriarch’s seat are two other
of states just together: the first Moldavia, 2d Walachias; but they two
never meet together, but dispute their superiority, and therefore alwayes
one or both are absent. The Patriarch, when he blesses the people, or
his own vests., etc., lays the thumb of his right hand crosse the ring
finger, the fore finger streight, the middle finger bending; the mystery
in it is I.C. X.C.[252] The people bow to the ground, then kiss the
Patriarch’s hand, then retire backward, reverance a 2d time, then go away
as they goe back; some tumble over the head of the others bowing behind
them. Before the Patriarch came the priests were anointing poor slaves,
which priests must alwayes be 7 in number, and pray’d over them. In the
masse the bread and wine are caryed in procession alwayes before they
be consecrated; the Patriarch comes down, and every Metropolite and all
adore low to it as it passe by. When all is done the bread left upon the
_prothesis_[253] (after the piece for the Sacrament is taken out as is
comonly distributed) was given by the Patriarch himself, some in their
mouths, some in their hands.

       *       *       *       *       *

_Mart. 23rd, 1676._ Holy week. I was at the Sermon at St. Francesco’s;
saw Demetrius Simon wash 12 of the fraternityes feet. The priest reads or
sings the Gospell out of St. John 13, and he rose from his seat at the
upper end of the stalls, and put of his vest, put on sackcloth, and gird
himself with a _pestemal_ put before him, and a towel on his shoulder,
came down to the 12, who were sat on two formes in the chappell just
before him, at these words, “He put water into a basin” (for the priest
stayes till he may be ready), he puts water into a great basin. At those
words, “Lord, not only my feet”, he comes to the first, and pourring a
little water upon his right foot, washes it, wipes it with his towell on
his left shoulder, then signing it with the crosse, kisses it, and they
kisse his hands; this he doth to everyone, then returne to his stall,
and puts off his sackcloth, and resumes his other clothes. Then they go
to their prayers; a layman sayes and sings most of them; the Prior or
sub-prior gives the benediction.

_July 17th._ There was an old Lady (daughter to a Sultana of some of the
former emperours), commonly now called Sultana Sporca,[254] from her ill
manner of life, for she kept about 30 women slaves of youth and greatest
beauty she could provide, and these were all taught to tumble, dance, and
sing, and act many tricks; and so, often going abroad to great Bassa’s
houses to shew them sport, brought their old baw’d in a great revenue,
every one presenting them liberally, and what they got she received.
Amongst the rest she was possest of one of the greatest beauty that then
was found (as was said), not onely in the Court, but the whole Empire,
if not the world. When we were at Adrianople the Grand Signor sent to
demand her for his own use; the Sultana denyed her, saying she had made
her free, and that she could not now be used by them legally, but as his
wife; thus she avoyded the G. Srs. importunety. Here about 10 dayes since
she (continuing on the dancing trade) with her companions were at a great
Bassa’s house to tumble and play tricks, and the Capitaine of the guards
to the G. V.[255] (who had been with him, and fought valiantly in all
his warres at Candia, etc., and was become his favourite) chanct to be
there; and when the girl had done, he (which is unusuall for strangers)
presented her 200 zechines, being smitten most desperately with her,
and two dayes after sent to the Sultana, begging that she might come to
his house, and he promised 2,000 zechines reward; they came, and after
some houres sport he sent home all the slaves, but kept her all night,
and next day conveighed her to a friend’s house in Stambal; she was thre
dayes by Mr. Hyet’s house. The Sultana next morn made Answer to the G.
S., telling him that the girl was really her slave, submitting herself
to his mercy for having cheated him before, saying it was only because
she was then too young for him, but now the captain had violently ravisht
her. The G. S. was as much inflamed on the other side, partly with
remembrance of former love, partly with madnesse that he lost one so
sweet. He went immediately to the Viz., commanding him to look into the
businesse as his; he cals the Captain, demands why he had done so, and
where she was, etc. He denys all; says he abused her not, nor knew where
she was. He sent to the Kaimachan of Stambol, and charged him privately
to watch the Captain, etc. In the third night the Kaimachan took them
both about 12 at clock in bed, or on a sofa together, brought them before
the Grand Vizier. The Sultana (infinitely troubled) sent the Grand
Signor word. The Captain told him she had been at 40 other houses as
well as his, etc.; he was not afraid of death nor the sword (as he very
well knew), and therefore valued not one straw what became of him; but
all that he desired was that his Mistress should be spared, in whome he
should live even when he was dead. G. S. sent word immediately to strike
of his head, which was done (he was strangled: Soliman Basha saw him),
and the body lay’d publickly open at the Tents, with the head under his
arme all day (July 18), being pay day, for all the Janissaryes to behold
it. He had been infinitely beloved by them and all the court, and 2,000
purses of money had been offer’d to save him, but all impossible; the
girl was immediately taken into the Seraglio. I fancy this was at bottome
onely a deep policy of the Grand Signior’s Vizier, “it is necessary that
one die for the people.” People began to be mutinous and rebellious, and
by the process of the story (for certainly the Vizier might have hinted
something to the Captain when he set the Kaimachan to catch him, and have
advised him to let the girl be forth coming under hand, making peace
with the Sultana, etc.), some great example was to be made, which was on
the Vizier’s own favourite, etc.; else I must count it a severe piece
of justice upon the Captain, who dare do that against Law which the G.
S. refrained from. The G. S. kept the law which the Captain dare break,
yet he knew her to be a slave, which the G. S. knew not, and that might
alleviate. The Sultana was punisht as well in losing her slave and future
gain. Or, lastly, we may roll the exorbitancy of Princes last, who desire
to engrosse all pleasure to themselves. This great Capt.’s death breads
ill blood in many hearts: his good services in the Field of Mars might
have interceded for one spasso (recreation) in the court of Venus.

_July 19th._ From St. Swithin’s day, 15th, the ayre was cloudy, and upon
this day at even began a mist which daily increast to that thicknesse as
no man could se 300 yards at sea, nor at land (unlesse on the hills) as
far again. It was not a moist mist; it continued vehement till 28th, then
dayly abated. The sun continually rose and set like blood; most part of
this time the wind blew strong, which is more wonderfull; at other times
it carying all mists away. It lay continually betwixt N.E. and N.W., yet
more to the E., then the W.; all which make one conclude that this mist
was brought and continued from the Palus Mœotis and Black Sea it self,
and gave us a perfect taste of the Cimmeriæ tenebræ. The 29th and 30th
days of June almost cleare.

       *       *       *       *       *

_Aug. 24th, ’76._ _The G. S.’s Tents._ I have seen them and the rest at
Adrianople and at Maidan[256] here several times. He hath but onely the
three; the rest are little tents for his servants’ kitching. I saw the
G. Srs. tent at the shew at Adrianople, which was much the same in make
and dimentions, but this at Maidan being most perfectly set out with all
its appertenances, take its description. First, then, there was a small
stand about 8 foot square within, with a paire of small staires to mount
it, was cover’d with reddish or inclining to purple cloth, with 4 golden
balls at the corners and one at the top; the corners were to be lifted
up, or, if he desired more fresco, the whole side, as all the rest could
be quite taken away, the cloth being fasten’d above with loopes and
buttons of wood. This Kiosk, or stand, they remove upon many occasions;
he had a farre greater at Demirdesh[257] to see the horse races. This
stood next the outward door of the tents, looking towards the place of
execution, as likewise to the plain where the Janissaryes are pay’d,
etc., and he is there present himself. At the sights at Adrianople there
was another for the young prince.

The first tent is square, supported with 7 wood posts one way and 4 the
other way; it was 15 strides long and 12 broad; the roof flat, kept
streight with ropes; a large round flower in the middle. They have sides
for this in cold weather, which they can open and shut at pleasure; on
the outside upon every post stands a golden ball or flower-pot. The
second tent is round, supported by one standing post in the middle,
with golden ball or pot at the top, by which there is drawn upon a
cord a curtain at pleasure crosse the tent, on the outside of which
he gives audience to his own ministers of state, or makes his great
divan, and sits in justice; on the in or back side he gives audience to
Embassadores, or the like. The diameter of this tent (that is, from edge
to edge of the fringe that hangs above as the eaves of an house) was 17
paces; that in Adrianople was 15, so that it is plain they are made of
severall bignesses. The under sides of this likewise were to let down or
up, take on or off, at pleasure, by such kind of loopes above and on the
sides, the button being a piece of wood; the interstices between, if they
were above, were cover’d with a fring, one within the other; without, if
it was on the side to clasp the curtains together, one was made to lap
over the other, so that they can shut a tent up most exceedingly close
and warme. The third tent is his long tent, supported with three posts,
and golden balls or pots; it was long (from the eves at one end to the
other) 35 paces; at Adrianople, 37; by putting of it and extending it
they may easily gain or loose a pace or two. At the middle post, to
the outward side, was set a bed or broad couch, bolstered up at both
ends, of twilt or ticking sattin; the coverings, silk, embroyder’d. At
Adrianople it was ten times richer, with gold and pearls, for without
doubt they have alwayes ready several coverings. The floor on this and
the round tent is covered next the ground with a thick sort of course
Yorkshire or Kidderminster woollen cloth, over which at severall times
they spread carpets, or foot cloths of severall richnesse and value. At
Adrianople I saw it once with Persian carpets; another time with sattin,
embroyder’d with massy gold, as the floor likewise was where my Lord had
his audience; the bolsters and cushions were suitable. Behind this was
a partition wall made of canvas, the ground and the flowers of bits of
cloth; the covering of all these tents was on the outside a pale green
canvas; on the inside the ground satten flower’d with bits of divers
colours, some satten, some fine cloth, and all the edges and seems were
wrought with gold and silver twist. All the flowers and Kiosks, etc.,
wrought are fancyes not at all according to nature, and though all
together showes very glorious and stately, yet in the particulars it is
very bungling and blockish. They often bring in round bits of satten
or cloath patch’t one upon the other in their fruits and flowers, and
being of divers colours, represent so many Crescents. They make likewise
the figures of some antick birds, few beasts, but no men. The panes of
the inside are all arch’t as the wall tents belowe; at bottom a fring
as on the side. The vallance was of the same make, and were of various
sorts and fancyes in several tents of party colours. Passing through the
Partition wall we came to the Gr. Sr. sleeping tent, or bedchamber, which
they call _oda_[258]; it is square, with a ridge above like a house,
which is supported with two long posts, four shorter being at the corners
under the eves, which hang over like a pent-house, as the wals which
were made lattice fashion, and richly gilded and painted, with doors to
open on thre sides; it was about 12 or 13 foot square, for we were not
suffer’d to enter neither here nor at Adrianople. When it is very hot
these lattices alone are used; if it be cold it is wal’d round with red
cloth lined with flower’d damask. We looked in; it is floored in like
manner with the rest, sometimes richer, sometimes not; there is a bed
stand crosse the door at upper end, bolster’d at each end; the bed stood
plain, but they can set it out with severall adornments. Upon a settle
or little stand by lay the Al Koran and a whimsicall coat of a great
Santon[259] dervish, which was all cover’d with green silk; this was not
there at Adrianople. The santones coat I saw taken out about ten dayes
after; it was like a _Taberd_.[260] There are therefore three courts, as
it were, all invironed with a wall tent, embattled like the walls of a
City, which none else can have but himself; the flowers and corners are
red canvas, the lists of white girt web, the ground green canvas; all in
this fashion, but 4 have some severall fantasyes in some suits, which are
not in other suits; yet the severall suits are uniforme to themselves.
In the first court, therefore, stood the Kiosk, the square tent, round
tent, and the _Capagasi_,[261] etc., and Long tent; in the 2d Court the
_odà_, and many tents at distance two _oghlans_, or pages; and others in
the third court were all other offices, Kitching, sherbets, etc. One side
of this outward wall in the Maidan reached 400 paces; but that may alter,
according to the ground on which they pitch it, which may be lesse, or
far more, and the figure may alter; the foreside was about 100 paces.
They have many bales of wall tents to adde upon occasion. We went in at
a side door, having obtein’d first leave of the Capagasi; before the
great or common door stood six Javelings, which, with horse-tayles about
their upper end, and a golding globe at top, about 4 yards high, and just
before them was pitch’t a round ordinary tent, where the hangman set, and
all publick justice is done in the sight of the G. Sr., who stands in his
little Kiosk.

Upon the right hand, going up from thence, stood the Mosäifs[262] tent
with 3 horse tayles before it, as every vizier of the bench hathe;
but they have but two great tents in their first court, to wit, the
square and long one. Next to his was the Muftis,[263] then the two
Cadeleskiers’,[264] all with but two tayles before them; then several
bashes tents, then the vizier’s tents, in all things equall to the G.
Sr.’s in pomp and fashion, onely his walls are plain (as the rest of
the great men), without battlements, and the balls of gold are lesse.
The bignesse likwise of his tents did not agree, though that may depend
upon the pitching, for the square tent or portico was 12 paces long and
8 broad. These tents were canvas without and within the ground, but the
flowers were bits of cloth, satten, painted and gilded leather, very
little silver and gold about them. In the place of audience was a stool
cover’d with purple velvet for Embassadores audience; befor his 3 tayles
was also a round tent for Justice; there sit also his under officers, to
write Ashrs.[265] One side of his tent reach’t down about 330 paces, the
bredth at head was 80. Next, at a good distance, was the Vizier’s tent;
a long one stood without, where he or his _Hasnadar_[266] gave audience
to all that came. He has two courts within; one long tent for himself,
with artificial gardens about it, and all his slaves and waiting servants
in 7 or 8 more round about him; these in the first court. In the second
his agà,[267] and other tents for other servants. I have been treated
there several times by his _sherbetjé basha_,[268] who was my friend;
his tent is full of fingians,[269] snowpit fountain water, etc., all
ready coffee, etc. Never tasted such sherbert in my life. All these tents
front to one center; in a circle in the midst are tents belonging to the
_Dafterdar_,[270] where stood openly many, many sopets with money and
treasure. Behind Kaseamstapha basha the G. Sr.’s son-in-law, Kaimachan of
Adrianople. When we were there I was informed that they alwayes pitch’t
in this form. Behind the vizier were all the other bashas, and many other
officers and servants. When they are at war the Janissaryes are placed
round on the outside.

Now, on the land by Chalcedon is built a lighthouse or Pharos, which they
call (as likewise a little village by it) Pheneir, and Phenerè,[271]
as at Pompey’s pillar, which I question not was erected for the same
purpose. Coming from thence, on the shoar towardes the factory seraglio
is a fair large fountain; just by it a garden new empaled, and enlarged
much bigger then it was. A great kiosk in it, then ready furnish’t for
the G. Sr.; under it, about 15 or 20 steps, is a fountain of delicate
water, which the G. Sr. uses now daily. At Scutary there are very fine
walks, all shaded with Cipresse (most), pine, firre, some oak, ash,
Lotus, horse chesnut, cherry, beach, and other trees; there are new taken
in two or three vinyards. There are several Arbors cover’d with vines of
delicate grapes. The Bustange[272] invited us in, and treated us very
civilly.

       *       *       *       *       *

I was at the Dervises in Galata, which Dervise Mustapha the Näizam bashè,
or head of the players of the pipe which they call Näi.[273] He hath
been there 14 years, his pay is 45 aspers[274]; to the rest he payes 5,
6, 7, 8, or more, as they are deserving. They have 100 kilos of wheat
per annum, 100 per annum vacoof,[275] 3,000 aspers per man; from the
G. Sr., 10 sheep at little Beiram, 100 at Ramazam. They have usuall
prayers in the houses, and he that is devout may pray all night long,
fast, etc. There are 4 Tekyes[276] or monasteryes, of them here one,
two Kasoumpasha, 3 Bisicktash, 4 Yenicapon; on Stambal side there are
eighteen sorts of them. These founded first by Molàh Hunkyòr, Harset
meulanàh, for he goeth by both these names. Heretofore they preach’t,
danc’t, and piped every Tuesday and Friday. 3 lye here buryed: 1. Arzéh
Mahmet effendi, a great benefactor to them; 2. Ismèl Effendi, who was
once their sheik (or head, though it signifies prince) and benefactor;
3. Ismaèl Effendi, another benefactor, who built them 10 chambers, and
left them 1,000 dollars. They let their neighbours be there buried for
their money. Formerly, the _Baltagee_[277] of Galata seraglio were
buryed there; now they have a corner apart. There Govisè Achmet is
their Sheich now, who receives all the money, and hath himself 1½_d._
per day. Their musick is a Tambor, and a long week small lute with wire
strings, to which they sound their Nai or pipe, whereof they have two
sorts, a base and a treble; for the middle ones partake of that to which
they are nearest. The little pipes have 7 holes on the upper side all
in a row, and an eighth at the bottom, a little of one side, and just
in the middle (measuring from that lowest eighth hole upwards) on the
back is a 9th hole. Some of these are a foot and ½ long; some lesse,
some more. The long pipe hath six holes, on one side three, and three
at equal distances, and on the back side, just half way, there is a 7th
hole. There is neither a fipple[278] above, nor noze[279] in the mouth,
but the head is a horn sloped up and brought to a very fine edge, which
leaning sidewayes to the mouth, gives the sound, as boyes (with us) used
to whistle in acorn cups, this πλαγιαῦλος[280]; whence our flagiolet.
Shepherds use smal pipes of wood with such mouths, and some I have seen
of the wings and thigh bones of Crowes, Bustards, Pelicanes, etc.,[281]
from whence of old were cal’d _tibia_. These dervish pipes are very
dear, not one of twenty proving good and true. The smallest and deepest
he ask 3 dollrs. for, and some of the largest he vallued at 20 dollrs.
One (which had belong’d to the Convent these 300 yeares) he valued at 50
dollrs.; yet more for its sweetnesse, then antiquity. They play mournfull
tones, but seldom any poynt of musick. They are all made of Indian canes,
just such as we make our fishing-rods in England of; the workmanship and
luck in proving good give them their price. At every joynt they are whipt
with gut strings, more for ornament then strength. The present G. Sr. is
much delighted with them.

We went to see the vaults under Sta. Sophia; they were full of water,
then 17 ft. deep, and overhead from the water up to the top of the arch,
about 2 yards and 6 inches. Every pillar is square 4½ feet, and distant
one from another just 12 feet. The bricks very broad, thin, wel baked;
not playstered within; the mortar very hard. They say it goes under
Atmaidan[282]; we could not enter it. The wast water of the aquaeduct
enters into it and out of it, passing through the Seraglio goes into sea
by the dunghill. Severe punishment to have houses with offices into it,
or throw any filth into it; the well of Sta. Sophia runs into it, and
many wells in the Seraglio, etc.


AN ACCOUNT OF OUR JOURNEY TO ADRIANOPLE, 1675.

You must note that in Turkey navigators reckon their way by houres, not
by miles; however, I have made an estimate of every dayes journey both
wayes, reckoning 3 miles to the hour, and, truely, I believe that our
pace in generall did come pretty just to that proportion.

_May 2d, 1675._ To _Ponte piccolo_, hours 7½, miles 23. Upon a Sunday,
after morning prayer and a sermon, we set out, being about 100 horsemen.
My Ld. and Sr. Tho. Baines[283] road in a kind of double horse litter,
used by the great men in Turkey, caryed by 4 mules, cover’d with fine
wrought cloath. The name for this thing is a _Takt-i-rovan_, which is as
much as a running seat (_Takt_, “seat”; _reván_, “current”) in Persian,
from whence they have taken this state. There were four muliteers to
attend upon it, and two _Mestagées_,[284] or fire caryers, to go before
it; they carry upon a great staff, or short pole, an Iron made just
like our beacons, into which, when evening is come, they put _Pinus
sylvestris_, which they call _Sheráh_, or χερὰ, and being very fat and
unctious, it flames and burnes well, and lasts long; but to supply their
fire they have each man his bag full of shivers and splinters of the
wood, with which they tend this fire. Wherever my Ld. (as the like is
observed to the vizier, and all other great persons travayling) took
up his lodging, so soon as it began to grow darke, they came and fixed
these beacons, by irons sharpened on purpose at the lower end, just
before his door (or tent, when he lay in one), and then began a short
prayer for the Gr. Signor, the Embassador (or their patrone), and all
the company, particularly naming every one, the Treasurer, Secretary,
Papas (or chaplain), Turgemen, etc. This is the use of the Countrey,
and if the grandees travayl in the night, or goe but a street’s length
in their cityes, these _Mestages_ goe before them instead of lanthorn
men, or torches. I thought good to mention them thus fully here, because
here it first occurres, and you will meet with them often in the insuing
story. My Ld. had a coach also, which went by empty with six horses,
postillions, trappings, etc., all _alla Turchesca_ (as the fashion here);
the coachman rides on one of the hinder horses, and not in the boxe,
though sometime I have observed it. So likewise the chief _Turgeman_ (or
as we commonly call him, the _Dragoman_) had his coach and 4, large; all
the principle attendants there had also their carts (or rather waggon
coaches) with 4 wheels, and some two horses; some three horses all
abreast. I fancy your _Trigae_[285] were such; for I have observed here
many antient customs and fashions yet remaining. I, amongst the rest, was
appointed to have one to carry my cloathes and other baggage, as likewise
I had my servant, and a _seis_, or groom, to look after my horse. There
were above 60 of these waggon coaches in all, with all this trayn, and
about 20 or 30 strangers that went onely to set us out the Town. We left
Pera, May 2d, and though our way from Stambul is direct and short, yet,
we being on the other side of the water (the Sinus Ceratinus), we were
forc’t to go about by the meadowes, where, by the help of two bridges,
we past the two streames (or cornua) that meet to make up the creek that
separates Pera from Stambal. Within 1½ h. we came to the first rivulet,
cal’d of old _Barbyses_. About a mile further we passed the 2d rivulet,
of old _Cydarus_; both are very accurately described, with all the little
hills and valleys about them, by _P. Gyllius_, in his Bosp. Thrace, l.
2, c. 3, onely _Barbyses_ hath a stronger current, especially in winter.
I have been often times _alla caccia_ from one end to the other of it.
A mile further we came to the suburbs of Stambal, commonly called Job’s
tomb, but it is the dormitorys or Mausoleums of severall Turkish princes,
Viziers, warriors, and men of fame amongst them, one whereof was called
Jüpe (as they now call Jacob, and the Armenians call him Agúp), which
gave name to the place, and I veryly believe _Gyllius_, l. 2, c. 2, was
either mistaken or misinformed when he calls him _Aibabarius_, for the
Turkes call the place _Aiübazár_, which is the mercate place of Jüp
(_Bazár_ being in Turkish the Mercate place, as Balukbazár, etc., the
fish mercate, etc.). I have been often there amongst the tombs. From Jüp
bazár we came under Stambal walls, which are distant from thence about
½ mile, and, passing about a mile further, we came to Adrianople gate,
from which we insisted on the direct great road, as followeth about
three mile of; we crosse a little rill, not much worth your notice,
but onely I resolved to set down every water run, that (if possible)
I might give some light to your antient Geographers, our common maps
(Ortelius, Ptolomy, Sansoin, etc.) being very false. We left two little
Turkish townes on our right hand, _Dav’d Basha_ (David Basha), a mile
from Adrianople gate, and as much farther _Hasnadarcui_ (Treasurer’s
town); _cui_ is a common termination, as _ton_, _don_, etc., with us, and
signifyes a village or town. A little beyond the foresaid rill is a very
large _chinàr_, or plane-tree, with a square green bank cast up about
it, and a very noble fountain by. Here in sommer many come to take their
_spasso_ and recreation in the shade (which that tree casts), sitting
upon carpet with tobacco, coffee, and pure water, etc. Three miles
farther we cross two other little rills, which meeting together (and, as
I suppose, with the former), make a large stream, which enters the sea
between Stambol and Cape Stephano (the mouth being within 2 mile of this
latter). About a mile farther is a brook (then it was dry) with a stone
bridge of 6 arches, and a little farther a rivulet with a stone arch over
it. I verily believe all these unite and enter the sea as above say’d,
for all the way from the first to the last is low, flat ground, and these
may very well meet there towards the sea; but I am convinct of it by
reason I have been at _Ponte piccolo_ by water many a time, and never
observed any other outlet into the sea but in the place aforesaid. We
come from Adrianople gate to _Ponte piccolo_ in 4 hrs.; it must be about
12 miles.

_Ponte piccolo_ is called by the Turkes K’ootchóok chekmejé (it is little
chest or cabinet), by the Greeks μικρὸ χωριὸ, or little town. It is
inhabited partly by Greekes, partly by Turkes, and is about the bignesse
of Newmarket. It has one large street, through which lyes the road,
in which are many shops of victuallers, Knackers, and makers of horse
furniture, smiths, etc., all fitted for travaylers. There are severall
(_Chans, or caravanserais_) stables, and lodgings for passengers: that
is, roome and provisions for horses and mules, and by them room for men
to lye down; but if you carry not your couches or quilts with you, you
must take up your lodging upon the cold ground here, and everywhere else
in Turkey upon the road; as likewise your victualls in some places may
be had drest for you in such shops as I have mention’d, or else you must
carry it with you, and cook it yourself, or live upon barly and chopt
straw with your horse. Here our caterer (or purveyor) found very good
fish of all sorts by reason of the sea and a lake being very nigh, but
in other townes travaylers find nothing but leekes, garlick, onyons,
bread, salt, pickled olives, cabbidge, cowcombers, melons, and the like,
little bits of broyl’d flesse, which they call _Kibób_, but whole joynts
nowhere, rice, pancakes, and severall kinds of pastery meates. We, being
so many in number, had a man who alwayes went before to every _Conáck_,
or stage, and brought in muttons, beafes, veales, and the like, what he
could get, having two _Chiaúses_ to assist him, else the people would
in most places not afford us anything, the best Turkes, if they travayl
alone, being content with the fare of the road above-named. At our
entrance on the East side the town standes the Turke’s _Mosché_, and a
college, or hospital, both built by one _Abdisalláh_ (_i.e._, the Slave
of God), _Tefterdóre_ (Treasurer) to _Sultan Solyman_; (others say to
Sultan Osman). There is there allowed maintenance for three learned men
in the law, or Chiefes, at one dollar per diem, as likewise rice, butter,
bread, etc., for them and twenty more students there under them, who have
the salary of 18 Aspers per diem. There my Ld. and all us that belong’d
to his court were lodged, and they, according to their statutes, at night
came and brought us two or three great platters of their pottage (made of
rice and onyons, etc.), and for everyone a loaf of their bread. Any great
personage passing that way may lodge there, and cannot be denyed neither
room nor this entertainment. They get well by it, for at parting every
great man leaves some charity to them, as we also did. There is a pretty
large court, as bigge as the second in Emanuell Coll., one story high,
with cloysters and little chambers (with chimneys) round about, and a
fountain in the middest. All passengers carry their own beds, or mats, or
quilts to sleep on and set on, for, as is before said, you find room, but
nothing but the bare wall besides. I and two or three companyons slept on
carpets in the Cloysters, it being very hot weather; my Ld. and Sr. Tho.
Baines had travayling beds to set up and take down upon all occasions.
Our cookes and such like went allwayes before us, and in every Conack we
had our provisions ready all the way against our coming in. At the end
of the great street we past over a water and a moory ground by a long
bridge and causeway, having a great lake on the right hand and the Sea
on the left, separated by a small peninsula of land. The bridge hath 12
arches: the first, _Ponte piccolo_, very large, next the Town over the
chief stream; then two lesse at a good distance; then nine more as much
farther. These last serve only to let the water passe that fall from the
hills in winter, and would be prest up by the bridge and caseway, and
so otherwise would endanger both. The bridge is stone, rayed (striped)
with slight timbers on each side. It is about 312 of my paces long,
broad enough for 3 carts to passe one by the other; to it is joyned the
caseway of stone 462 of my paces, and at the bridge foot it is about 2½
foot high. I find this lake in Ortelius map of old Thrace to be cal’d
_Myrmex Lacus_, but he hath not taken notice of a fresh water river that
runs through it, which I have rowed up and down at least 5 or 6 miles. It
runs with a small but very strong stream, so that at the mouth, where it
empties itself into the sea, our boates from _Stambol_ enter with great
difficulty, as likewise it is very deep and very strong under the great
Arch of the bridge, where, though the water continually sets out, yet
the water in the lake tastes brackish. Up this fresh river, about 5 or 6
mile, is on the right hand a very high and steep mountain, with a most
famous cave, which runs 10 or 12 mile underground, and is hewn in many
places that two or three men may walk abreast at their full height.

_May 3d._ To _Ponte grande_ 4¼ h., miles 13. Going from _Ponte piccolo_,
so soon as you are of the caseway and past the moor you rise up an easy
hill, at the foot of which, just by the corner of the lake, is a little
village on your left hand call’d _Coomcui_, or Sand-town, from the sand
hard by there in the lake; onely Greekes live in it, and have forgot
the Greek name, or else it never had any. About a mile or two farther
on the right hand, at the edge of the lake, is another, called by the
Greekes _Cabárana_. Half way to _Ponte grande_ you leave a little
Greek town on the right hand hardly cal’d _Ahúrcui_; thence you descend
a little but very steep valley, and in the bottome is a little river
with a stone bridge of three arches. This valley is not much above one
mile over, but is a very dangerous place for robberys and murders, and
therefore is cal’d by the Turkes _Aram-derry_, or accursed valley. On
the brow of the hill on the other side this valley stands a very fine
but little queach[286] of popalar, cipresse, and some elme and willow
trees very thick to-gether; it is paled in very high, like one of our
parkes. In the midst of it is a seraglio of the G. Signor’s, where
formerly they came in summer for pleasure. Under the pales, upon the
road, is a couple of clear and very large fountaines with severall
cisternes, where some few comrades of us made a halt and took a dram of
the bottle. _Ponte grande_ is cal’d by the Turkes _Buyoók-checmedje_ (or
great-chest, abusing the word _checkmése_ for a wooden bridge, as both
these and the other bridges at _Ponte piccolo_ at first were of wood),
in Greek μεγάλο χωριὸ, or great town. The inhabitants are most Turkes,
some Jewes and Armenians, but more Greekes mixt with them. The road and
the sea makes this Town, as well as _Ponte piccolo_, flourish. This is
bigger then it; there is likewise good store of excellent fresh-water
fish, as likewise of sea fish. On the west side the town lyes a great
Lake which hath communication with the sea, and seemes to have been an
arme of it antiently, but now cut of from it except in 4 places which
we passe by bridges, now of late yeares made of stone, but there remain
ruines of wood, which show them to have been of old of timber upon stone
cheekes,[287] to draw up and down and move into the Lake, we passing them
to the right hand. The water, when we past, was not very deep. These
four bridges are joyned together by stone casewayes, which in winter,
if more rain falls then is vented by the arches or covered with it, yet
there being room for the water to play, all is with out danger or damage,
the stones towards the lake being clenched with lead one to another. The
first case-way from the street end is 60 paces, that bridge is 183 paces
with 7 arches; 2d caseway, 39 paces; the bridge 166, with 7 arches; 3d
caseway, 19 paces; the bridge 127 with 5 arches; 4th caseway, 14 paces;
the bridge 233 with 9 arches; the last caseway about 30 paces—all soe
wide as three carts may goe abreast. I am the more particular in these
little things, that you may see the Turkes are neither niggards nor
fooles in these public workes, for I assure you I never saw stronger
work than among them; and some things are as fine and neat as we can
possibly shew. There is a large river which enters this lake at the
north, but runs not very swift. The Greekes call it now Μαυροπόταμι, the
Black river; the Turkes very near the same, _Kará-sou_, Black water.
Now judge you whether _Athyrus_ runs here or no.[288] The sea comes up
to the bridge; though it is very shallow, yet it is a pretty harbour
for small vessells out a little farther between the two capes, and this
little port addes to the greatnesse of this town above the other _ponte_,
where there is none. My Ld. was Lodged on the side of the Lake, at the
end of the Town; the weeds and dead carcases, and other filth which they
dayly cast in, in the hot weather, made so foul a stink as we were all
almost stifled with it. Here are in the town many, many _chanes_,[289]
besides where we lay, and several pretty large streets. For building,
once for all I must tell you there is none all over Turkey but what is
very mean and beggarly, and for the most part dark and sluttish: I
except your Moschés, Seraglios, and publick buildings onely. Some great
men of late (as this present Vizier now at Stamboul) have ventured upon
great buildings for themselves, but it doth often prove their ruin; they
becoming thereby suspected for becoming too great, and so the G. Signor
cuts them of and seizes their possessions.

_May 3d._ To _Selibria_ h. 5¾, miles 17. Going from _Ponte grande_, so
soon as we had past the bridges and began to rise up the hill, there we
past two little townes, both inhabited by Greekes; one on the right hand
called Πλάγια, the other on the left, by the sea, called Καλικράρια.
We called at these by reason of the fame of good wine there, which we
found true. About 6 or 7 miles from thence, on the left hand, stands a
little town on a promontory looking into the sea; the name I could not
learn. About a mile farther we passe a little rill, and a mile beyond
that (which is about half way to Selibria), we go by a little ruinated
town, just in the very sea, the road lying upon the sand; the town stands
to the right hand, in Turkish _Koombúrgás_, or sand-burough[290]; in
Greek Κουμιὸ, a word corrupted from the Turkish _Koóm_, which is sand.
We had very good wine there, especially a small sort of claret. There
hath been formerly a little castle or fort there, but all the great
stones are picked out and carryed to _Stambol_. The _Valedéh-Jámisi_ and
_Valedéh-Chane_,[291] _i.e._, the Q. Mother’s Mosch, and the Publick
_Chane_ or _Hostelry_, was built with part of them. As once for all, I
must tell you that round Stambol for many miles the Turkes have taken
almost all the fair stone they could find to rayse their buildings in
the City, so that little is to be expected of inscriptions or monuments
of antiquity; especially in Thrace, or anywhere near the shore of
the Propontis, from whence caryage by sea is easy. Nothing remaining
in a manner but the inward part of the walls of old buildings; the
Maidan,[292] the case or outside of it was of good stone, being pull’d
down and disposed of. This hath been a pretty town, but now it is nothing
by its situation. About 2 miles from hence we passe another, a pretty
mercate towne, and rich by reason of the road, and a little port for
small boates. It is cal’d in Turkish _Bogáthos_[293]; the inhabitants
are most Greekes, but in the great street are many Turkes. There is yet
standing a little tower with very thick walls, which is now turned into
a granary. About three miles from thence we enter into a Moorish ground,
which we passe by. A caseway and bridges of stone, of one arch apiece,
over as many little streames, deep, but very narrow, which uniting hard
by, enter the sea (which is all the way in sight to our left hand), in
one pretty large channell; it being the onely stream that deserves the
name of a river from _Ponte-grande_ to _Heraclea_ (Erekli).

       *       *       *       *       *

_May 5th._ To Ciorlúh (Chiorlóo we pronounce it), 8½ h., 25 mi.[294]

Going from Selibria,[295] we leave the Sea (having hitherto had it
all the way on our left hand), and mount, arising well into a plain
champion[296] country, as indeed all the way to Adrianople is champion.
Scarce a tree, unless some few about _Chiorlóo_ to be seen; by which you
may imagine what brave hunting and hawking the G. Signors have there.
Just under Selibria runs a small rill, which enlarges into a kind of pond
at the very town, over which we past by a stone bridge of 4 arches; and
about a quarter of a mile further we enter a moorish ground, in which is
a very fair stone bridge of 32 arches, and with the ascents at each end
it is about 450 paces. The water under it was little and did not run,
which made me conclude the bridge built onely in case of land floods in
winter time, which must needs be occasioned by rain from the neighbouring
hills, they being steep and enclosing this flat ground on every side. I
could perceive this overflowing water enter’d the Sea in one mouth with
the little rill before mentioned; and besides this there is no other
river near to _Selibria_. About 8 mile of from it by the sea side I
crosst another little one as I came home. Out of this moor we rise (as is
said) to the top of a hill, into a plain, which is a black spongy soil,
and seemes to be very binding, for there we saw them at plow with 6, some
7, some 8 yoke of oxen in a plow; especially where they were new breaking
up. The first town we came at was called _Kinnekléh_,[297] a little
Turkish town in a very fertile playn. About half way we crost a little
river, which enters the sea about 3 or 4 miles to the W. of Heraclea, or
rather is that just now mentioned 8 mile from Selibria.

       *       *       *       *       *

_Chiorlóo or Chiorlúh_ hath been a very large town, as it is yet most
inhabited by Turkes, yet there are Armenians, Jewes, and Greekes too. It
is not onely a great road town, but also a very great trade, and mercate
is driven there for all sorts of commodityes. On the east side the town
runs a great dry grasse, as big as the Divels ditch at Newmarket, in
which are severall fountaines, yet standing, of excellent water. At the
lower end (from the Town) it is crost with an aquaeduct of 96 paces long
(the distance from edge to edge of the grass), with one onely little
high arch in the midst. It is decay’d and dayly running to ruine, yet
the earthern pipes on the top are yet whole, and the water runs still in
them. It was a very antient way of conveighing water, and far beyond
either wood or lead. I saw several old ones at _Carthage_, _Ephesus_,
_Smyrna_, etc., which must needs some of them have lain in the ground
thousands of yeares unperisht. I shall briefly give you this description:
they make earthen trunks about foot and half (sometimes little more)
long; one end is made with a shoulder, the other end with a female grove
(to receive that end of a second trunk). Now to close each joynt they
have an excellent mortar, which they call _Lukiúm_ or _Lookioóm_; it is
made of unslaked lime and beaten brick, most finely powdered and sifted,
cotton wool very thinly pul’d and strew’d on, and then all slaked with
linseed oyle and mixt together, then they reject whilst it is fresh made,
otherwise it hardens immediately. Then care is to be taken that the
trunkes be kept from force, and they will endure to eternity. Beneath
this dry grasse to the North are many vinyards, fig trees, etc. There
have been within this 20 yeares here in town above 400 Greek familyes,
now they are shrank to near upon 100; yet they are forc’t to pay the same
_Harátch_ (pol money) and other dutyes (for _the G. Signor’s lead cannot
sink_; he will lose nothing of what once is settled to him), which comes
to 1,000 dollrs. per annum, just as they did before; which makes the poor
creatures yearly break and run away. They have but one Church, a little
poor thing, but kept spruce and neat, there belonging to it a Bp., 4
priests, and 2 deacons. I was there at Vespers with them, and found them
extremely civil, and they shewed me all the town. Over their church door
they have fixt a pittyfull marble stone, which they saved out of the
ruines of an old castle that was here; it was all flead[298] to build the
Turkish moschs, which are at least 12 in all.

