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LAFAYETTE IN AMERICA IN 1824 AND 1825;

Or,
Journal of a Voyage
to the
United States:

by

A. LEVASSEUR;

Secretary to General Lafayette during His Journey.

Translated by John D. Godman, M. D.

VOL. I.






Philadelphia:
Carey and Lea.
1829.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Eastern District of Pennsylvania, to wit:

Be it remembered, That on the sixth day of November, in the fifty-fourth
year of the independence of the United States of America, A. D. 1829,
Carey and Lea, of the said District, have deposited in this Office the
title of a Book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the
words following, to wit:

“Lafayette in America in 1824 and 1825; or Journal of a Voyage to the
United States: by A. Levasseur, Secretary to General Lafayette during
his journey. Translated by John D. Godman, M. D.”

In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled
“An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of
maps charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies
during the times therein mentioned.” And also to the act, entitled, “An
act supplementary to an act, entitled, ‘An act for the encouragement of
learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the
authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein
mentioned,’ and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing,
engraving, and etching historical and other prints.”

                                  (Signed)       D. CALDWELL,
                          Clerk of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

------------------------------------------------------------------------



                         THE AUTHOR’S PREFACE.


In publishing at this late period the journal of my voyage to the United
States, along with General Lafayette, in 1824 and 1825, I think it right
to account for the circumstances, which have so long delayed this
publication.

The duties of private secretary, which I performed for General
Lafayette, were prolonged for three years after our return. During all
this time, I thought that the intimacy of my relations with him,
rendered it a point of delicacy, that I should not cause to emanate from
his cabinet a narrative, of which he was the principal object. Swayed by
this sentiment, I resisted the solicitations of my friends, and resolved
to await the period, when having become entirely independent, and
entering into a career of industry, I could publish my journal without
exposing any one to participate with me in responsibility for the
opinions or facts produced. This time has now arrived, and there is no
longer any inconvenience in my publishing details, not altogether
unknown, but which cannot be found any where so complete as in this
journal, which moreover, has a character of incontestible authenticity,
for in addition to the testimony of several millions of witnesses, that
might be adduced if necessary, I can also say, _all I relate I have
seen_.

I need not say, that in offering to my friends and the public, the
details of a triumph, which honours the nation that decreed it, as much
as the man who was its object, the recital of which, I hope, will one
day prove the greatest encouragement that can be offered to the sincere
friends of a wise liberty, I am less concerned to adorn my narration,
than to preserve that character of verity, which will be its greatest,
perhaps even its only merit.

Involved during fourteen months in the torrent of popular festivities,
which uninterruptedly followed the steps of Lafayette throughout the
twenty-four states of the Union, it was only during the brief hours of
the night, and as I may say, in presence of the events of the day, that
my journal was written. It necessarily must partake of that extreme
agitation; however I have not thought of making any other change in it,
than that of dividing it into a certain number of chapters, each of
which contains a series of facts more particularly attached to some
epoch or locality. This division appears to me more suitable, because it
allows of the suppression of all the dates, that would embarrass the
narrative, and a multitude of details which could only interest a small
number of individuals.




                           TRANSLATOR’S NOTE.


The MSS. translation of the first volume, was revised by an intimate
friend and correspondent of the author, P. S. DUPONCEAU, Esq. whose name
is justly associated with deep learning, great intellectual acumen, and
urbanity of manners; he also furnished the occasional notes marked with
the letter D.




                               CONTENTS.


                               CHAPTER I.

 Invitation of the Congress of the United States to General
   Lafayette: departure from Havre: voyage: arrival at Staten
   Island: reception at New York: review of the troops:
   entertainment given to Lafayette: statistics of New York: its
   constitution, &c.                                                   9


                               CHAPTER II.

 Departure from New York: journey from New York to Boston: entry at
   Boston: visit to the University of Cambridge: visit to
   Charlestown and Bunker’s hill.                                     27


                              CHAPTER III.

 First settlements in Massachusetts: sketch of revolutionary events
   in this province: its actual condition.                            44


                               CHAPTER IV.

 Camp of Savin Hill. Visit to John Adams: review of the regulations
   of the Massachusetts militia.                                      61


                               CHAPTER V.

 Journey from Boston to Portsmouth: sojourn at Portsmouth: history,
   constitution and statistics of New Hampshire: journey from
   Portsmouth to New York: description of Long Island.                69


                               CHAPTER VI.

 Entertainment given by the Society of Cincinnati: origin and
   statutes of the society: visit to the public establishments:
   dinner given by the French of New York: ball at Castle Garden.     86


                              CHAPTER VII.

 Voyage upon the Hudson: treason of Arnold: military school at West
   Point: Newburgh: Poughkeepsie: Clermont: Catskills Hudson:
   Albany: Troy: return to New York.                                  99


                              CHAPTER VIII.

 Streets of New York: drunkenness: prostitution: lotteries:
   hospitality: bankruptcy: women and young girls: luxury: hotels:
   police: anecdote: number of passengers arriving at New York, from
   1818 till 1819.                                                   122


                               CHAPTER IX.

 Departure from New York: journey from New York to Trenton; battles
   of Trenton and Princeton: visit to Joseph Bonaparte: state of New
   Jersey.                                                           133


                               CHAPTER X.

 Entry of Philadelphia: history and constitution of the state of
   Pennsylvania: commerce, agriculture, &c.: city of Philadelphia:
   public buildings, public institutions, prisons, &c.               141


                               CHAPTER XI.

 Voyage from Philadelphia to Baltimore: American aristocracy: fort
   M’Henry: entry of Baltimore: description of Baltimore: defence of
   the city in 1814.                                                 159


                              CHAPTER XII.

 Farewell to Lafayette by the inhabitants of Baltimore: journey from
   Baltimore to Washington: entry of that city: visit to the
   President: description of Washington: jesuits.                    171


                              CHAPTER XIII.

 Departure for Yorktown: Washington’s tomb: celebration of the
   anniversary of the surrender of Yorktown: details of its seige in
   1781.                                                             180


                              CHAPTER XIV.

 Journey from Yorktown to Richmond by Williamsburg and
   Norfolk.—History of Virginia. Some considerations on negro
   slavery.                                                          194


                               CHAPTER XV.

 Masonic entertainment: journey to Petersburgh: visit to Mr.
   Jefferson: his mansion: plantation: slaves: Montpelier: Mr.
   Madison: religious liberty: return to Washington by Orange
   Court-house and Fredericksburg.                                   210




                         LAFAYETTE IN AMERICA.




                               CHAPTER I.

  Invitation of the Congress of the United States to general Lafayette:
    departure from Havre: voyage: arrival at Staten Island: reception at
    New York: review of the troops: entertainments given to Lafayette:
    statistics of New York: its constitution, &c.


Nearly half a century had elapsed, since Lafayette, inspired by the love
of glory and liberty, tore himself away from the sweets of domestic
affection and the dangerous seductions of a court, to offer the aid of
an illustrious name and ample fortune, to a nation, which, though
bravely combating for independence, seemed by the inequality of the
contest to be threatened with destruction. After his return to France,
Lafayette, although entirely occupied by the French revolution, for the
success of which he sacrificed his fortune and repose, and sometimes
endangered his popularity and life, often turned his thoughts upon
America, the theatre of his first exploits; in the dungeons of Olmutz,
and under the imperial despotism, he comforted himself with the thought,
that in America, at least, the tree of liberty he had assisted in
planting, bore fruits as delightful as abundant, and that a happy
people, worthy of the happiness they enjoyed, remembered him with
sentiments of lively gratitude. But withheld by various causes, he could
only cherish the wish of again beholding America, without being able to
form any plan for revisiting it. The confidence reposed in him by his
fellow citizens, who after the events of 1815, recalled him into
political activity, appeared to be a still stronger reason for his
remaining in France. Nevertheless in 1824, the intrigues of a corrupt
and corrupting minister, having removed him from the national
representation, he was free from engagements, when the following letter
was addressed to him by the President of the United States.


                                 Washington City, February 24th, 1824.

  My dear General,

        I wrote you a letter about fifteen days since, by Mr. Brown,
  in which I expressed the wish to send to any port in France you
  should point out, a frigate to convey you hither, in case you should
  be able to visit the United States. Since then, Congress has passed
  a resolution on this subject, in which the sincere attachment of the
  whole nation to you is expressed, whose ardent desire is once more
  to see you amongst them. The period at which you may yield to this
  invitation is left entirely at your option, but believe me, whatever
  may be your decision, it will be sufficient that you should have the
  goodness to inform me of it, and immediate orders will be given for
  a government vessel to proceed to any port you will indicate, and
  convey you thence to the adopted country of your early youth, which
  has always preserved the most grateful recollection of your
  important services. I send you herewith the resolution of congress,
  and add thereto the assurance of my high consideration and of my
  sentiments of affection.

                                                         JAMES MONROE.


It was impossible for Lafayette to refuse so honourable and so pressing
an invitation, and the month of July was resolved on for his departure.
He had refused the offer of Congress to send a frigate to convey him
with greater safety and comfort, and he was also obliged to refuse
numerous applications of his fellow citizens, who thinking perhaps that
some new expedition in favour of liberty, was to be attempted, wished to
share with him the perils and the glory. Accompanied only by his son,
and the writer of this narrative, he left Paris on the 11th and arrived
at Havre on the 12th of July, where the Cadmus, an American merchant
ship, had waited for him some weeks.

The patriotism of the citizens of Havre had prepared for him a reception
well calculated to gratify his feelings, but the absurd jealousy of the
police checked this expression of the public sentiment, and would have
produced a scene of disorder and bloodshed, if the inhabitants had been
less discreet. Police officers, gendarmes, and Swiss soldiers, rivalled
each other in their zeal to repress the noble ardor of the citizens,
during the short time that general Lafayette remained among them.
However, it was in the presence of the whole people, and amid the most
vivid demonstrations of public feeling, that he embarked at noon on the
thirteenth of July, 1824.

The weather being fine, and the sea perfectly calm, we embarked with
facility; all the crew, paraded upon deck, waited for the arrival of the
general, with an expression of joy mingled with noble pride. As he
passed beneath the American flag, to whose glory and independence he had
so freely contributed, he was greeted with three cheers, which were
re-echoed by all the crews in port, and by the crowds which thronged the
shore. Some particular friends who accompanied the general on board the
Cadmus, received his final adieus. Almost immediately afterwards, our
sails were filled by a fresh breeze, which wafted us along until we lost
sight of that loved land, in which, in spite of all that may be said or
done, virtue and patriotism will always find courageous defenders.

In a good vessel, skilfully commanded and managed as was the Cadmus, our
voyage could scarcely be otherwise than prosperous. The squall which
struck us the next morning and carried away two of our top-gallant
masts, produced no other effect than that of furnishing us with an
opportunity of admiring the calmness of our excellent captain Allyn in
giving, and the vigour of the crew in executing his orders.

On the first of August we were becalmed, the sea was motionless, and our
progress suspended. Seated on deck, about the general, with four young
American passengers, we contemplated with pleasure the smooth surface of
the ocean which nothing disturbed, when suddenly we perceived as far as
the eye could reach, a black speck near the horizon, that seemed to be
advancing towards us. During nearly half an hour, we were lost in
conjectures as to what that could be, which was evidently approaching us
rapidly; the motion of oars soon enabled us to perceive that it was a
boat, and the sound of a bugle led us to believe it contained soldiers;
we were not mistaken; in a few minutes a light skiff, containing seven
persons dressed in uniform, came alongside. The leader of this
adventurous party, measuring with a steady eye the height of our ship’s
side, called for the ladder, that he might come on board; the
rope-ladder was thrown out, and in a moment his companions and himself
stood on the deck of our ship. He informed us, in rather a cavalier
manner, that they were English officers, who were going in a transport,
which he pointed out at a great distance, and which was becalmed like
ourselves, to serve in garrison at Halifax, N. S. and that the beauty of
the sea, want of something to do, and curiosity, had induced them to pay
us a visit. Our captain received them with cool politeness, the crew
scarcely noticed them, but their aspect and their arrogant manner
appeared to recall the burning of the capitol to the minds of the young
Americans. Notwithstanding their rather discouraging reception, our
English officers began at once to multiply their questions, when captain
Allyn, as a sufficient answer to the whole, pointed out and named to
them general Lafayette; at this name, and so unexpected an appearance,
their manners immediately changed; they took off their hats and
respectfully received the hand which the general presented them, with
cordiality. They were then invited into the cabin, where refreshments
were served. Conversation followed, but frequently during its
continuance, they gazed sometimes at the general, and then at the
admirable arrangements of the vessel and crew, which examination
appeared to cause them much absence of mind. How many recollections, in
fact, must have been awakened by the sight of these Americans, but a
short time since their tributaries, now their powerful rivals, conveying
to their country the man who had so efficiently aided them in its noble
and just struggle for liberty against oppression. After half an hour’s
conversation, as the sun began to decline, they took leave, accepting
very frankly some bottles of madeira and claret, which our captain had
stowed in their boat.

Our voyage was continued without any event of importance, until the
14th, when we descried land. The next morning at day-break, the pilot
came on board, and in a few hours we could easily distinguish the fresh
verdure which adorns Staten-island, the charming white dwellings which
enlivened it, and the movement of its inhabitants, which the expectation
of some great event had caused in all haste to run down to the shore.
Already the sea around us was covered with a multitude of long, light
and narrow boats, managed by vigorous, active men, the neatness of whose
dress and the propriety of whose language contrasted singularly with the
ideas which in Europe are generally associated with the sight of mere
sailors. As soon as one of these boats arrived near the ship, her course
was slackened; those on board cast anxious looks towards our deck,
inquiring of our sailors if Lafayette were among us; as soon as answered
in the affirmative, joy was expressed in all their features; they turned
quickly to each other, shaking hands and congratulating themselves on
the happiness they were about to enjoy; then returning towards the
vessel, they asked a thousand questions, relative to the general’s
health, how he had borne the voyage, &c. but without noise or disorderly
impatience. We heard them rejoicing among themselves that Lafayette’s
voyage had been pleasant and quick, that his health was good and that
the wishes of their fellow citizens were about to be gratified; and all
as if they had been the children of one family, rejoicing at the return
of a much-loved and long-expected parent. While contemplating this novel
and interesting scene, the thundering of cannon called my attention in
another direction; this was from the artillery of Fort Lafayette, which
announced the arrival of the Cadmus to the city of New York. At the same
moment a steam-boat arrived, and we received on board a deputation, at
the head of which was Mr. Tomkins, son of the Vice-President of the
United States. He came to inform the general, that this being Sunday,
the city of New York, which wished to give him a brilliant reception,
but was unwilling to break the Sabbath, and which moreover had still
some preparations to make, requested him to postpone his entry until the
next day; in the mean time the Vice-President invited him to his house
on Staten-island. The general accepted this invitation, and in a few
minutes afterward, we were on shore, where we found the second officer
of a great republic, on foot, without his coat, and his head covered
with a military cap, cordially greeting his old friend, who on the
morrow was to commence, amidst twelve millions of freemen, the most
brilliant, and at the same time, the purest of triumphs. Mr. Tomkins
conducted us to his house, where we were kindly received by Mrs. Tomkins
and her daughters. But the report of Lafayette’s arrival was quickly
spread over the great city of New York, and the bay was already covered
with boats conveying crowds of citizens, who hastened to Staten-island
to give him the first salutation, that WELCOME, which the whole nation
afterwards repeated with so much enthusiasm.

Very early on the morning of the 16th, the preparations for the
reception of general Lafayette were completed in New York, and about the
same time he received a deputation at Staten-island from the city,
consisting of several members of the municipal corps, and the commanding
general of the militia, who came to announce the arrival of the
steam-boat Chancellor Livingston, which was to convey him to New York.
At one o’clock the cannon of _Fort Lafayette_ gave the signal for
embarking; we immediately descended to the shore where we found numerous
steam-boats, all resembling floating palaces. On board of the Chancellor
Livingston, were the various deputations of the city, the generals and
officers of the militia, the army and navy; a detachment of infantry and
more than two hundred of the principal citizens of New York, among whom
the general recognized many of his old _fellow soldiers_, who threw
themselves into his arms, felicitating themselves on seeing him once
more after so many years and dangers past. During these moving scenes of
gratitude and joy, a delightful music performed the French air “_Où
peut-on être mieux qu’au sein de sa famille_,”[1] and the flotilla began
to move.

It is impossible to describe the majesty of this procession towards the
city. The sea was covered with boats of every sort, elegantly decorated
with flags and filled with people; these boats which were moved with a
swiftness and lightness almost inconceivable, appeared to fly around us.

The Cadmus which followed us, appeared rather to be led in triumph, than
to be towed by the two steam-boats, which accompanied her. As we
advanced, the forts which protect the harbour, and afterwards the houses
bordering on the water, became more distinctly visible: soon after we
could distinguish the crowd which everywhere covered the shore, perceive
its agitation, and hear the shouts of joy. At two o’clock, the general
landed at the battery amid the acclamations of two hundred thousand
voices, which hailed him with sounds of blessing and welcome. The
_Lafayette Guards_ dressed in an elegant and neat uniform, bearing on
their breast the portrait of the general, escorted him in front of the
long line of militia drawn up to receive him. The general, attended by a
numerous and brilliant staff, marched along the front; as he advanced,
each corps presented arms and saluted him with its colours; all were
decorated with a ribband bearing his portrait, and the legend “Welcome
Lafayette;” words which were everywhere written and repeated by every
tongue. During this review, the cannon thundered on the shore, in the
forts, and from all the vessels of war. “Ah! could this thundering
welcome but resound to Europe,” said a young American officer who
accompanied us, “that it might inspire the powers which govern you with
the love of virtue, and the people with the love of liberty!” These
wishes which were also those of my own heart, turned my thoughts to my
own country, and drew from me an involuntary sigh.

At the extremity of the line of troops, elegant carriages were in
waiting. General Lafayette was seated in a car drawn by four white
horses, and in the midst of an immense crowd, we went to the City Hall.
On our way, all the streets were decorated with flags and drapery, and
from all the windows flowers and wreaths were showered upon the general.
On his arrival at the City Hall, he was received by the municipal
authorities, at the head of whom was the Mayor, who addressed the
general, on behalf of the citizens in an animated and appropriate
manner.

After the general had expressed his grateful sense of the honorable
manner in which he had been received, and his admiration at the
prodigies he witnessed, we were conducted to the peristyle of the City
Hall, to see that army of militia file off, which we had found drawn up
in line on the battery. We could at our ease remark its composition and
equipments; its composition is that of a truly national army, being
formed entirely of young and vigorous citizens, capable of bearing arms
and enduring fatigue, without distinction of wealth or birth. The firm
march of the divisions, and the martial air of the men, appeared to me a
proof of the care, with which each individual prepared himself to be, in
case of need, a defender of his country. The artillery which followed
the infantry is formidable in number, but I believe is far from
fulfilling the conditions necessary to constitute a good light
artillery. The variety of caliber must necessarily prove an
embarrassment in providing munitions for a campaign. It is said this
inconvenience will soon disappear, because the government has undertaken
to furnish cannon to every new company that is organized, and that the
guns will be cast only of a very small number of determined calibers.

After the troops had defiled, we entered the great saloon of the City
Hall, which is adorned with the portraits of many men who, by their
talents or valor, have rendered service to their country: among the
portraits was one of general Lafayette. The doors of this saloon were
left open to the public, which pressed towards it, and during more than
two hours the general was as it were, given up to the enthusiasm of the
people. Mothers surrounded him, presenting their children and asking his
blessing, which having obtained, they embraced their offspring with
renewed tenderness; feeble old men appeared to become re-animated in
talking to him of the numerous battles in which they had been engaged
with him for the sake of liberty. Men of colour reminded him with
tenderness of his philanthropical efforts at various periods, to replace
them in the rank, which horrid prejudices still deny them in some
countries; young men whose hard and blackened hands announced their
laborious occupations, stopped before him and said with energy, “We also
belong to the ten millions who are indebted to you for liberty and
happiness!” Many others wished to speak to him, but were prevented by
their tears; those who could not approach him, endeavoured to compensate
for it by addressing George Lafayette, whom they pressed in their arms,
while talking to him of their admiration for his father. At five
o’clock, the general with difficulty separated himself from the embraces
of his numerous friends, and was conducted to the City Hotel, which had
been magnificently fitted up for his reception. The national standard
displayed over the door, indicated from afar the residence of “The
Nation’s Guest,” the glorious and moving title by which he was greeted
with acclamations, when he entered. A splendid dinner, at which all the
civil and military authorities were present, terminated this day, which
alone might be considered as a glorious recompense for the greatest
sacrifices, yet which, however, was but the prelude to the unexampled
triumph reserved for Lafayette.

During the four following days, the general found it difficult to divide
his time in such a manner as to satisfy the wishes of all his friends.
He devoted, daily, two hours to the public in the City Hall, into which
the crowd pressed as on the first day, and he there received numerous
deputations from neighbouring cities, and different states, which
expressed their desire and hope of receiving him. The rest of the time
was employed in attending the meetings of the learned societies of the
city. The Historical society held an extraordinary session, under the
presidency of Dr. Hosack, and received him and his son as honorary
members. The members of the bar, the society of the Cincinnati, and the
French residents of New York came to compliment him. The latter, under
their president Mr. Monneron, expressed with animation the sentiments
which the triumph of their compatriot inspired. At the conclusion of his
address, a little girl carried by her father, saluted the general, and
placed a chaplet of _immortelles_[2] on his head. The general answered
it with deep emotion.

At the mention of the best days of our revolution, every one felt
himself deeply affected, and came to shake hands with the general,
saying, “Yes, the condition of an immense majority of the people is
improved. May France carefully preserve the remains of the public
liberties won by the revolution.”

On the 18th, the officers of the navy wished to entertain the guest of
the nation, who crossed the East river in a steam-boat to Brooklyn,
where the navy yard and marine arsenal are situated. On this short
passage, the general was saluted by the guns of several frigates and
ships of the line lying at anchor. This visit, which the naval officers
knew how to render both agreeable and interesting, gave us an
opportunity of examining a fine steam-frigate. This formidable machine
resembles a floating fortification; its sides strengthened by strong
masonry, are shot proof; its necessarily slow movements do not allow of
its being used in the open sea, but render it very suitable for the
defence of the coasts, the threatened points of which it can readily
cover, by placing itself under the protection of the land batteries. It
is said that the government intends to complete its system of maritime
defence, by the construction of many similar frigates.

From Brooklyn we could at our pleasure contemplate the aspect of New
York, its harbour and immense bay. I believe it is difficult to find a
more picturesque and at the same time more commanding view. The Hudson
and East rivers, of which the latter is only an arm of the sea running
between Long Island and the continent, wash two sides of the great
triangle upon which the city stands, and meeting in front of the
battery, mingle their waters in the bay formed by Long and Staten
Islands. At the wharves which margin the two rivers, we behold forests
of masts at all seasons, which present to the admiring beholder the
flags of all nations. The town which in 1615 was nothing but a small
fort built by the Dutch, is at present the most populous, the largest
and richest city of the New World. Excepting the City Hall, there is not
a single public edifice worthy of the attention of an artist; but to
compensate for this, the breadth of the streets, the goodness of the
pavements, and the neatness of the houses are all admirably calculated
for the comfort and health of the inhabitants. Its extent and population
annually increases in a remarkable manner. In 1820, it contained 120,916
inhabitants; at present the number is 170,000, in which is included the
population of Brooklyn, which should be considered as a suburb of New
York. Notwithstanding the great advantages of its situation, its
commerce and its resources, the city of New York is not the seat of
government for that State. In this happy country where every thing is
more calculated for the good of the citizen than for the satisfaction of
the authorities, it is necessary, before all other requisites, that a
city should be as near the centre of a state as possible, in order to be
selected as the seat of government. The city New York is at the
extremity of the state. It has, however, a sufficient number of other
advantages; the security of its harbour; the vastness of its bay,
capable of containing all the fleets in the world; the facility of its
internal communications by the navigation of the Hudson, and especially
by the grand canal which unites the waters of Lake Erie with the ocean,
must always make it one of the most important commercial situations.
More than eighty steam-boats, always ready to brave contrary winds,
convey in every direction, not only the products of New York, but of all
the adjacent states.

In 1820, the exports from the port of New York amounted to 13,162,000
dollars, $7,899,080 of which were in the especial products of New York
state. These details which were given me by a naval officer, while from
the heights of Brooklyn, I gazed upon the imposing scene around, greatly
excited my curiosity, and induced me to lay hold of the first favourable
opportunity to gain a more extensive knowledge in relation to a city and
state, so suddenly emerging to such a state of grandeur and prosperity.
Nor was my gratification long delayed. The same evening, after a dinner
which had been enlivened by the presence of a great number of the
distinguished men of New York, I found myself near Mr. M., an old
gentleman, whose conversation is always interesting and instructive;
during dinner he had informed me that after having devoted his youth to
the establishment of the independence of his country, he had not since
ceased to employ himself in augmenting the means of happiness to his
fellow-citizens. Notwithstanding the circumspection with which I asked
my first questions, he soon discovered my wishes, and having seated
ourselves in a corner of the room, he made the following observations.
“I hope, although our country is still very new, and has not yet like
Europe enjoyed the advantage of a long civilization, that you will not
receive the less pleasure from your visit. You will not find the arts
and sciences carried to the high degree of perfection here, in which
they exist in France, but every where you will discover peace, abundance
and liberty; you will see almost every where, a numerous and active
population, procuring with facility the necessaries of life, by an
industry which government has no power to interrupt; and this view is
sufficiently rare in Europe, I believe, to be worthy of attention: but
without entering into details, which you had better collect yourself
during your excursions, I will by giving you a short historical and
statistical view of this state, show you results, in which you will
probably be obliged to recognize the influence of our institutions,
which we have not the vanity to consider perfect, but which we believe,
nevertheless, to be superior to those of all the nations that have
preceded us in the vast career of civilization. Our origin is not lost
like yours in the night of time, and the gods have never been at the
trouble of showing by prodigies, the interest they took in our first
establishments. The science of history is not, therefore, among us
monopolized, by a few of the initiated. It is a national domain whose
limits, still very close to us, may easily be examined and understood by
everyone. It was in 1609, that the Hudson was discovered by the
navigator whose name it bears. As early as 1610, some Hollanders had
built their cabins by the side of the Indian lodges; but it was not
until 1614, that permanent establishments were made. Soon after the
English came to dispute with the Dutch, the possession of a country that
belonged to neither, and the blood-stained soil was covered with
fortresses. Finally a treaty was made in 1674, and in which the
legitimate proprietors were certainly not consulted, assuring tranquil
possession to the English. In 1683, the colonists for the first time
assembled a representative body to regulate their affairs, but James II.
of England alarmed at the representative system and publications from
the press, proscribed both. The reign of Mary, who came to the throne in
1689, gave more liberty to the colonists, who in 1691 re-assembled their
representatives. The population was then considerably augmented by
emigrants from Germany, who came in great numbers to settle in the
province. The first journal published in the colony was printed in 1733,
but after the following year the press was altogether silenced, and the
colonists again fell under arbitrary rule. In spite of the despotism,
which during the next twenty years, weighed down the colony, the people
remained strongly attached to England, and were very active in the war
which that power carried on against France in 1754. Finally in 1765,
their patience was tried to the utmost; they burned the law establishing
the stamp-tax, refused English importations, and ardently engaged in the
revolutionary war. The state of New York, during the entire duration of
that struggle, was the theatre of operations, and the city was almost
constantly in possession of the enemy; but the ardor of the people was
undiminished. I need not enter into the details of that glorious
campaign, which had our enfranchisement for its result. Placed as you
have been near the man, who shared the labours of our immortal
Washington, you doubtless have frequent opportunities of collecting from
his lips more exact and interesting relations than I can give you. Let
us now pass on to a view of our present situation.

“From the peace of 1783, our state has made surprising advances of every
sort. Our territory has been ascertained, and our limits determined by
compacts with the neighbouring states. At present we are bounded on the
north by Lower Canada, on the east by the states of Vermont,
Massachusetts and Connecticut; on the south by New Jersey and
Pennsylvania, and on the west and north-west by Upper Canada, from which
we are separated by Lake Erie, Lake Ontario, the Niagara and St.
Lawrence. Within these bounds, the surface of our territory measures
46,200 miles. Eighty thousand souls, at most, were scattered over this
immense extent at the beginning of our revolutionary war.
Notwithstanding the continuance of this contest for eight years, the
population increased, and amounted in 1788 to 200,000, a number but
little exceeding the present actual population of the city alone. Since
that period, the increase has taken place in a ratio, which of itself
will suffice to demonstrate the superiority of our institutions over the
colonial government, from which we had freed ourselves. In 1790, the
general Census gave us a population of 349,120 souls; in 1800, 586,050;
in 1810, 959,049, and in 1820 of 1,372,812; while at the present time we
count a population of 1,616,000 souls.

“Our agriculture, manufactures and commerce have been developed in
proportion to the increase of our population. Wheat is the principal
product of the southern part of the state; in the west we raise hemp in
great quantity. 280,000 persons at least are employed in agriculture,
and cultivate 169,167 acres of good land. We can readily collect in the
state 1,513,421 horned cattle; 3,496,539 sheep; 349,638 horses, and
1,467,573 hogs. Almost every county has an agricultural society formed
of the most enlightened citizens, who devote themselves successfully to
the advancement of agriculture, and even to the progress of the arts.

“A capital of 15,000,000 of dollars, and about 70,000 persons are
employed in our various manufactories, which are principally situated in
the vicinity of New York city; upon the banks of the Hudson; near to
Utica, and in the fertile western regions. One of the last computations,
informs us that we have 170 forges; 125 oil mills; seven pearl-ash
factories; 250 cotton and woollen manufactories; 1,222 fulling mills;
1,129 distilleries; 2,005 potash factories; 1,584 carding machines;
2,264 flour-mills; 5,595 saw-mills,—but I perceive,” said my complaisant
friend, interrupting himself, “how much you are astonished at these
details, thinking perhaps that I exaggerate, or that my memory enfeebled
by age, recounts imaginary numbers. You can readily convince yourself of
the exactness of my calculations. Examine Melish’s excellent work,
entitled Geographical description of the United States, a work carefully
prepared, and from the most authentic documents, and you may there find
numerous other views, which at this moment escape my memory, that will
excite your surprise to a very different degree. If you were acquainted
with our institutions,” said he, with growing animation, “you would
better comprehend, how with us every thing turning to the benefit of the
community, necessarily adds every day to its prosperity and happiness.
Our simple and economical government has no need as with you, frequently
to seize upon the necessaries of the citizen to cover expenses, which no
one has power nor courage to control. Whatever each of us earns by his
industry during one year, remains and augments his means of industry for
the year following, whence flows the rapid augmentation of wealth at
which you are so much surprised.

“I have now to speak of the form of our government. I shall be very
brief, for it grows late, and I believe you will stand in need of some
hours of repose, to enable you to endure the fatigues of the
entertainments we know to have been long since prepared, on the route
General Lafayette is to travel.

“The constitution of New York state was adopted in 1777; it was amended
in 1801, and again in 1821. The authors of our first constitution,
thought correctly, I believe, that the people should always have the
right to modify the laws according as their situations and necessities
were changed; we have twice, already, profited by this privilege, as
above stated, and it may be presumed that our posterity, profiting by
our experience and their own knowledge, will still farther perfect this
work of their ancestors. This constitution thus revised, is very similar
to that of other states of the union, and establishes three distinct
powers. These powers, emanating from the people, are the legislative,
executive and judiciary. The legislative power is vested in a senate and
assembly of representatives. The senate is composed of thirty-two
members, elected for four years, and one fourth of it is renewed every
year. To be a senator, it is requisite to be thirty years of age and an
owner of property. The house of representatives, or assembly, is
composed of one hundred and twenty-eight members, elected annually by
the different counties, according to their population. The executive
power is confided to a governor and lieutenant governor elected by the
people, bi-ennially. The governor has the right of nominating to all the
public offices; but his nominations must be approved by the senate. The
highest judiciary authority is vested in a court of appeal, composed of
the senate, of the chancellor, and the judges of the supreme court.
These, as well as the district judges are not removable, but cannot
perform their function after their sixtieth year.” “How,” exclaimed I,
“a judge declared incapable at sixty years of age? Do you think then
that the human faculties are so very limited, or that this premature
incapacity is owing to the influence of your climate?” “Neither the one
nor the other,” replied he, “it is merely a great error committed by the
authors of our political code; it is hoped that it will be corrected at
the first revision of our constitution. It is truly absurd to dismiss a
judge at the moment when age and experience have enlightened his mind
and ripened his judgment. It is cruel also to discharge him at an age
when neither time nor energy enough is left him to commence a new
career, and consequently exposes him to the danger of ending miserably a
life honorably commenced in the service of his country.

“Every white man, having attained the age of 21 years, resided six
months in the state, and paid some tax during the electoral year, has
the right of voting. Every man of colour, 21 years old, having been
three years a citizen, a holder of property, and paying a tax of 250
dollars, has also the right of suffrage. This distinction of colours may
surprise you, I shall not attempt to justify it, but shall content
myself with requesting you, before you condemn it, to wait until you
shall have passed through the different parts of our union, before you
form your judgment of the relative conditions of the two races.[3]

“This government which is sufficient for all our wants, does not cost us
very dear; its expenses together with the salaries of the principal
officers, does not exceed 300,000 francs per annum. The revenue of our
western salines alone, amounts to as great a sum; the money arising from
the sale of public lands, of our funds placed in banks, of different
investments in public and private institutions, is reserved for the
expenses of the state, and when we have any extraordinary expenditures
to meet, such as the purchase of arms, military equipage, the building
of arsenals, furnishing of magazines, &c., we are not obliged to
increase our taxes, which have not varied since the year 1800, and are
so slight that they do not exceed the thousandth part of the value of
the property taxed.

“Thanks to its economy and good administration, the government has still
found means to apply a fund of 1,730,000 dollars to public instruction.
This year the treasury has expended 730,000 dollars upon the schools,
which moreover have received from private subscription more than 150,000
dollars; so that at this moment there are 7,642 public schools
established in the different districts, employed in imparting
instruction to 403,000 children and youth, that is to say, to one fourth
of the population.”

It was now midnight, and every one else had retired, while I still
continued to listen eagerly to the interesting details given to me by
Mr. M. when we were suddenly interrupted by a great tumult of voices,
mingled with the sound of bells and the rumbling of fire engines over
the pavement. “This is fortunate for you,” said my friend, “fire has
broken out in some part of the town, go to it; what you will witness,
will teach you more of our habits of order and police, than I could tell
you during all the rest of the night.” His advice was hardly necessary,
for the moment I had ascertained the cause of the tumult, I began to
move towards the door. On the stairs I met George Lafayette, who was
hurrying down as eagerly as myself. Once in the street, it was only
necessary to follow the crowd in order to arrive at the fire. On our
way, our imaginations were excited, and presented this event,
unfortunate in itself, as still a fortunate circumstance for us, since
it would afford us an opportunity of testifying by our zeal in the midst
of danger, how much we were affected by, and grateful for, the infinite
kindnesses the citizens of New York had shown us since our arrival.
After a long race we reached the extremity of a street, opening on one
of the wharves of the East river; here we found the burning house. The
fire had caught first in a store-house filled with combustible
materials, and had quickly communicated to some neighbouring frame
buildings. The flames which blazed up with violence, gave us a fair
opportunity to behold the situation of the conflagration, and the
surrounding crowd. Five or six thousand persons standing upon the
wharves, or mounted upon the masts of vessels, remained still and almost
as silent, as if they were at a theatrical exhibition. This silence was
only interrupted by the horrible crackling of the rafters, which every
moment were tumbling amid the flames, by the monotonous sounds of the
engines, and the orders of their directors. To get near the burning
house, it was necessary to traverse a great part of the surrounding
crowd, which was difficult; but by the light of the fire we were
recognized by some one near us, who pronounced the name of Lafayette.
This name, repeated from mouth to mouth, was the lucky talisman which
opened our way to the desired point. There, in a vast space left free by
the crowd, were more than thirty fire engines, some of which only played
upon the fire, while the others supplied them with water by means of
their long hose. Upon the platform of each of the engines was the
director with his speaking trumpet, commanding the twenty men working
the engine. When the men belonging to one engine were fatigued, they
were instantly replaced by others coming out of the crowd, at the order
of the director, who called in a loud voice, “twenty men of such a
company, advance;” immediately the number of men demanded rushed to the
engine requiring assistance, and the wearied men retired to the crowd
where they remained peaceable spectators. In front of the crowd were
some police officers, who were distinguished by their long white staves,
by means of which they kept order, placing them horizontally before the
most impatient, and only allowing those to pass who were called for by
the directors of the engines. We then perceived that this calm and
obedient crowd were nothing else than the young men enrolled in the
engine companies. One of the police officers, who had dined with us in
the evening, recognized us, and addressed to us some compliments. “We
take a lively interest in the misfortune that demands your presence
here,” said George Lafayette, “and should be very happy if our feeble
services could be of any utility.” “We thank you,” said the officer,
“but you can see for yourselves how little we need assistance; but,
however, if you wish to approach nearer to judge of the result of our
efforts, follow me.” He conducted us into the midst of the engines, and
there we saw with what boldness and dexterity these youthful volunteers
devoted themselves to the preservation of their fellow-citizens. We
stopped for a moment near the engine which was nighest to the burning
house, and offered our services, which were accepted, but in a manner
which showed it to be done solely through politeness. In five minutes
the two young men returned to reclaim their places, after kindly shaking
hands with us. In spite of its violence the conflagration was forced to
submit to the skill of the firemen, and we soon perceived that all
danger was past. In retiring, we could not refrain from expressing to
the police officer, our admiration at the order and quiet which had
constantly reigned throughout this great crowd, which a few
magistrates[4] had sufficed to maintain, without the aid of a single
bayonet or uniform, and we were convinced on returning to our hotel,
that one such sight as we had witnessed was sufficient to prove the
great influence of the habit of order, over a people who are their own
legislators.




                              CHAPTER II.

  Departure from New York: journey from New York to Boston: entry at
    Boston: visit to the University of Cambridge: visit to Charlestown
    and Bunker’s hill.


We left New York on the morning of the twentieth of August, for Boston,
in the state of Massachusetts. At day light several military corps were
drawn up in front of the hotel, for the purpose of escorting the general
out of the city, where a parting salute was fired from a battery of six
pieces of cannon, two of which had been taken from the English at the
siege of York-town, in 1781. A great number of citizens on horseback,
and in carriages, accompanied us as far as New-Rochelle, where we halted
some time, to give the general an opportunity of receiving some of his
old companions in arms, who being unable to come to New York, had
collected together on his passage, in order once more to see him and
take him by the hand.

At Sawpits we met an escort of cavalry, that joined the escort from New
York, which wished to continue its service as far as _Putnam’s_
mountain, where the young women of the surrounding villages had caused a
triumphal arch to be erected. It was ornamented with the greatest
possible taste, and had an inscription upon it which expressed gratitude
to Lafayette, and alluded to the daring escape of General Putnam. At the
foot of the triumphal arch, I was made to observe the extremely
precipitate descent, down which this intrepid man dashed with his horse,
to escape the English who were in hot pursuit, but dared not follow him
by so dreadful and dangerous a road.

Putnam, before he appeared upon the revolutionary stage, on which he
acted a glorious part, had already emerged from the obscurity to which
his rustic life seemed to have condemned him. When very young, he had
acquired a great reputation among his youthful comrades for strength and
intrepidity, by going down into a cave to attack a she-wolf that for
many years had been the terror of the neighbourhood. In the year 1755,
when thirty-seven years old, he relinquished the plough for the sword,
and took the command of a provincial regiment. In the war which broke
out in America between France and England, he became, as a partizan
leader, the astonishment and admiration of his companions in arms. One
man, alone, could then be compared to him, and this one was a Frenchman,
named _Molang_.[5] In a rencontre between these two chiefs, Putnam was
beaten and taken prisoner; he even owed his life to Molang, who rescued
him from the hands of the Indians, who were preparing to burn him; but
his reputation did not suffer by this affair, because he had by
prodigies of valour and skill, vigorously disputed the victory with
Molang.

The news of the battle of Lexington once more caused him to relinquish
his agricultural life, which he had long since resumed. His long
established reputation soon rallied under his orders a great number of
his fellow-citizens, at the head of whom he appeared at the battle of
Bunker’s hill. From that time, till the end of the campaign of 1779,
when a stroke of palsy forced him to quit the army, he lost no
opportunity of proving that he had devoted his life to the cause of
liberty. His probity was proverbial, and the following anecdote may give
an idea of the inflexibility of his character. An individual named
Palmer, a lieutenant in the tory new levies, was discovered in his camp;
the English governor Tryon, demanded him as an officer in the king’s
service, and threatened Putnam with his vengeance if he did not
immediately release him. Putnam answered him by the following note.


  “Sir,

          “Nathan Palmer, a lieutenant in the king’s service, was
  taken in my camp as a spy, tried as a spy, condemned as a spy, and
  shall be hanged as a spy.”

  “P. S. Afternoon. He is hanged.”


Through the attention of the corporation of New York, three members of
which had been appointed to accompany us until our return, numerous and
excellent relays had been arranged on the whole rout. Notwithstanding
this necessary precaution, our march was very slow, as we could not pass
a hamlet without being detained some moments by collections of people
from more than 20 miles around. Every village had its triumphal arch,
upon which was almost always inscribed the names of Washington and
Lafayette or the dates of the battles of Brandywine and Yorktown. Every
where announced by the sound of cannon, every where received and
complimented by the magistrates of the people, and every where obliged
to alight to receive the testimonials of the love of the entire
population, it was not until after five days and almost five nights that
the general arrived at Boston, which is but two hundred miles from New
York; I say almost five nights, because we constantly travelled until
near midnight, and set out again at five o’clock in the morning.
However, amid these moving and sublime displays of the gratefulness of a
whole people, we did not dream of fatigue; even our night marches had a
charm which caused us to be forgetful of it. The long file of carriages
escorted by horsemen bearing torches; the fires lighted from place to
place upon the tops of the hills, and around which were grouped families
whom the desire of beholding their guest had kept watching; the somewhat
wild sound of the trumpet of our escort, repeated several times by the
woodland echoes, the sight of the sea which occasionally came into view
on our right, and the distant and decreasing peal of the bells which had
announced our passage, all formed around us a picturesque and enchanting
scene, worthy of the pen of Cooper. In this manner we passed through
Fairfield, New Haven and New London in Connecticut; Providence in Rhode
Island, and finally the route from Rhode Island to Boston.

New Haven is the largest town in the state of Connecticut, and is,
alternately with Hartford, the seat of government. Its population
amounts to more than ten thousand souls. It is delightfully situated on
a bay formed by the East river. The shortness of our stay prevented us
from making more than a hasty visit to the College, which enjoys a great
reputation, not only in Connecticut but throughout the union. It was
founded in 1701 under the name of Yale College, in honour of Elihu Yale
Esqr. of London, its principal benefactor, then governor of the East
India company. The favor which the people have constantly extended to
it, has rendered it a very considerable establishment. At present the
number of students is more than four hundred. It has a president, four
professors, six tutors, a treasurer, housekeeper and purveyor. The
college is directed by a corporation composed of a president,
vice-president, six ancient members of the council, and of ten
assistants, all clergymen. Business is arranged by a committee of three
or four members who assemble three or four times a year. The studies
pursued in the college are the following;—1st, Theology, of which the
president is the professor; 2d. mathematics and natural history; 3d.
chemistry and mineralogy; 4th. languages and ecclesiastical history;
5th. jurisprudence.

In order to enter the 1st class, the candidate must be able to translate
the Greek testament, Virgil and Cicero; and to write Latin according to
Clark’s rules; he must also be acquainted with arithmetic. The price of
boarding is about two dollars a week.

The library contains more than 6,000 volumes, and a fund of about two
hundred dollars a year is devoted to it. The greater part of the
classical works, which are of great value, are the gift of Berkely, the
celebrated bishop of Cloyne in Ireland, amounting to about 1,000
volumes, valued at four hundred pounds sterling.

The chemical laboratory is remarkable for the number and choice of its
apparatus. The mineralogical cabinet which at first contained 2,500
specimens, has been greatly enriched by Colonel Gibbs who has bequeathed
24,000 specimens for the use of the students; these are estimated at
20,000 dollars.

Yale college has also a medical institution in which lectures are given
on the following branches, 1st. theory and practice of medicine; 2d.
surgery and obstetrics; 3d. anatomy; 4th. chemistry, pharmacy and
mineralogy.

The president of the college, the professors and trustees conducted us
through all parts of the establishment and gave us all the information
in their power with a degree of complaisance worthy of our gratitude.

We were informed that there is near New Haven an admirable manufactory
of arms, but the short time the general had to dispose of, would not
allow us to visit it.

Public education, is in the state of Connecticut, as in New York, or
even more so, the constant object of the care and attention of the
people and government; it would be difficult to find in this state a
child of twelve years old, unable to read and write. The law of the
state directs that there shall be a grammar school in every town. There
are every where a great number of academies in which the various
branches of human knowledge are skilfully taught, at a slight expense.
The single town of New Haven, besides Yale College, has sixteen public
and eight private schools.

The school fund amounts to 1,500,000 dollars, the interest of which with
12,000 dollars arising from public taxes are annually expended for
instruction; each town receives a share, proportioned to the amount of
its contributions, and the schools are directed and superintended by a
committee appointed by the inhabitants, who will not allow so important
a matter as public instruction, one of the first safe-guards of liberty,
to be monopolized by any religious sect, or university.

The people of Connecticut are rigid observers of religious customs; but
they have long since freed themselves from the persecuting spirit, which
animated the founders of the colony, whose first ecclesiastical
ordinance, on taking possession of the soil in 1637, was to refuse the
privileges of citizenship to all who did not entirely and unreservedly
submit to the formalities of the established religion. Now that
religious liberty is secured by law, the reciprocal tolerance of the
different communions has established a sort of fraternity among them. We
had a very striking proof of it during the Sunday we stayed at New
Haven. On arriving in town, general Lafayette, that he might not in any
respect act contrary to the habits of the excellent people, from whom he
had received so many affecting proofs of regard, expressed a wish to
attend divine service. The congregationalists and episcopalians, who
formed the principal communions of the town, immediately invited him to
their churches; it was difficult to accept the offer of one without
appearing to neglect the other, and the general answered that he would
willingly go to both. We attended first at the congregational church,
and afterwards at the episcopal; we found them all surrounded and filled
by the crowd without distinction of sect; in both the sermon turned upon
morals, without any discussion of dogmas, and terminated by reference
_to him whom God had so often conducted across the dangers of the ocean,
to secure the liberty of America_. These sermons were listened to with
an equal respect by all, and on coming out of church, the two ministers
cordially shook hands, mutually congratulating each other on the
happiness they had enjoyed of receiving among them the nation’s guest.

The inhabitants of Connecticut have the reputation of being litigious,
which keeps, it is said, among them a great number of lawyers who
necessarily live at their expense. But I believe that this reputation
has no better foundation than that which they formerly had of allowing
their youth of both sexes to live in a state of excessive familiarity
before marriage; and that both these inconveniences either no longer
exist, or at least are considerably diminished by the influence which
time necessarily exercises upon a population daily becoming more
enlightened.[6]

The state of Connecticut contains within itself all the elements of
prosperity; its fertile soil offers rich products, both of the vegetable
and mineral kingdoms. Iron, lead, copper, marcasite, antimony, marble,
porcelain clay, and anthracite coal are found in quantities in some of
the counties. To give an idea of the number, variety and activity of the
manufactures, it is sufficient to say that of a population of nearly
280,000 souls, more than 18,000 persons are constantly employed therein.
Industry is indebted to Connecticut, for many useful inventions; among
others for the following; Chittendon’s machine for making card-teeth,
for the carding machines invented in 1784, and since highly perfected;
this machine is set in motion by a mandrel twelve inches long and one
inch in diameter, each revolution of which makes a tooth; it makes
36,000 an hour.—_Miller_ and _Whitney’s_ machine for separating cotton
from the seeds. Before this invention, the cotton was picked by hand,
and an individual could not pick more than a pound in a day; by this new
method more than a thousand pounds a day are cleaned. The right of the
inventors of this machine was purchased for 50,000 dollars by the
government of the state.—_Wm. Humphrey’s_ machine for spinning wool by
water power; twelve spindles of this machine spin as much as forty
common spindles. The right of constructing this machine costs a dollar
for each spindle. The machine of _Culver_ for clearing out basins, and
removing sand-bars from the mouths of the rivers; by means of this
machine the canal of the Thames has been considerably deepened.

Lafayette experienced keen regret on entering the state of Rhode Island,
on account of his inability to delay his journey for an instant. He
would have enjoyed much pleasure in revisiting places, which recalled so
many of his youthful recollections.

