The Discoverie of Witchcraft, by Reginald Scot, Esquire

Edited
WITH EXPLANATORY NOTES, GLOSSARY, AND INTRODUCTION
BY
BRINSLEY NICHOLSON, M.D.
DEPUTY INSPECTOR GENERAL

THIS reprint is not a facsimile of the edition of 1584, for that was in black letter, and its page smaller and of quarto size. Being also for modern readers, and for use, the i of the original has become, where necessary, the j of the second edition; the u and v have been altered according to modern usage, that is, generally interchanged; while the short s replaces the ſ. Such modernisations render it more readable by the historical and philosophical student, by the man of science, and by the psychological physician, willing to learn all that may instruct himself and benefit others. Neither would this reprint have been undertaken, unless the work itself had appeared to my friend and fellow-student, W. T. Gairdner, M.D., LL.D., Professor of Medicine in the University of Glasgow,—and led by him—to myself and others, worthy on the above-mentioned grounds, of being reproduced, and as being both in matter and style a valuable English classic.

While, however, it is not a facsimile, yet, excepting such variations as are above noticed, and allowing for the few and trifling errors from which no copy can expect to be free, not even a photographic one, as experts in these matters well know, this will, I believe, be found a correct reprint. Every proof has been thrice, and sometimes oftener, read over with the original by myself, and these efforts have been well supplemented by the intelligence and care of its printers. Even the word-errors of the original, where not in its list of errata, have been retained, though the true or conjectural readings have been given in the margin, or in two or three instances in the Notings at the end. Except also in two instances, where for necessity’s sake alterations have been introduced within []s, and the original given in the margin, the old punctuation has been retained, it being, as a rule, very good, while any slight slips areviii readily observed, and do not affect the sense. For such other differences as are due to the black letter, and for others like these, I would refer the print-studying reader to the Introduction.

In the biographical portion of this Introduction, besides a supposition or two of my own, which from his writings seem to me highly probable, there have been given notices of his pedigree, age, and marriages, matters hitherto unknown or misstated, and for which I would at once record my indebtedness to Edmund Ward Oliver, Esq. This gentleman having taken an interest in investigating these questions, and being a perfect stranger to me, wrote and offered the results of his inquiries so soon as he had learnt that I was engaged with this reprint, and has since most obligingly answered the various questions that I have had occasion to put to him. A copy of Scot’s Will has been also for the first time published, and some Notes and a Glossary added. Were I to have imitated the learned editors of former days, I should have added, not some, but exhaustive notes on every point, gathered from every known and unknown source; but I have confined myself to explanation, or to making a few remarks on the text, giving also the author’s agreement with, or obligations to Wier, so far as I knew them, and Shakespeare’s and Middleton’s obligations to himself; my reason for not entering into greater details being that I am no student of the pseudo-science of witchcraft, but a student only of what is useful, and true, and good.

It would be unseemly, especially after mentioning Mr. Oliver’s name, were I to close this without acknowledging the kind assistance of my well-known friend, James Gairdner, Esq., of the Public Record Office; of my Shakespearian friends, W. Aldis Wright, LL.D., and P. A. Daniel, Esq.; of that given me by the Very Reverend Father W. H. Eyre, lately Superior of Stonyhurst; by Mrs. Amelia Green; as also by Prof. W. W. Skeat, and Dr. J. A. H. Murray, in my Glossary; though all were, and personally are, strangers; as are Miss Kath. P. Woolrych, Oare Vicarage, Kent, and Miss Ayscough, of Brabourne Vicarage; and especially that given me by my other Shakespearian friends, the Rev. W. H. Harrison, of St. Anne’s, South Lambeth, and W. G. Stone, Esq. My best thanks are also due to Mr. J. J. Jervis for the use, for the printer, of a partially incomplete copy of the first ix edition; to the University of Glasgow for the loan, for my own use, for the greater part of a year, of another copy of this first edition; and for the use for the same period of a copy of the third edition to my Alma Mater of Edinburgh, endeared to me by the teachings, remembrances, and kindnesses of Sir William Hamilton, Allan Thomson, Christison, Traill, Jamieson, that most sagacious of surgeons and teachers, Syme, and the ever-to-be-revered physician and man, W. Pulteney Alison.

EXCEPT that they add the names of some who have opposed his views, or some such trifling matters, all the writers of biographical notices of Scot have drawn their information from the account given of him in Wood’s Athenæ Oxon. Nor, indeed, until lately, unless original search had been made, were other sources available. Hence I, in the first place, give his words verbatim from the edition of 1691.

In 1874 there were privately printed, Memorials of the Scot Family, by Jas. Renat Scott, Esq., and from them I extract the following tables:

But as the first part of the ancestry given in this book is not supported by anything beyond possibility and legend, so this latter portion is incorrect in various particulars. Instead, however, of taking each inaccuracy item by item, it will be simpler to give a consecutive account of such facts as to his ancestry, and as to Reginald Scott himself, as can be proved by documentary evidence or rendered probable by deductions therefrom.