       *       *       *       *       *

_May 6th._ To _Karesterán_[299] 6 h., miles 17. Going from _Chiorloo_,
about a little mile, we passe a little river; over it was an old stone
bridge, almost broken down, which have had 4 arches. Just half way to
_Karesterán_ we passe a good large river, though in sommer it is almost
damn’d up with sand; there is a good large bridge over it of wood, but
slight timbers in it. All the way it was still Champion ground, most like
a black moorish soyl, yet I judged it lighter than that on the other
side _Ciorlóo_, because we saw severall ploughs with but 4 oxen in them,
and those yoaked all abreast. The town has its name from _Karismack_,
_i.e._, to mingle or knead; for the least rayn (as we experienced when
we were there) makes the spongy, soapy (fuller’s) earth just like past.
Upon the S.E. side of the Town, about one quarter of a mile, runs a small
river, but very strong stream; there is a bridge there with 8 arches and
about 100 paces in length. The river may easily in many places be leapt
over; yet in winter the water overflows farre. From a delicate cleer
fountain on the same side the town beyond this river, upon the side
of the hill (to our right hand, as we descend to come hither), is an
Aquæduct brought, and in the valley are three steps or pyramids built to
divide the water into severall trunks, as also to let the overplus run
in winter, without prejudice to the course of the rest. Just about the
spring growes infinite of excellent _scordium_,[300] which I have found
an excellent preservative against the plague. Here is a very good Mosch
here, and a large _cháne_. The town is enriched onely by travailers; at
present it is but small, and built but in latter times out of the mines
of Miso.

_May 7th._ To _Bourgas_[301] 4 h., miles 12. About 2 or 3 miles from
_Carestéran_ are several decay’d fountaines by the road side. At 4 mile
is a very good fountain that runs plentifully, with cisternes for horses
to drink. A little farther are several little rills, with one arch’t
bridges over them, and hard by a pretty big river, but no bridge. Just
half way on the left hand, on the very road, is raysed a good great hill,
with a _fossa_[302] about it, and an entrance on the side next the road
up to it. I take it to be a monument of the dead, slain in some battle
fought upon these plaines. We have observed many such, as shall be say’d:
it was an antient custome and right paid to kings (as about Gallopoly)
and inferior persons. It is as high as Bartlow hills, but the fossa is
in a manner fill’d up. From the top we counted 12 villages spread round
about; it is seen almost to _Burgas_. Within two mile of _Burgas_ the
earth alters to a lighter kind of sandy soyl, yet Plowmen were there
breaking up with 6 yoak of oxen in a plough.

Burgas is a pretty large market town. We passe over a pretty street or
two; then came a most stately _Cháne_, having a fair square court and
large fountain in the middest of it, and cloysters round about; then fine
apartments able to hold well nigh 1,000 travaylers with their beasts.
This is joyned to a very brave _Mosch_ by a large _Cupola_ crosse the
main road, supported by 4 arches (28½ feet wide); the street passe under
two, and the passage from the _Cháne_ to the Mosch goes under the other.
Entering into the Kháne (for you must pronounce it in the throat) sit
many shopkeepers; amongst the rest, the finest Tobacco-pipe heads are
sold there that are to be found in Turkey. The Town is all Turkish,
and very populous for the bignesse. Mahomet, Vizierarém[303] to Sultan
Solyman, had a son, Bassa of Morea; complaints were made of him at court.
The G. Signor bid him advise his son to do better. He, without any
more adoe, sent and took of his head and presented it to the G. S., who
for his severe government in that point gave him all his son’s estate
(which otherwise falls to the G. S.), with which he built several noble
buildings, whereof this _Kháne_ and Mosch are none of the least. On
the W. side the Town (which we past the next day) runs a small river,
on which stands a Turkish mill, driving 3 pair of quernes (each mill
grinding 10 _Kilos_ or bushels of wheat in 12 houres), and yet the water
there is not so wide but I could easily step over it. They are Greekes
that forme the mill, which belong to Ἁγιαβὰλὰκ, a little town (concerning
which more presently) hard by. There is also just by this town a tile
kill, formed by other Greekes of the same place; though the soyl all the
way hither is black and spongy moorish ground, yet here is so good a
naturall mixture of sand as to make most excellent tile. Over the river,
going out of town, is a bridge of 4 arches, long in all 146 paces; the
stream is nothing in sommer, but the Town standing in a kind of pan in
winter, it must needs be great. The stone with which this bridge is built
is such a porous kind of hard _pumex_ as I never beheld; it seem’d to me
to have been made of clay and pills of sand, which afterwards mouldring
away might cause those eyes. Down the river hard by is a Turkish town
cal’d _Múctary_.

_May 8th._ To _Bobbás-cui_ 4½ h., miles 13. About a mile from Burgas,
standing upon a little hill on the left hand, we saw ἁγιαβαλὰκ, a little
Greek town (as is said), but very populous, there being now above 400
familyes in it, many of the men going out to work all the week (as before
is intimated), and returning on Saturday, live very well, they being
farre more industrious then any of the Greekes I ordinarily ever met
with. About six mile of from _Bobbas-cui_ we crossed a little brook;
a mile and ½ farther another; as far again a third, with bridge, all
almost dry. An old Turk took it from the Christians, and from him it
is now so named, for _bobbá_[304] is the common name for _Father_, and
is given to every old man in common discourse. He lyes buryed in St.
Nicholas’ church, the one thing remaining of the Greekes memoriall or
building here. It is made a place of prayer, and he is reckoned a great
saint amongst the common people. When we went into it to see his tomb
we met another old Turk, who had brought three candles, and presented
them to an old woman that looks after it, and shews it to strangers. He
said he had made a vow in distresse to do it. The old woman told us:
Yes, my sons, when ever you are in danger pray to this good holy man,
and he will infallibly help you. Oh, fye! sister, quoth the old Turk,
do not so vainly commit sin, for he was a mortall man and a sinner as
well as we. I know it, quoth the old wife, that onely God doth all, and
he doth nothing; but God for his sake will the sooner hear us; and so
ended that point of Turkish divinity. This Church is standing pretty
intire. It is but little (as I above said, I guesse most others were),
but very handsome, in the same forme almost with Sta. Sophia, with a
great _Cupola_ over the body of it; but the outward wall is scaloped. On
the east side the town as we goe in runs a little pretty river just under
this church, and hath a very well built stone bridge as ever I saw for
the bignesse, of a very hard freestone. It is broad enough for 3 carts
to goe abreast. It is 232 of my paces, beside the ascents at each end.
It hath 6 little arches in the midst, and severall little flood-gates on
each flank. All stones are rob’d here, likewise to build their Moschs,
which here are 3 or 4, one very fine one. The town is a pretty large
town, and will dayly increase. _Ibrahim bassa_ (now General of the Turks’
army), in bringing an Aquæduct thither, the shafts were open’d not far
of from the W. side the town.

_May 9th._ To _Háfsa_,[305] 6 houres, miles 18. Going a little out of
Bobbas-cui, on the left hand, is another great hill, cast up, I suppose,
on the same account with that between _Coresteran_ and _Burgas_, but not
so big, nor so high. Upon the Top of it lyes now a very long Turkish
tomb. That I may here tell you the difference, you must know that they
never lay anything over their dead but the earth. All the sides of their
tombs are good stone, but above nothing but earth, except in your Royall
Mausoleum or those of great men. There they place a cænotaph over the
grave, and a great candle at head and feet, and at the head the fashions
of the cap he wore, by which is known whether he was a man of the law, or
some civil magistrate, or souldjer or woman, etc.

About seven mile on the road we passe a little, little hamlet cal’d
_Coophátcui_, or _coophas-cui_. About a mile and ½ from thence (I guesse
it half way) we crost a little brook which ran plentifully, but as we
return’d it was dry. When we came within 3 or 4 mile of _Háfsa_ we saw
the top of mount Rhodope, which lyeth beyond Adrianople to the west,
as afterwards shall be sayd. This name is wrote severall wayes, but
pronounced all alike. Here is a most noble _Cháne_, farre better then
that at _Burgas_, and likewise a _Cupola_ crosse the street, and a fair
mosch annext in the same manner there described; but these two latter are
as farre inferior as the other is superior. All were built by the same
Mahomet Vizierarem, who built those at Burgas; thence they were made in
the same fashion. He lyes buried at _Jupe_ (before mention’d) in a fair
mausoleum which I have seen; and it is reported of him that he repair’d
all the publick bridges in the Turkes’ territoryes from Adrianople into
the bounds of Persia; and built as many Moschs and Chánes as there
are dayes in the year; and by this means continued Vizier 40 years,
an unusual thing in this court, for it is a wonder in this present
_Kiuprili_[306] not so much that he succeeded his father, as that he hath
staid in so long.

_May 10th._ To _Adrianople_, houres 5½, miles 17. Khavsa lyes S.E. from
Adrianople. Getting out of town (which stand low) we again saw upon the
first hill Rhodope before us; at 8 miles end we passe a little brook; at
3 miles farther another. With in 2 miles, or little more, of Adrianople
is a very good fountain, and fine _Kiosk_ or summer-house by it. Hither
comes severall great men in summer to take their pleasure. The city
begins to appear about 4 or 5 mile of, and indeed it shews gloriously,
as all their citys doe at a distance, but within they are very mean and
beastly. The Moschs and _Minarys_ (or steeples), which are very stately,
especially Sultan Selim’s mosch,[307] which is the best here, of which
more afterwards. The country (as is said) all the way perfect champion
ground with pleasant easy hills and fruitful valleys; the soyle generally
pretty good, but it is much neglected; and though I have all along
mention’d several little villages, yet I assure you this part of Thrace
(taken in the whole) is very little inhabited and lesse cultivated.
About the townes and villages we saw good husbandry; but elsewhere, I am
confident, above 2 thirds of the land lyes unoccupyed, and where they
neither plough nor plant vineyards, they feed neither meat nor sheep,
nor goat, nor anything else. In many, many miles riding we saw neither
corn-field, nor pasture, nor flocks, nor herds, but onely wild neglected
champion ground. I have a catalogue of many fine plants observed by the
road, but I omitt that, and come now to tell you how we were receiv’d
and brought into the city. About 6 mile of the city we were met with
all the French and Dutch who, belonging to Pera with us, were then at
Adrianople to see sights. At _Soláck chesmi_ (_or the Page’s fountain_),
which I just now mention’d, were provided 12 of the G. Signor’s horses
for my Lord and his attendance to mount and ride into city with all; they
were all admirable good ones, and set out as rich as was possible. I
left my own and took one of them, whose bridle, saddle, great stirrups,
breast plate, buttock cloth, etc., were either all of beaten gold and
silver, or else most richly embroyder’d. My Lord’s horses furniture were
set out with jewels and pearles most gloriously. There were groomes
appointed to attend upon every horse. By that time we were mounted and
got into the road and our ranks; we were met with the _Capigé-pasha_
(the word signifys chief porter), whose office is much like our Master
of the Ceremoneys, and the _Chiau’s pasha_ (or head _of the ciauses_,
who are like our purcevants or messengers of the green-cloth); these two
were in their court vests (Capsitans) of clothe and gold and silver,
with rich furres, and horses and furniture suitable. After them followed
70 chiauses in their habits, and severall _cherbigées_ (colonels
of the Janizaryes). We all made ... d till the ceremony of use and
complement past; then we went into the city in this cavalcade; first
the cherbigeés turned back, then the Chiauses, then the _Capigé basha_
and _Chiaus basha_, then my Ld. (having the strangers that met us just
before him), then all the English gentlemen, then the servants, then the
_torch-bearer_ with Sr. Tho. B., then the coach and 6 horse, then the
other (Turgemans) coach; then all the Carts followed. My Ld. had three
good horses (of the Companye), richly furnisht out, led by all the way
from Pera. The first street was lined with Janissaryes. We were conducted
with all this train to the house appointed for my Ld.’s lodgings, and
that street had Janisaryes likewise on both sides. There the Turkes and
strangers left us. The house we first were allotted was the damn’dest,
confounded place that ever mortall man was put into; it was a Jewes
house, not half big enough to hold half my Ld.’s family, a mere nest of
fleas and cimici,[308] and rats and mice, and stench, surrounded with
whole kennells of nasty, beastly Jewes. We made shift that night, and my
Ld., sending to the Vizier, had another immediately, which proved very
convenient; for here upon these occasions the G. Signor turnes out whome
he please (of Jewes or Christians) out of their house, so that it is
troublesome and dangerous to them for to have a good house, and in that
end of the town there is none, being all Jewes, crowded two or three
familyes into a house that hath not more roomes. If the old Jewes were
such poisonous beasts, I must needs then allow their frequent washings,
and think they needed not touch a dead body to be unclean, for they could
not touch a living one without being so; but more of them anon.

       *       *       *       *       *


AN ACCOUNT OF OCCURRENCES AT ADRIANOPLE, 1675.

_May 17th._ The Ragusæan Ambassador visited my Ld. His name was Márin
Cabóga. The Turkes call this Embassador (alwayes one being at Court
here) Dóbra Benedíct, which is as much as good Venetian. He was a
lusty, gallant fellow, and I got a very familiar acquaintance with
him, and found him merry, cunning in his businesse, but most strangely
superstitious as to storyes of witches and such like. One day, being to
visit him with a friend of mine, he fell into such discourse, and at
last assur’d us that he had met with a Jew woman who, for certain, was
a witch. We desir’d to see her. She was cal’d; and when she came, she
would not owne any such thing as that she could raise the devil, but she
would tell us many charms and tricks: one was, this Signor Cabóga some
few dayes before had lost some money, and suspected one of his servants
for it. She comes with an Old Testament in Heb[rew], and, tying a key in
it at the 51st psalme, hang’d it upon her finger on one side, and upon
the finger of another old hag (her camerade) on the other side. Then he
began to think of one whom he suspected, and immediately he reads that
psalm in any other language which he understand (as he did it in Latine);
if the person be guilty, the Bible turnes and drops downe whilst he
reads; if he be innocent, it hangs immoveable to the end of the psalme;
then he thinks of another, and so begin again. This so possest him as
would needs have them shew it us, affirming that when he thought of one
person (whome he therefore concluded guilty) it never fail’d. To work go
the old hags; he reads; down drops the book. We laught and desir’d we two
might hold it upon our fingers (for I perceived the juggle most clearly:
it falls with pressing the finger a little stronger then ordinary); he
consented, and though he thought of the same person, the book hang’d
cleverly to the end in despite of Mother Mumpus.[309] I bad him think of
any other person in his mind, as myself, or friend, or the old woman,
etc., and before he had gone half way I turned it with as much dexterity
as if Mephistophilus himself had been in my Elbo. My gentleman was
amazed, but these cunning Jades put a neat conceit in his head. He told
us this trick would not do unlesse we were both of us clean; for, said
he, it would not do with me at first, for, to tell you the truth, I had
been with a prettie girl, but, so soon as I had confest myself, it never
fail’d, so that all we could say (if we had 10,000 compurgators, it had
been all one) would not persuade him but one of us, or both, had been
dabling. I told him of our trick with the Sive, and shewed him the very
cheat, both in that and in this, and, with much adoe, we convinct him
a little. At last I understood indeed what kind of Conjurers these two
women were: they were famous, truely, for raysing (or bringing up) little
Devils, but they were all in the shape of pretty wenches. One I had the
fortune to see, one as like _Cis Archer_[310] as if some kind spirit
had really conveigh’d her own very self hither; and in troth it might
be she, for these fairyes, I veryly believe, had flesh and bones. He
often recounted to me the dreadful earthquake that happened at Ragusa in
Easter week, _1666_[311]; he, being himself in it, gave the greater light
and credit to his businesse. He had kil’d a great man in a _rencontre_,
and was imprisoned for it, and sentence past upon him to suffer death;
he being at his prayers, expecting every moment to be cal’d forth to
execution, was, at a suddain, tost from one side of the prison to the
other, just under an arch, and that place from whence he was joulted was
blown up into the Ayre, as if it had been done with gunpowder. After
his fright was a little over, he got out, and in this sad juncture of
affaires behaved himself so gallantly, as he was not onely pardon’d, but
promoted, having been several times Ambassadore here before. The greatest
part of the houses in the Town were shaken down, which was done at one
blow, without any antecedaneous trembling or admonition; but after it
follow’d a trembling, which ceased not perfectly in 4 yeares after. There
were about 400 and odde noblemen before this accident, but not above 140
escaped; yet not one family of them was quite extinct. He onely was left
of his. There are not above 18 familyes antient amongst them. From the
harths that were in the houses over thrown broke out all over the town
a most dreadfull fire, which continued 22 dayes; yet, notwithstanding
it, and the other terrible shock of the Earthquake, nothing of their
walls or fortifications, or any publick buildings, were harmed in the
least, neither was one corn of powder fired, though all their magazines
were then full. There was a poor woman servant after 15 dayes digg’d out
alive; she had lived in a kitchen all that while, with a little dish-wash
and oatmeal left there by chance. He saw likewise a little child digd
out hanging at the mother’s brest (who was dead) three whole dayes
after this sad hap; the child is yet alive. He is a very short man, and
behaved himself bravely against the Venetians, who afterwards assailed
the town. They pay to the G. Signor a yearly tribute of 12,500 Hungars
at 2½ dollars apiece, with _a dazio_ (as the merchants call it); it is
often more, as now one is valued at 2⅓ doll. Besides this tribute they
are forced to make presents at severall times of great solemnityes, as
now the G. Signor sent to them to come and honour the Circumcision of his
son and marriage of his daughter. They were much confounded, not having
any precedent left of what ever had been pay’d before; but the _Chiá_ (or
steward or deputy) to the Vizier favour’d them with a record of what
they paid about 80 yeares since in Sultan Morat’s[312] time, which saved
them much of what they intended to have given. I was very much obliged
to him, for severall times he took me along with him to see sights, and
to be treated by the Turks (as you shall hear anon), even to the envy of
severall of our company.

_May 19th._ My Ld. had audience with the Vizier for the ceremony of it.
It is the same with what is performed here at any audience with the
_Caimacham_ or _Bostanje basha_. We were conducted to his Pallace or
Seraglio through the City. Two Chiauses (which by order waited upon my
Ld. from Stambol continually till he return’d thither again) and all our
janizaryes leading of us, and we all following on horseback, we were
brought into a pretty large room with a _soffá_[313] (a square raysed
about 1½ foot from the ground) covered with carpets very rich, and laid
upon the 3 sides next the wall with narrow quilts, or little beds, and
great bolsters round, all cover’d with cloth of gold. At audiences at
Stambol we putt of our shoes, but here it would be an affront, as if
we were afraid to spoil the Vizier’s goods; the like is before the G.
Signor. My Lord was placed upon a low stool upon the sofá, and we all
stood there close at his back. Round about us stood many Chiauses and
other attendants. After about ½ of an houre’s stay in come the Vizier,
and drops himselfe down upon the couch crosse-leg’d. My Ld.’s stool was
put nearer to him. Just as he came in all the waiters cry’d: Whish,
whish, etc., in token of silence (though I never saw such silence even to
admiration (as hereafter shall be said) without this sign), and at his
setting down they all give a great acclamation, as much as _God blesse
the G. Signor and him, etc._ Being thus sat down, my Ld. deliver’d him
the King’s letter, and told him that his maister commanded him to do
soe, and, with all, to speak something more to him by word of mouth.
Amongst other things, my Ld. urged very much the perpetuall friendship
of the English, and that in the warres of Candia there appear’d not one
English man against them amongst those many other strangers that sided
with the Venetians; to which the Vizier answered it was true, he himselfe
was witnesse to it. My Ld. thanked him for so speedy an audience. He
smiled, and said it was a time of mirth, and the great matters were laid
aside awhile, so as he had that leisure. My Lord wish’t it might ever
be a time of mirth and joy to him. Many such complements past, though
the Vizier was alwayes very brief and sparing in his words, whether
out of a formall gravity, or the reall Turkish humour of taciturnity,
I know not. He look’t very pleasantly, and, as we were inform’d, with
an unusuall sweetnesse; though, at best, I assure you, I thought he
had Majesty and state enough in his face all the time, being all the
time of a very, very composed countenance, excepting once (as is above
said) we fancy’d some shadow of a smile. He is but a little man, and
goes (as I often afterwards saw him) a little lamely, and something
stooping thereupon, which they say is from many issues which he hath
about him for the Sciatica.[314] He hath a small round face, a little
short thin black beard, little eyes, little mouth, without any wrinkles
in his lips; a smooth round forehead and an erected brow, with thick,
but very short, hair on it. He is pockbroaken much. In summe, he hath
an acute but morale and serious look; and, if I can judge anything, I
should think him a subtle cunning man, though I had never heard so much
from the world. He is, they say, 44 years old, though, for my own part,
I guesse him not above 40, if so much. He was then in a Chiauses Cap,
but he hath severall, as I have seen him many times in them. At all
audiences, from the G. Sr. himself to the Kaimacham of Stambol, we give
presents, viz., vests of cloth, silk, cloth of gold, silver, velvet,
etc., and in most places we receive vests from them, which are a peculiar
sort of garment, onely to be then put on by us, and the maisters of
state wear them upon peculiar occasions up and down the Court. They are
made like our sophisters’[315] gown, without a cape. The stuff is of
white silk, flower’d with great branches, sometimes half moones (and the
like), yellow or tawny, all with very great weales[316]; and, according
to the dignity of the persons, they are of cloth, of silver, or gold, or
with more or less gold and silver wrought in the silk. There were give
16 amongst us. I sold mine for 6½ dollrs. My Ld.’s was worth 25 or 30;
all the rest like mine, except the Treasurer’s, Secretary’s, and chief
Dragoman’s, which were worth about 8 dollars a piece. I am confident this
was a very antient custome, and is mean’d in scripture by changes of
rayment, etc. We were with the vizier about ½ houre in all; my Ld. was
with him in person not above ¼. After these little passes were over he
rose up (the waiters making the same acclamations), and bowing a little
to my Ld., past on, and we come out with my Ld. You must understand
at all audiences (except with the G. Sr. himself, as you shall hear
afterward) my Ld. is lead in and out by the Treasurer and Secretary: one
on the right, the other on the left. The Cancellier to the Company, and
one or two of the merchants, viz., Mr. Cook and Mr. Salter, were not
vested, which you may imagine was taken amisse. My Ld. would have talked
of keeping peace with Tripoli, Algiers, Tunis, etc., as likewise would
have desired to treat by proxy or in private, but it was not then thought
convenient.

_May 23rd._ The Resident (from the Emperor) of Germany visited my
Lord.[317] There had been a little _pico_ taken. When Count Leshley[318]
came into town Embassador from the Emperor some time since, our
Embassador was then in town, and sent his secretary and court to meet
him. My Ld. expected that this resident should have done as much to him.
But he excused it, assuring my Ld. that he was that day with all his
court call’d about businesse before the Vizier, and so all disgust was
past over. His name is Giovanni Christophoro, and sometimes he wrote it
Chinsberg; a most ingenious, courteous person; and as wise and cunning a
statesman. I was most infinitely obliged for his civility, being often
with him, and alwayes treated like a prince. He is an excellent schollar;
mathematicks and history, and all manner of Antiquitys are his chief
delight. I shall have occasion to say more of him anon; yet I will not
omit one strange thing now. We had been informed here by a very worthy
gentleman that at _Tocay_ in Hungary the vine (which make the best wine
in the world, if you believe the Concil of Trent) very often bears
grapes with the _Acini_, or stones, of massy gold. I, standing by my
Ld., and by chance hearing him mention the wine of this place, desir’d
my Ld. to mention this story to him, and I assure you he confirmed it
to be very true, but in a more modest way then we had heard it recounted
before: to wit, that the wine was very heavy, and sometimes here and
there will certainly be found in the grapes a stone of pure gold, as he
himself was presented with two or three such grapes; for it seemes they
can know which are such grapes before they break them. Discoursing the
point, he defended the possibility of it, asking how pearles sometimes
are found in oysters, or little chalk stones in gouty men’s hands, etc.
My Ld. return’d his visit two dayes after, and there remain’d a good
correspondency betwixt them ever after.

_May 25th._ We went to see the cavalcade made in honour of the young
prince _Mustapha_[319] before his circumcision. You must understand that
when any great man’s son is to be circumcised, a day or two before he
shall be cut he is caryed upon a horse up and down the town in triumph,
richly clad, but accompanied with severall other poor youths or children,
but finely drest, who count it an honour to be circumcised at such a
time. There goe a great multitude with them, singing, dancing, shouting,
and Turkish Musick playes all the way before him. This ceremony pay’d
this day to the young prince was of this nature, but performed in a
Royall manner; for all the Court of the G. Sigr. appeared, and we saw
much of the Glory of the Empire. All the great officers of State, as
likewise the Mustafaraca’s[320] (which are the _Lancie sperrate_, the
G. Signor’s life gard, for I was well acquainted with one who was a
Renegade) and other chief officers, had all _chiaus_ caps, as the Vizier
himself, etc. They were most excellently horsed, though now Amblers and
middle-sized horse are all in fashion. Most were in rich furre vests,
the outside cloth (it is a dishonor for great men to go without a furre
vest, though it be in the heat of summer); some the outside silk, satin,
velvet, cloth of gold and silver. The horse-trappings extream rich;
the buttock cloth embroyder’d with gold, silver, pearles, etc., at the
meanest wrought with silk; the saddles in like manner; the stirrups, many
of silver, some guilded; the bridles plated with gold, or silver and
bras; and many set with good stones and pearl, especially the peak on the
forehead, and at each ear, etc., this in general.

First come by severall companyes of Janizaryes, with their Cherbigées or
Colonells on foot. Then past the Vizier’s pages in a company distinct
and distant by themselves; all very proper, stout men, in crimson velvet
floured _Delaman’s_[321] (they are exactly like our cassocks), with
very large silver gilt embost girdles. Then follow’d severall companyes
of more Janizaryes, with the Chiaus of the Janizaryes on horseback in
the reer, who had a girdle all embroyder’d at least 1½ foot wide. After
them, as many more Janizaryes, with their Cherbigées on horse back.
Then as many more Janizaryes, with the Janizary Aga (a devilish severe
fellow, both in shew and in nature and practice) in the reer of them
on horseback. Then followed another company of the Janizaryes, with
the _Chiá_, (or you may call him) Lieutenant to the Agà, who is their
head. One thing is remarkable, that whereas our swordmen never goe in
companys thus but armed, as if they were ready to meet an enemy, here
the devil of sword, gun, or weapon, should you see. Some companyes of
the Janizaryes had each man a little switch or stick in his hand, the
rest nothing in the world about them; and in the whole cavalcade not
any armes in the world were ever seen, except a cimeter and pole axe,
which every horseman, let him be who he will (as I myself have had many
times), wear, the first fixt to his saddle under his left thigh, the
latter to the pummel over his right knee; and yet for all this security
there is no mutinying, no _embroglys_ or tumults, but the best government
in the world. Next come severall companyes of Armorers (Jebejées) in
green caps, edged with gold or silver, as their purses would beare;
(chesmejées) victuallers with red caps like Janizaryes, onely the flap
stands higher above the head piece. Then came severall Cadyes[322] and
Cadeleschiérs (men of the Law), with their _Naïps_ or Secretaryes, or
rather Scriveners. They were all in a sort of sophisters (or lawyer’s)
gown, without a cape, short sleeves, and of severall colours and stuffs,
richer or baser according to their ability, silk, satin, etc., all fur’d;
these are Cadyes, captains, or _divan_ habits.

Next followed the Vizier’s Guards in green vests and caps, which differ’d
much from what Consul Ricaut made them; their vest was closed together
with monstrous great buttons and tassels; they were at least 300 lusty
stout fellowes, all _Albaneses_. After them came more of his pages clad
like the first. Then follow’d he himself, the _Mufti_ and _Mosaïf_, or
great favorite; the Mufti in the midst, in a white cloth vest and ermine
furre; on his right hand the Vizier in a white satin sable furr’d vest;
on his left hand the _Mosaïf_ (or _Coologlan_), the favourite, in a green
sattin sable vest. Then were caryed by 40 _Naculs_, 20 on a side, which
are divices made upon a large pole in forme of a pyramid or cone (rather)
of wire, painted paper, beggars batten (such as we trim hobbyhorses[323]
withall), and flowrs and fruit of wax work, and painted paper, etc. At
every wedding and circumcision such toys as these are carryed before
the partyes concerned; but these were more large and costly. Then were
carryed by two more _naculs_ of incredible bignesse; it was the most
gaudy magnificent peice of (Hobbyhorsism) folly that ever I saw. It was
continued in quite another kind of frolick upon a large mast of a ship;
it was 27 yards long, and the lower part was 5 or 6 yards diameter; the
ornaments of it were much like this here described, onely between every
sphere were square cubes furnisht out with the same fancyes, especially
wax work. Now you will say: How could this colossus be moved? At the
bottom were eight or ten large bars of wood fastend parallell (as the
strings or bars of a sedane) and betweene these were harnest above 100
slaves; and before it (upon these bars) stood (or road) a master of a
galley, who menaged the Slaves, they resting and reering it up and down
at the noyse of his whistle. Now, for fear it should overset and topple
down, there were four long pikes of wood fasten’d about half way up,
and as many ropes came from the top, by which other slaves (taking hold
of the lower end) guided the top and kept it alwayes right up. To let
these walking timber-trees pass by the streets of the city many houses
were untiled, and some in part pul’d down. I went to view them whilst
they were making. They broke down a great stone wall of the publick
_Cháne_ in which they were made to let them out. The story of the walls
of Troy and their Hobby-horse is to it as Tom thumb[324] to Bevis of
Southampton.[325] I must here tell you a story. The Vizier sent an
expresse to the Bailo of Venice, commanding him to send for all the
actors of their operas to come with their scœnes, musick, etc., to grace
the G. Signor’s solemnityes. The Bailo excused himself, urging it was
impossible (besides of the inconveniences, etc.) to bring all that lumber
and trumpery by land and Sea in due time. The Chiaus (the messenger)
storm’d and swore: what was impossible for the G. Signor to do? _Walláh_
(by G.), my maister, if he will, can fetch your whole city hither just
as it stands there; streets, houses, churches, and all. The Bailo, with
much adoe, got of; but, ifaith, when I saw this moving wooden steeple so
easily menaged, I began to think the _Chiaus_ had some reason in him. The
little _naculs_ were afterwards set before the G. Signor’s tents: the two
great ones before the Queen-mother’s Kiosk (or sommer-house or Balcony),
all in the place of sports, of which more by and by. After these _Naculs_
were past, came young prince Mustapha, surrounded on every side before
and behind, with a brave troop of _Cherbigee_ (Collonels), all on foot,
in their caps and feathers. The prince himself was mounted upon a lovely
beast, which was, in a manner, nothing but jewels, pearls, gold, and
silver from head to tayle, and led by two mighty, lusty Cherbigées richly
clad, on each side one; two more in like manner went fanning him all the
way and shadowing him (for it was about ten o’clock, and a most excessive
hot day). They have large fans made here on purpose for great personages
of bustards’ feathers, contrived from 1½ to 2 or 3 foot wide. Whether it
was by chance or on purpose, I know not, but he made a stand just before
us, where I view’d him wel (as I have done oftentimes since), being
within 3 yards of him at most, now I was about 5 yards distance. He is
in generall an ugly, il-favour’d (and I guesse very ill-natured) chit;
he hath a perfect Russe face (as I have seen enough to be some competent
judge) as may be; he hath a beetle brow, a short, flat, saddled nose,
with a little cop[326] at the end; a roundish flat face, low forehead;
eyes and eyebrowes fair, the latter inclining to a sandy colour; his
eares very large, as much as can be seen; his hands (as all Turkes are
brutish and carelesse of them) tan’d and swarthy. His mother is a Russe,
and his father of a Russe extraction. He had a plain Turbant on, like a
common Turk, and a black single feather on the left side, at the bottom
of which was a diamond of about 40 (or, as they say, 43) _carats_, sent
home from the K. of Persia of old to a young prince of this Empire. He
had likewise two others, very large, on each side his vest, to clasp it
before, and instead of buttons were large pearls set al down the edge.
His Delamon under his vest was cover’d all before (instead of buttons
and loops) with broaches of rubyes and Emeralds; his vest was a white
cloth of silver sables; his delamon purple cloth of gold. He road to his
father’s tent; there he was received with a kisse, and sat down by him.
After the young p. and his attendance follow’d his Musick, Ten Pipers,
6 Drumes, 4 trumpets, 2 kettle-drumes, and 4 tamburs (or tympanums),
like sives cover’d with parchment at bottome; all these were mounted on
camels. The streets were lined with women on one side and men on the
other. The women of quality came coached, and the chief had stands, or
shops, or chambers, on purpose provided. All were vailed, yet I took
notice of many delicate persons that would now and then be peeping, and
some slipt down their vail very farre, which is accounted (if observ’d by
the rest) a great peice of impudence. The streets were continually kept
swept by broom men that waited on purpose; and they were every foot and
anon between company and company refresht with water, which _Sackals_
(budget men[327]) brought and sprinkled on purpose. Amongst so many
people it was most wonderfull to see order and strange silence, not the
least rudenesse in boyes or men; yet, to keep the crowd of people of and
in good order, there are men on purpose in all these public meetings
appointed, cal’d _Tooloonjés_, from skins of sheep (cal’d Tooloons)
blown up full of wind, and all dawb with oil and tar, and in leather
jackets besmeared in like manner. The Turkes (who are very spruce and
chary of their fine vests) run from these people as from the Divel, who
upon occasion will strike them with their _tooloones_, which will break
no bones, but onely daub them; they have leather caps with bells all
down the side. There were about 200 of these Raga-muffins, and their two
Bashas, or capes (heads), on horse back commanding them. In the furniture
and ornaments of men and horse that day Diamonds, rubyes, emeralds, gold,
silver, embroyder’d work, etc., were common things. The slaves employ’d
in the _Naculs_ before said had all their liberty. This day was the 11th
of their moon _Rebiul Evíl_[328] (or the first Evil), the next being
_Rebiul acker_. One thing I will here conclude this paragraph withall.
You can imagine what strange prodigious civility all Franks (as they call
us) found everywhere at these festivals. I have been twenty times myself
caryed in to see the sights, when all Turkes have been huncht[329] away.
They took the greatest pride that we should see and (at least seem to)
admire everything. I have been many times very, very near the G. Signor
himself (sometimes ½ an hour together, as long as I pleased), with my
hat and in my hair, both which they hate as the Divel; and have return’d
quite through the City (once or twice al alone) in the midst of the great
multitude of Turkes, and yet I assure you I never met the least affront
in the world, but rather extraordinary kindnesse, as shall be hinted
particularly afterwards; and amongst these vast multitudes all are as
husht and orderly as we are at a sermon. I could not possibly believe it
till I found it alwayes so, and from me you may believe this wonder.

_May 27th_, and the 13th of their Moon, is Mahomet’s birth day, which
they solemnly kept, for they have severall holy dayes as well as we,
besides _Biráms_, etc. This day the G. Signor went to Sultan Selim’s
Mosch (which is the chief Mosch here); we went to see him go by. There
was no great state or train; most of the great men came scattering. The
Vizier came riding by himself, with about 20 or 30 of his pages before
him in crimson velvet (as before is described), on foot before him, and
about 8 persons on horseback about him; to wit, his _Kihiá_ (or deputy
or steward properly), his _Agá_, or chief Governor of his household,
etc. The Vizier[330] was very plain, his vest green cloth, with ermin’s
furre, and, a distance being kept between his pages before and his
attendants behind, he rode alone in the middle. About an hour after (it
was near 11 o’clock) came riding in front about 10 _Bostanjés_ to se the
street clear’d and water’d, as before is said; they speedily rode back
again and joyn’d with their company, who made up about 50 in all. After
them follow’d the G. Signor’s pages on each side the way, in cloth of
gold, dark sky-colour’d _delamons_, with broad embroyder’d girdles, and
every one a _jint_ (or small javelin) in his hand of black ebony inlaid
with mother of pearl; all were on foot in two files, about 60 in all.
Immediately followed the G. Signor himself, very plain, in an ordinary
_sarick_, or _shash_ (_his Tiara_), and purple _cáook_ (his scul-cap,
about which his shash is wound). His vest was very plain likewise, onely
two good large stones were set in brocades to clasp it above before;
the two tips at the bottom before were born up by two footmen, and his
garments underneath were very ordinary as might be. I have seen him many,
many times (as is said before); but take this little description of him
once for all. He is a very swarthy man, his face shining, and pretty full
eye, black and sparkling; his nose something long, and beetled[331] at
the end, a full, roundish high forehead, a severe brow, his beard black,
very thin, and not very long. The Vizier’s beard is much thicker, but
they say he does not wear it longer than the G. Signor’s; his hand big,
but very rude, _alla Turchesa_; the upper part of his face something
resemble Mahomet the 1st in _Knowles_.[332] He hath a great deal of
Majesty in his countenance, and terror, too, when he please to put it on.
He hath been very lean and sickly (3 or 4 yeares since), but now he is
exceedingly plump and hearty. I have been certainly informed by _Grerách
basha_ (a Renegado, and his cheif Chirurgion, who circumcised the
young prince, as by and by you shall hear more), with whome I was well
acquainted, that the onely Physick (in a manner) which he used was Issues
(whereof he hath had 8, nay 10, at a time upon him) (they are much used
by all people here, especially in the Plague) and exercise, especially
hunting,[333] which he followes still most extravagantly, many times
going out two or three houres before day, and it may be not returning
till as late at night; sometimes (as this last winter) summoning in all
the _Villánes_ in 20 mile compasse to drive a whole wood or forest before
them. They tell a good story of him (but I have also heard it of one of
his ancestors), that many of the poor _Villánes_ dying once for hunger
and cold, the _Bostanjé Basha_, or some other officer, caused 8 or 10
of their bodyes to be laid in the way where the G. Signor was to passe.
The G. S. seeing them, askt what they were; the officer told him Poor
Villánes starved and perisht in his service, adding what pitty it was,
etc. The G. S. immediately swore they were all rotten, and he would hang
him for providing noe sound men, so his pitty had like to have cost him
his head. Pardon this digression: now we return to the story.