In 1778, Lafayette was detached from Washington’s army with two
brigades, to go to the assistance of Sullivan, who was endeavouring to
get possession of Rhode Island, which the English had occupied since
1776. To render the success of his operations more sure, he waited for
the arrival of the count d’Estaing, who commanded the French squadron,
which having troops on board, offered the double advantage of cutting
off the retreat of the British by sea, and of reinforcing Sullivan in
the attacks he meditated upon Newport. But unfortunately a
misunderstanding took place between Count D’Estaing and Sullivan, the
French troops were not landed, and while Lafayette exerted himself to
restore harmony between the two commanders, the arrival of the English
squadron under Lord Howe was made known. Count D’Estaing profiting by a
favourable wind immediately made sail to meet Lord Howe. Two days were
lost by the admirals in manœuvring for the weather gage, and when, at
length they were just about to come to blows, a dreadful tempest
separated them and injured both squadrons so much, that one was obliged
to seek shelter in New York, and the other hastened into Newport
Harbour. Upon the return of the French squadron, Sullivan hoped to
resume his operations, but the count D’Estaing informed him, that after
having consulted with his officers, he was determined to sail for
Boston; that his instructions, moreover, directed him in case his
squadron suffered any damage, or should be menaced by a superior English
force, that he should seek shelter in that port.

The damage that D’Estaing’s squadron suffered by the tempest, and the
news of the appearance of a very numerous English fleet upon the coast,
may justify his retreat to Boston, but his determination threw Sullivan
and his army into despair. Without the aid of the French squadron it was
impossible to count upon success. Her departure put an end to all the
hopes that had been entertained. Generals Greene and Lafayette were
deputed to visit Count D’Estaing and oppose his fatal resolution. They
talked to him with energy of the glorious advantages which the French
and American arms would derive from his co-operation against the English
garrison of Rhode Island, which could not escape, and of the disastrous
effects which would be produced upon the spirits of the American army by
the withdrawing of an ally, whose presence had at first caused so much
joy. They represented to him the dangers of his retreat across Nantucket
shoals, with his ships in bad trim, and the advantages Newport possessed
over Boston either for repairing his squadron or for resisting the
attacks of an enemy, rendered daring by the superiority of his forces.
They concluded by beseeching him not to sacrifice to little private
quarrels, the glory and interests of two nations united in support of so
admirable a cause. Notwithstanding the importance of all these
considerations, the Count D’Estaing persisted in his resolution, and
sailed immediately. Being thus abandoned by the squadron, Sullivan
summoned the general officers of his army to a council, to advise upon
the course to be pursued; whether to attempt to carry the place by
storm, or to evacuate the island, carrying off all the magazines. The
discouragement of the army caused by the departure of the squadron
rendered the first proposal very difficult of execution; and the second
was exasperating to men who had been so near to success. Sullivan
decided on a middle course, and the council separated with a
determination to raise the siege and retire to the northern extremity of
the island, where behind their entrenchments they would wait the
progress of events; this resolution was carried into execution the
following night by Sullivan, with as much good fortune as skill.
Sullivan once more turned his hopes upon the French squadron, and wished
to make another effort with the Count D’Estaing. Full of confidence in
the great influence which Lafayette exercised over all with whom he was
engaged, he charged him with this delicate mission; Lafayette accepted
it, but not without shewing with what reluctance he left his warlike
companions, at the moment when there could be little doubt but that they
would soon be attacked by the enemy. In fact, during his absence the
English several times attempted, though unsuccessfully to carry the
American post. These different engagements had served to raise the
confidence of Sullivan’s forces. Lafayette was successful in obtaining a
promise that the squadron would return as soon as all its damages were
repaired. Every thing seemed to promise Sullivan the reward due to his
perseverance, when the news of a reinforcement for the enemy of 4,000
men under General Clinton himself, placed him under the sad necessity of
evacuating the island as speedily as possible, or of being himself
blockaded. He prepared to retire with a peculiar degree of skill. The
movement was about to commence, when to the great astonishment of
Sullivan, Lafayette arrived to take command of the rear-guard. He had
travelled the distance from Boston to Rhode Island, about thirty
leagues, in seven hours, a circumstance almost incredible. Sullivan was
highly gratified by this zeal, and gave him the command of the
rear-guard; every thing was executed with so much correctness, that at
two o’clock in the morning the movement was entirely terminated, and the
American troops placed in safety upon the continent from Providence to
Tiverton.

The thanks of Congress were presented to Sullivan for this retreat, and
they also commended Lafayette _as much for the sacrifice of his personal
satisfaction, in consenting to quit the army on the eve of a battle, for
the sake of the interests of the United States, as for the vigorous
conduct he had exhibited in commanding the rear-guard_.

From the joy which was on all sides expressed on our arrival at
Providence, it was easy to perceive that the people of this country had
not lost the recollection of Lafayette’s conduct in the trying times of
the revolution: neither were the expressions of gratitude of Congress
forgotten, as I heard them repeated by many persons, and beheld them
inscribed upon all their triumphal arches. Notwithstanding the
solicitations of the people and magistrates, the general could not delay
longer than was necessary to take some refreshment; we then hastened
towards the frontier of Massachusetts, where two aids of the governor of
that state waited for Lafayette, with other carriages and a fresh
escort. We met them at sunset. Colonel Harris, the governor’s first aid,
regulated our march with so much activity, that we reached Dedham at
eleven o’clock, and at two o’clock in the morning, we arrived by
torchlight in Roxbury, a delightful village two miles from Boston, where
the residence of Governor Eustis was situated, who waited for the
general with eager impatience. In spite of the lateness of the hour, all
the inhabitants of the house were on the alert, having the windows,
avenues and the garden illuminated. The governor received the general in
a frank, plain, and friendly manner, such as became an old republican
soldier, delighted to receive an ancient comrade whose toils he had
shared.

Two hours sleep made us forget the fatigues of the day, and rendered us
fit for entering Boston in the morning. At day-break we were awakened by
the sound of martial music; it was from the light infantry which was
already manœuvring in front of our windows. The sight of the uniform of
this company deeply affected the general, he could not keep his eyes off
it, and exclaimed every moment, “my brave light infantry! such was their
uniform! What courage! what resignation! How much I loved them!” At this
instant the governor’s aid introduced a man, still young, but of a
melancholy aspect; he carried a sword in his hand, which he presented to
the general: “Do you know this sword?” said he. “I find at least,” said
the general, “that it strongly resembles those which I brought from
France to arm the sub-officers of my light infantry with.” “It is one of
them;——my father received it from your hands: it has served gloriously
in gaining our independence. He religiously preserved it in memory of
his general, and would have been happy to have presented it to you
himself; the day before yesterday he still hoped to do so, and this hope
softened his last moments,—on that day he died. He has not bequeathed me
wealth, but has left me this sword, which will be the most precious of
legacies if you sanction his gift.” While he was speaking, the general
had taken the sword and examined it with interest; he returned it to him
immediately, saying, “Take it, guard it carefully in order that it may
in your hands be used to preserve the rights it has so gloriously
contributed to acquire in the hands of your father.” The American
received the sword with joy, and left the room, pronouncing with
tenderness the names of Lafayette and of his father.

Soon after, the procession which was to accompany the general arrived;
the cannon gave the signal for marching. The concourse of people coming
out of the city was so great, and so much obstructed the road, that we
were two hours in riding the distance of only two miles. All the road
was lined with troops on foot, and on horseback. The carters of Boston,
dressed in perfectly white frocks, formed a numerous corps of well
mounted cavalry. Sixty small boys, from twelve to fourteen years old,
organized as an artillery company, and having two pieces of cannon
proportioned to their strength, ran in front of the procession. From
time to time they halted and fired a salute from their battery, and then
pushed forward with rapidity, to take another position, and fire another
salute. At noon we reached the suburbs of Boston. At the entrance of the
city, under a triumphal arch we were met by the corporation; the mayor
alone in an open carriage, stopped by the side of the open carriage of
the general. Both rose to salute each other, when the mayor addressed
him on behalf of the city. The calm and modest appearance of the general
during the discourse, the fine countenance of Mr. Quincy, which became
more animated as he proceeded in his address, the triumphal arch which
shaded the orator and hero, together with the attitude and solemn
silence of so many thousand citizens, offered at this moment to my
astonished vision, the _beau idéal_ of a popular festival, a republican
triumph. After the general had replied, we traversed the city to visit
the state house; during this passage, the evidences of the love of the
inhabitants lavished on the general, were so affecting, that it was
impossible to avoid shedding tears. In front of the state house, upon an
immense terrace, whence the sea might be discovered at a distance
covered with small vessels, was a long double row of girls and boys,
from the public schools, all decorated with _Lafayette badges_; raising
their little hands towards heaven, and uttering cries of joy. One of the
youngest girls advanced towards the general; she was lifted up to his
carriage, placed a wreath of evergreens on his head, embraced him
tenderly, and called him Father. We then entered the senate chamber,
where all the public functionaries were collected, the society of
Cincinnati, the scientific bodies, and as many citizens beside as the
hall could contain. At the moment the general appeared before Governor
Eustis, who received him at the door, the national standard was
displayed from the dome of the state house, and all the troops fired a
volley. After the address of welcome was pronounced in the name of the
government, and in the presence of the citizens of the state of
Massachusetts, the scene of the New York City Hall was repeated; that
is, the general was detained for more than two hours, by the expressions
of regard from all who could approach him. From the state house we were
conducted to Park street, to an hotel prepared for us. The mayor
introduced us to our apartments, which were richly furnished, saying,
“here you are at home; I hope you will find every thing that is
necessary; if you find no superfluities recollect that you have been
received by republicans.” These words of Mr. Quincy were doubtless very
amiable, but I confess they made us think a good deal upon what the
Boston republicans considered _necessary_, especially when we found that
fine horses and carriages had been provided for our use, during all the
time that we should stay.

In the evening we dined at the Exchange Coffee-house with the governor
and staff, the corporation, and all the other public authorities. The
hall was decorated with devices which referred both to the actions of
Lafayette, and the gratitude felt by the Americans for the assistance of
France, when Fortune, still wavering, held her scales equally balanced
between liberty and oppression. The French and American flags waved
united over the head of the president of the banquet, and Chief Justice
Parker gave a toast to the memory of Louis XVI. adding, that none of the
friends of liberty should be forgotten, although they might have worn a
crown.

On the 25th, at noon, we attended the commencement at Cambridge
University, which was conducted with a pomp, the splendor of which was
considerably increased by the presence of a very great number of ladies,
attracted by the desire of seeing Lafayette, who it was known would be
present.

Cambridge is one of the richest and most beautiful villages in New
England: it is situated at three miles distance from Boston, and
contains more than 3,000 inhabitants. Its university, called Harvard, in
honour of its founder, has produced a great number of distinguished men,
both in science and literature. The citizens of Massachusetts are proud
of its success, and support it with a liberality which proves how much
knowledge and education are esteemed in this state. Besides the chairs
of divinity, anatomy, surgery, medical science, chemistry, theoretic and
experimental physics, mathematics, natural philosophy, logic,
metaphysics, Latin, Greek and the Oriental languages, which have been
long established, six new chairs and three faculties have been founded
for about twelve years, as follows.[7]

1st. A chair of natural history founded by private subscription for the
establishment of a botanical garden and the support of a professor.

2d. A chair of Rhetoric and Eloquence, established by a donation of Ward
Nicholas Boylston, Esq.

3d. A chair of Greek Literature founded in 1814, by an unknown
benefactor of Boston.

4th. A chair of the Spanish and French languages, founded by a rich
merchant of Boston, who bequeathed for this purpose a sum of 30,000
dollars.

5th. A chair founded in 1816, by Count Rumford, for the application of
physical and mathematical sciences to the useful arts.

6th. A chair of natural theology, and moral philosophy, founded in 1817.

The three faculties which complete the course of instruction are,

1st. A school of medicine, 2d. a theological seminary in which the
education and all the wants of the students are paid for by
subscription. This subscription is completely filled by persons who are
devoted to the public good. 3d. a law school for those who are destined
to the bar.

The library contains about 20,000 valuable works, and is augmented
annually by private donations.

In short, this university by its revenues, its library and cabinets, the
merit of its professors, and the means it furnishes for the acquisition
of all the branches of education, has not its equal, not only in the
rest of the union, but perhaps even in Europe.

General Lafayette was received at the door of the chapel, in which the
exercises were to take place, by the President of the university, Mr.
Kirkland, who addressed him with an eloquence springing from the
profound emotions of his heart. When the general entered the hall, the
acclamations and transports of the crowd, and especially of the ladies
were so great, that the business of the meeting was for a long time
delayed. It certainly was an enchanting spectacle to behold the vast
galleries filled with young ladies wreathed with flowers, waving their
handkerchiefs in salutation of him, whom they called their father,
friend, defender, and companion of the Great Washington. In vain the
president frequently called for silence, without which it was impossible
to be understood; every voice was drowned with the cries and plaudits
for Lafayette. At length after half an hour had elapsed, quiet was
established, and the exercises began, but were often interrupted by the
eagerness, with which the audience seized upon all the allusions to
Lafayette, that occurred in the discourses.

We returned next day to the university, to be present in the same hall,
with the same audience, animated with equal enthusiasm, at a meeting of
the Hellenic Society.[8] Professor Everett, whose early talents and
eloquence promise a distinguished senatorial orator, delivered the
opening discourse. If mine were a more practised pen, I should attempt
to repeat here this discourse, which notwithstanding its length, was
throughout listened to with vivid interest, and was often suspended by
well merited applause.

The orator proposed to investigate the _particular causes which
contribute most to the developement of intelligence in the United
States_, and without difficulty proved that they were to be _found_ in
the democratic character of our institutions. After a long, but vigorous
demonstration of the superiority of a republican government as it is
understood and practised in the United States, over the monarchic
system, which after having divided a part of the nation into nobles,
privileged priests, and soldiers always armed as an inquisitorial
police, makes of the rest a class of political outcasts. The orator
concluded by paying to Lafayette his tribute of gratitude.

Early on the morning of the 27th, carriages, an escort of cavalry, the
civil and military authorities, and a great number of citizens came to
convey the general to the navy yard at Charlestown, which is only
separated from Boston by an arm of the sea, over which we passed on a
fine bridge a mile in length. We were received at the navy yard by
Commodore Bainbridge, whose name is associated with more than one
glorious engagement with the English navy. After inspecting the works we
ascended Bunker’s hill.

Bunker’s hill is one of those glorious monuments, unfortunately too rare
on the face of the earth, which will remind the latest posterity of the
noble struggles of liberty against tyranny and oppression. It was at
Bunker’s hill that the Americans first dared in a regular fight to brave
the arms of their tyrants. It was there, that men almost without arms,
undisciplined, and far inferior in numbers to their enemy, but
encouraged by the presence of their wives, children and fellow citizens,
who from the heights of Boston made them feel the magic of the words
_Independence_, _Posterity_, sustained with a courage worthy of the
heroic ages, three successive attacks from numerous battalions, which
their experience and skill in the art of war, appeared to lead to an
easy victory. Forced at length to retire before superior numbers, the
Americans withdrew, but in good order, leaving bloody proofs of their
courage and vigorous resistance. It was but a moment before this
retreat, which revealed to the friends of liberty their powers and
hopes, of this retreat which was equal to a victory, that the young and
interesting Gen. Warren fell. Though incessantly engaged in daring
death, he passed through the battle unharmed. But on returning to the
entrenchments which he had left to pursue the English, who had thrice
fallen back in confusion, he received a fatal wound in the loins. He now
rests under a simple pyramid erected precisely on the spot where his
blood stained the soil. It was at the base of this modest monument that
General Lafayette was received by some veteran soldiers, a glorious
remnant of this first combat of the war of Independence. In their
presence Dr. A. R. Thompson addressed the general on behalf of the
citizens of Charlestown. Lafayette was much moved by his address, and
his emotion was communicated to all the byestanders. His answer was
received by the acclamations of the multitude and the roar of artillery.
Immediately after some battalions of young troops led by Governor Eustis
and Generals Brooks and Dearborn filed off before the general to the
sound of cannon and martial music which performed that sublime air, dear
to French patriots, which reminds them that they too have had their
_Warrens_ whose generous blood has watered the tree of liberty, in whose
shade they would at present gloriously repose, had it not been shaken by
anarchy and struck to the heart by the sacrilegious steel of an
audacious soldier.

A simple repast served under a tent terminated this ceremony, after
which we returned to the city to visit the military arsenal; the ancient
city hotel whence the people set out in crowds for the port to destroy
two cargoes of tea sent by the British East India Company, and the Hall
where the declaration of Independence was signed in Massachusetts.
During the course of these visits I collected the details relative to
the history and present situation of this state which will be found in
the following chapter.




                              CHAPTER III.

  First settlements in Massachusetts: sketch of revolutionary events in
    this province: its actual condition.


The first settlements made in that part of North America called
Massachusetts, owed their origin to the religious persecutions in
England under the reigns of Elizabeth, James I. and Charles the first.
The history of the first emigrants, who came to seek amidst the savages
of the New World, liberty of conscience, which the _European_ philosophy
of the seventeenth century refused them, offers nothing but a mournful
picture of continual struggles against climate, disease and famine. It
was not until 1630, that they were reinforced by a more numerous and
better regulated expedition, which aided them in founding the towns of
Boston, Charlestown and Salem. Cromwell, Hampden and many others who
exercised so terrible an influence over the revolution that broke out
soon after, were to have accompanied this expedition: they were already
on board the ships, and were about to seek in the New World, occupations
for their ardent dispositions, which would perhaps have been less
excited here, than in the presence of tyranny, when Charles the first,
as if urged by some fatality, had them arrested and brought back to
land.

It is a fact, worthy of remark, that the majority of these emigrants who
relinquished their country, families and friends solely to escape
religious persecution, and who by consequence might be supposed to hate
their persecutors, continued, notwithstanding their exile, attached to
the English government, and honoured the names of their kings in the
land of their refuge by bestowing them upon the rivers they discovered,
upon the towns they founded, and the monuments they erected. Was it from
habitual reverence for royalty, which in spite of its crimes, appeared
still sacred to them, that they acted thus? Or was it merely to cover
and protect the weakness of their settlements with the name of a
powerful authority, and at the same time pay a sort of tribute to the
English government, the self constituted proprietor of these vast
regions, _by right of discovery_, which would not have allowed the
colonists peace, if they seemed desirous of dissolving all ties, and
obliterating all recollections of the mother country? The latter appears
to us, to be the most probable, and is sufficiently confirmed by the
following declaration drawn up and signed by the _Pilgrims_, who landed
in 1620 at New Plymouth.

“In the name of God, amen, We, whose names are underwritten, the loyal
subjects of our dread sovereign Lord, King James, by the grace of God,
of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, king, defender of the faith, and
having undertaken, for the glory of God, and advancement of the
Christian faith, and honour of our king and country, a voyage to plant
the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia, do by these
presents, solemnly and mutually, in the presence of God and of one
another, covenant and combine ourselves together in a civil body
politick, for our better ordering and preservation, and furtherance of
the ends aforesaid; and by virtue hereof to enact, constitute and frame
such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions and offices,
from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the
general good of the colony; unto which we promise all due submission and
obedience. In witness whereof we have hereunder subscribed our names.
Cape Cod, eleventh of November in the year of the reign of our sovereign
Lord, king James of England, France and Ireland, the eighteenth, and of
Scotland the fifty-fourth. A. D. 1620.”

This act, as is evident, even in appearing to recognize the authority of
England, claims for the colonists the direct administration of their
affairs, and laid the foundation of that spirit of Independence, which
more than a century afterwards threw off the yoke of the mother country,
when she wished to return to the exercise of a despotism, which she
seemed to consider her prescriptive right. In order to secure its right
of sovereignty over Massachusetts, the English government in 1692, under
the reign of William and Mary, usurped the right of appointing governors
of this province: this however fell short of its aim, as the right of
fixing and paying the governor’s salaries, was left with the provincial
legislature, so that he was without power or influence. The English
government soon perceived its error, and wished to correct it, and
thenceforth the misunderstandings commenced between the colonies and the
mother country, in which the latter increased their resistance, in
proportion as the demands of the former were augmented.

The privileges of the different powers were soon entirely confounded.
The governor was invested by the crown with the right of erecting courts
and nominating judges; privileges which were vividly contested by the
people, who claimed them as legislative prerogatives. Notwithstanding
the multifarious encroachments of the crown, the colony, even when most
actively opposing them, remained still attached to the mother country,
and willingly aided her in the colonial war she had to sustain against
France in 1744. After this war, which had alternately been renewed and
suspended during sixteen years, with various successes and reverses, and
which finally terminated in the ruin of the French colonies, the
colonists hoped that the gratitude of England for the services they had
rendered, would assure them thenceforth the enjoyment of their rights
and liberties, acquired by every kind of sacrifice; but scarcely had two
years elapsed after the establishment of peace, before all their hopes
were blighted.

England at that time triumphed by land and sea; her commercial
preponderance was felt in all parts of the world, and aroused the envy
of all European nations. But this glory with which she was intoxicated,
was not acquired without waste of treasure, and the contracting of
immense debts. To pay these debts, and re-establish her finances, new
sources of revenue were to be created, and her attention was turned
towards her colonies.

The colonies had made an immense profit by their West India trade, and
by the aid of a good administration had found means to form a sinking
fund, which enabled them to pay their debts, and successively to
increase their importations of English manufactures. The cupidity of the
crown was excited by this prosperity, and from that moment ministerial
adroitness was exercised in nothing but varying the means of extracting
money from the colonists. The commanders on the coasts were converted
into harsh excisemen, charged to _repress unlawful commerce_, and
_prevent smuggling_. These commanders, assured of impunity, since they
were only to be tried by the courts of Great Britain, were not backward
in making illegal seizures, for their own profit. The import duties were
raised to the highest pitch, and these duties were made exclusively
payable in gold or silver, which rendered the paper money circulated
among the colonists of no value. In short, the new system introduced by
the English minister, became as tyrannical as ruinous, because at the
moment enormous duties were imposed, it annihilated the means of paying
them. Emboldened by the forbearance of the colonists, the British
government knew not where to stop, and in the year 1765, the oppressive
law called the _stamp act_ was passed, which ordered, that for the
future all contracts, wills, deeds, &c. should be drawn on stamp paper,
under penalty of being rendered null, and imposed a tax on this paper,
destined to pay the expenses of the _last American war_. This law
produced universal exasperation, as soon as it was made known; it became
the subject of conversation and discussion in all public and private
societies; every one looked to the past, and recapitulated with
bitterness the outrages perpetrated by England, and from that moment, it
may be said, the revolutionary fire was kindled. From supplications and
remonstrances, to which the colonists had hitherto confined themselves,
they advanced to threats; the people of Massachusetts especially,
expressed their resentment forcibly. It was at the instigation of this
state, that a congress formed of deputies from many provinces, assembled
at New York, on the 7th of October. This Congress, composed of men
respectable for their characters and information, and which eventually
served as the model of the Congress that so gloriously conducted the war
of the revolution, published an energetic declaration of the rights of
the colonies; a view of the oppressions of England; a petition to the
king, and a memorial to parliament. These acts of Congress produced an
effect upon parliament, which was augmented by the presence and writings
of Benjamin Franklin, who was then in London, and had been called before
the house of Commons to be examined relative to the complaints of his
fellow citizens. He presented himself with characteristic modesty, and a
republican simplicity, which was singularly in contrast with the
insolent splendor of the minions of power, who attended his examination
in crowds, in hopes of seeing him humbled, whom they regarded as a
rebel, for presuming to speak of the rights of man in the presence of
royalty. His calm answers and profound arguments produced a great
impression upon the assembly, causing the promoters of the stamp act to
reconsider the matter, and determined them to withdraw this monument of
their ignorance and tyranny.

In proportion to the height the indignation of the Americans had been
raised by the passage of the stamp act, was their joy on hearing of its
repeal. The British government however, did not profit by this return of
public feeling to a milder mood; not only were all the odious
restrictions upon the colonial commerce continued, but the stamp act was
followed by an equally intolerable duty upon the paper, tea, glass and
colours imported by the colonists from England. But the preamble to this
act was most especially grevious to the colonists; as it announced that
the product of these new taxes should be placed at the disposal of
parliament, to defray the expenses of the colonial administration, and
particularly to pay the salaries of the governors and judges, who would
thereby be rendered independent of the provincial Legislatures and made
dependent upon the ministry. A permanent administration to superintend
these taxes was created by parliament and established at Boston. The
people of Massachusetts could not be deceived as to the views of the
ministry; accustomed for a long time to discuss and manage their own
affairs they resolved not voluntarily to submit to the disgrace of being
governed by an unlawful authority, appointed at a distance of more than
3,000 miles. The representative assembly was then convened, and
protested against the taxes and the use to be made of them; and they
addressed a circular to the other provincial assemblies, in which, after
recapitulating their privileges, and the oppressions of England, they
conclude by asking for their co-operation in resisting a tyranny which
daily pressed with increased weight upon the colonies. This step was
treated as infamous and rebellious by the servants of the crown, who
redoubled their vexations. Two English regiments arrived, which being
refused quarters in the city, by the council, landed under protection of
their ships, with fixed bayonets and two pieces of cannon, and
established their guard-house in front of the state house, which was
thus turned into a barrack. The city was thenceforth in the power of the
military, who scoured the streets, insulting the citizens, disturbing
their rest or business, and interrupting even their religious exercises
by the continual noise of their martial music.

Under these circumstances the assembly was convoked at Boston, but did
not meet, declaring that they did not feel at liberty in presence of an
armed force; the session was consequently removed to Cambridge, where
the governor had the impudence to present himself and demand funds to
pay the troops; which being refused, the assembly was dissolved.

However, a change in the English ministry had determined parliament to
suppress all the duties except that on tea; but this apparent return to
a system of moderation in no way appeased the resentment of the citizens
of Massachusetts, who saw nothing but caprice in the measure, or a new
method employed by parliament to establish its right of interference in
colonial affairs; and they determined not to abandon the contested
point.

A circumstance soon after occurred in Boston, which might have been
followed by the most serious consequences. The English soldiers
accustomed to regard the citizens as rebels, treated them with severity;
and the citizens irritated by their incessant ill treatment, cherished a
violent hatred against the troops, allowing no opportunity of expressing
their dislike to escape. On the 5th of March, 1770, a detachment under
command of Captain Preston was insulted by some boys, who, it is said,
pelted them with snow balls, and abused them. Blinded by resentment, the
soldiers charged and fired upon the crowd, wounding five dangerously,
others slightly, and killing three outright. The citizens immediately
flew to arms, and but for the intervention of the governor and
magistrates, Preston and his men would have been exterminated. The troop
were arrested and tried, but such was the feeling of justice that
animated the inhabitants of Boston, that the jurors, convinced that the
soldiers had been provoked, entirely acquitted them.

This event convinced the popular party that an open struggle with the
mother country was unavoidable, and that they must prepare for it. In
consequence, secret committees of correspondence were organized, in
order to regulate the measures that would soon have to be adopted. The
utility of this organization, then called the _league_ and _covenant_,
soon became apparent.

From the time the tax on tea was established, the Bostonians resolved to
relinquish its use, rather than receive it from the English, and
thenceforward the East India company received no more orders. The
company, however sorry for the loss of their market, determined to send
several cargoes of tea to their agents in Boston who would pay the
duties and thus avoid the difficulty. But scarcely was the arrival of
these cargoes known, before the public agitation became great. The next
morning the following hand bill was widely circulated through the city.


  “Friends, brethren, fellow citizens!

          “The accursed tea sent to this port by the East India
  company has arrived. The hour of destruction, or of vigorous
  resistance to the machinations of tyranny has struck. All those who
  love their country, who are jealous of their own happiness and who
  wish to deserve well of posterity, are invited to assemble at
  Faneuil Hall, to day at 9 o’clock (the bells will then ring) to
  concert a determined resistance to this destructive and infamous
  measure of the administration.

                                              Boston 29th. Nov. 1773.”


The citizens eagerly responded to this patriotic call. The concourse was
so great that the Hall could not contain the people, and they were
obliged to adjourn to a more ample space; the discussions which were
commenced and continued at this meeting prevented any resolution from
being adopted on that day. The meeting adjourned until next day, and 500
persons under command of Capt. Proctor were appointed to watch that the
tea should not be landed during the night. The meeting of the 30th. was
still more numerous, and the ardor of the citizens was farther augmented
by the governor’s proclamation, which commanded them to renounce their
projected resistance to the law, and to disperse on peril of their
lives. The governor’s orders were treated with universal contempt, and
the meeting calmly proceeded to draft several propositions which were
accepted, and it was decided, that those who had used the tea without
reflection since the tax was laid, should be censured, and that those
who received it for the future should be declared enemies to their
country. The members of the assembly pledged themselves by oath, to
support the different resolutions with their lives and fortunes; after
which they voted thanks to their neighbours of the vicinity of Boston
for the promptness with which they had joined them, and also to Jonah
Williams for the manner in which he had acted as _moderator_. After
appointing a committee to hasten the departure of the tea ships, the
meeting adjourned. Many days were spent in negotiation between the
committee and the authorities without producing the departure of the
vessels.

On the 15th of December, a more numerous meeting of citizens than had
yet been collected, occurred; more than two thousand persons from the
country were present. Samuel Philips Savage, of Weston, was chosen
moderator, and Mr. Rotch, owner of one of the vessels, was cited before
the meeting to account for her remaining in port, and declared that the
collector of the customs had refused to clear her. He was directed to
have her ready to sail that day, at his own risk and peril, to protest
immediately against the custom house, and to address the governor
directly for a clearance. The meeting was about to adjourn until the
next day, but Josiah Quincy, Jr. an influential member of the popular
party, endowed with great energy of character, detained his fellow
citizens and reminded them of their pledge in the city to _sustain all_
their resolutions at peril of their lives and fortunes. At a quarter
past six Mr. Rotch returned. The governor’s answer was, that for the
honour of the laws, and the respect due to the king, he would not allow
the ships to depart, until all formalities should be freely and fully
concluded by the custom house. This answer produced much commotion in
the meeting. Immediately a man who was in the gallery dressed in the
costume of a Mohawk Indian, uttered a _war whoop_, which was re-echoed
by about thirty persons at the door, dressed in the same manner, when
the meeting was dissolved as if by enchantment. The crowd hastened
towards the harbor. The men disguised as Indians, rushed on board the
tea ships, and in less than two hours, all the tea chests were broken
open and thrown into the sea; every thing else on board was left
untouched; and after this expedition, the multitude withdrew silently
and in order. This scene occurred in presence of several vessels of war,
and as it were under the eyes and guns of the garrison of the fort,
without the government attempting to make the least resistance, so grand
and so imposing is the anger of a people who throw off the shackles of
tyranny.

The names of the citizens disguised as Indians were never made known;
several of them are said to be still living, and enjoy with modesty the
happiness of having struck the first blow which shook the royal power on
the American continent.

The national pride of Great Britain, became indignant at the news of
this resistance, which was called an outrage against the royal majesty.
The governor and governed, all uttered the same cry, vengeance! war!
against the rebel colonists; and this cry was followed by a host of
laws, each more tyrannical than the other, by the aid of which they
hoped to alarm and reduce the province of Massachusetts. The port of
Boston was interdicted for an unlimited time; the provincial charter was
destroyed; the citizens were torn from their natural jurisdiction; the
appointment of magistrates was placed at the special pleasure of the
crown, which also arrogated to itself the right of billeting its
soldiers in the houses of the citizens. Far from being disheartened or
intimidated by the audacious folly of the English government, the
inhabitants of Massachusetts redoubled their activity. A new assembly of
the people was convoked at Boston in which an appeal was made to God and
the world, against the tyranny and oppression of England. An exhortation
was addressed to the other colonies, beseeching them to unite with
Massachusetts for the maintenance and defence of their common liberties.
The other colonies were not regardless of this appeal, and many of the
legislatures declared that the first of June, upon which the port of
Boston was shut up, should be ranked among unfortunate days, and the
bells on that day were muffled and tolled; the people in crowds attended
the churches, and sought the protection of the Deity against those who
meditated civil war, and the destruction of their liberties.

The assembly of Massachusetts adjourned to meet at Salem, but Governor
Gage, prevented the meeting. The members of assembly formed themselves
into a private society, under the name of the _League_, in which they
reciprocally pledged themselves, before God, to suspend all relations
with Great Britain, until her unjust laws should be repealed. The
governor declared this league to be criminal, and contrary to the rights
of the king, and this declaration was in turn treated as tyrannical,
since it opposed the people in attending to their own especial
interests; and the indignant people, after forcing the crown magistrates
to resign their functions, swore no longer to obey any other authorities
than those of their own creation, and to recognize no other law than the
ancient laws of the colony.

The suspension of all commerce soon plunged the inhabitants of Boston
into the deepest distress; their necessities daily multiplied and were
felt with increased severity, yet no one thought of compounding with
tyranny. In spite of the injunctions of the English government, the
citizens of Marblehead and Salem hastened to alleviate the sufferings of
their Boston brethren; they furnished them with provisions and money;
offered them the free use of their ports, wharves and warehouses, for
the renewal of their commerce, which could no longer be carried on at
home, yet without which it was almost impossible for them to subsist.
Encouraged by these evidences of the approbation of their compatriots,
the Bostonians were confirmed in their resolution of maintaining the
justice of their cause by force of arms. They began immediately to make
preparations; companies of minute men were organized in the city and
throughout the province. At the first sound of the first call of the
league, or the first report of a new outrage by the English, these
minute men were to take up arms and attack the aggressors wherever to be
met with. Magazines of arms and ammunition were collected with address
and activity. For several months, about thirty young mechanics had
formed a volunteer company for the purpose of watching the movements of
the English and informing their fellow citizens; towards the spring of
1775 they increased their activity, and every night patroled the streets
two by two. About midnight on the 15th of April, they observed that all
the boats were launched and ready astern of the ships of war, and that
the grenadiers and light infantry were making preparations, they gave
immediate notice of this to Dr. Warren, who despatched a messenger
forthwith to John Hancock and Samuel Adams with the news, they having
left the city to avoid being arrested by the governor, who, it was
reported, had issued orders to that effect. On the 18th additional
indications of some projected movement were perceived. The Light
infantry and grenadiers were concentrated upon the common, and at 10
o’clock at night, 800 men under command of Colonel Smith embarked, and
landed at Lechmere point, near Cambridge, whence, after receiving a
day’s rations, they marched at midnight. This expedition was destined to
destroy the magazines established by the league at Concord. The secrecy
observed in the camp, and the silence maintained during the march, led
the English to believe that no one in Boston suspected their departure.
They pressed forward by moonlight, and arrived at Lexington by daylight,
six miles from Concord. But the calm which had previously existed, was
now interrupted by the beating of drums through the country, which
seemed to call the inhabitants to arms, and a company of about sixty
Americans suddenly appeared before them. The English immediately halted,
closed up their ranks, and loaded their arms: the Lexington company did
the same, and were ordered not to abandon the ground without orders, nor
to be the first to fire. Scarcely were these arrangements made, when
Major Pitcairn, commanding the British advanced guard, came forward and
cried out in an insolent voice, “throw down your arms and disperse, you
rebel scoundrels.” This audacious summons was not answered, and Pitcairn
ordered his troops to fire: they eagerly obeyed, and eight hundred
Englishmen were not ashamed to utter shouts of joy in commencing so
unequal a combat, in which sixty citizens offered with devotion their
lives as a sacrifice in the holy cause of their country.

The Americans received the first fire with firmness; one of them seeing
a friend fall at his side, cried out “you shall be revenged,” fired upon
the English, and the war of independence was begun. But the Americans
could not long sustain themselves against so unequal a force. They
abandoned the ground, leaving eight killed and several wounded, around
whom the British proudly defiled, insulting them with shouts of victory.

Having reposed for some time after this _terrible_ battle, the fierce
defenders of the crown marched for Concord, where they arrived at nine
o’clock. They found the inhabitants in great agitation, but still
ignorant of the assassination of their fellow citizens at Lexington. A
company of citizens occupied the bridge, and this time the British fired
without any summons to surrender: the citizens of Concord warmly
returned their first fire, killing some soldiers and officers of the
king, after which, too weak to sustain a battle, they dispersed and
abandoned the magazines to the English, which they destroyed in a few
hours.

The alarm was soon spread throughout the country; the tocsin called to
arms all who were able to bear them, and in a short time the English
found themselves so surrounded, that they began to feel that their
retreat would not be so easy as their two victories. From Concord to
Lexington their march was nothing better than a disorderly flight; the
well sustained and well directed fire of the rebels, who were concealed
along their route, in the barns, gardens, behind the trees and in the
ditches, did not allow them to halt a moment to defend themselves. At
Lexington they were met by Lord Percy, who at the head of six companies
of infantry, a corps of marines, and two companies of artillery, which
came in time to prevent their entire destruction, but not to save them
from disgrace. Notwithstanding this reinforcement, they still reached
Charlestown with great difficulty, where they passed the night under the
protection of the guns of the ships; the next morning they re-entered
Boston, after having lost in this sad expedition, nearly two hundred
men, in killed and wounded.

It would be difficult to depict the astonishment and humiliation of the
English, at finding themselves thus driven back by the rebels, and
blockaded in their entrenchments by an undisciplined multitude.

The royal army, however, was speedily reinforced by 12,000 men from
England, commanded by General Burgoyne, Clinton and Howe. General Gage
resolved to strike a great blow against the spirit of insurrection, in
order to wipe off the disgrace of the rout at Lexington; he commenced by
a proclamation in which he announced the vigorous enforcement of martial
law, and promised entire pardon to all those who laid down their arms.
Samuel Adams and John Hancock had the honour of being excepted from this
general amnesty. This distinction was in fact well merited by their
ardent love of liberty, their intelligence, patriotic virtues, and the
immense influence they exercised over the minds of the people.

This proclamation was received as all the promises and threats of
despotism should be; it was entirely disregarded; and the people closed
up their ranks.

While the English army remained shut up in Boston, and upon the narrow
tongue of land, which unites the city with the continent, 30,000
Americans kept them rigorously blockaded. Their right was in front on
the Dedham road, their centre at Cambridge, and their left wing
especially composed of Massachusetts troops, rested upon Charlestown, a
village separated from Boston by a narrow stream, traversed by a bridge.
The English general resolved to escape by this bridge, from his
unfortunate position; but the Americans suspected his plan, and hastened
to prevent its execution. During the night, a thousand men under the
command of Colonel Prescott established and entrenched themselves upon
Breed’s Hill, a small eminence, which commanded the city of Boston, and
the Charlestown bridge. When the British at day-break discovered the
redoubt, which Colonel Prescott’s little troop had thrown up with so
much diligence, they attempted but in vain to destroy it; General Gage
then thought it highly important to the safety of his army, that the
Americans should be dislodged from this commanding position, and made
his arrangements accordingly. Major general Howe at the head of ten
companies of grenadiers, ten companies of infantry, and some field
pieces, landed at Moreton point, and formed his troops in line of
battle; but perceiving that the Americans were not intimidated by this
hostile demonstration, he thought it advisable to wait for a
reinforcement, which he immediately demanded from Boston. This delay
gave the Americans time to receive additional troops, which were led by
General Warren, and to complete their plan of defence. The English began
this attack by burning Charlestown; in a few minutes this village
containing more than five hundred wooden buildings was devoured by the
flames.

The inhabitants of Boston, and the reserve of the English army were
gazing from the amphitheatre formed by the heights of the city, with
equal anxiety upon the dreadful battle, with the results of which the
destinies of each were equally connected.

On the 17th of June 1775, at one o’clock, the English army moved slowly
to the fight, with shouldered arms, exhibiting that calmness, which is
inspired by a long habit of military discipline. The Americans awaited
them firmly, with the coolness and resolution that is always imparted by
love of liberty. The English had already approached within thirty yards
of the entrenchments, without a single gun being fired to break the
ominous silence, under which their movements were made, when suddenly
they received a volley of musketry so fatally aimed that their ranks
were disordered, broken, and flying in confusion towards the shore,
leaving behind them a great number of their officers killed and wounded.
A second attack was followed by a similar result, and even at this time
the English soldiers were thrown into such a panic that many of them
sought refuge in the boats. Their officers could neither check their
flight nor rally them except by resorting to the severest measures.
Finally, a third attack, supported by some pieces of artillery, aided by
the fire of several ships, and two floating batteries, was completely
successful. The Americans, forced from their entrenchments, still
defended themselves for a considerable time, fighting hand to hand, and
giving blows with the butts of their guns in return for the enemy’s
charges with the bayonet. Their retreat was more calm and regular than
could have been anticipated from inexperienced militia. In this last
attack, the royal troops showed great intrepidity, and a courage worthy
of a better cause. They lost nearly 1,100 men killed and wounded, among
which were more than 90 officers. The patriot army, which fought for a
long time under cover, did not lose 500 men, but had to lament the death
of one of its most estimable commanders, general Warren.

The English paid too dearly for this victory to follow up its
advantages; they were on that day contented with the possession of the
bloody field of battle.

The useless burning of Charlestown, which preceded the battle, was
regarded by the Americans, as an act of the most shameful barbarity, and
excited a general sentiment of horror and indignation. It was at
Charlestown, that the English after their rout at Lexington had found
succour for their wounded, and the most generous hospitality was
displayed towards their stragglers. The loss of the position on Bunker’s
Hill, did not prevent the Americans from keeping the royal army closely
blockaded in Boston. The forces of the besiegers were daily augmented,
and on the 2d of June, general Washington, in the name of the Congress
assembled at Philadelphia, took the command. Nothing of importance,
however was undertaken against the city during the rest of the year. The
approach of winter rendered the condition of the besieged dreadful; the
cold was extreme and fuel was deficient; the English could not obtain it
but at the expense of the inhabitants whose houses were demolished for
the sake of the wood. The situation of the inhabitants deeply affected
Washington, who wished to profit by several days of severe frost, which
would have allowed him to cross upon the ice, to make a general attack:
but this plan was unanimously opposed by his council of war.

About the end of April 1776, having received some reinforcements, he
resolved to occupy the heights of Dorchester, whence it would be easy to
annoy the ships in the harbour and even the garrison in the town. He
hoped moreover that this movement, by drawing the enemy from his
inaction, would give an opportunity of bringing him to a general
engagement, and he took his measures with great skill, to derive all
possible advantage therefrom. The occupation of the heights of
Dorchester was effected on the night of the 2d March, with so much
activity, that at day-break the besieged beheld the Americans
established and capable of sustaining an attack in their new position.

General Howe immediately perceived the critical situation into which he
was thrown by this bold movement of the Americans, and after several
fruitless attempts to dislodge them, he determined to evacuate Boston,
while the sea still remained open to him. On the 17th of March he
embarked with all his army, and his rear-guard might have heard the
shouts of joy with which the triumphal entry of Washington was hailed in
the city.

From that time, Boston, which is justly distinguished by the glorious
title of _Cradle of the Revolution_, ceased to be the theatre of war.
The town and province were forever freed from the presence of the
enemies of liberty; but the citizens of Massachusetts did not display
less ardour in the achievement of the great work, the liberation of the
colonies; their contingents to the continental army were always
furnished with exactness, and their troops sustained to the end of the
war, their admirable reputation for courage and patriotism.

The news of peace arrived at Boston on the 23d April, 1783, and diffused
among the people the most exhilarating joy; the entire abolition of
negro slavery was proclaimed, and commerce and industry, under the
protection of freedom, appeared with renewed lustre.

The state of Massachusetts since that epoch has constantly increased in
wealth and happiness; it has regulated and determined its boundaries in
a friendly manner with its neighbours, and at present it is bounded
north by the states of Vermont and New Hampshire; east by the Ocean;
south by the states of Rhode Island and Connecticut; and west by the
state of New York. The face of the soil is infinitely varied, and its
coasts are richly furnished with convenient bays, which are adorned with
a great number of small islands. The soil of the sea board is generally
arid, but the lands of the interior are very productive, and cultivated
in such a manner as to impart to the whole country the appearance of a
smiling garden. Elegant country houses, fine villages and large towns,
amply attest the numbers of the population, in fact about 530,000 souls
occupy a surface of 7,800 square miles. In 1790 the population was only
370,787 souls; this increase is certainly very rapid, but we shall find
much more astonishing changes in the new states.

65,000 persons are employed in agriculture. 36,000 in the various
manufactories of cotton, wool, cloth, glassware, paper, soap, in the
foundries, &c.; and about 14,000 in commerce. A considerable number are
also engaged in the fisheries, but of the exact amount we have been
unable to procure information; however, this sketch will suffice to show
to what degree public industry is carried in this state; for if we
subtract the individuals employed in the various offices of government
in public instruction, or engaged in particular business, such as
carpenters, masons, tailors, &c. and then remove from the sum total of
the population children still unfit for labor, and the aged who are
disabled by their infirmities, we shall see how small a number of idle
persons belong to this state. From this active industry a degree of
general domestic comfort is produced, which strikes Europeans with
astonishment when they first visit this country.

The general welfare of the people, contributes to augment between all
classes, that equality which the constitution establishes between
individuals, in the eye of the law. At church on Sunday, and at public
meetings, it is impossible to distinguish by his dress, and it might
almost be added, by his manners, an artisan, from what is called a
_gentleman_, in society: the multiplicity of schools, and the _right_
which every man enjoys of attending to public affairs, diffuses among
this class of Americans a knowledge and a correctness of judgment, which
would be sought in vain in the middle classes of France. In Boston, what
is called the best society, that is, companies of literary men, rich
merchants, government officers, and professional men, offer the
surprising contrast of a rare degree of information, with great
simplicity of manners. The excessive severity of character which
distinguished the first settlers of New England, is gradually becoming
effaced by communication with other people, and especially by the
introduction of religious toleration; the rigorism of the puritans has
given place to a mild harmony between the numerous sects, which are not
only numerous in New England, but the whole Union. But it must not be
supposed, however, that indifference has succeeded to fervor; religious
exercises are observed with scrupulous exactitude; and it would be
difficult to find in Boston a pleasure house open on Sunday. The chains
which were formerly stretched across the streets during divine service,
are gradually disappearing. The government never interferes in any way
in religious matters; the pastors of the different congregations are
paid by their parishioners, and if an especial respect be publicly paid
to those who frequent the churches, those who never attend them are
never persecuted. Finally, there is but one remaining trace of the
religious tyranny of the first settlers, and unfortunately that trace
occurs in the state constitution. The 1st article of the 6th chapter,
excludes from the offices of government all candidates who are not
christians, and who will not swear that they are convinced of its
truth.—“I, A. B. do declare that I believe the christian religion, and
have a firm persuasion of its truth.”

We can scarcely comprehend how, in a society so free and enlightened,
where the progress of philosophy is every day evident, the state still
can continue to refuse the services of a virtuous man, because the
individual may be a Jew or a Mussulman.




                              CHAPTER IV.

  Camp of Savin Hill. Visit to John Adams: review of the regulations of
    the Massachusetts militia.


On the 28th of August general Lafayette was invited by the governor to
visit the camp at Savin Hill, a few miles from Boston; he accepted the
invitation, and we arrived there at noon. Savin Hill is a very
picturesque situation on the borders of the sea, where during the fine
season the volunteer militia companies of Boston go successively to pass
some days in camp, for the purpose of military exercise. On our arrival
we found them under arms. The young officer in command came to receive
the general, and after a brief address he returned to the head of his
troops, which manœuvred with much precision. After various movements of
infantry, the artillery commenced firing at a mark. Most of the shots
were fired with great skill, at a target floated at a sufficient
distance on the water. The artillerists invited the general to aim one
of their pieces, which he did, and his shot knocked the target in
pieces. This successful shot, which no one expected from a man of his
age, procured him the applauses of all the young soldiers, and of the
ladies who usually visit the camp to see their brothers and husbands,
but on this occasion had flocked in greater numbers to see Lafayette.

The guns of the artillerists attracted our attention from the moment of
our arrival; after the exercises were finished I approached to examine
them more attentively, and was considerably surprised to recognize our
French models, which were perfectly imitated. From the officers who
observed the interest with which we examined these pieces, we learned
that this improvement was owing to general Henry Lallemand, who was
forced by the proscriptions of 1815 to seek a refuge in the United
States, where he died in 1823, universally esteemed and regretted. The
militia of Massachusetts are indebted to him for great improvements in
their artillery; and he has left a treatise on the subject, in three
volumes, in which, it is true, he has only reproduced in part the
regulations already known and practised in France, but which he has
admirably adapted to the use of those for whom he wrote. He married in
Philadelphia the niece of a French gentleman, who during 50 years
residence in that city, had by his success in commerce, amassed one of
the largest fortunes in the United States. The situation of general
Lallemand, however, was not improved by this marriage, as he died poor.
His amiable and interesting widow, with her only daughter, continues to
reside at Philadelphia, under the protection of her uncle.

After visiting the camp at Savin Hill, the governor took us to dine at
his country seat; whence we returned to attend a brilliant ball, which
Mr. Lloyd, senator of the United States, gave to general Lafayette.

John Adams, whose name is so gloriously connected with all the great
epochs of the American revolution, and who had the honour of succeeding
Washington in the first magistracy of the republic, was then detained at
his retreat by the weight of eighty-nine years. Lafayette who had been
acquainted previously, and even maintained a strict friendship with him,
was unwilling to depart without paying him a visit: a feeling of
delicacy, easy to be understood, made him wish that this visit should be
unattended by any of that triumphal pomp, by which his slightest
movements had been accompanied. In consequence, he set out in a
carriage, merely accompanied by two gentlemen of the city, and followed
by his son and myself. We arrived about two o’clock at Quincy. Our
carriages stopped at the door of a very simple small house, built of
wood and brick, and but one story high. I was somewhat astonished to
learn that this was the residence of an Ex-President of the United
States. We found the venerable John Adams in the midst of his family. He
received and welcomed us with touching kindness: the sight of his
ancient friend imparted a pleasure and satisfaction, which appeared to
renew his youth. During the whole of dinner time, he kept up the
conversation with an ease and readiness of memory, which made us forget
his 89 years.