John Philipot, Rouge Dragon and Somerset Herald, who died in 1645, set forth the pleasant and picturesque, but slightly supported origin of the family. I say pleasant, because the Scotts in the times of Elizabeth, James, and Charles, were a family of large possessions, wealth, and influence, influence so great that it is said that Elizabeth refused the request made by Lord Buckhurst, or the Earl of Leicester, that Sir Thomas Scott should be ennobled, saying that he had already more influence in Kent than she had. She seems also to have had from this, or from some other reason, a personal dislike to them, for in her Progress in 1573, she having passed three days at his father-in-law’s, Sir John Baker, of Sissinghurst Castle, declined to visit Scotts-hall, saying she wished to proceed to her own house, though on her way thither she had to pass Sir Thomas’s gates. In his Villare Cantianum, p. 313, Philipot has these words: “Scotts-hall, which is now and hath been for divers Descents the Inheritance of eminent Gentlemen of that Sirname, whom I dare aver upon probable Grounds were originally called Balioll. William Balioll, second brother to Alexander de Balioll, frequently writ his Name William de Balioll le Scot, and it is probable, that upon the Tragedy of John, Earl of Atholl, who was made prisoner by Edward the first, and barbarously executed, in the year 1307. (whilst he endeavoured more nobly than successfully to defend the gasping Liberty of Scotland against the Eruption of that Prince;) this Family to decline the Fury of that Monarch, who was a man of violent passions, altered the name ofxiii Balioll to that of their Extraction and Country, and assumed for the future the Name of Scot. That the Sirname of this Family was originally Balioll, I farther upon these Reasons assert. First, the ancient Arms of Balioll Colledge in Oxford, which was founded by John Balioll, and dedicated to St. Katharine was a Katherin-Wheele, being still part of the paternal Coat of this Family. Secondly, David de Strabogie, who was Son and Heir to the unfortunate Earl above-said, astonished with an Example of so much Terror, altered his name from Balioll to Strabogie, which was a Signory which accrued to him the Right of his Wife, who was Daughter and Heir to John Comin, Earl of Badzenoth and Strabogie, and by this Name King Edward the second, omitting that of Balioll restored Chilham-castle to him for Life, in the fifteenth year of his reign. Thirdly, the Earls of Buccleugh, and the Barons of Burley in Scotland, who derive themselves originally from Balioll, are known at this instant by no other Sirname, but Scot, and bear with some inconsiderable Difference, those very Arms which are at present the paternal Coat of the Family of Scots-hall.”

This tradition excluded, we find that Sir William Scot of Braberne, now Brabourne, in Kent, is the first of whom we have historical mention. He was knighted in 1336, when the Black Prince was created Duke of Cornwall, and died in 1350: a brass to his memory, being in Weever’s time (1631), the first of the memorials of the Scot family in Brabourne church. According to Philipot, this Sir William was the same with Sir William Scot, then Chief Justice of England; but if Mr. Foss be right in stating that this latter died in 1346, the year of the Black Death, this view cannot be upheld.

Another Sir William, apparently a grandson of the above, acquired through his mother the manor of Combe in Brabourne, and through his first wife and her relations—modes of increase in which the family seem to have been fortunate—that of Orlestone, as well as other places; and in 1420 he built Scotshall, in the manor of Hall in Smeeth, and was in 1428 sheriff of the county, and in 1430 knight of the shire in parliament. He died 1433. Scotshall, from time to time enlarged or rebuilt, and especially so by Sir Edward Scot, in the reign of Charles I, became the family seat for twelve generations. Evelyn, under date August 2, 1663, records his visit to it (soon after the young knight’s marriage), and calls it “a right noble seate, xiv uniformely built, with a handsome gallery. It stands in a park well stor’d, the land fat and good. We were exceedingly feasted by the young knight, and in his pretty chapell heard an excellent sermon by his chaplaine.” It was sold, with the remaining possessions of the family, at the close of the last century, and destroyed in 1808. Some undulations in a field on the north side of the road from Ashford to Hythe, about half a mile to the east of Smeeth church, alone mark its site.

The son of this second Sir William, named Sir John, being connected with the Woodvilles, and therefore with the wife of Edward IV, and being a staunch Yorkist, and apparently a man of intelligence, was employed in special embassies to Charles, Duke of Burgundy, especially in 1467, when he went to treat of the marriage of the king’s sister with the duke. He had also various other and more substantial favours conferred upon him from time to time, from 1461 onwards, including that of Chilham Castle for life, as somewhat oddly, and I think wrongly, noted in the extract from Philipot. He died in 1485, and probably intestate, as no will is recorded.