Just after the G. Signor followed the young P. Mustapha, very plain
likewise, with two servants on horseback attending, on each side one;
after followed several Bashaes and other great men, all in plain clothes.
There was a Sermon there, and prayers (as is usual); and after 2½ houres
all returned. The young prince with his father went to the Seraglio,
and about Kindí (the 9th houre in the Turkish account of the day), he
was circumcised by the Chirurgion above said (whose new Turkish name
is _Onufé_), who had for his paines 10,000 zechines (about 6,200 lb.
sterling), as he boasted to me; but I am confident it was much lesse.
It was presented him from the Q. mother in a large silver bason. He
was an Italian, ignorant enough, but bold and ingenious. As at other
circumcisions (as is before hinted), many accompany the great man’s son,
and take it as an honour, so here were severall 1,000es circumcised at
this feast; an account see afterwards amongst the generall notions. I now
will begin with the festivalls in honour of the circumcision, which began
May 15th, they counting it the first day of the moon (from the _Phases_),
whereas to us the day before was our new moon, which they reckoned the
29th, but in reality was the 28th, on which night the rising in a little
thin cloud appear’d bigger then ordinary, and gave them the greatest
pleasure and occasion of rejoicing that could be.

After these solemnityes were past, in the beginning of the next moone
(June the 14th) began the solemnityes of the Mariage of the Mosaifs (the
bridegroomes) house, of which in good order. First, then, you must know
that going into the Seraglio here there are two buildings which meet
at the great gate almost at right angles, before which lyes a delicate
plain, wherein they had pitch’t these Tents so in a rank as to make up
a third side, and inclose between the two former walls and the tents a
large quadrangle, which they left open on the 4th side for people to
come and be spectators. Here every night come the G. Signor and the
Prince, the Sultana and ladyes, and all the court to their proper places
to see the sights. The company never come together till about 2 o’clock
after dinner; for, setting up and spending all the night in revellings,
the forenoon went to recruit them in sleep. About Kindí (which is the
9th hour) were brought presents to the G. Sr. dayly; for all great men
throughout his whole empire were compel’d to present him and the sultana:
and many about the Court not giving so liberally as was expected, were
forced to second presents; some were _manzoold_ (turn’d out) for their
niggardlinesse. It is commonly reported that the cost of all these
sports, etc., come to 12,000 purses of money, whereas his presents come
to at least 32,000 purses, each purse being 500 doll.; so he gain’d
20,000 purses, or 10,000,000 dollars, which, at 4_s._ 6_d._ the dollar,
makes 2,250,000 lb. sterling. These presents were carried by publickly
to the G. Sr. tent, and there the chief of those that brought them were
vested by the G. Sr., as is said in our audience with the Vizier. When
these presents did not come by there was continuall dancing or variety of
sports, either before the G. Sr., Vizier, Sultana, etc., some or other,
all the afternoon, of which by and by more particularly. About a full
hour before sunset (sometimes sooner) were brought into the ring every
day many, many young lads to be circumcised in honour of the G. Prince,
or, rather, the honour was their own in being his companions; and every
one has a pension as long as he lives of a certain number of aspers (I
heard 3 named, but that is too little) per diem, and are call’d the
Prince’s pensioners. This circumcision last 13 dayes, till the P. was
cut. That night the G. Sr. and Sultana stay’d within to comfort him, yet
we had the old sports before the G. Viz. and Testerdare,[334] etc. At the
time abovesaid all the persons to be cut that day were brought round the
ring, singing a Turkish song, being onely some words of the Al Koran,
and rejoycing with musick and clapping of their hands; then they were
brought to the tent, where they were cut publickly. I saw many 100es of
them (there being about 2,000 in all the 13 nights) cut, and the Turkes
would be so farre from hindring your seing, as they would make way for
you. There were many of riper yeares, especially renegades that turn’d
Turks. I saw an old man which they reported to be 53 yeares old, cut.
The common way there of turning was (as I saw severall) to go before the
G. Sr. and Vizier, and throw down their cap, or hold up their right hand
or forefinger; then they were immediately led away by an officer (who
stands by on purpose), and cut with the rest. I saw a Russe of about 20
yeares old, who, after he had been before the Vizier, came to the tent
skipping and rejoicing excessively; yet, in cutting he frowned (as many
of riper ages doe). One night we met a young lad, who askt us the way to
the Vizier. Being a country boy, we askt him what he would with him. He
told us his brother turn’d Turk, and he would goe find him, and be cut,
too; and two dayes after he was as good as his word. It is very dangerous
meddling in these cases here. There were at least 200 proselytes made
in these 13 days. It is our shame, for I believe all Europe have not
gained so many Turkes to us these 200 yeares; for, though the Ch. of Rome
boast their Emissaryes here (as, indeed, there are many, many), Jesuits,
Dominicans, Franciscans, yet, believe me, they have other designes than
converting of Turkes.

       *       *       *       *       *

There was constantly a Mezin[335] (or cryer, or steeple man), which
call’d to prayers from behind the G. Sr.’s tent, as I thought, out of the
Seraglio. Besides those who call to prayers upon every steeple, every
great man (as the Kaimachan Bostangebasha, etc., at Stamboul) has his
Mezin, and by consequence the G. Sr. must have his. Then, indeed, it was
wonderfull to see with what reverence, uniformity, and most admirable
devotion all (especially the men of note) betook themselves to their
prayers in publick; the chief men in their stands and tents, the others
(everywhere round the ring), 20 or 30, or more or lesse, in companys
abroad upon carpets or the bare ground. We were permitted to stand
by without the least disturbance. I had seen their manner before, and
have all their prayers (which are in Arab) by me. Sometimes they stand,
sometimes kneel, oftentimes bowing their head to the very ground and
kissing it. I was once within 5 yards of the G. Sr. all the time.

There is in all _Mosches_, and in most great men’s houses, and was here
likewise in the G. Sr.’s and others tents, a _Imaun_ (Imam), or learned
man (for they have no such thing as orders or distinction between clergy
and laity), who did _praise_, or rather speak out the prayers, the
rest keeping a profound silence and imitating him in their bowings and
postures. I should heartily have commended their piety, had I not seen
in the very same place all the roguery and beastliness, and the like,
acted there publickly with the applause and approbation of the chief men
amongst them as well as the rabble: as shall be by and bye recounted.
Devotion being ended, which never lasted above ¼ of an hour, imediately
strike up the _Capagasi’s_ musick (the head of the white Eunuches), and
the Capigé basha’s musick.

The G. Sr., Vizier, Kaimachans, etc., musick is all alike. 1st, there are
trumpets, which come in onely now and then to squeel out a loud note or
two, but never play a whole tune. 2d, pipers—their pipe is much the same
with our trebble shaurne[336] or Hoóboy; these play continually without
any pause. 3d, great drums, but not bract[337] as oures, nor corded at
the bottom; they beat them at both ends, the top with the right hand with
a great stick at every long or leading note, the bottom with a little in
their left hand at every small or passing note; these have their pauses
often. 4thly, little kettle or dish drums (for they have both) dissonant
one to the other, for they are in paires; these rest sometime likewise.
5thly, they have 2 brasse platters about foot wide, which they hang loose
in their hands, and clatter them one against the other.

I am very inclinable to believe all this Musick old, and mention’d in
Scripture. These last either were the cymbals mention’d in Chron. 15,
19. At the sounding of the Musick above 200 Mestejés (or firemen) came
from the G. Sr.’s stables (which were hard by) into the Ring, bearing
their Beacons upon their shouldjers, and singing all the way a prayer for
the G. Sr. in such a dismal tone, which, with the noyse of the musick
before named, and all the lights and fires, and the black _Tooloonjés_
muving up and down, gave me the perfectest representation of Hell that
ever I yet saw upon earth; yet the Turkes count it a heavenly thing. I
do verily believe our custome of pulling of our hat, and bidding good
evening at lighting up, or bringing in of the first lights or candles
(as like wise all Greekes, Jewes, Armenians, and the Italians here give
the _buona sera_ at the first light), was a very antient custome all
over the East, and this prayer of the Mestejés is nothing else. They
set their lights round the ring and tend them with fuell. Those before
the Sultana, G. Sr., Vizier, etc., wer 6 or 8 branches upon the same
stalk; the others were single. This shewes you something to conceive the
double ones by. There were about 200 _Tooloonjés_ to keep of the rabble,
continually waiting; and though they suffer’d no Turke to go in, yet we
could passe and repasse without the least difficulty imaginable. All the
lights placed and orderd, besides the light of the moon assisting, the
sports and dances begin afresh, which continued commonly till midnight;
sometimes much longer, seldome lesse.

On May the 21st was nothing to doe, for just about sun set was such a
terrible _Burasca_ of wind, thunder, lightning, rain, and hail (very
great) mixt together, as almost blew down their tents, beat out all their
lamps, and spoil’d all their machines, and the sand, which is round
the city in many beds before the rain, was roused in such a prodigious
manner, as being that night on horseback I could not see his head; it was
a perfect Ægyptian mist of dust. The G. Sr., Vizier, and all the company
were forced to retire for that night.

After these dances and sports were over, about midnight (as is said),
began very excellent fireworks of all sorts, which continued till towards
morning, and then all retired to their repose. Now for the dances and
sports. You must understand that from all parts of the Empire were
summon’d all (his subjects), Jewes, Greekes, Arabs, Armenians, Turkes,
etc., that were any wayes excellent for any sports or entertainments of
delight, and truly I do not believe these Eastern Countryes can afford
any thing more in that kind then what I have seen here. First, your
dancers were for the most part young youths, very handsome generally;
most Greekes, yet some more Turkes, Armenians, and a few Jewes.

The best were clothed very rich, either cloth of gold, silver, or rich
silk. They had on a _just a corp_, as we say, coming to mid thigh, close
button’d at the hands, and girt about them with rich girdles as their
purse and fancy led them; under it (over the rest of their cloth’s)
they had a petticoat, which was very large, and hang’d very full, down
to their ankles; this was very rich, and of some pretty light merry
colour. These clothes were given them by the G. Sr., or Sultana. Their
heads are not shaven quite close, but very lovely locks are left round,
which at other times they wear up close, and are unseen; but now they
let them down, and set them out to best advantage, sometimes disshevel’d
all about their shoulders, sometimes braided and hanging at their back.
They commonly wore over their hair a plain cap of silk (small, or scull
fashion’d) or (which is more gentele) a fur’d sort of cap, cal’d here
a _culpáck_. There was a delicate lovely boy, of about 10 yeares old,
had as comely head of hair, long as most women. With him danc’t a lusty
handsome man (about 25), both Turkes. They acceded all the roguish
lascivious postures conceivable with that strange ingenuity of silent
ribaldry, as I protest I believe Sardanapalus and all the effeminate
courts of the East never came near them. They pleased so extremely that
there was scarce a night but they acted in some place or other. I saw
them severall times before the Sultana doe as much as anywhere else. The
rest danc’t 4, 6, sometimes 8 in a company. It consists most in wriggling
the body (a confounded wanton posture, and speakes as much of the Eastern
treachery as dumb signs can), slipping their steps round gently; setting
and turning. Never is their arming, or any figure, or handing; yet one
night before the Sultana they danc’t in hats and perukes, and Frank
habit, but could not imitate us in anything. I never saw them a second
time, which makes me believe they did not please. They allwayes come
before the person (where they dance) running (as all other that have
occasion to passe and re-passe, unlesse in the bringing of presents or
the like solemnity); then they fall either into a semicircle or whole
round, and so continue falling out of one tune and humour into another,
till at last, with a merry wherry of their musick, they turn round (as
the Dervises) a long time, and so stopping they bow, and away they run
to their musick, which are alwayes hard by. These differ from the other
Musicianers, and may be cal’d the private musick, being commonly Pans
pipe of 20, 25, 30, (at most) 32 reeds, placed in order, lesse and
shorter each than another as the notes rise. I have heard it plai’d on
three or four times since I came into Turkey, and fancy it certainly
to be the most enravishing tone in nature; yet the notes are fixt, and
cannot be alter’d flat and sharp _ad libitum_, and therefore cannot be
brought into the canon of musick to play anything that is appropriated
to some peculiar lessons. 2d, a little pittifull instrument with three
wire strings, which every fellow thrums ordinarily about the street. I
take it to be the _Pandura_ of the antients.[338] 3rdly, Turkish and Arab
lutes of 5, 8, sometimes but 4, double strings, with a little neck a yard
(the least), sometimes more, long. They have severall sorts of them—all
not worth a lowse. 4, a sort of Dulcimer with gut strings, touch’t with
both hands, as the Harp, onely this lyes flat and Horizontall. The Jewes
have a kind of fiddle of 4 guts, tuned like a violin, but (that you may
know the excellency of it) the back and sides are commonly made of the
bottome of a gourd, the belly of a dryed film, or skin _hornifyed_[339];
the neck is of a piece of broom stick. Lastly, to crown the Consort, you
have every where a _Tambúr_, of which something is said above, is well
known in Italy. These minstrells set all down crosse leg at a convenient
distance on the one side of the persons before whome they plaid. The
dancers have in each hand two peices of Ebony, 3 or 4 inches long, which
they knock and charre together in time to the musick. I fancy they
are every whit as good as our castenettas. They call them in Turkish
_chalparéh_, in Greek παιξάρι. Next there were many actors of little
playes or interludes; all in the most beastly brutish language possible,
as I was sufficiently informed by my companions, and there actions fully
confirmed it. The actors of men were Armenians and Turkes that came
from the borders of Persia, and several times acted certain conceits in
Persian habit, which was very becoming, being far more rich and gaudy
then the Turkes wear. They often mix, as is said, severall sorts of
beasts in their gambals, and in every play alwayes enter’d in a large
Dear (like our hobby horses), whome they call’d _Hóo_, which is a name of
God; but there it stood for a Robin good fellow, or hobgoblin, pulling
them, and biting them, and playing a 1,000 freakes. In sume, the best of
them did not exceed our ordinary Christmasse gambals.

There was one acted there very often not much unlike _the old man with 7
Sons, so good, so good_. They acted two drunken men, two young whores,
and an old baud, and a gallant, and a souldjer; a cuckold and his three
wives; wherein all the tricks and wayes of making love here in Turkey,
and the extreame jealously and severity of these people were excellently
well expresst. They acted a horse courser, a barbier, a butcher, and
several such conceits. In Persian habit, with every one his plume of
feathers in his _Turbant_, they acted an humour which pleased mightily.
They begin in a ring, and what the cheif does all the rest are to
imitate, or run the gantlet. If he turnes to the right, left, forward,
or round, sculk down, start up, etc., they immediately do the like. Such
pour pastorals we had in great variety, and they passe here for greater
ingenuity than your playes can doe in England. Their tiring place is
alwayes behind the Musick a convenient distance, from which and to which
they alwayes passe and re-passe running, as before is said of the dancers.

Next I must recount the Maisters of activity. First there was a
_bastanjé_, a middle-sized squad fellow, who shew a vast strength in
tossing about weights. Upon sticks or steales,[340] about 4 foot long,
were fasten’d at the end round stones, each weighing from 26 pound to
50 pound a piece. Beginning with the least first, he would take in each
hand one, and swing them about his head, under his armes, behind his
back, over his shoulders, many strange wayes with the greatest dexterity
and agility imaginable; then setting down them, he would take the two
next, and so change on till he come to the last, which (as is said)
weighed at least 50 pound apeice; yet he would tosse them about with
ease, even to admiration. Some of these he would hold steady and strong
at his armes end. Having laid them by, he began with single ones of like
fabrick, but weighing from 60 lb. to 120 lb. a peice, being equall to
our hundred weight. Fastning the steel or handle to his wrist with a
leather thong, he managed all the smaller first in like manner with one
hand, still rising till he came to the greatest, which to my amazement he
tost about likewise. He had others with a vast piece of iron at the end
loose, so as lifting up the steal it would slip to the handle; thence he
would throw it out to the end again with a great slap or crack. These he
first managed likewise double, then single; but they were not so heavy;
the biggest of these weigh’d not above 50 or 90 lb. at most. Lastly, he
had a round stone weighing a Kintal[341] and half, just our hundred and
half, fixt or hang’d to two steales with two short chaines; this would
he tosse about at a strange rate, swinging it behind his back, his head
being between the sticks and his armes. His right arme was alwayes braced
with a fillet very hard and close above the elbow. There are many of
these stone balls (or shot) with Iron steales or handles in many places
here hanged up, at which I have many times wonder’d, the Turkes telling
ridiculous fables concerning them. There are two by the great _Bagno_ in
_Scutary_, and severall hang’d up over severall gates in Stambol with
Turkish writing ingraved upon them, yet none of them exceeded (if they
any wayes can equall) these which this fellow plaid withall.

I made an exact enquiry since I came home, and understand that these here
at Stambol have been in like manner menaged,[342] and the writings speak
by whome and before whome it was done, as particularly one of them over
Adrianople gate (in Stambol) was menaged just before Mahomet 3d, who took
the City, and being infinitely pleased with the strength and activity
of the man (whome report made a Bulgarian), he rewarded the man well,
and caused the stone ball with the Iron in it to be chain’d up there in
memory of him. Some of these in Stambol have a crosse peice of Iron at
top, which make me inclinable to believe that the Greek Emperors had this
sport before, and the Turkes learn’d it from them. There were vaulters
there good store; but, indeed, I think we out doe them all.

This Bustanjé would do prettily well. I see him stand upon the edge
of two Cimeters (each foot upon one) barefoot, and swing about one of
his greater single stones without the least harme. There was an Arab
likewise would lay his bare back upon one, and at the same time a great,
lusty man stood on his belly, as likewise he would heave on 2 or 3 vast
great stones by the help of a pulley, and yet his back never was hurt.
I confesse to read this story in Busbequius made me amazed (as this may
you); but when I saw the height of it, I counted it a poor thing; for by
his buttocks, and his head, neck, and shoulders, he bore up his belly so
as the cimiter lay under the hollow of his back, and a strong man may
easily bear a vast weight in that posture. The same man took the Cimiter
with his hands at each end, and, laying the edge to his bare belly, moved
it very hard from right to left without any harme, onely making a little
red line where the edge past. He would fasten a pulley to a gibbet, and
through ran a rope, fastend at one end to a ring, to which all his hair
was tyed at the crown of his head; the other end was in his hand, by
which he would pull himself up a great height. Sometimes he did it with
another man at his back; once with an Asse fastend to his shoulder; once
with a young camel. I have made some conjectures upon it, but I will
not anticipate your mechanicks about this φαινόμενον, onely tell you it
seems a pretty one. He took a great pole, about 3 yards long and ½ foot
thick, but broader at each end, and setting one end upon the teeth of
his lower jaw, he danct with it in this posture upright without touching
it, but clapping his hands to his musick, by then he put another frame
upon it with 8 or 10 branches (or he could adde more) upon it by a hole
that was in the top. Upon every stanza he would set a cup of water; then
raysing it, he would dance with all these in like manner without spilling
one drop. Then by a stick, which he would put into the same hole, he set
a little boy crosse-leg’d upon it, and danct with him in like manner.
Lastly, he would set a great pitcher of water up on the upper end, and
dance with it; then all of a sudden, with great force, he would strike
away the end at his mouth from him, and catch the pitcher in his armes.
We saw most of these tricks upon the road acted by him, and all again
repeated in the Ring.

Some yeares since there was an Arab at Smyrna did all these tricks much
more dexterously; instead of a pitcher of water, he would lay a little
child flat on its back upon the upper end, and bidding it shut its eyes,
would dance with it a little while, and at last, striking away the pole,
would catch it in his armes safely. He likewise would place a _handjar_,
or Turkish dagger, ¾ foot long, upon the ground, with the poynt upwards;
he layes himself on his back with his head close to it, then raysing up
his heeles, and his body poysed, his body upon his head and neck, and
then with a jerk would turne himself quite to the other side the dagger
without the least harme. This fellow did the like, but more bunglingly.
The Smyrna man would likewise place three swords with their points
upwards, and upon them a little piece of dirt or such a thing; then
fetching a run, he would passe them on the ayre, striking of the pieces
of dirt, and with the fourth step come to the ground. This logger-head
did not doe it, though he said he could.

Jugglers were many likewise, but the generality were loggerheads to what
we have in England. There was one, an Arab, so ill-looking a fellow as
you would have sworne that he was elder brother to the Divel himself. His
face exceeding black and shriveled much (for he was old), blear-eyed,
his head bald and shined like soot, being well baked in the sun; he had
short, crisp’d hair, black and massy (like a black moor) round about
like the Corona of the fryars; and he was accordingly clad just like a
Dominican in a white serge vest or gown closed before, with open sleeves
covered with another black one like it in all things, excepting that it
was not closed before.

The common people here are the most superstitious, credulous, fabulous
creatures alive. I speak of all Turkes, Greekes, etc., and this man by
his lookes, and garb, and tricks had so imposed upon them as severall
had represented him to me as if he had been one of the old Magicians in
Ægypt risen from Gehenna. I was big with desire and expectation of seeing
him, for he seldome (as the best of his jibes being common) shew’d his
tricks publickly. At last I laid out for him, and he was brought to my
Ld. He shew’d little then, but I saw all he could do afterwards, which
truely was not much, and being so old, he slubber’d[343] his businesses
over so as I could discover all he did. He had 5 or six snakes tam’d,
which were kept under the white frock, and with these he would make good
sport. He would pull one from your buttons, nose, bosome, etc., and
taking any thing of the standers by, as knives, handkerchiefs, bals,
etc.; going to returne them, he would drop you a snake. Now, no people
in the world being more fearfull of such things then these, he past
for such a miracle-monger amongst them as I fear they of Ægypt were
little better, especially considering how highly his conceits might be
improved; for here are dayly snakes carryed up and down, tamed, of all
sizes almost, and I did not question amongst the vulgar even in England
to make thousands of them believe I could turn almost anything into them
by sleight of hand, with a little thought and practice. By help of his
under frock (closed before, and with wide sleeves), with his left hand
he could give and take anything from his right hand unseen; by which he
made many pretty conveighances, though none very fine. Had you heard the
relations of the people (some understanding men), you would not wonder
at my relation to you. One came and swore to me that he pul’d a snake
a yard long out of his nose; another that he put a little small ball
under a cup, and it was turn’d into a serpent; another gave him a cup of
wine, and he drank and return’d the cup, and going to fill one more for
himself, swore there leapt out a great snake, etc. I got so much liberty
as to see all his contrivances under his frock, which are too tedious to
be repeated.

I saw another which thrust a Iron (which I had in my hand all the time,
and it was really done) about 10 inches (at the least) long in to his
nose, up to the hilt, and may easily be done with a little practice by
anybody. Many more such tricks I have to communicate to you when we meet.

There was wrastling every day, according to the old way, which is yet
peremptorily retain’d. They are naked, all but a short pair of drawers
put over their middle. There is nothing of play, but onely meer strength
required. Nothing is accounted of unless the vanquished person be laid
flat on his back, and therefore they fall worrying and tumbling on the
ground perhaps 1½ hour till one be rowled on his back. Many come in
oyl’d all over, that no man’s hand could hold fast any part of them, and
therefore the wrist, or ham, or ancle, if they can be grasped, are the
onely places of laying good hold. It is well pictur’d in a late author
(Potinus), treating of medals, but it is nasty sport at best.

About mid-night, as is said, all the dances and other sports being over,
began the fireworks, which, indeed, very much delighted me. The chief
contrivers were two (a Venetian and Dutch) Renegadoes, there being
appointed all materials in a large Cháne, and at least 200 stones to
beat and prepare their compositions. First there were several figures of
monstrous giants, many-headed and deformed. They were hollow’d and framed
with little hoopes, and paper’d over. These were hang’d all over with
crackers, serpents, sausissons,[344] etc., and after these were fired
(which alwayes was done with excellent time), out of their heads, and
Eyes, nose, eares, flew severall rockets, and, last, out of their mouths
gushed streams of fire. Some had charges in their hands, which fired in
the last place, and the armes being continued loose, swung them about
very dexterously. Severall of these machines were contrived to turn upon
the pole or spindle on which they hung, and were caryed round by a blind
rocket attacht to the hem of their garments, for you saw no legs—nothing
but a long coat cover’d their lower part. What was burnt of the frame was
infallibly repair’d by next night.

Next there were Pyramids (slightly framed, all to be caryed and recarryed
dayly, which was done by Slaves) of at least 10 or 12 yards high, hang’d
in like manner with fireworks all over, and after they fired, remain’d
upon the sides little cotton stoups[345] innumerable, which, being
prepared with a composition of camphore, etc., burnt a full quarter of
an hour after the others were past, like so many pure white flames or
tapers, in due rank and file from bottom to top. At last, from the top,
flew a volley of rockets, crackers, and other wild fire altogether, with
very wonderfull delight.

There were contrived severall trees (as I may call them), or stands
branched and hollowed, and filled with a nimble composition which
gave fire from bottom to top to severall canes attach’t to the sides
(at holes on purpose) and charg’d variously with all manner of fire
workes. Coming into the branches were discharg’d severall hundred of
them together. There were severall large paste boarded castles, charged
within and without with the like workes, which discharg’d in like manner.
There was a high, large fountain, which, when it had discharg’d all his
fire-workes, left four double rowes (at convenient distance) of pipes,
which cast out streames and drops of fire in exact resemblance of the
naturall fountaines of water; and, at the top, four large pipes, and, in
the middle of them, a fift, very big, all which cast streames of fire
(which was whiten’d with Camphora) upward. It dured a long time, and
ended with a volley of rockets, discharged all at once into the ayre.
There was a round fountain, contrived to move upon the pin or staff
(on which the whole machine hang’d), in 4 or 5 peices, which, by blind
rockets attacht to them, moved contrary wayes, though at a distance they
all seemed to move the same way, the angles in the eye being the same. In
all things else it was like the former fountain.

There was (May 28th) a very large castle brought forth, intended
to represent the castle at Candia. After an infinite of fireworkes
discharg’d from it, and God knowes how many guns fired from within (by
men on purpose, who withdrew afterwards at a port hole), it took fire
at last (designedly) in so admirable a manner as no naturall fire could
seem more reall. The combustible matter was made with so exquisite a
composition, and the ribs so well contrived, as though the flame burst
out in many places about the bottom of the roof; yet the top took fire in
due time and burnt with the body, and dropt down first peice by peice.
Then the sides began to let the fire break out through them, and by
little and little the top parts of them fell down first, and then the
wals wasted in order, till all was dropt down in one heap of fire. All
this was done with that leisure, as it lasted at least an hour, and made
the goodlyest bonefire that ever I saw.

There was severall men with hobby horses about them, and other figures,
cover’d all over in like manner with fireworkes, which taking fire, ran
up and down and encounter’d one another bravely. There were great timbers
placed up like gallowes, and to one another were fasten’d ropes in such
a manner as upon them were hang’d little ships, galleyes, etc., able to
hold two or three men (but many, many made of paper, and the like stuff,
represented a whole ship’s crew), who managed the guns and fireworkes
within, contrived most dexterously; and with other ropes pulling these
vessels backwards and forwards, they represented a sea-fight very
naturally. One was betwixt Capt. Georgio’s ship (a famous _corsair_,
about 10 yeares since taken by them) and two galleyes. It was late every
night before this trade of fire was over, but then for an hour, some
times, it was a great deal more. The _Mestegées_ from all quarters of
the Ring, at their fires, fir’d severall thousands of rockets (especiall
28th of May, the last night but one, and the best), which certainly are
the best fireworkes to behold in Nature. Some of them discharg’d about 30
starres, and as many little camphire bals of pure white fire. There was a
sort (which I confesse I doe not understand well) which flew up all wayes
without any fuse, but onely one visible dull coal (as it were), till they
broke aloft and discharg’d their starres, and with a great report, as
many of the others likewise did. All these, when they were discharg’d,
were levell’d to fly over the people’s side; for at the festivalls at
the birth of this prince, a Jew (that made the fireworkes) shot one
large rocket towards the Kiosk, designing to have mounted it over, but
it chanced to fly right into the Kuzler agà’s[346] lap, and burnt up all
(if any little was left). The poor Jew was first drub’d 150 drubs on his
feet, but the black devil, the gelding, would not rest satisfied with
that, but got him cut of.

All these were shown the (28th May), but every other night we had enough,
though not such variety. There were several Iron charges much like the
chambers of _Pettarders_,[347] but farre bigger and longer. These were
fasten’d into the ground fill’d with a slow composition, which being
fir’d, cast up one continuall stream of fire (with dreadfull noyse)
at least 20 yards high into the Ayre. The first night I went to see
them on horseback, being caryed by an Italian Count (his name formerly
Bocareschi), now a _lancia sperrata_ to the G. Sr., with whome I had
the luck to be very well acquainted some yeares agoe. He was infinitely
civill to me (though a damned rogue all along, and I was alwayes aware of
him), yet I shall tell you of him more by and by. He caryed me (being on
horseback himself) between the G. Sr.’s and Vizier’s tents within 8 yards
of either of them (at severall times), without the least molestation
or difficulty. I was round with him in twenty companyes of Turkes, and
houses and places; but that is not now to be insisted on.

When the lights began, I and he went on the People’s side, where were
many more horsemen besides. My horse snorted and trembled, so I suspected
no good, yet I was resolved to stay and see all. Just as the fireworkes
began, he and many other horses by, ran mad, and rising up fell on his
hams, then, trembling, on his side, fairly layd along and run away as
if the Divel had drove him. I was getting up, but seeing many, many mad
Jades coming, I fell flat on my face, and committed the event to God.
His name be ever praised! for though I dare sware at least 100 horse and
people came over me, I got not the least harm imaginable in the world.

You must understand this Bocareschi was a very parasite as lived, an
excellent wit, and some little learning, the Latin toung perfectly;
but for his damned traiterous perfidious tricks, was kick’t out of all
publick ministers’ companyes. And for my own part I knew him well, but
caressed him onely to make my ends of him at this time; which I did, for
he had come and made a little interest here with my Ld. and Sir Tho.
Baines. We went for Adrianople, and there he come almost every day, and
eat and drank wine with us. Now he kept alwayes fair with me, for fear
I might doe him some discourtesy. I alwayes gave him good words, though
in good earnest every one else hated him. That you may see once for all
what a beast he was, he came and eat and drink at my Ld.’s Table with the
Plague upon him twice, and at last dyed of it, within 8 houres after he
went from us.

I was with the Ragusean Embassr. (as is said) several times to see the
sights. We alwayes had a cherbigee or two that look’t after us, and
would not suffer the greatest Turk whatever to molest us; but we sat on
a cushion with bolsters and cushions, very near the Vizier’s tent. Once
_Bocareschi_ had promis’d to shew Sr. Th. B. the sights (for my Lord
never saw anything). One night he came with some servants, and one or
two of the nation with him. _Bocareschi_ seing the Embassdr. of Ragusia
there placed (with whome I was at that time present), out of a pico (for
the Embassr. hated him to death, and had affronted him highly) brought in
Sr. Tho. B. and his company, and placed him just before us. The Embr. was
divilishly displeased at it, as likewise the Turkes that waited on him.
But _Bocareschi_, being a Metafaraca,[348] would not make any stirre,
but came and desir’d the Embr. and us to rise, and so removed us to a
better place, just under the G. Vizier’s tent, where we rested in spight
of him, till all was done. The Vizier wears severall caps (as is before
mention’d). Once I saw him at the sights in one which they tell me is
used in time of warre, but he soon chang’d it for a common one. As for
all sorts of rope dancers, here were the best in the world.

_June 10th._ The present of Cool-oglan (the _Mosaïf_ or favourite),
the bridegroome, was carryed by; we went to see it. First went by
severall companyes of janissaries with their cherbigées, then many more
with their chief officers. The jannisary _Aga_ in cloth of gold, the
_Chia beghi_[349] in green velvet, the _Janizary Effendi_ (or Lawyer),
secretary or clerk; the _Bashé chiaus_,[350] his cap little and short
feathers. Then severall companyes of spahées.[351] The sub-basha (or
chief constable) of the Suburbs of Adrianople. These were all in court
coates, like Chaucer’s taberd,[352] armelesse, yet little hanging sleeves
as the picture of the Virgin in C. Ricaut’s book, p. 43, fur’d within
and without, either cloth of silver, gold, satin, velvet, etc., all in
chiaus caps but the Effendi, whose cap was lawyer-like. At last came
30 mules handsomely trimm’d and furnisht, each loaden with two little
painted chests or boxes in which was gold and silver, as is reported
good store; next came in two rowes (on either side the street) one 112
persons on foot, in chiaus caps and well clad, bearing presents upon
their armes (some one, some 2, 3, or 4), distinctly wrapt up in linnen,
but every one was seen. They were peices for vests of cloth of gold,
silver, satin, velvet embroyder’d works, pearl’d work, etc.; then a
company of Janizaryes and Cherbigees on foot; after them were led by
foot stately horses, and a strawish-colour’d bay was in the last place,
as delicately limm’d, as I declare it, I never saw the like, with a
curious starre on her forehead, about 15 hand high, as we guest. These
were designed for the G. S. to dispose of as he pleased. After this
came two little _Náculs_, and then three or four artificial gardens,
about 3 yards square, with pretty knols and walkes, full of floures and
trees, with their fruits all of tolerable waxe work, with _Kioskes_ (or
summer-houses) in the middle, and severall birds and beasts placed here
and there amongst the plants and trees; two had artificiall fountaines in
them, which were supplied with the same water by an engine of clockwork
contained within them. All these were carryed by slings in the slaves’
hands, who were (as aforesaid) menaged by galley-whistles; then followed,
in two files on each side of the way, one 120 sugar-workes, borne on
frames by two slaves a peice, sedan wise, made from 2½ foot to a yard and
half high, some more or less as the fancy required. They were Ostridges,
Peacocks, swans, Pelicans, etc., Lyons, Beares, greyhoundes, dear,
horses, Elephants, Rams, Buffaloes, etc. (it is unlawfull to make the
figures of men); they were done brutishly and bunglingly. Then came a
new set of Janizaryes and Cherbigees, and after them a present of all
things necessary for a Turkish lady in her dressing-room; caryed open by
men well clad, in two files as before, viz., a paire of bootes (for here
all women do ordinarily wear such), a pair of _papoutches_[353] (sorts of
shoes), slippers, chioppines[354] (or pattens of wood): all these wrought
and cover’d with pearl of the bignesse of ordinary cherry-stones the
least, and intersperst with Diamonds and rubyes, etc. It was a brave time
for Jewellers; any trash, if it made but a fair show at a distance, was
vendible at good rates.

Next came a sable embroyder’d vest with 9 large button and loopes,
Persian fashion, al set with pearl, rubeyes, and a great diamond on
every button; the 2d button and loop, which serves for a clasp, had on
either side a very large table Diamond. Next followed severall round
looking-glasses with gold frames and cover (or door), and stydded with
pretious stones; then several mighty rich girdles of stones set in gold
and enamel; likewise several bracelets for the hands, answerable to them.
Here you must understand that even women must have girdles, bracelets,
and topases, or else they are no gentle women, as in England they are not
without a black bag; the bracelets are wrought of gold wire, sometimes
gold plate, from 1 to 4 or 5 inches wide, etc. There were two or three
gold chaines with large brooches of Diamonds (and the like); at the
end severall pair of earings, one amongst the rest of 2 Emeralds, pear
fashioned, very large, valued by the Greeke that sold them (and shew’d me
them before) at 5,000 zechines, or near upon 3,800 lb. sterling at 4_s._
6_d._ to the dollar. In a pretty christall glasse, with a little golden
open frame, was caryed hanging a plain gold ring, with a rose diamond of
11½ carats. Severall cabinets and dressing-boxes adorned with pearl and
jewels, severall Essence boxes, and the like, set out in the same manner.
At last came a little crown all of beaten gold, studded with jewels upon
the fringe. Then came the Testerdor (or Lord Treasurer) on horseback, who
was _Vikéil_,[355] or deputy, for the _sposo_. He strew’d whole handfulls
of aspers among the people as he went, which was but very slowly; all
the presents being caryed in state, and as easily as foot could fall;
they were lay’d all upon fine handkerchiefs in silver dishes. After the
Testerdor rode his musick, 12 pipes, as many drums, 6 trumpets, 6 kettle
drums; four cymbalists, all on horseback. After them come many, many
servants leading and riding their masters’ horses, who went before in the
shew on foot.