The long life of John Adams has been exclusively devoted to the service
of his country and liberty, which from his youth he passionately loved.

He was born at Quincy, the 19th October, 1735, and studied at Cambridge,
which he left in 1755, to take charge of a grammar school at Worcester,
where, at the same time, he applied himself to the study of the law,
under James Putnam. In 1758, he was admitted to the bar. In 1770 he was
chosen as a representative of the town of Boston, in the Assembly of
Massachusetts. When the quarrels between the English soldiers and the
citizens of Massachusetts became sanguinary, he showed his full strength
of character, by defending captain Preston and his soldiers, for firing
on the people; in this defence he was assisted by Josiah Quincy, jr. and
S. Blowers. He was unwilling that the love of liberty should transcend
the love of justice, and his eloquence secured the safety of those
unfortunates, who were in fact nothing but the blind and ignorant
instruments of English tyranny.

In 1774, he was elected a member of the Council of Massachusetts, but
the political opinions which he had already expressed openly and
energetically on numerous occasions, caused him to be rejected by
governor Gage. A few months afterwards, he was sent to the Continental
Congress, where he proved one of the most ardent and skilful defenders
of liberty.

In 1776, he was appointed, together with Jefferson, each to draw up a
Declaration of Independence. Jefferson’s address was preferred by
Congress, as is known, but Adams’s, on account of his eloquence and
patriotism, was not the less regarded as the soul and fire of that
immortal assembly. Shortly after he was sent with Dr. Franklin and
Edward Rutlege, to treat with Lord Howe for the pacification of the
colonies.

In 1777, he was appointed commissioner to the court of France, in place
of Silas Deane. In April 1779, Congress having censured all the other
European commissioners, made an honourable exception of John Adams. On
his return from Europe, the same year, he was elected a member of the
Convention assembled to revise the Constitution of Massachusetts. In the
month of August of the same year, he was sent to Europe with power to
treat for a general peace.

In December, 1780, Congress voted him public thanks for the services he
had rendered in Europe. In 1781, he concluded with the provinces of
Holland a treaty very advantageous to his country.

In 1785, he was sent as minister plenipotentiary to England. It was
during this honourable mission, that he published, in 1787, at London,
his learned summary of all the ancient and modern constitutions, under
the title of _Defence of the American Constitutions_. This profoundly
erudite work, in which the author in several passages appeared to
indicate his predilections for English constitutions, drew forth
vigorous attacks from a large number of patriotic writers, and
particularly from Philip Livingston, then governor of New Jersey, who
opposed him in an excellent work, which he published under the title of
_Examination of the English Constitution_.

Recalled from England at his own request, he was received with the
thanks of his fellow-citizens and of Congress. In 1789, after the
adoption of the new constitution, John Adams was elected Vice-President
of the United States, and remained in this honourable situation during
the eight years of the presidency of Washington, whose confidence in his
talents and patriotism was unbounded.

In 1797, he was himself elected to the Chief Magistracy of the republic,
to succeed Washington, who refused a third election. Circumstances were
then very difficult. The French revolution, which at first received the
general approbation of the United States, had at that time become,
through the intrigues of royalists and foreigners, an object of horror,
even to its warmest partizans. The French question agitated all minds,
and had become the subject of vivid discussion, and sometimes of violent
attacks, between the two parties called Federal and Democrat. The
ill-managed attempts of our diplomatic agents in the United States, to
profit by these divisions, alarmed President Adams, and induced him to
propose to Congress, as a measure of security, the suppression of the
act of _habeas corpus_. This proposition was too directly opposed to the
sentiments of liberty, entertained by the American people, not to be
rejected with force, and I may say even with indignation. The House of
Representatives would not even discuss the bill, and the popularity of
John Adams received at that time such a shock, that at the expiration of
the fourth year of his administration, he was not re-elected.

In 1801, he retired to his dwelling at Quincy; his fellow-citizens soon
forgot the cause of his retreat, and only remembered the great and
numerous services he rendered to his country during his long career. The
governorship of Massachusetts was offered him, and some time afterwards
he was invited to preside over the committee appointed to revise the
constitution of the state. But he began to feel the necessity of repose;
he thanked them, and concluded by praying the theologians, philosophers,
and politicians, to let him die in peace. Notwithstanding this refusal,
he had not become insensible to the great interests of the country, and
when she was menaced in 1811 by the odious vexations of England, his
patriotic voice was heard from the bosom of his retreat, declaring that
the national honour could only be maintained by war. His eloquence was
re-animated in a letter which he wrote to rally to this sentiment, those
whom party spirit had most widely separated. In short, he so generously
sacrificed his private opinions to the dangers of the moment, that his
most ardent adversaries could not withhold the expression of their
admiration and gratitude.

At the moment of our visit, although he could not go out of his chamber,
could scarcely raise himself from his chair, and his hands were unable
to convey the food to his mouth without the pious assistance of his
children or grand-children, his heart and head felt not less ardour for
every thing good. The affairs of his country afforded him the most
pleasant occupation. He frequently repeated the greatness of the joy
which he derived from the gratitude of his fellow-citizens towards
Lafayette. We left him, filled with admiration at the courage with which
he supported the pains and infirmities which the lapse of nearly a
century had necessarily accumulated upon him.

A grand review had been ordered and prepared for the 30th, in the
morning the troops from the environs of Boston arrived under command of
general Appleton, those of the city had pitched their tents upon the
common, in front of the capitol on the preceding evening, and on rising
we were struck with the appearance of this extemporaneous camp. At noon,
about 8,000 men were drawn up in line of battle, on this vast parade: a
great concourse of ladies adorned all the windows which overlooked the
ground, or filled the surrounding walks. A few moments after general
Lafayette presented himself, accompanied by the governor and his staff,
before the line, where he was received by the acclamations of the
troops, to which martial music and the shouts of the spectators
responded. After passing in front of the ranks of these young
soldier-citizens, whose equipments and appearance might charm even eyes
accustomed to the regularity of hired European troops, the general was
conducted to the most elevated point of the parade, to behold the
military movements which were to follow. We did not discover in the
handling of their arms, that minute precision to which European officers
attach so ridiculous an importance, and which is only acquired by
reducing a soldier to the sad condition of a puppet, for, at least, four
hours a day; but we were forced to admire the promptitude of the
charges, and the union and vivacity of the firing. Beyond doubt, the
movements of the line were somewhat defective as to calmness and
precision; but it was impossible, I believe, to execute with greater
rapidity and intelligence all the movements of light troops. This sort
of service appears to be very consonant to the American character; it is
also well suited to troops more particularly called to the defence of
situations where all the resources are known to them, and which are
particularly favourable to a war of detail. This sort of sham battle,
which was performed before our eyes, lasted nearly three hours, and
interested us exceedingly; when it was ended we went under an immense
tent, where the principal citizens to the number of 1200, were collected
at table to receive the adieus of Lafayette, who was to quit the city on
the next morning. In the centre of the table, and in front of the places
we were to occupy, stood a large silver basin, filled with fragments of
arms or projectiles, military buttons, &c. collected on Bunker’s Hill a
long time after the battle of the 17th June. The governor had the
goodness to offer us some of these fragments; for my part, I gratefully
accepted a button, upon which, notwithstanding the rust that covered it,
could readily be distinguished the number, 42; it is known that this
number is one of those which suffered most severely in attacking the
American entrenchments. The care with which the Americans preserve and
revere all the monuments of the revolution is very remarkable; every
thing which recalls this glorious epoch, is to them a precious relic,
which they regard almost with religious reverence. This sort of devotion
is praiseworthy, since it contributes to feed the sacred fire of love of
liberty, by which they are animated. It is worth quite as much, I
believe, as that _profound veneration_ which we have in Europe for the
ribbands conferred by power.

During the review I remarked with surprise the variety of uniforms; in
the numerous companies that defiled before us, scarcely could I find two
companies somewhat similar in this respect. Some were clothed with a
luxury that was very little adapted to war; while those from the
country, were on the contrary so simply clad, that they had nothing
military about them but the cartridge box and musket. This difference
was explained to me by the formation of _volunteer_ companies. These are
composed of young men, who, from being friends or neighbours, organize
under the authority of the governor, a peculiar company; the colour and
fashion of their uniform is decided by common consent; they elect their
own officers, and choose the name of their corps. Thus organized and
constituted, they remain always subject to the general regulations by
which all the militia are governed, but they meet much more frequently
for the purpose of military exercise; as most of these young men are
sufficiently well off, they can afford to expend something upon a
brilliant dress, and hence the variety of their uniforms. If from this
slight rivalry in elegance, between the volunteer companies, great
emulation in service ensues, as the officers suppose who had the
kindness to give me some information on these points, it is
unquestionably an advantage; but is it not to be feared that this
advantage may be attended by serious inconveniences? May not the
embroidery and plumes which at present serve to distinguish one company
from another, hereafter be used to distinguish the son of a rich
merchant from a mere mechanic? and will not this distinction between the
rich and poor militiaman open the door to the aristocracy of wealth,
which is not less an enemy to equality than the aristocracy of
parchments? I am aware that American manners and institutions diminish
this danger; but ought a danger to be disregarded because it is still
distant?

The existence, organization, duties, and basis of the discipline of the
militia throughout the Union, are determined by general laws emanating
from congress. However, as differences of situation or manners which
distinguish the aspect of the various states composing the great
federation require modifications in the application of these laws, each
state regulates for itself the formation of militia corps, their
especial discipline, the appointment of officers, &c. &c. taking care,
however, not to depart from the general principles established by
congress.

As all the particular regulations of the States differ somewhat from
each other, and it would, moreover, be too tedious to describe them all
in detail, it may suffice to satisfy the reader’s curiosity that we
present in this place a sketch of the regulations of the Massachusetts
militia.

The law of the Congress of the United States, calls into the ranks, all
citizens capable of bearing arms from the age of eighteen to forty-five,
inclusively; the law of Massachusetts makes an exception in favour of
the individuals hereafter designated: the lieutenant governor of the
state; members of the executive council; judges of the supreme court,
the inferior courts and their clerks; members of the legislature;
justices of the peace; all officers employed in the registry of deeds,
&c.; the attorney general, the solicitor general; secretary and
treasurer of state and their clerks; sheriffs; teachers of public
schools; the ministers of all religious sects, without distinction; all
civil officers appointed by the United States, and finally the Quakers,
when they present a certificate signed by one or two of their elders,
stating that the bearer is actually one of their society, and is
conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms. Nevertheless, all the
individuals above excepted from militia duty, are obliged from the age
of 18 to 45, to keep in the house, and to present at each annual review,
the arms and equipments of war prescribed by the laws of the United
States: they must, moreover, pay two dollars a year, which are placed in
the treasury of the town or district, to be employed in arming and
equipping poor citizens unable to furnish their own accoutrements.




                               CHAPTER V.

  Journey from Boston to Portsmouth: sojourn at Portsmouth: history,
    constitution and statistics of New Hampshire: journey from
    Portsmouth to New York: description of Long Island.


The state of New Hampshire having sent a deputation to invite general
Lafayette to visit the navy yard at Portsmouth, we set out for that
place on the 31st of August, by the way of Lexington, Concord, Salem,
Marblehead and Newburyport. We delayed but a few moments at Lexington,
but we left it deeply impressed by the touching scenes we there
witnessed, and the historical recollection it awakens. We recollected
that it was at this place in 1775, a few farmers were slaughtered by an
English battalion; and upon the same spot Lafayette was welcomed by a
free and happy population assembled to greet him. We advanced through
two handsome lines of militia troops to the base of the pyramid which
indicates the place where the first martyrs of liberty fell, and now
repose. There two old men related to us this first scene of the grand
revolutionary tragedy, in which they were actors; and this circumstance
lent a powerful charm to their recital, which captivated our attention.
They were delighted to recall the smallest particulars of this action,
repeated with heated indignation the insulting and menacing words of the
fierce Pitcairn, when he summoned them to surrender, and the smile of
pity and contempt curled their lips when they told how 800 Englishmen
had fired upon sixty farmers: they then named with tenderness those of
their companions and friends who fell by their sides, turning their eyes
filled with tears upon the ground, while our own involuntarily rested
upon the last asylum of these hero citizens, paying them a tribute of
gratitude and admiration. After some moments of solemn silence, one of
the two old men exclaimed, “we still weep for our brethren, but we do
not deplore them, they died for their country and liberty!” At the words
_country_ and _liberty_, the crowd, deeply affected, responded by shouts
of “long live Lafayette,” and during a long time it was difficult to
moderate this burst of public gratitude. All the militia of the district
were assembled at Lexington; they defiled before the pyramid and
Lafayette, lowering before these two monuments of their revolution their
standards, upon which the murder of their ancestors was delineated, by
which hatred of despotism is perpetuated among these youthful
soldier-citizens.

Just as we were about to depart from the pyramid to re-enter our
carriages, a young man presented himself, having in his hands a long
rudely shaped and rusty musket; he presented it to Lafayette with a
solemnity which induced us to suppose that the weapon by some peculiar
circumstance had acquired a right to the veneration of the bearer. In
fact, we learned that this was the musket from which the first fire was
returned to the English, upon the field of Lexington. “My father bore it
on the 19th of April, 1775,” said the young man; “in his hands it
commenced the work that Washington and you so gloriously achieved; I am
happy to make it known to you.” Lafayette examined it with pleasure; all
of us desired to touch it; in returning it to him, the general advised
him to have inscribed on the stock the date of April 19th, and the name
of the brave citizen who bore it, and then to keep it in a box for the
purpose of securing it from the ravages of time. He was moved by this
advice and promised to follow it.

Although Concord is but a short distance from Lexington, we were
nevertheless obliged to stop there. The inhabitants of the vicinity were
collected in the public square, where a tent of flowers and verdure had
been erected, under which a troop of blooming and beautiful girls
offered refreshments to the Nation’s Guest, who was forced to take a
seat at the centre of an elegantly prepared table, around which none but
ladies were admitted. Young girls crowned with flowers moved around the
table of which they did the honours with touching grace and ease; but it
was especially to Lafayette that all their attention was directed, and
upon him their tenderest care was concentrated. All was smiling, all was
gracious in the picture of happiness and joy before us; but at the same
instant we were struck by a singular contrast. In front of the tent, at
the other extremity of the public square, we perceived upon a hillock
which terminated it, a confused collection of funeral monuments. We
recognized the place consecrated to the dead. Of all these monuments,
the greater number were already blackened by time; some were still of a
glaring whiteness; near one of the latter was placed a female and two
children clad in black, whose sorrowing attitudes seemed to say that
festival days are not days of repose for death; but not one of the gay
party appeared to regard this; all were too happy to remark the
narrowness of the space by which they were separated from the spot where
all sink into oblivion.

At Marblehead I was aroused from the profound reverie into which the
circumstances at Concord had plunged me, by the sound of cannon, and the
shouts of the people, who rushed to meet Lafayette. Brilliant
preparations had been made to receive him, although it was known that he
could only stop to breakfast. In ascending Washington Hill, we were met
by the pupils of eleven public and twenty private schools, conducted by
their teachers and the president of the board of instruction. There were
nine hundred children of both sexes. A deputation, formed by a
representative from each class, approached the carriage, and presented
an address to Lafayette, in which the children expressed to him their
gratitude for the services he had rendered their parents. Salem is only
14 miles from Boston, and yet we did not reach there until afternoon,
because at almost every step Lafayette was obliged to stop to receive
testimonials of regard from all we met upon the road. At the entrance of
the city, we were received by the magistrates, and by a numerous
cavalcade of citizens; several military corps were drawn up on each side
of the way, and his entry was announced by salutes of artillery and the
chiming of the bells. In spite of the rain, which fell in torrents, the
streets were entirely filled with the crowds that rushed towards him,
and uttered their benedictions. We passed through the town on foot, in
order to go under a great number of triumphal arches decorated with
emblems and inscriptions. Upon one was “Honour to Lafayette! honour to
him who fought and shed his blood for the peace and happiness we enjoy:”
upon another, “Lafayette, friend and defender of liberty, welcome to the
land of your adoption;” on another, “In the day of our adversity, thou
didst aid us, in the days of our prosperity, we recall thy services with
gratitude.” The dining-hall and the dinner itself, had been decorated
and prepared by the hands of a great number of ladies. In front of
Lafayette’s seat, amid garlands of flowers, was the following
inscription: “Lafayette in America—Where can one better be than in the
bosom of his family?”

Ancient companions in arms, placed at his sides, claimed the privilege
of serving him, reminding him gaily, that they acquired this right at
Yorktown, where he had not refused their services. The dinner ended with
a great number of toasts. One was drank to “France, the friend of
liberty in America; may she never become the friend of oppression in
Europe.” Immediately after, we quitted Salem to pass the night at
Newburyport. Although the weather continued to be disagreeable, the
general could not dissuade the Salem citizens from escorting him; they
galloped along side of his carriage, sword in hand, for nearly nine
miles, at the risk of falling twenty times, so very bad were the roads.

Notwithstanding all our diligence, it was late at night when we arrived
at Newburyport. The brilliance of the illuminations, and the fires
lighted in appropriate places in the street, the uninterrupted sounds of
cannon, bells, the shouts of people, and the sight of armed troops
advancing rapidly to the sound of the drum, might have led one to
suppose we were entering a town taken by storm, and delivered to the
flames, if the words _Liberty_, _Country_, WASHINGTON, Lafayette, which
incessantly fell upon our ears, had not reminded us that we were present
at a truly national and popular festival. Although the night was so far
advanced, the general was obliged to devote a considerable time to the
reception of the citizens who pressed forward in crowds to greet him. We
stopped at Tracy’s inn, which had been prepared for our reception.
General Washington staid there in 1789. The chamber he used was
afterwards preserved with the greatest care; the furniture had not been
changed, and Lafayette had the pleasure of resting in the same bed,
where, thirty-five years ago, his father and his friend had reposed.
From the joy which appeared to sparkle in the eyes of our host, it was
easy to divine the sentiments that animated him, and how difficult it
would be to induce him to part with the furniture which had served
Washington and Lafayette.

We left Newburyport early in the morning, and arrived about mid-day at
Portsmouth. Numerous corps of infantry, and almost the whole population,
headed by their magistrates, came out of the city to meet Lafayette. A
thousand children from various schools were ranged in a double row along
the road, and though these poor children had no other covering but
wreaths of flowers, and the rain was falling abundantly, none would
relinquish their posts. The procession formed to accompany the general’s
entry into the town, was more than two miles long. After it had passed
through the principal streets, we stopped in Congress street, at
Franklin Hall. There the president of the town council pronounced on
behalf of the assembled citizens, an address.

The general was then presented to the governor of New Hampshire, Mr.
Morill, who had purposely come from his residence, to receive him, after
his introduction to the governor, he was surrounded by his ancient
companions in arms, among whom he recognized general Smith, who had
served three years under him as a captain of light infantry. While they
were felicitating each other on their meeting, they were interrupted by
another old revolutionary soldier, who with tears in his eyes recounted
aloud the great number of services rendered to him during the war, by
the _Marquis_; Lafayette with much difficulty interrupted his recital
which embarrassed him exceedingly, but which vividly excited the
interest of the spectators.

In going to our lodgings, which were prepared in the house of the late
governor Langdon, we met some Indians in the street; these were the
first I had seen, and excited my curiosity very much; some members of
the committee caused a dozen of these savages from the forests of Canada
to visit us at our lodgings. I learned that they came from beyond the
great lakes to exchange peltries for toys and liquor. I confess that I
found nothing in them which corresponded with my ideas of these children
of nature.[9] Their dresses had no other character than that of misery;
crosses and chaplets had taken the place of their beautiful head-dresses
of plumes, their furs and their arms; their drunken visages had nothing
of that noble expression which is said so particularly to distinguish
the savage man: at first their manners appeared affectionate, but it was
soon evident that they were only servile or interested. They talked of
beads and confession, as their fathers, no doubt did of sorcerers and
manitoes. In a word it appeared to me that these poor wretches had only
changed superstitions, and that civilization had brought them its vices
without any of its benefits. In fact I was assured that the majority of
them had become idle, drunken thieves, without being in the least degree
improved in knowledge. An old man who spoke a little French, appeared to
be their chief, he told us they lived in Canada. When asked if they were
happy in the vicinity of the English, he replied that they loved the
French very much; and immediately he and his companions shook hands very
cordially with us. They had with them several of their wives, some of
whom were suckling their children; they also appeared very miserable,
and by no means pretty.

During our conversation with the civilized Indians a new procession was
formed to conduct Lafayette to the navy yard; he went thither a few
moments afterwards, but neither his son nor myself could accompany him,
as we were desirous of profiting by a sure and prompt opportunity of
writing to our friends in France. We regretted however that we missed
the chance of seeing the navy yard which is said to be very fine and of
considerable extent. The remainder of the day was occupied by a public
dinner at which all the public officers and Mr. Salazar, chargé des
affaires for the republic of Columbia were present. After dinner we went
to a ball, where more than four hundred ladies were introduced to
Lafayette; we left the ball at midnight to take our carriages for
Boston, where our travelling companions from New York awaited us. Before
resuming the account of our progress, I will devote a few pages to the
history, constitution, and present condition of the state of New
Hampshire, of which Portsmouth is the most considerable town, both for
its population, which exceed seven thousand souls, and its commerce
which is very extensive.

The state of New Hampshire is situated between the 42° 42′, and the 45°
14′ N. Lat. and between the 4° 29′ and the 6° 10′ of east longitude,
from Washington; its surface contains 9280 square miles; its form is
that of a trapezium, having its base to the south. On the north it is
bounded by Lower Canada; south by Massachusetts; east by Maine and the
ocean; and west by the Connecticut river which separates it from
Vermont. The coast of New Hampshire is about eighteen miles in extent,
is generally sandy and slightly indented. In the interior we find very
high lands, amongst which the white hills or mountains are the highest.
The most considerable collection of water are the lakes Umbagog and
Winnipiseogee, and the lakes Connecticut, Piscataqua and Merimac. The
soil of New Hampshire is of primitive formation and generally fertile;
however the most productive are on the borders of the streams, which
deposit a rich alluvion by their inundations. On the banks of the sea an
abundance of salt hay is cured which is found to be very acceptable to
the cattle. The most abundant mines are those of iron in the district of
Franconia and at Enfield. A small quantity of native silver in threads
is found in the western mountains, but it is not worth the expense of
procuring it. Plumbago is found in considerable abundance in Sutton
county district, and about Monadnock mountain.

The heats of summer are short but excessive; as to the cold it must be
very severe, since lake Winnipiseogee which is twenty-four miles in
length, and in some places twelve miles wide, is frozen for three months
in the year, so hard as to bear heavy wagons. The climate is, however,
very salubrious, and examples of longevity are not uncommon; individuals
are frequently known to live over an hundred years.

New Hampshire was discovered in 1614 by captain Smith, and the first
settlements were made by fishermen and planters on the river Piscataqua,
in 1623. These establishments were placed under the government of
Massachusetts in 1692. In 1787 the first constitution of New Hampshire
was framed, and the limits determined between it and Massachusetts. In
1765 the people rejected the stamp act with energy, and afterwards
engaged in the revolutionary war, which they supported with vigour and
perseverance to the end. The state of New Hampshire was the ninth that
voted for the adoption of the new federal constitution of the United
States; it was carried in the legislature by a majority of eleven, the
number of members being 300. This circumstance decided in favour of the
establishment of the federal government. The new constitution was
adopted in 1792; it was preceded by a declaration of rights and
recognised three powers, the _legislative_, _executive_, and
_judiciary_.

The legislative power is vested in the senate and a house of
representatives, which compose the general assembly, and each branch
exercises a negative over the other. Bills relative to monies originate
in the house of representatives, but it may be amended in the senate
which directs the expenditures.

The senate is composed of thirteen, elected annually by taxable
citizens. A candidate must 1st, be thirty years old; 2d, must own a
freehold in the state worth £200—3d, he must have resided in the state
seven years previous to the election, and be a resident of the county by
which he is elected.

The house of representatives is composed of members from the different
towns, the number of which is proportioned to the population in the
ratio of one representative for every 150 taxable inhabitants, of 20
years old at least, and of two for every 450, so that it requires 300
additional taxable inhabitants for every new member.

The election is made by ballot, and no one is eligible unless he own in
the county a freehold, whereof he is seized in his own right, of the
value of £500. It is necessary also that he reside in the district at
the time of his election, and have resided two years within the state.

Every male citizen of 20 years old, except paupers and persons exempt
from taxes at their own request, have the right of voting for senators
and representatives. The executive power is confided to the governor and
five councillors.

The governor is chosen annually by vote of all the taxable citizens; and
if two candidates have an equal number of votes, the choice is decided
by the joint ballot of both houses of assembly. A candidate for the
governorship must be thirty years old, be an inhabitant of the state for
seven years preceding the election, have an estate of the value of five
hundred pounds, one half of which to consist of a freehold in his own
right, in the state. The governor is commander in chief of the forces by
land and sea, with the advice and consent of the council of state, which
he assembles at will. He appoints the attorney and solicitor general,
and the other officers of justice. He has the right of pardoning
criminals, except such as are convicted before the senate, by
impeachment of the house. He signs all the commissions which are
moreover countersigned by his secretary.

The councillors are also elected by all the taxable citizens of 20 years
old, and the same requisites are demanded of them as of the governor,
with this difference however, that at least three hundred pounds of
their property must be in freehold.

The secretary, treasurer, and commissary general are chosen by ballot by
the senators and representatives.

The treasurer of the county and the town clerk are appointed by the
inhabitants of each county.

The members of congress are chosen by the inhabitants assembled in town
meetings, and their votes are sent to the secretary, who opens them
before the general court. It is in the same way that candidates for the
presidency and vice-presidency are chosen. The two senators in congress
are elected by the general courts.

The judiciary court is composed of a superior court of four judges who
annually make two circuits through the counties; an inferior court, with
the same number of judges in each county, who sit four times a year; a
general court of sessions of justices of the peace, who sit at the same
time; a court of probates, formed of a single judge who sits every month
in each county; and justices of the peace.

The judges are appointed by the governor and council, and retain their
places until they are 70 years old. They are liable to impeachment for
misbehaviour in office.

The jury composed of twelve freeholders whose verdict decides the
judgment in civil and criminal suits, is selected by the municipal
council from among persons worth fifty pounds. The names of one third of
the members are placed in one box; and the names of the two-thirds in
another. The jurors for the superior court are drawn from the first box,
and those for the inferior court from the second, by the town clerk in
the public assembly.

The general court is authorized to reform the judiciary system when it
is deemed convenient or necessary to the public service; to give to the
justices of the peace jurisdiction in civil causes, when real estate is
not concerned and the damages do not exceed four pounds, with the right
of appeal to another court and the trial by jury.

The chief justice receives 1500 dollars per annum; each of the other
judges receives 1200.

The sheriffs like the judges are ineligible after they have attained to
seventy years, nor can they act or receive fees as lawyers or counsel,
while they are in office.

All the civil and military officers take the following oath before
entering upon office.

“I solemnly swear that I will bear faith and true allegiance to the
state of New Hampshire, and will defend the constitution thereof, and I
will faithfully and impartially discharge and perform the duties
incumbent on me as governor, secretary, &c. &c. to the best of my
abilities, agreeably to the rules and regulations of this constitution,
and the laws of New Hampshire, so help me God.”

If the officer be a quaker his affirmation is received, adding thereto,
“I do this under the pains and penalties of perjury.”

The financial organization is equally economic and liberal. Every town
appoints one or more collectors of taxes, who are furnished with the tax
lists and entrusted with full powers to seize, in case of necessity, the
goods or persons of delinquents. If any one refuse to produce a
statement of his property subject to taxes, the municipal council
determines the sum such an individual shall pay to the state. The levies
upon the counties are divided by the judges of a court which is held
four times a year, and the proportion that each town is to pay, is
specified in the order to the treasurer of the county.

A new assessment of taxes is annually made in the month of April, upon
the property of taxable individuals; all these goods are taxed at six
per cent of the value of their income; except uncultivated lands, and
ships which only pay ¼ per cent of their real value. Mills and
ferry-boats are taxed one-twelfth of their annual income: funds in
commerce according to their value, and money at interest at from
three-fourths to one per cent.

The debts contracted by the state in 1814, amounting with the interest
to more than 30,000 dollars, have been paid; and the state has at
present considerable funds in the bank of the United States.

The wisdom and economy of the administration, and the equity of the
government have borne their fruits. The happiness of the people of New
Hampshire is indubitable; it is attested by the diffusion of knowledge,
by the wealth of commerce, the prosperity of agriculture, and the rapid
increase of population. This increase in spite of the constant
emigration towards the new countries of the south, and especially of the
west, is still very remarkable. In 1755 the population was about 34,000
souls; in 1790 it was 141,885; in 1800 it was 183,858; in 1810 it was
214,460, and at present it amounts to 244,161 souls. Of this number
about 800 are free persons of colour. Although there is no special law
against slavery, the philanthropic spirit of the inhabitants, and a
correct view of their interests, have done justice in regard to this
monstrosity, and we may say at present, slavery does not exist in New
Hampshire: we may say the same indeed of all the New England states.

This population of 244,161 souls, furnishes 2,384 persons devoted to
agriculture, 8,699 to manufactures, and 1,068 to commerce.

The state of New Hampshire could bring 25,000 men into the field from
the class of citizens from 16 to 45 years old. In case of need this
force could be considerably augmented by the men who are on the alarm
list, which is formed of men from 45 to 60 years old, and of all those
exempt from ordinary service by the militia regulations. The exemptions
are the same as those of Massachusetts.

I have said that the diffusion of knowledge in New Hampshire was great.
The advantage of a good general education is owing to the care of the
government and the foresight of the constitution, which directs the
legislator and magistrate always to regard as a sacred duty the
advancement of the interests of letters and science and of all the
public schools; to encourage private institutions; to give rewards and
privileges for the encouragement of agriculture, the arts, sciences and
commerce; the natural history and manufactures of the country.

As in all the rest of the Union, absolute liberty in religious concerns
is declared by the constitution to be a natural and inalienable right;
no one can be disturbed or interfered with on account of his religious
views. The law does not acknowledge any dominant sect. All the ministers
of the different communions have equal right to the protection of the
government, and receive their salaries from their parishioners, whose
good will they are obliged to acquire, and they only obtain it by
setting a virtuous example. Thus their manners are generally pure,
marriages common, and celibacy but little esteemed. It is rare in the
interior towns to find a bachelor over thirty years old. The girls marry
so young, that it is not uncommon to see the mother and daughter both
nursing their infants at the same time. We may also readily find the
grandfather, father and son, at work together in the fields.

Many other particulars remained to be learned relative to New Hampshire,
but the general having promised to make a second visit in the ensuing
spring, I shall profit thereby to collect the information I could not
procure during so short a stay.

We left Portsmouth for Boston, as already stated, at midnight and
arrived there at two o’clock; we set out again at four, through
Lexington, Lancaster, Worcester, Tolland, and Hartford. In each of these
places, Lafayette received from all the citizens evidences of regard,
which vividly affected him, but to which he had scarce time to respond,
so rapid was our journey. We slept the first night at the charming
country house of Mr. Wilder, near Boston, whose kind hospitality will
never be effaced from our memory. On the second, we stopped at Stafford,
after having been present at the brilliant festivities of Worcester, and
on the fourth day, at 10 A.M. we arrived at Hartford, a pretty and very
commercial town, situated upon the west bank of the Connecticut river,
fifty miles from its source. The population of Hartford is 4726 souls,
and it divides with New Haven the advantage of being the seat of
government of the state of Connecticut.

Lafayette entered Hartford preceded by a numerous escort of troops, and
welcomed by the whole population with the most lively demonstrations of
veneration and love. The municipal body came to meet him, and the mayor
delivered an address. He was then conducted with great pomp to the State
House where he was received by Governor Wolcott, who in receiving him,
addressed him in the name of the state.

After his discourse, to which Lafayette made an affectionate reply,
numerous introductions of all the persons who could come into the hall,
took place. The assembly could scarcely retain their emotion, when old
general Wadsworth entered, bearing the epaulettes and scarf worn by
Lafayette at the battle of Brandywine, where he was wounded. The scarf
still retained traces of his blood. These epaulettes and scarf were
given to General Swift after the peace, and his family had preserved
them carefully, in memory of him who wore them, and the cause he
defended.

At the moment we left the state house, he found himself in the midst of
eight hundred children from the public schools, who presented him with a
gold medal on which was inscribed, “The Children of Hartford to
Lafayette, September 4, 1824.”

After passing through several streets strewn with flowers, we arrived at
the institution for the deaf and dumb. About sixty of these young
unfortunates arranged in a line, awaited in the profound and eternal
silence which the lamentable caprice of nature had imposed on them, for
the arrival of Lafayette. As soon as they saw him, they pointed out to
him, while placing their hands on their _hearts_, a legend containing
these words, “What the nation expresses we feel.” At their head was
their teacher Mr. CLERC, pupil of the Abbe Sicard and of Massieu.

Lafayette experienced lively pleasure in seeing this young Frenchman,
whose love of liberty and of humanity had brought him to this country,
where he had rendered the most important services.

When General Lafayette had reviewed the troops, under command of Colonel
Johnson, and taken leave of the magistrates and inhabitants of Hartford,
he was conducted on board of the steam-boat Oliver Ellsworth, by a
detachment of an hundred revolutionary veterans, preceded by the
military band. After taking leave of his ancient companions in arms, the
boat pushed off, and we began to descend the Connecticut. This river
which arises between lower Canada and New Hampshire, a little above the
45th degree parallel of latitude, serves as a boundary between this
state and that of Vermont, and traverses the states of Massachusetts and
Connecticut from north to south. Its course is about three hundred miles
long. Although much obstructed by rocks, it is navigable by batteaux
almost to its source, and large vessels can ascend it nearly fifty
miles. During its course, it receives a large number of tributaries, and
empties into Long-Island sound about thirty miles east of New Haven. Its
banks are very delightful and fertile, though we had but little time to
enjoy the sight. Soon after leaving Hartford, our boat stopped in front
of Middletown, a beautiful little manufacturing town situated upon the
right bank of the river. The sound of cannon and the acclamations of the
crowd that thronged the bank, apprised Lafayette of the impatience with
which he was expected by the people of Middletown. He hastened on shore
to express his satisfaction, and it was not until seven in the evening
that he returned on board the Oliver Ellsworth; so that night soon came
on and hid from our view the beautiful dwellings which adorn both banks
of the Connecticut. However we could form some idea of their number by
the lights which appeared on the right and left, glittering like stars
amid the obscurity.

At day-break we emerged from the river into Long-Island sound, commonly
called the East River. We had Long-Island on our left, and the state of
New York on our right.—Whichever way we turned, we beheld beautiful
country houses or farms, the mere aspect of which announced comfort and
abundance. Although the sun was but just risen when I went on deck, I
perceived a large number of ladies at their windows, waiting for the
vessel which they knew was to bring back Lafayette, to New York. As soon
as our flag was perceived, it was saluted by the most animated
exclamations and signs of the warmest affection.

While breathing the fresh morning air, always more so in the vicinity of
the sea, and contemplating with pleasure, the delightful harmony of a
beautiful prospect, and a rich and free industry, I was accosted by one
of our travelling companions, an old revolutionary soldier, who came
with us from Hartford, who said he could not sleep during the night, so
much was he excited by the pleasure of seeing his general again. I asked
him for some account of the most remarkable dwellings, which were in
view, and he replied with much kindness, and in a way that led me to
believe, that he was familiar with the navigation of the sound. When
asked if he had occasionally visited Long-Island, he replied, “Oh yes,
certainly, and it is long since the first time; it was in 1776, and
without the courage and skill of our worthy General Washington, it is
probable that this first visit to Long-Island would have also been my
last, and my bones would now rest in peace. It would have been a pity,
however, as I should have missed the happiness I yesterday enjoyed in
shaking hands with one who has done so much for the independence of my
country,” and a tear of gratitude and tenderness fell from his eyes.
After some moments of silence, emboldened by his frank and cordial
manners, I inquired in what manner his first visit occurred, with which
so many other recollections appeared to be connected. He replied, by
taking me by the arm, and turning round towards Long-Island, which like
a moving panorama, was swiftly passing before our eyes, “in 1776, I was
no longer a child, as my bald head and white hairs may show you, and
served in the continental army; our regiment made part of the forces
destined to defend Long-Island. On the 7th of August, the English and
Hessians to the number of about 24,000, protected by the guns of their
ships, landed upon the island. We had not more than ten thousand troops,
and were in such a position that the greater part of these could not be
brought into action. The action was hot and our resistance obstinate,
although the enemy had every advantage over us in numbers, discipline
and experience.

“The attack of the English was conducted with intelligence and bravery,
but I dare say, if we were less skillful, our courage was not
undervalued by our adversaries. In fact, we were soon surrounded, some
were taken and the rest dispersed, leaving the victory in the hands of
the enemy together with our two generals, Sullivan and Sterling. We lost
from 1000 to 1200 men, and the English about as many.

“After this unfortunate engagement, we entrenched our lines at Brooklyn,
where we were not in safety; fatigued and discouraged by our defeat,
having in front of us, an enemy of superior force, rendered daring by
success, and knowing that a numerous squadron was preparing to cut off
our retreat by entering the East river, we felt clearly, that we could
not escape complete destruction unless by the aid of Providence, and the
prudence of our commander-in-chief; Washington resolved to withdraw us
from this dangerous position. Profiting by the darkness of the night, he
crossed the East river in person on the 29th of August, and found us in
our lines. His presence re-animated our hopes and courage; we relied
with confidence on his direction, and our retreat was effected with an
address, which alone would have sufficed to rank him among the best
generals. It is true that under these circumstances, Providence
vouchsafed us a striking evidence of its protection. A thick fog
enveloped Long-Island during the whole night; so that our movements were
completely concealed from the enemy, although the atmosphere on the New
York side was brilliantly clear. We passed so near to the enemy, that we
could distinctly hear the labourers at work, preparing for the attack of
next morning. Before day-break, our 9000 men, with their baggage,
magazines, horses and munitions of war, had crossed the river, where it
is more than a mile wide, and without losing a single man. An hour after
our arrival at New York, the fog dispersed as if by enchantment, and
permitted us to see the English entering our lines with defiance, where
not a single man was to be found.”

During this recital of the old soldier, almost all our travelling
companions were collected on deck, grouped around us, and the
conversation soon became general. A great deal was said of Long-Island,
of the elegance and richness of its country seats where the merchants of
New York go to seek repose and fresh air during the protracted heats of
summer. I learned that this isle, anciently called Matawack,[10] by the
Indians, its ancient inhabitants, is 140 miles long, and its width
varies from one to five miles. It is the largest island existing between
Cape Florida and Cape Sable. The coast, which is washed by the Atlantic
ocean, is flat, sandy and indented by various bays. The greatest part of
its surface is level. The soil is composed of a blackish, spongy earth,
upon a basis of sand which absorbs the rain and is little favorable to
vegetation. Dr. Mitchill, the learned translator of Cuvier’s theory of
the earth, has remarked that a bed of sea sand extends the whole length
of the island at the depth of from 30 to 50 feet, containing clam and
oyster shells, and that pieces of wood have also been found in digging
wells. A range of hills which traverse the island from New Utrecht in
the west, to the environs of South-hole in the east, is elevated at
Harbour hill more than 319 feet above the level of the sea.
Notwithstanding the unfavorable character of the soil, the finest
orchard of fruit trees is found on Long-Island, perhaps in all America.
It is cultivated by Mr. Prince, a skilful gardener and orchardist, whose
enlightened zeal renders great services to his country, and who will
without doubt, become very serviceable to Europe, as his correspondence
is already much sought after.

It was about noon when we arrived at New York, General Lafayette hoped
to re-enter the city quietly, but the streamers and flags of the Oliver
Ellsworth betrayed his return; and the Franklin ship of the line which
was at anchor, fired a salute of thirteen guns. This salute was a signal
to the citizens of New York, and when we landed at Fulton wharf we found
the population collected, as on the first day of our arrival, who
accompanied us with acclamations to the City hotel, where we found our
lodgings as we had left them.




                              CHAPTER VI.

  Entertainment given by the Society of Cincinnati: origin and statutes
    of the society: visit to the public establishments: dinner given by
    the French of New York: ball at Castle Garden.


On his return to New York, General Lafayette was informed that the
society of Cincinnati intended to celebrate the next day, 6th of
September, the anniversary of his birth, and he received an invitation
to dine with them, which he willingly accepted. About four o’clock in
the afternoon, a long file of venerable men arrived, marching two and
two, holding each other by the arm for the sake of mutual support, which
the weight of years rendered necessary. They were preceded by a military
band, with which their tottering steps found it difficult to keep time.
We went down to meet them, and were received into their ranks; a
decoration of the order of Cincinnatus which had been worn by
Washington, was attached to the button hole of Lafayette, and we
commenced our march for the hotel where we were to dine. It was truly a
touching sight to behold these old soldiers, the glorious remains of the
war of Independence, conducting amongst them the companion of
Washington, the adopted son of America. The crowd of people that filled
the streets through which we passed, showed by their serious and silent
conduct the respect which this procession inspired. The hall prepared
for the entertainment, was adorned with trophies of arms, and with sixty
banners bearing the names of the principal heroes who died for liberty
during the revolutionary war. The repast was animated by the frank and
cordial joy of all these old soldiers, who were delighted at the
recollection of the dangers they had shared together. I had the pleasure
to be placed at table by the side of General Fish, who at Yorktown
commanded a battalion of intrepid militia, which under the orders of
Lafayette, entered the English entrenchments with charged bayonets. He
was kind enough to relate to me the details of this glorious action, and
indeed of the whole campaign. The vivacity of his recital, which made me
forget his seventy years, and the interesting traits of patriotism which
were mingled with it, inspired a very lively interest. “I am well
aware,” said he, in terminating, “that this campaign of Virginia, cannot
be compared to your campaigns of Germany or Italy; neither were our
fatigues and privations equal to your disasters on the retreat from
Moscow.” “Neither,” added I, “can your results be compared with ours;
you have won happiness and liberty, and we have riveted our chains and
those of all Europe.” This melancholy reflection, poisoned for an
instant the pleasure I enjoyed at this feast of patriotism and
gratitude.

Towards the conclusion of the repast, a curtain was suddenly drawn at
the end of the hall, and a grand transparency shown, exhibiting
Washington and Lafayette holding each other by the hand, before the
altar of liberty, and receiving a civic wreath from the hands of
America. This sight caused new transports of joy among the company, the
expression of which was only interrupted for a moment by the strong
voice of General Swartwout, who suddenly began to read the order of the
day at York-town, on the 17th of October, 1781.


              Head Quarters, before York, Oct. 15th, 1781.

  The Marquis de Lafayette’s division will mount the trenches
  to-morrow.

  The commander in chief congratulates the allied army on the success
  of the enterprize last evening, against the two important redoubts
  on the left of the enemy’s work. He requests the Baron Viomenil who
  commanded the French grenadiers, and the Marquis de Lafayette, who
  commanded the American light infantry, to accept his warmest
  acknowledgments, for the excellency of their disposition, and for
  their own gallant conduct on the occasion; and he begs them to
  present his thanks to every individual officer, and to the men of
  their respective commands, for the spirit and rapidity with which
  they advanced to the points of attack assigned them, and for the
  admirable firmness, with which they supported themselves under the
  fire of the enemy, without returning a shot.

  The general reflects with the highest pleasure on the confidence
  which the troops of the two nations must have hereafter in each
  other; assured of mutual support, he is convinced there is no
  danger, which they will not cheerfully encounter, no difficulties
  which they will not bravely overcome.


Prolonged applauses followed the reading of this order, and the hall was
shaken by three cheers, when the company were soon brought back to
sentiments of a different nature, by the plaintive voice of General
Lamb, who sung a ballet composed in 1792, during the imprisonment of
Lafayette in the Austrian dungeons, and which was then very popular in
America.

                 As beside his cheerful fire,
                   ’Midst his happy family,
                 Sat a venerable Sire,
                   Tears were starting in his eye—
                 Selfish blessings were forgot,
                 While he thought on Fayette’s lot—
                 Once so happy on our plains,
                 Now in poverty and chains.

                 Fayette! cried he, honour’d name;
                   Dear to these far distant shores,
                 Fayette, fir’d by Freedom’s flame,
                   Bled to make that freedom ours.
                 What, alas! for thee remains;
                 What but poverty and chains?

                 Soldiers! in the field of death
                   Was not Fayette foremost there?
                 Cold and shiv’ring on the heath,
                   Did ye not his bounty share?
                 What for this your friend remains;
                 What but poverty and chains?

                 Born to honour, ease and wealth,
                   See him sacrifice them all;
                 Sacrificing even health
                   At our country’s glorious call;
                 What reward for this remains;
                 What but poverty and chains?

                 Thus, with laurels on his brow,
                   Belisarius begged for bread:
                 Thus from Carthage forc’d to go,
                   Hannibal an exile fled.
                 Fayette now at once sustains
                 Exile, poverty and chains.

                 Courage, child of Washington,
                   Though thy fate disastrous seems;
                 We have seen the setting sun,
                   Rise, and burn with brighter beams.
                 Thy country soon shall break thy chain
                 And take thee to her arms again.

Soon after, the lateness of the hour, and the necessity of terminating
the fatigues resulting from the variety of emotions we had experienced
during this festival, caused us to separate. Returning to the City
Hotel, I recollected how often I had heard the _order of Cincinnatus_
mentioned in Europe, and attacked by some persons with violence as
tending to destroy republican equality; and quoted by others to justify
the orders of knighthood, or privileged orders of European monarchies.
However, what I had seen since my arrival in the United States, did not
show the existence of any order created or tolerated by the laws, and
destructive equality; but to dissipate all doubt on the subject, I made
inquiries next morning of one of our friends, with whom we had dined,
who called to visit General Lafayette. He presented me a small pamphlet
containing an account of the origin and regulations of the _Society of
Cincinnati_. A perusal of this pamphlet convinced me that the character
of this society had been ignorantly or maliciously misrepresented in
Europe, and that it is no more a privileged society in the United States
than the _Benevolent Society of Paris_, or the _Bible Society of
England_. The Society of Cincinnati is nothing more than a _voluntary
association_ of the ancient officers of the revolutionary army, united
with the double object of perpetuating the memory of their patriotic
labours, and for the aid of such members as age and infirmities may
render necessitous; as to the ribband and badge worn by the society, it
is only regarded as an ornament which the members wear exclusively on
public occasions, and not as a decoration authorized or sanctioned by
the government.

The Society of Cincinnati has nothing in it dangerous to equality, since
it possesses no privilege. However, from all parts of the union,
accusations were made that the founders of the society wished, under the
guise of benevolence, and patriotic recollections, to sow the seed of a
hereditary nobility. It is difficult to determine at present whether the
founders, or at least some among them had, or had not some such
prospective view in making the proposition; but it is certain, that the
article of the regulations allowing the sons to succeed the father, were
very capable of giving offence to republicans as jealous of equality as
the Americans. Every one attacked with vivacity, the absurd principle of
hereditary transmission, which found enemies throughout the country.
Among the writings which appeared at the time on the subject, a letter
of Franklin, addressed to his daughter, who had sent to him in France
the papers announcing the formation of the society, which has all the
piquancy and originality of that author, placed this matter in a very
ridiculous light, and contains such conclusive, and at the same time,
such pleasant arguments against hereditary nobility, that no one can
read it without being convinced.[11]

The sentiments of Franklin, and the opinion of the public, did not
prevent the formation of the Society of Cincinnati, but reduced it to
its just value; that is, every one became accustomed to regard this
corps merely as a benevolent association, and with pleasure paid a
tribute of respect to the members, who had acquired a right thereto by
their former services, and personal character. But the aristocratic
principle of hereditary succession was so much ridiculed that few sons
ventured to succeed their fathers in the society, and in some states
they are no longer admitted.

After our return to the city, our time was principally occupied in the
examination of the public works and forts, which protect the port and
bay of New York. The most remarkable among them is fort Lafayette,
situated at the narrows, near the point of Long Island; its fire readily
crosses with that from the opposite fort on Staten Island. The garrison
officers belonging to a detachment of the regular army of the United
States, gave the general a very cordial reception, and pointed out all
the interesting particulars of the fort, which has the advantage of
being bomb proof, without being exposed to the inconvenience of the
cannon smoke, which finds free exit by open galleries into the interior
of the yard. The rain which fell abundantly prevented us from examining
the other forts with much attention.

Of all the public schools we visited, that which inspired the most
lively interest was the _Free School_ for young Africans, founded and
directed by the Abolition Society. The general was accompanied in this
school as he had been in all the others by a great number of ladies, who
all pay assiduous attention to establishments of this sort. He was there
informed he had been unanimously elected member of the society, at the
same time with Granville Sharpe, and Thomas Clarkson. This election
agreed well with his character and declared opinions relative to negro
slavery, and appeared to excite in him considerable feeling. Immediately
afterwards a black child advanced and said with vivacity, “You see,
General, these hundreds of poor African children before you; they
participate with the white children in the blessings of education: like
them they learn to cherish the recollection of the services you have
rendered to America, and moreover they revere in you an ardent friend to
the emancipation of our race, and a worthy member of the society to
which we owe so much gratitude.”