To him succeeded his son, the third Sir William in this account, and he dying in 1524, was succeeded by his son, a second Sir John. This last, by his marriage with Anne, daughter of Reginald Pympe, had three sons, and died on the 7th October 1533. The eldest, William, followed his father on the 5th June 1536, and leaving no offspring, his next brother, Sir Reginald, took his place. Of the third brother, Richard, the father of our Reginald, I shall speak presently. Meanwhile, returning to the main line, I would say that Sir Reginald, dying on the 16th October 1554, was succeeded by his son, Sir Thomas, the “cousin” to whom Reginald was much indebted, and one of the four to whom he dedicated his Witchcraft. He was, in his day, a man of note, intelligence, and action. Finding his estate in debt, he yet kept one hundred at his table, was most hospitable, and died owing nothing, though, of course, to provide for the younger of his very numerous progeny, various portions of his estate were by his will sold after his death. He was deputy-lieutenant of his county, sheriff of Kent in 1576, knight of the shire for the Parliaments of 13 and 28 Elizabeth, chief of the Kentish forces at Northbourne Downs, where they were assembled to repel any landingxv from the Armada; and it may be added, as showing his promptness, readiness, and decision, that 4,000 of these were there, equipped for the field, the day after he received his orders from the Privy Council. He was one of the Commissioners to report on the advisability of improving the breed of horses in this country, and either before or after this, is said to have published a book on the subject. He was a Commissioner for draining and improving Romney Marsh, and afterwards Superintendent of the improvements of Dover harbour. Various letters to and from him in reference to Dover harbour, as well as to the Kentish forces, are to be found in the State Calendars. Having been the parent of seventeen children by his first wife, Emmeline Kempe, a relative by maternal descent, he died on the 30th December 1594, and Ashford parish offered to pay the expenses of his funeral if only they were allowed to bury him in their church. Most of these facts are noted in the following verses, which I give, chiefly because there are some probabilities that they were by Reginald. A copy of them seems to have been found among the family papers, in his handwriting. That he made some of the verse translations given in his Witchcraft is extremely probable, from the want in these cases of marginal references to the translator’s name; hence a second probability. The verses themselves render it likely that they were one of those memorial elegies then affixed επι ταϕον by affectionate friends and relatives, and not what we now call an epitaph; and the third verse clearly shows that they were written at least some little time after Sir Thomas’s decease, and therefore were not improbably written to be affixed to the handsome tomb erected over his remains. Hence a third probability; but beyond the accumulated force of these we cannot go.

Epitaph on Sir Thomas Scott, as given in the “Memorials of the Scott Family”, and also in Pick’s “Collection of Curious Pieces in the World”, vol. 3.

Before returning to Richard and Reginald, we may conclude this short notice of their ancestors by mentioning the very probable circumstance that the former were, by the female line, descendants of John Gower, the poet, as explained in the following table:

The Pashells, or Pashleys, were descended from Sir Edmund de Passelege, a Baron of the Exchequer, who purchased a manor in Smeeth in 1319; he died 1327. The family resided at Iden, Sussex; and the house there, and the manor in Smeeth, devolved on the Scots, Anne Pympe being her father’s only child. It is true that John Gower, the poet, does not mention any children in his extant will, but he was probably seventy-eight when he died; and, what is more to the purpose, his published will was probably only his testament, the will or declaration of uses of the land being commonly at xviiithat time a separate instrument. Th. Gower, of Clapham, given above as the father of Lowys, was probably the son or grandson of John Gower (see Sir Harris Nicolas in The Retrosp. Rev., 2 Ser., ii, 103-17). Also Gower the poet is known to have had property in Southwark; and Th. Gower, of Clapham, refers in his will (1458) to his tenement called The Falcon, in Southwark, near the hospital; and in Manning and Bray’s Surrey, iii, 623, there is noticed a deed of conveyance dated 22nd November 1506, of part of the site of St. Thomas’s Hospital, in Southwark, made by John Scot, of Iden, and Anne his wife, daughter and heir of John Pashley, who was cousin and heir of John Gower. It may be added as curious that Sir Robert Gower, who is believed to have been uncle to the poet, was buried in Brabourne church in 1349; his monument, now destroyed, being noticed in Weever.