Take here, if you please, as exact account as I could get of the
manner of the Mariage and espousals. First, you must understand all
was treated by proxeyes (which they call _Vickeel_), to the making of
which two witnesses also were appointed, all by the G. Sr., to wit, two
_Cadeleschiers_, one of Europe, the other of Asia. The proxeys were the
_Kuzleraga_ for the _sposa_, the _Testerdore_ for the sposo, and thus
they were made. The _Kuzleraga_,[356] with the two _Cadeleschiers_ as
witnesses, went to the _Sultana’s_ door, and knocking, said: Sultana,
are you content to make me your _Vikéel_ for marrying of you with
Mustapha (the _Mosaïf_ or favourite)? She answers: Yes. He ask her this
thre times (on the other side the door, which must not be opened by no
meanes), likewise thre times the same. This is immediately recorded by
the two _Cadeleschiers_, and (as to the Sultana) is irrevocable. Then
the same witnesses goe with the Testerdór to Mustapha or _Cool-oglan_,
the _sposo_, and face to face the Testerdor ask him the like words
(_mutatis mutandi_) thre times, and to each he answers: Yes. Then away
these go to the _Mufti_ together; there they set down in his court (of
which afterwards), the _Mufti_ in the midst, with the _Kuzléraga_ on
the left hand (being the chief in Turkey) and Testadore on the right,
and the 2 Cadeleschiers before them _alla Turchesa_, or at there feet
_alla Franca_. The Mufti asks wherefore they call’d him; they answer:
To perform a worke of Paradise, to wit, the marriage of the _Sultana_
and the _Mosaïf_. The Mufti asks who are _Vikeels_; the Kúzleraga
said: I am for the _Sultana_; the _Testerdor_: I am for Mustapha;
the _Cadeleschiér_: We be witnesses to it. Then the _Mufti_ made the
_Kuzléraga_ and _Testerdore_ to set one over against the other, and asks
the _Kuzléraga_: Are you content to take _Mustapha_ for your husband?
This is done thre times, to each of which _Kuzleraga_ answer: Yes. Then
he askes the like (mutatis mutandis) of the Testerdor, to which he
likewise three several times answer: Yes. The Mufti then demands the
Testerdore what dowry he will promise to make her; he answer: a yeare’s
revenue of grand Cairo; which is 600,000 zechines, at 4_s._ 6_d._ the
dollr.; it makes of our sterling money 33,750 lb. (I must tell you, by
the by, that the greatest compliment to a fair woman in Turkey is to tell
her her eyes are worth a year’s revenue of Grand Cairo.) Then the Mufti
asks the Testerdor: Will you give it? thre times; he as often answers:
Yes. Then he asks _Kuzleraga_: Will you accept it? thrice; he answers as
often: Yes. Then the Mufti sayth: _Bismillah_ (in Dei nomine). Then all
standing up, he blesses the mariage; and so entertayning them with Coffee
and sherbert, etc., dismisses them. The G. Sr. immediately vested these
with cloth of gold and sables to the value of 1,000 dollrs.; the other
two (witnesses) with vests of 500 dollrs. I had not car’d if I had been
_Mufti_; I am confident I could have made as good a marriage. During
the festivalls of the circumcision, one day, all publick tradesmen were
forc’d to go in procession with every man his wagon locked, in which he
publickly labour’d at his trade—shoemakers, taylors, weavers, etc.; so
much as Bakers had an oven, smiths their little forges, butchers flead
their sheep, etc. Which you may imagine such a piece of glorious madnesse
as Europe elsewhere cannot pattern. Every wagon was set out with tokens
of their art, and boughs and _bandiéras_[357] of silk or painted paper at
least.

_June 19th._ The _Dote_ (or the dowry) was carryed by from the Seraglio,
which was given by the G. Sr. to the sposo, as in all your ordinary
weddings, before the bride is carryed her portion, which chiefly consists
in vests and clothing. There went many by towards the Seraglio to come
with the rest back again, as Janizaryes, Cherbigees, the Vizier’s guards,
Armorers, Cadeleschiers, and other officers, Topgées (or gunners) in red
caps. Their Head men or bashas wore a furre cap, distinguished by the
cock’s feathers in the top; these being white and red intermixt, the
other all of one colour. The _Mosaïf_ himself came by, with the _Mufti_
on his left hand.

We staid there about 1½ houre; then they all came back in this order:
First, the Topejées, Armourers, the Vizier’s guards; then the G. Sr.’s,
waiters in Caphtans (or court vests): these serve him at table; then 4 or
5 Companyes of Janizaryes and their Cherbigées, all in Caphtans, sattin
or velvet furred; then the _Aga_ of the Janizaryes, with his crew; next
came many, many Pioners with shovels, broams, etc.; then as many more
Janizaryes with the Janizary Aga, whome they repute a very severe man,
who never gratifyed any man that askt him anything, but doeth all things
of curtesy of his own head, or not at all; any body is capable of that
office, though he never was Janizary before.

The Janizary Aga had now his _Santon_[358] (or Tom of bedlame[359])
with him, with a strange kind of axe (or as they call it, Balta) on his
shoulder. Then severall companyes of Janizaryes and Cherbigees; then
about 100 chiaus’s with their feathers of distinction, just before on the
left side; then 8 or 10 Executioners on foot. Then followed two gardens
in wax work, caryed by slaves as abovesaid; then 40 little _Naculs_
carryed by two files of Janizaryes. Then followed 86 mules, some laden
with two long square sapets apiece, cover’d with _Caphtan_ stuff; some
laden with 2 beds a piece with bedding, left all a little open to be
view’d by the standers by, and were all cover’d with cloth of gold or
sattin or velvet, richly embroyder’d, some with silver, some with gold,
some wrought with pearl. A third part of the mules had two lesser square
sapets (or leather hampers) a peice, cover’d with black leather. Then
ten men bearing severall pieces of household stuff, as furniture for
beds, green satin foot cloths, plated with beaten gold, several leather
and velvet carpets, plated some as the foot cloths. _Mum-sofras_ (round
leathers to set candles, pots, etc., upon), plated likewise; 4 very large
silver lanthornes, the ribs gilt with gold. Then came by in like order,
as is before said, bootes, papoutches, slippers, chioppines, set all
with pearl and Diamonds; hand bracelets, girdles, many pair of each, all
gold and pretious stones; Looking glasses, 4 close cabinets and 6 large
open ones, such as stand in Goldsmiths’ shops, all set out with jewels,
pearles, gold wire, etc. A little stool of pearl and jewels; a coronet
of beaten gold. Some say all these were onely the _Mosaïf’s_ present
(before mentioned) brought back again, which is most likely, they now
being part of the Sposa’s accoutrements; though others would needs have
them all new.

After those came the Rice Effendi, with a Cadeleschier on his right hand.
Then the Testerdar, with another Cadeleschier on his right hand. Then the
Vizier, with the Mufti on his left hand, of whome more hereafter. There
was also in the train, a little before the Rice Effendi,[360] the Vani
effendi,[361] the greater preacher who prated down all the coffee houses
and Taverns, and, upon my life, it was well done. More of him anon. Then,
in the reer of them, were the musick—pipes, trumpets, etc., on Camels;
after which followed many Janizaryes, and after them came many women
slaves, in 12 close coaches, with 2 black Eunuchs before each coach,
some of them inclining to tawny, whereof three were very well featured
youths, all admirably well mounted, and exceedingly richly clad. After
the coach rode 12 blacks more, in one body, like the rest—on horses,
and habit, etc. All these were peculiar to the Sposa, and were reckon’d
as part of her goods; for in many points the Civil Law of the Romans is
here observed, as above you may see, no marriage without a _Dote_. Then
followed about 40 servants on foot, leading as many horses, laden with
these slaves’ goods. Then followed the Rabble.

_Jun. 23._ The Sposa was carryed home, for, as I told you, every wedding
hath something of this formality. The bridegroome sends presents with
Naculs, etc., then the Bride’s trumpery is brought in state, and she
followes it, allwayes hid under a square pavillion born over her, or
a Canopy at least. After the procession were carried two gardens of
fruits and floures in wax-work, with _Kiosks_ in the middle, caryed as
before. Then 2 great Naculs caryed by 160 slaves apiece, besides the
guiders of the ropes and stages as above. Then two little Naculs of
silver, with each of them a great candle at Top, which then were not
lighted (the fashion before the Armenians and Greekes is to carry them
lighted), but were to be lighted and renewed and kept burning during the
whole festival, something in imitation of the old Hymenai; these were
caryed by slaves, likewise being very ponderous. Then came crab-faced
Kuzleraga and after him followed immediately (Dulcinia del Tobosa) the
fair Angelike _Agazé Sultana_, or, as others pronounce it, _Hatajé
Sultana_ (the present Emperor’s eldest daughter), in a coach plated all
over with silver, and garnisht out with gold, the wheeles and all other
underwork (of wood and Iron) richly guilt or varnisht; a covering on the
Top (as the fashion is) set with pearles and diamonds, six fair white
horses, all the harnesse plated with silver and gold, and adorned with
jewels. In their Tops each had a plume of feathers hanged with jewels.
A postilion rode the fore-horse on the near side, and the coachman the
hindermost of the same side. The covering of the coach was, in part,
tuckt up to show the beauty of the work, which was so close a lattice as
you could perceive nothing but some opaque body by help of the little
light that crept in from the lattices on the sides. There were several
Eunuchs attended it, whereof the first two strewed Aspers on both
sides the street amongst the people (whereof I have some to make you a
present of, if it please God we ever meet). One was very well favour’d,
a tawny, and the bones of his face in very good symmetry, inclining to
a tawny. I heard a pleasant story of him, and once met him at a garden
at Adrianople, but I must let that pass now. Two more very rich coaches,
with 6 horses, plumed and bespatter’d with jewels, followed, in the
latter of which (which was cover’d with red broad cloth, and set out
nobly) a very fine woman opened a little hole at the fore end, and peep’d
out at us. Her face and head tire were very plainly seen. I dare not say
no lesse then that she was lovely. Her fingers and part of her hand were
peeping a good while before her face, and her nails were stein’d (as the
custome is here) with _aleanna_[362] of a golden red (there were 4 blacks
attended each of these). Then followed two more ordinary coaches with 6
horse, and two blacks apiece to attend them. Then 21 ordinary coaches
more, many with 2 horses, most with 4, with one Eunuch to every of them.
Then followed servants with horses, and cloathes upon them, led by. About
half-an-hour after came the Sultana’s mother, in a very rich coach of
silver, and embellisht with gold. There were 4 Eunuchs to attend her,
and a great company of _Baltajées_ axe men; as likewise 4 Eunuchs went a
little before it. Then followed 6 good coaches with 4 horse, and each had
a Baltaje riding in the Rose[363]; and one other by on foot. Then came
three more rich coaches with 6 horse, and two _baltajées_, as the others.
Lastly came one coach with 2 horses, and one _Baltajé_. There were many
Blacks to accompany these on horseback, beside the soe named, onely they
went straggling, and kept no order. In the rear followed the rabble.

Now, you must understand, all these coaches are made in the fashion
exactly of waggons, onely they use cover’d over head, and hang’d by
slings so close as the body have no room to swing, but jolts as hard as
if it were fixt upon the axletrees.

After the _Rebuil[364] evíl_ moon was ended, there were every day at
_Kindi_ (the 9th houre) sports at the Mosaïf’s house (which was in the
city), and they lasted till midnight sometimes. They began the 14th of
June, when they first saw the new moon, though it was a day old, it being
by our account two dayes old then; they ended the 28th day. There was a
very large square yard; at one end was a fair apartment of two chambers,
where the Mosaïf and his friends continually were spectators; at the
other end was a large, high, single room, to which oftentimes resorted
the G. Sr., young prince, and many other favourites. After his sposa (as
is said, the 23d day) was brought home, there was another square room in
another corner with lattice-windows (_gelosie_), through which she and
the Q. mother and others of the Ladyes saw all, being unseen themselves.
The door was kept very strickt, that no Janizaryes or Turkes of fashion
might enter, yet all strangers might go in without any difficulty in the
world. I was there many times, of which some account by and by.

First, of the sports. We had every day the very same dancing as before;
the same shewes at interludes. There were monkeyes, and dull Arab
dancing, to entertain the people; for on one side were pitched tents
in which the people stood, and the duller sports were before them. We
(Franks) had liberty to go up and down as near the G. Sr. or Mosaïf as we
pleased, and to stand and stare upon them as long as we pleased. They, in
like manner, went to their devotions at _Kindi_ (9th hour) and _Ackshám_
(the 12 hour), and yet immediately in their sports they should applaud
the same beastlinesse. 20 or 30 couple of wrestlers every day with their
skins oyled all over; they alwayes touch the ground first with their
hands, then put them to their head, then shake hands, or rather take
their hands flat wayes one between the other, then kisse their own hands,
and so begin; they say it is to call Heaven and Earth to witnesse that
they meet good friends, and if any mischief happens it is beyond their
intention.

There were tame bears played their tricks; once I saw a little boy stark
naked wrestle with one (taught on purpose), which pleased mightily, and
was shewn severall times to the G. Sr. there. By the by, my Ld. caryed to
Adrianople a large English mastife, which had fought in private with the
biggest bear, and worsted her in single combat; he made a present of him,
which the G. Sr. took mightily kindly. They call our mastifes _Samsons_,
and the G. Sr. nourishes severall, and hath here hard by our house a
sommering-house for them; but this dog was half as high again as any of
those which he had (which I have seen severall times), and that made him
more acceptable. There were the same tumbling, stilts, and the _Bostanjé_
with his stone Bottels, and the rest; but the best entertainment was
rope-dancing, whereof there was but little in the other place; but here
every day as good, and in some things better than all that ever I beheld
in my life.

I shall now conclude with something that I am sure is not ordinary (if
ever it was done) in England. From the top of Sultan Selim’s Mineret
or steeple (which, as I measured it, is about 84 yards high, but the
place I now shall speake of was 70 yards and 1 foot high) was stretcht a
rope right over the houses down into this yard; there were two men came
sliding down with pulleyes, one tyed to the hair of one of them, the
other fasten’d the pulley to his ancle, and holding by it with his hands,
sometimes slid soe part of the way, sometimes hanging at his length with
his head down. The first time they tryed, the rope yeilded so much as
if some men had not stood on purpose to catch them they had been beaten
to peices upon the tops of the houses and trees that stood about that
end of the Mosaïf’s yard, which was under the Rope; they then lengthened
the rope and stretcht it very tight farther into the yard. This Rope was
460 yards long at first; they lengthen’d it to 480. Every day somebody
or other slided down thus, or upon their breasts. One day a lusty
fellow would needs slide down with a boy at his back, with a drum and a
stick and switch to beat it; just as they came half way the rope broke,
and down they fell upon a poor Armenian who was standing in the garden
amongst others to view the sight. All thre were prety hurt and bruised,
but it pleased God all thre recover’d. The G. Sr. paid for their cure,
and offered the Armenian a pension of 20 aspers per diem as long as he
lived; but he, thanking him, sent him word that he desired nothing else
but that he might have 12 purses of money paid him which a great Basha
had owed him a long time; but if he dyed he bequeathed it freely to the
G. Sr. The G. Sr. gave orders that it should be done forthwith. He had
only his shoulder put out of joynt and his body bruised; but I have seen
him since well recovered. The other two were rewarded too; the man with a
pension of 40 aspers per diem, the boy was taken into the Seraglio. Upon
the 27 day (which was the last day that they could use this rope) two men
walkt up this rope to the minaret; one came foot by foot back again down
into the yard, and the other stay’d at the top of the _mineret_.

Now if any one in England had a mind to break his neck dexterously and
_secundum artem_, I have told you how (if he have not very good luck) he
may do it effectually. Every night there were fireworkes here of the same
nature with the forementioned. There were here two Elephants and Castles
encounter’d, with all sorts of wild fire, very curiously; but there
were no great rockets or fire that would mount, for fear of firing the
City. Here were several sorts likewise of your lamp work. Still we found
the greatest civility imaginable, and were severall times treated with
sherbert of lemmons (once with coffee and sweet meats in a low room; the
Aga who carryed us in telling us that it would be a shame for us to come
to the wedding of the G. Sr.’s daughter, and neither eat nor drink). We
were commonly carryed into the Ring, and seated by ourselves, and many
times had a Cherbigée or a Janizary to keep the crowd from coming near
us. I suppose it was more out of ostentation than any great love to us;
and dayly came _Sackáls_ or budget men with a budget of sherbert, and
cups into which he fil’d it out, and gave to us constantly, amongst the
rest of the people of any fashion.

I (as is said) was severall times as near the G. Sr. as I pleased, and
saw the manner of his state. He commonly sat upon a rich wrought or
embroyder’d silk quilt, and sometimes the Prince was here with him (but
we could not tell what here they sat on, they being so high above us);
and about him were 8 or 10 handsome young men continually fanning him by
couples. He never here appear’d in any rich or gaudy apparell, seldome
smil’d; few courtiers near him in publick, and those but a very little,
little time. Once the Vizier sat and talk’t with him in view about a
quarter of an houre. The Mosaïf had continually company with him—the
Testerdare, Kaimacham, sometimes the Vizier. He is a black man, sharp,
descreet (or streight) nose, yet sadled a little between his eyes, some
what beetle browed, broad flat faced, Russe-fashioned, but onely his
hair is black, whereas their’s is red, white, or fair colour’d; his eyes
pinking and smaller then proportion, and they are something hollow.

About _Kindi_ come up severall of the G. Sr.’s Fakoners, with their
Spaniells and severall most excellent hawkes; as certainly the whole
world have not better. They seldome keep a Hawke above one season, but
turne her out loose, and every year have new birds taken in plenty. They
fist their hawk on the right fist; they serve their hawke with the lower
joynt of the legge (instead of the head, after our manner), and therefore
not a Phesant is to be bought in the mercate (unlesse it was caught some
other way) with two legges. For you must understand in Asia side are
many men keep hawks to get a livelyhood; and they furnish our Mercates.
There are such every where, but onely they are not suffer’d near his
court least they should spoyl his game.

One of our Merchants and I were walking out one night by the river side,
and the Vizier’s Aga came by with 3 casts of Hawks and spaniels, and at
least 16 or 20 men. I had chanc’t to kill a snipe crosse the river, and I
had an old dog of my Ld. Harvey’s, which I sent for it. He was the most
pleased with the sight that could be; we walkt on, but as we return’d we
found him setting in the shade under a tree. We would have avoyded him,
but he sent one of his men to call us; we obey’d. He had now sent home
his dogs and hawkes, and most of his company; and he had gotten from a
little town hard by a great bottle of wine of at least 5 or 6 quarts. He
made us set downe, and there we drank out every drop of his wine; onely
we three setting down. His servants, which there were not above 5, stood
round us. He made two of them pipe to us all the time, which I swear was
so sweet, as I never heard the like in Turkey. Their pipes were the true
Tibiae; being made of the shank bone of a Bustard (as we guest at his
description of it). He courted me extreamely for my dog; but I told him
he was old and now worth nothing, and besides, it was the remembrance of
an excellent friend; with which he was hardly satisfied. After he had
gotten his _Keéf, or Keph_ (his heart and head merry), we parted with
all the civility in the world. There I learn’d a great deal of Falconry;
which made me here bring the story in.


THE PLAGUE AT ADRIANOPLE.

About the beginning of July happen’d a very grievous plague at
Adrianople. It was very rife round about us, and so drove us out of town
to a little village about a mile and ½ of to the W., called _Caragatch_
(or black tree). It is in vain to tell you the many, many perills I was
in, and it would be too troublesome for you to heare them, and for me to
tell them. I shall onely say that, by constantcye, the Plague and all
discourses about it grew so familiar to me as I was no more moved at
them then at the newes of agues, or the new disease in autumne. My Ld.
had a house here for himself, but all we were lodged, one here, another
there, as we could procure single rooms. In the Towne are most Greekes,
and the parson was infinitely civil to me, and got me a little room to
myself, hard by my Ld.’s house; but within one month the plague set into
this town likewise, and first seized my Land lady’s onely daughter, who
every day I used to prattle withall. Our Tents were set up, and I removed
thither, rather then come near any body to fright them; but in 5 or 6
dayes it come every where so fiercely, that it drove my Ld. and all the
rest downe into the tents to me, and I, lying in my Ld.’s tent before,
was now disappointed and forct (with two more companions) to go to town
again, where I and they lived (till we were coming home) in the parson’s
stable—and, faith, we past our time like princes, for we were within
two bowes shot of the tents, and there we went to dinner and supper,
and retired when we pleased. With carpets and mats we had made as good
a sleeping hole as could be of it. There dyed at one time about 900 per
diem in Adrianople, and above half this town dyed or fled. At last my
two companions returned for _Stambol_, and then my Ld. would not let me
stay there alone, so I had a little tent provided for myself and my man.
Within one week the plague got into our tents amongst the servants. My
Ld. and Sir Thomas fled to the Town again, the Plague being somewhat
ceased at that end about their house. We endur’d at the tents, and I
assure you there is no preservative like a merrie heart and a drame of
the bottle. We lost our Baker, and 3 or 4 more of our servants, but the
rest escaped—blessed be God. I was forc’t to remove my Tent twice, for
it was gotten in the next tent to me, within 20 yards, amongst one of
our chiause’s servants. There was not a man of us but was amongst plaguy
people dayly. Count Bocareschi (as is said) came and dined with my Ld.,
and drank with us, with a plague sore upon him, of which he dyed the next
morning.

This village has a little church dedicated to two saints,[365] ὃ ἅγιος
Θεόδωρος ὃ τηρῶν and ὃ ἅγιος Θεόδωρος στρατηλάτης. They are famous for
curing sore eyes, and, therefore, there are infinite little silver
plates sloped and hollowed like eyes, and hang’d up as the antient
ἀναθήματα.[366]

The River Arda and Meritch (Maritza[367]) joyne a little mile of, and
then come running under this town; and here it is very sandy, and seldome
clear in summer, for all the ground about it is very sandy, which, being
dry in summer, upon every wind is carryed into the river, which makes
it very shallow and broad. It is here fordable all the summer, but in
winter, by floods from the hills, it overflowes into many outlets, which
are dry in summer, as you may perceive the pricked[368] river next to
_Dimirdesh_.[369] The fish are few and unwholesome. I saw a carp taken
just 33 inches and 7/10 long. I saw one at Stambol once somewhat above
36 inches, and my Ld. Harvey assured me he had one at his audience in
Salonica about 40 inches long.

There were 50 Greek familyes in town, and about 10 Turkish
_cheflicks_,[370] or summer houses. The best sort of people fled to
other places, as the Turkes likewise themselves did from Adrianople to
their houses here, for that same is a story that they are not afraid of
the plague, because their fortunes are wrote in their forehead; for all
fled, but such as were poor, or had offices about Court, and could not
get away. There dyed that year about 100 persons out of the Vizier’s
own house; and really, those that are forc’t to stay by it value it no
more then we do an ague. But this is the same amongst Jewes, Greeks,
Armenians, and every body else.

Mr. North[371] staid in Adrianople all the time, and come to us every
day; I went to him severall times, and as I live I valued no more to meet
a dead corps then a dead calf. Yet I have met above 20 in a morning,
going from our tents to Mr. North’s house; and there is more danger in
passing by the clothes of the living then in touching the body of the
dead. All slaves and poor people, so soon as they are dead, are wrapt in
some pittiful covering (perhaps nothing but an old mat), and so laid upon
a _Hamál’s_ or porter’s back, and caryed away to his grave, without any
more adoe. Infinites of Turkes came out of the Town and lived in Tents,
as well as we; yet many Turkes came or sent out their women to their
countrey houses there. I chanc’t to see a couple of very lovely women
severall times, which came and lived in a fine house just by me, and
being under the government of onely one poor silly old man, they would
get out into a great garden there hard by, and romp and play the rogue
like little sprites; but more of that between ourselves.

This whole town live by selling of wine, and every day come hundreds of
people from Adrianople to be drunk; so that it was impossible but that
the Plague should be brought thither. The Janizary Aga gets at least
10,000 dollars a year out of them for selling their wine; and yet he
came there many times in show of severity, but notice was alwayes given
at least an hour before he came, so that he alwayes found the coast
clear. By the by, I must tell you that the Turkes love wine, and drink as
much as other people; I am assur’d not one person in 5 (throughout all
this part that I have travayled) refuseth it; at Court (excepting the
G. Sr. himself, the Mosaïf, and Kaimacham) not a man but will take his
_Keiph_ profoundly. I have seen the Vizier himself, _Mamúr_ that is, crop
sick[372] severall times. All the Greekes and Armenians (not daring to
be merry in Adrianople in companyes) come here to feast, and I have been
severall times by when 200 or 300 persons have all been setting together
feasting and drinking like fishes; and the Turkes observe the same
freedome, or rather take much more.

My Landlord (the Parson) was the greatest vintner in the town, and to
secure his wine he put the greatest part of it into a place in the
Church; and in the yard by us the chief Turkes of the City would come
and be merry publickly; the common Turkes never drink but to stark
drunkennesse. The Parson had a kinswoman that lived but on the other side
of our hedge; she was the onely child of her father, who would come and
be merry with us, and we went thither to him often. This man was very
rich and had promised his daughter and all that he had to a young silly
fellow in town. She was extraordinary handsome and ingenious, and cared
not for her lover. I know not how it came to passe, though they lived
alone and had no neighbours, but yet she got the Plague, and dyed. I
could tell you a most passionate story of her, but let this suffice.
There were about 500 Greekes came to her buryall, notwithstanding the
Plague, and the Metropolite of Adrianople came to burye her; and the
chief of the Town, which were fled, came back to the funerall. The young
fellow was in a manner distracted, and came constantly every morning for
many dayes, and mourned over her grave.

The manner of the Christians buriall here is much the same; all have
the _Praeficae_,[373] who sing (or rather howl and snarlle out), which
they begin at home and continue to the grave. The weather was excessive
hot, and the air stagnated in a manner, we being placed in a pan or
flat; so that it was plague enough merely to stay there. Whilst we were
in Adrianople the rats and mice, and fleas, and rumbling of carts al
night long, and brawling of curs (great numbers being nourisht in every
street), and the stink of the Jewes, did give us no small purgatory; but
coming here, where we thought to have had braver accommodations, we found
it worse. The terrible heat of the sun reflected from a dry barren sandy
soil, and the fulsome foggy aire, broyled us and choked us.

We stayed there about 3 months, and returning to Stambol we found the
plague as hot there; and we lost one of the servants that waited in my
Ld.’s chamber (within a fourtnight after we came home) of it, and since
we have found that another had it, but conceal’d it. For my part I am not
so Calvinized as to say our Fate or Fortune is wrote in oure forheads;
but this I will say, I think verily it was God alone that hath preserved
me from so many deaths. Some that knowe me, I believe, may wonder what
the Devil bewitch me to stay in this Hell of a place; and in good
earnest I have wondered at myself, but that Fate (I think indeed) was
written in my heart, and now begins to be obliterated; but so moch for
that. Now I will give you a little account of the country round about, as
farre as I have been.

The River Vardar and Meritch (Maritza), as is said, before they came to
this town, meet; and a little above, upon the side of a hill betwixt
them, is a pretty little countrey town most Greekes called _Marás_. A
little further under the hill, next towards _Meritch_,[374] is a little
pit of a blewish sort of clay; here a company of old gossips at the 15th
of Aug., which is the Assumption of the B. V., bring water from the river
and mix it and the clay together into a perfect pudding or stodge; and
on that daye infinites of people, Turkes, Jewes, and Christians, resort
thither and goe in, and tumble in the mire, which they believe will
cure any sort of infirmity; and without doubt it often happens so.[375]
These old Hags tell how in the night before the water springs out of the
ground, and how it lasts till the Octave (that is, the 22nd day), and
then dryes up; both which I proved to be a notorious lye. Yet the people
are so zealously bent to believe the story, as I had liked to have _been
imbroglid_ for disputing of it. The earth is a kind of fuller’s earth, or
very obstersive, and may doe good in many cutaneous diseases, without the
help of the Παναγία,[376] as they call her.

On the other side that river, under a great ridge of hills or mountaines,
is another pretty Greek village cal’d in Turkish Cadun-cui (Khanoum-cui),
or Ladyes town; there is excellent wine there. Over the mountain is
a great Turkish Town, famous for a Seraglio of the G. Sr., whither
he retired in the Plague, leaving the Vizier to act all. It is call’d
_Ack-bonar_[377] (white fountain), and seemes at a distance a brave place.

Acrosse the river from our town (Caragátch[378]), upon the top of a high
hill, stands a little (but very curious) Seraglio, or rather Kiosk or
sommer house, whither the G. Sr. retires for a fine girle sometimes;
and it is contrived very convenient for the purpose. I have been in it;
it is the best prospect about all Adrianople; they call it _Khiderleh_,
which is the same with St. George, it having been formerly a Greek church
of that name. You must know St. George is a great saint even amongst
the Turkes, and their galleyes commonly set out that day to the White
Seas. I have been many times reflecting on the name which they give him,
_Khiderleh_ (and very commonly _Khidreleh_), the _Khi_ being pronounced
strong in the throat like an aspirate, and I have fancy’d it to be taken
(as is perhaps the whole story) from ὓδρα; and both that tale of Hercules
and the Hydra, and Apollon and the Python, from Eve and the serpent. I
may venture to give my conjecture now Dr. Haylin[379] is dead, and I
shall be obstinate in it too.

At the bottome of that hill, next Adrianople, is a large suburb cal’d
_Ildrém_,[380] or thunder. Round about _Khiderléh_, and all the waye upon
the mountaines betwixt _Ack-bónor_ and Khanoum-cui, are planted vineyards
most plentifully; the Turkes by their law may eat what grapes they please
(it being the greatest part of their food from August to Christmasse),
and now (as is said) they freely taste the blood likewise.

On the North-east of Adrianople stands the Seraglio, which is very large,
and on one side of it runs the river Tunza,[381] on the other side is a
plain where we saw all the sights. There is a very stately bridge, or
rather pile of stone, built over the Tunza from Adrianople to _Ildrem_;
it is at least 970 of my paces long, and was built by Michael Waivod
of Moldavia, as is cal’d Michael’s[382] Kupru, or Michael’s bridge.
Tunza under it meets with a branch of Arda-Meritch; over Tunza by the
Seraglio on the Town side is a very strong stone bridge; on the other
side, about a mile and a half from it, is another bridge of wood. Upon
that river on the west side, a little farther, _Backstrevacui_, where
they make very good tiles and brick; next stands _Carajauis_, on the
other side about 2 miles distant; and the mountaines on the east side
of it have many quarreys of soft spongy stone, yet they use it in many
buildings. It stands over against _Ack-bonar_. About 2 or 3 mile farther
is _Corojecui_, a little village, and about a mile farther is a very
fine lake call’d by the Turkes Gióle-babba, or father Lake (Giole being
a lake); it stands with Tunza on the West, high hills on the E., and
_Corojécui_ to the S. It is well stock’t with fish (and fowl in the
winter time); we saw there in August multitudes of Pelicans, swans, and
some Ducks. At the East end of it, at the foot of the hills, stands a
summer-house of the G. Sr.’s, furnisht allwayes ready. There are many
excellent fountaines of very good water; there are some few houses about
it inhabited by Turkes; we found them civil, and had liberty to go in
and see what we desired. It is seated very pleasantly, being overshadowed
by many Chinár (or Plane) trees. The Lake is round about environed with a
great quantitye of sedge, which yearly yeild a plentifull crop.

The river Tunza comes from a place cal’d now _Yianobole_,[383] but I
never was higher upon it then this place; all the way hither it runs
very crooked and winding, and the hills on both sides lye in like manner
winding in and out, and make a crook’d but large meadow or plain, in
which the G. Sr. or Vizier, drawing out their forces for the warres,
first pitch their tents. We saw all along the _vestiges_ of them, and
many, many ovens and kitchings framed in the earth, to make ready their
bread (the true staff of a Janizaryes life), and _pelów_,[384] or Boiled
rice.

From Caragatch to Adrianople we passe thre long bridges, the first of
wood, serviceable onely in winter, the water being little or nothing in
sommer; yet this bridge is the longest, and the river under it is nothing
but sand. The second bridge is likewise wood, over a branch of the river
that runs all sommer; for after Arda and Mellitch (Maritza) meet they go
in one stream to the city, where meeting with Tonza (Tondja), they again
divide into two streames, making severall very pleasant little Islands.
About 2 or 3 mile of the City, to the South, is seated a large town
call’d _Bosnacui_,[385] where the French Ambassadore was seated when he
was at audience; and he tells me that upon that Island are about 9 or 10
such villages more. The rivers running on either side about 10 or 12 mile
unite into one again, and the broad sandy brook to the W. enters into
the same channell likewise; of these three the first is call’d (likewise
on this south side the City) _Tonza_, the middle one _Merrich_, the sandy
one _Ardar_; as if the 3 streames after that had met at Adrianople,
sever’d themselves intirely again. By this you may see the error of
our common maps placing Adrianople upon the _Hebrus_, which cannot be
properly said to be till all these three meet again beneath _Bosnacui_;
at least the currents are falsely there by them laid down. _Mellitch_
comes from Pilippopoli,[386] Arda comes from Sta. Sophia[387]; upon
which, next to _Caragátch_, stands _Choróocui_, or rotten town. About it
are many long (but narrow) lakes, which may give the name in Turkish;
and there growes infinity of _Tribulus aquaticus_,[388] which the vulgar
Greek calls ἀγριοκάστανο, or wild chestnut, and from thence they call the
name of the town in Greek Καστανοχωριὸ. Southerly from the river Arda is
another village, cal’d in Turkish _Ishék-cui_,[389] or Asses town, in
Greek Γαιδαροχωριὸ, which signifyes the very same; it was cal’d formerly
ἀηδονοχωριὸ, that is Nightingale town, but (as the Greeks now tell the
story) a great lord of this countrey whom they call Ἰουλιανούφερα, whom
they make a Turke, sent for the Bishop of this town, who chanc’d to anger
him highly about a _Cheflick_, or summer house, which he desired of the
Bishop there; and therefore he swore that whosover cal’d it hereafter
otherwise then γαίδάρο-χωριὸ should be hang’d.

As much farther, just at the foot of mount Rhodope, and very near
Arda, is _Orta-cui_,[390] in Greek βουλγαροχωριὸ, whether the Germane
resident went to avoyd the Plague. I was two or three dayes entertain’d
there like a prince; and observed this and what followes: and, believe
me, I will take it upon my credit to maintain this to be a pretty exact
map of what is here set down. _Orta-cui_ is a very populous town, built
thre quarters round a very steep hill, like an Amphitheater reinverst
or imbost. There are about 1,500 familyes in it, all Greekes. There
crept in some few Turkes, but all the town setting against them, and
playing them scurvy tricks, made them soon weary, and they have not of
late had any, though it is a very paradise to live in. All the hills are
cover’d with vineyards, which make a pleasant red wine, which we might
buy anywhere for 5 aspers per _Ook_,[391] that is, about 3 pints. The
valleyes grow either very good corne or pasture. On the south side the
village, about ½ an hour, is amongst the hills a most pleasant clear
fountain of purging waters, but they work without the least offence. On
the North side, towards the east, is a great plain, very fruitfull in
all manner of corne and flaxe. The town stands within ½ houre from the
Arda, which runs amongst the mountaines most clear, and very deep. Just
against this town it hath a mill set on it, on the side of which, towards
the hills, it is very deep, and full of great rocky stones, those hills
being nothing else. On the other side it is very shallow, with a small
stream, and little pebbles at bottom, but no sand till below _Ishek-cui_,
where the land round about is sandy; which confirmes me in my opinion
that the river by Caragatch and Adrianople is so foul and sandy from the
sand driven from shore by the wind; though beneath Adrianople, towards
_Bosnacui_, it is foul by reason all the dunghills (the Turkes using
little manure or compasse[392]), and carryon, and filth, and dead men
(many whereof we saw dayly thrown in, being either executed, or perhaps
dead of the Plague) which are continually thrown in. Here likewise are
taken as good and sweet fish as may be—Carps, Roach, Dace, Pikes, and
(above all) a pale-flesh’t trout, which are good, from the stony bottom;
whereas, about Adrianople, from the sand or otherwise, all fish taste
fleshy and beastly.

A little above this mill, next the town, amongst the hills, hath been
a large old castle; part of the walls are yet standing. The high
mountaines, quite above, are now cal’d Θεοβουνὸ, or God’s hill. I guesse
not but these ridges of mountaines are the true _Rhodope_,[393] for
the great road from Adrianople to _Salonica_ lyes over there, and all
travaylers assure me that on the other side are no other hills at all
till they come to Hemus, which they still call ἁμομὸντε.[394] There is
but little earth and few trees upon these mountaines that I ever saw.
The stone, where it is naked, lyes many times Horizontal, but oftener
declining. Arda comes running from the S.W. amongst these hills, having
his head about 4 dayes journey (as they informe me) from _Ortacui_, at
a place called _Darovasi_,[395] not farre from Sta. Sophia. Here are
many, many houses built of wood entirely, the walls being made of whole
trees hewn down and clench’t[396] at the ends. There are a few such at
_Caragatch_. I am informed that in Poland almost all mean people’s houses
are such.