It would be tedious and difficult for me to give exact details
concerning all the benevolent establishments we visited in the city of
New York. They are very numerous and as each of them has been erected by
an association or voluntary union of individuals, it would require a
particular history of each to make them properly known. In general we
may say that all these establishments are under the protection, and not
under the influence of the law. The majority of the active offices are
discharged by persons who receive neither perquisites nor salaries, but
regard their appointments as honorable testimonials of public esteem,
and they discharge their duties with a zeal and probity which justifies
it. Only the inferior officers, whose time is altogether employed,
commonly receive salaries. Most of these establishments are founded by
societies or by legacies; and supported either by public subscriptions
or by appropriations of the government. Thus for example, in examining
the books of the Orphan Asylum, founded in 1806, we discovered that this
establishment in the course of the year 1822, received from the
legislature of the state five hundred dollars; two hundred and
eighty-seven dollars as a part of the funds allowed to the public
schools by the state; fourteen hundred and thirty dollars from private
subscriptions; five thousand dollars, a legacy from Jacob Sherred;
twenty-five dollars, the interest of a legacy from Mrs. Mary Williams;
390 dollars from anonymous donors; 17,000 dollars from the Magdalen
Society; nineteen dollars for work done by the children, &c. &c. and a
host of private donations, such as books, shoes, cloth, buttons, &c. &c.
Whatever may be the nature and value of the donations, they are received
and scrupulously registered along with the names of the donors. By the
aid of these supplies judiciously directed, this house has received from
1806 to 1822, and educated 440 children, of which 243 are already
established advantageously in society.

In the alms-house there are more than 1000 individuals of both sexes and
all ages.

The great hospital of New York may contain nearly two thousand patients.
The insane, although under the same superintendence, are kept in a
separate building.

In all these institutions, we were struck with the neatness of the
chambers, the whiteness of the linen, the good quality of the food, and
especially with the mild and kind treatment of the superintendents
towards the persons under their charge. It was easy to perceive that the
directors are encouraged by something more precious than emoluments,
public esteem.

The persons who accompanied us, and appeared to be well informed,
assured us that there were more than forty charitable and philanthropic
societies in New York, whose continued zeal contributed much to the
support of all the establishments we had visited, as well as to the
relief of private misfortunes.

After visiting the Academy of Arts, where among a great quantity of
casts, engravings and paintings, there is nothing very remarkable except
a collection of paintings by TRUMBULL, and a collection of engravings
presented to the Academy by the emperor NAPOLEON, we went to the public
library. It contains more than 20,000 volumes, well selected and in good
order. The library is open every day except Sunday; none but
stockholders can take out the books; the number of stockholders is about
five hundred.

During our stay at New York we several times visited the two theatres,
of which it would be difficult for me to give any opinion, because every
time that Lafayette appeared there, he became so much the object of
public attention, and the tumult caused by the expression of the
pleasure of the spectators was so great that it was impossible for the
actors to continue their parts; they were only allowed to sing some
verses in honour _of the Companion of Washington_, _the Captive of
Olmutz_, or _the Guest of the Nation_. Some persons of taste that I
questioned informed me that the stock pieces of these theatres were from
England, and generally but poorly selected, and that their companies of
actors were usually feeble. These two houses are evidently too small for
so numerous a population, and their construction does not correspond
either to the beauty or wealth of the city of New York.[12] The rational
answer of the citizen to this, is, that before thinking of luxury and
pleasure, it is necessary to take care for useful things, and that they
should be very much humiliated if strangers were not more struck with
the commodiousness and beauty of their works of public utility than with
the elegance of their theatres.

On the 9th we attended a concert of sacred music given in St. Paul’s
Church, where the general was received with the Marseilles’ Hymn. The
number and elegance of the ladies was very remarkable. The different
pieces we heard were executed with an effect which we had not previously
heard from any of the choirs or orchestras in the United States; for it
must be allowed that music is still in its infancy in this country. The
causes are sufficiently obvious; on the one hand the English language is
but slightly musical, on the other the Americans have not yet time to
devote to the merely pleasing arts.—They have no school of music;[13]
there are some European artists, who endeavour to diffuse a taste for
the science, but these generally find access solely to the very rich
families, which are almost as rare as the artists themselves.

After leaving St. Paul’s church, we visited the park in front of the
City Hall, where the firemen were drawn up in line, and the General
reviewed them. After reviewing this new species of militia, but not less
useful than that which is called to the defence of the territory, they
defiled with as much order as a division of artillery. We saw thus pass
before us forty-six engines, each drawn and escorted by a company of
about thirty men, led by a captain with a speaking trumpet. Each engine
bore a standard and the emblems of the company. Many of these standards
were adorned with portraits of men whose names are dear to the people.
The equestrian portraits of Washington and Lafayette were peculiarly
conspicuous. After all the engines had defiled we ascended to the
balcony of the City Hall, the general was addressed by the
commander-in-chief of the Firemen, and we next saw the manœuvres with
the engines. They were all formed into a circle around a pyramid erected
of the ladders and firehooks. At the top of this pyramid was placed a
small house filled with combustible materials; it was set on fire, and
on a signal being given, all the engines were worked at the same time
with so much accuracy of aim that the whole was extinguished in two
minutes. In all thus meeting at the same point, the spouts of water
formed a most beautiful liquid dome, adorned with the colours of the
rainbow.

On the 10th, we were engaged to dine with Colonel Fish; we were about to
go there at four o’clock, when on going out, we found the 9th regiment
of artillery drawn up before the hotel to escort Lafayette to the house
of his friend. At the moment the general appeared, Colonel Muir
commanding the regiment, advanced and presented him in the name of his
comrades, a richly wrought sword, all the parts of which had been
manufactured in New York. In expressing his thanks, General Lafayette
said, “it is with pleasure and gratitude I receive this precious present
from a corps of citizen soldiers, each of whom knows that steel was
given to men to defend liberty, where it exists, and to gain it, where
it has been destroyed by crowned and privileged usurpers.” This answer
was received with loud applause, and the general was escorted by the
regiment and a numerous concourse of citizens to the house of Colonel
Fish. The day was terminated by some beautiful fire-works in honour of
Lafayette.

The next day the general and his son were present at a masonic
celebration of the Knights Templars, who admitted them to their lodge,
and conferred upon them the highest honours, of which they presented
them the richly wrought badges. In the evening, we dined with the French
residents of New York, who wished to celebrate the 47th anniversary of
the battle of Brandywine. The dinner was prepared at Washington Hall,
and this patriotic and family festival was marked by a character both
happy and original; many Americans, who were present, were struck with
astonishment. Upon the very broad table a plan of the grand canal, in
relief, was exhibited, which traversing the state of New York, unites
Lake Erie with the Atlantic. This novel sort of chart occupied a length
of sixty feet upon the table, where it was hollowed out of the thickness
of the wood, and lined with lead; an extremely limpid water filled the
canal, which was bordered with green sod, imitating meadows, in the
midst of which were models of houses, trees and animals. Bridges
beautifully crossing the stream, and masses of rock under which the
canal passed, and forests through which it wound along, all combined to
complete this unique masterpiece of topography. Over the centre of the
table was a large sun in continual rotation. Allegorical pictures, full
length portraits of Washington and Lafayette, and trophies of French and
American flags, completed the decorations. Mr. Monneron presided over
the entertainment. After dinner, which was animated with a frank and
cordial joy, a great number of toasts were drank, all impressed with
that character of energetic patriotism which distinguishes every thing
said or done in a truly free country. I cannot resist the desire to
insert some of them here.

By the committee. “The United States; their national welfare is
imperishable; it is founded upon religion, industry, and liberty.”

By the President. “General Lafayette; we are proud that he is a
Frenchman.” And he added, “Gentlemen, in the fourteenth century the
Lafayettes of Auvergne, already ameliorated the condition of what were
at that period called _vassals_.

“In the fifteenth century Marshal Lafayette drove the enemies of France
from her territory.

“In the sixteenth Mademoiselle Lafayette was the model of beauty, virtue
and charity.

“In the seventeenth century Madam Lafayette composed works which will
descend to the remotest posterity.

“In the eighteenth century, General Lafayette was born, the enemy of
tyranny, and passionate lover of liberty.

“During his youth, he came to support and defend the cradle of liberty
in the United States.

“At a more advanced age, he appeared at the public bar, and spoke for
liberty in Europe, as he knew how to defend it in America.

“From the tribune he entered into the ranks of the defenders of the
country. I have seen him amidst the revolutionary dangers; his genius
and coolness never abandoned him: prompt to conceive, ardent to execute,
he always fought for true liberty.

“I am an ocular and faithful historian. Behold these trophies, these
flags and standards, upon all of them is written, Liberty! Victory!
Lafayette.”

To this toast the general replied by the following, “To the memory of
the French who died in the cause of true liberty, from 1789 to the
present day. Their manes demand of us, that so many sacrifices should
not be lost to the country.”

By M. Diaz. “The memory of Riego and the other martyrs of
liberty.—Crime, not the scaffold, brings disgrace.”

By Mr. Chevrolet. “France as I wish her to be; without factious
conspiracies, without corrupt ministers, without mercenary accusers, and
without that slow oppression which silently undermine their energy and
vigour.”

Some stanzas to Lafayette, full of grace, harmony and patriotism, the
composition of Mr. Pillet, read by Mr. Chegaray, completed the
enthusiasm of the guests, who separated with cries, “Long live liberty!
Long live Lafayette.”

During many weeks, preparations were made in the city of New York for a
magnificent festival, which should surpass in taste and splendor any
thing hitherto done in honor of Lafayette. The place chosen for the
occasion was the circular fort, about six hundred feet in circumference,
called Castle Garden, built formerly for the defence of New York, upon a
mole in front of the Battery, now devoted to public amusements. A bridge
of three hundred feet long joins the fort to the battery. We were to
quit New York on the 14th to make an excursion up the Hudson, and the
ball at Castle Garden took place on the 13th.—We went there in the
evening by the light of an illumination, we found the bridge covered
with rich carpets from one end to the other, and on each side bordered
with a line of beautiful green trees. In the middle of the bridge arose
a pyramid sixty-five feet high, illuminated with coloured lamps,
surmounted by a brilliant star in the centre of which blazed the name of
Lafayette. Notwithstanding the magnificence of the entry, our surprize
and admiration were strongly augmented on entering the circle of the
fort. The hall, about six hundred feet in circumference, around which
was a vast amphitheatre, containing nearly six thousand persons. An arch
formed of the flags of all nations mingled with symmetry and elegance,
was supported in the centre by a column sixty feet high. Over the
principal entrance was a triumphal arch of flowers, surmounted by a
colossal statue of Washington, resting upon two pieces of cannon. In the
centre stood the genius of America, having on a shield these words, “TO
THE NATION’S GUEST.” In front of the gate raised upon a platform was a
richly decorated marquee, ornamented with a bust of Hamilton; in front
were two pieces of cannon taken at York-town. The marquee was intended
for Lafayette. Around the hall thirteen columns, bore the arms of the
first states of the confederation. This space was illuminated by a
thousand torches, the brilliance of which was reflected by numerous
stands of arms. When the general appeared, the air “See the conquering
hero comes,” was played, and murmurs of approbation and respect
accompanied him to his seat. At the same instant, the cloths which
surrounded and enclosed the hall, were as rapidly raised as a theatrical
scene, and the interior became visible to the eyes of the crowd, who had
collected in boats about the battery, waiting for this moment. The pure
and brilliant moon shone on the harbor, upon which batteaux and
steam-boats were plying in every direction. A few minutes after the
general was seated under the rich pavilion that had been prepared for
him, a grand transparency was suddenly uncovered in front of him, and
presented an exact picture of his residence at Lagrange, with its large
ditches and fine gothic towers: having the following inscription below
it, “_Here is his home_.” Lafayette was very much touched with this
delicate idea of his friends, who wished to give to their entertainment,
by the presence of this picture the character of a family festival.
Several times during the evening, dances were attempted, but every time
the general moved a step to approach them, the dancers broke off and
came to group themselves around him. Time flew swiftly in this
delightful assembly, and we were surprized at two o’clock to hear the
signal for our departure. The steam-boat that was to convey us to
Albany, approached the battery to receive us as we left the ball. We
embarked with the committee which was to accompany the general, and a
great number of ladies and citizens who were unwilling to separate from
us. The boat received as many of them as possible. We parted on board
with captain Allyn, of the Cadmus, who was to convey letters to our
friends in France, and in spite of the darkness which succeeded to the
setting of the moon, we got under weigh. We soon lost sight of Castle
Garden, and instead of the joyous sounds of music, we heard nothing but
the monotonous noise of the steam machinery struggling against the rapid
waves of the Hudson.




                              CHAPTER VII.

  Voyage upon the Hudson: Treason of Arnold: Military School at West
    Point: Newburgh: Poughkeepsie: Clermont: Catskill: Hudson: Albany:
    Troy: Return to New York.


The steam-boat _James Kent_, in which we were embarked, had been
prepared for this trip with the greatest care by the committee appointed
by the city of New York to accompany general Lafayette; but as it had
not been foreseen that so many ladies designed to be of the party, it
happened that the greater part of the men were obliged to sleep upon
deck, although the steam-boat contained more than eighty beds. For
ourselves we in vain sought repose in a very pretty state-room, which we
occupied in common with general Lewis and colonel Fish. The sound of
cannon which every few minutes announced our passage by some village,
and the noise of our crew, who were endeavouring to push the boat off an
_oyster bank_, upon which she had grounded during the darkness,
prevented us from sleeping; at the first dawn of day, we went upon deck
to enjoy the view of the majestic banks of the Hudson. In fact, nothing
can be more imposing than the aspect of these high mountains, which,
covered with wood, or displaying their naked rocks, border the river
almost throughout its length. On entering, for the first time, into the
pass of the highlands, one feels almost disposed to share the
superstitious terror of the Indians, and one understands how that
phantoms and their sinister sighings have for a long time exercised
their empire, even upon the first Europeans who inhabited these
situations, where nature only shows herself under strange forms, and in
sombre colours. To the man who delights in the recollection of the
robberies of the middle ages, and loves to contemplate the ruins of old
Donjon’s ancient refuges of fierce feudalities, nothing without doubt is
comparable to the banks of the Rhine; but for one who prefers nature
still virgin and wild, there is nothing so beautiful as the banks of the
Hudson. This river has its source in the highest country between lakes
Ontario and Champlain, and divides the state of New York from north to
south for the length of 250 miles: it is navigable for sloops of 24
tons, as far as Albany, 160 miles from its mouth, and larger vessels can
ascend as far as the village of Hudson, at the distance of 132 miles
from New York. It would be difficult, I believe, to enumerate the boats
of all sorts and sizes which carry on the trade between Albany and New
York; the river is continually covered with them, and you can rarely
sail for a quarter of an hour without meeting with a long succession of
them. The tide rises a few miles above Albany, where it is twelve hours
later than at New York. The water is salt for fifty miles above Albany,
where the rise of the tide is commonly one foot. At Pellpel’s islands,
north of the highlands, it is about four feet, and at Kinderhook,
situated twenty-two miles south of Albany, three feet.

Notwithstanding the current, and contrary movement of the tide, we
advanced ten miles an hour. A group of old revolutionary soldiers
gathered around Lafayette on the deck, and were pleased to repeat the
details of events, which were awakened in their minds by every point on
the banks. We had passed Tarrytown, and at the view of this modest
village, the old soldier-citizens pronounced with respect the names of
the three militia men, John Paulding, David Williams, and Isaac Van
Wert, who have immortalized themselves as much by their noble
disinterestedness, as for the service they rendered to their country and
liberty in arresting Major André. _Stony Point_ and fort Lafayette,
where Washington, by the judicious choice of a good position, had broken
the communications of the English army, were far behind us, and our
captain informed us we should soon see West Point, when I remarked that
the regards of our travelling companions were sadly turned towards a
house which stood alone, not far from the bank, to which the foot of the
mountain was gently inclined. I soon heard the word _traitor_ coupled
with the name of Arnold; and this house, which excited so much
indignation, was actually the one in which the infamous Arnold
trafficked for the blood of his companions in arms, and for the
subjugation of his country. The history of Arnold teaches a great
lesson; it proves once more, the importance, in a well organized
government, of not trusting offices to any but men of acknowledged
morality. In a captain as in a magistrate, courage or talent without
probity are dangerous qualities, which cannot be employed without
exposure to great risks.

Arnold was born in Connecticut, but nature appears to have denied him
the virtues which so strongly characterize the inhabitants of that
state; however, from the commencement he embraced the sacred cause of
his country with ardour. His military talent, courage in battle,
resignation and patience under fatigues and privations, and especially
his brilliant services during the Canadian expedition, had gained him
great reputation in the army, and the confidence of Congress, which did
not think it too high a recompence to raise him to the rank of a major
general. He was wounded before Quebec, and was not yet entirely
recovered from his wounds, when the city of Philadelphia was entrusted
to him, after it was evacuated by the British in 1778.

Unfortunately, Arnold, along with the bravery he had shown before the
enemy, had nothing of that firmness of principle, and rectitude of
judgment, which alone could have enabled him to resist the numerous
seductions which necessarily surrounded him in the brilliant situation
he now held. Urged on by pride and a ridiculous vanity, and forgetting
his want of the resources of a large personal fortune, he launched into
all the unnecessary expenses of a sumptuous table and luxurious train.
He soon contracted debts beyond his revenue; in the hope of liquidating
which he entered into speculations which his official duties forbade,
and which had most disastrous results. Pushed by the demands of his
creditors, he sought relief by embezzlement of public money; but the
investigation of a committee of Congress discovered a considerable
deficit in his accounts, many citizens of Philadelphia complained of his
numerous exactions, and the government of Pennsylvania accused him of
still more grievous offences. Finally, in the month of June 1778,
Congress arrested and tried him by a court martial, which found him
guilty, and condemned him to be reprimanded by the commander in chief.
This sentence was approved by Congress, and carried into effect in the
beginning of 1779. Furious at being thus struck at the same time by the
law and public opinion, Arnold made bitter complaints against what he
called the ingratitude of his fellow-citizens, and swore to be revenged.

Great importance was at that time attached to the fortress of West
Point, for the preservation of which the American army had manœuvred a
long time, and frequently fought. This position was regarded as the key
of communication between the eastern and southern states. In fact, its
situation upon the brow of one of the highest mountains on the right
bank of the Hudson, and its double row of batteries and redoubts,
planned by the most skilful engineers, made an excellent defensive post,
the occupation of which gave great influence over the state of New York.
Arnold was not ignorant of this, and cast his eyes upon this important
point to wreak his vengeance. By force of intrigue and importunities, he
obtained the command of West Point, at the moment he wrote to the
English colonel, Robinson, that he abjured his revolutionary principles,
and sincerely desired to regain the esteem of the king, by a striking
proof of his penitence. This letter opened between him and sir Henry
Clinton an active correspondence conducted with great secrecy. The
principal object of this correspondence was to decide upon the means of
throwing the fortress of West Point as speedily as possible into the
hands of the English. To conduct this intrigue with greater certainty,
the English general selected one of his aids, major André, a young man
equally distinguished by his amiable qualities and military talents, who
had already acquired an excellent reputation among his companions in
arms. A sloop of war named the Vulture, carried up the Hudson as far as
the King’s ferry, twelve miles below West Point: from this place his
communications with Arnold became more frequent and easy, but for a
fuller understanding, it was indispensable that they should have an
interview, which Arnold insisted upon: André at first refused, either
because he felt a repugnance at finding himself in contact with a
traitor, or because he deemed it unworthy of a loyal officer to
penetrate an enemy’s lines under a name and dress not his own. However,
urged by a desire of answering the confidence of his general, he finally
accepted the rendezvous, which had been proposed for the night at the
house of one Joshua Smith, who was reputed to belong secretly to the
English party. Smith himself came in search of major André during the
night of the 21st of September, and brought him on shore in a boat rowed
by his own servants. André was received by Arnold on the bank, and
conducted to the house of Smith, where he remained concealed until the
next night. The conference being terminated, and the plans definitively
settled, André wished to profit by the darkness of the night to retire;
but on coming to the shore, he found that the Vulture had been obliged
to haul off, to avoid the fire of a battery with which she was
threatened; the boatmen who had brought him on shore, refused to carry
him to the sloop of war, and he was obliged to decide upon returning to
New York by land. To hasten his march, Smith furnished him with a horse,
and to render it secure, Arnold gave him a passport, under the name of
John Anderson, charged with public service. This passport served him to
get successfully through the American lines, and arrive at Crompond,
where Smith, who had accompanied him, took leave, after giving him
directions for continuing his journey. He was approaching the English
lines near Tarrytown, when suddenly a militia man, who was patrolling
between the two armies with two others, his comrades, rushed from behind
a bush, and seized his horse by the bridle. This sudden arrest deprived
André of his wonted presence of mind, and instead of presenting his
passport, he asked the militia men, “to which side do you belong?” “to
below,” was the reply; (the English army which occupied New York was
thus designated;) “and so do I,” imprudently answered André. Scarcely
had he uttered this fatal avowal, when the arrival of the two other
militia men revealed to him his error and danger. He thought to remedy
the one and escape the other, by offering to his captors a purse full of
gold, his very valuable watch, and by promising them, if they would let
him go, great wealth, and the protection of the English government. The
more brilliant the rewards he promised, the more were the three militia
men persuaded that his arrest would be serviceable to the cause of
independence, and they rejected his offers with disdain, declaring that
though they were very poor, all the gold upon earth would not tempt them
to forego their duty, and they immediately commenced a rigorous search
of their unfortunate prisoner, to discover if he conveyed any papers
capable of explaining his real character. Their suspicions were
confirmed by finding in his boots exact plans of the approaches and
defences of West Point, and many other details in Arnold’s hand writing,
confirmed their suspicions: they conveyed him to lieutenant colonel
Jamieson, who commanded the outposts. André, without doubt, intending to
let Arnold know that he must take care of his own safety, demanded that
Arnold should be immediately informed of the arrest of his officer
Anderson, on the way to New York. On the receipt of this news the
traitor fled, and sought the recompence of his infamy in the ranks of
the British army.

Major André declared himself a British officer as soon as he thought
Arnold was in safety. The immediate return of general Washington,
hastened the formation of a court martial, of which general Greene was
president, and general Lafayette and Baron Steuben, were among the
members. André appeared before this tribunal under the terrible
accusation of being a spy. His judges treated him with great deference
and lenity, and he was informed from the beginning of his trial, that he
need not answer any question which could wound his conscience. But the
young unfortunate, more jealous of his honour than of his life, freely
avowed his projects, and exposed his conduct without concealment, taking
no other pains than to exculpate those who had aided his enterprise. His
courage deeply affected his judges, who could scarcely conceal their
emotion in signing his condemnation. For himself he awaited his fate
with resignation. His last moments were worthy of his noble character;
the following details of which are given by an eye-witness, Dr.
Thacher.[14]

Extract from Thacher’s Journal.


  “_October 2d._—Major André is no more among the living. I have just
  witnessed his exit. It was a tragical scene of the deepest interest.
  During his confinement and trial, he exhibited those proud and
  elevated sensibilities which designate greatness and dignity of
  mind. Not a murmur nor a sigh ever escaped him, and the civilities
  and attentions bestowed on him were politely acknowledged. Having
  left a mother and two sisters in England, he was heard to mention
  them in terms of the tenderest affection, and in his letter to Sir
  Henry Clinton, he recommends them to his particular attention.

  “The principal guard officer who was constantly in the room with the
  prisoner, relates that when the hour of his execution was announced
  to him in the morning, he received it without emotion, and while all
  present were affected with silent gloom, he retained a firm
  countenance, with calmness and composure of mind. Observing his
  servant enter the room in tears, he exclaimed, “leave me till you
  can show yourself more manly.” His breakfast being sent to him from
  the table of general Washington, which had been done every day of
  his confinement, he partook of it as usual, and having shaved and
  dressed himself, he placed his hat on the table and cheerfully said
  to the guard officers, “I am ready at any moment, gentlemen, to wait
  on you.” The fatal hour having arrived, a large detachment of troops
  was paraded, and an immense concourse of people assembled; almost
  all our general and field officers, excepting his excellency and his
  staff, were present on horseback; melancholy and gloom pervaded all
  ranks, and the scene was affectingly awful. I was so near during the
  solemn march to the fatal spot, as to observe every movement, and to
  participate in every emotion which the melancholy scene was
  calculated to produce. Major André walked from the stone house, in
  which he had been confined, between two of our subaltern officers,
  arm-in-arm; the eyes of the immense multitude were fixed on him,
  who, rising superior to the fears of death, appeared as if conscious
  of the dignified conduct he displayed. He betrayed no want of
  fortitude, but retained a complacent smile on his countenance, and
  politely bowed to several gentlemen whom he knew, which was
  respectfully returned. It was his earnest desire to be shot, as
  being the mode of death most conformable to the feelings of a
  military man, and he had indulged the hope that his request would be
  granted. At the moment therefore, when suddenly he came in view of
  the gallows, he involuntarily started backwards, and made a pause.
  “Why this emotion, sir,” said an officer by his side. Instantly
  recovering his composure, he said, “I am reconciled to my death, but
  I detest the mode.” While waiting and standing near the gallows, I
  observed some degree of trepidation; placing his foot on a stone,
  and rolling it over and choking in his throat as if attempting to
  swallow. So soon, however, as he perceived that things were in
  readiness, he stepped quickly into the wagon, and at this moment he
  appeared to shrink, but instantly elevating his head with firmness,
  he said, “It will be but a momentary pang,” and taking from his
  pocket, two white handkerchiefs, the provost marshal with one
  loosely pinioned his arms, and with the other, the prisoner, after
  taking off his hat and stock, bandaged his own eyes with perfect
  firmness, which melted the hearts and moistened the cheeks, not only
  of his servant but of the throng of spectators. The rope being
  appended to the gallows, he slipped the noose over his head, and
  adjusted it to his neck, without the assistance of the awkward
  executioner. Colonel Scammel now informed him that he had an
  opportunity to speak, if he desired it; he raised the handkerchief
  from his eyes and said, “I pray you to bear me witness that I meet
  my fate like a brave man.” The wagon being now removed from under
  him, he was suspended and immediately expired; it proved indeed,
  “but a momentary pang.” He was dressed in his royal regimentals and
  boots, and his remains in the same dress, were placed in an ordinary
  coffin, and interred at the foot of the gallows. Thus died in the
  bloom of life, the accomplished major André, the pride of the royal
  army, and the valued friend of Sir Henry Clinton.” [Thacher’s
  Military Journal, 1780, p. 272, &c.]


Some time after Arnold fled from West Point, and when he had already
signalized himself by the ferocity with which he tore the bosom of his
country by all the horrors of war, an American grenadier was brought
into his presence who had been taken prisoner in a skirmish. Arnold
recognized him as having served under his orders at West Point, and
interrogated him upon the impression his flight had produced upon the
garrison. The bold grenadier answered him with frankness, and did not in
the least disguise the general indignation. “What would they have done,
had they taken me?” “We should have buried your leg wounded before
Quebec with honour, and have hung the rest of your body upon the
gibbet.”

While the different groups upon our deck still execrated the memory of
Arnold, and pitied the unfortunate André, the thunder of cannon a
thousand times repeated by the echoes of Hudson announced our arrival at
West Point. We were rapidly carried on shore in the boats. General
Lafayette was received by major Thayer, commandant of the establishment,
and by generals Brown and Scott, accompanied by their staff. Lafayette
was placed in an open carriage, accompanied by the widow of Colonel
Hamilton, and followed by a long column of ladies who had come with Mrs.
H., and a numerous population which had collected to receive him: they
slowly ascended the road which conducted them to the military academy.
During this march, two pieces of cannon placed on the summit of a rock
far above our heads, kept up an incessant roaring. When we reached the
plain upon which the buildings of the institution stand, we found the
cadets drawn up in line. The general immediately passed them in review,
and they manœuvred before him. After their evolutions were completed,
they performed the honours of the entertainment they had prepared for
him, with the most kind solicitude.

West Point appears to me to be well chosen for a military school. It is
upon a very beautiful plain, elevated upon the right bank of the Hudson,
and crowned by other high mountains, upon the summit of which, the ruins
of old Fort Putnam may still be perceived. Its separation from the large
cities, the silence of the forest, and the aspect of nature at once so
imposing and beautiful, all appear to invite to meditation and study.

The pupils are two hundred in number: vacant places are at the disposal
of the President of the United States. To be admitted, the candidate
must not be younger than fourteen, nor older than twenty-one; must know
how to read, write and cypher, and must sign with his parent or guardian
an engagement to serve during five years, unless dismissed previous to
the expiration of that time. The cadets are taught natural and
experimental philosophy, mathematics, chemistry and mineralogy, drawing,
fortification, strategy, fencing, and the French language. All the
expenses of the institution are paid out of the national treasury. Every
cadet receives a pay of six dollars a month, and two rations a day. They
are formed into companies, and all do duty as privates or sub-officers,
and live in camp during three months of the year in order to learn camp
duty. At the conclusion of their term they are commissioned in the
different corps of the army when vacancies occur; but most of them
return again to civil life. Government rarely refuses them this
privilege when it is asked, because its object is not so much to have a
nursery of soldiers in this establishment, as to form citizens capable
of filling, when necessary, the first offices in the militia service,
which is thus annually enriched by a number of instructed young
officers.

We had the pleasure of finding among the professors, three of our
countrymen, Messrs. Berard, Ducommun and Gimbrede, who took great
pleasure in answering our inquiries, and who appeared to stand high in
the estimation of the officers and pupils of the institution.

At six P. M., we returned to the shore to embark. A great number of our
travelling companions, but particularly the ladies finding it impossible
to remain longer so much crowded together in the James Kent, left us to
go on board another steam-boat which was returning to New York, and we
continued on our journey with the kind and amiable members of the New
York committee appointed to accompany the general.

At 7 o’clock we arrived at Newburgh; we should have arrived there at 3
o’clock, but for our accident upon the oyster bank, and thirty thousand
persons waited on the shore with the greatest impatience for the arrival
of the Nation’s Guest. The tables had been set from the morning. In fact
it was easy to perceive this, for our reception here was more tumultuous
than any we had yet witnessed. But even this fermentation furnished us
with an opportunity to judge of the influence of the magistrates over
the people, who even in moments of excitement never lose that respect
which citizens owe the laws to which they have freely consented. After a
rapid passage by torch light through the streets of Newburgh, in an open
carriage, we stopped at the Orange hotel, where we were to dine with the
principal inhabitants. While we were at table, a report was spread that
general Lafayette was to leave the town immediately; and a vast
concourse of people gathered in front of the hotel, and a thousand
confused voices cried out that it was shameful thus to snatch from the
citizens of Newburgh, the friend they had so long and so ardently
desired; that the darkness which covered his arrival had not allowed any
one to see him; that they should have the chagrin of being unable to
render him the homage with which they had prepared to receive him; and
in short, that they would not let him go until after sun-rise the next
day, in order that he might bestow his benediction upon the children of
Newburgh. To the noise of these clamours soon was added that of the
struggle between the crowd and the guard stationed at the door of the
hotel. During some moments the mayor of the town who was at table with
us, paid but little attention to what was going on in the street, when
he was informed that the disorder might become serious, that the militia
and police officers began to grow fatigued with their resistance, the
mayor rose, took general Lafayette by the hand and preceded by two
torches, went out into a balcony which overlooked the street. At the
sight of Lafayette the shouts and plaudits increased from all quarters,
when the mayor made a sign for silence, which was immediately
established. He then addressed the people:—“Gentlemen! (for in America
the magistrates always speak politely to the people,) do you wish to
distress the Nation’s Guest?” “No! no! no!” “Do you wish that Lafayette
should be deprived of his liberty, in a country indebted to him for its
freedom?” “No! no! no!” “Then listen to what I am about to say, and do
not force me to call upon the law to restore order.” The silence then
became profound. “Your friend is expected at Albany, he is engaged to be
there to-morrow, before evening; he has already been delayed for three
hours by an unexpected accident; if you retain him here until to-morrow,
you will deprive him of the pleasure of visiting all the other towns
which expect him upon his passage, and you will make him break all his
engagements; do you wish to give him this pain?” “No! no! no!” and the
air rung with shouts and huzzas. Lafayette then addressed a few words of
thanks to the crowd, which were received with the greatest enthusiasm.
The people, however, became silent, but still remained in the street
though without disturbing the door of the hotel. When Lafayette came
down, some citizens advanced and said it depended upon him entirely to
console the inhabitants of Newburgh, and it would not cost him more than
the delay of a quarter of an hour—“our wives and children are collected
close by in a hall which was prepared for your reception; come for an
instant that they may see you, and we shall all be happy.” It was
impossible to resist so touching an appeal. We entered this hall filled
with ladies, and girls dressed for a ball; they had already ceased to
hope that they should see Lafayette, and his presence caused them an
agreeable surprise. In the fulness of their joy they all crowded near
him, and showered over him the wreathes and flowers with which they were
adorned. In leaving this hall we found the men all standing in a double
row along the way which led to the shore, and the general could not
reach the steam-boat without receiving the most endearing expressions of
the esteem of these excellent people, who in spite of his assurances,
still feared that they had caused him inconvenience. He bade farewell to
the authorities of Newburgh on board of the boat, and at a signal given
by our captain, we recommenced our voyage in spite of the darkness.

The rising sun found us in the vicinity of Poughkeepsie, where it was
impossible for the general to refuse landing. The wharves and shore were
crowded with soldiers, citizens, and even a great number of ladies, who
had all night waited for the arrival of Lafayette.

Poughkeepsie like all the towns bordering upon the Hudson is both
manufacturing and commercial; the population therefore is rapidly
increasing. In 1820 it was 3400 souls, at present it amounts to nearly
5000.

It was at the dwelling of George Clinton in Poughkeepsie, that
Washington, Hamilton, Chancellor Livingston and Mr. Jay, used to meet to
discuss the constitution adopted by the United States. The general was
eloquently reminded of this circumstance by colonel Livingston, who was
appointed to address him in the name of his fellow citizens.

In continuing our voyage we visited the family of the ancient governor
Lewis, who reside in a beautiful dwelling on the right side of the
river, and at four o’clock we arrived at Clermont, where we landed in
front of the elegant residence of Mr. Robert Livingston, the former
residence of chancellor Livingston. The entertainments prepared for us
by the citizens of the environs, and the Livingston family, detained us
till the next morning.

Scarcely had we left Clermont when we came in sight of the beautiful
Catskill mountain, which arising at some miles from the river, finely
terminates the horizon by its beautiful brown mass which is
amphitheatrically developed, in the centre of which shows forth the
white house of the pine garden situated 250 feet above the level of the
Hudson. This house is an object of curiosity to the traveller, and a
place of promenade for the neighbouring inhabitants.

The masses of soldiers and citizens which covered a long pier projecting
into the river, by their acclamations informed general Lafayette that
the inhabitants of Catskill also expected a visit from the national
guest. We remained a few minutes only with this population, during which
the general had the satisfaction of conversing with some of his former
revolutionary companions, among whom he recognized one named FOSTER, who
had been particularly attached to his service, when he was wounded at
the battle of Brandywine.

To land at the little town of Hudson, we had to cross the river somewhat
obliquely; at the port, which is very commercial, we were received by
the authorities and people, at the head of whom was presented a
detachment of about 80 revolutionary soldiers. One of them advanced from
the ranks and showed him a sword he had received from Lafayette at Rhode
Island. “After my death it will change owners,” said he, “but its
destination shall never be changed, it shall always serve in defence of
liberty.”

Triumphal arches had been erected, a public entertainment prepared, and
the ladies were ready for dancing, but we had to forego all these
festivities, in order to arrive at Albany the same day, where the
general was expected with impatience. The inhabitants of Hudson
perfectly comprehended his situation, and had the kindness to detain him
but for a very short time.

The wealth of Hudson is daily increased by its commerce and
manufactures. The population which in 1820 was not quite 3000 souls, at
present amounts to 5000. The town is regular and well built; it arises
in an amphitheatre about an hundred feet above the level of the river.
The largest commercial vessels may lie at its wharves. Its environs are
strongly marked with an agreeable aspect, and are well cultivated.
Hudson was founded in 1784, and still contains many descendants of the
Hollanders who came over in 1636.

In spite of the power of our steam engine, which enabled us to ascend
the river at the rate of six miles an hour, it was five o’clock P. M.
before we reached Overslaugh a small town situated upon the left bank of
the river, a short distance from Albany. Here we were obliged to suspend
our voyage, as the steam-boat drew too much water. We landed, and were
immediately placed in an elegant barouche surrounded by an escort of
dragoons, commanded by general Van Rensellaer and colonel Cooper, and in
a few minutes we arrived at Greenbush, another village, in the centre of
which we found a triumphal arch, beneath which some refreshments were
presented, while the members of the corporation addressed the general,
who answered them with that facility and appropriateness, which at least
four or five times a day, caused the surprise and admiration of those
who heard him.

It was not until night that we arrived in front of Albany, upon the
banks of the river, which it was necessary we should cross to enter the
city, which stands upon the right bank. A large _team-boat_ called
“Horses Back,” received both our carriages at the same time, drawn by
four horses each, about thirty of the light-horsemen of the escort, and
more than a hundred foot passengers, and bore us quickly to the other
shore, which rung with the acclamations of the multitude, and the
incessant thunder of artillery. The situation in which we were placed
was grand and majestic; the obscurity of the night rendered it still
more imposing; but it was not without its dangers. Every discharge of
cannon, by its report and sudden light, startled the mettled horses
which surrounded us, and which had no other barrier before them than a
slight chain, that could not have hindered them from leaping into the
river, if they had not been held by powerful men. George Lafayette’s
filial solicitude for his father, caused him to quit the carriage, and
take upon himself the securing of the horses which drew the general. At
the moment of our landing the multitude redoubled their cries of joy;
the escort and carriages sprung rapidly on shore, amidst so thick a
crowd, that it is difficult to conceive how so many people, whom the
enthusiasm of gratitude had urged upon the very wheels of Lafayette’s
carriage, could escape uninjured. At the entrance of the suburb a
procession was formed in order; a band of musicians led the march, and
we went to the capitol through the principal streets, all of which were
rendered light by innumerable illuminations, and high pyramids of
blazing wood. At the entrance of the street leading to the capitol, was
an arch of triumph, upon which was perched a large living eagle, which
flapped its wings as the general passed, as if to render him homage.

We entered the senate chamber of the capitol. The galleries were filled
with a great number of ladies. The municipality were assembled there.
The general was received and addressed by the mayor, who eloquently
expressed the gratitude of the United States, and especially of the city
of Albany, “those who have shared with you the toils of our revolution,
and who still live,” said he, “hail you as a friend and brother. The
generation which has arisen since you quitted these shores, is animated
with the same sentiments, and those which shall be born in future ages,
will celebrate in you the benefactor of America, the hero of liberty. In
each of the hearts which beat around you, you hold the place of
friendship, and your eulogy is in all mouths.”

In his reply Lafayette could not avoid expressing his astonishment at
the numerous changes which had taken place in the aspect of every thing
at present offered to his view. “It is not a half century, since the
town, then ancient, it is true, but still very small, served me for head
quarters, upon the frontier of a vast wilderness. I received here, as
commandant of the northern departments, the renunciation of the royal
power and the acknowledgement of the more legitimate sovereignty of the
people of the United States. At present I find Albany a rich and
powerful city, the central seat of government of the state of New York,
and the surrounding wilds changed into fertile and well cultivated
plains. The present generation is already distinguished by two glorious
wars, and still more by its sincere attachment to the institutions whose
excellence assures it an incontestible superiority over the haughty
power, which wished to arrogate over it the right of control.”

From the senate chamber we went to the apartments of governor Yates,
who, surrounded by his staff, received the general with great cordiality
and addressed him in the name of the state.

In leaving the governor, the general was conducted to the principal
balcony of the capitol to be presented to the assembled people. At the
moment he advanced between the two central columns of the balcony, an
eagle descended and placed a crown of laurels and evergreens upon his
head. This was loudly applauded by the numerous spectators.

Before going to the hotel, which had been prepared for our reception,
the general wished to visit one of his old companions in arms, Mr.
Matthew Gregory, who, in the assault at Yorktown, was one of the first
to mount the trenches, with him and Hamilton. We found there a numerous
company, composed of judges of the supreme court, the bar and principal
officers of the state.

This day of emotions and fatigues, under which a man less robust than
Lafayette must have sunk, was terminated by a supper in which toasts
were drank to the health of the “Nation’s Guest,” and “to the liberty
and sovereignty of the people,” and by a brilliant ball, which we left
at midnight in order to seek a little rest.

Albany was founded in 1612, by a colony from Holland, and next to
Jamestown in Virginia, is the most ancient settlement in the United
States. Situated on the right bank of the Hudson, 150 miles from New
York, this city does not present a pleasing aspect: the ground is every
where unequal: the streets, it is true, are wide and regular, but the
architecture of the houses is in bad taste and reminds one strongly of
the old towns in Germany. With the exception of the capitol there is no
building which has a monumental aspect; this building produces a very
good effect, being situated upon an eminence which terminates a fine
street called State street. This edifice which serves for the senate,
house of representatives, the courts of justice, the society of arts, of
agriculture, and also contains the library, is constructed of granite
from the banks of the Hudson, and the columns, as well as all the
exterior ornaments are in fine white marble from the quarries of
Massachusetts. The principal façade is of the Ionic order. Most of the
halls are decorated and furnished with a luxury which one at first
admires, but cannot in the end avoid blaming, when it is known that it
has brought the corporation into debts which necessarily fall upon the
people. The entire expense of the building amounted to 120,000 dollars,
of which at least 34,000 have been paid by the city.

The town house, academy, Lancastrian school, arsenal, prison, and some
other buildings of public utility are properly and commodiously built of
brick.

The city is governed by a corporation composed of a mayor, recorder, and
ten aldermen, and ten assistant aldermen, all appointed by the people.
To simplify the administration and facilitate the superintendence of the
police, it is divided into five sections or wards. The watchmen are
especially charged to guard against the dangers of fire, and an
excellent organization of firemen, secure prompt assistance in cases of
conflagration. These precautions are rendered particularly necessary by
the presence of numerous magazines of oil and spirits, imprudently
established in the heart of the city.

The police regulations are enforced with a rigidity which allows no
class of citizens to think of infringing them with impunity. Among a
multitude of examples related to me, the following is very remarkable.
It is expressly forbidden to gallop through the streets. A short time
since, the mayor was at his country seat, not far from the city.
Suddenly the ringing of bells and even the sight of the flames informed
him that a fire had broken out; he mounted his horse and set out for
town, through which he gallopped to the fire; alighted, and placed
himself at the head of the firemen. In a few instants his example and
prudent advice, contributed to remove the danger, and he quietly
returned to his dwelling. The next morning he received a summons to
appear before a justice of the peace, who fined him for breaking the
ordinance which forbids gallopping through the streets. The mayor did
not in any way attempt to justify his fault by the motive that had
caused him to commit it, and submitted without murmuring to the award,
which he acknowleged to be just. This submission to the law was a good
example, and on going out of the magistrate’s office, he was met by a
numerous deputation of citizens, who presented him with the thanks of
the public for the eminent services he had rendered the preceding
evening, in courageously exposing himself to save the property of his
fellow citizens.

The annual expenses of the city amount to about 45,000 dollars; its
revenues in 1824 were valued at 49,000, but its debt amounted to more
than two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. This debt which necessarily
depreciates the value of property situated in Albany, was incurred by
the prodigality of former administrations. It is thought that it will
speedily be extinguished by a sinking fund of a hundred thousand
dollars, and especially by the resources which are daily presented by
the constantly increasing prosperity of commerce.

As a commercial place, Albany is one of the most considerable cities in
the union. Ever since its foundation it has been the place of deposit
for all the western produce; at present the facility of communication
with lake Erie by means of the Grand canal gives a still greater
increase to its commercial preponderance.

About twenty-four steam-boats ply incessantly between Albany and New
York, and the number of sloops that trade between the two cities is very
considerable.

In 1820 the population of Albany was 12,630 souls; it is at present
16,000.

On the morning of the 18th September, at 8 A.M. De Witt Clinton with a
large number of citizens visited general Lafayette’s apartments, to
present him in the name of the literary and philosophical society of New
York with a diploma, constituting him a member of that society. On this
occasion Mr. Clinton pronounced an elegant discourse which affected the
general more, as coming from an orator who was the son and nephew of two
distinguished men, with whom he had been intimately connected during the
war of Independence. During this short ceremony a numerous procession
was formed in front of our hotel, and at nine o’clock we embarked amidst
the thundering of cannon, upon the canal which leads to Troy. Five
handsome canal boats had been prepared for our voyage. The first carried
a band of musicians; general Lafayette was in the second, with governor
Yates, the ex-governors Lewis and Clinton, the mayor and city council,
and some of the principal citizens of Albany. In the three last followed
the escort commanded by major Coles, composed of an artillery company
and three companies of infantry. We stopped a few minutes on the way to
visit the Gibbonsville arsenal, belonging to the United States. This
arsenal, one of the most considerable and best provided in the union,
was founded in 1813, under the direction of colonel Bumford of the
artillery, actually attached to the department of war, and completed by
major Dalliba of the same corps, who has introduced into it a system of
administration remarkable for its order and economy. At his entrance
into the court of the arsenal the general was received by the officers
of the post, and saluted by the discharge of three pieces of cannon
taken at York-town. We remarked among the pieces of artillery, some
French pieces presented by France to the United States during the
revolutionary war; and all the camp equipage taken with general Burgoyne
at Saratoga. We visited all the armouries, which are kept with
remarkable care and elegance. We found there more than 30,000 muskets
made after the best European models, as well as a large number of well
made pistols and sabres. The powder magazine is also well provided.

Before mid-day we arrived at a point where the canal communicates with
the Hudson opposite to Troy. At the sight of this town, which at present
contains 8000 inhabitants, and which in commercial importance, is next
to Albany in the state of New York, general Lafayette was struck with
astonishment. “What!” cried he, “this town has arisen as by
enchantment!” “No,” answered some one near him, “but it has been created
and peopled in a few years, by industry protected by liberty.” The
general then informed us that when in 1778, he crossed the Hudson at the
same point, with a part of the army he commanded, there was then but two
or three little cabins on the spot, in one of which, with some
difficulty, he procured a cup of milk, and some corn bread. While he was
giving us these interesting details our boat descended to the river,
where a dozen decorated boats towed us across to Troy.

Landing in the midst of the numerous population which crowded the shore,
the general was received by a committee appointed to express to him the
sentiments of gratitude and attachment of the citizens. “Your
indefatigable devotion to the cause of civil and religious liberty,”
said the speaker, “has rendered your name illustrious wherever the
rights of man are respected and honoured. The liberation of this country
was an act worthy of the patriots by whose councils and arms it was
consummated. Their toils, privations and sacrifices, and still more
particularly your generous efforts, have impressed the hearts of the
citizens of these states with a profound sentiment of gratitude which is
increased daily by the development of an unexampled prosperity, and the
benefits of the wisest institutions. May you long enjoy among us the
fruits of your glorious labours. These fruits you may gather in the form
of our government which guarantees to us, order and liberty; in our
legal system which at the same time secures public peace and private
rights; in our public schools, which bestows upon the poor as well as
the rich, the benefits of a good education, in the change of our vast
deserts into fertile fields; in the origin, increase, and multiplication
of our cities, towns, and villages; in the creation of numerous means of
communication to facilitate our commercial relations; in the variety and
harmony of our different religious sects; finally you will gather the
fruits of your labours and of those of our revolutionary patriots, in
the spirit of enterprise and industry of a frugal people, content with
their condition, obedient to the laws, at peace with themselves and the
whole world, and lifting their grateful voices first towards God, and
then to their benefactors, at the head of which your virtues and
generous services place you.”

Unanimous applause, and the cry a thousand times repeated, of “Welcome!
Welcome! Lafayette,” followed this speech, and the answer of Lafayette.
He was immediately after raised in the arms of the people and placed in
an open carriage, accompanied by colonel Lane, who fought with him at
Brandywine, Monmouth, and York-Town. The procession, preceded by the
Masonic Lodge, and followed by numerous corps of soldiers, passed
through the streets of the town, amid the shouts of joy of a free and
grateful people. While we were at breakfast in the house, from the
balcony of which we had seen the troops of the town and adjacent country
defile before us, the general received a message from the ladies of
Troy, who invited him to visit the young ladies’ boarding school, where
they were collected to receive him. He accepted the invitation with
eagerness. The avenues to this establishment, directed by Mrs. Willard,
were decorated with green branches and flowers, and terminated near the
house in a triumphal arch, under which he was received by a committee of
five ladies, headed by Mrs. Pawling, who in a few words elegantly
expressed the patriotic sentiments of the ladies of Troy, and their
tender gratitude to the illustrious benefactor of their beloved country.
He was conducted by this committee into the interior of the
establishment, where no other man went with him, and some moments after,
we heard the pure and angelic voices of the young girls repeating in
chorus, “To visit us thou hast left thy beloved family in a distant
land, but be not afflicted; art thou not here in thy country? Behold how
many of the daughters of Columbia are proud and happy to salute thee by
the tender name of father.”

The general soon returned from the house; his features exhibiting
profound emotion, and his eyes swimming in tears. He slowly descended
the steps surrounded and supported by the principal ladies of the
institution. Two hundred young girls followed him, clothed in white,
harmoniously raising to heaven their grateful voices. They accompanied
him to the outer gate where they took a tender leave of him, in the
presence of several thousand spectators, whom this scene kept plunged in
reverential silence.