On p. 500, Scot speaks of “his kinseman M. Deering”, Edw. Dering the divine, a writer on theological subjects and chaplain to her Majesty; but in what way they were kin I have been unable to discover.*

Returning now to Reginald’s father, Richard, the youngest of the three sons of that Sir John who died in 1533, we find that he married Mary, daughter of Geo. Whetenall, whose father was sheriff of Kent in 1527, and whose family had lived for three centuries at Hextall’s Place, near Maidstone. She survived her husband; and being remarried to Fulke Onslow, Clerk of the Parliaments, died before him, 8th October 1582, and was buried, as he afterwards was, in Hatfield church, Herts, where a brass to their memory is fixed in the north wall of the chancel. Of Richard himself nothing more is known. He probably died young, and certainly before December 1554, his death being mentioned in the will of his brother Sir Reginald, who died on the 16th of that month. In this will, failing his own issue—a lapse which did not occur—he left his real estate “unto Rainolde Scotte, xix son and heire of my brother Richard Scotte, dec^d”, and Rainolde’s issue failing, it was devised to a more distant branch. Hence, contrary to the table given on page xi, from “The Memorials”, “Rainolde” was either the only son of Richard, or the only son then living. The same conclusion follows from the Inquis. post mortem of Lady Wynifred Rainsfoord, taken the 20th March 1575/6, where Sir Thomas Scot and his brothers are said to be co-heirs with Reynold of the lands held by her in gavelkind, the sons having one moiety, and Reynold the other.

This Inquisition also gives Reynold’s then age as thirty-eight or more, the words “et amplius” being, as was, usually at least, done in these documents, attached to all the other ages mentioned. Hence he was born in or before 1538 (not in 1541), and as, according to Wood, he entered Hart Hall, Oxford, when about seventeen, he entered it circa 1555; the intention that he should do so having been probably entertained by Sir Reginald, his uncle, who died 16th December 1554, and his expenses borne by his cousin, Sir Thomas. I say probably, because we have seen that, failing his own issue, he was named by Sir Reginald as the next heir to the estate, and also because we know nothing of the circumstances in which his widowed mother was left, nor as yet of the date at which she was re-married to Onslow.

On the 11th of October he married Jane—not, as stated in “The Memorials”, Alice—Cobbe, the daughter of an old yeoman family long resident at Cobbe’s Place, in the adjoining parish of Aldington. The entry in the Registers of Brabourne is—

The only issue of this marriage, the only issue (that at least survived) of both his marriages—for the Maria in the table of “The Memorials” was the daughter of his second wife by her first husband—was Elizabeth, afterwards married to Sackville Turnor; and the only issue of that marriage, prior at least to Reynold’s death in 1599, was Cicely. Elizabeth’s birth must have been in or before 1574, for in the Inquis. xxpost mortem of Reg. Scot generosus in 1602, she is said to be “28 et amplius”. The Holy Maid of Kent (mentioned by Scot, p. 26) was servant to one of her maternal progenitors, probably to her grandfather.

In this year, 1574, was also published the first issue of his brain, his tractate on The Hoppe-Garden, the first work, I believe, in which not only was the culture of the hop in England advocated, both as having been successfully tried by him, and as against its importation from Poppering, in Flanders, where its mode of culture, etc., was endeavoured to be kept secret; but the whole subject of its growth, culture, drying, and preservation was gone into in a practical manner, and further explained by woodcuts. And here it may be worth noting that in this year Reynold was necessarily absent so far from London that the publisher inserted this apologetic note: “Forasmuch as M. Scot could not be present at the printing of this his Booke, whereby I might have used his advise in the correction of the same, and especiallie of the Figures and Portratures conteyned therein, whereof he delivered unto me such notes as I being unskilfull in the matter, could not so thoroughly conceyve, nor so perfectly expresse as ... the Author, or you ... the Reader might in all poyntes be satisfied [etc., etc.].” In the second edition, however, in 1576, it was: “Now newly corrected and augmented,” the augmentations increasing the book from fifty-three pages, exclusive of the epilogue, to sixty, and the corrections including one added and one emended engraving. As a matter of curiosity, and as showing that neither the publisher nor the author expected a second edition, it may be added that though only two years had elapsed, some at least of the wood engravings required to be re-cut in almost exact facsimile. A third edition was issued in 1578, and from these we can date the commencement of the hop harvests in Kent.

In 1575 he succeeded to one moiety of such part of Lady Winifred Rainsford’s estate as was held in gavelkind. Possibly, indeed, we may place his enjoyment of it earlier, for Lady Rainsford was declared insane; and to this, by the way, I am not disinclined to attribute Reynold’s prolonged absence from London in 1572, the attendance of some one of the family being required, and he, being older than the sons of Sir Thomas, and of a junior branch, and a man of business, xxihaving been chosen or requested to go. And I think we may place his loss of that estate between this date and that of 1584, the date of the publication of the Witchcraft. At least, in this Discoverie occur two passages which, taken together, seem to point to this. In his dedication to Sir Th. Scot he says: A vi, “My foot being [not, having been] under your table, my hand in your dish, or rather in your pursse”—and, A viii: “If they will allow men knowledge and give them no leave to use it, men were much better be without it than have it; ... it is, as ... to put a candle under a bushell: or as to have a ship, and to let hir lie alwaies in the docke: which thing how profitable it is, I can saie somewhat by experience.” Though it may be said that Reynold was a man of business, and, as appears from his writings, a man of decision and of unusual intelligence, still circumstances may combine to bring disaster as a shipowner on such a one, and more especially if he be new to the business. That he did in some way lose his “moiety” is shown by the words of his will, for, speaking of his second wife, he says, “whome yf I had not matched w^th all I had not dyed worth one groate.” Not, improbably, I think, it was to the time of his first marriage, or to his widowership, or to both, that Wood more especially refers when he speaks of his giving himself up to solid reading, etc.