All the people of this town seem to live well. We chanc’t to be there
after harvest, when they were treading out their corn. That fashion, and
the threshing floores (as we translate it), or publick places to which
they bring their whole crop to tread the corne out, are still here every
where in use, no other way being known to Turke or Greek but that, and no
barnes being to be found, but so soon as ever they have cut down their
corn, they tread it out immediately, which is likewise done with oxen
yoked to a great thick plank (which these people and the Islanders call
ροκάνη[397]) about a yard and a half long and a yard broad. The bottome
is all filled with sharp flints stuck into it.[398] Upon the top stands
a person, who also guides the oxen round, and pricks them forward with a
goad. In a great floor you shall have 2 or three of these, and as many
yoke of oxen at a time. After they have trodden, or rather bruised,
one flooring out, they lay another; thus all the strawe is broken to
pieces like chaf, and thence it is call’d chopt straw. What from the
slovenlinesse of their dressing their corne, and the badnesse of their
mill stones (they being onely some pieces of very hard stone joyned
together with a strong mortar, and collar’d in a hoop of Iron), there is
no bread or meal in this part of Turkey but what is very gritty. Some of
the Turkes do muzzle their oxen, but not all. In sharing their corn they
have a kind of wooden glove on the 4 fingers of the left hand, which in
Greek they call παλαμαριὰ,[399] to guard their hand from thistles and the
like.

You cannot imagine the strange superstition that is generally amongst
the people of this countrey; Turkes, Jewes, Greekes, Armenians, all have
their amulets and Telismes (talismans) and φυλακτὴρια about themselves,
but especially about their children, their horses, their houses.
Nightingales are very commonly kept in cages and let out to sing by so
much per diem, but you shall not see one but shall have a deal of this
trumpery about the cage. The Turkes have commonly their Telismes engraved
on silver or gold; I have seen 10,000 lye in goldsmiths’ boxes to be
sold upon all occasions; there are peculiar arts of making of these,
but I count them all meer old wives’ conceits. There was a Scotchman
here who much delighted and practised in such mysteries, and gave me the
best account he could, but I will assure you they are more absurd and
nonsensicall then figure flinging[400]; and since he was gone I chanc’t
to dine one day with the French Ambassador,[401] when he had on purpose
sent for the most noted Turk in all these parts for such things. It will
be tedious for to recount you all that past, but we manifestly proved him
an impudent imposter. He got his _Keiph_ there sufficiently, and that was
(I believe) his chief design. Your Greekes count nothing more sacred then
the ἀντίδωρον,[402] the bread (not the sacrament), which is blest and
distributed amongst the people upon Holy Thursday; this they call ίψωμα,
perhaps from our Saviour’s ascention. At _Ortacui_ you would scarce see a
little child but it had some of this either in a little silver box about
their necks, or stitched up in a bit of silk, or tyed in a little rag; I
have observed the like in many other places; many carry wolves’ teeth, or
the bones of their toes, etc., set in silver or gold; bones or parts of
frogs, mice, lizards, Hippocampus,[403] etc.

As we went home from Ortacui we were driven into a town by a storme, and
laid there the most part of the night. Our Janizary chanc’t at our going
into the house to catch a bat; he rejoyced exceedingly, and borrowing
a zechine of me (the ceremony must be done with gold or not worth a
farthing), he cut the throat of it therewith, pronouncing the name of God
and some other conceits; he saved every drop of the blood in cotton, and
kept it as a most divine thing. By this, he said, he could make friends
with any one; love in a woman; in fine, preserve himself and us from all
evil.

We set out from that little town, and were overtaken in a most dreadful
tempest of Thunder and lightning; just getting up a steep bank a flash of
lightning discharged a sheet of fire, which fell on the ground and rested
there a good while, within lesse then two yards of me and Dr. Pickering
(we two being foremost), and huft[404] my hat and vest like a mighty
gust of wind; our horses trembled and stood as half dead, but presently
we got forward. All the world will not persuade that fellow but that the
blood of his Bat preserved us. I have now been too, too impertinent,
but yet could adde much more to this purpose about your Greekes or
βροκόλακα[405] (the walking of dead men), and their solemne prayers and
exorcismes of their church in that point. Also concerning the Armenians’
_caracóngilas_[406] (or hobgobling, or kind of Robbin good fellow), which
is universally believed by them, and on the 13th and 14th of Feb. have a
solemnity on purpose about it. Likewise about witches (which certainly,
if there be any in the world, they are here) I can tell you storyes which
will much amaze you; yet I must confesse I am very slow of belief in that
point. I have likewise a strange Greek MS. presented me concerning such
whimsyes; but enough of this matter. Before the Plague I walk’t about all
the town; the old city (as is said) is not above a 3rd part of the whole,
and the walls are pittyfull thin brick work.

       *       *       *       *       *

_July 27th._ My Lord had audience with the G. Sr., notwithstanding the
height of the Plague. He came from Ackbonar to the Seraglio on purpose,
for my Ld. was very pressing for it, and in earnest. We had stay’d a
longer time then ordinary for it. It was performed as followeth: The time
being appointed two days before, that morning, an hour before day, came
two Chiauses to Caragatch to call us. We went suddainly to the foot of
the 2d wooden bridge before mentioned, and there stay’d in tents till
the rest of the chiauses came to conduct us, about 50 in all (they are
paid by us a zechine apiece, and therefore we may have as many as we
please, if we count their number a glory). Thus we passe to the Town
side, where my Ld. mounted his best horse, and rode quite through the
City upon him; and we came to the seraglio gate about ½ an houre past
5 in the morning. After a little stay there, the _chiaus basha_, and
_capige basha_, and _Peskeshjé[407] basha_ came to my Ld. to conduct him
in. We past from the gate directly to the divan upon a stone caseway,
through a square court, which I guesse every way is about 160 of my
paces. The _Peskeshjé basha_ is the same, in a manner, as our maister of
the ceremonyes. _Peskesh_ signifyes a present, as if _peskeshjé_ were
one of the Maisters of the presents, and _Peskeshjé basha_ is the head
or chief of them all. This man walkt with a great silver staff in his
hand (as bigge as the Cambridge beadle) before my Ld. to shew him where
to make his reverences: for you must understand all the sides of the
court were lined with Janizaryes and other souldjers; therefore, as my
Ld. past, he bowed to the Janizary Aga, _Bash_. _Chiaus_, _Chia Beghi_,
and other great officers of the souldjery there. We came at last to the
large Divan, which is just in the same fashion as that at Stambol (which
I have seen), onely the side at Stambol hath no seates as this hath. The
seates (or bench from which the inferior viziers are named of the bench)
round the three sides are cover’d with embroyder’d silk, as likewise the
whole floor of the same. Under it, upon the benches, is one continued
quilt, or kind of cushion, quite round. In the middle of the side was a
rich foot cloth, which reached from the back of the bench (or wall) down
into the floor. Here sat the _Nesharjé basha_,[408] who (is a principal
secretary, and) writes the Grand Sr.’s Firme[409] (or Fiat) to all his
commands. There enters a little door on one side, where is such another
foot cloth, onely every way larger. There sat the _Vizier Azém_. Over
his head was a _Gelosia_, or lattice (as at Stambol), where the G. Sr.
is often (as he was then) present, but incognito; and, as we guest, the
Sultana was there once, yet some say it was impossible. On the same
side sat 2 Cadeleschiers on another foot cloth. The other side is open
from the bench up to the top of the roof. Here sat the Testerdare upon
such another foot cloth. In the room behind him sat severall men of the
law, who, upon occasion, could speak or receive any writing, or other
matter, into the Divan, that side, as is said, being open, onely two
wooden pillars supporting the roof. The Divan might be about 8 or 9 (at
most) yards square. There is a stone gallery open into the court, out of
which we enter’d, then into the Divan, which is open into the Gallery
and court. My Ld., making his reverence to the Vizier and the rest, was
placed in the corner upon the bench, without a foot cloth, beneath the
Nesharjé, which was the lowest place, to wit, the right hand. _Mauro
Cordato_[410] (the Vizier’s Dragoman) and my Ld.’s two Dragomen in chief
stood next him. Then all we stood with our backs to the court; we might
turne side wise to look out, but one or two turning their backs to the
Vizier were reprehended as guilty of too much rudeness. All of us being
thus disposed of, immediately were brought in 320 purses of money, and
lay’d in 32 heapes upon the floor, before the Vizier, a purse being
500 dollars. There were two little bags that were layd by themselves.
You must know that the Janizaryes and souldjers about the court are
pay’d once a month in this manner, publickly, before the Vizier and
the Divan. But now the pay day was put of till my Lord’s audience, it
being a thing usually done at all Embassadores audiences, merely for
to show the grandeur and glory of their Empire, though sometimes it
happens otherwise. The Testadore therefore, after the money was lay’d
down, gave up his accounts to the Vizier. He, kissing them, sent them
to the G. Sr. by the _Peskeshjé basha_, and by him they were presently
return’d again to the Vizier, who received them with a kisse. Then the
severall chambers of Janizaryes (which stood round the court) were call’d
in order, the word being given by the _Peskeshjé basha_ very loud. The
whole chamber comes running together upon the case-way to the door, where
they received their proportionate bagges to be divided by themselves or
officers. And, after the first chamber was paid of, they past away, and
the next was call’d; and so till all was paid out. Then the Cherbigees
(the colonells) and other head officers came into the Divan, and,
kneeling down on the Vizier’s left hand, kist the left corner of his
vest, and put it to their head, returning (as all the rest, that make
reverence by saluting his vest, doe) three or four steps backwards and
sideways, get out of his presence, he all the time sitting like a statue,
neither bowing nor taking the least notice imaginable. The Testerdare
(who many times had occasion to whisper with him) went alwayes to him
without any ceremony at all. All this being over, basons, and ewers, and
towells were brought in, and the Vizier, Testerdare, Neshanjé basha, and
my Ld. washt severally, severall servants waiting upon each of them.
Then were brought in 3 little round tables, all of them were alike, and
they were cover’d with leather carpets onely (without any table cloth);
then little flat loafes of bread (like pancakes) lay’d round in heapes,
3 or 4 one upon another, and severall broken in peices and scatter’d
upon the table. By each heap, between, lay a coarse little wooden spoon,
four little saucers of capers, olives, sampier,[411] parsley—the two
first pickled, the other two in sugar lickquore—one little salt seller,
one little pepper box. These 3 tables, thus furnisht, stood respectively
before the Vizier, testerdare, Neshargé, all being exactly alike
furnished. At the Vizier’s Table was set a velvet stool for a seat for
my Ld., over against the Vizier, who sat on the bench. Three other such
seates were set at the Nesharjé’s table, where dined Mr. North[412] (the
Treasurer), Mr. Hyet (the antientist merchant here), and Dr. Pickering
(a Physician of Smyrna). Three more were set at the Testerdare’s table,
where dined my Ld.’s Secretary, Mr. Carpenter, Mr. Cook (the Companyes
Councillier), and my self. The rest of the Merchants and gentlemen dined
some in the next room with the _Rice-Effendi_ and the Vizier’s Secretary.
Some else were with the Chiaus-basha. All our tables were served exactly
alike with just 20 dishes of meat, which were set on but one at a time;
and so soon as that was scarcely tasted, it was shifted away, and another
placed in the room, so that we made a very short businesse of it, and,
all along, the waiters at each table kept all so good time, as we began
and ended just together. You must understand the Turkes make the supper
(as the antients did) the best meale, and seldome eat at noon, but in the
morning—and this was about 8½ by the clock. We had a long course Towel
layd round the Table in common (as the fashion is every where) upon our
laps, instead of napkins. It was wrought and checker’d like a barber’s
apron. This was to wipe our hands, for, by every one, after we were set,
on our right hand, into our lap or on our knee was laid a muckender[413]
(of the same cloth, but finer) to wipe your mouth and beard.

I cannot give you an exact bill of fare, but as well as I can remember
it was thus at every table: first we had 6 rost chickens brought pil’d
one upon another, without sauce; we had no such finicallnesse[414] as
knives or forkes onely the weapons that nature gave us, our hands and
teeth. The Testerdare began by pinching the flesh with his fore finger
and thumb, and invited us to fall to; I having seen the way of it many
times before, fell on and brought on my companions. We had a dish of
roast pigeons, which we eat in the same manner, nipping and tearing them
apieces with hands and teeth, in any fashion. We had _Kibôbs_, bits of
flesh, the first roasted, the last boyled; this was ready mammockt,[415]
and cut to our hands. We had several sorts of _Dolmáh_,[416] which is
minc’t meat stuffed into peices of gourds, or gobbeted[417] in vine
leaves or the like, and so boyl’d. We had several _Cherbaws_, pottages
made of rice, wheat, etc., some sweet, some savoury; we had _Pelo_,
rice boyled with peices of a hen; _Rice gellyed_, a perfect _fool_ in a
platter; another slip slop[418] of Dates and pine kernells; at all these
we ployed[419] our wooden artillery of the spoon. We had a great _baked
pye_ in a platter, with puff paste above and minced beaten meat, wel
season’d underneath; a puf past pudding in a platter, plain; _another_,
sweeten’d with honey. About half way of this horse feast we water’d with
a hearty draught of excellent Lemmon sherbert, which was brought in a
_fingeon_,[420] or Polish glasse, gilt on the verge at the top. The
Testerdare began, and we caryed it round, then it was whipt away, and
we saw it no more. We had my Ld.’s 2d Dragoman by us all the time, and
the 1st Dragoman and _Mauro Cordato_, dragoman to the Vizier, attended my
Ld. I sat so near him as I could have touched him, and I heard every word
that past betwixt the Vizier and him, which was not much, but what it was
was nothing of private businesse, but newes or such discourse; all past
pleasantly.

The onely thing of notice was this: talking of the stirres that have
been made at _Fustenberg_,[421] between the Emperor and K. of France,
the Vizier, laughing, askt why they did not cut of his head at first?
then, says he, there had been an end of all the embroglios that happen’d
after. We were all served alike in costly (lordly) dishes, which are
used every where at court, and I saw them at the Vizier’s and Mosaïf’s
houses. They come from India, and are all in use in Persia, for the G.
Sr. nor any great Turkes can use silver dishes by their law. They call
the mettal of them _Martabáni_[422]; they are very dear and much heavier
(in proportion) then China, which they call _Phorphoré_ (I suppose from
πόρφωρα); their platters, which they call _Taback_,[423] of _Martábani_,
are worth some of them 200 dollars. China is not half so dear here; your
little sherbert cups and coffee dishes are made often times of the same
earth; they ring like a bell; the earth is darkish, but the outside
glazed colour is greenish. The last dish being taken from table, we
all rose up together; the Grandees washt, and then my Ld. and me with
him were caryed into the gallery, and there he sat on a long bench.
Presently we were vested with Caphtans, which we wore all the time we
were afterwards in the Seraglio; there were given but 19 in all; my Ld.
Harvey had 22 when he was at Salonica, and the G. Sr. spoke to him a
great deal; but now (as you shall hear immediately) he said not one word.

The meat which went from our tables was caryed out amongst inferior
officers, where was such scrambling as I never saw. I saw much, much
better order once at a feast at the Kaimacham’s of Stambol. The like
was where our servants dined; yet all passed in silence, as the whole
businesse above said was likewise acted even to a miracle, all being done
with a nod or private sign (at which they are the best in the world)
to the attendants and waiters, who stand like images with their hands
acrosse before them. The same silence, gravity, and decorum is alwayes
practised in all other places of justice or businesse throughout the
whole Empire; _whish_, _whish_, _whish_, _whish_, or _kish_, _kish_,
etc., is sometimes used if there should happen any the least _cavgá_,
or disturbance. The Merchants that din’d without said some of them were
hunch’t[424] about and _Heyda’d_[425] (a word which signifies _get you
gon’_) with some rudenesse, as I am apt enough to beleive the rabble
Turkes are like enough to do it.

After my Ld. and we had weighted about ½ an hour in the gallery, where
Mauro Cordato had the impudence to sit by my Ld., the Vizier and the rest
rose and past by us, and went into the G. Sr., who was in a low room.
There was another doore going into some other room, and forwards run a
high wall to the corner of the court. A quarter of an hour after they
past by, my Ld. was cal’d; all we accompanyed him almost to the outward
door, then he went forward with onely six persons who were appointed to
accompany him, viz., the two chief Dragomen, Mr. North the Treasurer,
Mr. Hyet the eldest merchant, my Ld.’s Secretary, who carry’d the king’s
letter upon his head, and the Companyes Cancelleer.

My Ld. and Sr. Thos. B. promised me before we set out from _Stambol_, and
all along assured me, that I should infallibly be one that should goe
in, and no lesse then three dayes before did again secure me the same
favour; but it happen’d otherwise on some other occasion, which I shall
afterwards make you laugh withall. For my own part I repine not at it,
for I have seen the G. Sr. again and again, and those that did goe in can
onely say they did do so; for as to any thing that they saw there, the
divel of any the least account could they give; onely something look’t
like a thing they call the G. Sr.; yet the whole account I coul’d get
from them, or observe myself, is this fully and exactly. My Ld. and all
the rest were led in by two _Peskeshjes_ or _Chiauses_, one holding them
under one arme, the other under the other, through the part of the court
were we left them. So soon as ever they entered the room, their leaders,
laying their hands upon their necks, bowed them down (my Ld. himselfe
very low, the rest to the very ground); immediately Mr. North, Mr. Hyet,
and the Cancelleir and the 2d Dragoman were hurryed out again so soon,
as Mr. North, who was first, swore he observed nothing, onely in general
that it was a very rich room, but in particular he remembred nothing in
the world. The poor Cancellier, being a little man, was crushed quite
down at the entrance, and Mr. Hyet had like to tumble over him as he lay
sprawling on the ground: so they saw lesse then Mr. North. The Cancellier
remember’d nothing, and Mr. Hyet said he had a pittyfull glance at the G.
Sr., and indeed it was impossible they could look about them, these thre
gentlemen being in (at that outward door, where we lost sight of them)
but 48 of my pulses, which is not much above ½ a minute, as I have tryed
by a half minute glasse at sea severall times. My Ld. stay’d after them
about 200 of my pulses, so that in all he could not be there much above 4
minutes at most. He being led in and bowed (as is said) _pro more_, the
chief Dragoman read his speech (and yet was out about the middle of it,
as my Ld. himselfe told him before me afterwards), which I saw and was
just 12 lines and a half in a small quarter of a sheet. That ended, the
Secretary gave the king’s letter to the Dragoman, and he to the Vizier,
and he lay’d it by the G. Sr.’s right hand upon his bolster, who cast a
kind of scornful eye towards it. The Vizier immediately told them: It’s
well, and he as Vikiel or deputy should take care of their businesse; and
so, without one word or complement passing, they were all led out again.
This my Ld. himself told me, and his Secretary and Dragoman confirm’d it.

Now for grandeur and state of what was there, my Ld. himself gave us this
account. The G. Sr. was set leaning upon a bed, and had put on a most
severe, terrible, stately look. The bed had four posts, like ours, but
whether with silk curtaines, valence, etc., is not sayd. The counterpane
was of crimson velvet embroyder’d and flour’d with pearl, and round the
edges went eight rowes of the same, all as bigge and as fair as ever he
saw in a necklace. The floor was crimson sattin, embroyder’d likewise and
wrought with gold wire, which in some places was very big. The G. Sr. had
a small, plain Turbant on, with a little feather in it; at the bottome
it had a brooch of Jewels, amongst the rest one very large diamond. At
the feet of his bed stood a large cabinet all cover’d over with jewels,
which he first valued at 100,000_li._ (but in a second relation at
200,000_li._) sterling; he judged it to be full of jewels. His vest
and delamon,[426] from his neck down before, were all set with fair
large diamonds and pearles. What the roof of the room had, the walls,
windowes, and the like had, or whether there were chimney, chimney-piece,
balconyes, stooles, chayres, etc., he could give no account; onely he
said he thought the windore was but small, for the room was dark, so as
he wonder’d the old Dragoman could read at all. You were out a little
(quoth he to him), but you soon recover’d yourself; in fine, my Ld. said
in generall that it was the richest room for certain in the whole world;
but I question much whether he could make out the particulars.

Now I declare to you the chief thing I desired to see was the furniture
and embellishments of the room; for (as is said) I have seen the G. Sr.
again and again. Here are adornments in building very costly and comely,
utterly unknown in our parts of the world, of which I am able to give
some pretty account; perhaps the sight of this might have added something
to my observations. So soon as my Ld. come out, we all accompanyed him
through the great court to the outer gate. There we mounted, and stay’d
about half-an-houre, till the Vizier and Testerdare came out; after them
came out all the _Chiauses_, who again conducted us out of the Town.

_Aug. 10th._ My Ld. went to visit the Mufti. He had audience, in the
very same manner as before is said, with the G. Vizier[427]; and,
after a little formall complimenting, we return’d. He was a swarthy
man, yet a good-natured countenance; his beard somewhat grey (being
above 54 yeares old, as is commonly said), the left corner something
longer than the other; a full eye, lean, discreet nose, well-fashioned
mouth and teeth; his forehead of a middle height; serene brow, cheekes
enclining to leanesse; but no wayes a mortifyed look. He gave us no
vests, but received ours (which we alwayes caryed wherever we went to
audience) gladly; and without doubt that added to his cheer, which was
very pleasant, as well as his countenance. He was set _Alla Turchesca_,
with his feet cover’d and lapt with a course kind of linesay-woolsay
blanket; the rest of his habit was no wayes distinguist from that of a
common Turk. We were carryed into him, and he did not rise to my Ld.,
but onely bow’d; and my Ld. was placed on a stool just before him. He
had three or 4 bookes lay’d by him, and round about the room on shelf
lay severall more. His turbant in the middle being plain, and not in
folds. We did not stay much above a quarter of an hour with him; soe we
return’d to our old shop at Caragatch. Remember that these visits were
in the height of the Plague; and several, I assure you, came amongst us
with plague-sores running upon them at the Vizier’s at our last audience,
of which by and by. There was a fellow gave me a dish of coffee who had
then about him 2 filthy sores; and after he had served us with coffee, by
chance talking with some of our Merchants (that spoke Turkish) about the
plague, told them that he had lost three children the week before, and
that he had been sick unto death, but now his swellings were broke he was
much better. The Turkes used no other antidote against the plague then
multitudes of Issues, which really I count a most divine thing to that
effect, though otherwise a plague in themselves.

I have above mentioned to you _Vani Effendi_, the great preacher amongst
the Turkes.[428] I shall here insert some little notices of him. He
is an old huncht-back man, very gray, a crabb’d countenance, yet his
shrivel’d flesh is clear, not black or swarthy, but pale; and Nature
hath marked him in the face, for his right eye is lesse than his left,
as if it were shrunk. He hath children at Brussa,[429] and is of such
authority amongst the Turkes, as about 6 yeares since preach’d down all
publick Tavernes and ale-houses, and the Dervises’ publick meetings; yet
I believe there is as much wine drunk (or more) and as many tavernes by
connivance and bribery as ever there was. The fame of this old cox comb
is more then a Pope amongst them; he invited Sr. Thos. Baines to visite
him; therefore, sending one of our dragomen and _Renegado Boccareschi_
to beg licence of him to come, he told them he should be wellcome. He is
cal’d _Vani_, from a town of that name on the confines of Persia.[430]
Sr. Tho. being come to him and set down, ask’t liberty of discourse; he
told him he might say what he pleased, nothing would be taken amiss.

Sr. Tho. 1st Quest. was: Whether all soules were equall of men, women,
children? After many shuffling answers, he said the prophet Mahomet was
asked the same question, and answered it was _not yet revealed to him_.

2dly: Whether women shall be in Paradice? Answr.: They shall have many
there of those which were here and lived well and virtuously according
to their law, and besides God will create them many others; but of the
two sortes, those that go from hence will be the better, because their
obedience hath already been tryed and proved. He said that wicked men
commonly drew their wives down to hell with them; yet if the wife be
virtuous she may goe to heaven, though the Man goes to Hell.

Now I understande one notion of my own. Being once with our chief
Dragoman in company with a great Doctor of their law, I had the curiosity
to ask (amongst other things) what use they should have of women in
Paradice, whether for procreation or no? He told me that they shall
conceive there for certain, but not by members of generation, but onely
by intellectual seed and spiritually, to make a spirituall ofspring.
_Vaní_ told Sr. Thos. that there is a middle life or place cal’d (as Sr.
Tho. hath set it down) _Asaph_ (it should be Aráf,[431] as in the chapter
of Prisons, cap. 7), whither all that have lived a middle life shall goe;
that is, sins and virtuous deeds being compared and weighed together.

3d: What people might be suffer’d to live amongst Turkes? Answr.:
None but Jewes and Christians; all other are to be put to death. This
toleration is given, because the Jewes had and yet have a true law, but
most imperfect Christians have a true and perfecter law; but the onely
perfect law is Mahomet’s, which all now are bound to believe and follow;
if they doe not, though they live never so well, they cannot be saved.
There were two little boyes (by Christian slaves), and Sr. Tho. put this
case: If you had lost (it had been better put if he had said hidden) a
jewell, and should bid these two seek it, and tell them where abouts it
was to be found; one being more successful then the other, finds it;
the other notwithstanding being very industrious, and leaving no stone
or stick unturned, perhaps finds onely a crisstall: shall this son be
blamed for his ill successe, notwithstanding his indeavours were as much,
perhaps more then the other? Here, saith Sr. Tho. B., the teares stood in
his eyes, and he answered: Every body had heard of their law and their
Prophet, and were bound to believe. Sr. Tho. B. said he had heard many
things which he now found not truly reported of them, and he had read
their Alcoran, which he now sees wrongly translated; both which rather
prejudic’d him then furthered him in his belief, and many there are who
never heard of it at all; suppose such a one (who never heard) to be a
Christian and live well, whether he might be saved? He answer’d not close
to the point. Sr. Tho. told what kind of Christian he was, viz., he would
rather dye then worship either crosse, Pictures, Images, or the like.
He adored onely one true God, and lived in his fear onely; he believed
a Mussulman, living up to the height of his law, may be undoubtedly
saved. He thought himselfe obliged (though it was never so absolutely in
his power to do it) not to touch a hair of a Mussulman’s head for his
difference in religion, but rather to help, assist, relieve, and cherish
them in every good office that he was able to doe for them. Here Sr.
Th. B. saies he wept, and said he could not believe any Christian came
so near true Musselmen, but that they all had been Idolaters; and the
standers by (which were many) cryed out _E Adám_[432]—he was a _Good
Man_. You may imagine this was odde for a Greek (who worships all these
things, and curses a Turk to the Divel) to say as Draggerman. _Vaní_
pressing the perfection of his law, and the necessity of turning to
it, Sr. Tho. said he was now about 55 years of age, and his bones were
dryed and hardened to their forme; and his understanding was in like
manner settled by long practice of his own religion, and it would be a
hard task, and of some long time, to unrivet his notions. Vaní bad him
welcome, desired more frequent converse, assuring him all security and
freedome. The Dragoman told me he was afraid to speak, for though they
might not touch Sr. Tho. B., yet they might chastise him for speaking
anything about or against this Law.

Sr. Tho. Baines went no more; he sent to him severall questions by
_Boccareschi_, till he was weary, first: To know if the soules of
the dead (Men and Women) went immediately to heaven or hell, without
any stay? Answr.: The blessed went not into Paradice till the day of
Judgement, but had a continuall sight of it through a great windore. He
said _Boccareschi_ was not a fitting messenger, and desir’d, if he had
any more questions, that he might set them down in writing, and he would
answer in like manner. Sr. Th. B. left of. For my own part, I believe
he might have given his first Answer to most of Sr. Th. B.’s questions,
viz.: The Prophet (nor God himself) hath not revealed those things. He
sent word by _Boccareschi_ about Hell: 1st, there are 60 mountaines of
fire, and millions of poysonous serpents and dragons to torment the
damned. 2nd, that no Turke shall remain there to eternity; infidells and
Idolaters never get out.

_Sept. 8th._ My Ld. went for the capitulations to the Vizier, and, to
take leave, we were caryed into the Khiá’s (the Steward or Secretaryes)
chamber, where we stay’d waiting two houres. We were treated in the
mean time with coffee and sherbert. Mauro Cordato[433] (the Vizier’s
Dragoman), who has studyed in Italy, and was at first a doctor of
Physick, by nation a Greek, sat and bore my Ld. company. Amongst other
discourse, he assured us that the first month (June) the plague began,
there might die from 60 to 100 per diem; the 2d month it increased to
at least 250; this month (Sept.) dyed at least 600 per diem (but others
talked much lighter), and after our coming away it increased to double
the number. It is a very bad place for fruits, and this year worse than
ever. He said that it was banisht the court. There were abundance of
Turkes, and many of them sick (as is above said), intermixt with us. At
last we were caryed into another room, and, after a little pause, came
in the Vizier, and he and my Ld. sat as before. He spoke cheerfully,
and proved in very good humour; yet his face, especially about the
eyes, look’d very swel’d and reddish. We understood he had been soundly
_keiph’t_ the night before.

The Vizier began, and told him the Capitulations were renewed according
to his desire. My Ld. thankt him, and signifyed what high respect our
king would have for him for his particular care in it; and he would
see that he had particular thanks for it from him. The Vizier ask’t
what ships we had, and what were expected. Answer: Two dayly expected
from Legorne, one generall ship in two months at Constantinople, 2 more
at Smyrna. The Vizier ask’t what newes? Answer: The last was that the
two Armyes were within 2 or three leagues one of the other, and that
Brandenburgh had routed the Swead; that the Ragusian Ambassador reported
a battle to have been fought, wherein 12,000 French, with Turein[434]
himself, kil’d. The Vizier said he had heard the like. We had 12 vests.
My Ld. received the Capitulations, G. Sr.’s letter, and Vizier’s letter
to our king from his own hand, kissing them all, as the manner is. My
host wish’t the G. Sr. and Vizier a long life, and that the Vizier might
have all increase of honour and favour with the G. Sr. And so we came
away.

_Sept. 16th._ My Ld. took leave of the Vizier’s _Khia_ and the _Rice
effendi_, in whose familyes the plague was then very, very rife. Two men,
with plague sores on them running, stood about a full quarter of an houre
within a yard of him, yet God preserved both him and us. Onely, as is
said, three or four servants dyed there. One or two had it all the way
home to Stambole undiscovered, and there one, who allwayes was about my
Ld. and Sr. Tho., dyed.

_Sept. 19th._ About 1 o’clock we set out for Stambole. Because the road
was everywhere full of the plague, we every night lay in our Tents, which
were caryed before us, and pitcht ready at every _conáck_, and all our
waggons and coaches were drawn round us, and a great fire being made.
There were men watch’t by turnes every night, for the road was very
full of thieves. Not a day past but some newes or other came of their
exploits. There were many in companyes, and if we had not had guards it
would have been very easy cutting our throats. We made as many dayes
coming home as we did going out, and pitcht under the same town sides;
so that though we ourselves went not into Townes, most of our waggoners
and servants did for wine, or women, or something or other, and so our
danger was, in a manner, the same. I have been used to the fashion of the
country of lying in my clothes, which I did both outwards and homewards,
and once in a frolick to Brusa Baths I came not in a bed for 8 weekes
together. Now I caryed a little sea bed with me, which I lay on at
Adrianople, and upon the road. We first spread a carpet on the ground,
and then lay’d our beds or quilts upon it, and so tumbled down upon them,
booted, cloak’t, etc., as we rode. I was a little ill at Caragatch, or
else I enjoy’d my health very well all the time. I came with my Ld. and
companye along to _Caresteran_. There I left them with onely my man with
me (wee were well arm’d) to go see _Misine_.[435] At Chiorlúh I met my
Ld. and all the Company again.

_Sept 24th._ Seeing the Sea from Chiorlúh, I thought it not much out of
my way to goe to it, and thence to Selibria alongst the sea shore. I
could perswade no man to accompany me for fear of Thieves, and a calf
with a white face disheartened them all. Away went my man and I. There
is from Chiorlúh, to your eye, a perfect streight valley to the Sea,
which I thought was, at most within 5 miles, but I was horribly mistaken.
Though in a right line it may be so, yet following a road that leads to
it, by reason of a little rill that rises on the left hand out of the
hills towards _Stambol_, which makes a moorish bottome, by windings and
turnings I made it about as much more. This little rill, in most places,
is so very narrow as I could easily step over it, and yet we reckon’d
7 or 8 Turkish mills upon it, so little water sufficing for each of
them. In 2¼ houres we got to the sea, counting it at least 9 mile, all
the hills on either side (especially the left) covered with vineyards,
and they were then in the height of their vintage. We past severall
very good fountaines in the way, and about a mile of the sea we past a
little Turkish village. So soon as we arriv’d at the sea, we turn’d to
the left hand for Heraclea. At the end of about 6 mile we met a good
fountaine, which refresh’t us well. The country all champion, and many
little villages were to our left hand on the hanging hills. We arriv’d
at Heraclea in 2½ houres. At our rate it was about 13 or 14 miles, the
country still champion, onely some few trees thinly set about Heraclea.
In the playnes are many hills raysed (as sepulchres, I suppose). One
large one is by the sea, upon a rising ground, not far from the town.
It stands upon a peninsula. The Isthmus is on the N.W. side. To the sea
is a pretty high cliff. On that upper ground stood the antient town,
now inhabited most by Greekes. On the lower ground to the Isthmus live
many Turkes, and have severall Moschés. There are yet standing, in all,
40 Greek churches, yet (as elsewhere) none deserve the name but the
Metropole’s, which is a good old odde fashion’d building. It hath a
Cupola and half cupolas about it like Sta. Sophia.

They show there, within the Metropolis, the top stone of Sta. Gluceria’s
tomb, which they say was saved out of her monastery, which stood hard
by, but was ruin’d and most part tumbled into the Sea. It is pure white
marble, about a foot thick, most neatly covered and hollowed on the
edges, with a coronite[436] round the head, and at the feet with two
spires. At the head there is cut an archt hole, in which they say her
head was kept; and there is a hole sideways of it which is like a saucer,
and in the bottome of it is in another small one, out of which they say
continually issued an holy oyle. All this arch’t hole was cover’d with
a plate of gold; the pins that fasten’d it yet remain. I assure you the
whole thing is absolutely the curiosest piece of work that is to be found
in Greece of so modern artifice. On the upper side, between the arch’t
hole and the bottome, rose an inscription in impure Iambick. It was wrote
in a moderne character, which is very difficult to be read, and the
latter end of each verse was wrote under the former part in very much
smaller letters. I verily believe this whole thing was but a piece of
Greekish monkery, and they might have some pretty contrivance to let oyl,
or the like liquor, drop upon occasion, to work some miracle upon the
credulous.

In the Greeks’ Hierology they observe the 23d of May[437] as a great
holy day to her memory, and say that she was martyrd in the times of
Antoninus, by his Proconsul Sabinus; that she was torn apieces by wild
beasts, and afterwards translated to Heraclea. I am sure the story and
the inscription savours of no such antiquity. This church is dedicated to
St. Peter and St. Paul, and is generally called τῶν μεγάλων ἀποστόλων.
The Metropolite has very good accommodations there for himself and his
_papas_. Below, in the cloyster, just at the foot of the staires going up
to the Metropolite’s apartment, lyes buryed Mr. Edward Wych, brother to
Sr. Peter,[438] who was Embassadore here. He went with our chief Dragoman
(yet living) to Scio to meet Sr. Peter’s Lady, then coming out of England
to her husband; and, coming back, he touched at Tenedos, where the plague
was very rife, and he got it and dyed, and was brought here and buryed,
1628.

Coming out of the Greekes’ apartment, we went into St. George’s church
(whome they call ἃγιος Γεώργιος), who is here reverenced as the greatest
Saint imaginable, and they attribute many miracles to his image, which is
a head cut flat in wood and trimm’d up with abundance of tinsel stuff;
the candles have made it as black as soot. The chief thing he is famed
for is the deliverance of poor mariners, and in the church was hang’d
up to him infinites of ἀναθήματα, dedicated by poor creatures which had
escaped shipwreck: most are little short pieces of halsers or cables, or
smal ropes, having one end tipt with silver.

Upon the cliff to the S.E. stand 4 or 5 windmills immoveable, and are
driven onely by the Embaty,[439] which never failes in the daye time to
come of from the sea.

I came from _Selibria_ home with the rest. The Plague had been as hot at
Stambol all last summer, and after our returne (which was Sept. 27th) it
encreased. Upon the death of the foot boy in our house (of whom is above
written), my Ld. and Sr. Tho., with 4 servants, withdrew to a house out
of town. I took the opportunity at that time to go with some gentlemen of
Smyrna (who had been at audience with us) as farre as Brusa, where the
G. Sr. baths are; and indeed it is a brave place. I took some delight
upon mount _Olympus Mysiæ_,[440] which is very, very high, and over
looks the town; it is alwayes cover’d with snowe, as it was then whilst
we were on the top of it. I took notice of many fine plants, trees, and
other curiosyties there, as likewise about the Town and at the baths; and
should certainly have been highly pleased with my voyage, had not a sad
accident embitter’d all to me. One of the gentlemen, my dear friend, fell
sick of a very high feavor: we fear’d it was the Plague. All the rest of
the company left me and my man alone with him; and after 13 dayes he dyed
there. I was ill treated by the Turkes; but I got leave to bury him with
much adoe; and, writing to my Ld., I had a Chiaus and Dragoman came and
chastised those Rogues very handsomely. I spent a month there, and have
made remarques of many things; but I must leave the story of that and all
the rest to another time to tell you by letter or word of mouth.