General Lafayette was unwilling to quit Troy without paying some private
visits to different persons of his intimate acquaintance, and
particularly to Mrs. Taylor, with whose family he was connected during
the revolution. Mrs. Taylor is a young lady much distinguished by her
talents, and the information which she acquired at the institution we
had just visited. We found at her house a very pretty cabinet of
mineralogy, remarkable for its richness and order. She presented to the
general as _a remembrance of Troy_, a beautiful herbarium containing
more than two hundred of the most remarkable plants of the vicinity,
collected, arranged and described by herself.

After these visits, we slowly left the town, in the midst of the
population covering the road by which we had to reach the Hudson. Every
one pushed towards the carriage and wished to shake hands with
Lafayette. Fathers raised their children above the crowd that they might
get a better view of him, and ask his benediction. At the moment we
crossed the river, three cheers and a salute of artillery expressed the
farewell and last wishes of this rich and happy city.

The town of Troy is situated upon the left bank of the Hudson, six miles
from Albany, a little above tide water, and in a somewhat extensive and
very fertile plain of alluvial formation. The river at this place is
still more than 800 feet wide. Sixty sloops belonging to the inhabitants
of this town, are employed in commerce, which does not prevent other
vessels from finding occupation. The exportations of grain especially
are very considerable.

Upon all the water courses falling into the river, and upon the river
itself, are a great number of furnaces in full activity, rolling,
slitting, and casting iron, and lead. The most considerable of these
establishments is that of Adamsville. The principal building which
contains the nail factory, has twenty-four machines for cutting and
heading nails; they are all put in motion by an enormous wheel, turned
by the force of the stream. This establishment manufactures a thousand
tons of iron annually.

About two miles from Adamsville is a fine cotton manufactory, which has
constantly 1700 spindles in action, moved by thirty machines turned by
water. Near at hand is a bleaching ground for cotton cloths, where the
bleaching is done by a chemical process for one or two cents a yard.

Tanneries, potteries, paper making, soap making, and lumber yards
surround this city on all sides, which in 1786 did not exist; which in
1801 was nothing but a small village; did not acquire the distinction of
city until 1816, and in 1820 was ravaged by a fire, the damages of which
amounted to more than 360,000 dollars! In the sixty days following this
catastrophe, the insurance company faithfully fulfilled its engagements,
amounting to 110,000 dollars; and in a short time the burnt buildings
were replaced by others more elegantly, more commodiously, and durably
constructed. At present the city daily increases according to a regular
plan; all the streets are large, right-lined, and furnished with fine
pavements.

The inhabitants of Troy are not less remarkable for their love for
letters and science, than for their activity and intelligent industry.
They have in the city three periodical journals, four printing-offices,
five considerable libraries, and a great number of public schools.

Troy also possesses many other sources of happiness and prosperity,
concerning which out short stay in this city prevented me from obtaining
positive information. It appears that the canal works for facilitating
commerce are worthy of particular attention. But perhaps I shall have an
opportunity of returning to this subject, as we expect to visit the
greater part of the canals in the state of New York.

I remarked, with pleasure that the black population, which is not very
numerous, (about 300) freely united their wishes for the Nation’s Guest,
with the white people. At present there are scarcely thirty slaves in
the city; from 1827 liberty will no longer have to blush in the presence
of coloured men!

In returning to Albany, whither we went back by land, we visited
governor Yates and De Witt Clinton, who was also governor of the state
in 1817 and 1818. The latter, who has already passed through a long and
brilliant political career, is destined, unless I am deceived, to play
an important part in the affairs of his country. He has already
successively been secretary to his uncle George Clinton, member of the
New York legislature; senator of the United States; thrice mayor of New
York; member of the committee of internal navigation; president of the
canal board; lieutenant governor, and then governor of the state; many
benevolent institutions owe their existence to him; he is member of
almost all the scientific societies, and I shall not be surprised to
hear his name one day, among the candidates for the presidency of the
United States. He is at present 55 years old. It is difficult to find a
man of more imposing figure, or of a nobler countenance. Every one
agrees that his ruling passion is to augment the good of his fellow
creatures. These are his titles of recommendation to a nation that knows
well how to reward those who devote themselves to her service.[15]

It was very late when we left Albany: we came out of the city as we
entered it by the light of bonfires, and went on board the steam-boat
Kent at the place where we first landed. A few moments after we began to
redescend the Hudson for New York, where we arrived at day-break on
Monday, after a navigation of thirty-six hours, only interrupted by the
short visits we made to Newburg, West Point, &c.




                             CHAPTER VIII.

  Streets of New York: Drunkenness: Prostitution: Lotteries:
    Hospitality: Bankruptcy: Women and young girls: Luxury: Hotels:
    Police: Anecdote: number of passengers arriving at New York from
    1818 till 1819.


On returning from our voyage up the Hudson, general Lafayette expressed
his desire to enjoy the calm of private life, that he might consecrate
some moments to the kind intimacy which a great number of his old
friends demanded. In consequence public entertainments were suspended,
the citizens resumed their usual occupations; and I had leisure to
examine with advantage the customs and physiognomy of the people of this
great city, which until now I had only beheld in gala dress.

My first excursion had naturally for object to visit the whole length of
Broadway, which is the bazar of American industry, as it is of the
productions of all the world. Its length of about three miles, the width
of the side walks, solidly constructed and flagged with broad stones,
the elegance of the buildings, the richness and variety of its stores,
and the ever active crowd by which it is enlivened, makes this beautiful
street, one of the most interesting objects for the traveller, who has
time for observation. A single circumstance renders it unpleasant, in my
opinion, which is that the immense grave yard of Trinity church is
separated from the streets by nothing but an iron railing. This view
contrasts in a painful manner with the gay groups of young ladies,
continually passing lightly along by this sad receptacle of the dead. I
am astonished that the wisdom of the corporation of New York, which has
done so much for the improvement and health of the city, has not yet
thought of removing this focus of putrid exhalations, which in some
seasons of the year may become fatal to the whole population.[16]

The greater number of the streets which open into Broadway, are also
very clean and regular; but those running in the vicinity of the wharves
are commonly disagreeable enough. There are a great many dirty and badly
built frame houses, which serve as retreats for drunkenness and
debauchery. Drunkenness produces frightful ravages, and annually plunges
a great number of victims into the prisons and hospitals. A vast number
of crimes and diseases have no other cause. The extreme facility with
which the poorest wretches acquire money, the low price of spirituous
liquors, which pay no duty, and perhaps also the excessive heat of the
climate, are without doubt the principal causes of this disgusting
passion. It is said that New York contains more than three thousand
grog-shops, in which are annually retailed at least three millions of
dollars worth of wine and strong liquors. This appears a frightful
amount when compared with that of the population.

Prostitution is less common here than one would suppose, in a large
commercial city constantly thronged with strangers and sailors. There
are not more than three thousand public women, which is scarcely a
sixtieth part of the population. This would be a very small proportion
for Paris, and especially for London, where these unfortunates commonly
form a twentieth of the population. If we seek for the causes of this
great difference, it will be found principally in the early and frequent
marriages of the inhabitants. Men usually marry here, from the age of
twenty to twenty-five, and the women from sixteen to twenty. Moreover
the marriageable age is not determined by law, neither is there any law
by which parents are authorized to prevent the marriages of their
children. The religious ceremony alone constitutes the act of marriage,
and difference of sect never prevents a minister of another persuasion
from bestowing the nuptial benediction upon those who ask it of him.
Always sure of obtaining the means of support for himself and companion,
the young American is never deterred by considerations of fortune to
determine his choice which is almost always according to his feelings.
Hence there are fewer single men in society, and consequently fewer
causes of corruption. A third scourge more terrible than drunkenness or
prostitution, extends its ravages through the city of New York, and
daily taints the public morals: I wish to speak of those bottomless
gulfs, which swallow indiscriminately the wealth of the rich merchant,
and the savings of the poor labourer: which are the wreck of so many
long-tried good characters, and which in exchange for the money which is
paid them, make no other return but disgrace and misery—In short I mean
the LOTTERY OFFICES.

The laws of the state of New York forbid the establishment of new
lotteries, but the legislature have thought it right to respect those
already existing, because they have been founded in virtue of privileges
anterior to the constitution. Is not this respect for an evil
consecrated by time, a culpable weakness? Some persons with whom I have
spoken, have answered that the lotteries of New York do not produce as
much immorality as those of Europe, because their product does not go to
the treasury of the government, but in the support of the hospitals; nor
are they as dangerous to the working classes, because the high price of
tickets render them only accessible to the rich. These arguments appear
to me to be very weak, and by no means reconciled me to the lotteries.

Of all the cities in the United States, New York is certainly the one in
which society has lost most of the national character. The great number
of foreigners which incessantly flow into it, is a continually operating
cause. However we still find there some principal, strongly marked
features, which preserve in its physiognomy the character of
nationality. One of these features is hospitality. A single letter of
recommendation here suffices to give strangers an entrance into the most
distinguished society, and if their character and conduct correspond
honorably to the kindness which every one is disposed to show them, it
is easy for them in a short time to derive therefrom both pleasure and
profit. Unfortunately many show themselves unworthy of this kind
reception, and I can scarcely comprehend how, after so many unfortunate
experiments the New Yorkers can expose themselves again voluntarily to
have their generous hospitality returned by fraud, treachery or calumny.
It is not rare to find Europeans, who, when interrogated on the
character of the Americans, answer with effrontery, “They are all
corrupt, hypocritical egotists.” If we take the trouble to examine the
conduct of those who accuse with so much asperity we are altogether
astounded to discover that one dare not appear in presence of a certain
individual, because he has been long in his debt, is insolvent and
unworthy; and that another received at first with confidence into a
particular family, has been turned out of doors for having attempted the
basest seduction; and in short, that a third is at present an object of
public contempt, having at first conciliated public opinion under the
mask of virtues, which he was totally incapable of exercising. It would
be easy for me to prove my assertion and name some of these wretches:
but it would be far more agreeable to me, if I did not fear to wound
their feelings, to name Messrs. P. B. M. G. &c. who by their
intelligence have secured themselves an honourable existence, and by the
nobleness of their characters have preserved the French name from the
contempt into which it would otherwise have been plunged by so many
adventurers.

Among so many calumnies diffused by ignorant and malevolent travellers,
there are some disagreeable truths concerning which it would be weakness
to remain silent. Thus, I shall not pass by the numerous bankruptcies
which at New York, as in all the large commercial cities of the union,
inflict as severe injuries upon public morals as upon that confidence
and security which commerce every where demands, as a basis
indispensable to its existence and prosperity. A faithless man is not
withheld in his commercial dealings by any restrictive law, and it must
be confessed that the justice of public opinion is not always
sufficiently severe. However, for some years past the correct and
upright part of the commercial society of New York, forming an immense
majority, have raised their voice powerfully to ask of congress a law
which shall secure to the creditors of a broken merchant, an equal right
to share in the dividend of what he gives up, and to prevent a merchant
who finds his affairs embarrassed, from assigning before-hand, all that
he possesses for the payment of a few confidential friends, who have
lent him their names and money, by the aid of which they have betrayed
the confidence of the public. Congress has not been deaf to the chamber
of commerce of New York and many other cities; it has already carefully
examined into the possibility of making a law which shall repress these
terrible abuses, without interfering with the absolute liberty essential
to the existence of commerce. The difficulties have appeared great to
the legislators, but not insurmountable. Much is expected from their
conscientious and enlightened zeal.

The ladies here dress in the French taste, but their manners are still
entirely American; that is, they devote almost their whole existence to
the management of the household, and the education of their children.
They generally live much retired, and although many of them possess very
agreeable and excellent powers of conversation, they do not however
occupy much attention in society, where the young ladies appear to have
the exclusive right of reigning. These latter, it is true, have from
nature and education, all the means of pleasing. The unlimited liberty
they enjoy, without ever abusing it, gives a grace and frankness to
their manners, and a modest ease, which is sought in vain in our
companies, where, under the name of reserve, the most painful
insignificance is imposed upon our young ladies.

The American ladies are not more remarkable for their severe conjugal
fidelity, than the girls are for their constancy to their _engagements_.
At parties I have often had pointed out to me young ladies of eighteen
or nineteen, who had been _engaged_, and of whose future husbands, one
was in Europe pursuing his studies; another in China, attending to
commercial business, and a third dangerously employed in the whale
fishery, in the most distant seas. Young girls thus _engaged_, hold the
middle place in society between their still disengaged companions and
the married ladies. They have already lost some of the thoughtless
gaiety of the former, and assumed a slight tinge of the gravity of the
other. The numerous aspirants, designated here by the name of _beaux_,
which at first surrounded them, and were received until a choice was
made, still bestow upon them delicate attentions, but by no means so
particular as formerly, and should one of them, either from ignorance or
obstinate hopes, persist in offering his heart and hand, the answer “I
am engaged,” given with a sweet frankness and an indulgent smile, soon
destroys all his illusions, without wounding his pride. Engagements of
this sort, preceding marriage, are very common, not only in New York,
but throughout the United States; and it is exceedingly rare that they
are not fulfilled with religious fidelity. Public opinion is very severe
on this point, and does not spare either of the two parties which may
dispose of themselves without the consent of the other.

Persons who think republican principles incompatible with the enjoyments
procurable by wealth, will find the luxury of New York excessive, and
may suppose that a people which treads upon the richest English carpets;
which profusely pours into gold and crystal, the most delicate wines of
France, and runs after pleasure in elegant carriages, cannot long
continue their independence. Such persons might with reason be
frightened, if luxury here, like that of our princes and courtiers of
Europe, sprung from the oppression and toils of the people; but they may
comfort themselves by reflecting that this luxury is the offspring of
industry, the rich and fruitful daughter of liberty.

If luxury have invaded the dwelling of the banker; if she be seated at
the table of the manufacturer, or penetrated even to the cabinet of the
man of science, she has not yet crossed the thresholds of the hotels.
Nothing can be more simple, nothing can be more modest, I might almost
say more incommodious than the boarding-houses of New York, and indeed
of all the other cities of the union. The bed-rooms are commonly large
halls, containing seven or eight beds, placed not more than three or
four feet apart, in which travellers go to rest at night, and quit them
very early in the morning. Every one dresses and undresses himself in
silence, and as it were in public, as there are neither screens nor
curtains to conceal the business of the toilet. Three meals are offered
daily to the boarders; in the morning at 8 o’clock, breakfast, composed
commonly of bread and butter, eggs, fish, smoked meats, with tea and
coffee for beverage: the dinner is amply supplied with large pieces of
boiled and roast meat, accompanied by some pastry, and a few unseasoned
vegetables; the whole washed down by a large quantity of wines, and
other liquors; supper is exactly like the breakfast. These meals are
always announced at fixed hours by the ringing of a bell, at the sound
of which the boarders move with precipitation to seat themselves at
table, at which, with still greater precipitation they take their food,
and nothing is heard but the clattering of knives, forks, and dishes, as
conversation is rarely carried on between persons entirely unacquainted,
unless they have been introduced to each other by a common acquaintance.
The parlour, or hall, which the inmates frequent in the intervals of the
meals, is commonly a great compensation for the community of the
bed-chambers, and the silent precipitation of the dining-room. Here one
finds the newspapers; sometimes a piano, and often a select society, the
honours of which are almost always gracefully done by the lady of the
house, whose education and manners differ essentially from those of
boarding-house keepers in Europe. It is especially in the relations of
host and hostess, with the guests, that the feeling of equality which
here animates all ranks, displays itself with all its force, and it is
not in the least degree more affected by the act of receiving than that
of paying money. Servility and arrogance are as uncommon in the
boarding-houses of New York as they are said to be frequent in those of
London. The mean price of boarding and lodging in New York is about a
dollar and a half per day. No deductions are ever made for meals of
which the boarder may not have partaken.

Although New York is a very extensive city, containing a numerous
population, and annually receiving at least 30,000 foreigners, great
disorders are unknown to it, and the slightest crimes but rarely escape
the vigilance of the police, which is not less surprising for its
activity than for the quietness of its proceedings; from the perfect
order which reigns by day and night, it appears to be every where
present, and yet it is no where seen in operation. The security which it
guarantees to strangers, as to citizens, is not as at Paris the result
of the odious combination of assassin soldiers and disgusting spies; the
traveller is not obliged on entering to declare his name, rank and
business to obtain the protection due to all; in short, after having
resided for some time in New York, one is forced to admit that its
government, like a good genius, makes its benign influence every where
felt, without allowing itself to be any where seen.

Europeans for a long time accustomed to submit to one man or several
men, who under the name of government, trammel at their pleasure the
exercise of the natural rights of other men, their subjects, with
difficulty conceive of a nation, in which all individuals without
exception may travel in every direction and for the greatest distances,
enter all cities and sleep tranquilly in all the inns, without being
obliged to carry with them that ridiculous and tyrannical permission of
the government written upon a scrap of paper, called a passport. This
unbounded liberty of travelling in all directions causes them a surprise
which sometimes amounts to incredulity. The following anecdote which is
warranted as true, is a pleasant proof of the foregoing assertion.

Proscribed in 1815 by the restoration, General C. had been obliged to
quit Paris precipitately, and seek an asylum near Havre with a friend,
whence he hoped to have an opportunity of passing without danger to some
land less inimical to him than his country. An opportunity was soon
offered; an American ship captain moved by his sad situation, willingly
received him on board and conveyed him to the United States. The joy
which General C. experienced at being out of the reach of danger, was
the sentiment which at first entirely absorbed him; he forgot that he
was flying, perhaps forever, his country, family and friends; the vast
ocean and the coming thirty days which separated him from New York, gave
him a security, which was not disturbed but by the sight of the new land
whose hospitality he came to seek. He then remembered with affright,
that he had left Paris so precipitately, that he had not brought a paper
with him. Without authentic documents, without a passport, what was to
become of him. However, he landed and the custom house officer who
questioned him politely as to the contents of his portmanteau, caused
him a degree of fear he had never before felt, except when his master
the Emperor Napoleon looked at him with an air of dissatisfaction; at
the end of a few minutes the custom house officer allowed him to proceed
without demanding his passport! doubtless it must have been through
inadvertancy, by which he resolved to profit. Our general officer much
lighter by half, had his baggage speedily conveyed by a porter to one of
the hotels in Broadway; there a servant received him and shewed him into
a chamber containing four or five beds, on several of which were lying
articles which indicated that they had been taken possession of; he
inquired with uneasiness if he could not have a private room. There was
but one which contained two beds, which was given him, with a promise
that no one else should be introduced there. Once alone, he breathed
more freely, and thanked his happy star that he had so fortunately
passed so many dangers. The next packet from Havre would bring him
letters of credit; he could then make himself known and obtain
protection. It was then only necessary to avoid being arrested as an
adventuring vagabond or suspected person, to pass fifteen days in his
retreat, and to this he was resigned. He had already passed three days
in his _solitary confinement_, when on the morning of the fourth day,
his landlord presented himself and with an air of politeness without
obtrusion, and of interest without curiosity, said “I am not naturally
indiscreet sir, nor am I in the habit of troubling my guests with
impertinent questions, but I fear that the severe seclusion to which you
appear to have condemned yourself since you have been in my house is
provoked by chagrin or by some unfortunate embarrassment, and I come to
offer you without ceremony my services, which I wish you to accept in
the same manner.” The simple and cordial manner in which this was said,
encouraged our poor hermit. “You appear to be a good man,” said he to
his host, “and I will confide in you; my situation is unfortunate, as
you shall judge.” Then casting an uneasy glance around the chamber and
lowering his voice, continued, “I am a French officer, forced in
consequence of the great events which you know to have happened, to quit
my country, and to seek a refuge from proscription. The Americans and
their government are hospitable I know, but here, as well as every where
else, the police which watches over the safety of the citizens, demand
without doubt that strangers shall make themselves known, and how can I
do it, as I have not even a passport? How can I then obtain permission
to reside in this city, or to go to another? You offer your assistance;
be then my security to the police, that I may reside in and move about
without interruption, and my gratitude shall be unbounded.” From this
disclosure and the agitation which accompanied it, the American thought
the French officer must be mad, and he would have remained in this
belief, if the other had not explained to him the indispensable
importance and necessity of a passport to a traveller in Europe. He then
hastened to quiet his fears by saying, “that the authority which governs
us emanates from ourselves, and we have not been so senseless as to give
it the absurd power of paralyzing our most natural faculties, as those
of going in any direction, or as far as we please. Foreigners landing on
our soil are allowed to enjoy all their faculties, which do not
interfere with the rights of other men. Go then wherever you wish, from
Labrador to the Gulf of Mexico, from the Atlantic Ocean to Lake Huron,
or remain an inhabitant of New York, and I guarantee you the most
perfect security, the most absolute liberty.” The general could scarcely
believe the assertion, but experience soon convinced him, and in his
first excursions he was less struck by the beauties of nature and the
aspect of an entirely new country, than by the happiness of not being
obliged at the entry of every town, or at every change of horses, to
show his passport to a police officer.

The movement of the port of New York is one of the most animated and
varied pictures that can be imagined. Scarce a half hour elapses without
a ship quitting or arriving at the wharves. The wharves are constantly
covered by groups of travellers arriving or departing; the variety of
their dresses and languages prove that there are few parts of the globe
with which the United States have not intercourse. In the midst of the
crowd which is animated by various sentiments of surprise or regret, it
is easy to distinguish the Americans by their calm, I might almost say
their indifference, on returning to or quitting their natal soil, and
their friends which accompany them to, or receive them on the shore.
Accustomed from infancy to compare together the vast distances which
separate the different points of their country, the American is less
affected at the moment of sailing from New York to China, than a citizen
of Paris would be in going to view the sea at Dieppe. We may perceive
the facility with which Americans travel abroad, by glancing at the
tables of the number of passengers landed at the different ports of the
union: we shall find that the citizens of the United States form a
prodigious proportion, in the ratio of their population.

The following table which contains the number of passengers landed at
the single port of New York from March 1st 1818, to the 11th of
December, 1819, will enable one to judge approximatively of the
proportion of passengers which each nation furnishes to the travellers
of the United States.

                           Americans  16,628
                           English     7,629
                           Irish       6,067
                           Scotch      1,492
                           French        930
                           Belgians      590
                           Germans       499
                           Swiss         372
                           Spaniards     217
                           Hollanders    155
                           Italians      103
                           Danes          97
                           Portuguese     54
                           Prussians      48
                           Swedes         28
                           Africans        5
                           Sardinians      3
                           Norwegians      3




                              CHAPTER IX.

  Departure from New York: journey from New York to Trenton: battles of
    Trenton and Princeton: visit to Joseph Bonaparte: state of New
    Jersey.


On the 22d of September we left New York for the third time. The
profound silence of the crowd which filled the streets, and the sadness
impressed upon all countenances, indicated that this third absence of
Lafayette was to be prolonged. How much this departure contrasted with
our arrival. At present not one cry of joy, not one acclamation; but how
much of expression in the very silence of the people and soldiers, who
stood in double ranks from our hotel to the shore where the steam-boat
awaited us. The general wished to go on foot through the long space we
had to traverse, and sent away the carriages which had been provided;
but when he appeared at the door he was so much crowded by those who
wished still to see him once more, that it was impossible for some
moments to disengage him, and open him a passage by which he might move
onwards. At every step he was retarded by the most touching farewells;
persons threw themselves before him, took his hand and squeezed it with
tenderness, and then abruptly quitted him with averted countenances, to
conceal the tears they could not restrain.

Accompanied by a large deputation from the city, we went on board the
steam-boat _Kent_, which was to convey us to the state of Jersey, from
which we were only separated by the North river, which at this place is
of prodigious width. At the moment we pushed off, the cannon thundered
forth farewell! but its sounds appeared to us to be mournful! it
appeared to be harmonious with the adieus of the crowd which stood sadly
on the shore. We participated in this sadness, and perhaps we should
have yielded to our feelings, had we not suddenly been struck by a
contrast, which soon changed the nature of our sensation. On the left
bank of the river we had left a bereaved family mourning the departure
of a father; while on the right bank we heard shouts of joy from men who
were waiting to receive their liberator. We were soon among them, and
their frank and cordial reception lessened the pain of our recent
separation.

Mr. Williamson, governor of New Jersey, had assembled at Jersey city,
where we landed, all his staff and a detachment of militia, by which we
were escorted during all our route across New Jersey. Our journey was
through Bergen, Newark, Elizabethtown, Rahway, New Brunswick, Princeton
and Trenton, in each of which towns, and in all the intervening
villages, Lafayette was received with the most brilliant festivities,
prepared in the same spirit of enthusiasm and gratitude which had
actuated all parts of New England. At Bergen a deputation of the
citizens presented him with a cane, in the name of the inhabitants, made
of a branch of the apple tree under which he breakfasted with
Washington, when he passed through the town during the revolutionary
war. This apple tree was blown down in 1821 by a terrible storm. These
different circumstances were engraved on the golden head of the cane.

At Newark, a pretty small town situated upon the Passaic, the Nation’s
Guest was hailed by the patriotic songs of numerous chorusses of boys
and girls. Lafayette passed the night at Elizabethtown, and the next
morning he entered New Brunswick amid the ringing of bells and the
thundering of cannon. On the 25th he stopped for a few moments at
Princeton, where the President of the College, at the head of the
professors, presented him the diploma of membership of the society,
which under the presidency of Dr. Witherspoon, had unanimously elected
him. In the evening we arrived at Trenton, where a great concourse of
people awaited Lafayette, at the head of which the magistrates expressed
the sentiments of love and gratitude by which every citizen was animated
towards him.

The whole line of country which we had passed through during these two
days, is commonly called the garden of the United States. This name
agrees admirably with this fertile part of New Jersey, which is watered
by numerous streams, and adorned with the most beautiful plantations. If
in this two days’ march our eyes were constantly delighted with the
beautiful aspect of nature, our imagination was not less agreeably
occupied by the historic recollections which every step over this soil
brought to mind. It was by the same route that Washington effected his
excellent retreat in 1776, after having received some checks upon the
North river. It was at Trenton and at Princeton that by a bold manœuvre,
he resumed the offensive against his presumptuous adversary, which
inspired confidence into his troops, and recalled victory to his
standards.

The details of these glorious days could not but vividly interest me;
and I listened to them with avidity when I heard them related by some
old members of the Cincinnati society with which we dined on the day of
our arrival at Trenton. The following is the account given of the facts,
which they witnessed.

“Washington having learned that an advanced corps of five hundred
Hessian and English cavalry, commanded by Colonel Rahl, had taken
position at Trenton, formed the project of surprising and capturing them
if possible. To effect his design, he made choice of Christmas eve,
thinking correctly that discipline and vigilance would be somewhat
relaxed by the festival. He had not then more than 3000 men under his
command: he took 2400 and formed them into two divisions, one under
general Green, and the other under General Sullivan, and at their head
he crossed the Delaware in boats at midnight on the 25th of December,
during a tremendous storm of rain and snow. Having landed on the Jersey
shore, he directed one of his columns to the left to gain the great road
to Maidenhead, and the other to march directly upon Trenton, following
the river. The march was so quick and secret, that the two columns
arrived at the advanced posts by seven o’clock in the morning and
entirely surprized them. At the first discharges of musketry the brigade
ran to arms, and some men attempted to harness the artillery, which was
parked in the church, but they were prevented by the quickness with
which the American advanced guard came up. The Hessians and English
seeing themselves altogether surrounded, soon ceased to defend
themselves, Colonel Rahl and some other officers having been dangerously
wounded in the commencement of the attack, the troop surrendered at
discretion. This action which secured to the victors six pieces of
cannon, a hundred stands of small arms, three standards, twelve hundred
prisoners, and much baggage, did not at most cause them the loss of ten
men. General Washington decided that the Hessians should be sent into
the interior of Pennsylvania, and should have all their baggage. This
generous treatment, which they were far from expecting, inspired them
with great veneration for the American general, who they said was _a
very good and very amiable rebel_.

“After this success Washington retired beyond the Delaware where, after
having received considerable reinforcements from the states of Maryland
and Virginia, he re-entered Jersey and encamped at Trenton: at this news
Lord Cornwallis discovered himself to have been mistaken, when he
supposed the war to be at an end: he soon perceived that his opponent
was not a man to give up an undertaking as long as a single musket
remained; in consequence he resolved to pursue him vigorously.
Notwithstanding the rigors of the season, he collected his scattered
troops from their winter quarters, and marched against him with
considerable forces. At this approach, Washington retired behind the
Assanpink, so that Trenton was placed between the two armies, which
during the first evening exchanged some cannon shots, after having spent
some time in reconnoitering. However Cornwallis was daily reinforced,
and only waited for the arrival of the two brigades of Brunswick to
attempt the passage of the brook, and attack. Washington’s situation was
then very critical; provisions began to fail, and all communication with
Jersey and the Western States was cut off, but he never despaired of the
success of the holy cause he defended. On the 2d of January at one
o’clock at night, he ordered fires to be lighted, and left a few
soldiers to keep them burning while the army marching by its right to
fall back subsequently upon its left, passed behind the British army,
and re-entered Jersey. The movement was dangerous had it not been
secret, for it was necessary to prolong it considerably upon the right
in order to cross the Assanpink more easily at its sources, and then
fall back upon Princeton. It was executed with rare success; about a
mile from Princeton, the advanced guard of Washington in entering upon
the great road, found itself face to face with the English regiment of
Colonel Mawhood, which was marching in full security towards Trenton;
the action immediately began; the American advanced guard was soon
driven in by the vivacity of the English fire. General Mercer who
commanded it, yielding to his impetuosity wished to renew the attack
with the bayonet, but in leaping a ditch he fell among the English, who
mercilessly put him to death, at the moment he was presenting his sword,
in the belief that he was a prisoner. The Americans discouraged by the
loss of their leader, concealed themselves in the woods to wait the
arrival of the main body of the army, which was not long delayed. The
English corps continued its march upon Maidenhead, so that when
Washington arrived upon the place of action, he found only the
forty-eighth English regiment, which at the sound of the first firing,
had turned to the great road; this he suddenly attacked, dispersed it
and took some prisoners. During this time, General Sullivan rapidly
advanced, leaving the Princeton road upon his left, with the intention
of turning this town and cutting off from the troops occupying it all
hopes of retreat upon Brunswick. A wood through which he had to pass,
was occupied by two hundred English, which were dislodged in an instant,
and rapidly pursued as far as Princeton college, from which they might
have maintained an obstinate resistance, but this they did not attempt,
and were obliged to ground their arms almost without a combat.
Washington at the head of his principal corps, after having dispersed or
taken all before him, marched rapidly upon Middlebrook. He was willing
to push on as far as Brunswick, which at that time he could have taken
without difficulty, but his troops had marched thirty miles in a day,
and were harassed with fatigue; he was therefore obliged to halt. It
would be difficult to depict the astonishment of Cornwallis on hearing
at twelve miles in his rear the audacious attack of an enemy, whom he
thought in front, amidst the fires which still blazed upon the banks of
the Assanpink. He retired precipitately upon Brunswick, and from that
moment Jersey was free, and Pennsylvania secure.

“We arrived at Trenton on Saturday the 25th of September; the next
morning we attended divine service in the presbyterian church, and
afterwards Gen. Lafayette went in a carriage with the governor and one
of his aids, without escort or parade, to Bordentown, the residence of
Joseph Bonaparte. The Ex-King appeared much affected by the visit of the
nation’s guest, and received him with an expression of sensibility and
cordiality, which proved to General Lafayette that time had not weakened
the sentiments of affection he had heretofore exhibited towards him. He
detained us to dinner, and introduced us to his family, which at this
time was composed only of his daughter and his son-in-law, the Prince of
Musignano, son of Lucian Bonaparte. Before dinner was served, Joseph
withdrew in company with Lafayette to his cabinet and remained there for
more than an hour. We passed this time in conversation with his
son-in-law, a man of affable manners and apparently of very cultivated
intellect. He is devoted to scientific studies, and particularly to
natural history, with which he is principally employed. He has continued
with considerable talent the great work of American Ornithology
commenced by WILSON. After dinner, of which Madame de Musignano did the
honors with much amiableness, we found the gardens and yards crowded
with the inhabitants of the vicinity, who brought their children to
receive the benediction of the patriarch of liberty. Joseph himself with
eagerness ordered the doors to be thrown open and in an instant the
apartments were filled by the enthusiastic multitude. It was truly a
striking picture to behold these good American villagers under the rich
ceilings of such a mansion. Although their eyes were unaccustomed to all
the splendor of a regal establishment, they stopped not to dwell upon
the beautiful productions of the French and Italian schools, nor upon
the bronzes and exquisite statuary of which these apartments are adorned
with elegant profusion; it was Lafayette alone that they wished to see,
and after having seen him they retired satisfied and as if incapable of
noticing any thing else. When the crowd had silently left the house,
Lafayette hastened to excuse himself to his host for having drawn upon
him such a concourse; to this Joseph replied with much kindness that he
felt very happy that his neighbours had associated their welcomes with
his, and added, moreover I have long been accustomed to see them in as
great numbers, as on every fourth of July we celebrate together the
anniversary of American Independence.”

Time flew rapidly during this visit, and the Governor of New Jersey was
obliged to remind the general that we had only time enough to reach
Trenton before night. We immediately set out. Joseph and his family
wished to accompany the general a part of the way, we divided the
carriages which were prepared for us and slowly traversed the large and
beautiful property, the peaceable possession of which appeared to me far
preferable to that of the troubled kingdom of Spain. When we reached the
great road, Joseph stopped the carriage and addressing Lafayette with
ardor, said “permit me to halt upon my frontiers and restore you to the
tenderness of the Americans, who claim the happy right of doing you the
honors of their country.” He then warmly embraced the general, shook us
kindly by the hand, and retired rapidly with his family.

During all this visit Joseph Bonaparte showed himself to be an amiable
and intelligent man. The benevolence he displays to his neighbours, the
generosity with which he receives strangers, and especially unfortunate
Frenchmen, and in short the amenity of his character have gained him
universal regard.

On our return to Trenton, we passed the evening with the governor, his
family, and some of the principal citizens of the state; the
conversation turned upon some of the principal events of the revolution,
in which General Lafayette had been conspicuous. The recollection of the
sacrifices of all sorts made at that glorious period, naturally led the
conversation to the great benefits which have accrued to all parts of
the union. One of the governor’s officers, a gentleman of cultivated
mind and remarkable knowledge, rapidly sketched for us the developement
of the prosperity of New Jersey, from the time it was freed from the
ridiculous and absurd colonial system.

This province was first settled in 1628, by a Swedish company, and after
passing through the hands of the Dutch and English, changed masters at
least ten times in seventy-two years, scarcely contained twenty thousand
inhabitants a century after its commencement, and but 100,000 at most
when it was first called to participate in the advantages of
independence. At present it contains, at least, 280,000. Although the
state of New Jersey was constantly the theatre of the revolutionary war,
and its losses consequently considerable, its prosperity at this time
equals that of the most flourishing states; protected by forty years of
peace and liberty, its industry has created it a fruitful source of
wealth.

The constitution of New Jersey was discussed and adopted by the
continental Congress, held at Burlington on the 2nd of July, 1776. This
constitution was preceded by a declaration supporting the following
principle.

“All constitutional authority, hitherto possessed by the kings of Great
Britain over these colonies, or their other possessions, only existed by
virtue of contract by the people, granted it for the common interest of
all society. Fidelity and protection being in the nature of things,
reciprocal ties, depending equally upon each other, the contract is
susceptible of dissolution by the people, when these advantages are
withdrawn or refused, and seeing that George the third, has refused his
protection to the good people of these colonies; has sought by divers
acts to give them up to the absolute power of the parliament, and has
himself made war upon them in the most cruel and unheard of manner, for
the sole reason that they wished to maintain their just rights, all
authority exercised by the king of England is necessarily at an end.”

The constitution of New Jersey also establishes three powers, the
legislative, executive, and judiciary, but with this difference, that in
this state the governor is always a member of the legislative assembly,
and chancellor of the state. He is annually elected by the council and
general assembly. He has the right of pardoning, even in cases of
treason; is commander-in-chief of the military forces, but has no
influence in the appointment of captains and subalterns, which are
always elected by the companies of each county. None but the generals
and officers of the staff are elected by the council and assembly.

The military force is composed of about forty thousand men, of every
description of arms. The militia regulations are very similar to those
of Massachusetts.




                               CHAPTER X.

  Entry of Philadelphia: history and constitution of the state of
    Pennsylvania: commerce, agriculture, &c.: city of Philadelphia:
    public buildings, public institutions, prisons, &c.


On Monday, the 27th of September, we crossed the Delaware upon a bridge
about nine hundred feet long, and entirely roofed, so as effectually to
preserve it from the weather. Foot passengers cross on a good side walk;
the middle of the bridge is divided into two roads, one of which
carriages take in going, and the other in coming, in order to avoid all
accidents. It is built after the plan of Mr. Burr, who laid the
foundation in 1804; the structure was completed in 1812. At his entrance
into Pennsylvania, General Lafayette was received by the governor and
his staff, at the head of a number of troops, and citizens of
Morrisville; from Morrisville we went to sleep at the arsenal in
Frankford, after passing through the charming little town of Bristol. We
resumed our march next morning, amidst a still more numerous escort than
that of the previous evening; and as we approached Philadelphia, the
footmen, horsemen, and carriages, increased our procession so much, that
we could not without great difficulty advance. On a plain at a short
distance from the city, General Lafayette was received by the civil and
military officers, and about 6000 uniformed volunteer militia, drawn up
in hollow square, amid the thunder of cannon. After he had reviewed the
troops, and they had defiled before him under the command of General
Cadwalader, we resumed our march to enter the city. Never could it be
more truly said, that a whole population came out to meet Lafayette;
none remained at home but those whom age and feebleness detained. Stages
had been erected on each side of the streets, as high as the eves of the
houses, for the accommodation of spectators. In the principal street of
the suburbs by which we entered, the different trades were drawn up in
line, at the head of each corps was a workshop, in which were workmen at
their employments; a banner accompanied each of these workshops,
containing portraits of Washington and Lafayette, with this inscription,
“To their wisdom and courage we owe the free exercise of our industry.”
The printers were the most remarkable among all these mechanics. Over a
press which they had in operation in the open street, was the following
inscription, “Liberty of the Press, the surest guarantee of the rights
of Man.” From this press, an ode to Lafayette, written by JAMES N.
BARKER, was thrown into the carriages, and among the crowd, as they
passed. After the mechanics, followed the public schools, the masters
and scholars all being decorated with a ribband bearing a portrait of
the general, and the motto “Welcome Lafayette.” At the head of the
procession marched a detachment of cavalry; the nation’s guest followed
in a magnificent barouche drawn by six horses, and by his side was
placed the venerable Judge PETERS, who was the secretary and soul of the
war office throughout the revolutionary struggle. Then followed the
mayor, city council, and judges, in different carriages; then George
Lafayette and myself in a barouche, and behind us four large open cars
resembling tents, containing each forty revolutionary soldiers. No one
could, without emotion, behold these veterans of liberty, whose eyes
half extinguished by age, still poured forth tears of joy at their
unexpected happiness, in once more beholding their ancient companion in
arms. Their feeble and trembling voices were re-animated by the sounds
of the martial music which accompanied them, and acquired a new vigour
in blessing the names of Washington and Lafayette. A long column of
infantry closed the procession. After passing through the principal
streets, and under thirteen triumphal arches, we halted and alighted
before the state house. While we rested there a few moments, the
representatives and senators of Pennsylvania, the city councils,
judiciary, and military officers, assembled in the principal hall, and a
few minutes after, under a salute of thirteen guns, we were conducted
into the Hall of Independence, and the general having been led to the
foot of the statue of Washington, was impressively addressed by the
mayor.

In listening to this address, and recognizing this hall in which the
declaration of independence of the United States was signed; this hall
at whose door he had waited in 1777, with so much impatience to devote
his life and fortune to an almost desperate cause, Lafayette felt an
emotion he could scarcely conceal, and which several times shewed itself
in his eloquent answer.

The people were then admitted to take the guest of the nation by the
hand; this greeting lasted for several hours, and presented a picture of
the most perfect equality that can be imagined. Mechanics with their
hardened hands and uprolled sleeves, advanced to Lafayette; the
magistrate and plain clad farmer stood together; the clergyman and
player moved side by side, and children sure of having their rights and
feebleness respected, marched boldly along before soldiers and sailors.
The varieties of dress contrasted singularly with the uniformity of
physiognomy, which all expressed the same sentiment of gratitude and
admiration.

After this reception, General Lafayette was conducted to Washington Hall
amidst a constantly increasing crowd.—A splendid dinner was here served
up; all the public officers were present, and numerous toasts were
drank. One was drank to Greece regenerated, wishing her a Washington for
a leader, and a Lafayette for a friend.

At night, a population of one hundred and twenty thousand souls,
augmented by forty thousand strangers from various parts of the union,
walked about by the light of an illumination, celebrating the exploits
of the champion of liberty, and these rejoicings of the people, which in
Europe under the protection of the police would have been signalized by
murders, robberies, and accidents of all sorts, here passed without the
slightest disorder. The next morning the mayor, JOSEPH WATSON, came to
visit General Lafayette. He brought in his hand the report from the high
constable, which he showed us. “See there,” said he with an expression
of lively satisfaction, “see how freemen behave! More than forty
thousand strangers have come to participate in the rejoicings of my
fellow citizens, and I have not found it necessary to increase the
number of watchmen. We have but a hundred and sixty, who are unarmed,
and they have not had a single tumult to repress in this night of joyous
and popular effervescence! Examine these reports! not a single
complaint—not the slightest trouble,” and joy sparkled in the eyes of
this virtuous magistrate, whose chief happiness has its source in the
excellence of those over whom he presides. In my opinion the mayor of
Philadelphia would make a very bad prefect of police in Paris.

On the succeeding days the general received in the Hall of Independence,
the addresses of various regularly constituted bodies, such as the
clergy, the Philosophical Society, Bible Society, the University, the
Chamber of Commerce, the bar, children of the public schools, Washington
Light Infantry, Lafayette Benevolent Association, the revolutionary
soldiers, the French residents of Philadelphia, &c. &c. To each of these
addresses General Lafayette replied extemporarily with an elegant
facility, so appropriate to the various circumstances by which he was
surrounded or was reminded of, that the admiration and surprize of the
public constantly increased.

The deputation of the clergy presented a very interesting picture, and
was well suited to fix the attention of an European. Led by the
venerable Bishop WHITE, who was chaplain to Congress during the
revolutionary war, it consisted of nearly eighty pastors of almost every
different sect, but all animated with the same sentiment of tolerance
and charity. The orator always expressing himself in the name of _the
ministers of all denominations_ proved himself the faithful organ of
their unanimous sentiments in the following address.


  “GENERAL,

                  “The Ministers of the Gospel, in this City and its
  Liberties, present to you their congratulations on your arrival in
  the United States, and assure you of the interest which they take in
  the satisfaction manifested universally by their fellow-citizens, on
  the occasion: the effect of gratitude for your services, in the
  infancy of their national existence.

  “As Pastors of different religious denominations, we are thankful to
  the Bestower of all Good, for the enjoyment of a Government of equal
  laws, extending its protection to professors of religion in every
  form, not hostile to the peace and the due order of civil life.
  Possessed of this sentiment, we honour and esteem those who have
  contributed to the establishment, or to the stability, of the
  liberal institutions of our country. Among them we cannot but
  perceive a conspicuous station to be occupied, by the eminent person
  whom we have now the honour of addressing.

  “It is gratifying to us, that having hazarded his person and his
  fortune in the cause of our commonwealth, in the season of her
  difficulties and her dangers, he has revisited her after such a
  lapse of years; and become a witness of her subsequent prosperity,
  and of her progress in whatever can adorn society, or ensure its
  safety.

  “With our congratulations, general, we request you to accept of our
  affectionate wishes, and the assurances of our prayers, that under
  the blessings of a gracious Providence, your remaining days may be
  as happy, as the former have been glorious.”


The following is General Lafayette’s answer.


  “The joint testimonies of affection and esteem, with which I am
  honoured by the respectable pastors of the several denominations in
  the city and environs of Philadelphia, at the same time that they
  fill my heart with sentiments of high gratification and profound
  gratitude, afford an additional proof of the holy fraternity which,
  in this happy land, unite together the ministers of a gospel of
  liberty and equality.

  “How can republican principles be better supported than by pastors,
  who, to their own eminent virtues, join the inappreciable advantage
  of being the free elective choice of their respective congregations.

  “I beg you, reverend gentlemen, to accept my respectful and
  affectionate thanks for your kind address, the more gratifying to
  me, as it is delivered by a respectable old friend, the friend of
  WASHINGTON, whose patriotic prayers and blessings have in this
  Congress Hall been associated with the most important events of the
  revolution.”


The discourse of bishop White, and the answer of Lafayette awakened in
me, I confess many new ideas; I began to comprehend that under a good
government, religion and liberty, far from being incompatible, mutually
support each other, and to procure this happy alliance, unknown in
Europe, nothing is wanting but that government, renouncing the absurd
and monstrous system of wishing to make tool of religion, should leave
the citizens to choose and pay those to whom they entrust their
consciences.

I have said that the French residents of Philadelphia, expressed to
General Lafayette their sentiments of personal attachment, and the
pleasure they experienced in seeing one of their compatriots in the
enjoyment of so glorious a triumph. They were led by Mr. Duponceau,
their orator, who acquitted himself with that ardent eloquence which has
its source in loyalty and love of liberty.

Mr. Duponceau, whom we already had the pleasure of hearing address
General Lafayette, at the head of the Philosophical Society, of which he
is a member, and of the Philadelphia Bar, of which he is one of the
principal ornaments, has resided in the United States since the war of
Independence, through which he served with distinction under the command
of Baron Steuben, whose aid-de-camp he was. As a lawyer and learned man,
Mr. Duponceau has acquired in his adopted country a brilliant
reputation, which is enhanced by the practice of every virtue. During
our stay in Philadelphia, we counted among our happy moments, those
which were passed in his always amiable and instructive conversation.

We found also in Philadelphia another of our compatriots, whom we were
very happy to embrace; this was General BERNARD, a man not less modest
than learned, whose talents and disinterested patriotism were not
appreciated by the French government of 1815. General Bernard, who as is
known passed with distinction through the imperial court of Napoleon,
without losing any thing of his republicanism, which may be considered
as a phenomenon, has here found just estimators of his merits. Charged
by the American government to secure the defence of the Union by a
complete system of fortification, and the prosperity of its commerce by
the construction of canals and roads of immense extent, he gives us the
satisfaction of seeing a French name nobly connected with all the
sublime enterprises of a great nation. No one can know General Bernard
without feeling for him sincere sentiments of esteem, admiration and
friendship.

All the time that General Lafayette could withhold from the kindness of
his numerous friends and the people of Philadelphia, was spent in
visiting the humane and public institutions, which are exceedingly
multiplied in this vast city; but before designating or describing them,
I will give a rapid glance at the settlement and history of
Pennsylvania.

In 1627, a company of Swedes and Finlanders landed on the banks of the
Delaware, and laid the first foundations of that colony, which was
afterwards so rapidly developed under the mild and humane institutions
of William Penn. The wisdom and moderation of the Swedes and their
excellent administration, should have secured them the peaceful
possession of a soil which they had acquired by the free grant of the
natural proprietors, the Indians, but scarcely thirty years elapsed
before they were deprived of their possessions by the Hollanders, who
themselves were soon dispossessed by the English, not less rapacious,
and more cunning.

In 1681, Charles II. king of England willing to reward the services
Admiral Penn had rendered to the crown, granted to his son William Penn
20,000 acres of land upon the banks of the Delaware; this grant was
secured by a charter which contained the following clause.

“The colony shall bear the name of Pennsylvania. William Penn, his
successors and lieutenants, with the consent of a majority of the
freemen, or their representatives freely assembled, shall levy taxes for
public service, establish tribunals, appoint judges, &c. The laws shall
be framed with reason and in such manner as not to be in opposition with
those of England. The sovereign reserves to himself the right of
examining private affairs, and to judge them in cases of appeal. In all
cases where the positive law of the province is mute, the laws of
England shall be followed. A duplicate of all the laws passed in the
province shall be forwarded every five years to the Privy Council, and
if in the lapse of six months afterwards, they are declared to be
contrary to the royal prerogative, or to the laws of England, they shall
be declared null. The proprietary shall collect such taxes as the
assembly shall fix upon merchandize: they shall always have at the court
of London a deputy to answer any allegations against them; and in case
they shall be condemned by the courts, and shall not satisfy the award
within the lapse of a year, the king shall resume the government until
the demands are satisfied, nevertheless without prejudice to individual
proprietors, as well as the inhabitants of the province. They may
transfer the property. The property of lands already occupied by
Christians shall be respected. The monarch will neither impose fines nor
taxes upon the colony without the consent of the proprietary or the
assembly, or without an act of the government.”

On the 11th July 1681, the proprietary, and those who were to emigrate
with him, agreed “that before distributing lands to purchasers enough
should be reserved for the public roads, and that all business with the
Indians should be transacted in the public market; that all differences
with the Indians should be settled by six emigrants and six Indians;
that of every five acres one should be left in wood, in order to
preserve the oaks and white walnuts for shipbuilding; and that no one
should leave the province without giving three weeks previous notice at
the public market.”