When his first wife died and when he re-married is as yet unknown to us. But this latter could hardly have taken place until the latter end, at earliest, of 1584, since in that year he, as already quoted, describes himself as, “having his foot under your [Sir Th. Scot’s] table”, etc., or in other words, as being a dependant not worth one groat. Nor do we know more of this second wife beyond these slight particulars that we gather from Reynold’s will: that her Christian name was Alice—given in “The Memorials” instead of Jane, to Cobbe, the first wife—that she was a widow with a daughter by her former husband; and that she had some land, either in her own right or derived from her former husband. That she was a widow at the time of her remarriage is shown by Reynold’s bequest of “six poundes thirteene shillings foure pence to my daughter in Lawe Marie Collyar for apparell [? mourning] desiring that her mother’s hand be not anie thinge the shorter towards her in that respect.” Whether Collyar were this daughter’s maiden name, and therefore the name of her mother’s first xxii husband, or whether it were the name of her own husband, is doubtful, though from the words just quoted I rather incline to this second supposition, and that the husband was not a man of much means. With regard to what I have said as to the mother’s possession of property, it has been suggested to me by one of good judgment, and a solicitor, that Reynold’s expression as to not dying worth a groat was merely an excuse for leaving the bulk of his property to his wife; as also that these concluding words of the will, and the resistance of probate to it made by Elizabeth, his daughter by his first wife, indicate the existence of family differences, probably attributable to this second marriage having been entered into with one of a social rank inferior to his own. I cannot, however, deduce this latter supposition from anything we know, neither can I thus interpret the last words of his will, nor believe him guilty of such a perversion of the truth. Reading his will attentively, I think we find that Scot, with his usual fine sense of justice, gives all the lands in “Aldington, Ruckinge, and Sellinge”, which had become his by his marriage with Alice, “to her and to her [not to his] heires”, while he only gives his lands in Romney Marsh and his lease of Brabourne Rectory to her for her life, and then the lease at least, which had come to him “from his Cozen Charles”, to his daughter Elizabeth. Reading the last words of his will verbatim, I think it consistent with justice to hold, that though he may have obtained these lands in Romney Marsh through the use of what had been his wife’s former property, but was during his marriage his own, he was entitled to leave them to his wife only for her life, they then proceeding not, as did the others, to her heirs, but to his. I strongly suspect, also, that his casual omission of any directions as to whom these Romney Marsh lands were to go after her death was the real cause of the probate of the will being resisted by his daughter Elizabeth, so as to definitely raise this point.

Reserving all notice of his Witchcraft till I speak of it under its bibliography, I would say that we know little more of his life. The Rev. Jos. Hunter, in his Chorus Vatum, states that he was “a Collector of subsidies to Q. Elizabeth in 15..., for the county of Kent.” Urged to inquiry by this, my friend, Jas. Gairdner, Esq., kindly examined for me the Exchequer documents in the Public Record Offices, and it appears from them that he was collector of subsidies for the lathe ofxxiii Shepway in the years 28 and 29 of Elizabeth (1586–87). It may be added that, as appears from a previous document, ¹²⁵/₂₉₉, in the same class of papers, that Sir Reynold Scot and other Commissioners for the collection in the lathe of Shepway, of the first payment of the subsidy granted by the Parliament, 37 Henry VIII, had appointed a high Collector. Thus we learn the mode of his appointment; and on looking through the lists we find that many such were “generosi”, though the payment was but small. For Scot, forty shillings was deducted from the incomings; and this not as a percentage, but as salary.

From the same documents we find that he is twice designated “armiger”, a word agreeing with his 1584 title-page, “by Reginald Scot, Esquire”, though in the editions of his Hoppe Garden his name alone is given. This was for myself an important find; but it will suffice here to say that it confirms Hunter’s supposition that this esquireship was due to his having been made a justice of the peace, though as to the date it can only as yet be said that this dignity was probably granted between 1578 and 1584.