I will see Nice,[441] Nicomedia, Cyzicus, Mount Athos, Lemnos, Lesbos,
Chios, and what else lyes in my way before I leave the countrey, though
I shall make Inscriptions and such knackes but onely my passe time. Here
are every year abundance of Whiflers[442] in those scraps of learning.
Last year were here one Mr. Wheeler, a pretty ingenious youth, our
countryman, and one Mr. Le Spon,[443] a Frenchman, who certainely have
made the best collection in the world, and intends to print them when
he comes home. He hath gathered up and down at least 10,000 that never
yet saw light in Greek or any other author. I have a very great intimacy
with him, and maintein a strickt correspondency with him, and I shall
certainely give him all I have which he wants; and I am sure I have one
or two very rare, and not met with all by him. Here is now one Mr. Vernon
(lately Secretary to Mr. Montague in France), who is mightily eager after
all such things, and is going for Persia. So the main businesse will be
caryed on by others, to the satisfaction of themselves, if not of others.
For my own part, my heat and leachery after such things was soon over
after I arrived in these places. But, when all is done, they goe but on
the skirts of Asia all of them; whereas from hence to Aleppo, and all
about Ancyra, and on the other side in Caria, etc., are the statelyest
things in the world, and in very great numbers. He that thinks them
worth his labour and expence and hazard, let him go fetch them; yet I
confesse I have an itching after them, for I can assure you there are
some things that will give great light to Church story, especially as to
the Arians, Basilidians,[444] and other Heriticks. It is very troublesome
to transcribe what I have collected; I must be pardoned herein till I
see you. In the mean time, I joyn absolutely with you in your opinion of
that part of learning, and in your censure of the professors of it. I
have two or three pretty knackes which I have lighted upon very cheap,
and yet I vallue them dear. I have a delicate cat’s eye; two or three
_Seraphims_; two little cupids holding a lyon, imbossed admirably in a
_Cameo_; severall petrifyed mushroomes; tiles; etc.

In truth, I am now weary, and I believe so are you by this time. I
cannot read these papers over to correct them. You are my Friend: for
your sake I have scribbled them at full gallop; for my sake passe by
whatever is amisse, or twice over, or rudely and carelessly done. I did
all to testify what you shall ever find—Fidum pectus amicitiae. You
must communicate them to Sam. Th.; and for others I leave it to your
discretion who you shall admitte to see my levityes. It would be some
passetime to T. Fairmeddow over a pot of ale; but use your discretion. I
shall tell him I have wrote you at large. Now, Dear friend, the Mighty
God of heaven and Earth watch over us for our good; and, if it be his
blessed will, bring us together once more. I am,

                 Thy faithfull and affectionate friend,

                                                                    J. C.

       *       *       *       *       *

The two volumes of Dr. Covel’s consecutive diary terminate with his visit
to Adrianople. There are, however, several smaller diaries of different
journeys, which would be too long to insert here. One is thus headed:


_Feb. 16, 1676/7._—OUR VOYAGE TO NICOMEDIA, NICÆA, ETC.

Dr. Covel sailed up the Gulf of Ismidt, and, on arriving at the town of
Ismidt (Nicomedia), he was “nobly lodged at the monastery by Greeks”. He
speaks in quaint terms of the numerous ἁγιάσματα, or sacred springs, at
Ismidt, and describes more particularly one dedicated to St. Anne, and
its supposed healing qualities.

“I saw”, he writes, “a man who, last 2nd of February, went to St. Anne’s
ἁγίασμα for cure, being full of ulcers, and could receive no benefit
otherwayes but washing all over. His ulcers were dryed up in less than a
fortnight’s time, which made me reflect upon the story of Naaman.”

“_Feb. 22._ Got to Isnick (Nicæa), which is not now within the walls, a
third part inhabited, or filled with houses, most being gardens or yards
enclosed with mud walls. I do not remember that I saw one tolerably good
house in the town; and most were intolerably bad, little, pittyfull, low,
dirty hovels, instead of houses.”

As usual, Dr. Covel’s narrative is full of archæology, and as he only
stopped one day at Nicæa, it is marvellous how much he saw and put down.

“If I had had any instrument in the world to have taken a plain angle
withall, I should have plotted down everything exactly. Now I have done
it by guesse and loose calculation, and let that suffice.”

On his return journey he visited the islands of Prinkipo and Chalcis. He
was on this latter on Feb. 25, and visited the celebrated monastery there.

“This monastery about 5 or 6 yeares since, was unfortunately burnt down,
and Panagiotes[445] (the late Vizier’s Dragoman), who lyes buryed here,
rebuilt it at his own cost.”

“Our first ambassador, Sir Edw. Barton, lyes buried without the outward
gate, to the right hand. His armes are rudely done, but I take them to
be three stagges heads above. It was cut by a Turk, and thence came all
the mistakes in the writing, and at the bottome are three Cypress trees,
which are commonly put on the Turks’ tombs.”[446]

On April 2nd, 1677, Dr. Covel left Constantinople for good, and his
return journey to England forms another MS. volume. He thus begins it:

“This day, in the year 1638, I was born at two o’clock in the morning,
being Monday, and it pleased me to see so many things meet this day,
whereby I might reckon it my second birth. Just at two o’clock Antonio
called us to go to the Alloy. This day I left Stamboul, which, for many
reasons, I may well liken to the prison of my mother’s belly.”

Dr. Covel and Sir John Finch, the ambassador, started together on the
_Alloy_, and the new Grand Vizier, Kara Mustapha,[447] came to see
them off, and brought them “large quantities of presents, and grand
accompaniment.”

The homeward diary is very much scamped and badly written, but there
are interesting passages in it. He gives us a good description of
Cyzicus and the temple of Nemesis therein, and his account of Mt. Athos
is also valuable, though prolix. The ship _Alloy_ then came to the
island of Lemnos, “where we lay weather fast.” Dr. Covel here gives us
an interesting account of what he saw in connection with the _terra
Sigillata_ of Lemnos, the sacred earth with supposed curative properties,
a superstition which has survived since the days of Galen, and still
exists, so I will give Dr. Covel’s description in full.

“On the side hills, on the contrary side of the valley, directly over
against the middle point betwixt this hill and Παναγιά κοτζινὰτζ, is the
place where they dig the _terra sigillata_. At the foot of a hard rock of
grey hard freestone enclining to marble is a little clear spring of most
excellent water, which, falling down a little lower, looseth its water in
a kind of milky bogge; on the East side of this spring, within a foot or
my hand’s breadth of it, they every year take out the earth on the 6th
of August, about three houres after the sun. Several papas, as well as
others, would fain have persuaded me that, at the time of our Saviour’s
transfiguration, this place was sanctifyed to have his virtuous earth,
and that it is never to be found soft and unctuous, but always perfect
rock, unlesse only that day, which they keep holy in remembrance of the
Metamorphosis, and at that time when the priest hath said his liturgy;
but I believe they take it onely that day, and set the greater price upon
it by its Scarcenesse. Either it was the Venetian, or perhaps Turkish
policy[448] for the Grand Signor to engrosse it all to himselfe, unless
some little, which the Greekes steal; and they prefer no poor Greek to
take any for his own occasions, for they count it an infallible cure of
all agues taken in the beginning of the fit with water, and drank so
two or three times. Their women drink it to hasten childbirth, and to
stop the fluxes that are extraordinary; and they count it an excellent
counter-poyson, and have got a story that no vessel made of it will
hold poison, but immediately splinter in a thousand pieces. I have seen
several finganes (Turkish cups) made of it in Stamboul; we had a good
store of it presented to us by Agathone and others, all incomparably
good. We had some such as it is naturally dig’d out and not wash’d.
(There is no such chappel nigh as Bel talked of, called Sobiranon, to
be found, unless he took Παναγιά κοτζινὰτζ for it.) Thus they take it
out: before day they begin and digge a well about 1½ yards wide, and a
little above a man’s height deep; and then the earth is taken out soft
and loomy, some of it like butter, which the Greeks say, and the Turks
believe, is turned out of rocky stone into soft clay by virtues of their
mass. When they have taken out some 20 or 30 kintals for the Greeks’ use,
they fill it up again, and so leave it stop’t without any guard in the
world....

“We came down to a town called Hagiapate, where there is a great large
fountain, where they wash and prepare the ἅγιον χώμα (sacred earth) for
the Turkish seal. They first dissolve it in water, well working it with
their hands; then let the water pass through a sive, and what remains
they throw away. They let the water stand till settled, then take of
the clear, and, when dry enough, they mould in their hands; and most of
this we have is shaped from thence. It is all here white, yet I had some
given me flesh-coloured. I enquired diligently about it, and they all
told me it came out of the same pit; but I expect some of these fellows
have found some other place which they conceal. We had some little
quantity given us of several people, but very privately, for fear of the
_Avaniás_. Agathone, being the Pasha’s favourite, feared nothing, but
gave us at least 20 okes before 20 people. They tell a story that the
earth is hollow from the holy well, when dig’d, to the fountain, where
they wash it; and that a duck once dived in the water there and was taken
up here; but it seemed an impossible thing to me, there being not water
enough in the first place to cover a duck, and the water in the bogge so
very shallow, and the earth not sinuous.”

       *       *       *       *       *

Dr. Covel’s remarks on the sacred earth of Lemnos are particularly
valuable, as this is one of the clearest instances of a pagan
superstition being carried on through the influence of Christianity
down to our own times. Pliny mentions it (_Hist. Nat._, 29, 5); also
Dioscorides (_De Mater. Med._, 5, 113); and Galen made an expedition
to Lemnos on purpose to see it, and gives us an account of it (_De
Simpl. Med._, 9, 2, vol. xii). He mentions the disorders for which it
was considered beneficial; he also gives us the ceremonies and mode
of operation; on certain occasions a priestess of Artemis came, and,
after certain rites, carried off a cartload to the city; she mixed it
with water, kneaded it, and strained off both the moisture and gritty
particles, and, when it was like wax, she impressed it with the seal
of Artemis. During the Middle Ages, the reputed virtues of this earth
remained unimpaired as a remedy for the plague. Belon saw it in the
sixteenth century (_Observations de plusieurs singulaires_, p. 51). Here
we have Dr. Covel’s account of it in the seventeenth century. Conze was
able to buy specimens of it in 1858; but Dr. Tozer, who visited Lemnos
three years ago, writes of it as an expiring superstition. In that
year only twelve persons were present at the ceremony; and the Turkish
governor, seeing so small a prospect of revenue, has ceased to be present
in person. Dr. Tozer could not even obtain a specimen in a chemist’s
shop; but the superstitious in remote parts of the island still use it.

Proceeding from Lemnos, the _Alloy_ went to Chios, where Dr. Covel gives
us an account of the silk-trade carried on there, and the growth of the
mastic, and the _avanias_ thereon imposed by the Turkish Government.
“The poor sort of Greek women dayly scold and quarrell, and pull one
another’s head gear of,[449] then in a fury run to Turkish justice; and,
in conclusion, both pay soundly, though the richest purse always speeds
best.”

When passing between Chios and the island of Psara, Dr. Covel tells two
curious nautical yarns. “_The Plymouth_, which caryed my Lord Winchilsea
to Stambol, passing between these two islands, strook twice or thrice
upon a blind rock, and a great peice broke of, and stuck in the keel of
the ship, and continued in quite till she returned to England, and was
found when she came to be carin’d. The peice is now kept in the king’s
closet. Captain Blake told me that a ship coming from the E. Indyes,
the Doctor was very kind to a sick mariner, who thereupon made the Dr.
his heir; he, tempted thereby, gave him something to sleep, and, taking
opportunity, thrust in a small needle or bodkin under his ear, and kil’d
him. He was thrown over board, and three days after, sayling with a very
stiff gale, they spyed his body floting under the weather bow; as fast as
the ship could make way, it kept pace. With wonder they took it up, and,
after many consultations, the Captain came himself first and touch’t it;
when the Dr. came, the blood spirt out of the dead man’s nose and the
wound under his ear, upon him: he confest all, and was brought home and
hang’d.”

After rounding Cape Matapan, the _Alloy_ sailed up the Adriatic to
Venice, where Dr. Covel stayed some time and crossed Italy and France on
his way to England.

“On Monday morning, Jan. 20th, 1679, we got over to Dover in four houres
just; that night to Canterbury; next night to London.”

At the end of his _Diary_ there is this curious note on a London
fog:—“Feb. 12, 1679, was Black Sunday; so dark about 9 or 10 o’clock
for about ½ an hour, as candles were lighted in most churches in London.
It is thought it came partly from a misty thick air, partly from a
very black, thick cloud, which, being low, hindered in the third place
the smoke to rise high, which increased the thickness of the air. I am
informed the like hath been often before. Mr. Standish was lighted home
with a torch at 3 in the afternoon.”

[Illustration]




FOOTNOTES


[1] Queen Elizabeth and Amurath III.

[2] Sequins.

[3] Von Hammer.

[4] Clarke, _Travels_.

[5] Mr. John Chapman was sent out in September 1621, arriving in
Constantinople December 12th, with orders for Eyre to return directly and
leave Chapman in charge of the Embassy till the arrival of his successor.

[6] Sir Thomas Phillipps was appointed in October 1625 to succeed Roe,
but, for some reason, he did not go.

[7] He arrived in Constantinople 13th October 1638, but did not assume
office till the middle of 1639, owing to the Grand Seigneur’s absence.

[8] In 1653 Mr. Richard Lawrance was sent out by Cromwell to replace
Bendysh, but, apparently owing to the latter’s influence, the Grand
Seigneur refused to receive Lawrance, and Bendysh remained as Ambassador
till 1661.

[9] Though appointed in 1672, Finch did not reach Constantinople till
1674.

[10] _Carsaye_ = _Kersey_, a kind of stuff. The ordinances for upholding
the Levant Company merchants, 9th March 1643, speak of the “venting
of Kerseys, sayes (silks), perpetuanas (a stuff so called for its
durability), and several other articles.”

[11] Points were laces for fastening up clothes; _e.g._,

    “_F._ Their points being broken,—
    _P._ Down fell the hose.”

    (Shaks., _Hen. IV_, ii, 4.)

[12] Pantables = pantofles. “Swearing by the pantables of Paris.”
(Sidney, _Arcadia_.)

[13] The hangers were that part of the sword-belt to which the weapon
was suspended. “Sir, French rapiers and poniards, with their assigns, as
girdle, hangers, and so.” (_Hamlet_, v, 2.)

[14] _Rosa solis_ = a cordial.

      “We abandon all ale
      And beer that is stale,
    Rosa solis and damnable hum;
      But we will rack
      In the place of sack
    ’Gainst _Omne quod exit in um_.”

    (_Witts Recreations_, 1654.)

[15] Compostie = compost, a mixture. “Compostes and confites.” (_Babees
Boke_, p. 121.)

[16] Algiers.

[17] Asia Minor.

[18] These words are in a later hand.

[19] Virginals were spinetts, so called from being played by young girls.
The term “a pair of virginals”, “a pair of organs”, was common, and only
denoted one instrument. Cf. the phrases “a pair of stairs”, “a pair of
bellows”, still exist.

[20] “The Sleeve” is a literal translation of the French “La Manche”.

    “Along the Celtic sea, called oftentimes ‘the Sleeve’.”

    (Drayton, _Polyolb._, xxiii.)

[21] Lanneret = a hawk.

[22] Probably the dangerous “Pommier Rocks” in the Casquets.

[23] The captain.

[24] _Dunkirks._ The Dunkirkers were at that time the pirates of the
Channel, and their privateers did much damage to English trade.

                      “This was a rail
    Bred by a zealous brother in Amsterdam,
    Which being sent unto an English lady,
    Was ta’en at sea by Dunkirkers.”

    (_The Bird in a Cage_, O. Pl., viii, 267.)

[25] _Carvel_, _caravel_, Italian form of ship in the Middle Ages. Word
extant in modern Greek καρὰβι.

[26] Faightes = fightes. Waste-cloths formerly hung about a ship to
conceal the men from the enemy. Shaks., _Merry Wives of Windsor_, Act ii,
Scene 2: “Clap on more sails: pursue, up with your fights.” Close fights
= close quarters.

[27] Bandeleer = leathern cases or belts containing charges for
firelocks, used before modern cartouche-boxes were invented.

[28] Chase peeses = chase-guns, which were placed during an engagement at
the chase-ports at the bows.

[29] Written on the opposite blank page of the MS. is: “We gave them 3
chase peeces before they woulde strike.”

[30] Drablings = the drabler, or a piece of canvas laced on the bonnet of
a sail to give it more drop.

[31] Spardecke. This is a loose term applied to the quarter-deck,
gangways, and forecastle.

[32] The paragraphs inserted between brackets are written, in the
original, on the opposite blank page.

[33] Tarifa.

[34] Still known as Ape Hill.

[35] Gibraltar.

[36] Ceuta.

[37] Marbella.

[38] Malaga.

[39] Salobreña.

[40] Algiers.

[41] _Assinego_, a Portuguese word to signify “ass”. “Thou hast no more
brain than I have in mine elbow; an assinego may tutor thee.” (_Troilus
and Cressida_, ii, 1.)

[42] Cf. French, _renier_ = renegade.

[43] Bagno.

[44] Dellys.

[45] Bougie.

[46] Zembra el Jamoor, over against Carthage.

[47] Cape Bon.

[48] Tunis.

[49] Sicily.

[50] Grand Master of Knights of Rhodes.

[51] _Watchet silk_, so called from the colour of the dye of woad, Saxon
_Wadchet_.

    “Who like a mighty king doth cast his Watchet robe
    Far wider than the land, quite round the globe.”

    (Drayton, Bk. xx, p. 1044.)

[52] Chios.

[53] Marseilles.

[54] _Saffranee_ = Sovrano, or Windward, the modern Bay of Argostoli in
Cephalonia.

[55] Each of the Ionian Islands was governed by a _Proveditore_ from
Venice until the downfall of the Republic in 1797.

[56] Castel Tornese.

[57] Pratique.

[58] The γυναιλεῖον, or woman’s quarter in a Greek church.

[59] _Vide_ note 3, p. 17.

[60] Easter eggs.

[61] Eggs for a country festivity.

[62] “Many shiftes and subtle traverses were overwrought by this
occasion.” (_Proceedings against Garnet_, 1606.)

[63] A game with a beam and sack of sand.

[64] Probably the Strophades, the largest of which is still called
Convent Island, and has a convent on it of monks only.

[65] Cerigo, anc. Cythera.

[66] Milos and Antimilos.

[67] Cassos and Carpathos.

[68] _I.e._, the Knights of Rhodes.

[69] Caramania.

[70] Paphos.

[71] Ras el Khanzir.

[72] Dallam’s constant use of the word _butt_ for _boat_ sufficiently
explains the following passage in Shakspeare, where _butt_ is supposed to
have been a misprint:

    “ ... where they prepared
    A rotten carkasse of a _butt_, not rigg’d,
    Nor tackle, sayle, nor mast.”

    (_Tempest_, i, 2.)

[73] Scalastead. Cf. roadstead, the wharf or emporium for disembarkation.

[74] _Platt_ = plan. “To draw plattes of Sicily, and describe the
situation of Libya and Carthage.” (North’s _Plut._, 220 B.)

[75] Lizards.

[76] Cf. Introduction for the English trade in Aleppo.

[77] Hostelries.

[78] Tarsus.

[79] “Jonah’s Pillar”, a rock in the sea, at the mouth of Scanderoon
harbour.

[80] Sampeare = Samphire, the _Crithnum maritimum_, pickled as a salad.
“Hangs one that gathers samphire: dreadful trade.” (Shaks., _Lear_, iv,
6.)

[81] Ayash, or more probably Korghos, or Corycos. Ayash, ancient Elaeusa,
is at present a mass of ruins, Roman and mediæval, about 30 miles west of
Messina, joining on to the ancient Corycos, now Korghos, with an island
and fortress built during the Crusades, which is probably the “fayre and
large castle” alluded to by Dallam.

[82] _Castellorosso_, an island much frequented by Greek mariners.

[83] _Kiaya_ is Turkish for “deputy”.

[84] Stave = stave of a barrel.

[85] Small black and white stones are still used for paving floors, etc.,
in Rhodes.

[86] _Ægean_ Sea.

[87] Stanco = Kos, contracted form of εἲς τὰν Κὸ. Cf. Stalimna for
Limnos, Stamboul, εῖς τὰν πὸλιν, etc., etc.

[88] Leros.

[89] The Boghaz.

[90] Between Samos and the Island of Nicaria.

[91] Mt. Kerki, at the west end of Samos.

[92] There are twenty-two mastic-growing villages on Chios.

[93] Doubtless one of the mastic villages to the south of the island,
most of which have still castles in their midst.

[94] Raspis = raspberry.

[95] Escutcheons.

[96] Caked = calked. “The windows close shut and calked.” (Ben Jonson,
_Silent Woman_, i. 1.)

[97] Tobacco-smoking was just then in its infancy; it was introduced
into England by Sir John Hawkins in 1565, and grew rapidly in the
next decades. A curious old book of travels in Wales, says, “William
Myddleton, elder brother of Sir Hugh Myddleton, projector of the
New River, is remarkable for having been one of the first three who
smoked tobacco in England, when crowds gathered round to witness the
phenomenon.” Shakespeare never once alludes to tobacco.

[98] Cape Janissary is on the Asiatic side of the entrance to the
Dardanelles.

[99] Gallipoli.

[100] Chirmagee = a boat rowed by _chiurme_, or slaves.

[101] Thomas Glover subsequently went out, in 1602, as Ambassador to the
Porte, with power to appoint Consuls, and regulate the trade.

[102] _Relezea_ corresponds in position to modern _Ereklidia_, which is
mentioned by Wheeler as _Heraclissa_.

[103] Sledge = sledge-hammer. “The blacksmith’s sledge, and the scythe of
the mower.” (Longfellow, _Evangeline_, i, 2.)

[104] _Fadem_, old form of word “fathom”. A.-S. _fædm_ = the space
reached by the arms extended, a grasp:—

    “I fadmede al at ones
    Denemark with mine longe bones.”

    (Havelock, i, 294.)

[105] Sequins.

[106] Greek village called Chora; modern pronunciation, “Hora”.

[107] A pottle was a quart jug. “Potations pottle deep.” (_Othello_, ii,
3.)

[108] Ganos.

[109] Heraclia.

[110] Selibria, anc. Selymbria.

[111] Musk melons.

[112] Citrons or pumpkins. Pumpion is old form of word pumpkin, showing
its derivation from French _pompon_, Lat. _pepo_. “As flat and insipid as
pompions.” (Goodman, _Winter’s Evening’s Conference_, pt. 1.)

[113] Vineyards.

[114] Pera.

[115] The old line of the Kings of Fez was driven out by the Emperor of
Morocco in 1548, and the country annexed. Presumably the exiled family
took refuge in Constantinople.

[116] Anshante = ancient, a standard; corruption of “ensign”. “Ten times
more dishonourably ragged than an old-faced ancient.” (_1 Hen. IV_, iv,
2.)

[117] Braurie = bravery. “With scarfs and fans and double change of
bravery.” (_Taming of Shrew_, iv, 3.)

[118] _Vide_ p. 7, note 2.

[119] Capougee, lit. gatekeeper.

[120] Bostan Pasha = Chief of the Gardens.

[121] The Golden Horn.

[122] _Jemeglans_ = adjemoglans = sons of strangers (_adjemi_).
The adjemoglans were either captives in war, or sons of Christian
parents taken when young, and designed for the more servile offices
of the seraglio which a Turk would not do. The Bostangee-basha, or
head-gardener, rose from their ranks and often obtained great power.

[123] _Oda_: Turkish for a compartment.

[124] Mohamed III put nineteen of his brothers to death on his accession;
he was the last of the heirs allowed liberty. Henceforward, they were
kept in the _Kaweh_, or cage, in the seraglio, from which they came out
to rule or die. Presumably it is the _Kaweh_ which Dallam describes.

[125] The Sultana Valide, mother of Mohamed III, was the celebrated
Sultana Safiye, favourite wife of Amurath III. She was of Venetian
origin, being captured when young. She ruled Turkey during the lifetime
of both her husband and son; hence the expediency of sending her so
handsome a present. Mr. Paul Pinder, afterwards Ambassador, amassed great
riches in the East, and built a most beautiful house in Bishopsgate
Street.

[126] The Feast of Bairam.

[127] Sir Henry Lello was Ambassador to the Porte at that time. For
an account of him, and his correspondence with Lord Salisbury, _vide_
Introduction.

[128] Mr. Paul Pinder was subsequently appointed Ambassador at
Constantinople.

[129] Afterwards Sir Thomas Glover, Ambassador to the Porte.

[130] Grosgrain, from French _grosgrain_, _i.e._, thick, coarse.

[131] Spanish _tantarara_, the redoubled beating of a drum.

[132] Gatekeeper.

[133] Tissue = interwoven or variegated. “The chariot was covered with
cloth of gold _tissued_ upon blue.” (Bacon.)

[134] Made of Spanish leather. “I will send you the Cordovan pockets and
gloves.” (Howell, _Familiar Letters_, 1650.)

[135] Sir Paul Ricaut, in his book on Turkish policy, thus describes
the dumb:—“They are called _Bizebani_ or mutes, which are taught
mute language made up of several signs, in which, by custom, they
can discourse and fully express themselves. Eight or nine are called
favourite mutes, who serve for buffoons to sport with, whom he sometimes
kicks, sometimes throws in the cisterns of water, sometimes makes fight
together ... the mute language is much in vogue at Court, amongst others,
as it is rude even to whisper in the Grand Signior’s presence ... the
dwarfs are called _Giuge_, and especially valued if they are also eunuchs
and deaf.”

[136] Sequins.

[137] The Baily of Venice at Constantinople at that time was one of the
Capello family, celebrated for their admirals and statesmen. He retained
the office from 1596 to 1604.

[138] Mandilion = a soldier’s cloak. “A mandilion that did with button
meet.” (Chapman: Hom., _Il._, x.)

[139] _Scamatie_, deriv. Italian _scamatare_, to beat off the dust of
wool.

[140] Muslin or lawn.

[141] The high shoe is still worn by Turkish women. (_Vide_ note, p. 2.)

[142] The vizier. Ibrahim was Grand Vizier just then, a creature of
Mohamed III and the Validè Sultan’s. He was the third Grand Vizier
appointed in the year 1598, and was himself appointed for the third time.
He had pillaged Egypt, assassinated the Druses, and during his period
of office as Grand Vizier, which continued till his death in 1601, he
perpetrated every horror possible. He married a daughter of the Sultan’s,
and kept in the favour of the Sultan’s mother by giving her magnificent
presents. (Von Hammer.)

[143] The French Ambassador at that time was François Savary de Brèves;
he was appointed in 1589, and remained till 1606.

[144] _Carmesale_, probably from Karamosel, a seaport on the Gulf of
Ismidt.

[145] Zeitoun or Lamia, on the Gulf of Lamia.

[146] Gulf of Corinth, or Lepanto; modern town called _Epakto_, ancient
_Naupactus_.

[147] The house of a Greek, “Romaic” as they call modern Greek.

[148] The game of football is much older in England than cricket; the
first mention of it is in the reign of Edward III, and it became so
rough a game in the time of James I, that, in his _Basilikon Doron_ he
describes it “as meeter for laming, than making able the users thereof.”

[149] Probably cranes.

[150] Castel Tornese.

[151] Ugly, Fr. _laide_.

[152] Supportes, _i.e._, provisions.

[153] Castel Tornese.

[154] Bay of Argostoli in Cephalonia.

[155] The _Edward Bonaventure_ and the _Susan_ are the two ships which
Richard Hakluyt, in his Collection of Voyages, vol. ii, 285, tells us had
a fight with 11 gallies and 2 frigates of the king of Spain, within the
Straits of Gibraltar, and came off victorious.

In Harleian MS. 1579, f. 150, we find “a note of all the shipps that’s
bound for Turkey out of England and the burden of them and the Captaynes
names”. The _Hector_ is given in this list as of 300 tons, and under
the command of Captain Harris. The _Bonaventure_ was also 300 tons,
Captain Childie. Dallam here distinguishes between the merchant ship
_Bonaventure_ and the Queen’s ship _Edward Bonaventure_: this latter ship
and the _Swallow_ were both probably those engaged in the destruction
of the Spanish Armada, when the _Bonaventure_ was commanded by Captain
Regmon and the _Swallow_ by Captain Hawkins. The _Bonaventure_ appears in
the list of many of the expeditions of the time under Frobisher and Sir
Francis Drake. (_Archæologia_, vol. xxxiv.)

[156] Perhaps the ship _Susan_ which in 1581 carried our first Ambassador
to the Porte, Mr. Harbone, to Constantinople.

[157] Ital. _moscato_, a name given in those days to several sweet
Italian and French wines.

    “Quaff’d off the muscadel.”

    (_Taming of the Shrew_, iii, 2.)

[158] Lixure, in Bay of Argostoli in Cephalonia.

[159] _Montebello._ Cf. the Greek love of euphemism, which gave the name
of _Kalliste_, or the most beautiful, to the volcano of Santorin.

[160] Cape Passaro is southern Cape of Sicily.

[161] Zembra.

[162] Porto Farina, the western point of the Bay of Tunis.

[163] Formentera, one of the Balearic Islands.

[164] Iviza.

[165] Chibbal; Fr. _ciboule_; Ital. _cipolla_, a small onion or chive.

            “Ye eating rascals,
    Do execution upon these, and _chibbals_.”

    (Beaumont and Fletcher, _Bonduca_.)

[166] Las Calderonas, a small village on the borders of Alicante and
Murcia.

[167] Walloon. Teuton name for Celts of Flanders and Isle of Walcheren.

[168] Cape Palos.

[169] Cape de Gata.

[170] Alhama.

[171] Castel de Ferro.

[172] Gibraltar.

[173] Burgo.

[174] Marbella.

[175] Cape Spartel.

[176] Probably Los Guigos, behind Algeciras.

[177] Large ships of burden, Spanish _caraca_.

    “They were made like _carracks_, only strength and stowage.”

    (Beaumont and Fletcher, _Coxc._, Act ii.)

[178] _Vide_ note 1, p. 8.

[179] These pages, doubtless, relate the battle, which, as the sequel
shows, was a victory for the English.

[180] Most of these ships are alluded to in the State Papers, when they
came in to be cleaned, when they brought in a prize, etc., etc. Sir
Thomas Allen was once in command of the _Greenwich_.

[181] Those which went into the Mediterranean.

[182] The Round House was an erection abaft the mainmast for the
accommodation of the ship’s officers.

[183] “The waist of a ship is a hollow space of about five feet in depth,
contained between the elevations of the quarter-deck and the forecastle,
and having an upper-deck for its base or platform.” (Falconer,
_Shipwreck_, ii.)

[184] _Purl_ was the name originally given to beer with an infusion of
wormwood. A _Purlman_ was one who sold it to sailors in the Thames.
(Mayhew, _London Labour and London Poor_, vol. ii, p. 108.)

[185] Sir Thomas Allen is frequently alluded to by Pepys as a brave
soldier and sailor in the wars against the Dutch. He was an admiral
of high repute during Charles II’s reign. In 1664 he was appointed to
command the Mediterranean squadron, and captured the Dutch “Smyrna fleet”.

[186] Calpe and Abyla, anciently known as the Pillars of Hercules.

[187] There are fifteen side-chapels in Malaga Cathedral.

[188] _I.e._, brother clergyman.

[189] Dragoman.

[190] Codling = a crab- or hedge-apple. “A codling when ’tis almost an
apple.” (_Twelfth Night_, i, 5.)

[191] Galley-man.

[192] A daughter of Cecil, second Lord Baltimore, who founded the colony
of Maryland, which his father, the first Lord Baltimore, had projected.

[193] Mad-apples, or Jews’-apples, are fruit of _Solanum Melangena_.

[194] “Bottled” here means bulging like a bottle. Cf. blue-bottle.

[195] L. 29, c. 4, _animalia fœdissima_.

[196] Dioscor., l. 2, c. 33, _contra febres et Aspidum morsus_.

[197] Capo di Pula.

[198] Coppled = with a peak or cop, sugar-loaf form.

[199] L. 9, c. 17.

[200] _In Quæst._, l. 3, c. 18.

[201] L. 1, p. 730.

[202] L. 17, p. 512-40.

[203] _Epil._, c. 51.

[204] Lib. 31, c. 7.

[205] L. 17.

[206] Leo Afri., l. 5, p. m. 562.

[207] _Vide_ note, p. 103.

[208] L. 35, c. 15.

[209] Lucian, _In Novigio_, p. 933.

[210] L. 8, c. 9, p. m. 860.

[211] _Meteor._, c. 7, 4.

[212] These lights are known now by the Greeks as τελώνια and by the
Italians as “fire of St. Elmo”.

[213] _Tal._, c. 1, fig. 4.

[214] Stived = packed away, stuffed.

[215] In Taylor’s works, 1630, we have a description of a _satée_: “A
satie, which is a ship much like unto an argosey, of a very great burthen
and bignesse.”

[216] _Meson_, an old form of the word “mizzen”.

[217] Stay-sail = a triangular sail hoisted on a stay.

[218] “Tender” is a word used for a stay or a spar, or any kind of beam.

[219] _Cervi_ is an Italian translation of the Greek form ἐλαφόνησος, or
stag island, in the Bay of Kolokythia.

[220] Yale = yawl or jolly-boat.

[221] These raw-hide shoes are still worn by Greek peasants, and called
τσαρόυκια.

[222] _I.e._, buyer.

[223] _Æn._, 2, l. 79.

[224] _Iphigen. in Taur._, Act v, p. 1205.

[225] Plash = puddle. “Makes meadows, standing pleashes.” (Browne,
_Buttamina’s Pastorals_, i, 1.)

[226] The Archipelago.

[227] _Argentiere_ is the Italian name for Kimolos, a great halting-place
for ships in those days.

[228] Seriphos and Siphnos.

[229] Psara.

[230] _Kara-bournon_ = Turkish, black point or nose.

[231] Sir P. Ricaut was twelve years Consul at Smyrna, and wrote a work
on _Turkish Policy_.

[232] Dr. Pickering and Dr. Covel are mentioned by Spon and Wheeler
as being at Smyrna. “And so in the good company of Doctor Pickering,
physician to the factory at Smyrna, Dr. Covel, who was so kind as to
bring us some part of the way, and divers merchants, we parted hence.”

[233] _Aspers_: a coin, worth a halfpenny at that time, according to Sir
Paul Ricaut.

[234] The Patriarchate at Constantinople was then in a deplorable
state. The price of the dignity was, Von Hammer tells us, then 20,000
crowns. Dionysius and Parthenius were constantly quarrelling for the
office. Dionysius was deposed because he quarrelled with Panagiotes,
the great dragoman’s wife (_vide_ Introduction), but returned to office
on his death. Parthenius did well for the Greek cause in abolishing the
temporary unions of Greek women with Turks.

[235] The _Logothetes_ corresponds to the Chancellor in the Greek Church.

[236] _Scabellum_ or _scamellum_. Gk. ὑποπόδιον = a footstool.

[237] “From one shoulder to the other.”

[238] The _vena salvatella_, a vein on the back of the hand much used
formerly for bleeding.

[239] Arnout = an Albanian garment.

[240] The _Centurion_ was a fourth-rate ship of the line, of 531 tons;
_temp._ Charles II. (_Archæologia_, xi, 183.)

[241] Great Thursday.

[242] “In the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost.”

[243] στοιχάρι = mod. Gk. surplice.

[244] ὡράριον = a stole.

[245] ἐπιμανίκιον = a maniple.

[246] ἐπιτρακχὴλιον is also a stole.

[247] ὑπογονάτιον is a part of a priest’s dress in the form of a diamond,
which hangs below the knee.

[248] Slew’d = swung round.

[249] καμηλαύκι is the modern Greek for a priest’s cap.

[250] Apron.

[251] Refers to the Greek custom, still in vogue, when they assemble to
shoot at a dummy Judas.

[252] Final letters of words, Ἰησοῦς and Χρίστὸς; Byzantine form of Sigma.

[253] The _Prothesis_ is the altar for shrew-bread in the Greek Church.

[254] Italian, “dirty”.

[255] Grand Vizier Achmet Kiuprili, who won Crete for the Turks in 1669.

[256] Lit. market-place.

[257] Demir-tash.

[258] _Oda_ = sleeping-room.

[259] _Santon_ = holy man.

[260] _Tabard_ was originally a light vest worn over the armour; and
generally embroidered with the arms of the wearer.

[261] _Kapougi_, “gate-keeper”; and _Kapa Agasi_, “master of the gate”.

[262] _Moutessaref_, “sub-governor of a province”.

[263] _Mufti_, “the chief lawyer”.

[264] Judge-advocates.

[265] Penalties.

[266] Treasurer.

[267] Captain.

[268] Pourer out of sherbet.

[269] Coffee-cups.

[270] _Dafterdar_ = President of the Treasury.

[271] Modern Greek, _Phanari_.

[272] _Bostangee_ = gardener.

[273] _Naï_ = a flute made out of a reed.

[274] _Vide_ note, p. 145.

[275] _Vakouf_ = money from the mosque property.

[276] _Tekie_ = Dervish’s monastery.

[277] _Baltagee_ = axe-bearers.

[278] Fipple = a stopper. “In recorders, which go with a gentle breath;
the concave of the pipe, were it not for the _fipple_, that straiteneth
the air much more than the simple concave, would yield no sound.” (Bacon,
_Nat. Hist._, § 116.)

[279] Noze = nozzle.

[280] πλαγιαῦλος = Mod. Gr., a transverse flute.

[281] Still in use in the Greek islands.

[282] At Maidan = the horse-market.

[283] _Vide_ Introduction for an account of Sir John Finch and Sir Thomas
Baines.

[284] Deriv. _Mesh_, “a torch”.

[285] _Trigae_ = three-horsed chariots.

[286] A queach is a thick, bushy plot, a _quick_-set hedge. “The
fortresses of thorniest queache.” (Chapman’s Homer, _Hymn to Pan_.)

[287] Sides or supports.

[288] Marked on Ortelius’ map.

[289] Inns.

[290] Still known by this name.

[291] Valedéh Sultan = Queen-mother.

[292] Market-place.

[293] Modern maps _Bojados_.

[294] Spelt on modern maps _Tchorlou_.

[295] _Silivri._

[296] Champion = champaign, a flat, open country. “The Canaanites which
dwell in the _champaign_ over against Gilgal.” (Deut. xi, 30.)

[297] Probably _Sinekly_ in modern maps.