About the end of the same year the colonists arrived in Pennsylvania,
and commenced their settlement. Penn himself arrived at the beginning of
the next year, and bought of Lord Berkely, and the heirs of George
Carteret, for the sum of £4,000, some parts of New Jersey, which he
added to his property, and thus became possessor of all the space
comprised between the 40th and 42d degree of latitude. He also bought
some lands of the Indians, which he paid for with scrupulous exactness,
never thinking that his title of European gave him the right of
unmercifully despoiling the savage nations of their natural and
legitimate possessions. This spirit of justice and moderation soon
conciliated the attachment of the Indians, who from being as at first
hostile to the settlements of the whites, soon became benevolent and
faithful allies; Penn’s reputation soon reached Europe, and inspired a
multitude of unfortunate men with the desire of seeking within his
territories for peace and liberty. The first colonists, who came over
with him, imitated his virtues, and the settlement flourished. In the
year 1682, William Penn called a general assembly of the inhabitants,
and employed their aid in drafting a constitution, the execution of
which should be confided to a governor assisted by a provincial council,
and the inhabitants formed into a general assembly. The council was to
be composed of seventy members chosen by the inhabitants, and presided
over by the governor or his representative. One third of this council
was to be renewed every year.—On this occasion William Penn delivered an
address in which he established this proposition, too much misunderstood
by the people and governments of Europe.—

“Whatever may be the form of government, the people are always free so
long as they are only governed by the laws, and they participate in the
formation of these laws; that it is the sole means by which they can be
free; and that beyond these conditions there is nothing but oligarchy
and confusion: that the great ends of all government are, to make power
respected by the people, and to guarantee the people from the abuse of
power; and that thus a people is free in obeying, and the magistrates
are honorable, and honored by the justice of their administration and
submission to the law.”

Troubles, however ensued; they were caused by the claims of the governor
of Maryland, Lord Baltimore, and William Penn was obliged to go to
England to maintain his rights. During his absence he confided the
government to five commissioners, who disappointed every one by abusing
their authority. Under these circumstances, king James having abdicated,
his successors seized on the government of Pennsylvania, but three years
after, that is, in 1696, it was restored to the proprietary. In 1699
Penn returned to Pennsylvania, and resumed the management of affairs; he
then proposed a new constitution which was adopted and maintained until
the revolution. New vexations soon recalled Penn to England where he
suddenly died of apoplexy in 1718. His death was undoubtedly a great
loss to the colony, but the society of Friends, of which he was the
chief, showed itself a worthy inheritor of his virtues, and continued by
its liberal politics to attract to the province all the men who were
disgusted by regal despotism and religious persecution in Europe. From
1729 to 1754 the colony received 30,517 emigrants, principally Irish and
Germans. Then all the different doctrines arose from the bosom of the
new population, which affected their consciences, and separated the
colony into quakers, episcopalians, baptists, presbyterians, catholics,
lutherans, calvinists, moravians, covenanters, methodists,
universalists, &c. &c. Some of these sects unfortunately let loose their
spirit of proselytism and persecution, of which themselves had been
victims in Europe, and sometimes they were found to persecute their
neighbours the Indians, to impose upon them their creeds. It was this
fanaticism which led in 1763, under the execrable pretext of freeing the
land from the pagans to the merciless massacre of the Conestoga tribe,
which lived so peacefully and securely under the treaty of William Penn.
This barbarous act destroyed the good understanding, which had existed
during nearly sixty years between the Indians and colonists, and excited
those wars which were only terminated in 1779 by the almost total
extermination of the natives, the sad remains of which were sent to the
banks of Niagara.

From the death of Penn until 1763, the good understanding between the
colony and mother country appeared to have suffered no alteration; but
the stamp act met with as much resistance from the Pennsylvanians as it
did in New England; and in 1768 the provincial assembly protested with
energy against the right which parliament wished to arrogate of taxing
the colonies. In 1773, the tea imported into Philadelphia by the British
was destroyed as it had been at Boston, and all Pennsylvania answered by
an unanimous cry of approbation to the insurgent voice of Massachusetts.
Finally it was at Philadelphia that in 1776, fifty-four representatives
from thirteen states, headed by John Hancock their president, signed the
immortal declaration of Independence of the United States.

Towards the end of the same year, the convention of Pennsylvania
assembled at Philadelphia, adopted and proclaimed a new constitution,
which was preceded by a preamble and declaration of rights.

From the time that this constitution was adopted, Pennsylvania has
continually advanced in population, wealth, and prosperity. In 1790, she
had but 450,000 souls, at present she contains 1,500,000, of which
41,000 are engaged in agriculture, whose flourishing condition may be
compared with the most fertile parts of France. It is especially since
property has become more divided by the augmentation of population, that
agriculture has made such rapid advances. Ancient estates of 1200 acres,
are at present generally divided into farms containing from eighty to a
hundred acres, on which are erected commodious dwellings and out-houses,
and rich orchards, which constantly furnish the markets with the finest
fruits. Since the introduction of plaster as a manure, lands have much
increased in value. It would be difficult, I believe, to purchase land
in the vicinity of large towns, lower than at the rate of one hundred
dollars an acre, or lower than from six to seven dollars in the least
inhabited parts of the state.

The greater part of the farmers are not only cultivators, but also
traders and manufacturers; they make the woollen cloths for their own
use, and sell a great deal of liquor distilled from peaches, corn, rye,
maple sugar, &c. They make also large quantities of cider, and for their
particular occasions they make wine from currants, raspberries, &c. &c.
but seldom from the grape.

The war of 1812, which paralyzed foreign commerce, largely contributed
to the advancement of the manufactures of Pennsylvania, which are at
present very numerous and very various. According to late estimates it
appears, that they employ a capital of more than 40,000 dollars, and at
least 60,000 persons.

Since the last war, commerce has resumed its wonted activity; however,
the exports are not in proportion with the activity of the industry of
the state. Exports consist principally of corn, flour, beef, pork,
flax-seed, iron utensils, plank, soap, candles, &c.: in 1820 they did
not exceed 8,000,000 of dollars. The coasting trade is considerable, and
about thirty ships are employed constantly in the India, China, and
North West Coast trade. Altogether, internal and external commerce
occupies about 7,000 persons.

As commerce, agriculture and industry, have no obstacles to prevent
their increase, and have no great burthens to support, their prosperity
is unavoidably augmented every year. Taxes are light, since none of them
can ever be increased beyond one per cent. of the value of the goods.
They are levied and collected in the following manner. Every three
years, at the period of the general election, _the people_ choose
assessors, who after having estimated in money the value of the taxable
property, send to the commissioners of the county the names of two
respectable freeholders of the district, one of which is appointed
receiver. This individual announces to the citizens the amount of their
taxes, and the day on which their objections will be heard by the
commissioners. The payments are then made, and the money placed in the
hands of the county treasurer, who receives as his fee one per cent. of
the funds that pass through his hands. The taxes are levied upon lands,
houses, mills, manufactures, ground rents, cattle over four years old;
upon lucrative commercial charges, and in general upon all offices,
except those of ministers of the gospel, and schoolmasters; and in short
upon tavern licences, and upon adults engaged in no profession.

The excellent financial organization of the state, and the severe
economy carried into all the expenses of government, never require
extraordinary taxes, and still allow the public agents to devote
sufficiently considerable funds to the execution of the seventh article
of the constitution, which directs the legislative power to employ all
the means proper to multiply the means of public instruction, to procure
gratuitous elementary education for indigent children and contribute to
the rapid developement of the arts and sciences. The primary schools for
the poor, and academies for the study of literature and the sciences are
encouraged not only by legislative enactment, but also by the constant
efforts of all the citizens, who subscribe together to create new ones
where a want of them is felt.

The civil laws of England are still generally in force in the state of
Pennsylvania; their conservation was one of the conditions stipulated in
the patent granted by Charles the 2nd to Wm. Penn; they should have been
entirely changed at the epoch of the revolution, as all connection with
England was then broken off; but time and use had so consecrated them
that they were left untouched, and even at present they have undergone
but few and slight modifications. The same could not be the case with
the criminal laws. The penal code of Great Britain, so often sanguinary,
is entirely repugnant to the principles of the mild and philanthropic
society of Friends; thus from the earliest days of the colony the object
of Penn’s attacks who sought to substitute for it a code more
conformable to the spirit of his sect, which vigorously opposed capital
punishment, or at least desired that it should not be of such frequent
and easy application. But the English Parliament was deaf to the cry of
humanity and revoked the code of Penn and the tolerant decrees of
Calvert which preceded them about half a century.

After the revolution, the disciples of Penn always animated by his
philanthropic spirit, again raised their voice against the barbarity of
the English penal code. This voice found an echo in the luminous and
profound writings of Franklin, William Bradford, Caleb Lowndes and Dr.
Rush, and soon after punishment by death was only inflicted upon
premeditated murderers or poisoners. Imprisonment and labour
proportioned to the strength of the convict, displaced corporal
punishment, and those shameful brandings which complete the corruption
of the soul, by consigning the body to enduring contempt.

These happy changes were wrought in 1793; from that period a
considerable number of useful essays on the improvement of prisons and
amelioration of the condition of prisoners, and particularly on the
philanthropic system of the moral improvement of the convicts, have
appeared in Philadelphia, and soon were imitated in other parts of the
union. The state and city governments have not been the exclusive agents
in this work, but a great number of benevolent societies, among which
the society of Friends occupy a distinguished place, have devoted
themselves to this great and good work. Among all the evidences I could
cite, I shall confine myself to that of the most respectable and useful
philanthropist, the duke Delarochefoucault Liancourt, who in a large and
very instructive work, his travels in the United States during the years
’95, ’96 and ’97, speaks with enthusiasm of the reforming prisons of the
United States, and particularly of the _state_ prison of Philadelphia,
principally managed by the society of Friends. This word state prison
has another signification in Europe; but it here signifies the prisons
erected by the state legislatures, for the criminals condemned by the
courts of justice. Whenever the prisons of France, England, or other
parts of Europe have been ameliorated, the prisons of the United States,
and especially those of Philadelphia, have been taken as models.

However, the moral means of reformation so well detailed in the works of
Liancourt and other travellers, have not entirely satisfied the ardor of
improvement which animates the managers of these establishments; on the
other hand, it is probable that the prisons of Philadelphia, by
receiving a greater number of convicts, and among these a greater number
of Europeans, and a much larger proportion of men less susceptible of
reform, have furnished less satisfactory results than at the period
described by the duke De Liancourt. These respectable friends of
humanity have thought to do still better, and by resorting to solitary
confinement, which leaving the prisoner to his reflexions, or to those
which may be suggested to him, and separating him from other convicts,
offers more chances of his amendment. In consequence, and as no expense
frightens the Americans when they are once convinced of any great public
good, they have built at a great cost, near Philadelphia, an immense
building with its court yards and cells, where every prisoner may be
separately shut up, and where from the form of the edifice, an easy and
continual watch may be kept up.

This superb establishment was still unfinished, when general Lafayette,
accompanied by the committee appointed to do the honours of the city
went to visit it, and were received by the respectable directors and
managers, who explained to him the improvements made. One must have
courage to venture upon contradicting men so virtuous and experienced,
as generous in design as in the execution of their benevolent works. The
frankness and conviction of the general, overcame his repugnance, and
with all the regard and respect which were due, and which his personal
situation rendered still more necessary, he represented to them that
solitary confinement was a punishment which should be experienced to be
rightly appreciated; and that the virtuous and enlightened Malesherbes,
who during his administration under the monarchical government of
France, had ameliorated the condition of prisoners of state, regarded
solitary confinement as leading to madness. The general observed that
during his five years’ captivity, he had passed an entire year in
solitary confinement, and another part of the time seeing a companion
but during a single hour, and he added, smiling, that he had not found
it to be the means of reformation, since he was imprisoned for wishing
to revolutionize the people against despotism and aristocracy, and
passed his solitude in thinking upon it, without coming out corrected in
that respect. He also made some observations on a too assiduous
watchfulness, such for example as that he had been subjected to, during
the early part of his captivity, when he was constantly guarded by a
sub-officer who remained in sight of him, and was relieved every two
hours. Mr. Adams, at this time secretary of state, appeared to be of the
same mind with Lafayette. These opinions have since been discussed in
newspapers and pamphlets, in which persons on both sides, understanding
the subject thoroughly, have maintained opposite opinions. “I observe,”
said Lafayette, “that in the states where the prisons are less crowded,
in New Hampshire, or in the state of Vermont, the managers, (in New
Hampshire the senate have charge of the prisons,) the legislators and
the public, find the old method still good, and it procures the
reformation of the convicts, which you complain of being unable to
effect in Pennsylvania, and in the most populous states. Why may not
your fine building be divided into several parts, each of which to
contain the same number of prisoners as the prisons of New Hampshire and
Vermont, which would be a mode of separating the criminals and exciting
the emulation of prisoners who behaved well; and since in your admirable
and philanthropic generosity, you have gone to the expense of a cell for
each prisoner, shut them up separately at night, instead of crowding
them together in those vast sleeping rooms, where it is true the
convicts mutually corrupt each other more than in the day time and at
work, when they are watched by their guards.” This discussion of equally
well meant opinions, in which it must be confessed the directors and
managers have the advantage of experience, has not been limited to
Pennsylvania, nor even to America. Many philanthropic Europeans who
considered the prisons of Pennsylvania as the type of perfection, have
become alarmed at this avowal of their insufficiency, this necessity for
change, as likely to trammel the efforts of the friends of humanity in
Europe. One of the most distinguished Englishmen, ROSCOE, the historian,
has already written against some opinions which he regards as erroneous,
contained in a report made upon prisons to the legislature and public.
Soon after Mr. Roscoe entered into a discussion relative to the prison
of Philadelphia, and has published some pamphlets on the subject which
do equal honour to his understanding and his heart. Such was the
existing state of the question, which the circumstance of our visit to
the prison caused me to consider. A numerous, enlightened, and
experienced portion of the citizens of Pennsylvania, and especially of
Philadelphia, appear disposed to try solitary confinement, not as an
exception to, but as the basis of, the penitentiary system. Many worthy
men whom I have seen and conversed with on both sides of the Atlantic,
are of an opposite opinion; but it is exceedingly fortunate for a
country that already bestows so much attention upon questions of this
sort, that the experiment will be made by well meaning persons, who
beyond doubt will modify their system when they perceive its unfitness.
After having obtained such wise and generally desired reforms, the ever
active philanthropy of the Pennsylvanians has been unremittingly
directed to every thing which can contribute to repair or diminish the
evils of humanity. The government and directors have vied with each
other in zeal; in all parts of the state, hospitals and charitable
establishments have exceedingly multiplied. In the year 1774, a society
devoted to the abolition of the slave-trade, and to the succour of
blacks illegally held in bondage was formed, of which Franklin was the
first president.

The Humane Society for affording succour to apparently drowned persons,
was established in 1780. This society has considerably diffused the
apparatus necessary for attempting to afford such relief; and has
established prizes for those who have in any way contributed to save the
life of a fellow creature.

Four female benevolent societies, for the relief of widows and orphans,
were founded during the years 1793, 1802, 1809, and 1811. The Washington
Benevolent Society of Pennsylvania, founded in 1812, also deserves to be
mentioned; it was composed of more than 3,000 members, each of which
payed two dollars on admission, and the same sum annually into the
treasury. These funds were devoted to the relief of members of the
society, or to their families.

Nearly thirty benevolent associations for mutual assistance, have been
established by the different classes of mechanics, designated by the
names of the _society of master masons_; _of carpenters_; _of
stone-cutters_, &c. There are similar associations for foreigners, and
their descendants, among which may be numbered the benevolent society
for Frenchmen in distress, founded in 1805. That for the Germans was
founded in 1801.

A circumstance well worthy of remark, is that of four great benevolent
establishments in Philadelphia; there is not one which is not founded
and supported by private donations or subscriptions, and managed by
citizens who devote their time and attention to them without fee. These
four institutions are the Pennsylvania hospital; Christ church hospital;
the Philadelphia dispensary, and the lunatic asylum.

Most of the travellers who have visited Philadelphia, agree in this
point, that the rigid manners and grave characters of the Friends, who
are very numerous in the city, have produced an unfortunate effect upon
general society, by impressing upon it an air of frigidity and monotony,
which render it insupportable to Europeans. I can neither contradict nor
adopt these opinions; for how can I form a judgment upon a population
which I have only seen in an accession of enthusiasm and gratitude,
which reigned in all hearts, and drew along with it the most serious,
even the Friends themselves, after him who was the cause of the
sentiment. It is difficult, however, to believe that society lacks charm
and resources in a city where science and the arts are cultivated so
successfully. The learned men who belong to the philosophical society,
the medical society, to the academy of natural sciences, the
agricultural society, &c. &c. the large public libraries, rich museums,
numerous journals of all sorts, &c. ought to offer in this city
sufficient aliment to the most active mind, and in my opinion may
largely compensate for the absolute want of all the frivolities to which
we unfortunately attach so high a price in Europe.

One may affirm that Philadelphia is the most regularly beautiful city,
not only of the United States, but in the world. Its fine streets
crossing all at right angles, its large and always clean foot pavements,
the elegance of its houses, built of brick, and adorned with fine white
marble, and the good taste of its public buildings, at first sight
present a seducing view; but may eventually become fatiguing from their
exceeding regularity. The plan of the city which was drawn by Penn
himself, extends from the right bank of the Delaware to the left bank of
the Schuylkill; this distance is about two miles long by one broad;
two-thirds only of this space is at present covered with buildings, but
new houses are daily erected, and I believe a few years will be
sufficient to fill with houses all the space at present remaining
unoccupied between the city and the Schuylkill.

Among the public buildings which adorn this beautiful city, we cannot
avoid indicating the old bank of the United States, in Third street, the
first edifice erected in Philadelphia with columns and a portico. It was
begun in 1795, and finished in 1798. Its principal front is entirely of
white marble, and resembles considerably the Dublin exchange, which is
said to have served for its model. It is at present the banking-house of
Stephen Girard.

The new bank of the United States in Chesnut street, the work of the
American architect Strictland, is generally considered as one of the
finest pieces of architecture in the union. It presents in miniature a
tolerably exact image of the temple of Minerva at Athens. It is entirely
built of white marble, brought from Montgomery county, in the state of
Pennsylvania.

Perhaps, before ending this chapter, I should resume the description of
the brilliant and varied festivities which the inhabitants of
Philadelphia offered to the Nation’s Guest, during the eight days we
passed among them; but a simple enumeration of them, would carry me far
beyond the circle to which I wish to confine the narration of this
journey, or rather triumph; and notwithstanding all the pleasure I
should have had in speaking of the masonic dinner, the civic ball, the
visit of general Lafayette to the arsenal, and navy yard, the party at
general Cadwalader’s, &c. &c., I am forced to pass from Philadelphia to
Baltimore, where the guest of the nation was received with equal
transports of love and gratitude.




                              CHAPTER XI.

  Voyage from Philadelphia to Baltimore: American aristocracy: Fort
    M’Henry: Entry of Baltimore: Description of Baltimore: Defence of
    the city in 1814.


On the 5th of October, received the touching adieus of the inhabitants
of Philadelphia, and at 8 o’clock, P. M. we embarked on the Delaware to
go down to Chester. We were accompanied by the committee of arrangement,
a battalion of volunteers and a great number of staff officers. We
arrived at Chester by 11 o’clock at night, and found the town
illuminated; the hall in which general Lafayette was received and
addressed, reminded him of a very memorable epoch of his life; it was in
this very hall that the wound was first dressed, which he received at
the battle of Brandywine. Before dismounting he still had the strength
and presence of mind to rally a party of troops which were flying in
disorder, and placed them at the entrance of the bridge to check the
enemy, if he had conceived the thought of following up his first
success. These different circumstances were recalled in a very affecting
manner, by the orator charged to receive the general in the name of the
inhabitants of Chester. After partaking of an excellent supper prepared
by the ladies of Chester, we went to pass the rest of the night at the
dwelling of colonel Anderson, an ancient companion in arms of general
Lafayette.

Next morning we continued our journey, and arrived at an early hour at
the borders of the state of Delaware, the point of which we were to
cross where it lies between the states of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and
New Jersey. There we took leave of our Philadelphia friends, who only
left us after consigning us to the care of the Delaware committee, at
the head of which general Lafayette recognized with pleasure, captain
M’LANE, who commanded with great intrepidity under his orders, a company
of partizans during the campaign of Virginia, and who at this time in
spite of his 80 years of age, came to receive him on horseback, wearing
the revolutionary hat and feather.

We arrived, to dinner, at Wilmington; this handsome town, regularly
built between the Christiana and Brandywine, is the largest in the state
of Delaware; although its population does not exceed six thousand souls,
it is nevertheless the centre of a considerable commerce, which is
facilitated by its means of navigation. The vicinity of Philadelphia and
Baltimore imparts a great activity to its manufactures. Notwithstanding
the entreaties of the inhabitants, general Lafayette was obliged to
continue his route to Frenchtown, in order to arrive the same day, where
we were to find a steam-boat to convey us to Baltimore. We delayed for
some hours at New Castle, to be present at the nuptials of the son of
Mr. Victor Dupont, with Miss Vandyke. The marriage ceremony, which was
conducted according to the rites of the reformed church, interested us
extremely by its touching simplicity of character. It was performed in a
hall in presence of the collected members of both families, and of some
invited friends. The minister of the gospel before uniting the young
couple, made them a short address, in which he explained clearly and
without mysteriousness, the duties which their new situation would
impose on them in the social order, and spoke of the virtues which could
alone contribute to their happiness, like a husband and parent to whom
the practice of these virtues had long been familiar. After having
united them he terminated by a touching prayer, in English, in which
every one could heartily unite, as it was perfectly intelligible to all.
Notwithstanding the absence of robes and decorations, this service
appeared to me as worthy and imposing as that of the Roman Catholic
church.

The night was far advanced when we arrived at Frenchtown, where the
steam-boat United States had waited for us a long time. At a short
distance from Frenchtown, general Lafayette was met by a numerous
deputation, and the aids of the governor of Maryland, who informed him
that they were charged to convey him to Fort M’Henry, where the governor
had established his head quarters to receive him. Among this deputation
Lafayette recognized with pleasure many of his old friends, especially
two Frenchmen, colonel Bentalou, ancient officer of Pulaski’s legion,
and Mr. Dubois Martin, an old man of 83 years, who commanded the vessel
in which Lafayette escaped from Bordeaux to come to the United States.
At the moment of our embarkation we learned that Mr. John Adams,
secretary of state, had arrived at Frenchtown, on his way to Washington,
and that he had accepted with pleasure the invitation given him to join
the company of general Lafayette, to whom this was an especial
satisfaction, as Mr. Adams was also an old and kind acquaintance.

Many travellers who have visited the United States, and who pretend to
be well acquainted with the manners of the country, have stated that the
Americans, in spite of their republican institutions, are essentially
aristocratic in their habits, the following fact, will, I think,
victoriously refute the accusation; and this fact is not an insulated
one, nor an exception, as I shall have many others to relate.

On board the steam-boat which conveyed us across the Chesapeake, a
chamber was prepared for general Lafayette, and as the committee of
arrangement had the kindness to think that those who had participated in
his fatigues ought to share in his repose, they had caused two other
beds to be placed in the same chamber, one for his son, and the other
for me. We were ignorant how our numerous travelling companions were
arranged to pass the night; when George Lafayette going on deck for the
sake of air, observed that the great cabin in which we had supped was
converted into a vast dormitory, the floor of which was covered with
beds, which the crowd occupied without ceremony. Among those who were
preparing to lie down on the humble mattresses, he remarked with
astonishment the secretary of state, John Adams. He immediately
addressed him, and besought him to change beds with him; which he
refused, declaring that he was very well accommodated, and should be
grieved to separate him from his father. I arrived at the same moment
and joined my intreaties to those of George Lafayette, remarking to Mr.
Adams that the same objection would not apply to my proposition, and
added I hoped he would not condemn me to lie in a good bed, when a man
of his character was stretched upon a hard mattress: he replied very
obligingly, but gave a formal refusal. In short, pressed by our united
requests, and the name of general Lafayette which we made use of, he
stated that if he even felt disposed to accept our offer, he should
still be obliged to refuse it, because before every thing else he must
respect the dispositions of the committee of arrangement, and the
committee had determined that no one should be admitted into general
Lafayette’s chamber but his travelling companions. Mr. George Lafayette
now sought a member of the committee of arrangement, and requested in
the name of his father, that Mr. Adams should be admitted into the
chamber instead of one of us. This latter clause was considered
inadmissible by the committee, which, after a short deliberation,
determined that a fourth bed should be prepared in general Lafayette’s
chamber for Mr. Adams, not because he was secretary of state, but
because general Lafayette desired to have one of his old friends near
him. Mr. Adams did not consent to relinquish his mattress in the common
room, until formally invited by the committee.

If there be any aristocracy in American manners, it must at least be
confessed, that the great officers of the government partake of no such
privileges.

During the night we advanced in exceeding bad weather, but in the
morning when we entered the beautiful river Patapsco, on the banks of
which the rich city of Baltimore stands, the sun dispersed the clouds,
and his first rays gilding the vast horizon unveiled before us,
permitted us already to see the spires of the city and the grove of
masts of vessels which habitually fill the port, and the bastions of
Fort M’Henry, which defends the entrance of the harbour.—At nine o’clock
four steam-boats, the Maryland, Virginia, Philadelphia and Eagle,
covered with flags and streamers, and crowded with a multitude of
citizens, who came to receive their guest by saluting him with a triple
welcome, with which their grateful voices made the air ring, came out of
port and formed a line behind the United States, which majestically
continued her course towards the shore. When we came within a short
distance a number of boats came off to land the company. The first which
landed conveyed general Lafayette, the secretary of state Mr. Adams,
general Smith, Mr. Dubois Martin, and Mr. Morris, president of the
committee. Captain Gardener acted as cockswain, and it was rowed by
twelve ship masters of Baltimore. We went on shore in the other boats,
and were landed at the wharf of fort M’Henry. The National flag which
had floated over it during the last war was hoisted: its ample field
pierced by a bomb-shell, attests the vain efforts of the British
engineers. At the gate of the fort general Lafayette was surrounded by a
number of persons in citizen’s dress, for the most part mutilated. These
were some of the individuals who in the year 1814, proved so
energetically to the English, how much superior are men who combat for
their liberty, country and families, to vile mercenaries hired by kings
to gratify their passions. Fort M’Henry defended by a few citizen
soldiers, saw before its feeble walls the pride and rage of an English
fleet rendered vain, and the enemy obliged to retire disgracefully after
a bombardment of 48 hours.

As general Lafayette entered the fort, the salute of cannon announced it
to the citizens of Baltimore, who at this time crowded forth to meet
him, and covered the long peninsula which extends from the city down to
fort M’Henry, between the two bays formed by the river Patapsco. On the
parade of the fort were collected a great number of old revolutionary
officers, the magistrates, &c. and a detachment of infantry, which, by
opening their ranks, allowed to be seen behind them the _tent of
Washington_. If at this sight general Lafayette was affected by various
emotions, his son was not less moved in beholding once more the person
who had formed the happy and noble idea of bringing it to aid in the
solemnities of the day. Mr. Custis, the author of this delicate
attention, is the nephew of general Washington; with him George
Lafayette passed two years of his youth under the hospitable roof of
Mount Vernon, during the imprisonment of his father in the dungeons of
Olmutz. The remembrance of their former fraternity, and of the cruel
loss of him who had been their common father, caused them an emotion of
mingled pleasure and pain, which could only be expressed by their silent
tears and embraces.

General Lafayette having endeavoured to calm his first emotion, advanced
towards the tent of Washington, where he was received by governor
Stevens with an appropriate address.

After this discourse, to which general Lafayette replied with the
sincere expression of a grateful and profoundly touched heart, we went
into the tent, under which was old colonel Howard, who signalized his
youth by the war of independence, and crowned his old age by the laurels
gathered in 1814, in defence of Baltimore, and who filled the interval
of these two great epochs of his life by the devotion of all his time to
the cause of liberty. This venerable patriot, at the head of the society
of Cincinnati, also addressed the general, and expressed the sentiments
of all his old companions in arms, who could not longer contain the
impulse of their joy, and hastened to throw themselves into the arms of
their ancient leader, who, as they presented themselves, recognized
nearly every one, and reminded them, with vivacity, of the times and
places in which they had shared the same dangers and fatigues.

At length we left fort M’Henry, and the procession was formed to enter
Baltimore; general Lafayette led the way in an open carriage, drawn by
four horses; the vast extent of ground we had to pass on our left, was
ornamented by a line of militia on foot and horseback, which formed in
column behind us as we passed. On our right were the people who had
flocked to meet us from Baltimore. We arrived at the entry of the town,
where we found a triumphal arch, supported upon four beautiful Ionic
columns. Under this arch 24 young ladies, robed in white, crowned with
myrtle, and bearing lances, upon which were inscribed the names of the
states of the union, received the Nation’s Guest, encircled him with
garlands, and crowned him with laurels. At the same instant, the roar of
cannon, mingled with the acclamations of the multitude. The procession
continued its progress, and passing through all the streets, finally
stopped in front of the City Hall, in the principal hall of which the
general was received and welcomed in a speech by the mayor.

In his reply, general Lafayette proved that he had not forgotten the
zeal of the inhabitants of Baltimore in the cause of liberty.

After this answer, and when all the members of the corporation were
introduced, we went to the principal street of the city, in the centre
of which an alcove, covered and adorned with rich carpets, had been
prepared for the reception of general Lafayette and his companions. Here
the militia of Maryland, whose martial air disclosed the warlike
character of this fine country, defiled before us to the sound of
_Lafayette’s march_. Among the numerous corps which passed before us,
one was pointed out to the general which marched under a ragged
standard; this corps was Forsyth’s riflemen, and the flag was that under
which Pulaski died at Savannah.

Pulaski,[17] after having long and uselessly fought for the liberty of
his country, Poland, only abandoned it when the cause of independence
was altogether desperate, and in search of places where he might still
shed his blood for the principles he had hitherto defended. Virginia and
Maryland were completely devastated by the war in 1778; when he
organized a legion at Baltimore, the arts were no longer cultivated, and
the entire activity of the citizens was turned towards war: he was then
obliged to have recourse to the most simple colours. A piece of crimson
silk, obtained with great difficulty, was embroidered in silk by the
religious Moravian women of Bethlehem in Pennsylvania. On one side were
the letters U. S. (United States) and the words “vis unita fortior,” on
the other side was a field emblazoned with 13 stars, with this legend,
“non alius reget” Such was the flag of Pulaski, which always conducted
to the path of glory, the warriors who rallied under it. In 1778, the
lieutenant colonel of this legion fell under the British bayonets at
Egg-harbour, in New Jersey; in 1779, the colonel, who had previously
commanded a regiment of hussars in the army of Frederick the Great, was
sabred before Charlestown; on the 9th of October of the same year,
general Pulaski, who had given his name to the legion, was mortally
wounded by a shell, in the attack upon Savannah. In 1770, the major was
sabred at Mark’s Corner; colonel Bentalou was then the oldest surviving
officer; he took command of the legion, and at the end of the war
inherited its flag, which he carefully preserved. Since the revolution
it had never been displayed, but he thought that the arrival of
Lafayette was a sufficiently glorious occasion for bringing it to light.
After the ceremony, he presented it to the museum, where it was received
by the hands of the ladies of Baltimore.

After the review, we were conducted to our head quarters, which were
established in the elegant hotel kept by Mr. John Barney, brother of the
intrepid commodore BARNEY, who gloriously fell, dreadfully wounded, at
the head of his sailors, (at that time acting on shore as soldiers,) in
the battle of Bladensburg.

In the evening, the city corporation, the senators and representatives
of Maryland, and the governor and his staff dined with the general.
After dinner, numerous toasts were drank, which for the most part were
expressive of attachment to the person and principles of Lafayette, or
sometimes according to the American custom, the opinion of their
political party. Mr. Adams, still affected by the touching scenes he
witnessed at fort M’Henry in the morning, gave the following, which was
received with unanimous applause: “The tears of glory, gratitude, and
joy, shed under the tent of Washington.”

Every instant of our stay in Baltimore, was marked by the most brilliant
festivals, and the most delicate attentions. It is difficult to give a
just idea of the elegance and delicacy of manners of the inhabitants of
this city, in which we find the amiable union of American frankness, and
French ease. The ball given by the city was every thing that was perfect
of the kind; it was prepared in the theatre, and disposed with
inimitable taste. All the boxes were occupied by ladies, and the carpet
was entirely vacant. We were introduced from the stage, only accompanied
by some members of the committee. At the moment the general appeared, he
was announced by an invisible music, which played Lafayette’s march, and
the gas blazing abundantly from numerous pipes, and throwing floods of
dazzling light over the hall, discovered to our delighted eyes the most
ravishing picture I ever beheld. The splendour of a parterre covered
with the most beautiful flowers, would have looked pale along side of
this crowd of beautiful ladies, waving their handkerchiefs, scattering
flowers, and expressing, by their sweet tears, the happiness they
experienced in beholding the Nation’s Guest. In an instant they
abandoned their places, advanced to the middle of the hall, and
surrounded the general, who remained for some moments incapable of
expressing his gratefulness, so much was he affected. The dancing soon
after commenced, and gave us an opportunity of admiring more in detail
the graces and beauty of the ladies of Maryland.

We only remained five days at Baltimore, but general Lafayette’s time
was so skillfully divided, that he could attend to nearly all the
invitations he received. He was present successively at the
entertainments of the freemasons, of the Cincinnati society, &c. &c. He
daily received numerous deputations from a great number of cities
earnestly requesting him to visit them. He visited the various public
establishments of Baltimore, and on Sunday attended divine service,
celebrated by the archbishop. The mass, in music, was admirably chanted
by the ladies of Baltimore, under the direction of Mr. Gilles, an
excellent professor, who for some years has diffused in the city a taste
for good music, and formed a large number of distinguished pupils. On
the same day the corps of militia officers was introduced by general
Harper, who, on this occasion, pronounced a discourse, the following
passage of which, appeared to me, to be especially remarkable.

“This free homage of our hearts,” said he, “stranger to flattery and
ambition, is the more precious to you, as you well know, that it is the
testimony of a nation, in favour of those principles of government, for
which you have shed your blood in this hemisphere, and suffered so much
in the other. This testimony perhaps will not be useless to the sacred
cause you have embraced: at a moment when Europe is divided between two
parties, one of which is endeavouring to perpetuate absolute power, and
the other courageously combats for equality of rights and the
establishment of a constitutional government; it will we hope be a great
encouragement to the friends of the good cause to know that here we are
undivided, and that the American nation is unanimous in its attachment
to liberty.”

General Lafayette replied to the orator, assuring him that he
participated in his opinions, his wishes, and his hopes.

The testimonials of affection both public and private, which the
citizens of Baltimore heaped upon their guest, are too numerous to be
all related; however I cannot refrain from stating the following.

The evening before our departure we had passed at the house of general
Smith; whence we returned on foot accompanied only by two or three
persons. Notwithstanding the lights which illuminated the street, we
hoped to be able to pass through the crowd which was considerable,
without being known, but the size and gait of general Lafayette betrayed
us. He was recognized by some of the passers-by, and his name flying
from mouth to mouth, brought the crowd immediately around us.
Nevertheless we approached our place of residence, and were already
rejoicing that we had not been too long delayed, when George Lafayette
feeling himself strongly pulled by his coat, turned round and saw a most
beautiful girl, who with her hands joined, and with the most touching
voice, exclaimed “I beseech you to enable me but to touch him and you
will make me happy.” General Lafayette hearing her, turned towards her
and gave her his hand, which she seized and kissed with transport, after
which she retreated concealing, her tears and blushes with her
handkerchief. Such a circumstance, especially when it is not insulated,
says more than the most skilful historian.

We visited in nearly all its details the city of Baltimore, which
appeared to me to be one of the most handsome cities in the union.
Although its streets are all very broad and regular, still they have not
the monotony of those of Philadelphia. The ground upon which Baltimore
is built is undulating, which gives to every part a character of
variety: from several elevated points of the city, the eye can take in
not only the whole of the buildings, but also a part of the port. The
sparkling waters of the Patapsco, and the sombre forests which extend in
the distance, seem placed there like shadows fit to bring out more
strongly the magic picture of a city containing 60,000 souls, which has
sprung up in half a century. The inhabitants of Baltimore generally have
a decided taste for the fine arts. I have already said that it was to a
Frenchman that they were indebted for their marked superiority in music,
over almost all the cities in the union. They are also much indebted to
a Frenchman for much of their good taste in architecture. Several of
their public buildings are built from designs furnished by Mr. Godefroy,
who resided a long time in Baltimore. The Unitarian church is a
masterpiece of elegance and simplicity. The battle monument (by
_Capellano_) is of a chaste style and fine execution. The Washington
monument (by _Mills_) is considerably similar in its form and elevation
to our column in the Place Vendôme, at Paris. It is built of beautiful
white marble, and stands on a gentle elevation, whence it may be seen
from various parts of the city, and it may be also seen from a great
distance upon the water.

The harbour of Baltimore is safe and commodious; it occasionally
happens, however, that it is frozen over in rigorous winters. Although
two hundred miles from the sea, it is much frequented; the great number
of navigable rivers which flow into the Chesapeake, makes Baltimore the
centre of a very active internal commerce. Nevertheless, within a few
years a very sensible diminution has taken place in the commercial
activity of Baltimore, which is attributed to various causes. It is
believed that these will be removed, or at least cease to operate
prejudicially so soon as the Ohio rail road shall be completed.

Baltimore appears to me to be one of the most agreeable places of
residence; its inhabitants although occupied ardently in all sorts of
industry, do not neglect those studies which form the taste and enlarge
the dominion of intellect. Several scientific societies exist there; one
of them, the _Newtonian Society of Maryland_, formed in 1818, encourages
with vigor the study of the natural sciences; the Economic Society,
founded in 1819, is intended to forward manufactures and domestic
economy. The Agricultural Society is not less remarkable than the others
for the services it renders, and by the merit of its members. Before our
departure, we were all three distinguished by being elected honorary
members of this society. The cabinet of anatomy by Chiappi, (at the
hospital,) the museum of natural history, the gallery of paintings by
Rembrandt Peale, and the mineralogical collection of Mr. Gilmore, are
beautiful and valuable. The city library is composed of about 14,000
volumes, and belongs entirely to the public. What tends to give a great
charm to the advantages of the city of Baltimore, is its vicinity to
Washington, the seat of the general government, which is about 35 miles
distant; which, during the session of congress, offers great attraction
to those who wish advantageously to attend to the political debates.
However, at Baltimore, as throughout New England, Sunday is rather a
dull day; religious observances are austere, though the most perfect
liberty of conscience exists. The city contains at least twelve sects;
the Catholics are the most numerous, and although thus superior in
numerical force, the sect is as mild, as tolerant and as charitable as
the others; because it is well known that it would meet with no support
from government if it wished to intrigue and domineer as in some parts
of Europe.

This city, so beautiful and interesting at present, was forty-five years
ago, nothing but a small collection of badly built houses. In 1790, its
population amounted suddenly to 13,500 inhabitants: in 1800, by the new
census, it was found to contain 26,514: in 1810, 35,583: in 1820,
62,738; and in 1824, it amounted to 65,000, of which at least fifty
thousand were whites, and eleven thousand free citizens of colour; the
remaining four thousand were slaves. The numbers of the latter are
fortunately daily diminishing: the progress of philanthropy, and of
interest well understood, although slow, is nevertheless constant, and
the friends of humanity have a right to hope that before many years the
inhabitants of Baltimore will be disembarrassed from this pest of
slavery, which might be called disgraceful if we were not aware how many
obstacles have been surmounted to the present time, to abolish this
horrible inheritance which England has bequeathed to the United States,
as if to punish her for having broken her colonial yoke.

The luxury and the arts introduced into Baltimore, have not brought with
them the effeminacy and corruption, which some persons believe to be
their inseparable companions. The defence of Baltimore during the late
war, sufficiently proves that the inhabitants are still, as in the
glorious days of the revolution, passionate lovers of liberty, and
courageous defenders of their independence. Their campaign of 1814, did
them much honour, and pleads victoriously in favour of the militia
system in a defensive war.[18]




                              CHAPTER XII.

  Farewell to Lafayette, by the inhabitants of Baltimore: Journey from
    Baltimore to Washington: Entry of that city: Visit to the President:
    Description of Washington: Jesuits.


Our departure from Baltimore was as brilliant as our entry, but not like
the latter enlivened by resounding acclamations of public joy. The
troops paraded on the plain between the city and fort M’Henry, to
perform some grand manœuvres in presence of general Lafayette, after
which we were invited to a farewell dinner, under an immense tent,
whence we could behold nearly all the points rendered illustrious by
American valour during the war of 1814. Generals Smith, Stricker, and
Harper, colonels Howard, Carrol, Bentalou and other veterans of liberty
were present at this repast, during which a number of toasts were drank,
among others was one paying to general Smith a tribute of eulogy and
gratitude for his excellent conduct as commander-in-chief, during the
late war. The modesty with which the veteran received this testimonial
of esteem from his fellow-citizens, proved to us what generous
sentiments are inspired by liberty and excellent institutions. He rose
with vivacity, and in a short address replete with the fervour of
feeling, reproached his friends for heaping their gratitude exclusively
on him, while so many brave men had an equal claim to it.—“My plans and
orders,” said he, “would have been unavailing, if my troops had not been
freemen, and had I not been so ably aided by my worthy friend general
Stricker. Cease then fellow-citizens to thank me exclusively, you cannot
wish that a republican should appropriate to himself a victory common to
all.”

Towards the conclusion of the entertainment a young officer requested
permission to sing some verses of his own composition. They were filled
with those generous sentiments which among Americans naturally arise at
the magic names of liberty, Washington, and Lafayette. He sung them with
an engaging expression, but as he drew near the conclusion, and was to
pronounce the name of him he celebrated, his emotion overcame his voice,
he could not complete his song, and falling upon the hand of Lafayette,
he bathed it with tears, and rushed out to escape the praises merited by
his feelings and intelligence.

The approach of the sun to the horizon warned us that no time was to be
lost, if we wished to profit by his light in commencing our journey; we
therefore quickly left the table to join our carriages, which waited for
us at some distance; but, so great was the crowd surrounding them, that,
notwithstanding the care of those who accompanied us, we were soon
separated; the general and his son were literally carried in triumph by
the citizens, and it was a long time before I could rejoin them.

Night closed in upon us while on our journey, and rendered the march
very painful to our escort, which had been constantly mounted since
morning. On this account, added to the general’s wish to enter
Washington by daylight, the committee of arrangement determined to
propose that he should sleep on the way. To this the general assented,
and soon after we arrived in front of an hotel, at which we were to
halt, but as we were about to alight, we heard a great tumult of
confused voices pronouncing angrily the name of _Waterloo_: at the same
moment an officer of the escort came to the door and informed the
general that the name of the house was _Waterloo_, inquiring if it was
agreeable to him to lodge there. The general replied that he would
willingly go on, but that he feared to fatigue his escort. They however
declared they had rather founder their horses than that he should remain
in a house whose name might awaken unpleasant reflections; we therefore
continued our journey. Our escort, enraged at the innkeeper, wished
before we left the place to pull down his sign, and would have done it,
if their officers had not prevented it by reminding them of the sacred
right of property. We stopped for the night at an excellent inn two or
three miles distant, where we learned that an old _tory_ of this
country, still besotted by his love for the English, had rented the
other house to a poor innkeeper, on condition that he named it
“Waterloo.” Our informant added that every one despised him, and as no
one goes to his tavern, he is obliged to indemnify the tenant; however
he is rich and obstinate.

On the morning of the 12th of October, captain SPRIGG was at the head of
his beautiful volunteer cavalry, ready to escort general Lafayette to
Washington. Captain Sprigg was not long since governor of Maryland,
which office he discharged for several years in a manner that
conciliated universal esteem and regard. In relinquishing his public
office to return to private life, he did not think he had discharged all
his duties towards his country. He organized, almost entirely at his own
expense, a company of volunteer cavalry, gave them for instructor a
brave Polish officer, colonel Leymanowski, who served for twenty years
in the French army, and forgetting his previous elevation, did not think
it beneath his dignity as ex-governor, to assume the modest uniform of a
captain. One cannot avoid feeling a sentiment of profound respect on
beholding this patriotic soldier surrounded by his cavalry, nearly all
of whom are farmers residing in the county he lives in, continually
employing himself with their military improvement and the perfection of
their organization, and especially with the development of their
patriotic sentiments, which his conversation and example daily augments.
Captain Sprigg is also a tender parent, and an active and enlightened
agriculturist.

We soon after met the corporation of Washington, the troops and people
who came to meet general Lafayette. We then left our carriages for open
barouches, and in a short time entered the capital of the United States.
We were already half an hour within the limits of the city, without
finding a single habitation; the plan of Washington is so gigantic that
it will require a century for its completion. It is only built up in the
interval which separates the president’s house from the capitol, and
this space at present forms a moderate town. Our march from the entrance
of the city to the capitol, was marked by the firing of cannon, and
frequently impeded by the crowd which pressed upon the procession. After
passing under an arch of triumph Lafayette entered the capital, where
all the municipal authorities awaited him: he was conducted to an outer
gallery where the mayor addressed him on behalf of the city, in presence
of the people. Leaving the capital the procession moved slowly through
the city to the president’s house. The way was thronged with the youth
of the schools, and by numerous corps of militia. In this part of our
progress we passed under the windows of several ambassadors of the holy
alliance, to whom doubtless a triumph so excellent, so pure, and simple,
must have been an incomprehensible phenomenon.

We arrived at the president’s mansion, which is a very simple building,
but in good taste: it is constructed of very hard white stone, has but
one story, and terminates by a platform in the Italian style. The first
floor is somewhat raised from the ground, and an elegant peristyle leads
to it. The yard in front of the house is surrounded by a handsome iron
railing, having three gates, which are neither defended by guards,
constables, nor insolent lackies. The crowd which accompanied the
procession stopped in front of the railing, and none but the city
authorities accompanied us into the house. A single domestic opened the
principal door, and we were immediately introduced into the hall of
audience, which is of considerable size, elliptical in shape, and
decorated and carpeted with a remarkable correctness of taste. The
president at the upper end of the room, was seated upon a chair not
differing in form or elevation from the rest, and had near him the four
secretaries of the cabinet, the officers of the army and navy; some
senators and public officers were arranged in a semicircle on his right
and left. Like the president, they were all dressed in plain blue,
without lace, embroidery or decorations, without any of those puerile
ornaments for which so many silly men dance attendance in the
antichambers of European palaces. When general Lafayette entered, the
whole assembly rose, the president advanced eagerly to meet him,
embraced him with fraternal tenderness, then came to us and shook us
kindly by the hand, after which he introduced us all three individually
to the persons present. After this official introduction, the circle
broke up, groups were formed, and particular conversations ensued on
various points. During this time the president having drawn us three
near him, addressed the general thus:—“you are aware from my last letter
how much I desired to have you in my house along with your two
companions, during your stay in this city; but I am obliged to renounce
this pleasure. The people of Washington claim you; they say that as the
Nation’s Guest, none but the nation has a right to lodge you. I must
yield to the public will, and the municipalty have prepared a hotel,
provided a carriage, and in short, anticipated all your wants. You must
accept their invitation, but I hope that this will not hinder you from
considering my house as your own; you will always find your places ready
at my table, and I wish whenever you have no engagement with the
citizens, that you will dine with me. This evening, the municipalty
expect you at a public banquet: to-morrow you will be present at a grand
dinner which I give to the principal officers of government, but once
these ceremonies are concluded, I will do every thing I can, that you
may be as frequently as possible, a part of my family. This invitation
was so cordial and pressing, that general Lafayette frankly accepted it,
and retained our united thanks.”

The next day we went to dine with the president, and found there, all
the ministers, the municipal, judiciary and military officers. Before
taking our places at table, Mr. Monroe introduced us to his wife, two
daughters, and his sons-in-law. We found throughout the family, the same
cordiality and simplicity, which distinguished the president. Mrs.
Monroe is a fine and very agreeable woman.

In sitting down to dinner I observed that but one place was
distinguished from the rest, and this was for general Lafayette, whom
the president caused to sit on his right. All the rest took seats
without ceremony, but all with remarkable modesty. Every one appeared to
try to make his rank forgotten. Accident placed me between the secretary
of the navy, Mr. Southard, and major general Macomb. The latter speaks
French fluently, and had the kindness to answer my numerous questions,
as almost every thing I saw appeared strange to me. “You see here,” said
he, “nearly all the principal officers of our government; that is, the
_upper servants of the people_. They are not numerous, and consequently
the easier to superintend. The people are so much the better served, and
the expense is trifling, for among all these officers there is not one
who dreams of enriching himself. Their appointments are generally too
small to excite cupidity; it is a fact that most of them are obliged to
neglect their personal concerns, in order to attend to those of the
public, and quit the administration poorer than when they enter it; but
an ample recompense awaits their return to private life, in the esteem
and gratitude of their fellow citizens, if they have faithfully
performed their duties.”

I wished much to obtain some details concerning most of the persons who
are here called public servants, but the conversation became general,
and interrupted our particular observations. “On your return from
Yorktown,” said general Macomb, “you will probably pass some time here,
and you can then study the public characters and domestic habits of our
statesmen at your ease. This study may prove very interesting to an
European, and if I can aid you, you may command my services.” I accepted
of his offer with eagerness, and promised myself much advantage from his
good advice.