In an Accompt of Sir Th. Heanage, knight, Treasurer at Warr, in the Public Record Offices, and printed by J. Renat Scott in the Arch. Canti., vol. xi, p. 388, we find the following entries:

From the Muster-roll taken on the 25th Jan. 1587–8, and now in the possession of Mr. Oliver, it appears that the county had then furnished 8,201 footmen and 711 horsemen, and that Sir Thomas was captain of the 309 trained foot raised in the lathe of Shepway, with four hundreds of the lathe of Scraye and Romney Marsh. Hence his office as Colonel-General was not given him—indeed, this is shown by the Accompt—until the men had been assembled in camp on the 29th July. In likexxiv manner the Muster-roll gives Sir Jas. Hales as Captain of the Lances; but in the pay list Th. Scott (a son of Sir Thomas) is Captain both of the Light Horse and Lances. With regard to “Reinalde”, who, under the name of Reginald, appears in the Muster-roll as one of the thirteen captains over 1,499 untrained foot, Mr. J. Renat Scott, in a note, states that he was a son of Sir Thomas Scott; but though sons of Sir Thomas were also captains, this assertion is a guess, unsupported by any known evidence.

He made his will on the 15th September 1599, and died twenty-four days thereafter, on the 9th October. Some say that he was either taken ill at Smeeth or died there, probably misinterpreting the words of his will; some also say that he was buried there; while some think that he was buried by the side of and close to Sir Thomas Scott’s tomb in Brabourne church; but all these, like the supposition of Philipot in his Kent Notes, Harl. MS. 3917, fol. 78a, that he erected that tomb, are mere guessings, and as such we leave them.

To the few particulars thus gathered together we are obliged, with the exception of two small points, one probable, and the other, I think, certain, to confine ourselves. The first or probable point is, that as his name appears five times as a witness to family business documents between 1566 and 1594, his signature appearing in this last year in Sir Thomas’s will, he must have kept up familiar intercourse with the latter, and was not improbably, in some measure at least, his man of business, and possibly his steward. The second point, which also goes to confirm this first one, as also to confirm the belief that he was made a justice of the peace, as being a person whose attainments, if not his position, would render him useful in such a post, is one to which I was independently led by his writings, and which is, I find, borne out by almost contemporary testimony.

He who in his Hoppe Garden showed such practical thought and foresight, and in his Witchcraft such independence of thought, was not a man, especially when married and a father, to live in dependence on a cousin. The wording, as well as the tone of his writings, agree with this. We find in them traces of legal study, a habit of putting things, as it were, in a forensic form, and noteworthy and not unfrequent references to legal axioms or dicta, quoted generally in their original Latin. The Dedication before his Hoppe Garden, and the first beforexxv his Witchcraft, are to men of high legal rank, judges, in fact, to whom he acknowledges his obligations. Referring the reader to these, and to the ambiguous sentence in the latter commencing “Finally” (sig. A ii), I would also give the words in the latter, where he says, A. v: “But I protest the contrarie, and by these presents I renounce all protection”; and in the former the legal phraseology is carried on throughout in—“and be it also knowne to all men by these presentes that your acceptance hereof shall not be any wyse prejudiciall unto you, for I delyver it as an Obligation, wherein I acknowledge my selfe to stande further bounde unto you, without that, that I meane to receyve your courtesie herein, as a release of my further duties which I owe,” A. iii. v. And in B. v.: “neither reproove me because by these presents I give notice thereof.” So also he would seem to have been an attendant at the assizes; and if we look to the story, told at page 5, of Marg. Simons, we find that he was not only present at the trial, but busied himself actively in the matter, talking to the vicar, the accuser, about it, advertising the poor woman as to a certain accusation, he “being desirous to heare what she could saie for hir selfe”, and inquiring into the truth of her explanation by the relation of divers honest men of that parish. In like manner, his Will is written “w^th myne owne hande” twenty-five days before his death; and, on inquiring from a lawyer, I find that it is drawn up in due legal form, and by one who had had a legal training. Lastly, Thomas Ady, M.A., in A Candle in the Dark, 1656, alias, A Perfect Discovery of Witches, 1661, a book, like Scot’s, against the reality of witchcraft, distinctly tells us, p. 87, that Scot “was a student in the laws and learned in the Roman Laws”, the latter being exactly what such a man would be if he had turned towards the law as a profession. These considerations appear to me conclusive, even though it be added as an argument per contra that his name has not been found among the rolls of the Temple, Inner or Middle, or in those of Lincoln’s or Gray’s Inn.

And in taking leave of this portion of my subject, I cannot but reiterate the obligations both the reader and the literary world generally are under to Mr. Edmund Ward Oliver. The suppositions as to the cause of Scot’s loss of his moiety of the estates of Lady Winnifred Rainsford—not, it is believed, a large sum—and as to his law-studentship, based as they are on facts stated by Scot or derived fromxxvi his writings, and those of Th. Ady, are my own; while in one or two instances I have put forth opinions not quite in accord with that gentleman’s. But nearly all the biographical facts regarding Scot himself and his marriages, in contradistinction to the supposed facts hitherto set forth, are due to the intelligent research of Mr. Oliver, and are not unfrequently stated in his own words.