[298] _Flead_ = stripped. “He ought to sheere, not to _flea_ his sheepe.”
(Ben Jonson, _Discoveries_.)

[299] On modern maps _Karitchtran_.

[300] Garlic.

[301] Modern _Lule-Bourgas_.

[302] Trench.

[303] _Mohamed the Bosnian_, better known as Sokolli, from the castle of
Sokol, where he was born, retained the Grand Vizierate for fifteen years,
under three Sultans, and did much for the then rapidly-decaying Ottoman
power.

[304] Or, rather, Baba, now called Eski-Baba. Ortelius calls it
_Sikibaba_.

[305] Modern name the same. Ortelius calls it _Capsia_.

[306] _Vide_ Introduction.

[307] Mosque of Sultan Selim II.

[308] _I.e._, bugs.

[309] The term “mumpus” is derived from “mump”, Dutch _mompen_, “to
cheat”. “I am resolved to mump your proud players.” (Duke of Buckingham,
_The Rehearsal_, p. 23.)

[310] Probably, as Covel was a Cambridge man, he alludes to the same lady
as Mr. Pepys speaks of as Mr. Sanchy’s mistress: “And there found Mr.
Sanchy and Mrs. Mary Archer, sister to the fair Betty whom I did admire
at Cambridge.”

[311] The terrible earthquake at Ragusa is stated by Von Hammer as
occurring in 1668. Five thousand persons perished in it; the harbour
was destroyed; “water, fire, air, and earth were mingled in a terrible
combat, the result of which was the ruin of Ragusa” (Von Hammer). The
Turks took advantage of the position, increased the taxes, and utterly
crushed the place. In 1678, one Ragusan Ambassador was put to death,
another put in prison, and 200,000 crowns demanded from the inhabitants.

[312] Amurath III died 1595.

[313] Arab. _suffah_ is deriv. of our word “sofa”.

[314] The Grand Vizier, Achmet Kiuprili, died towards the close of the
year 1676.

[315] _Sophister_, a Cambridge term. Second year’s men are called junior
sophs.; third year’s men, senior sophs.

[316] _Weales._ A weal is a mark or stripe. “Thy sacred body was stripped
of thy garments and wealed with bloody stripes.” (Bp. Hall, _Contempl._,
bk. iv.)

[317] Count Kindsberg was Ambassador at this time from Germany to the
Porte. He had a very difficult diplomatic game to play: firstly, to
remonstrate with the Sultan for the tyrannies of the Pashas at the towns
of Wardein, Erlau, and Debreczin; and, secondly, to counteract the
influence of the French Ambassador, M. de Nointel, as France and Germany
were at war at this time. Count Kindsberg died in the following year of
the plague, or, as some said, of poison administered to him by one of the
officers of the Janissaries.

[318] _Walter de Leslie_, Lord of Pettau and Neustadt, and Field Marshal
of the German Empire, was Ambassador to the Porte in 1665. His embassy
was noted for the pomp displayed and for the magnificence of his presents
to the Sultan.

[319] Prince Mustapha came to the throne in 1695, after his two uncles,
Solyman II and Achmet II. His reign was singularly unfortunate, and he
was deposed and imprisoned in 1703.

[320] The _Mouteferrika_ was the quartermaster.

[321] French _doliman_, derived from this Turkish cloak, a light overcoat
with straight sleeves, buckled by a girdle.

[322] Kadi.

[323]

    “Bring me the bells, the rattle bring,
    And bring the hobby I bestrode.”

    (Shentone, _Ode to Memory_.)

[324] The origin of the diminutive Sir Tom Thumb is, like that of the
Teutonic myth, _Jack the Giant-killer_, to be found in the earliest
annals of our race. An old ballad, written in 1630, commences thus:—

    “In Arthur’s court Tom Thumb did live,
      A man of mickle might,
    The best of all the table round,
      And eke a doughty knight.

    “His stature but an inch in height,
      Or quarter of a span,
    Then thinke you not this little knight
      Was proved a valiant man.”

Probably the Tom Thumb alluded to by Dr. Covel is the one who, in 1588,
fought a duel on Salisbury Plain with a noted giant.

[325] Sir Bevis, who conquered the giant Ascapart, and kept him as his
slave, was the hero of one of the most favourite old legends.

    “Of Hampton all the baronage
    Came and did Sir Bevis homage.”

Mr. Pepys alludes to the figure of him over the gate: “At Southampton ...
Bevis’s picture is on one of the gates.”

[326] Cop = lump.

[327] _I.e._, watermen.

[328] _Rebi_ is Turkish for spring. _Rebi-u-l-evvel_ = the first
(_evvel_) of spring, _i.e._, the 3rd month. _Rebi-u-l-akhir_ = the last
(_akhir_) of spring, _i.e._, the 4th month.

[329] Hunched = pushed. “Then Jack’s friends began to hunch and push one
another.” (Arbuthnot, _Hist. of John Bull_, ch. xiii.)

[330] _Achmet Kiuprili_ was the real ruler of Turkey from 1661 to his
death in 1676. He defeated Sobieski on several occasions, besides winning
Crete for the Turks.

[331] Beetled = projecting.

[332] _Vide_ Knolles’ _Hist. of Ottoman Turks_.

[333] Spon and Wheeler say, vol. i, p. 242:—“Sultan Mahomet IV, who
now reigns, has so keen a passion for the chase, that for long he has
made it his occupation. It is for this reason that for seven or eight
years he has made his residence at Adrianople, for the environs are most
suitable to give him the pleasure that he loves.” Mohamed IV was also of
a decidedly literary turn of mind.

[334] _Defterdar_, High Treasurer.

[335] _Muezin_, the call to prayer from the minaret.

[336] Shawn or hautboy.

[337] _I.e._, metal-plated.

[338] Pollux (iv, 60) describes the _Pandoura_ as used by the Assyrians,
consisting only of three chords.

[339] Hornified = hardened.

[340] Steales = stales, handles or sticks of a rake, etc.

[341] Quintal.

[342] _Menage_, here, means manage, control.

    “He the rightful owner of that steede,
    He well could _menage_ and subdue his pride.”

    (Spenser, _F. Q._, II, iv, 2.)

[343] _Slubber_ is a variant of _slabber_, to do a thing carelessly.
“_Slubber_ not business for my sake.” (Shakes., _Mer. of Ven._, ii, 8.)

[344] Fr. for _sausage_.

[345] _Stoups_ = a vessel or receptacle; cf. Holy-water stoup.

[346] The chief eunuch, who looks after the harem.

[347] Petards = metal boxes, loaded with powder.

[348] _Vide_ note 2, p. 198.

[349] The Chiabeghi is the grand master of the court attached to an
ambassador.

[350] Chief of the Chiaus.

[351] _Spahis_, a division of the Turkish army, consisting of light
horsemen, generally chosen from the upper classes.

[352] _Vide_ note 2, p. 166.

[353] Turkish word for shoes; Mod. Greek παπούτσια.

[354] Old English form of Spanish _chapin_. “Your ladyship is nearer
to heaven than when I saw you last by the altitude of a _chioppine_.”
(Shakespeare.)

[355] Turkish _vekil_ = a deputy.

[356] Chief eunuch.

[357] Flags.

[358] Holy man or dervish.

[359] Bedlam, contracted from Bethlehem, because the hospital of St. Mary
Bethlehem was used for lunatics, and anyone escaped or let out of this
establishment was known as Tom of Bedlam.

[360] Reis Effendi = Minister of Foreign Affairs.

[361] _Vide_ note, _infra_.

[362] _I.e._, henna.

[363] Circular seat behind.

[364] _Vide_ note 2, p. 204.

[365] St. Theodore the Guardian, and St. Theodore the General. In the
Greek Church hagiology, St. Theodore, with varied epithets, is always the
healer of diseases.

[366] Votive offerings.

[367] The ancient Hebrus.

[368] Pricked = dotted on a plan.

[369] _Demirtash_, lit. Turkish iron-stone. Demir in Central Asia becomes
Timur. Cf. Timur, the great conqueror.

[370] _Cheflick_ is Turkish for a country house or farm.

[371] Afterwards Sir Dudley North, and Ambassador to the Porte. (_Vide_
Introduction.)

[372] Crop-sick = sick with repletion.

[373] The _Præficæ_ were hired mourners who sang the _naenia_, or
death-wails. The custom is still prevalent in Greece, the hired mourners
being called _moirologistæ_.

[374] The Maritza.

[375] Washing in sacred streams on this day is still frequent in Greece.

[376] The Virgin Mary.

[377] _Ak-bonar_ is ten miles north of Adrianople, in the Tondja.

[378] Two miles S.W. of Adrianople, on the Arda.

[379] Dr. Peter Heylyn, the theologian and historian, who died in 1662,
was noted for his captious criticisms. He wrote a life of Archbishop
Laud, which Mr. Pepys thus criticises:—“It is a shrewd book, but that
which I believe will do the Bishops in general no great good, but hurt,
it pleads so much for Popery.”

[380] _Ilderim_ is Turkish for a thunderbolt.

[381] The Tondja.

[382] Michel, the celebrated Waivode of Moldavia, aroused great animosity
against the Ottoman rule in the Danubian districts at the close of
the sixteenth century. In 1598 he became reconciled to the Porte, and
invested also with the Governorship of Wallachia; but he was assassinated
in 1601.

[383] _Ianboli_ is now a town of six thousand inhabitants, on the left
bank of the Tondja, on the frontier of Roumelia.

[384] Pilau.

[385] _I.e._, Village of Bosnians, three miles south of Adrianople, on
the Maritza.

[386] Capital of Eastern Roumelia.

[387] If this refers to Sofia in Bulgaria, Dr. Covel’s geography is
rather astray. No maps give a Sta. Sofia near the source of the Arda.

[388] Dr. Covel here probably refers to the _tribulus terrestris_, a
caltrap, which is supposed to be the _tribulus_ translated “thistle” in
Matt. vii, 16, and Heb. vi, 8. It grows in quantities in the East, and is
also known as “the Turkey plant”. It is very prickly, and the fruit is
used medicinally.

[389] Turkish _eshek_ = a donkey.

[390] _Orta-cui_, lit. “middle village”, is twenty miles S.W. of
Adrianople, on a hill three miles from the Arda.

[391] The _oke_ then equalled half-a-pound. (Ricaut.)

[392] Compasse = compost, in agriculture. The term for a mixture of
earthy substances suitable for manure.

[393] Rhodope, now called Despotodagh, lies almost due west of Adrianople.

[394] The Hemus range corresponds to the modern Balkans.

[395] A branch of the Arda rises at Dari-Dere in the Rhodope range, about
that distance from Ortacui.

[396] Clenched = clinched, or clincher-built, lap-jointed work—a mode
of building in which the lower edge of each plank overlaps the next one
below it.

[397] Ροκάνι, mod. Gk., is literally a carpenter’s plane.

[398] These threshing-machines are still used amongst the tribes in Asia
Minor: a board of pine-wood set with flint stones at the bottom, fixed
along the grain of the wood. Cf. Isaiah xli, 15: “The new sharp threshing
instrument having teeth.”

[399] These _palmaria_, or wooden reaping-gloves, are still common in the
highlands of Asia Minor.

[400] Refers to the old form of magic of sticking with pins or knives a
figure made to represent an enemy.

[401] Marquis de Nointel. (_Vide_ Introduction.)

[402] Wafer given in return for a coin.

[403] The sea-horse.

[404] Huff = blow or puff. “The said winde within the earth, able to
_huffe_ up the ground.” (P. Holland, _Plinie_, bk. ii, ch. 85.)

[405] Βρουκολακες. A common superstition still all over Greece is that
dead men return as ghosts, and suck the blood of the living.

[406] Evil spirits called Karakongilas, or Kalkagari, are still believed,
in remote parts of Greece, to haunt the world and play all kinds of
pranks between Christmas and Epiphany.

[407] _Pishkesh_ is Turkish for a present.

[408] The _Nischardji-baschi_ is equivalent to the Secretary of State.

[409] Firman.

[410] _Vide_ note p. 272.

[411] _Vide_ note 1, p. 33.

[412] Afterwards Sir Dudley.

[413] _Muckender_ is derived from Spanish _mocador_, French _mouchoir_.
‘You knew her little, and when her apron was but a muckender.’ (Dr.
Corbett’s _Marriage_, 1658.)

[414] Finicalness = foppishness. “Gray’s finicalness about expressions
was excessive.” (Hall, _Mod. Engl._, p. 123.)

[415] Mammock = to tear in pieces.

    “He did so set his teeth and tear it; O, I warrant
    How he _mammocked_ it.”

    (Shakes., _Coriolanus_, i, 3.)

[416] _Dolmades_ is a common Greek dish now.

[417] _Gobbet_ (cf. Old French _gober_, to devour greedily) here means
made into mouthfuls. “Down comes a kite powdering upon them, and gobbets
up both together.” (L’Estrange.)

[418] Slip slop = feeble composition.

[419] _Ploy_, abbreviated form of “employ”. “Twa unlucky red-coats were
up for black-fishing or some siccun _ploy_.” (Scott, _Waverley_, ch.
lxiv.)

[420] _Finjan_ is Turkish for a cup.

[421] In Feb. 1674 the Imperialists carried off the Prince of
Furstenberg, a plenipotentiary accredited to the Court at Cologne. This
outrage broke off negotiations between France and Germany.

[422] Deriv. Persian _martaban_, a glazed vessel.

[423] _Taback_ is a Turkish word for “plate”.

[424] _Hunch_ = to shove with the elbow. “Then Jack’s friends began to
_hunch_ and push one another.” Arbuthnot’s _Hist. of John Bull_, ch. xiii.

[425] Usually written _Haïda_ in conjunction with the word _ghit_, “go
away”.

[426] Cloak.

[427] The Grand Vizier, Kiuprili, died a few months later.

[428] _Vani Effendi_ was a celebrated preacher in the Court of Mahomed
IV, and is said even to have brought the Emperor to tears. As in other
parts of Europe, fanatical preaching was rife at this time, and in
Turkey we find also Sabatai Sevi, who tried to make himself out to be
the Messiah, and whose followers exist to this day. Vani attacked him
furiously, and tried to convert the Jews to Mahommedanism. He was very
instrumental in putting down the use of wine, and before the standard of
the Turkish army he prayed with fanatical enthusiasm.

[429] Brusa, in Bithynia.

[430] Van, in Kourdistan.

[431] _Araf_ is the Mohammedan form of Purgatory.

[432] _Adam_, Turkish for “a man”.

[433] _Maurocordato_, the dragoman to Ahmed Kiuprili and the Ottoman
Government, was a distinguished member of this Greek family in Scio. His
mother was the daughter of a rich cattle merchant, Skarlato by name, and
by this name he is perhaps better known. He studied medicine at Padua,
and was Court physician as well as dragoman. He was employed on many
important diplomatic missions, and signed the Peace of Carlowitz between
the Porte and Austria.

[434] Turenne. Louis XIV’s campaign in 1676 resulted in the desolation
of the Palatinate, and Turenne’s victories continued till the peace of
Nimeguen, 1678.

[435] Doubtless the small village of Missinli, about three miles north of
Karesteran. (Austrian Staff Map, 1829.)

[436] Form of word showing derivation _coronetta_, _Ital._, a little
_corona_.

[437] Sta. Glyceria’s Day is 10th of May. She suffered martyrdom at
Trajanopolis, in Thrace, under Sabinus, A.D. 140, for publicly reproving
the President at the sacrifices. She converted her gaoler, Laodicus.

[438] Sir Peter Wych was Ambassador to the Porte in 1632. Covel’s date
seems wrong.

[439] The _Imbat_ is a wind which blows every day in summer time.

[440] Bithynia.

[441] _I.e._, Nicæa.

[442] _Whifler_ = a fickle person, a trifler.

[443] Spon and Wheeler, the authors of an excellent work on the Levant.

[444] Basilidians = the followers of Basilides, the founder of one of the
semi-Christian sects commonly called Gnostics, which sprang up in the
early part of the second century, A.D.

[445] Panagiotes was a Cypriote Greek, a linguist, astronomer, and
mathematician, who, in his position as dragoman to the Grand Vizier
Kiuprili, did more for the maintenance of Greek freedom than anyone else,
and was the founder of the Phanariote league.

[446] For particulars of Sir Edward Barton and his death, see
Introduction.

[447] Kara-Mustapha, who succeeded Ahmed Kiuprili as Grand Vizier, was
son-in-law of Sultan Mahomed IV. His career was most disastrous. He was
defeated before Vienna, and eventually put to death, having done more
towards the downfall of the Turkish Empire than anyone in its history.

[448] Lemnos was only regained from the Venetians in 1657, twenty years
before Covel’s visit.

[449] The curious headgear of the women of Chios is still worn in the
remoter villages.




INDEX.


  =Abydos=, castle at the mouth of the Hellespont, 50, 82, 143, 154

  =Abyla=, rock on the African coast opposite Gibraltar, 106

  =Acrobats= perform during the solemnities, 216

  =Actors= perform during the solemnities, 215

  =Admiral= (see =Robinson=, Captain)

  =Admiral= of Turkish fleet demands a present of the Captain of the
      _Hector_, 47, 48;
    receives two chests, 49

  =Adrianople=, gate, 81, 173;
    summer resort near, 188;
    country near, thinly populated, 188;
    reception of the English embassy at, 189;
    divination with Bible and key at, 191;
    many Roman Catholics in, 210;
    storm at, 212;
    fireworks at, during solemnities, 213;
    dancers at, during solemnities, 213;
    plays acted at, during the solemnities, 216;
    acrobatic performances at, during the solemnities, 216;
    jugglers at, during the solemnities, 220;
    plague in, 241;
    great mortality in, 242;
    indifference of the people to the plague in, 244;
    bridges at, 249;
    geography of neighbourhood of, 251;
    ceremony at, in honour of the audience, 258;
    divan at, 258

  =African Company=, the, rise of, in the sixteenth century, ii

  =Aga= of the Janizaries, a severe man, 232

  =Agathone=, favourite of the Pasha, gives sacred earth to Covel, 284

  =Agazé Sultana=, her dowry, 232;
    her attendants, 234;
    her procession, 235;
    views sports at the Mosaïf’s house, 237

  =Ak-bonar=, town near Adrianople, 248;
    Mahomed IV flies to, to avoid the plague, 248;
    fruitful country near, 249

  =Alama= (=Almeria=), 95

  =Aldridge=, William, English consul at Chios, 46;
    his anxiety respecting the organ, 58;
    and Jonas, in attendance during the presentation of the organ, 66

  =Aleppo=, principal English mart, ix;
    Michael Locke, consul at, ix;
    he founds the factory at, ix;
    goods for, delayed by the Turkish army, 31;
    French consul at, dines on board the _Hector_, 31;
    letters carried to, from Scandaroon, by pigeons, 32

  =Algiers=, description of, 13-15;
    Dallam arrives at, 13;
    early season in, 13;
    Moors, Jews, and Turks in, 14;
    behaviour of renegade Christians in, 15;
    King of, desires to see the organ, 15;
    King of, takes captain of the _Hector_ prisoner, 15;
    releases him and makes him a present, 15

  =Allen=, Sir Thomas, commander of the _Greenwich_, 101;
    in Cadiz harbour, 105;
    notice of, 105 _n._

  =Amalfians=, the, obtain capitulations, iii

  =Ambassador=, the (see =Lello=, Henry)

  =Ambassadors= to the Porte, list of, xlii (see _Addenda et Corrigenda_)

  =Amurath III=, Sultan, alliance with, desired by Queen Elizabeth, vii;
    concludes charter-treaty, viii;
    promises assistance against the Spanish Armada, but breaks his word,
      ix;
    his present from Queen Elizabeth, x;
    his death, 194

  =Anne, St.=, sacred springs, near Nicomedia, 281

  =Antiparos=, cave of, mass celebrated in, xxxi

  =Arab= juggler imposes on the superstition of the people, 220

  =Arcadia=, herds of swine in plains of, 87;
    sudden rain in, 88

  =Archipelago=, Covel enters the, 138

  =Arda=, course of the river, 250, 252;
    dirty state of, below Adrianople, 253

  =Argentiere= (see =Kimolos=)

  =Argosies=, origin of the name, vi

  =Argostoli=, good harbour at, 18, 91

  =Arnold=, Dr., of the Sorbonne, disputes with Covel on the doctrines of
      the Greek church, xxxi

  =Assumption=, Feast of the, observed by the Greeks, 144

  _Assurance_, the, a convoy vessel, 102

  =Audience=, the, a mere hurried formality, 266;
    -=chamber=, magnificence of the, 267

  =Avanias=, or unauthorised demands by the Turks, increase in the
      severity of, xxxv

  =Ayash=, a town of Asia Minor, 33


  =Backstrevacui=, on the Tondja, bricks made at, 249

  =Baines=, Sir Thomas, his friendship with Sir John Finch, xxxii;
    physician to the Legation, xxxii;
    his death, xxxiii;
    travels in a double horse litter or takt-i-rovan, 171;
    lodges in the college at Ponte piccolo, 175;
    at Adrianople with Finch, 189;
    attends solemnity entertainment with Count Bocareschi, 227;
    moves about to avoid the plague, 242;
    visits Vani-Effendi, 269;
    discusses religious faith with him, 269;
    is urged by him to become a Mussulman, 271;
    sends messages to him by Boccareschi, 272

  =Bairam=, a season of rejoicing among the Turks, 152

  =Baltimore=, Lord, his daughter in a convent at Malaga, 111

  =Banquet= in honour of the audience, description of, 261-262;
    no knives and forks at, 261;
    news discussed at, 263;
    disorder in outer room during, 264

  =Barton=, Sir Edward, first resident ambassador at Constantinople,
      x, xlii;
    takes out present to Sultan Amurath III, x;
    accompanies Sultan Mahomet III to Hungary, xi;
    biographical notice of, xi;
    his monument at Chalki, xii, 281

  =Bassa= of Morea, son of Mahomed the Bosnian, story of, 184-185

  =Bat=, believed to possess marvellous powers, 256

  =Bates=, the case of, xxi

  =Baylye=, Mr., comes from Constantinople to meet the organ, 50;
    is in attendance at the presentation of the organ, 66

  =Bendish=, Sir T., is sent to displace Sir S. Crowe, xxiii

  =Biram= (see =Bairam=)

  =Blacksmiths’ Company=, Dallam a liveryman of the, xvi;
    neglects his duty as a steward of, xvii

  =Blake=, Captain, his story of the doctor and the sick mariner, 286

  =Bobbas-cui= (see =Eski-Baba=)

  =Bocareschi=, Count, his civility to Covel, 225;
    his character, 226;
    dies of the plague, 226;
    his rudeness to Marin Caboga, 227;
    carries messages between Sir Thomas Baines and Vani-Effendi, 272

  =Bodenham=, Captain, goes to Chios, v

  =Bogathos= (see =Bojados=)

  =Bojados=, town near Silivri, 180

  =Bosnacui=, _i.e._, village of the Bosnians, a seat of the Marquis de
      Nointel, 250

  =Brèves=, François Savary de, his controversy with Vizier Ibrahim, 80;
    bribes Ibrahim, 81

  =Bridegroom=, present of, 227 (see =Mosaif=)

  =Bromwell=, Captain, of the _Thomas and Frances_, 101

  =Brusa=, description of the baths at, 278;
    deaths from plague at, 278

  =Bubuli=, D. Hilarione, account of, 149;
    his comparison of the Greek and Roman churches, 150

  =Buckett=, Rowland, organ painter to Dallam, 66

  =Burgas= (see =Lule-Bourgas=)


  =Cable=, Thomas, his death on board the _Hector_, 34

  =Cabóga=, Márin, Ragusean ambassador at Adrianople, 190;
    visits Sir John Finch, 190;
    his belief in witchcraft, 190;
    his experience during the earthquake at Ragusa, 192;
    accompanies Covel during the solemnities, 226

  =Cadeleskier=, or judge-advocate, his tent, 167

  =Calpe=, rock on which Gibraltar stands, 106

  =Cambridge=, King’s College, organ at, constructed by Dallam, xvii

  =Candia=, superstition of brazen man on, 26

  =Capitulations=, or treaties for trading, ii;
    early origin of, ii;
    granted to Warings or Varangians of Scandinavia, ii;
    granted to Venetians, Amalfians, Genoese, and Pisans, iii;
    granted to French, iv;
    the first of the modern, iv;
    obtained by the Earl of Winchilsea, xxiv;
    Sir Paul Ricaut’s book on, xxiv;
    obtained by Sir John Finch, xxxii, 272

  =Caragatch=, the plague reaches, 242;
    church at, 243;
    junction of rivers Arda and Maritza at, 243;
    large carp at, 243;
    cheflicks, or country houses at, 244;
    wine trade in, 244;
    the parson of, a great vintner, 245;
    shows kindness to Covel, 245;
    loses his kinswoman in the plague, 245;
    great funeral at, 246;
    heat and unwholesomeness of, 246

  =Carles= quoted as an authority by Covel, 127

  =Carlos=, Signor, an Irishman at Malaga, 107

  _Carmesale_, the vessel in which Dallam left Constantinople, 82

  =Carpathos=, fowls that burrow like rabbits at, 27

  =Carpenter=, Mr., secretary to Sir John Finch, 261;
    is present at the audience banquet, 261;
    enters the audience chamber with Finch, 265

  =Carthage=, salt-making at, 121;
    Covel visits, 121;
    remains of ancient city at, 122;
    beauty of remains, 123;
    Queen Dido’s tomb at, 123;
    treachery of dervishes at, 124

  =Castle Tornese=, difficulty of approach to, 88;
    market at, 88

  =Castles=, the (see =Abydos= and =Sestos=)

  =Cephalonia=, good wine made at, 91

  =Cerigo=, birthplace of Helen of Troy, 26

  =Cervi=, old Greek peasant at, 131;
    description of, 132;
    treachery of mountaineers on, 133;
    encounter with ruffians on, 134-5;
    four seamen taken prisoners on, 135

  =Ceuta=, pleasant situation of, 12

  =Chabbey=, Eusine, entertains Covel, 139

  =Chalcedon=, lighthouse at, 168

  =Chalcis= (see =Chalki=), monastery at, 281;
    Panagiotes, dragoman, buried at, 281;
    Sir Edward Barton, ambassador, his tomb at, xi, 281

  =Chancie=, Mr., surgeon on board the _Hector_, 13;
    goes on shore at Algiers, 13;
    lands at Scandaroon, 28

  =Charles II=, letter to, from the Kaimacham, 150;
    from Mahomed IV, 151

  =Chiorloo= (see =Tchorlou=)

  =Chios=, an English consul established at, in 1513, v;
    Dallam lands at, 43;
    description of, 44;
    curiosity of people of, 45;
    food not to be bought on Sunday in, 45;
    dress of women of, 46;
    William Aldridge, English consul at, 46

  =Chora=, great fertility of, 53

  =Chorlaye= (=Chorley=), village in Lancashire, 84

  =Church=, plottings in the Greek, 150

  =Circumcision= performed on Prince Mustapha, 207;
    on 2,000 youths, 209

  =Company’s Chancellor=, the (see =Cook=, Mr.)

  =Conisbye=, Humfrey, is in attendance during the presentation of the
      organ, 66;
    fords a river on horseback, 85;
    is about to cut off a Jew’s head, 86;
    is restrained by Sir Paul Pindar, 86;
    regrets that he did not see the fire-ball, 87;
    drives away watermen at Zante, 90

  =Constantinople=, Sir Edward Barton, first resident ambassador at, x;
    Dallam arrives at, 57;
    the _Hector’s_ salute on reaching, 59;
    Feast of Bairam at, 64;
    Covel arrives at, 144;
    great mist at, 162;
    Jacob’s tomb near, 173;
    the plague at, 246

  =Cook=, Mr., secretary, receives no present and is offended, 196;
    is present at the audience banquet, 261;
    enters the audience chamber with Finch, 265

  =Corojecui=, village near Adrianople, 249;
    house of Mahomet IV at, 249

  =Corposans=, or phantom lights, 126

  =Courtesy= of Turks to Franks during the solemnities, 205, 212

  =Covel, Dr. John=, profuse writings of, xxvi;
    his knowledge of Turkish music, xxvii;
    biographical account of, xxvii-xxxiii;
    his portrait at Cambridge, xxviii;
    poem by, xxviii;
    appointed chaplain to Sir Daniel Harvey, xxix;
    appointed chaplain to the Princess of Orange at the Hague, xxix;
    sent home in disgrace, xxx;
    his book, _The Interpreter of Words and Terms_, xxx;
    disputes with Dr. Arnold, xxxi;
    his book on the Greek Church, xxxi;
    his death, xxxii;
    starts for Constantinople, 101;
    takes his passage on the _London Merchant_, 102;
    passes the Land’s End, 102;
    is attacked by sea-sickness, 102;
    dines on board the _Turkey Merchant_, 104;
    lands at Malaga, 107;
    visits the cathedral, 107;
    converses with the priests at Malaga, 108;
    is entertained by Rev. Father of San Domingo in Malaga, 109;
    meets English-speaking gentleman in Malaga, 110;
    is asked for presents, 111;
    spends a night at Malaga, 115;
    leaves Malaga, 117;
    dines on board the _Martin_, 117;
    arrives at Tunis, 119;
    visits Carthage, 121;
    leaves Tunis, 125;
    sees a corposan, 128;
    lands at Cervi, 131;
    meets old Greek peasant at, 131;
    enters the Archipelago, 138;
    arrives at Smyrna, 139;
    entertained by Eusine Chabbey, a Turk, 139;
    starts for Ephesus, 141;
    leaves Smyrna, 142;
    is attacked with ague, 142;
    enters the Hellespont, 143;
    arrives at Constantinople, 144;
    visits Sir Daniel Harvey, 144;
    his illness, 148;
    is entertained by dervishes, 153;
    visits castle at the mouth of the Hellespont, 154;
    accompanies Sir Daniel Harvey’s body to Smyrna, 154;
    arrives at Mitiline, 154;
    puts Sir Daniel Harvey’s body on board the _Centurion_ at Smyrna, 155;
    dines on board the _Centurion_, 155;
    runs ashore at Tenedos, 156;
    is invited to dine with the Patriarch of Constantinople, 158;
    attends sermon at St. Francesco’s, 159;
    sees Demetrius Simon wash the feet of the brothers, 159;
    visits vaults under St. Sophia, 170;
    leaves Pera, 172;
    doubts accuracy of maps of Ortelius, Ptolemy, Sansoin, etc., 173, 176;
    arrives at Ponte piccolo, 174;
    at Ponte grande, 177;
    at Tchorlou, 180;
    at Karitchtran, 183;
    at Lule Bourgas, 184;
    at Eski-Baba, 186;
    at Hafsa, 187;
    at Adrianople, 189;
    accompanies Finch in his audience with Achmet Kiuprili, 194;
    receives a vest from Achmet Kiuprili, 196;
    present at solemnities, 205, 212;
    discovers the tricks of an Arab juggler, 221;
    his adventure during the fireworks, 226;
    accompanies Marin Caboga to the solemnities, 226;
    is well treated during the solemnities, 240;
    his dog desired by the Vizier’s aga, 241;
    goes to Caragatch to avoid the plague, 242;
    visits Corojecui, 249;
    visits Ortacui, 252;
    dines with the Marquis de Nointel, 255;
    caught in severe storm near Ortacui, 256;
    sits at the Dafterdar’s table at the audience banquet, 261;
    is disappointed of entering the audience chamber, 265;
    leaves Adrianople, 274;
    visits Missinli, 275;
    travels with tents on account of the plague, 274;
    goes to Erekli by sea-shore, 275;
    visits the baths at Brusa, 278;
    his curiosities, 280;
    visits Nicomedia, 280;
    visits Nicæa, 281;
    leaves Constantinople, 282;
    his birthday, 282;
    embarks on the _Alloy_ for England, 282;
    visits Chios, 285;
    visits Venice, 286;
    crosses Italy and France to England, 286;
    reaches London, 286

  =Crowe=, Sir S., ambassador at Constantinople, xxiii, xlii;
    his goods confiscated by Parliament, xxiii;
    imprisons English factors, xxiii;
    superseded by Sir J. Bendish and impeached by the Levant Company, xxiii

  =Cyprus=, description of, 28

  =Cythera= (see =Cerigo=)


  =Dafterdar=, the, or High Treasurer, his tents, 168;
    proxy for the bridegroom, 230;
    present at the audience banquet, 261

  =Dallam=, George, son of Thomas, his addition to the organ in Hereford
      Cathedral, xix

  =Dallam=, Ralph, son of Thomas, organs constructed by, xviii, xix

  =Dallam=, Robert, son of Thomas, organs constructed by, xviii;
    monument to, at Oxford, xviii

  =Dallam=, Thomas, makes an organ to be sent to Sultan Mahomed III, xv;
    biographical notice of, xvi;
    organs constructed by, xvii, xviii;
    his baggage, 1;
    leaves London, 4;
    goes on board the _Hector_ at Gravesend, 4;
    arrives at Dover, at Deal, and at Sandwich, 5;
    enters Dartmouth harbour, 6;
    waits at Plymouth for wind, 7;
    enters the Mediterranean Sea, 11;
    passes Tarifa, 11;
    passes Marbella, Malaga, and Salobreña, 12;
    arrives at Algiers, 13;
    questioned by king at Algiers, 15;
    passes Dellys, Bougie, and Tunis, 16;
    passes Sicily and Malta, 17;
    arrives at Zante, 18;
    passes through quarantine before entering, 19;
    desires to ascend mountain at Zante, 20;
    visits monastery on mount Scopo, 21;
    is well treated at monastery, 22, 23;
    pays a second visit to monastery, 25;
    departs from Zante, 26;
    passes by the Strophades, 26;
    passes by Candia, 26;
    sees the coast of Caramania, 27;
    lands at Scandaroon, 28;
    threatened by mountaineers at Scandaroon, 29;
    startled by large snake at Scandaroon, 30;
    visits Jonah’s Pillar, 32;
    passes by Castellorosso, 33;
    plays on the virginals to governor of Rhodes, 35;
    lands at Rhodes and visits the town, 35;
    leaves Rhodes, 39;
    enters Ægean Sea, 40;
    goes on shore at Chios, 43;
    visits the Consul of Chios, 44;
    entertained by Consul of Chios, 45;
    lands at Troy, 47;
    lands on Cape Janissary, 49;
    takes piece of white marble pillar from Troy, 49;
    enters the Hellespont, 50;
    leaves the _Hector_ and goes on board the ambassador’s boat, 50;
    arrives at Gallipoli, 51;
    is entertained by the consul, 51;
    buys half a sheep at Gallipoli, 51;
    arrives at Ganos, 53;
    goes ashore at Erekli, 57;
    is well entertained, 57;
    lands at Selibria, 57;
    arrives at Constantinople, 57;
    takes organ to ambassador’s house, 58;
    sets to work to put it together, 58;
    moves it to the seraglio, 61;
    begged to remain at Constantinople, 64;
    must expect nothing from Sultan Mahomed, 65;
    is called into the presence of Sultan Mahomed, 68;
    plays to Sultan Mahomed, 71;
    receives bag of sequins, 71;
    relates his adventures to Lello, 72;
    is begged to remain at the seraglio, 73;
    pretends he has wife and children in England, 73;
    is offered two wives by Sultan Mahomed, 73;
    is shown the riches of the seraglio, 74;
    watches Sultan Mahomed’s concubines at play, 74;
    is to be left in Constantinople to remove the organ, 76;
    runs for his life, 79;
    visits Adrianople, 81;
    is attacked with fever, 81;
    joins company bound for England, 81;
    leaves Constantinople, 82;
    passes by Troy, 82;
    is in danger of shipwreck at Lemnos, 82;
    reaches Volo, 83;
    lodges miserably at Lamia, 83;
    commences ascent of mountains of Parnassus, 83;
    reaches Lepanto, 85;
    lodges comfortably in the house of a Jew, 86;
    reaches Patras, 86;
    arrives at Castle Tornese, 88;
    crosses to Zante, 88;
    takes leave of dragoman Finche, 89;
    in quarantine at Zante, 89;
    meets the _Hector_ at Zante, 90;
    leaves Zante, 90;
    is becalmed between Malta and Sicily, 93;
    reaches Pantelaria, 93;
    passes Zembra and Porto Farina, 93;
    hears the cry of a mermaid in the Gulf of Lyons, 94;
    reaches Formentera, 94;
    is becalmed near Alicante, 94;
    passes Cape Palos and Cape de Gata, 94-5;
    is becalmed near Castel de Ferro, 95;
    lands in England, 98;
    travels to London, 98

  =Dam=, Jaques von, Dutch consul at Smyrna, 140;
    his house at Sedjagui, 140

  =Dancers= during the solemnities, 213;
    their dress, 213;
    their musical instruments, 214

  =Dartmouth=, Dallam arrives at, 6

  =Day=, Mr., Captain Wild’s lieutenant, pursues rogues on Cervi, 136

  =Deal=, Dallam arrives at, 5

  =Despotodagh=, visible from Hafsa, 187;
    mountain due west of Adrianople, 253

  =Digby=, Sir Kenelm, quarrels with the Venetian admiral, xxxvii

  =Dionysius=, Archbishop of Larissa, is consecrated Patriarch, 145;
    his quarrels with Parthenius, 145;
    is deposed, but returns to office, 145;
    sermon preached at his consecration, 148;
    flies to the French ambassador, 151

  =Dover=, Dallam arrives at, 5;
    Dallam lands at, on his return, 98

  =Dowry=, the bride’s, carried in the procession, 232

  =Dumb men= in attendance on Mahomed III, 69

  =Dunkirkers=, encounter with, 8;
    admiral of, comes on board the _Hector_, 9;
    declares himself to be a merchant, 10;
    is allowed to go by master of the _Hector_, 10