The three following days of our sojourn at Washington were employed by
the general in visiting Georgetown, which is only separated from the
capital of the United States by a small stream, where he met with a
brilliant reception; in receiving daily a great number of citizens, and
in passing a few moments with the family of his paternal friend, general
Washington. This time I employed in examining the city and its public
buildings, and in collecting some notes relative to the District of
Columbia.

Some time after freedom, commerce, and industry had effaced the bloody
traces of the revolutionary war, and rendered calm the great American
family of the union, Congress thought justly that as every state
required its entire independence, none of them could long be satisfied
with the presence of the central government, which itself needed to be
so situated as to be free from all local influence. In consequence a
small portion of land, situated upon the borders of Maryland and
Virginia, was purchased by government, which made it the seat of its
operations in 1800. This territory is ten miles square, and is traversed
by the river Potomac, and under the name of District of Columbia is
subjected to the immediate administration of Congress. The two most
considerable cities of the District of Columbia are Georgetown and
Alexandria, both much older than the formation of the district. The
first is very prettily situated on the declivity of a hill between the
Potomac and Rock Creek; its population is about 7,000 souls: it contains
a foundery of cannon, of which I shall hereafter speak; but its
commerce, although somewhat active, is much less than that of
Alexandria, situated much lower down, on the right bank of the Potomac.
The population of Alexandria amounts to 8,000 souls, and its exports,
consisting principally of flour, annually amount to nearly 9,000,000
dollars. As to Washington city, it is upon too vast a scale to derive
the aspect of a city from its 13,000 inhabitants. But for its public
buildings, one might take it for an infant colony struggling against
difficulties. In some parts of it, a quarter of an hour is necessary to
walk from one dwelling to the next, and it is not rare to see on the way
a plough heavily tracing a furrow which will probably bear harvests for
another half century, instead of buildings. The projected streets are
all large, straight, and parallel to each other, but the greatest error
committed in tracing them was that of not preserving a row of trees on
each side which would have better marked their direction, and have
offered a shelter from the heat of the sun. The most beautiful building
in Washington, beyond doubt, is the capitol. It contains two spacious
and well arranged halls for the senate and house of representatives;
another for the supreme court of the United States, and a third for the
national library. The capitol was burned by the English in 1814, who
behaved like Vandals when they took Washington; but it has risen from
its ashes, more vast and splendid. The workmen were still engaged upon
the capitol when I visited it. The navy yard, situated at a short
distance from the capitol, is one of the richest and most beautiful
establishments of this kind. All the works in wood and iron are effected
by steam machinery. I saw there several large frigates building. The
armoury appeared to be amply supplied. I was shown some repeating guns
for defending entrenchments, consisting of several barrels, connected
with one lock, firing fifty successive shots without being re-loaded.
Commodore Tingey, who commanded the navy yard, and did the honours with
most laudable politeness, promised to show me one of these guns in
operation, but not having time to witness it, I could not judge of its
usefulness, which some American officers boast much of. In the centre of
the principal court-yard, a rostral column is erected in honour of the
Americans who fell before Tripoli. It is of white marble, and was
surrounded with allegoric figures, skilfully executed; but in 1814, the
British, basely jealous of all foreign glory, endeavoured to destroy it;
it still bears numerous marks of sabre cuts with which it was struck in
brutal rage. The Americans have effaced none of them, and have scarce
complained against this act of Vandalism; but they have carved in large
letters, on the base of the monument, this severe sentence, “MUTILATED
BY THE BRITISH IN 1814.”

Next to the capitol, the most remarkable building is the mansion of the
president. The four large buildings which surround it, and are occupied
by the departments of state, are commodiously and solidly built, but are
by no means remarkable for their architecture. The town house is not yet
finished, and is so little advanced, that one can form no idea of its
effect as a public building. As to the theatre, it is a trifling little
house, in which three or four hundred spectators can hardly venture
without danger of suffocation.

Columbian college, founded but a short time since, at present contains
but a small number of pupils. The choice of the trustees and president
promise a brilliant futurity to the institution, but it has a formidable
disadvantage in the proximity of Georgetown college. This institution,
which we visited on the morning after our arrival at Washington, and in
which general Lafayette was received with great evidences of gratitude
and patriotism, is under the direction of the Jesuits. I could not avoid
feeling a painful sensation when I saw the reverend fathers in the
costume of their order. All the mischief with which the Jesuits are
reproached in Europe, presented themselves in a crowd to my alarmed
imagination, and I deplored the blindness of the Americans who confide
the education of their children to a sect so inimical to liberty. On
returning to Washington, I could not avoid mentioning my reflexions and
fears to Mr. C——, a senator, with whom I passed the evening. He
listened, at first smiling, but when he heard me express the wish that
the Jesuits in all countries should not be allowed to interfere in
public instruction, he shook his head with an air of disapprobation.
“Such a measure,” said he, “will never be adopted in our country, I hope
at least; it would, in my opinion, be contrary to the spirit of liberty
which animates us, and unjust towards the Jesuits, against whom we have
no cause of complaint. Nor do I know of any power in our society which
has a right to prescribe such a measure.” “It is possible,” I replied,
“that you have nothing to complain of, because they are here few in
number, and have not yet attained power; but patience—see what happens
in Europe and tremble.” “What happens in Europe can never occur here, so
long as we are wise enough to continue our present institutions; so long
as we have neither _king_, _state religion_, nor _monopoly_, we have
nothing to fear from the intrigues nor the influence of any
_association_. With whom will the Jesuits intrigue here? with the
government? the people are the government. I can well conceive how the
Jesuits of Europe by force of intrigue possess themselves of the king’s
ear, and fill his mind with religious terrors, by the aid of which they
gain from him riches, honour, power, &c.; but really do you believe that
with all the trick and address that you attribute to them, that your
Jesuits will ever be able to persuade a whole free and enlightened
nation to plunder themselves on their account, and to deliver themselves
up shackled hand and foot? Never. And in what way are they to accomplish
this? By public instruction? In order that this instruction should be an
efficacious instrument, they must have a monopoly of it; but thanks to
our institutions we have no monopolies of any kind. We do not groan as
you do in Europe under the yoke of a privileged university. Here every
parent is the sole judge of the manner in which his children shall be
instructed and educated. Hence the concurrence among all those who wish
to devote themselves to the exercise of public instruction, a
concurrence which is only supported by a sincere attachment to our
institutions, a profound respect for the laws which are our work, and
the practice of all the virtues which make a good citizen. The Jesuits
themselves are obliged to fulfil these conditions in order to obtain
public confidence, and they do obtain it; so long as they continue to
deserve it, I see no pretext for depriving them of a right common to
all, and should they ever become unworthy of confidence, public opinion
will render them justice.” “Alas!” continued I, “public opinion can do
them justice with us also, but can neither drive them from the councils
of the prince, nor from the university, nor the rich establishments they
have founded, nor the offices they have secured.” “Then,” coolly replied
the senator, “have none of these things, and your Jesuits will be as
harmless as ours.”




                             CHAPTER XIII.

  Departure for Yorktown: Washington’s tomb: Celebration of the
    anniversary of the surrender of Yorktown: Details of its siege in
    1781.


The Virginia militia had long since expressed their desire to general
Lafayette, of having him present at the celebration of the anniversary
of the capture of Yorktown, on the very soil where this great event
occurred, which, in terminating the revolutionary war, forever secured
the independence of the United States. To accept this honourable
invitation, general Lafayette left Washington the 16th of October,
crossed the Potomac upon a wooden bridge nearly a mile long, and was
received upon the Virginia side by a corps of troops, under command of
general Jones. His march to Alexandria, and his entry into that city,
were marked by the continual thunder of artillery, placed along the
road, and by the acclamations of the people. We dined and slept at
Alexandria. As we were sitting down to table with all the magistrates,
and a great number of citizens, Mr. Adams, the secretary of state,
informed us of the death of the king of France, Louis the eighteenth.

On the 17th, we embarked in the steam-boat Petersburg, in company with
the secretary of war, Mr. Calhoun, generals Macomb, Jones, and a great
number of other officers and citizens. After a voyage of two hours, the
guns of fort Washington announced that we were approaching the last
abode of the father of his country. At this solemn signal, to which the
military band accompanying us responded by plaintive strains, we went on
deck, and the venerable soil of Mount Vernon was before us; at this view
an involuntary and spontaneous movement made us kneel. We landed in
boats, and trod upon the ground so often worn by the feet of Washington.
A carriage received general Lafayette, and the other visitors silently
ascended the precipitous path which conducted to the solitary habitation
of Mount Vernon. In re-entering beneath this hospitable roof, which had
sheltered him when the reign of terror tore him violently from his
country and family, George Lafayette felt his heart sink within him, at
no more finding him whose paternal care had softened his misfortunes,
whose example and wise counsel inspired his youthful mind with those
generous sentiments which at present render him an example of good
citizenship, a model to parents and husbands, the most devoted of sons,
the most stable of friends. His father again sought with emotion for
every thing which reminded him of the companion of his glorious toils.

Three nephews of general Washington took Lafayette, his son, and myself,
to conduct us to the tomb of their uncle; our numerous companions
remained in the house; in a few minutes after, the cannon of the fort,
thundering anew, announced that Lafayette rendered homage to the ashes
of WASHINGTON. Simple and modest as he was during life, the tomb of the
citizen-hero is scarcely perceived amid the sombre cypresses by which it
is surrounded: a vault slightly elevated and sodded over, a wooden door
without inscriptions, some withered and some green garlands, indicate to
the traveller who visits this spot, the place where rest in peace the
puissant arms which broke the chains of his country. As we approached,
the door was opened; Lafayette descended alone into the vault, and a few
minutes after re-appeared, with his eyes overflowing with tears. He took
his son and me by the hand, and led us into the tomb, where by a sign he
indicated the coffin of his paternal friend, along side of which was
that of his companion in life, united to him forever in the grave. We
knelt reverentially near his coffin, which we respectfully saluted with
our lips; rising, we threw ourselves into the arms of Lafayette, and
mingled our tears with his.

In leaving the vault, we were met by the three nephews of Washington:
one of them, Mr. Custis, presented general Lafayette with a gold ring,
containing some of the hair of the great man, and we returned to the
house where our companions awaited us. An hour was devoted to visiting
the house and grounds, which at present belong to a nephew of
Washington, who bears the same name, and is one of the judges of the
supreme court of the United States. He has made no alteration in the
property left him by his uncle, for whose memory he entertains the most
profound and tender respect. George Lafayette assured us that every
thing in the house was as he saw it twenty-eight years ago. He found in
the place where Washington himself had left it, the principal key of the
bastile, which was sent him by Lafayette, at the time this monument of
despotism was destroyed. The note sent with the key is still carefully
preserved.

The situation of Mount Vernon, upon the right bank of the Potomac, is
very picturesque, and is seen to a great distance from this majestic
river. The house is small, very plain, and surrounded by fine trees. The
tomb is about two hundred paces from the house.

After resting a few moments, we resumed the path leading to the shore:
our march was silent; each of us bore a branch of cypress, cut from over
the tomb of Washington. We resembled a bereaved family, who had entombed
a beloved father, recently dead. We were already on board our vessel—and
the waves had borne us afar, and no one had interrupted our silent
meditation. At last Mount Vernon disappeared behind the high and winding
banks of the river; all then grouped themselves on the quarter deck of
the steam-boat, and listened attentively till evening to Lafayette, who
talked of Washington.

Soon after leaving Mount Vernon we met the steam-boat Potomac, having on
board a volunteer company from Fredericksburgh, commanded by captain
Crutchfield, and a great number of passengers who came to meet general
Lafayette. The two boats after exchanging salutes, sailed in company
during the night, and arrived next day at noon at the mouth of York
river, where were five other boats, which ascended the river with us to
Yorktown. We delayed a moment in front of a point marked for our
landing, and at a signal given by the artillery on shore, we debarked in
boats commanded by captain Elliot. The general was received on shore by
the Yorktown committee, the governor of Virginia and council, the chief
justice of the United States, John Marshall, and numerous officers of
the army. The upper banks of the river were covered with a crowd of
ladies from great distances, and its waters offered an entirely
picturesque view from the number, variety and disposition of the vessels
with which it was covered. After having replied to the addresses of Mr.
Leigh, president of the committee, and to that of the governor of
Virginia, general Lafayette was conducted amid the acclamations of the
people, to the head quarters prepared for him. It was in the very house
that Cornwallis inhabited during the siege of Yorktown, forty-three
years previous.

Yorktown, which has never recovered from the disasters of the
revolutionary war, because its unhealthy situation prevented the access
of new inhabitants, appeared from its actual condition very properly
adapted to the celebration which was to take place on the following day:
houses in ruins, blackened by fire, or pierced by bullets; the ground
covered with fragments of arms, the broken shells, and overturned
gun-carriages; tents grouped or scattered according to the nature of the
ground; small platoons of soldiers placed at various points, all in a
word, conveyed the idea of a camp hastily formed near a village taken
and occupied after an obstinate battle. The manner in which we were
lodged, tended to keep up the illusion; a single bed was prepared for
general Lafayette; all who accompanied him, officers, generals, and the
governor, placed themselves at random on mattresses or straw, in the
half open and unfurnished apartments. During the night sixty officers
formed a volunteer company, to guard the head quarters, around which
they were bivouacked. We were awaked at day-break on the 19th, by the
cannon thundering from the plain, calling all the surrounding troops to
arms. General Lafayette, accompanied by the committee of arrangement,
went to Washington’s marquee, which had travelled with us, and was
erected at some distance from the head quarters: there he received the
different corps of officers from the surrounding regiments. During this
presentation we were witness to the most affecting scenes: two old
revolutionary soldiers fainted away in shaking hands with the general.
The appearance of colonel Lewis who presented himself in the dress of a
Virginian mountaineer, and asked permission to address Lafayette on
behalf of his county, attracted great attention.

As soon as colonel Lewis had finished this discourse, which was much
applauded by the auditors, the general kindly took his hand into his
own, thanked him affectionately, and begged him to express all his
gratitude to the mountaineers of Virginia, whose excellent and numerous
services rendered during the revolution, he rapidly enumerated.

At eleven o’clock the troops approached the head quarters near which
they formed two columns, and some moments after they marched to conduct
general Lafayette under a triumphal arch erected over the situation of
the English redoubt which he formerly carried, at the head of the
American troops he commanded during the siege of Yorktown. His march now
took place through a double row of ladies whose vivid joy and elegant
costume singularly contrasted with the warlike arrangements around us.
He was received under the triumphal arch by general Taylor who after the
different corps had taken the places assigned them, and silence was
established among the surrounding crowd, commenced an eloquent address,
in which he developed the motives of American enthusiasm and gratitude,
towards Lafayette.

General Lafayette was profoundly moved, and his emotion was still more
augmented by the enthusiasm with which the last words of the orator were
received by the people. However, always governed by that modesty which
so strongly characterizes him, he immediately removed the wreath which
had been placed upon his head, and turning to colonel Fish, one of the
officers who valiantly seconded him in the attack upon the redoubt;
“take it,” said he, “this wreath belongs to you also, preserve it as a
deposit for which we must account to our comrades.” Then addressing
general Taylor, he returned his thanks, thus:

“I am happy to receive such honourable evidences of friendship from my
ancient companions in arms, in the place where the American and French
arms were so gloriously united in a holy alliance in favour of American
independence, and the sacred principle of the sovereignty of the people.
I am happy also to be thus received on the very place where my dear
comrades of the light infantry acquired one of their most honorable
rights to the love and esteem of their fellow-citizens.” He finished by
paying a tribute of gratitude to the officers who directed the attack
upon the redoubt, and among them named Hamilton, Gimat, Lawrence, Fish,
and added that it was in their name, in the name of the light infantry,
and only in common with them, that he accepted the proffered wreath.

After this ceremony all the troops defiled before Lafayette, and we
returned to Yorktown, where we passed the rest of the day in festivity.
A circumstance of considerable piquancy augmented the interest of this
patriotic and military celebration: I have already stated that General
Lafayette on arriving at Yorktown, established his head quarters in the
same house in which Cornwallis had his, forty-three years before. Some
servants, in examining the cellars, in order to put away the
refreshments and provisions conveniently, discovered in an obscure
corner a large chest; its weight and apparent antiquity excited their
curiosity; they opened it, and to their great astonishment found it
filled with candles, blackened by time: by an inscription on the lid it
was found that they formed part of Cornwallis’s stores during the siege.
They immediately made it known in the house, and the intelligence
speedily reached the camp. Shortly after all the candles were removed,
lighted and arranged in a circle, in the centre of the camp, where the
ladies and soldiers danced during the evening. A ball in York-town in
1824 by the light of Cornwallis’s candles, appeared so pleasant an
occurrence to our old revolutionary soldiers, that notwithstanding their
great age, and the fatigues of the day, most of them were unwilling to
retire until the candles were entirely consumed.

Although more than half the night was passed before we could retire to
rest, the desire of attentively considering the place in which American
independence was secured by a decisive victory, did not permit me to
waste much time in sleep. I awoke just at dawn of day, and reached the
ruins of the ancient entrenchments of the town as the first rays of the
sun fell upon the temporary encampment of the militia, which they had
already abandoned; I saw a part of the troops going on board of vessels,
which were preparing to leave the shore, while the decreasing sounds of
the drum behind the forest, which begins at a short distance from the
town, indicated the route of those detachments which sought their homes
by land. Although every thing around me offered an exact and piquant
scene of war, my attention was not long withheld from my principal
object, and I soon began to reconnoitre the situation of the town, the
exterior works and the position of the two armies, whose _holy alliance_
had secured the independence of a young nation, and the rights of man on
the American continent. Notwithstanding some gardens, and the useless
efforts of the plough to fertilize some spots of a soil consisting
almost entirely of sterile sand, I could easily find the trace of the
fortification of the town, which describes an arc whose chord was formed
by York river, which in this place is large and navigable even for
frigates; but I had much difficulty in recognising the exterior works.
However by the aid of a plan of the siege, I pursued my researches, when
I remarked a man seated at the foot of a small pyramid, and who appeared
to be plunged in profound meditation. On this pyramid is inscribed in
large letters, the names of _Viomenil_, _Rochambeau_, _Lauzun_, _St.
Simon_, _Dumas_, in short of all the principal officers of the French
corps who had fought and conquered at York-town. While I read again and
again with satisfaction the glorious names which will remind remotest
posterity of the honourable part France took in the struggle of American
liberty against British tyranny, the old man rose; I saluted him, and we
soon entered into conversation relative to the objects which appeared to
interest us equally. He informed me that he had served with Lafayette
during the campaign of Virginia, and the siege of York-town; that having
lived for forty years since on a farm but a few miles distant, he had
not passed an anniversary since the capture of York-town, without coming
to the spot, and paying the tribute of his regrets to his ancient
comrades, and of gratitude to the French nation. “Since,” said he, “you
appear to take so much interest in the details of this event, in which I
had the good fortune to take an active part, let us ascend together this
point of a bastion, which remains standing among all these ruins, whence
we can take in the plan of operations at a glance, and I can make myself
better understood.” After the old soldier had looked around to collect
his recollections, we sat down together, with our backs toward the town,
and in front of us the plain, which the besieging army occupied. “You
know,” said he, “how Cornwallis, after a campaign of six months, was
driven by the young Lafayette, from post to post through Virginia, to
shut himself up in York-town, whence he could only escape by laying down
his arms. I shall therefore commence my recital from the period when
Lafayette by establishing himself at Williamsburg, rendered it
impossible for Cornwallis to escape.”

“In the early part of September, Cornwallis attempted to reconnoitre our
position, but judging that it would be impossible to force it, and
knowing that all retreat by sea was cut off by the French fleet under
Count de Grasse, determined to run the chances of a siege, and
endeavoured to fortify himself as well as he could. We all thought, that
profiting by the enthusiasm which our late successes had excited in the
army, Lafayette would not give his adversary time to prepare himself,
but would lead us at once to a final victory. But the young general on
this occasion manifested a moderation perhaps still more admirable than
his bravery and talents; neither the solicitations of his officers, who
pressed him not to lose this opportunity of winning new laurels, by
striking the last blow at the English army, nor the offers of Admiral De
Grasse, who through M. De St. Simon offered him the support of the
marines, and even a part of the crews of his thirty-eight vessels, could
determine him to attempt any thing before the arrival of the allied army
commanded by Washington and Rochambeau. “When great interests are in
question,” answered he, “I shall never prefer the gratification of
self-love, to the certainty of a assured success,” and he waited to the
end with a patience which would have excited surprise even in an old
captain.

“On the 13th Washington and Rochambeau arrived at our camp, and on the
17th went on board the _Ville de Paris_ to concert with Count de Grasse
the measures necessary to render the French fleet tributary to the
success of the enterprize. On the 26th and 28th all the combined forces
were united, and we marched to invest York-town, which was accomplished
without the loss of a single man. The French corps commanded by
Rochambeau, occupied the space between the river and a marsh which is
nearly in front of us, but which is now masked by some trees and
ravines, under shelter of which, without risk, we could approach within
pistol-shot of the enemy’s works. The Grenadiers and Chasseurs of the
advanced guard of this army was commanded by Viomenil. Next morning the
American army passed the same marsh, established its left there, and
placed its right below upon York river. The investment of the place was
thus as close and complete as possible. The legion of Lauzun, a corps of
cavalry, and a half brigade of American militia, took post at Gloucester
on the other side of the river, where they could only establish
themselves after dislodging Tarleton, who occupied it with 400 horse and
200 infantry.

“During the night of the 29th and 30th, the enemy dreading to be
attacked by a coup-de-main in the very extensive position he had
fortified, resolved to abandon his camp at Pidgeon hill, and to retain
only two redoubts in front of the body of the place. The day of the 30th
was employed by us in occupying the works abandoned by the enemy, which
enabled us to enclose him within a narrower circle, and gave us the
greatest advantages. From this moment we opened our trenches, and a
noble emulation was established between our allies and us. Although we
were very young soldiers and inexperienced in the operations of a siege,
we had the satisfaction of meriting the praise of the French, who agreed
that our zeal and intelligence made us worthy of being associated with
veteran troops.

“Messrs. Duportail and de Querenet superintended the works as chiefs of
Engineers. M. D’Aboville commanded the French artillery, and General
Knox the American. Notwithstanding the enemy’s fire, the trenches were
rapidly advanced. On the 9th, three batteries were ready to play upon
the town. General Washington himself fired the first gun, and at this
signal we commenced a furious cannonade, which the enemy answered with
great vigour. On the 10th a red-hot shot fired from a French battery at
the little English squadron stationed in the river, set fire to a ship
of 44 guns and two other smaller vessels. This conflagration which
commenced in the evening and continued till late at night, presented a
terrible and magic spectacle. The devouring flames which blazed in tall
columns up the masts, threw a lurid light upon all our batteries, and
seemed to lend us their light to facilitate their destruction.—The
battle only ceased when the cessation of the conflagration left us in
darkness.

“On the 14th, the English possessed no other external works but two
large redoubts, on the situation of one of which Lafayette yesterday
received the civic wreath; the other much more to the right, precisely
where the pyramid is raised, at whose base we first met. Washington
resolved to take them, and all the 14th and part of the 15th was
employed in cannonading them to destroy the abattis which defended the
approaches, and facilitate the storm. During this cannonade Washington
and Rochambeau, on foot, surrounded by the officers of the staff,
remained as near as possible to the enemy’s works, to judge better of
the effects of our batteries, and caused the whole army to admire their
calm intrepidity. Rochambeau, to calm the impatient ardor of Viomenil,
who thought they were burning powder uselessly, and that the moment was
arrived for the assault, descended alone into the ravine which separated
him from the enemy, tranquilly mounted the opposite side, entered the
abattis within pistol-shot of the English batteries, and returned to
assure Viomenil coolly that the abattis was not sufficiently destroyed,
and he must wait until the parapet was more levelled, in order that his
grenadiers should be exposed as little time as possible. At length the
enemy’s fire began to slacken, and Washington judged the moment
favorable for the assault. Lafayette at the head of the American light
infantry was charged with the attack of the redoubt on the left of the
beseiged, and Viomenil, at the head of the French grenadiers with the
left. Lafayette thought correctly that to carry entrenchments defended
by experienced soldiers with young troops, he could only count on the
audacity and rapidity of the attack; in consequence he had all the arms
of his division discharged, formed it in column, and led it himself,
sword in hand, at full speed across the abattis, and in spite of the
enemy’s fire entered the redoubt, of which he was soon master with the
loss of but few men. He immediately sent his aid, Barbour, to Viomenil
to inform him he was in his redoubt, and inquire where _he_ was. The
aid-de-camp found the French general at the head of his column of
grenadiers, waiting patiently under arms, under the terrible fire of the
enemy until his sappers had methodically prepared a path across the
abattis. “Tell Lafayette,” said Viomenil, “that I am not yet in mine,
but will be there in five minutes,” and in fact within five minutes, his
troops entered the redoubt by beat of drum, and in as good order as if
on parade. This action displayed in the strongest manner the discipline,
bravery and coolness of the French grenadiers, but cost them a
considerable number of killed and wounded. As soon as we were masters of
the two redoubts, we established there good lodgments which were
connected with the second parallel, and new batteries were constructed,
which completed the enclosure of Cornwallis’s army, and battered
effectually the interior of the place in a very destructive manner.

“During the night of the 15–16th, the enemy made a sortie of 600 picked
troops, commanded by Abercrombie, who met with resistance from all our
redoubts, but succeeded in deceiving the French post of the second
parallel, by presenting themselves as Americans, and by the aid of this
manœuvre gained and spiked a battery of four pieces. Chevalier
Chastellux arriving immediately with his reserve, forced the British to
retreat precipitately. Thanks to the care of General Aboville,
commanding the French artillery, the four badly spiked pieces were ready
to be used in six hours afterwards.

“It appeared that this sortie was intended to cover the retreat of
Cornwallis and his army. In fact we learned soon after, that general
Cornwallis had resolved to leave his sick and baggage, cross the river
during the night, attack the troops which occupied Gloucester
unexpectedly, and after routing them, to force his way by land even to
New York. The plan was a bold one, and worthy of such a man as
Cornwallis. His boats were all in readiness, and part of his troops had
already landed on the opposite side of the river, when a violent tempest
suddenly coming on, rendered it impossible for him to continue his
operations. He esteemed himself very fortunate in getting his troops
back to York-town, before the daylight betrayed his secret. He then
perceived there was no longer a hope of escape for him, and on the 7th
he demanded a parley. The negociations continued until the 19th: they
were conducted by the American colonel Laurens, whose father was a
prisoner in England, and the Viscount de Noailles. The capitulation
specified that Cornwallis and his army should be prisoners of war; that
the troops should defile with shouldered arms, with flags rolled up, and
drums beating an English or German march, and that they should ground
their arms on the glacis, in face of the allied armies. This
capitulation was ratified by the general in chief, and at noon
detachments of the allied troops occupied the principal posts. When the
British came out of the city to defile before us, we were ranged in two
lines, the Americans on the right, and the French on the left; at the
extremity of both lines were all our general officers. In the midst of
them, the beloved WASHINGTON was conspicuous, from his great height and
beautiful charger, which he managed with inimitable grace. At the moment
when the head of the column appeared, all eyes sought Cornwallis, who
being detained by indisposition, was represented by General O’Hara. The
latter either through mistake or determination, offered his sword to
General Rochambeau, who by a sign pointed out General Washington, and
said, that the French army being only auxiliary, it was from the
American general that he should receive orders. O’Hara appeared piqued,
and advanced towards Washington, who received him with a noble
generosity. It was evident to us that the English in their misfortune
were especially mortified to be obliged to lay down their arms before
Americans, for the officers and soldiers affected to turn their heads
towards the French line. Lafayette perceived this, and revenged himself
in a very pleasant manner. He ordered the music of the light infantry to
strike up _yankee doodle_, an air which the British applied to a song
composed to ridicule the Americans at the beginning of the war, and
which they uniformly sung to all their prisoners. This pleasantry of
Lafayette was so bitter to them, that many of them broke their arms in a
rage in grounding them on the glacis. Cornwallis himself participated in
their weakness of self-love, which made them blush to be conquered by
those they chose to consider as rebels, rather than as citizens armed in
defence of their rights. The day after the capitulation, being amid the
allied generals who came to visit him, he affected in speaking of
Lafayette always to separate his glory from that of the _Americans_. “I
determined more willingly to surrender,” said he, addressing our young
general, “as I knew that the French were associated with the Americans,
and their character assured me of an humane and honourable treatment for
my army.” “What,” replied Fayette, “has your lordship so soon forgotten
that we _Americans_ are also humane to captive armies?” This answer
which alluded to the taking of Burgoyne’s army by the Americans, some
time previous, prevented Cornwallis from returning to the subject. You
see,” said the old soldier, whom I had not once ventured to interrupt,
during his recital, so strongly was I interested, “that Lafayette was on
all occasions a strong and ardent friend; he was not contented to serve
our cause by his counsels and sword in her battles, but he defended our
character and reputation, when they were unjustly attacked, and
identifying himself with us, rendered himself as it were bondsman for
all our actions. Moreover the English who affected so much contempt for
us, ought at least to have talked less of _humanity_, as they every day
outraged this virtue by the most horrible actions. We should never
forget that during this campaign of Virginia, so glorious for our arms
and fortunate for our independence, fire, pillage and murder accompanied
them through our towns and villages; frequently they massacred their
prisoners in cold blood after battle, and, in short, during the seige of
York-town, despairing to conquer us by force of arms, they attempted to
poison us, by sending among us more than an hundred unfortunate negroes,
affected with the small-pox, and which our pity succoured at the foot of
their ramparts.

“But why dwell so long upon the crimes of a tyranny we have destroyed,
and which half a century of happiness and liberty, should efface from
our memory!—Have I not moreover a much more pleasant task to accomplish
in speaking of the rights which the French army and its virtuous leaders
have acquired to American gratitude by their courage and generosity.” He
then related to me with emotion a number of incidents, which proved that
there never was a better disciplined army, nor understood their duties
as allies better, than this little French army, and I ought to add that
this evidence of an old American soldier, speaking as it were in
presence of the facts he cited, is not the only one I collected during
our journey. Every where, even to the smallest villages, which were
formerly occupied by the French army, I heard its severe discipline, its
profound respect to propriety, patience under fatigues, courage in
battle and moderation in victory, highly praised; and I avow that this
eulogium on the noble conduct of my countrymen always made my heart beat
with a delightful emotion. Why then, does the French restoration of
1815, (which, to attach to its colours, glorious recollections, or to
cause to be forgotten the warlike prodigies of the tri-colored cockade,
incessantly invokes the standard of Henry IV, which was only
distinguished in civil wars, or of Louis XIV, whose banners were merely
witness to useless victories or devastating retreats,) not claim as a
legitimate heritage a part of the glory of the War of American
Independence? Was it not under this _White flag_ that Rochambeau’s
grenadiers marched to the capture of Yorktown? Was it not under the
banners of _legitimacy_ that our navy immortalized itself in securing
the freedom of a young nation by the dispersion of the English fleets?
Or does the restoration spurn the glory because it was acquired to the
advantage of Liberty? I know not; but what is certain, is, that while we
were celebrating the anniversary of the capture of Yorktown, the French
squadron commanded by Admiral —— which was then lying in Hampton roads,
where they might hear the acclamations of American gratitude for French
benefits, remained coldly strangers to a festival which ought to have
been regarded as a family celebration by both nations. However, we are
satisfied that this inexplicable indifference or repugnance, was not
participated in by a majority of the officers or crews. Of the officers
some privately came on shore and in citizen’s dress, were witness to
this patriotic scene, in which the Americans would have speedily
assigned them a distinguished place, if they had been permitted to
present themselves in their proper uniform.

When I returned to the headquarters, I found our travelling companions
very much occupied with this question, and many of them affirmed that
the French admiral would not have acted thus unless he had received
instructions on the subject from a superior authority.




                              CHAPTER XIV.

  Journey from Yorktown to Richmond by Williamsburg and Norfolk.—History
    of Virginia. Some considerations on negro slavery.


The acclamations of gratitude and tumult of arms, which momentarily
interrupted the habitual calm of Yorktown, had already ceased, when on
the morning of the 20th, we departed for Williamsburgh, formerly the
capital of Virginia, but at present a small town retaining very little
of its ancient importance. Its college which was founded under the reign
of William and Mary, and bears their name, was celebrated for the
excellence of its learning until within about half a century, since when
it appears to have partaken of the sad destiny of the town, to which it
belongs. Williamsburg is situated on a plain between York and James
rivers. Two creeks which fall into these great rivers approach each
other in front of the town and form a sort of narrow road upon which
General Lafayette established the excellent post which Cornwallis
attempted unsuccessfully, when he essayed to escape from the snare into
which he had been drawn by his youthful adversary. Although the
population of Williamsburg is not more than 14 or 1500 souls, the
general was received with great feeling, and had the pleasure of
greeting a considerable number of ancient friends, with whom he passed
the day. The day following, we embarked at Jamestown for Norfolk, and
our voyage down James river was very interesting to General Lafayette
and some of our old travelling companions, who at each point of the
shore again reviewed a page of the history of their glorious Virginian
campaign.

In about five hours we arrived in the vast road of Hampton; the
declining sun threw his rays obliquely upon the fort of old point
Comfort, which in the distance seemed to rest upon the level surface of
the sea.—Beyond that, upon the Chesapeake, we beheld several ships whose
majestic sides seemed elevated like high walls, which belonged to the
French squadron; some cannon which we heard towards the south, and the
columns of smoke seen rising in that direction, indicated the position
of Norfolk, which, situated upon a flat and marshy ground at the mouth
of Elizabeth river, does not appear above the surface of the water,
unless it be closely approached. Our boat soon reached the wharf, and at
his landing General Lafayette was saluted by the two forts which defend
the entrance of the river, and by the shipping in port. I shall not
undertake to describe the festivities prepared by the citizens of
Norfolk for the reception of the nation’s guest; they were, as every
where else, strongly impressed with the patriotic and grateful character
of the people. The young lady, who as the emblem of the Genius of
Norfolk, received General Lafayette under the triumphal arch, and
expressed the sentiments of the citizens, merits an especial
remembrance; her beauty, eloquence and the modest firmness with which
she performed her part, made a deep and ineffaceable impression upon all
the spectators.

Of all the cities we had visited, Norfolk had the least agreeable
aspect; the houses are generally badly built, and the streets narrow and
crooked. On account of the circumjacent marshes, the air is unhealthy,
and diseases common during autumn. Its population does not exceed 4000
souls. Its commerce however is very active with the northern states,
Europe and especially the West India Islands; its harbour is deep enough
for the largest, has room for at least three hundred vessels, and is the
only good port in Virginia and North Carolina, so that all the imports
and exports of these two states are made thereby. The exports consist
principally of corn, flour, wheat, all sorts of lumber, salt-meat, and
fish, iron, lead, tobacco, tar and turpentine. A great number of French
families, emigrants from St. Domingo reside at Norfolk. These families
first made choice of this asylum because of its proximity, and were
eventually induced to fix themselves there, because they had permission
to retain and work the unfortunate slaves they brought with them. It is
a sad and revolting spectacle which is presented at present by some of
these refugees, who have no other means of struggling against misery,
than by hiring their wretched slaves out to severe labour, for which
they receive the pay. Many of the negroes who work about the harbour are
slaves thus hired to the merchants, who feed them and pay about 65 cents
a day, which they faithfully carry home at night to their indolent
master.

On the following morning, we visited Portsmouth, a small village
situated immediately opposite Norfolk upon the left bank of James river,
and contains a fine navy yard, where we saw a superb sixty-four gun
ship, the North Carolina, which had not long been launched. On
re-entering Norfolk, we were received with great pomp by the freemasons,
who had the kindness to receive us all three as honorary members of
their lodge. In the evening there was a brilliant ball, to which the
citizens of Norfolk hoped to have had the company of the officers of the
French squadron, but it appeared that the same causes, which had
prevented their participation in the Yorktown festival, also prevented
them from having the pleasure of dancing with the Norfolk ladies, for we
did not see one of them, at least in uniform.

After the ball, about eleven P. M. we returned to the steam-boat to
ascend James river to Richmond, the capital of Virginia, distant about
one hundred miles. The nation’s guest was expected there with more
impatience because this city in proportion to its population contained a
greater number of witnesses of his efforts in favour of American
independence. At Richmond, in fact, and its vicinity, the multiplied
movements between Lafayette and the traitor Arnold, supported by General
Philips took place.

All business was suspended to receive Lafayette, and in spite of the
inconvenience of a profuse rain, which detained us for some hours on
board the boat, the crowd had pushed forward to meet us at Osborn where
we were to land. The solemn entry could not take place till next
morning. Forty revolutionary soldiers who had served under him in
Virginia, were introduced to him immediately after his arrival. It was
with great feeling that they again beheld their old general, and he,
full of emotion, astonished them by remembering and calling by name
those who most particularly shared his toils and dangers.

The next morning, as the bad weather ceased, the festivities were
resumed with increased splendour. The general was received at the
capital, built in imitation of the _square house_ of Nimes, and welcomed
in a speech by Chief Justice Marshall, in presence of the civil and
military officers, and a vast concourse of citizens, among whom we had
the pleasure of finding some Frenchmen, and particularly Mr. Chevalié,
who for thirty years has lived in Virginia, where he has uniformly
enjoyed the friendship and esteem of his adopted fellow-citizens.

Notwithstanding the multiplicity of entertainments into which we were
almost forced, during our stay in Richmond, we were able to pass some
moments in private society, with some of the most distinguished men of
the city. From their uniformly instructive conversation, I collected the
details relative to the history, constitution, and manners of Virginia,
which will be found below.

That part of the American continent called Virginia, which was one of
the most ancient English colonies in the western hemisphere, and at
present forms one of the vastest states of the great republican family
of the union, was first discovered by John Cabot, according to English,
and by Verrazano according to the French historians, who took possession
of it in the name of Francis I. But whoever was the fortunate navigator
who first landed upon this fertile soil, it is not the less true, that
its first establishments do not date earlier than 1587, at which time
Sir Walter Raleigh took possession on behalf of a company of English
merchants. This feeble colony was composed of but 500 individuals in
1605, and was soon reduced to sixty by all sorts of privations, and the
reiterated attacks of the Indians. It is probable that this shattered
remnant would soon have been entirely destroyed, if a new expedition of
three ships under Captain Newport, had not arrived to assist them with
men, arms and provisions. At this time Jamestown was founded, and its
slender ramparts offered a shelter to the colonists from the Indian
arrows. War, famine and discord would speedily have extinguished the
colony, if the influence of one man of genius had not sufficed to save
it. Captain Smith, by his skill and bravery, soon became the soul of the
settlement; he waged successful war with some of the tribes which
refused to negociate, and formed friendly alliances with others, so that
the colony was soon in a nourishing condition. It was in this state, and
already beginning to forget its first troubles, when Captain Smith was
taken prisoner by hostile Indians, who would inevitably have killed him,
if the young Pocahontas, daughter of Powhatan chief of the tribe, by her
prayers and tears had not obtained his pardon, at the moment he was
about to be sacrificed. As soon as he was set at liberty, he hastened to
return to Jamestown, where he found the colony once more reduced to the
most miserable state. But thirty-eight persons survived, and were
willing to risk in a frail shallop, the lives they had compromitted by
their imprudence and presumption. Smith still had sufficient ascendance
to retain them; his activity created new resources, and another
reinforcement was brought by Newport. The colony again began to prosper,
but a novel incident again threw them into necessity, and was near
extinguishing them forever. They thought they had discovered gold in a
rivulet flowing through a bank of sand above the town, and the senseless
wish of amassing gold caused them to abandon the only exertions by which
they could hope for a happy existence. Famine again began to decimate
the colonists who were obliged to recur to him, whose prudence had so
often saved them. Smith taking advantage of the terror with which he had
impressed some tribes, and the friendship he had excited in others,
obtained succours from them, which they brought to Jamestown in
abundance. He then undertook to explore the country to great distances
to ascertain its resources. For this purpose he embarked in a small
canoe, and amid all perils explored most of the rivers flowing into the
Chesapeake, and collected concerning them, and especially of the actual
territory of Virginia. Such exact details that they still serve as the
basis of the best efforts of the best geographers. In short the genius
of Smith preserved the colony, and continued to extend its limits until
1610, at which time a fatal accident prevented him from making farther
attempts. In returning from his expedition, his powder flask exploded
and wounded him dreadfully. His friends urged his return to England; he
yielded to their intreaties, and in six months after the five hundred
colonists, whom he had left well armed, well provisioned and beginning
to enjoy their flocks and harvests, were reduced to sixty individuals,
looking like spectres more than men. The colony would have soon ceased,
but for the arrival of three ships and a great number of new emigrants,
brought by Lord Delaware. This reinforcement raised the spirits of the
colonists, and the wise administration of Sir Thomas Dale gave to the
settlement an unexpected increase of prosperity. At this time Mr. Rolfe,
one of the settlers, married Pocahontas, the same that saved the life of
Captain Smith. This alliance was immensely advantageous to the colony,
because Powhatan pledged himself and all the tribes under his influence,
to aid the English in all their wars, and furnish them with provisions.
How much is it to be regretted that Rolfe’s example had not been
followed by his companions! It would have been easy for them to have
secured their own prosperity by such alliances, and they would have
spared humanity much blood and tears.

After this marriage, the settlers peacefully applied themselves to the
culture of tobacco, which brought them great wealth, and subsisted
almost entirely at the cost of the Indians, who were faithful to their
treaty, although it was truly onerous to them. Sir Thomas Dale profited
by this tranquillity to perfect the administrative system, but
unfortunately he was succeeded in 1617, by Captain Algal, whose haughty
and tyrannic disposition was near causing the greatest disorders, and
the colony already experienced some vicissitudes. Recalled by the
company, he was replaced by George Hardly, who to obtain the means of
repairing the errors of his predecessor, convoked a general assembly of
the inhabitants of Virginia. The introduction of the representative
system into the colony dates from this period, which was not slow in
feeling its happy effects. The London Company assented to this new form
of government, and determined its basis by a charter granted on the 24th
of July 1621. This charter established, “That in Virginia for the
future, there should be a legislative body, called the _General
Assembly_, consisting of the governor, twelve counsellors, and
representatives of the people; that the counsellors and representatives
should make the laws, and that the government should have the right to
approve or reject them; that the laws should have no effect until
ratified by the company; and that as soon as the colonial government was
well established, the orders of the company should not affect the
colony, without consent of the General Assembly.”

The company however, reserved the right of nominating and displacing the
governor and counsellors at pleasure. Notwithstanding this reservation,
the constitution of Virginia thenceforth remained fixed, and its
inhabitants, servants of a company as they were, at once changed into
freemen and citizens. At this period the company sent to Virginia 160
poor young women of irreproachable character; they were received with
eagerness, and married to the young settlers, who payed the expense of
their transportation at the rate of 120 lbs. of tobacco for each one.

The rights of the London Company, already weakened by concessions made
to the colonists, were soon contemned by king James I. and three years
after Virginia passed under the immediate domination of the English
government.

The population of Virginia, at first confined to the environs of
Jamestown, began gradually to extend over a vast country, following the
rivers which fell into the Chesapeake. But their imprudence towards the
natives increased with their increase of strength, and they inflicted
upon the Indians all sorts of vexations. Powhatan was dead, and the
tribes he had governed had elected in his stead a renowned warrior from
the shores of the Gulf of Mexico, named Opecancanough. This prince felt
a profound hatred of the Europeans, because he foresaw how fatal they
would become to his nation; he found it easy to impart his hatred and
fears to his countrymen, and induced them to enter into a vast
conspiracy against the common enemy. The secret was faithfully kept
during four years, and was only betrayed at the moment of execution, by
an Indian who was baptised by the English. Notwithstanding this treason,
the plot was partially executed, and four hundred settlers fell under
the savage tomahawk. The retaliations were cruel, and only suspended by
a treaty which concealed the most atrocious design. The Indians, relying
with confidence upon the protestations of their enemy, applied
themselves without suspicion to their agricultural labours, when the
English fell upon them unexpectedly, and committed the most horrible
butchery; the feeble remnants of the tribes which escaped this terrible
massacre, soon miserably perished in the forests, and disappeared
forever. The colonists, thenceforward masters of this great country,
could extend themselves at will, but even this advantage was fatal to
them, and they would inevitably have fallen under the horrors of famine,
if a new reinforcement of settlers and provisions, had not arrived, to
replace those destroyed by the Indians. These succours were not sent by
the company, as this was dissolved by king James. This violence of the
crown against a company which had expended more than three millions for
the establishment of the colony, and who in spite of its faults merited
encouragement for its astonishing perseverance, at first afflicted the
colonists, but eventually turned to their actual advantage. They knew
how to defend themselves against the encroachments of the royal
government, and obtained the confirmation of all the rights acquired
before the extinction of the company.

The colony was peaceful and prosperous until 1651. The troubles produced
in England by the decapitation of Charles I. agitated it but slightly,
and had no other result than a treaty, in which Cromwell acknowledged in
an especial article, the exemption of Virginia from taxes, and
impositions of all sorts; nor without the consent of the general
assembly, could any charge be laid upon her, forts or castles be built,
nor troops be kept in service. But from the year 1652, the colonists
began to feel the narrow policy of the commonwealth of England, relative
to the commerce of the colonies, during the ten years of Cromwell’s
reign; their discontent augmented to such a degree, that when Governor
Matthew, who was appointed by the usurper, died, the inhabitants of the
colony profiting by this sort of interregnum, overturned the republican
authorities, and proclaimed Charles II. who was then sheltered in
Holland, and who thus found himself king of Virginia, before he was
certain of remounting the throne of England. The death of Cromwell which
occurred in 1660, saved the colony from the danger to which its
imprudent attachment to the Stuart cause would infallibly have exposed
it.

The Virginians soon repented of their devotion to the new king, whose
ingratitude was more injurious to them than Cromwell’s tyranny. Charles
II. far from abolishing the restrictions, which already shackled the
commerce of Virginia, aggravated and perpetuated it by the _navigation
act_. The re-establishment of the Gallacan church with all its
intolerance, the violent revocation of all the acts that could
perpetuate the memory of the revolution, the spoliations of property to
recompense the instruments of the restoration; the constitutional
depreciation of the value of tobacco, every thing in a word, concurred
to offend the colonists, and dispose to a popular insurrection; an
occasion soon offered, and civil war broke out in the colony. A squadron
sent by Charles II. to the relief of Governor Berkeley, arrived at the
moment Bacon, chief of the insurgents, who were already masters of
Jamestown, died; no one feeling possessed of the talents necessary to
complete, what this hardy and skilful leader had undertaken, they
accepted the amnesty offered by Berkeley; but this attempt at
insurrection only angered Charles II. whose despotism soon surpassed all
limits. He went so far as to interdict by law all complaint of, or evil
speaking against the administration of the governor, under pain of the
severest chastisement, and several seditions were quelled by force.
However, notwithstanding the violence and injustice of the metropolis,
commerce regained some activity, and the population finding daily new
resources in its industry, rapidly augmented. In 1688, there were
already more than 40,000 souls. But with their increase of strength the
colonists increased in hatred to the royal authority; and to the first
cries of independence made in the northern colonies, Virginia answered
by raising the standard of revolt. From the month of June 1776, the
representatives of the people, assembled to the number of one hundred
and twelve, at the capitol in Williamsburg, drew up and signed a
declaration which forever broke the tyrannical chains which previously
bound the colony to the mother country. This declaration, in
establishing in a clear and precise manner the rights of every member of
the social body, consecrated the principle of the _sovereignty of the
people_, and repelled as a monstrosity, the _hereditary_ principle in
the exercise of power. This was soon followed by the publication of the
constitution, which triumphantly came out of the revolutionary war. In
1785, the assembly passed the act revising the laws, and establishing
religious liberty; finally, in 1788, Virginia completed her revolution,
and strengthened her independence, by adopting the confederate
constitution of the United States.

The state of Virginia, which on account of its long establishment, the
extent and fertility of its soil, and the pleasantness of its climate,
should now be the richest and best peopled state in the union, has still
but 1,600,000 inhabitants, dispersed over a surface of 40,960,000 acres.
That is to say, in proportion to its extent, it has not more than half
the population of the state of New York, its cotemporary; and not more
than the state of Ohio, whose constitution and existence as a state, are
not much more than twenty years old. This difference, which at every
step betrays itself to the attentive traveller, by the separation of the
towns, the smallness of the villages, and the poverty of the
cultivation, will not disappear, until Virginia, comprehending her true
interests better, and placing them in harmony with the principles of
liberty and equality so clearly established in her declaration of
rights, and so vigorously defended by her arms, shall have finally
abolished negro slavery.

When we have examined the truly great and liberal institutions of the
United States with some attention, well comprehended their action, and
admired their happy influence, the soul feels suddenly chilled and the
imagination alarmed, in learning that at many points of this vast
republic the horrible principle of slavery still reigns with all its sad
and monstrous consequences; we demand with astonishment the source of
this contradiction between such sublime theories, and a practice so
shameful to humanity! This question which for a long time has been
always keenly discussed by philanthropists and politicians of both
hemispheres, though not always in good faith, we hope will speedily be
settled by the well-understood interests of those immediately concerned.
In the mean time I shall hazard some observations here, not with the
expectation of ending the discussion, but in the hope of establishing in
their true condition, some facts which have been misrepresented by the
ignorance or bad faith of some writers.