The following table will bring into one view the pedigree of Reginald Scot given in the previous pages:

WILL OF RAYNOLD SCOT.

By a short notice following the copy of the will, it was proved on the 22nd November 1599. There is also a document setting forth that Alicia Scott, relicta, and Elizabetha Turnor, als Scott, filia naturalis et legitima, had disputed, before certain functionaries named regarding the will, and that probate was granted as aforesaid on the 22nd November 1599. But as the cause or subject of the dispute is not mentioned, this, like the short notice, is not given.

ABSTRACT OF INQUIS. POST MORTEM, 18 ELIZ. p. 1, No. 84.

ABSTRACT OF INQUIS. P.M., 45 ELIZ., pars. 1, No. 71.

The Cause and History of the Work.—That is, what induced Scot to write it, and why did he set it forth as he did? inquiries which involve, among other matters, a short notice of the position then and previously held by witchcraft in England. His Hoppe-garden shows him to us as a man of intelligence, foresighted and reflective of thought, and desirous of improving the state of his country and countrymen. It shows him also as one who could not only seize a thought and commend it to others, but as one who had perseveringly put his idea into practice, found it feasible, and then so learnt the processes necessary for growing the plant, and preparing its catkins and storing them for use, that a priori one would suppose that he had done what he did not, namely, visited Holland and learnt the processes on the spot. The same qualities are seen in his Witchcraft, as is also his independence of thought. No sooner had his suspicions been aroused than he proceeded, as shown by the work and its references, to investigate the matter thoroughly and perseveringly. To this also he was encouraged, or rather led, by yet other two qualities, his straightforwardness or honesty of purpose, and his compassion, for these taught him that he was engaged in a righteous work, that of rescuing feeble and ignorant, though it may be too pretentious and shrewish, old women from false charges and a violent death, and in a noble work in endeavouring to stem the torrent of superstition and cruelty which was then beginning to overflow the land.

Nor was this the result in any way of a mind sceptically inclined. His book shows that he accepted the opinions of his day, unless he had been led to inquire into them, and either re-receive them as facts or discard them. Led doubtless by his academic training, it is abundantly clear that he had inquired into the grounds of his belief in the Established Church, and into the additions that had been made to its faith in the course of illiterate ages by the Popish Church. He had read Plotina, who taught him that the so-called vicars of Christ and his vice-gerents on earth were often devils incarnate and standard-bearers of vice, and that the system which did now and again produce a St. Francis d’Assis—all reverence to his name—produced also the congeners of Loyola, and Loyola himself, whose followers, while assuming to themselves the holy name of Socii Jesu, made that name famous and infamous, and their tenets execrated throughout the xxxi civilised world. But he accepted with some doubting, having, as he thought, great authority for it and no means of investigation, the story of the Remora; and accepted without doubting the beliefs that the bone of a carp’s head, and none other, staunched blood, the value of the unicorn’s horn, and the like, and—notwithstanding his disbelief in astrology—that seed-time and springing were governed by the waxing and waning of the moon. He also believed that precious stones owed their origin to the influences of the heavenly bodies; and besides his credulous beliefs as to certain waters, narrated at the commencement, he in the next chapter gives the absurdly wonderful virtues of these stones, some, as he says, believed in by him, “though many things most false are added”.

How then came he to inquire into and write so strongly against witchcraft? Before the time of the eighth Henry, sorcerers were dealt with by the ecclesiastical law, which punished them as heretics. Moreover, their supposed offences against the person seem, chiefly at least, to have been taken notice of when they were supposed to interfere with high or state matters or persons, as in the cases of Joan of Arc or Dame Eleanor Cobham. But in Henry’s time, probably through the extension of continental ideas, aided, it may be, by a desire to restrain the ecclesiastical power, c. 8 of the thirty-third year of his reign was passed. By this it was enacted, that witches, etc., who destroyed their neighbours, and made pictures [images] of them for magical purposes, or for the same purposes made crowns, swords, and the like, or pulled down crosses, or declared where things lost or stolen were become, should suffer death and loss of lands and goods, as felons, and lose the privileges of clergy and sanctuary. Afterwards, by 1 Edw. I, c. 12, this and other offences first made felonies in Henry’s time were no longer to be accounted such. Thirdly, in the fifth year of Elizabeth, Parliament, by its twelfth chapter, enacted, that whereas many have practised sorceries to the destruction of people and their goods, those that cause death shall suffer as was declared by 33 Henry VIII, c. 8, except that their wives and heirs shall not have their rights affected by such attainder. But that when a person was only injured, or their goods or cattle destroyed, the offenders should for the first offence suffer a year’s imprisonment, and once a quarter be exposed in the pillory in a market town for six xxxii hours, and there confess their offences; and for the second offence suffer death as felons, with the exceptions before rehearsed. While any who seek treasure, or would bring about unlawful love, or hurt anyone in his body or goods, should for a first offence be imprisoned and suffer as before, and for a second be imprisoned for life and forfeit his goods and cattle. This, so far as humanity is concerned, is a distinct advance on Henry’s enactment, though an apparent going back from that of Edward. Perhaps, as before, it arose from a desire to remove the offences from the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical law, which would have burnt them, nor, as evidenced by its little results, does it seem to have been made through any mania or scare in the matter. This came on later, when, as we are told by Brian Darcie in 1582, at what time, under pie-crust promises of favour, he was endeavouring to get women to confess, and then be hanged,—“there is a man of great learning and knowledge come over lately into our Queenes Majestie, which hath advertised her what a companie and numbers of Witches be within Englande: whereupon I and other of her Justices have received Commission for the apprehending of as many as are within these limites.” Alas, this man of great learning and knowledge seems to have been none other than that otherwise light of the English Church, the great, good, and pious Bishop Jewel, who, having returned from a forced residence abroad, was speedily promoted by her Majesty, and in a sermon preached before her, in 1572, brought in the subject as follows:—