  =Durham=, the Dallams’ organ at, xviii

  =Dwarfs= in attendance on Mahomed III, 70


  =Earlesman=, Mr., English consul at Tunis, 124;
    disagreement with, 124

  =East India Company=, the, rise of, in the sixteenth century, ii;
    its controversies with the Levant Company, xxii

  =Easter Eve=, great storm on, off the African coast, 16

  _Edward Bonaventure_, the, sails in company with the _Hector_, 90

  =Elizabeth=, Queen, desires alliance with Sultan Amurath III, vii;
    concludes charter-treaty, viii;
    begs assistance from Sultan Amurath III against the Spanish Armada, ix;
    her present to Sultana Safiye, x;
    sends an organ to Sultan Mahomed III, xv

  =Ellis=, Edward, his mission to Constantinople, vii

  =Elmo, St.=, fire of (see =Corposans=)

  =Ephesus=, description of the road to, from Smyrna, 141

  =Erekli=, the windmills at, 57;
    Dallam well entertained at, 57;
    the Bishop of, at the consecration of Dionysius, 147;
    monument to the dead near, 275;
    description of, 276;
    Sta. Gluceria’s tomb at, 276;
    Wych, Edward, buried at, 277;
    St. George’s Church at, 277;
    windmills near, 277

  =Ereklidia= (see =Relezea=)

  =Eski-Baba=, tomb in St. Nicholas’ Church at, 186;
    bridge at, 186;
    point of divinity discussed at, 186;
    aqueduct being built at, 187;
    monument to the dead near, 187

  =Etna=, Mount, description of, 17

  =Euripides=, his opinion quoted by Covel, 133

  =Eyre=, Sir John, ambassador at Constantinople, xlii


  =Faightes=, or fightes, use of, 8, 97

  =Favourite=, the (see =Moutessarif=)

  =Feast of the Assumption= observed by the Greeks, 144

  =Felton=, John, dies on board the _Hector_, 47

  =Fez=, the King of, visits Dallam at work, 58

  =Finch=, Sir John, ambassador at Constantinople, xxxii, xlii;
    obtains capitulation during the plague at Adrianople, xxxii;
    biographical account of, xxxii;
    friendship with Thomas Baines, xxxii;
    death, xxxiii;
    travels in double horse litter, or takt-i-rovan, 171;
    beacons placed by tent of, 171;
    his coach, 172;
    lodges at the college in Ponte piccolo, 175;
    his reception at Adrianople, 189;
    his miserable lodgings at, 190;
    his audience with Achmet Kiuprili, 195;
    is presented with a vest by Achmet Kiuprili, 196;
    is visited by Count Kindsberg, 197;
    attends none of the solemnity sights, 227;
    presents a mastiff to Mahomed IV, 238;
    goes to Caragatch to avoid the plague, 242;
    returns to Adrianople, 242;
    his audience with Mahomed IV, 257;
    shares table with Kiuprili at the audience banquet, 260;
    enters the audience chamber, 264;
    promises Covel that he shall enter the audience chamber, 265;
    does not exchange a word with Mahomed IV at audience, 266;
    his interview with Kiuprili respecting the capitulations, 273;
    leaves Adrianople, 274;
    lives outside Constantinople on account of the plague, 278;
    embarks on the _Alloy_ for England, 282

  =Finche=, a dragoman, his fidelity, 84;
    takes leave of the English company, 89

  =Fire-ball= seen in the Morea, 87

  =Fireworks= during the solemnities, 222-224

  =Foot-ball=, antiquity of the game of, 87

  =Foret=, Sieur, obtains a capitulation for the French, iv

  =Formentera= inhabited by banished men, 94;
    murdered man found at, 94

  =Francis I= of France concludes a capitulation with Sultan Solyman I, iv

  =Franks= well treated by Turks during the solemnities, 205, 212

  =French=, the, obtain a capitulation, iv

  =French Ambassador=, the (see =Brèves= and =Nointel=)

  =Friends= taken for enemies, 130


  =Galata=, Dervish Mustapha at, 168;
    music of the dervishes at, 169;
    Tekies, or monasteries at, 169;
    Arzeh Mahmet Effendi buried at, 169;
    Ismèl Effendi buried at, 169;
    the vaults under Sta. Sophia at, visited by Covel, 170

  =Gallipoli=, the consul at, a friar, 50;
    comes on board the _Hector_, 50;
    Dallam lands at, 51;
    Covel arrives at, 143

  =Ganos=, wretched accommodation at, 53;
    much vermin at, 54;
    a garter taken for a serpent at, 55;
    disturbed night at, 56

  =Garret=, Stephen and William, original members of the Levant Company,
      viii

  =Genoese=, the, obtain capitulations, iii

  =Ghosts=, belief of the Greeks in, 257

  =Gibraltar=, description of, 11, 106;
    heat on entering the Straits of, 12;
    many whales near, 96

  =Giole-babba=, lake at Corojecui, 249

  =Glover=, Sir Thomas, ambassador at Constantinople, xx, xlii;
    meets the organ in the Hellespont, 50;
    makes restitution to Greeks, 52;
    is in attendance during the presentation of the organ, 66

  =Grand Seignor= (see =Mahomed=)

  =Grand Vizier= (see =Kiuprili=)

  _Great Susan_, the, ship sent to the Levant, viii

  =Greek= and Roman churches, the, compared, 150

  _Greenwich_, the, convoy vessel, 101;
    formerly commanded by Sir Thos. Allen, 101

  =Grerách basha=, chief surgeon to Mahomed IV, 206;
    circumcises Prince Mustapha, 207;
    his character, 208

  =Gyllius, P.=, his accuracy doubted by Covel, 173


  =Hafsa=, called Capsia by Ortelius, 187;
    description of, 187;
    Mount Despotodagh visible from, 187

  =Hale, Edmund=, a coachman, accompanies Dallam to monastery at Zante, 20;
    foolish behaviour of, in chapel, 23;
    would not eat or drink at monastery, 24

  =Harebone=, William, his mission to Constantinople, vii;
    first ambassador from England to the Ottoman Porte, viii, xlii;
    assisted by Sokolli Vizier and Seadedin, historian, viii

  =Harvey=, Sir Daniel, ambassador at Constantinople, xlii, 144;
    his death, 154;
    his body taken to Smyrna, 154;
    his body put on board the _Centurion_, 155

  =Harvie=, John, lands at Scandaroon, 28;
    visits Jonah’s Pillar, 33;
    accompanies Dallam to the seraglio for the presentation of the organ,
      66;
    lands in England with Dallam, 98

  =Hawking= in Asia, 240

  =Hayward=, captain of the _Plymouth_, xxiv

  _Hector_, the, the master of, warned of Dunkirkers, 7;
    allows them to depart, 10;
    gives chase to a ship, 17;
    master of, receives presents, 17;
    lets ship go, 18;
    boards a Marseilles vessel, 18;
    master of, refuses to land passenger at Candia, 27;
    carries him to Cyprus, 27;
    the French consul at Aleppo dines on board, 31;
    anchors off Rhodes, 34;
    Turks of Rhodes come on board, 34;
    captain of, makes a present of cloth to the deputy governor of Rhodes,
      35;
    captain of, and merchants land at Rhodes to demand Mr. Mayo, 38;
    runs aground on the coast of Samos, 42;
    chased by galleys off Samos, 42;
    disobliging ways of captain of, 44;
    accosted by Turkish frigates, 47;
    meets Turkish fleet, 48;
    captain of, gives tobacco to captain of Turkish galley, 49;
    suspicion of plague on board, 51;
    arrives at the Seven Towers near Constantinople, 57;
    salutes Sultan Mahomed, 59;
    carpenter of, killed by sound of the guns, 59;
    sailor killed by explosion in gun, 60;
    inspected by Sultan Mahomed, 60;
    inspected by Sultana Safiya, 60;
    takes up Dallam at Zante, 90;
    seizes a Maltese wheat ship, 92;
    and the rest of the company fight two men of war, 97

  =Hellespont=, the two castles at the mouth of the, 154

  =Heraclea= (see =Erekli=)

  =Heraclissa= (see =Relezea=)

  =Hercules=, Pillars of (see =Abyla= and =Calpe=)

  =Hill=, Captain John, of the _London Merchant_, 101;
    his competency, and kindness to Covel, 102;
    his friendship with a nun at Malaga, 112;
    his quarrel with a Roman Catholic, 113;
    is present at the embarkation of Sir Daniel Harvey’s body, 155

  _Holy Cross_, the, makes a voyage to Crete and Chios, v

  =Hungary=, Mahomed III’s wars in, xi

  =Huntingdon=, Mr., converses with priests at Malaga, 108

  =Hyet=, Mr., the oldest merchant in Adrianople, is present at the
      audience banquet, 261;
    enters the audience chamber with Sir John Finch, 265


  =Ibrahim=, basha, General of the Turkish army, constructor of the
      aqueduct at Eski-Baba, 186

  =Ibrahim=, vizier, his controversy with Brèves, 80;
    account of, 80 _n._

  =Ilderim=, a suburb of Adrianople, 248

  =Iman=, or learned man, speaks the prayers in the Mosque, 211

  =Ishék-cui=, village, origin of the name of, 251

  =Iviza=, a strong castle at, 94;
    present of goats and fruit from, 94


  =Jacob’s= tomb near Constantinople, 173

  =Jamovary=, town near Smyrna, description of, 141

  =Janizaries=, the, wear no weapons at festivals, 199;
    feed on bread and pilau, 250

  =Jebbatore= (see =Gibraltar=)

  =Jemoglans= try to persuade Dallam to remain at Constantinople, 64, 73,
      77, 80;
    friendly behaviour of, 78;
    show Dallam kiosk for the organ, 78

  =Jenkinson=, Anthony, goes to Aleppo, v

  =Job’s Tomb=, mausoleum near Constantinople, 173

  =John the Quaker=, ill-treatment of, at Constantinople, xxv

  _John and Francis_, the, carries Turks and Jews to Alexandria, 93

  =Jonah’s Pillar= visited by Dallam, 33;
    samphire growing on, 33

  =Judas=, meetings to shoot at the figure of, 158

  =Jüpe=, origin of name, 173;
    Mahomed the Bosnian buried at, 187


  =Kaimacham=, the, his letter to Charles II, 150

  =Kalenderis=, a sect of dervishes, 153

  =Karakongilas=, or =Kalkagari=, evil spirits believed in by the Greeks,
      257

  =Kara-Mustapha=, successor to Kiuprili, 282

  =Karitchtran=, description of, 183

  =Kerington=, Captain, of the _Levant Merchant_, 101

  =Khanoum-cui=, town near Caragatch, 247

  =Khavsa= (see =Hafsa=)

  =Khiderleh=, seraglio near Caragatch, 248;
    or St. George, Covel’s view of origin of name, 248

  =Kimolos=, a halting port for ships, 138

  =Kindsberg=, Count Giovanni Christophoro, German ambassador at
      Adrianople, visits Sir John Finch, 197;
    notice of, 197;
    his belief in gold found in grapes, 198

  =King’s College=, Cambridge, organ at, constructed by Dallam, xvii

  =Kinnekleh= (see =Sinekly=)

  =Kiuprili=, Achmet, vizier, his success in war, xxv;
    wins Crete for the Turks, 161;
    description of his tent, 167;
    his audience with Sir John Finch, 195;
    personal description of, 195;
    his death, 195 _n._;
    presents vests to English embassy, 196;
    goes to Sultan Selim’s mosque on Prince Mustapha’s birthday, 205;
    notice of, 205 _n._;
    makes monthly payments before the audience, 259;
    shares table with Finch at the audience banquet, 260;
    his death, 267;
    his interview with Finch respecting the capitulations, 273

  =Kiuprili=, the viziers, men of great ability, xxiv

  =Knill=, John, death of, on board the _Hector_, 41

  =Knolles=, the historian, referred to, 206

  =Koomburgas=, town near Silivri, 179

  =Kos=, or =Lango=, description of, 40

  =Kuzleraga=, the, proxy for the bride, 230


  =Lamberte=, Mr., leaves Ganos for Constantinople, 57

  =Lamia=, or =Zeitoun=, miserable accommodation at, 83;
    danger of living in, 83

  =Land’s End=, distance of, from Scandaroon, 3

  =Lango=, or =Kos=, description of, 40

  _Lanneret_, the pinnace to the _Hector_, 5;
    is lost in a storm, 5;
    is run ashore at Falmouth, 6;
    is recovered at Plymouth, 6

  =Lello=, Henry, ambassador at Constantinople, xlii;
    succeeds Sir E. Barton, xii;
    his quarrel with the French ambassador, xii;
    his letter to Sir Robert Cecil, xii-xv;
    has room built for organ, 58;
    his instructions to Dallam, 64;
    is in attendance during the presentation of organ, 66;
    gives entertainment on board the _Hector_, 73;
    his kindness to Dallam, 77;
    dismisses Dallam’s dragoman for having deserted him, 79;
    forbids Dallam to work on Sunday, 80;
    is unwilling that Dallam should leave, 81

  =Lemnos=, great storm off, 82;
    regained from the Venetians, 283;
    sacred earth of, 283;
    prepared for use at Hagiapate, 284;
    some given to Covel by Agathone, 284;
    authorities respecting, 285

  =Leo Africanus= quoted as an authority by Covel, 124

  =Lepanto=, Dallam arrives at, 84;
    description of, 85;
    ingenious watermills at, 85;
    much fruit grown at, 85

  =Leslie=, Walter de, German ambassador to the Porte, 197

  =Levant Company=, rise of, in sixteenth century, ii, vii, x;
    first charter, viii;
    original members of, viii;
    sends out its first ship, viii;
    second charter, ix;
    letters patent granted to, by James I, xx;
    monopoly of, clearly established, xxi;
    crest and arms of, xxi;
    controversies with East India Company, xxii;
    privileges granted to, xxii;
    impeaches Sir S. Crowe, xxiii;
    strict regulations of, xxiii;
    petitions Parliament against East India Company, xxxvi;
    prosperity of, in eighteenth century, xxxvii;
    loses money through quarrel of Sir Kenelm Digby and the Venetian
      admiral, xxxvii;
    charter remodelled by Parliament, xxxviii;
    builds many consulates, xxxviii;
    builds embassy at Constantinople, xxxviii;
    British Government assumes much of the work of, xxxix;
    dissolved, xxxix;
    excellent work done by, xl

  _Levant Merchant_, the, vessel bound for Smyrna, 101

  =Levantine= families in Turkish empire, origin of, xxxv

  =Livy= quoted as authority by Covel, 121

  =Lixure=, a town of Cephalonia, 91

  =Locke=, Michael, consul at Aleppo, ix;
    founds factory at Aleppo, ix

  =London=, fog in, 287

  _London Merchant_, the, bound for Smyrna and Constantinople, 101;
    Covel takes his passage in, 102;
    has a collision with the _Pearl_, 106;
    runs aground in the Hellespont, 143

  =Lucian=, his knowledge of corposans, 127

  =Lukium=, or =Lookioom=, mortar, how made, 182

  =Lule-Bourgas=, 183;
    monument of the dead near, 184;
    description of town of, 184;
    tobacco-pipe heads made at, 184;
    mill at, 185;
    description of the country near, 185;
    industry of the Greeks at a village near, 185

  =Lyons=, Gulf of, the cry of a mermaid heard in, 94


  =Mahomed III=, Sultan, succeeds his father Amurath III, x;
    notice of, x;
    puts nineteen of his brothers to death, xi, 62 _n._;
    his letter to Queen Elizabeth, xi;
    inspects the _Hector_, 60;
    goes to visit his mother, 60;
    description of his attendants, 69;
    offers Dallam two wives, if he will stay, 73;
    description of his concubines, 74;
    forbids the departure of the _Hector_, 75;
    and his concubines visit kiosk, 79;
    desires to see Dallam at work, 80

  =Mahomed IV=, a weak man, xxiv;
    description of his tents, 163;
    dress of his attendants, 199;
    desires actors from Venice to attend circumcision solemnities, 202;
    goes to Sultan Selim’s mosque on Prince Mustapha’s birthday, 205;
    description of, 206;
    his love of hunting, 207;
    notice of, 207;
    attends festivities in honour of his daughter’s marriage, 208;
    receives daily presents, 208;
    attends sports at the Mosaif’s house, 237;
    personal appearance of, 240;
    goes to Ak-bonar to avoid the plague, 248;
    his seraglio at Khiderleh, 248;
    his house at Corojecui, 249;
    his audience with Sir John Finch, 257

  =Mahomed= the Bosnian (known as Sokolli) assists Sir W. Harebone in
      obtaining capitulations, viii;
    story of his son, 184, 185;
    buried at Jüpe, 187;
    repaired many bridges, and built many mosques, 187, 188;
    was vizier for forty years, 188

  =Mahomet=, Vizierarem (see =Mahomed= the Bosnian)

  =Malaga=, Covel lands at, 107;
    description of the cathedral at, 107;
    young man hesitates to enter cathedral at, 107;
    convent of Sta. Victoria at, 108;
    convent of San Domingo at, 109;
    convent of San Domingo at, picture in, 110;
    Lord Baltimore’s daughter in convent at, 111;
    life in convents at, 111;
    Captain Hill’s friendship with a nun at, 112;
    his quarrel with a Roman Catholic at, 113;
    foundling hospital at, 114;
    ordinary diet at, 114;
    prices of food at, 115;
    vermin at, 115;
    description of, 117

  =Malta= in the hands of the Knights of Rhodes, 17

  =Maras=, a town near Caragatch, 247;
    healing earth at, 247

  =Maritza=, course of the river, 250

  =Martel=, Monsieur, his squadron by Tunis and Tripoli, 117

  _Mary and Martha_, the, bound for Smyrna, 101

  _Matthew Gonson_, the, makes a voyage to Crete and Chios, v

  =Maunday Thursday=, observance of, 156

  =Maurocordato=, Dr. Alexander, Kiuprili’s dragoman, attends Dr. Covel
      in his illness, 149;
    is present at the audience, 259, 263;
    has the impudence to sit by Sir John Finch, 264;
    account of, 272;
    gives statistics of the plague, 273

  =Maye=, Mr. Chaplain, taken prisoner at Rhodes, 37;
    ill-treatment of, at Rhodes, 38;
    is restored to the merchants, 39;
    goes on board the ambassador’s boat, 50

  =Mediterranean=, Dallam enters the, 11

  =Mermaid=, the cry of one heard, 94

  =Mestages=, or fire carriers, 171, 172

  =Methodius= brought out by Parthenius, 145

  =Michel=, Waivode of Moldavia, built a bridge at Adrianople, 249;
    notice of, 249 _n._

  =Mist= at Constantinople, 162

  =Monuments= to the dead at Lule-Bourgas, 184;
    near Hafsa, 187

  =Morea=, 86;
    the weather very hot in the, 87;
    desolate country in the, 87

  =Mortar=, preparation of (see =Lukium=)

  =Mosaif= (see =Moutessarif=)

  =Moscovy Company=, the, rise of, in the sixteenth century, ii

  =Moutessarif=, the, sub-governor of a province, favourite of Mahomed IV,
      167;
    description of his tent, 167;
    in the circumcision procession, 200;
    solemnities in honour of his marriage, 208;
    his present to the bride, 227;
    his marriage, by proxy, with the daughter of Mahomed IV, 230;
    sports at his house, 237

  =Muctary=, Turkish town near Lule-Bourgas, 185

  =Mufti=, the chief lawyer, his tent, 167;
    is visited by Sir John Finch, 267;
    description of, 267

  =Musical Instruments=, description of, 211

  =Mustapha=, first Turkish envoy to England, xi;
    his mention of Sir E. Barton, xi

  =Mustapha=, dervish, at Galata, 168

  =Mustapha=, Prince, solemnities in honour of his circumcision, 198;
    notice of, 198 _n._;
    magnificent horse trappings of, 202;
    his personal appearance, 203;
    his dress, 203;
    is circumcised, 207

  =My Lord= (see =Harvey=, Sir Daniel);
    (see =Finch=, Sir John)

  =My Lord’s Secretary= (see =Carpenter=, Mr.)


  =Naculs=, paper pyramids, carried in processions, 200, 228, 233;
    description of, 201

  =Natalis Comes= quoted as an authority by Covel, 127

  =Nicæa=, description of, 281

  =Nischardji-baschi=, or Secretary of State, 258;
    and at audience banquet, 261

  =Nointel=, Marquis de, favours union of Eastern and Western Churches,
      xxxi;
    celebrates Mass in the cave of Antiparos, xxxi;
    entertains Covel, 255;
    exposes a Turkish soothsayer, 255

  =North=, Sir Dudley, goes to Smyrna, xxxiv;
    his frugality and energy, xxxiv;
    is appointed treasurer to the Levant Company, xxxv;
    his account of the _avanias_, xxxv;
    remains in Adrianople during the plague, 244;
    is present at the audience banquet, 261;
    enters the audience chamber with Sir John Finch, 265

  =North=, Montagu, of Aleppo, joins his brother Dudley at Constantinople,
      xxxiv


  =Organ=, made by Dallam, xv;
    taken to ambassador’s house, 58;
    greatly injured by voyage, 58;
    put together in Lello’s house, 60;
    viewed by Turkish officials, 60;
    moved to the seraglio, 61;
    presented to Sultan Mahomed IV, 67;
    description of, 67

  =Orta-cui=, village near the Arda, 252;
    description of, 252;
    good fish at, 253;
    houses built of wood at, 253;
    prosperity of inhabitants of, 254;
    manner of threshing at, 254;
    severe storm near, 256

  =Ortelius=, his accuracy doubted by Covel, 173, 176, 178


  =Paget=, Lord, ambassador at Constantinople, xlii

  =Pain=, Captain, of the _Speedwell_, 101

  =Panagiotes=, dragoman to Kiuprili, account of, 281;
    his tomb at Chalki, 281

  =Parnassus=, hills of, bad weather on, 83;
    danger of travelling on, 84;
    village women go barefoot on, 84

  =Parthenius= disobliges many Greek Metropolitans, 145;
    abolishes temporary unions of Greek women with Turks, 145

  =Partridge=, Captain, of the _Turkey Merchant_, 101;
    declines to enter Tunis, 119;
    his want of courtesy towards Captain Robinson, 129

  =Passaro=, Cape, great storm at, 93

  =Patras=, description of, 86

  =Patriarch=, the, his manner of blessing, 159 (see =Dionysius= and
      =Parthenius=)

  =Paulo=, a Greek, laughs at the miracles of Sta. Victoria, 108

  _Pearl_, the, bound for Smyrna, 101;
    has a collision with the _London Merchant_, 106

  =Pentloe=, Mr., case of, xxxvi;
    Mrs., is seized by the Turkish Government, xxxvi

  =Pickering=, Dr., physician to the factory at Smyrna, 142;
    is caught in a storm near Orta-cui, 256;
    is present at the audience banquet, 261

  =Pigeons=, letters carried by, from Aleppo to Scandaroon, 32

  =Pindar=, Sir Paul, ambassador at Constantinople, xxi, xlii;
    secretary to Sir Henry Lello, 63;
    brings present to Sultana Safiye, 63;
    mention of, 63 _n._;
    is in attendance during the presentation of organ, 66;
    fords a river on horseback, 85;
    prevents Conisby from attacking a Jew, 86

  =Pisans=, the, obtain capitulations, iii

  =Pliny= quoted as an authority by Covel, 116, 121, 122, 126

  _Plymouth_, the, accident to, between Chios and Psara, 286

  =Plymouth=, Dallam arrives at, 6

  =Polybius= quoted as an authority by Covel, 121

  =Ponte grande=, description of road to, 177;
    pleasure-garden near, 177;
    description of, 177;
    bridges at, 178;
    dirty condition of lake at, 178;
    villages near, 179

  =Ponte piccolo=, description of, 174;
    college at, 175;
    bridges at, 176;
    Greek villages near, 176

  =Porpoises= come about the ship, 11;
    near the coast of Spain, 96

  =Porte=, the, list of ambassadors to, xlii

  =Porter=, Sir James, his work on the policy and government of the
      Turkish people, xl

  =Present=, the (see =Organ=)


  =Quaker=, John the, ill-treatment of, at Constantinople, xxv


  =Ragusa=, the earthquake at, 193

  =Ragusan Ambassador=, the (see =Caboga=, Marin)

  _Rebecca_, the, takes leave of the company, 96;
    returns pursued by men-of-war, 97

  =Rejoicings= at the birth of a prince, 152

  =Relezea=, or =Ereklidia=, encounter with Greeks at, 51;
    description of the governor of, 52

  =Rhodes=, the Knights of, at Malta, 17;
    description of the island of, 34;
    deputy governor of the town of, visits the _Hector_, 34;
    Dallam lands at, 35;
    description of the town of, 35, 39;
    ill-treatment of Mr. Maye at, 38;
    covetousness of the deputy governor of, 39

  =Rhodope= (see =Despotodagh=)

  =Ricaut=, Sir Paul, secretary to Lord Winchilsea, v;
    consul at Smyrna, vi, 140, 155;
    his book on Greek and Armenian Churches, vi;
    and on the state of the Turkish Empire, vi, xl, 140;
    his book on the capitulations, xxiv;
    entertains Covel at his house at Sedjagui, 140;
    quoted as an authority, 70 _n._, 145, 153, 228, 252 _n._;
    his boat at the embarkation of Sir Daniel Harvey’s body, 155

  =Rimbault=, Dr., his authority quoted, xvi

  =Ritz=, Valentine, his portrait of Covel, xxviii

  =Robinson=, Captain, of the _Greenwich_, Admiral of the convoy, 101;
    tells the news to the sailors, 103;
    dines on board the _London Merchant_, 104, 117;
    gives instructions in case of encountering enemies, 117;
    doubts as to his genuineness, 118;
    is offended with Mr. Earlesman, 125;
    takes his leave, 128

  =Roe=, Sir T., ambassador at Constantinople, xxi, xlii

  =Roles=, Captain Dier, of the _Mary and Martha_, 101

  =Roman= and Greek churches compared, 150

  =Roman Catholics=, many in Adrianople, 210

  =Rope-walking=, very remarkable, 238, 239;
    accident during, 239

  =Rushout=, Sir James, ambassador at Constantinople, xlii


  =Sacred earth= of Lemnos, 283, 284, 285

  =Safiye=, Sultana, Queen Elizabeth’s present to, x;
    mother of Mahomed III, x;
    inspects the _Hector_, 60;
    receives Sir Henry Lello’s present, 63;
    is pleased with Sir Paul Pindar, 63

  =Sailors=, the, entertain the officers and passengers, 104;
    their custom of ducking, 105, 106

  =Salter=, Mr., receives no present, and is offended, 196

  =Samos=, birthplace of Pythagoras, 40;
    terror of inhabitants of, at the sight of the _Hector_, 40;
    captain of, brings present to the _Hector_, 41;
    millet grown on island of, 41;
    the _Hector_ runs aground on the shores of, 42

  =Sandwich=, Dallam arrives at, 5

  =Santons=, or holy men, 153, 166

  =Scandaroon=, halting port for vessels, x;
    distance of, from Land’s End, 3;
    Dallam lands at, 28;
    wild appearance of, 28;
    traces of ancient city at, 30;
    lizards on ruins of city at, 30;
    large snake at, 30;
    bad accommodation at, 31;
    letters carried to, from Aleppo by pigeons, 32;
    the _Hector_ leaves, 33

  =Scopo=, hill at Zante, 20;
    monastery on, 21

  =Scutari=, gardens at, 168

  =Seadedin=, the historian, assists Sir W. Harebone to obtain
      capitulations, viii

  =Sea-sickness=, Covel and other passengers attacked by, 102;
    treatment for, 103

  =Sedjagui=, summer residence near Smyrna, 140;
    Sir Paul Ricaut’s house at, 140;
    Jaques von Dam’s house at, 140;
    opium eater at, 140

  =Selibria= (see =Silivri=)

  =Seneca= quoted as an authority by Covel, 121

  =Seraglio=, the, description of, at Constantinople, 61, 63;
    gates kept shut in, 61;
    lovely gardens and fruit at, 62

  =Sestos=, castle at the mouth of the Hellespont, 50, 82, 143, 154

  =Shark=, a, follows the _Hector_, 95

  =Sharpe=, Mr., leaves Ganos for Constantinople, 57

  =Sicily=, description of, 17;
    communication by watch-tower lights in, 92

  =Sikibaba=, Eski-Baba, so called by Ortelius, 186

  =Silivri=, large melons grown at, 57;
    description of road to, from Ponte grande, 179;
    description of country near, 180

  =Simon=, Demetrius, washes the feet of the brothers at St. Francisco’s,
      159

  =Sinekly=, Turkish town near Silivri, 181

  =Sistos= (see =Sestos=)

  =Smith=, Thomas, an original member of the Levant Company, viii

  =Smyrna=, Sir Paul Ricaut consul at, vi;
    embarkation of Sir Daniel Harvey’s body at, 155

  =Sokolli= (see =Mahomed= the Bosnian)

  =Solemnities=, procession during the, 198;
    festivities during the, 208;
    fireworks during the, 213, 222-24;
    dancers, 213;
    actors, 215;
    plays acted, 216;
    acrobats, 216;
    jugglers, 220;
    wrestlers, 221

  =Solyman I=, Sultan, concludes a capitulation with Francis I of France,
      iv

  =Sophia=, Sta., at Galata, the vaults under, visited by Covel, 170

  =Soorano= (see =Argostoli=)

  _Speedwell_, the, bound for Smyrna and Constantinople, 101

  =Spon= and =Wheeler=, their authority quoted, 142, 207, 279

  =Sporca=, Sultana, account of, 160;
    the story of her dancing girl, 161

  =Sposa=, the (see =Agazé=, Sultana)

  =Sposo=, the (see =Moutessarif=)

  =Stamboul= (see =Constantinople=)

  =Stanco=, or =Kos=, description of, 40

  =Staple=, Richard, his mission to Constantinople, vii

  =Stoey=, Captain, of the _Pearl_, bound for Smyrna, 101

  =Strabo= quoted as an authority by Covel, 121-122

  =Straits of Gibraltar=, custom of ducking at the, 105

  =Strophades=, the, monastery on, 26;
    no women on the island of, 26

  =Sultan=, the (see =Amurath III=, =Mahomed III=, =Mahomed IV=,
      =Solyman I=)

  =Superstitions= of the Turks, 255

  =Surgeon=, the, of the _London Merchant_, and some gentlemen, injured
      in a storm, 104

  _Susan_, the, in the harbour at Argostoli, 91

  _Swallow_, the, in company with the _Hector_, 90


  =Tarifa=, pleasant situation of, 11

  =Tarrefe= (see =Tarifa=)

  =Tarsus=, market at, 32

  =Tchorlou=, or =Chiorlóo=, description of, 181;
    aqueduct at, 181;
    country near, 183

  =Temple=, Mr., of Smyrna, brings wine on board the _Centurion_, 155;
    entertains Covel at his house, 156

  =Tenedos=, Aga of, sends a present of fish, 142;
    Aga of, begs for glass bottles, 143;
    dress of the Greeks at, 156;
    no church at, 156

  =Testerdore= (see =Dafterdar=)

  _Thomas and Frances_, the, bound for Smyrna and Scandaroon, 101

  =Timur=, origin of the name, 243

  =Tobacco= presented to the captain of a galley, 49

  =Tondja=, the river by Adrianople, 249;
    its course, 250

  =Tooloonjés=, or police, keep order in the streets, 204, 212

  =Tradesmen=, their procession during the solemnities, 232

  =Troy=, Dallam visits, 49

  =Trumbull=, Sir William, ambassador at Constantinople, xlii

  =Trumpeter= left behind at Deal, 5

  =Tunis=, the Turkish fleet at, 17;
    difficulties about entering, 119;
    Captain Partridge declines to enter, 119;
    abundance of provisions at, 120;
    fish at, 121;
    Mr. Earlesman, English consul at, 124;
    the _Martin_ left behind at, 125

  =Turkey=, method of reckoning distance by navigators in, 171;
    discomforts of travelling in, 174;
    wretchedness of the buildings in, 179;
    manner of building tombs in, 187

  _Turkey Merchant_, the, bound for Scandaroon, 101

  =Turkey Merchants= (see =Levant Company=)

  =Turks= renew capitulations granted by the Greeks, iii;
    trade by means of Greek vessels, iii;
    their civility to the Franks during the solemnities, 205, 212;
    their reverence at prayer time, 210;
    their fondness for wine, 245;
    their superstitions, 255;
    use no silver dishes, 263


  =Vani-Effendi=, the preacher, notice of, 268;
    invites Sir Thomas Baines to visit him, 269;
    discusses matters of faith with Sir Thomas Baines, 269

  =Varangians= (see =Warings=)

  =Velutelli=, Acerbo, obtains patent for importing currants, vii

  =Venetians=, the, obtain capitulations, iii;
    conduct the trade between the Levant and England, v;
    decline to sail in English seas, vi

  =Venice=, the Baily of, at Constantinople, entertained by Sir Henry
      Lello, 73

  =Vernon=, Mr., collects information in Turkey and Persia, 279

  =Vice-Admiral= (see =Wild=, Captain)

  =Virginals= taken on board the _Hector_ by Dallam, 4

  =Vizier=, the (see =Ibrahim= and =Kiuprili=)

  =Von Hammer=, his authority quoted, viii, xxix, 80, 145, 192


  =Waist=, the, a portion of a ship, 103 _n._, 126

  =Warings=, or =Varangians=, from Scandinavia, obtain capitulations, ii

  =Watson=, Myghell, Dallam’s joiner, 20;
    accompanies him on expedition at Zante, 20;
    fright of, 20;
    remains hiding in a bush, 24;
    is ashamed of his cowardice, 24;
    accompanies Dallam to the seraglio for presentation of the organ, 66

  =Whale-spawn= near the coast of Spain, 95

  =Whales= come about the ship, 11;
    in calm water near Gibraltar, 96

  =Wheeler=, Sir George, his authority quoted, xxvii, (see =Spon= and
      =Wheeler=)

  =Wight=, the Isle of, wreck of Venetian argosy off, vi

  =Wild=, Captain, of the _Assurance_, Vice-Admiral of the convoy, 102;
    dines on board the _London Merchant_, 104, 117, 129;
    gives signal to the fleet to prepare for fight, 129;
    at Smyrna, 155

  =Winchilsea=, Earl of, ambassador at Constantinople, xxiv, xlii;
    obtains further capitulations from Vizier Kiuprili, xxiv

  =Witches=, belief of Greeks in, 257

  =Worcester Cathedral=, additions to the organ in, by Dallam, xvii

  =Wrestlers= at the solemnities, 221

  =Wych=, Edward, brother to Sir Peter, buried at Erekli, 277;
    Sir Peter, ambassador at Constantinople, xlii


  =Zante=, description of, 18-19;
    is governed by the Duke of Venice, 19;
    fruit cultivation by Greeks in, 19;
    quarantine at, 19, 89;
    Dallam lands at, 20;
    monastery at, description of, 21;
    monastery at, chapel of, 23;
    monastery at, richly-attired women in, 23;
    many sweet flowers at, 24;
    monastery at, visited by merchants, 25;
    games at, 25-26;
    miserable weather at, 126;
    many earthquakes at, 126

  =Zeitoun= (see =Lamia=)

LONDON: CHAS. J. CLARK, 4, LINCOLN’S INN FIELDS, W.C.




      *      *      *      *      *      *




Transcriber’s note:

With a text like this it’s best to err on the side of caution with regard
to “mistakes”, and for the most part the spellings in the original
printing have been maintained. A few exceptions to correct probable
typesetting errors:

Page 14, “markeett” changed to “markett” (They have tow markett dayes in
the weeke)

Page 20, “inhahite” changed to “inhabite” (those that did inhabite thare
weare savidge men)

Page 23, “kenewe” changed to “knewe” (presently after I knewe they wear
not)

Page 25, “bcause” changed to “because” (because I would not go againe)

Page 26, “pssinger” changed to “passinger” (an ould Jue That was a
passinger in our ship)

Page 46, “se” changed to “we” (we should have bene muche better
entertained)

Page 46, “Direcklly” changed to “Direcktly” (the wynde beinge Direcktly
againste us)

Page 56, “oued” changed to “oned” (he who oned the house)

Page 69, “opemed” changed to “opened” (the Coppagaw opened that Dore)

Page 74, “grded” changed to “girded” (of other collors, and girded like a
lace)

Page 78, “intrpreter” changed to “interpreter” (My interpreter folloed
apase.)

Page 78, “grdens” changed to “gardens” (Beinge paste the gardens, we
entred upon a faire grene)

Page 81, “hapemed” changed to “hapened” (it hapened that thar was good
Company)

Page 89, “Cstell” changed to “Castell” (the water men which brought us
from Castell Turneas)

Page 112, “kindesse” changed to “kindnesse” (very much kindnesse past
between them)

Page 121, “Cathago” changed to “Carthago” (Jam seges est ubi magna stetit
Carthago)

Page 125, “elven” changed to “eleven” (that night about eleven o’clock)

Page 131, “onr” changed to “our” (and then went on board our Admiral)

Page 140, duplicated word “name” removed (the right Turkish name is
_Seghiahkioi_)

Page 164, “on” changed to “or” (golden balls or pots)

Page 241, “Merchauts” changed to “Merchants” (One of our Merchants and I
were walking)

Page 272, “remaim” changed to “remain” (no Turke shall remain there to
eternity)

Footnote 286, “Pau” changed to “Pan” (Homer, _Hymn to Pan_)

Index entry Janizaries, “pilan” changed to “pilau” (feed on bread and
pilau)

Index entry Kinnekleh, “Ginekly” changed to “Sinekly” (see =Sinekly=)