Happily, there is no part of the civilized world in which it is
necessary to discuss the justice or injustice of the principle of negro
slavery; at the present day every sane man agrees that it is a
monstrosity, and it would be altogether inaccurate to suppose that there
are in the United States more than elsewhere, individuals sufficiently
senseless to seek to defend it, either by their writings or
conversation. For myself, who have traversed the 24 states of the union,
and in the course of a year have had more than one opportunity of
hearing long and keen discussions upon this subject, I declare that I
never have found but a single person who seriously defended this
principle. This was a young man whose head, sufficiently imperfect in
its organization, was filled with confused and ridiculous notions
relative to Roman history, and appeared to be completely ignorant of the
history of his own country. It would be waste of time to repeat here his
crude and ignorant tirade; for every man of good faith, the following I
believe are the most essential points for discussion concerning slavery
in the United States.

    1st. Have the Americans adopted it voluntarily?

    2d. Since they have secured their independence have they practically
    testified their aversion to slavery?

    3d. Do they at present well understand the entire danger in which
    slavery places them, and do they conscientiously do their best to
    eradicate the evil?

    4th. What are the most efficacious means to attain as speedily as
    possible, the enfranchisement of the blacks?

If these four questions were impartially examined, it is probable that
those violent declamations which offend without instructing would be
relinquished, as they offer no mode of redressing the evil of which they
accuse others. I shall not attempt a profound investigation of these
questions, which demand a vaster field than I can give them; I shall but
skim over them, but always in the course of my journey, if opportunities
present, I shall exactly state the facts I witness, and this I hope will
make known the state of slavery, and the daily progress of public
opinion on the subject, better than all discussion.

This crime, by which man abusing his power and intelligence, subjects to
his caprices or to the supply of his wants another man less enlightened
than himself, was first committed in Virginia in the year 1620. It
originated in the misery of the colonists whose small numbers and
exhausted strength could no longer till the soil, and the avarice of the
Hollanders, who sold them like beasts of burthen, the unfortunate
negroes they had stolen from the shores of Africa. The English, not less
avid of money than the Hollanders, soon perceived in this abuse of
power, encouraging idleness, a source of wealth, which they hastened to
turn to their advantage, and from that time their ships annually cast
forth upon the American continent thousands of slaves. However, the
sentiments of humanity which famine had for some time smothered in the
bosoms of the colonists, were re-animated by the return of prosperity
and abundance. The general assembly of Virginia about 1680, demanded of
the metropolis that an end should be made of this infamous and now
unnecessary commerce in human flesh, since the population was
sufficiently numerous and active to cultivate a country which richly
recompensed the slightest labour; other colonies repeated this call of
justice and philanthropy, but the metropolis was insensible thereto, and
only replied by this atrocious declaration of parliament;—the
importation of slaves into America, _is too lucrative_, for the colonies
to ask that England should ever give it up;—and this declaration was
followed by threats, to which they were obliged to yield, since they
were unable to resist.[19] The general assembly nevertheless frequently
renewed its demand, which had no other result than to obtain in 1699 an
act by which the importation of slaves into Virginia, was heavily taxed.
It was not a remedy for the evil, though it was somewhat palliative.

This condition continued as long as the colonies remained under the
English yoke; when that was broken, and their independence was assured,
the different state governments turned their attention towards slavery,
and sought means to cause its disappearance. But this frightful evil had
taken such deep root, that, so to speak, it was fixed in the manners of
the citizens. The remedy was therefore difficult of attainment, and
could not produce immediate effects; however, those who had undertaken
the cause, did not lose courage; their writings and conversation
animated all minds, and the state of Virginia had still the honour to
give a great example, in being the first to proscribe the importation of
slaves into her territory. This example was soon followed by nearly all
the other states, and some went still farther; several, like
Pennsylvania, declared all coloured children born, after the
promulgation of the law, free; others, as the state of New York,
declared that after a given time no one could hold a slave. Congress,
following the general movement of opinion, did what no European power
had dared to attempt; it proscribed the slave-trade, which it
assimilated to piracy, by making it a capital offence; finally, of the
thirteen primitive states, eight proclaimed the freedom of the blacks by
special legislative acts; none but the most southern states refrained
from the same movements, as their black population had so rapidly
increased, that at some points it was quadruple that of the whites, to
whom they caused some fear.

At present the Union is composed of twenty-four states; thirteen of them
have abolished slavery by law; the eleven others are still soiled by it;
among these last, five are of the ancient or original states, the others
are formed of portions of the old states, or parts of the territory of
Louisiana after it was bought from France. In this part of the United
States, the prejudices against the blacks, it must be confessed, keep a
great number of slave-owners blindfold; accustomed as they are from
infancy to see in the African nothing but an inferior race, incapable of
ever acquiring the qualities belonging to a free citizen, they do not
attempt to give their slaves that instruction, without which, it is very
true that liberty would be hurtful to themselves and to society; they
think they have done enough for humanity in softening the rigours of
slavery by kind treatment; but in their blindness they forget that in
the social state, the rights of citizen cannot be refused to one class
of men, without placing them in a state of war in relation to those who
do enjoy them; and if the oppressed be sufficiently numerous to demand
the reason of this refusal, it is to be presumed that they will not
always tranquilly suffer such an injustice, at least unless they be
crushed beneath the weight of tyranny. This terrible truth, for a long
time repeated at all points of the union by the voice of philanthropy
and religion, which although less powerful in the south than in the
north, still exerts a considerable influence, begins to affect the minds
of persons in the slave states, and every day finds the number of
individuals increased, who desire to seek the means of freeing their
country from this horrible scourge.

Of all the plans yet presented, none has produced any very marked
result; it is true that all are very difficult of execution; for
whatever certain European philanthropists may say, who would perhaps be
very much embarrassed if placed in the situation of a Carolina or
Georgia planter, the general and instantaneous enfranchisement of the
slaves cannot be thought of without exposing to the greatest evils, not
only the whites, but the blacks also, who on account of their extreme
ignorance, see nothing better in liberty than the privilege of doing
nothing, or of committing every excess. I may venture to affirm that to
four fifths of the slaves in the United States, immediate liberation
would be nothing but a condemnation to die of famine after having
destroyed every thing around them. Consequently I believe that under
such circumstances to withhold from these men, the immediate exercise of
their rights, is neither to violate these rights nor to protect the
violaters of them, but is merely employing in the mode of removing the
evil, the prudence necessary to make the justice we wish to render them
more surely a mean of happiness. Here prudence requires that the
enfranchisement should be gradual. It remains, therefore, to inquire if
the slave-owners really take means to produce surely and rapidly this
gradual liberation.

Among those who wish to deliver their country from the opprobrium and
degradation of slavery, all are not agreed upon the measures to be taken
in relation to the fate of the slaves. Some persons have proposed that
in order to indemnify owners for the loss of their slaves, they should
be sold in the English or French West India Islands: but this inhuman
plan was repelled with horror by most of the planters, who declared they
could never determine to send, to perish under the lash of the drivers
of Guadaloupe or Martinique, men, whom they had accustomed to be treated
with mildness. Some others thought of devoting a portion of the vast
territories extending towards the foot of the Rocky mountains, to the
establishment of a colony, to which all the young blacks of twenty, and
all the females of eighteen years old, should be sent, after having
first given them at the public expense, an education, and furnished them
with all the objects necessary to their establishment. This colony might
eventually govern itself, and become a powerful ally of the United
States; but when this proposition was made, the prosperity of the United
States was not sufficiently great to afford the funds necessary for such
an enterprize, nor was public opinion sufficiently formed at that time
to feel all its importance.

Some years afterwards this idea was resumed, modified, and finally
carried into execution by a society formed in 1818, under the presidency
of Judge Bushrod Washington. This society, which now counts among its
members the most distinguished men of the different states of the union,
and of which General Lafayette is a vice-president for life, has
founded, under protection of the American government, a colony upon the
coast of Africa, which probably will soon attain the double end of
affording an asylum to the blacks of the United States, in proportion as
they receive their liberty, and at the same time as a centre of light
and industry, whence hereafter civilization may be introduced into that
part of the world.

However, whatever may be the efforts and success of this philanthropic
colonization society, it cannot reasonably be hoped that it will alone
prove sufficient to produce the abolition of slavery. If slave-owners do
not endeavour to instruct the children of the blacks, to prepare them
for liberty; if the legislatures of the southern states do not fix upon
some period, near or remote, when slavery shall cease, that part of the
union will be for a still longer time exposed to the merited reproach of
outraging the sacred principle contained in the first article of the
declaration of rights; _that all men are born free and equal_. But every
thing leads to the belief, that the moment has arrived, when the gradual
abolition of slavery will rapidly advance. The sentiment of _well
understood personal interest_, now better comprehended by the southern
proprietors, begins to make them feel, that in a few years their
products will scarcely be able to maintain the competition with those of
Mexico and South America, if they do not relinquish a ruinous system of
culture; and already many of them do not fear openly to attack the
unfortunate prejudices of their fellow citizens, by declaring that they
would be happier, and much richer, if the black population was
sufficiently diminished for them to hire free black labourers, and thus
by the emulation of free labour, replace the ruinous mass of children
and old men, they are now obliged to support in idleness.

Thus then, according to the opinion of men most disposed to abolish
slavery, the greatest obstacle to enfranchisement, whether general or
gradual, is the too great population of the blacks; this population must
consequently be diminished as the first step, and the system of
colonization is therefore wisely conceived, since its object is to offer
an outlet to this superabundance of population. The emancipation of
Hayti, also adds to the facilities offered by the African colony of
Liberia, but in order not to compromit the safety and prosperity of this
colony, and of the republic of Hayti, no emigrants should be sent to
either, except such whose manners and intelligence may contribute to the
prosperity of these new societies: it is unfortunately but too true,
that almost the whole of the blacks in the United States, are still too
much brutalized by ignorance and slavery, to furnish good subjects for
emigration. The efforts then, of the friends of humanity, and of that
true liberty which does not admit of the ridiculous distinction between
men, founded upon colour of skin, should all be directed to enlighten
the minds of the rising generation of blacks. This noble end can only be
attained by establishing, multiplying, and encouraging, every where,
free schools for coloured children of both sexes. It is in vain that
some individuals, blinded by their prejudices, exclaim that there is no
hope of improving the African race, which is only intermediate to man
and the brutes, in the scale of being. Numerous facts have long since
refuted this absurd assertion; and moreover, may it not be asked of
those who are so proud of the whiteness of their skin, and who judge the
blacks only by what they are, not what they are capable of, if they know
well what would be the condition of their descendants after several
generations, were slavery suddenly transferred from the blacks to the
whites? But why fear the opposition of prejudices which are daily
weakened, and whose approaching extinction is presaged by the humanity
with which, in general, all the American planters believe themselves at
present obliged to treat their slaves.

Some facts which I shall have occasion to cite, will, I hope, complete
the proof that relative to slavery, public opinion is in a good train in
the United States, and that it only requires encouragement, and that
good advice relative to the means to be employed, would be more
serviceable than violent attacks which are often unjust and exaggerated.

I shall conclude these observations by remarking, that the state of
Virginia in a population of 1,065,366 contains 462,281 coloured people,
of which 37,113 are free. This last number appears never to increase
much, because this state in particular supplies colonists for Liberia,
and emigrants to Hayti and that in general the irregular life of the
free negroes in the large cities; considerably prevents their
reproduction.




                              CHAPTER XV.

  Masonic Entertainment: Journey to Petersburg: Visit to Mr. Jefferson:
    his mansion: plantation: slaves: Montpelier: Mr. Madison: Religious
    Liberty: Return to Washington by Orange Court House and
    Fredericksburg.


Among the splendid festivities prepared by the citizens of Richmond for
the National Guest, the particular description of which I am obliged to
forego, there was one I must speak of, as affording an idea of
free-masonry in the United States; an institution, for whose persecution
the Inquisition has so often lighted its faggots in Spain and Italy, and
which some European governments do not tolerate at the present day,
without repugnance.

On Saturday, the 30th October, after having been introduced with the
accustomed ceremonies into the Masonic Temple, where the members of the
various lodges of Richmond were collected, we marched forth in grand
procession, to go to a fraternal banquet prepared at a hotel in the
other end of the city. The procession, consisting of more than three
hundred persons, moved in the following order:—

A detachment of brethren with drawn swords, preceded the march. After
this detachment came a band of musicians, playing American and French
national airs, among which the Marseilles hymn was not forgotten. Behind
the music marched two long files of brethren of the lower degrees, and
between these two files, all the grand dignitaries of the society,
carrying in the centre a bible, placed on a rich velvet cushion
embroidered with gold, and surrounded by masonic symbols. Among the
grand dignitaries, the governor of Virginia, chief justice Marshall, and
many other officers of state, were conspicuous. All the brethren wore
the badges of their degrees, and their variety presented a truly
original picture. All the streets we passed through were crowded with
spectators, who by their attitude and silence, expressed the respect
inspired by this ceremony. Before taking our places at table, a
protestant clergyman belonging to the masonic order, pronounced a
discourse, in which he reminded us that true masonry reposed on _truth_,
_equality_, and _charity_, and that to fulfil our duties as masons, was,
in other words, to discharge our duties towards God and man. He
concluded his discourse by blessing our repast, which was commenced with
much gravity, but concluded amidst those bursts of frank and hearty
merriment so distinctive of the inhabitants of Virginia. A great number
of patriotic toasts were drank by the guests; that of general Lafayette
was enthusiastically received. It was as follows—“Liberty, Equality,
Philanthropy, the true masonic symbol. May the practice of these
principles always secure us the esteem of our friends, and the dislike
of the enemies of the human race.”

After the entertainment we resumed our rout to the temple with the same
ceremonies, and in the same order observed in coming to the hotel; we
returned to spend the evening gaily in the company of a numerous society
collected at our dwelling.

On leaving Richmond general Lafayette expected to pay a visit to his old
and good friend, the ex-president, Jefferson, but a pressing invitation
from the citizens of Petersburg, caused a slight change in his plan. He
resolved first to attend to this invitation, and then to return to
Richmond, and set out thence for Monticello. Nearly six hours were
occupied in traversing the woody and sandy road from Richmond to
Petersburg, which is not more than twenty-five miles. While on the way,
some of our escort pointed out an old frame church, which had been
occupied by Lafayette, as his head quarters during the campaign of
Virginia, when he manœuvred on this ground to prevent the junction of
Cornwallis with general Phillips. In approaching the town general
Lafayette recognised the position whence he cannonaded and burnt
Petersburg, in order to dislodge the British, who had entered by so
rapid a march that he could not prevent it. The details of this part of
the campaign of Virginia are briefly and clearly related in Marshall’s
excellent Life of Washington.

The twenty-four hours passed by general Lafayette among the citizens of
Petersburg, were signalized by great variety of pleasures; in passing
through the streets the inhabitants with much glee made him remark how
much the town had gained by being burnt by him in 1781. “At that time,”
said they, “we had none but miserable wooden houses to receive you in,
and now there are large well built brick dwellings, in which we can
offer you all the comforts of life.”

Petersburg has in fact an agreeable aspect, which declares the
prosperity of its inhabitants. It is a pretty small town, containing
about 7000 inhabitants, built on the southeast bank of the Appomatox
river, which is navigable from this place to its confluence with James
river, for vessels of sixty tons. All the products of the south of
Virginia, and most of those of North Carolina, have no other outlet but
Petersburg. The commerce of this place is, consequently, considerable in
tobacco and flour, which is in great part, manufactured at the numerous
mills situated near the town, below the falls of Appomatox.

After returning to Richmond, we rested for forty-eight hours, and then
set out for Monticello, distant eighty miles, accompanied by the
volunteer cavalry of Richmond, and a deputation of the committee of
arrangement. The first night we slept at Milton, a small town, half way
to our place of destination; there a great many planters of the vicinity
had assembled to offer a patriotic entertainment to Lafayette. The next
morning at the time of starting, I was so severely indisposed, that I
could not leave my room; it was thought I was threatened with a bilious
fever, a disease very common in Virginia at this time of the year, and
frequently fatal.—However, a cup of tea and two hour’s sleep restored me
so far, that I was able to continue my journey in the carriage.
Notwithstanding all my entreaties, Mr. George Lafayette had left the
company, and remained with me; an evidence of his kindness, I shall
never forget. We arrived at Monticello, a short time after general
Lafayette. We found Mr. Jefferson still deeply affected by the pleasure
of having embraced his ancient friend. He received us amidst his
numerous family, with an amenity which instantly dissipated the
timidity, which I could not help feeling on my first approach to a man
who had performed so much for the human race.

When one recollects how much the life of Jefferson was occupied, and
useful to his fellow creatures, one feels penetrated with a deep
veneration for him, but to this sentiment is soon added that of
confidence and friendship, when we have lived a few days near him. It is
difficult to find a man of more agreeable and instructive conversation:
endowed with a memory which readily reconveyed him amidst all the events
of his life; familiar with most of the arts and sciences, his
conversation could easily satisfy all the demands of a mind desirous of
instruction.

Thomas Jefferson was born at Chadwell, in Albemarle county, Virginia, on
the 2d of April, 1743; he was educated at Williamsburg college, and
devoted his early years to the study of the law. The advantageous
situation in which he was placed by the considerable fortune left him by
his father, Peter Jefferson, one of the oldest settlers, and still more
the elevation of his mind and character, soon caused him to be sent to
the legislature of Virginia, by which he was sent in 1775, as its
representative to the continental congress. He was not long in obtaining
a great reputation amidst that august assembly, which in 1776, adopted
his draft of the _Declaration of Independence_, a composition not less
remarkable for the depth of its thought, than for the clearness,
dignity, and energy of its style, of itself sufficient to immortalize
the author. But Jefferson could not stop at so glorious an opening of
his political career; he must traverse the whole course with the same
step, and on his way, still find means of paying tribute to the sciences
and arts, which he never neglected. Successively legislator, governor of
Virginia, representative, minister plenipotentiary, secretary of state,
vice president of the United States, he passed during twenty-five years
through all the high public offices, to arrive at the first magistracy
of the republic. His election, which occurred in 1801, in opposition to
John Adams, was regarded as the triumph of the democratic over the
federal party; then, as at all times, the vanquished party exhaled its
rage in outcries, murmurs, and incendiary pamphlets. The newspapers,
which were its organs, declaimed incessantly against the new president,
and against all the persons who aided him to suppress unnecessary
offices; reduce the army to what was strictly necessary, and to give to
the constitution that steady movement which agrees so well with the
simplicity of its conception. But Jefferson contemned these idle
clamours, and did not remit the work of reform and amelioration he had
undertaken. In vain the mistaken zeal of his friends urged him to recur
to a law repressive of the abuses of the press: he repelled their
dangerous suggestions. “I am happy,” he replied, “in this continual
censure which the papers exercise against my administration, because
among all the violence dictated by passion, some truth may be found and
I shall profit by it. Moreover, a government whose acts are all done in
public, whose members live amidst their fellow citizens, to whom all
their words are addressed, and under the eyes of whom all their measures
are executed, has nothing but bad conduct to fear.” Sublime and severe
lesson by which European governments might well profit!

So much wisdom and firmness was not to pass unrewarded in a correctly
thinking nation: Jefferson was re-elected president in 1805. Among the
remarkable circumstances which signalized his administration, was the
acquisition of Louisiana in 1803, which was very advantageous to the
United States.

In 1809 he returned to private life, and sought repose in his retreat of
Monticello; there at the summit of a mountain, which towers far above
the fertile and smiling valley, under a simple roof, but in good taste,
raised under his direction, and we may almost say, by his own hands,
amidst his children and grand-children, by whom he is idolized, he still
devotes all his time and faculties to the amelioration and happiness of
his race.[20] Through his efforts, Charlotteville has beheld her
university erected, richly endowed, and already containing a great
number of pupils. In another year this establishment will be for the
southern and western states, what Cambridge is to those of the north, a
fruitful source of improvement, whence the youth may obtain the
knowledge and principles requisite to the formation of good citizens.

The hospitality of Mr. Jefferson is proverbial, his house is constantly
open, not only to numerous visitors from the neighbourhood, but also to
all the foreign travellers who were attracted by curiosity or the very
natural desire of seeing and conversing with the sage of Monticello. The
dwelling is built in the figure of an irregular octagon, with porticoes
at the east and west, and peristyles on the north and south. Its extent
comprising the peristyles and porticoes is about 110 feet by 90; the
exterior is in the Doric order, and surmounted by balustrades. The
interior of the house is ornamented in the different orders of
architecture, except the composite; the vestibule is Ionic; the dining
room Doric, the drawing room Corinthian, and the dome Attic. The
chambers are ornamented in the different forms of these orders in true
proportion as given by Palladio. Throughout this delightful dwelling are
to be found proofs of the good taste of the proprietor, and of his
enlightened love for the arts. His parlour is ornamented by a beautiful
collection of paintings, among which we remarked with pleasure an
ascension by _Poussin_, a holy family by _Raphael_; a flagellation of
Christ by _Rubens_, and a crucifixion by _Guido_. In the dining room
were four beautiful busts; of Washington, Franklin, Lafayette and Paul
Jones. There are also some other fine pieces of sculpture in different
parts of the house. The library without being extensive is well
selected; but what especially excites the curiosity of visitors is the
rich museum situated at the entrance of the house. This extensive and
excellent collection consists of offensive and defensive arms, dresses,
ornaments and utensils of different savage tribes of North America. Mr.
Trist, son-in-law of Mrs. Randolph, daughter of Mr. Jefferson, an
amiable and enlightened gentleman, pointed out to me the arms which had
belonged to Tecumseh; they are not especially remarkable, as to form or
materials, but one cannot help regarding them with interest when the
extraordinary character of their former owner is known.

Tecumseh, born among the Chippewa Indians, on the frontiers of Canada,
was the chief of his nation, and his courage and talent acquired for him
an immense influence over the neighbouring tribes. This child of nature
was born with the impress of grandeur; a body of perfect symmetry, and a
most imposing aspect, contained the soul of a hero, and one might affirm
that if he had come into existence amidst the lights of civilization,
his vast intelligence would soon have assigned him a place among the
first men of his age. For a long time he secretly nourished the hope of
opposing an insurmountable barrier to the constantly increasing power of
the whites; to this end he had during several years visited nearly all
the Indian tribes to induce them to enter into the league he wished to
form. His persuasive and forceful eloquence had secured him numerous
partisans; already he saw at no distant period, the epoch in which by
raising the tomahawk against the whites he should regenerate his
brethren, when suddenly the war broke out between the United States and
England. Tecumseh was rejoiced at this occurrence, because in his
opinion it favoured his projects, since it would hasten the destruction
of his enemies by their own hands. At first he resolved to remain an
inactive spectator, but soon changed his views; it appeared to him a
wiser policy first to aid in the destruction of the strongest, in order
to have afterwards none but the weakest to attack; and he willingly
yielded to the solicitations of the English, who eagerly sought his
alliance. He was then 40 years old; from his youth he had taken part in
all the engagements against the whites, and still no one could reproach
him with one of those cruel actions so common to his compatriots in the
intoxication of victory. He abhorred bloodshed after battle, and was
often seen defending prisoners from the fury of his own warriors: with
so noble a character, he must soon have blushed at the atrocious conduct
of his allies who basely excited the Indians they had intoxicated to
murder their wounded prisoners; he manifested to them all the contempt
they had inspired, when he refused with haughtiness the rank of
brigadier-general, and the silk scarf presented in the name of the king
of England, as a reward for his bravery at the battles of Brownstown and
Mayagua. Being always pre-occupied with his vast plans, he thought it
right to persist in his alliance with the British, until the Americans
whom he regarded as his most dangerous enemies were destroyed. Called by
his formidable voice, new tribes ranged themselves under his orders, and
it was at the head of the flower of his warriors, that he marched to the
river Thames, to lend for the last time aid to his allies, in the battle
fought with the Americans under general Harrison. From the beginning of
the action, Tecumseh had thrown himself with fury amid the ranks of the
enemy, and had at first shaken them by the audacity of his attack, but
the troops soon rallied, and the combat became horrible. The Indians,
excited by the example of their valiant chief, repeatedly renewed their
attacks, which the Americans repelled with equal intrepidity. In the
midst of the struggle, colonel Johnson advanced almost alone towards a
dense body of Indians, who were rallying under the voice of Tecumseh.
His uniform and white horse rendered him remarkable, and he became a
mark for all shots, and in a moment fell under numerous wounds: at this
instant Tecumseh approached and raised his tomahawk to give him the
death blow; but, struck with his intrepidity, or his unfortunate
situation, he hesitated an instant, and this hesitation proved fatal to
him. Colonel Johnson collecting his strength, and perceiving the extent
of his danger, drew a pistol from his belt and discharged it, almost
touching the breast of Tecumseh, who fell dead by his side. Thus
perished this extraordinary man, upon whom rested all the hopes of many
nations, who daily diminish, and of which civilization will soon destroy
every trace of their past existence. The body of Tecumseh was found
among the dead after the battle, and recognized by the Americans, who,
in respect to the well known valor of the chief, interred it with all
the honours of war.

The plantation surrounding Mr. Jefferson’s dwelling, consists of several
thousand acres, but not more than twelve or fourteen hundred are
cultivated, the rest being still in wood; the principal products are
grain and tobacco. Cultivation appeared to me to be well conducted in
general, but judging from the observations I made, it must be very
expensive, and consequently leave very little profit to the proprietor.
Like all the planters of Virginia, Mr. Jefferson employs slaves to do
his work; that is to say, if he require the labour of fifty negroes, he
must feed, lodge and clothe a hundred, for if from this number of slaves
we subtract the old men, children, and weakly or sick women, certainly
not more than fifty individuals are in a working condition. After all,
it may be added, that these fifty active individuals do not effect more,
than would be accomplished by thirty free men hired by the day, as may
be easily understood. The free labourer, hired by the day, knows that if
he does not exert all his power and all his intelligence, he will cease
to be employed, another more laborious will be hired in his place, and
be will be reduced to misery; the slave labourer, on the contrary knows,
that whatever he may do, his condition will remain unchanged; he is
aware that to preserve the capital which he represents, his master will
be always forced to feed, lodge, clothe, take care of his health, and
defend him; thus without disquiet as without hope for the future, the
slave labourer can have but one desire, that of repose. In fact, what is
it to him whether his master’s prosperity increases or is diminished?
The consequences to him are always the same; is he not always a slave?
From these considerations we may boldly conclude, that thirty free
labourers paid by the day, would do the work of a hundred slaves, which
the owner is obliged to feed and clothe throughout the year, to have
fifty labourers. I suppose that the support of each slave costs but one
franc a day, and the hire of a labourer would be three, there would then
be a difference of ten per cent. a day in the labour, in favour of
cultivation by free hands. This difference does not appear at first very
considerable, but if we then take into account the enormous capital of
50,000 dollars at least for the purchase of the slaves; the fifty-two
Sundays and other holidays, during which nothing is paid to the free
labourer, and during which the slaves eat although they do not work, we
shall then find that the difference is still greater, and shall scarcely
comprehend why a planter (apart from all sentiments of humanity, and
consulting his personal interests exclusively,) should not make his best
efforts to substitute the labour of free men for that of slaves.

The good appearance and gaiety of the negroes at Monticello attested the
humanity of their master, if so noble a character had need of an
attestation; all those with whom I conversed assured me that they found
themselves perfectly happy, and were not subject to bad treatment; that
their task was light, and that they cultivated the grounds of Monticello
with greater satisfaction, because they were nearly certain of not being
torn from their homes to be sent elsewhere, during Mr. Jefferson’s life.
This conversation proved to me that, notwithstanding what some persons
say, it is possible to excite in slaves a love of labour and gain their
affections; this infallible mode would be to attach them to the soil,
and teach them to consider themselves as an inalienable part of the
property to which they belong; to assure them in short, that they should
enjoy the ameliorations or embellishments created by the sweat of their
brows; when they knew that their natal soil was to nourish them to the
end of their days, they would be attached to it, and take pleasure in
rendering it productive. The masters themselves would have more regard
for beings whom they would no longer consider as beasts of burden, which
are to be gotten rid of, if the owner have not talent to guide them.
Obliged to keep them, he would take more care of their moral and
physical improvement; then those horrible markets would cease, which
pitilessly breaking the ties of nature and affection, tear the infant
from its mother, separate the wife from the husband, the brother from
the sister, the unfortunate from the friends to which at least they were
united by the same chain.

The objections to general and immediate emancipation are unanswerable;
the objections to gradual emancipation are subject to discussion; but
the objections against changing slavery into servitude, appear to be
easy of refutation. The government of the United States has given a
great lesson to the whole world in abolishing and punishing as a capital
crime the trade in slaves. Virginia has acquired great claims upon the
gratitude of the friends of humanity in opposing from her infancy the
importation of slaves into her territory; but many palms still remain to
be merited in this career of justice and philanthropy; the first to be
decreed, will belong in my opinion to the states which shall first
replace the _slaves_ by _servants_.

Before leaving Mr. Jefferson, we went with him to visit the University
of Virginia, at Charlotteville; he conveyed us thither in a very elegant
calash, made by negroes on his own place; it appeared to be very well
made, and in its construction I found a powerful argument against those
who pretend that the intelligence of negroes can never be raised to the
height of the mechanic arts.

Every thing had been prepared at Charlotteville, by the citizens and
students, to give a worthy reception to Lafayette. The sight of the
Nation’s Guest, seated at the patriotic banquet, between Jefferson and
Madison, excited in those present an enthusiasm which expressed itself
in enlivening sallies of wit and humour. Mr. Madison, who had arrived
that day at Charlotteville to attend this meeting, was especially
remarkable for the originality of his expressions, and the delicacy of
his allusions: before leaving the table, he gave a toast, “To liberty,
with virtue for her guest, and gratitude for the feast,” which was
received with transports of applause.

After dinner, we visited the establishment; it is composed of two
parallel lines of small buildings, all of different architecture; at the
extremity is another building, constructed after plans of the Parthenon
at Athens, reduced to one-fifth of the original dimensions, containing
the library, and a vast circular saloon for public meetings. All these
different buildings have been superintended by Mr. Jefferson himself,
who passed several hours daily either among the workmen, or amidst the
pupils and professors, who all profited by his wise counsel.

Before taking leave of the youth of Charlotteville, and its respectable
professors, one of the latter took us into a little hall where he showed
us a rattlesnake moving at freedom, upon the floor. It was caught a few
days previous, in the woods, and was intended as a present for Mr.
George Lafayette, who had expressed a desire to obtain one. We
contemplated with pleasure this dangerous reptile, whose piercing eye,
supple movements, livid body, crossed by broad black bands, and sounding
tail, would doubtless have inspired sentiments of another nature, if we
bad not known that his venom had been rendered harmless, by the
extraction of the canulated fangs, through whose instrumentality this
animal so subtlely introduces its poison into the veins of the victims
it strikes. The poison of the rattlesnake is so violent, that it is said
frequently to produce death in less than half an hour. The possibility
of obtaining an efficacious remedy against the bite of this reptile, has
long been, and still is doubted; however, Doctor Thacher affirms
positively, in his excellent Military Journal of 1776, that the
employment of olive oil and mercury perfectly succeeded in his hands, in
saving the life of a soldier bitten by a rattlesnake.

Notwithstanding the happiness enjoyed by general Lafayette in the
company of his old friend Mr. Jefferson, he was obliged to leave him,
because other affections and other engagements still called him from
numerous points. Of this vast republic, of which we have not yet visited
but a small part, although since our landing we have constantly
travelled at the rate of nearly forty miles a day. From Monticello we
went to Montpelier, the charming residence of the ex-president Madison;
there we found with some slight shades of difference the same habits and
virtues as at Monticello.

The career of Mr. Madison has a surprising conformity with that of Mr.
Jefferson, with whom he was always connected by the warmest friendship.
Like his illustrious friend, Mr. Madison, early devoted himself to the
study of law, and while still young, was called upon by his
fellow-citizens to defend their dearest interests in the legislative
assembly; like him he was distinguished by his oratorical talent, and
the boldness of his conceptions, in that congress which immortalized
itself in declaring the country independent. Like him he was twice
called by the people to the chief magistracy of the republic, and
moreover, during a part of his administration, he had to sustain a
foreign war, which terminated gloriously; like him, finally, in leaving
the government-house of the United States, he retired to cultivate his
fields, and devote himself to letters, which he had never wholly
relinquished, amid the multifarious occupations of his active political
life.

Mr. Madison at the time of our visit was seventy-four years of age, but
his well preserved frame contained a youthful soul full of sensibility,
which he did not hesitate to show, when he expressed to general
Lafayette the pleasure he felt at having him in his house. Although the
habit of reflection and application, give to his countenance an aspect
of severity, all the impressions of his heart are rapidly depicted in
his features, and his conversation is usually animated with a gentle
gaiety. Mrs. Madison also contributes much by the graces of her mind,
and the amenity of her character to exalt the excellence of that frank
hospitality with which strangers are received at Montpelier.

The four days passed with Mr. Madison were agreeably employed in
promenades over his beautiful estate, and still more agreeably by our
evening conversations, particularly concerning all the great American
interests, which are so dear to general Lafayette. The society which at
this time habitually assembled at Montpelier, was almost entirely
composed of the neighbouring planters, who for the most part appeared as
well versed in all great political questions as in agriculture.
Lafayette, who though perfectly understanding the disagreeable situation
of American slaveholders, and respecting generally the motives which
prevent them from more rapidly advancing in the definitive emancipation
of the blacks, never missed an opportunity to defend the right _which
all men without exception_ have to liberty, broached among the friends
of Mr. Madison the question of slavery. It was approached and discussed
by them frankly, and in a manner to confirm me in the opinion I had
previously formed concerning the noble sentiments of the majority of
Virginians upon this deplorable circumstance. It appears to me, that
slavery cannot exist a long time in Virginia, because all enlightened
men condemn the principle of it, and when public opinion condemns a
principle, its consequences cannot long continue to subsist.

After the question of personal slavery in the United States, the equally
important question of the spiritual slavery, to which some of the people
of Europe are condemned by the _dominant_ or _state religions_, was
discussed. The friends of Mr. Madison congratulated themselves, that at
least this sort of slavery was unknown, in their beloved country; they
entered into some details which showed me that they were not men to be
contented with what we incessantly invoke as a benefit in Europe, that
is religious _tolerance_. “Tolerance,” said one of them, “is beyond
doubt preferable to persecution, but it would always be insupportable in
a free country, because it marks an insulting pride. To give one
religion the right to tolerate, and subject others to the disgrace of
being tolerated, it would be first necessary to prove that the
_tolerant_ is the only good one, and that all the _tolerated_ were bad.
This proof is unobtainable, since each believes his own religion to be
the best. The word _toleration_ is, therefore, an insult, and cannot
reasonably be replaced except by the word _liberty_. This liberty we now
enjoy in the fullest sense of the term, and we are sure that throughout
our twenty-four states, not one is to be found in which it is not better
understood than in any part of Europe. However, we have also had our
times of _tolerance_, indeed I may say of _intolerance_; before our
glorious revolution, for instance, we still groaned under laws, by which
for certain degrees of heresy, a father could be deprived of the
privilege of educating his own children. Every individual might lose the
rights of citizen, and a part of the protection of the laws, and
sometimes even be burnt. At present there is a happy difference; thanks
to our new laws, worthy of the immortal sages who framed them, no
individual can be forced to observe any religious worship, nor to
frequent any place, nor to support any minister, of whatever religion he
may be, nor be constrained, retained, disturbed or oppressed in his own
person, or his goods; in short he cannot be persecuted in any manner on
account of his religious opinions; but all men have liberty to _profess
and sustain by reasoning_ their religious opinions, and these opinions
can neither diminish nor increase any of their civil rights.”

To this interesting conversation I paid particular attention; one of the
persons engaged in it, who had observed me, took me aside while tea was
preparing, and said:—“Since you take so deep an interest in every thing
relating to the formation of our institutions, I will tell you of one
which was not mentioned by my friend for fear of offending the modesty
of our host.—Previous to the revolution, the episcopal religion was the
prevailing form of worship in this state; its ministers, dissatisfied at
the equality established between different sects by the law of 1776, and
still more with the law of 1779, which deprived them of the
appointments, which they had previously received from government,
declared that they could not be contented with voluntary contributions,
and caused a petition to be presented to the general assembly in 1784–5,
praying for the support of the ministers of the gospel by the
government. This petition supported by the most popular talents of the
house, appeared likely to triumph; to paralyze this success, some
members proposed and obtained a reference of the petition to the ensuing
session, as well as to have it printed and submitted to public
examination; during the interval, Colonels Mason and G. Nicholas
besought Mr. Madison to draw up a refutation of the petition. This
refutation was diffused extensively among the people, and was so
successful, that it soon received the signatures of vast numbers of
persons of all sects, and at the following session the petition was
altogether rejected. You will no doubt be pleased to read this
production, which in my opinion, contains all that can be most strongly
and judiciously said in favour of religious liberty. On reading this
refutation, I found it worthy of the commendations bestowed. The
principles it contains, are simple, reasonable, and most eloquently
established and defended.”

On the 19th of November, we left Montpelier to go to Fredericksburg by
the way of Orange Court-house, a numerous escort commanded by Captain
Mason came in the morning to attend General Lafayette, and Mr. Madison
wished to accompany him. On arriving at Orange Court-house, we found all
the inhabitants drawn up in two lines, between which the general
advanced to Col. Barbour, the governor of the state of Virginia, deputed
by his fellow citizens to make an address to the nation’s guest. In
passing along these two lines, the general received the expression of
the regrets of some old revolutionary soldiers, who had been prevented
by age and the distance from joining their military companions at the
Yorktown celebration; he consoled them by evidences of friendship and
remembrance, for which they seemed very grateful. After Col. Barbour’s
address, Miss Derby presented him in the name of her youthful companions
with a nosegay of flowers, and accompanied it by a tender and respectful
address.—We did not remain longer than was necessary to be present at an
entertainment, over which Col. Barbour presided, who according to
custom, proclaimed thirteen toasts during the dessert; these official or
regular toasts were followed by numerous volunteers, all expressive of
patriotism and gratitude. After the dinner, we parted from Mr. Madison,
who, notwithstanding his seventy-four years, mounted his horse with
activity, and set out through the woods for his peaceful dwelling. We
continued on our journey, accompanied by the escort with which we
arrived, now considerably augmented by a large number of citizens, who
wished to prolong the pleasure of being near Lafayette.

We had advanced but a little way when we discovered a great crowd
collected about a triumphal arch, erected at the intersection of the
road, and a narrow path scarcely to be distinguished from the thickness
of the wood. We soon learned, that this path, over which young females
were strewing flowers, and which the crowd passed over with such
touching interest, was the road opened by Lafayette, on the 15th June,
1781, in order to make a forced march from the banks of the Rapidan to
Michunk Creek, where Cornwallis was much astonished to find him prepared
for battle, at the moment he thought he might seize without resistance
upon the magazines of the middle states established at Albemarle. This
new proof of the honourable recollection in which the Americans held all
his actions, deeply affected Lafayette. He was moved almost to tears,
when he was covered with flowers by the young ladies, when in descending
from his carriage be found himself surrounded and tenderly embraced by
the citizens, who awaited him under the triumphal arch. He conversed a
long time with them, and related to the young people how strongly these
places reminded him of the obligations he owed to their parents. “It was
here,” said he, “at the moment when I effected by this path a movement
which would have been so fatal, if unsuccessful, that they abandoned
their harvests to join my little army, and during that whole campaign,
the separation from their families, fatigues of every description, the
ruinous abandonment of agriculture, and the difficulty of procuring
provisions, did not prevent them from remaining with the army far beyond
the time we had any right to ask of them.” But Lafayette did not relate,
because modesty prevented him, the address with which he raised the
courage of the most dejected, and kept those nearest himself, who were
most disposed to withdraw. A detachment of militia were retained beyond
their time, by the tardiness of those who were to relieve them, and
complaining daily more and more, the general agreed that their
discontent was well founded; expressed how sensible he was of the
considerable injury which must result to those who were so long detained
from homeland especially by this unexpected delay, which he could not
provide against. He added that he could not imagine the cause of it;
apologized for having retained them beyond their time, and declared that
he had not the courage to keep them longer, and therefore gave
permission to all to withdraw, adding, that for his own part he could
not abandon the post confided to him, and should remain with the small
number of regular troops he had. He knew perfectly the character of the
men he commanded, and by this method obtained the desired results, for
after speaking thus he would have found it difficult to have induced one
to go, without giving him a certificate that he was obliged to leave
him. “Who is the wretch,” said they to each other, “who could ever dream
of abandoning the marquis,” by which name the Americans distinguished
Lafayette throughout the war. This mode of designating him had become so
habitual throughout the United States, that it was still used when we
arrived at New York. During several days the newspapers, in giving an
account of his movements, and of the entertainments given to him, used
no other appellation in speaking of him, and they only relinquished it
when they learned that the general constantly refused to resume this
title, since his renunciation of it in the national assembly. His
cotemporaries had a great deal of difficulty in renouncing an old habit
which was not without its charms to them, since it reminded them of
their youthful days. I recollect at Philadelphia an old lady, who had
known him well during the revolution, and who probably thought of him as
he appeared at that time, pressed towards him through the crowd, saying,
“Let me pass, that I may again see that good young marquis.”

It was not until sunset on the 20th of November, that we arrived at
Fredericksburgh, where the general was received by the little boys
formed into a battalion under the name of Lafayette Cadets; the night
was already dark, and the town glittered with illumination, when we
arrived at the place where the mayor pronounced his welcome. A splendid
supper, and a ball in which all the ladies of Fredericksburg were
present, terminated the day. Next day being Sunday, we went to the
Episcopal church, escorted by the free masons in grand ceremony. The
clergyman who officiated was a member of the lodge. On Monday we passed
part of the day with Captain Lewis, a nephew of General Washington, and
in the evening we set out for Washington, accompanied for several miles
by the inhabitants of Fredericksburgh. At the Strafford county line, the
extremity of which we crossed, the militia met the general to escort him
to the Potomac, where the vessel waited for us, and conveyed us to
Washington by a pleasant night voyage.

-----

Footnote 1:

  Where can one be better than in the bosom of his family? This
  quartetto of Gretry is a great favourite among the French national
  airs, and is always played or sung on similar occasions. Gretry in his
  memoirs, relates wonderful effects of this piece of music; of families
  reconciled who had been before at deadly variance.—D.

Footnote 2:

  Gnaphalium, the everlasting flower. This among the French is
  emblematic of lasting affection.—D.

Footnote 3:

  The state of New York, it is believed, is the only one in our union,
  that has thus wisely and prudently provided for the complete, but
  gradual emancipation of the coloured race; by admitting those only to
  the full enjoyment of the rights of citizens, who by their industry
  and economy, have acquired a certain amount of property, and thus
  given a pledge to the country, for their future good conduct. It
  seems, indeed, the best course to be pursued with a population which
  circumstances have placed in an inferior degree of civilization to the
  rest of the community. If ever, as we must hope, this country is to be
  freed from the pest of slavery, it is by such measures as this (in
  connection with others) that the event is to be prepared, so that it
  may be met without some dreadful catastrophe. Our enthusiastic author,
  who sees in this an unjust and invidious distinction between the two
  races, had not yet, as his interlocutor very properly observes,
  prepared his mind for a correct judgment, by a visit to those states,
  whose situation requires that their friends and neighbours should not
  be too hasty in carrying into effect their liberal theories; but
  should guard and measure their steps with a view to future, as well as
  present circumstances, and to the ultimate welfare and safety of the
  whole American union.—D.

Footnote 4:

  Those whom our author here calls _magistrates_, were probably no other
  than _constables_, who are the executive officers of our police. The
  service of _Justices of the Peace_, whom in this country we
  distinguish by the name of _magistrates_, is seldom required on such
  occasions.—D.

Footnote 5:

  It is a pity that the proper spelling of the name of this brave man
  has not been preserved. As written here, it has not the appearance nor
  the sound of a French name. It was probably _Molan_, or _Molant_, or
  perhaps _Moulin_. _Molang_ is evidently a corrupt spelling.—D.

Footnote 6:

  The people of Connecticut are not more litigious than those of the
  other states, nor are lawyers more plentiful among them, or live more
  at the people’s expense. The members of the legal profession are as
  honourable, and as liberal, in this country, as in any part of the
  world, and the frequency of law suits which has induced the unfounded
  charge of litigiousness against the people of America, is not to be
  ascribed to their natural disposition, but to the confusion and
  uncertainty of the laws which the Normans introduced into England, and
  the English into this country. The fathers of this complicated code,
  the _Normans_, were stigmatized in France, before the Revolution, as a
  litigious people, and this character was produced by the same cause.
  In England, the excess of litigation is prevented by measures which we
  do not wish to see introduced among us. High and heavy taxes upon
  legal proceedings, effectually protect the rich against the litigation
  of the poor, and prevent the latter from entertaining suits against
  each other. The evil, however, has reached to such a height, that the
  government themselves are setting on foot a revision of the whole
  legal system. We have amended it here in a considerable degree; but
  much remains yet to be done, and will be done, by prudent and gradual
  steps, so that we may not be obliged, at a future day, like our
  brethren of England, to tear up the whole edifice from its foundation.

  As to the excessive familiarity which is supposed to exist in some
  parts of New England and particularly in Connecticut, between young
  people before marriage, it has been at all times greatly exaggerated.
  However dangerous the custom alluded to might be considered in other
  countries, it is certain that in Connecticut, it seldom led to
  criminal intercourse, and when it did, the mischief was speedily
  repaired by the legal union of the parties. At present the custom has
  entirely disappeared, or if it ever exist, it is confined to the very
  lowest class of society. There is not a people on earth more truly
  moral and religious, than the people of that state, and illegitimate
  children are not more numerous in it proportionally, than in the other
  parts of the union.—D.

Footnote 7:

  Historical, Statistic and Political Description of the United States,
  by Warden.

Footnote 8:

  Our author evidently means here the _Phi Beta Kappa_ society, which is
  an association of students, who meet together at stated times, to
  promote and encourage among each other classical learning and the
  study of the belles lettres. The denomination which they have assumed,
  consists of the first letters of three Greek words, the meaning of
  which none are supposed to understand but the initiated. The members
  of this association continue to belong to it, not only after the
  termination of their collegiate studies, but even after being raised
  to the first political honours of the country. The professors and the
  heads of the university make it a point to encourage this meritorious
  society by all the means in their power.—D.

Footnote 9:

  The notions commonly entertained by Europeans relative to the
  aborigines of America, are principally derived from the exaggerated
  statements of early voyagers, or from the fantastic creations of
  romance writers, who, in representing these supposed “children of
  nature,” have endowed them with qualities they never possessed, and
  bestowed upon them ideas, sentiments, and expressions utterly unknown,
  as well as perfectly incomprehensible, to the race. An opinion of the
  character of our savages, formed from an examination of the miserable
  stragglers which still hang upon the out-skirts of civilization, would
  be quite as inadequate and inaccurate. The unvarnished truth is, that
  the best of the known tribes exhibit specimens of humanity in its
  extreme of degradation, from a more perfect condition of which but
  few, faint and almost obliterated traces, are occasionally to be
  discerned. Inevitably destined to extinction, they appear, like
  another coloured race, to be suffering under the infliction of a
  tremendous temporal punishment for some ancient national crime. Such a
  conclusion is at least strongly borne out by the history of this
  continent, and we have already lived to see Spain beginning to receive
  her reward for the part she played in the dreadful tragedies by which
  this history is dedecorated; must not the day of retribution for the
  United States also arrive?—T.

Footnote 10:

  Warden, t. 2de.

Footnote 11:

  See this letter in Franklin’s works.

Footnote 12:

  The Bowery, and Lafayette theatres, the Mount Pitt Circus, and other
  places of public amusement, have been built since. Some of them have
  also been burnt down and rebuilt within a short time.

Footnote 13:

  The writer was probably not acquainted with the Musical Fund Society
  of Philadelphia, which had been but lately established when General
  Lafayette arrived, and which is rapidly becoming an excellent school
  of music. It has already performed in public in a very creditable
  manner, several English and German oratorios, such as Handel’s
  Messiah, and Haydn’s Creation. Since Lafayette’s departure from this
  country, New York has had an Italian opera led by Garcia, Angrisani,
  Signorina Garcia, &c. &c. The New Orleans troop of Comedians has
  performed with great applause both at New York and Philadelphia. They
  have met with so much encouragement that a regular annual visit is
  expected from them.—D.

Footnote 14:

  This venerable man is still living in Massachusetts; October, 1829.

Footnote 15:

  These were his titles of recommendation! They now serve but to remind
  his country of the vast loss sustained by his death!—T.

Footnote 16:

  By the existing laws of New York, interments can no longer be made in
  the city.—T.

Footnote 17:

  American Biography.

Footnote 18:

  See Brackenridge’s History of the late War.

Footnote 19:

  This miserable pretext, of the _profitableness of the traffic_ to the
  merchants [robbers] concerned, was resorted to till the last, in the
  British parliamentary discussions relative to abolition, and
  unfortunately was allowed to exert considerable influence. The last
  time we recollect to have seen this seriously urged as an argument in
  favour of the continuance of the slave-trade, was by that prig
  BOSWELL, in his life of Dr. Johnson.—T.

Footnote 20:

  Eheu! vixit!


                            END OF VOLUME I.




------------------------------------------------------------------------




Transcriber’s note:

 1. Silently corrected typographical errors and variations in spelling.

 2. Anachronistic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings retained as
      printed.

 3. Footnotes have been re-indexed using numbers and collected together
      at the end of the last chapter.