“Heere perhaps some man will replie, that witches, and conjurers often times chase away one Divell by the meane of another. Possible it is so; but that is wrought, not by power, but by Collusion of the Divels. For one Divell, the better to attaine his purpose, will give place, and make as though he stood in awe of another Divell. And by the way to touch but a word or two of this matter for that the horrible using of your poore subjects inforceth thereunto. It may please your Grace to understand, that this kind of people, I meenes witches and sorcerers, within these few last yeeres, are marvellously increased within this your Grace’s realme. These eies have seene most evident and manifest marks of their wickednesse. Your Grace’s subjects pine away even unto the death, their collour fadeth, their flesh rotteth, their speech is benummed, their senses are bereft.”

“Wherefore, your poore subjects most humble petition unto your Highnesse, is, that the lawes touching such malefactours, may be put in due execution. For the shole of them is great, their doings horrible, their malice intollerable, the examples most miserable. And I pray God, they never practise further, then upon the subject. But this only by the way, these be the scholers of Beelzebub the chief captaine of the Divels.”

The plantings of the Queen in the commissions of her Justices thus instigated and encouraged, produced an abundant crop. According to the Dedications of Scot, Sir Roger Manwood, Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer, had had “in these causes such experience”, A ii. v., while Sir Thomas Scot, as Justice of the Peace, had also had “manie poore old women convented before him for ... witchcraft”, A. vi. Various booklets also, presently to be spoken of more at large, excited still more the imaginations of a credulous people, and it had been supposed, before Scot wrote, as will be seen on p. 473, and in my note on that page, that the Queen’s person had been aimed at in that way.

It thus appears that though Scot may have been brought up in a traditional but little-regarded belief in witchcraft, he, when he was at least thirty-four, was not only unprepared, but startled, to witness and take part in this new departure from justice and mercy. Witchcraft, chiefly looked on as useful in discovering things lost, or in bringing a wished-for sweetheart to return the love of the seeker, or in curing ailments simple or grievous, became feared, reviled, and sought out: sought out by Commission of the Queen, sought out by the people as a great and fearful evil rapidly overspreading the land, and able and willing, like the Plague and Black Death, to count its victims by thousands, and from the cottage to the throne itself. He, a man both intelligent and compassionate, sees poor, old, decrepit creatures eking out a miserable livelihood by begging an occasional dole from their better off neighbours; ill-tempered by age and condition, and therefore abusive when refused such dole, or on slighter causes, sometimes perhaps through old knowledge or superstition, but probably more often for the sake of gain, pretending to be wise above what is known; he sees these accused of selling their souls for the sake of such a position in the world, he hears them accused sometimes of foul, more frequently of unlikely, crimes and acts, nay, such as an unprejudiced xxxiv common sense must laugh at, while the evidence is nearly always so faulty that, were the accusation a different one, it would be at once turned inside out and thrown aside. Unfortunately, too, some of these old women being more or less mad, and others driven through fear on the one hand, or through promised favour on the other, confess themselves capable of doing these things, though any man of sense and observation could detect their state or motives. Luckily, too, he had had close to him, and in his wife’s family, the known and talked-of imposture of the Holy Maid of Kent; and in his own time and close to his own door, the case of the Pythonist of Westwell, at first carried out triumphantly, and then, on her own confession and her re-acted acts, branded as an impostor, like the Holy Maid. The Dutchman, too, at Maidstone, after being set forth as a worker of miracles and an exorcist, was found to be a rogue; and “manie other such miracles had beene latelie printed, whereof diverse had beene bewraied.” He had taken part also—apparently as one engaged for the defence—in that piece of folly called the trial of Margaret Simons, and knew the history of Ade Davie, and of her restoration to sanity without exorcism, hanging, or burning.

Is it not natural that his suspicions, and more than suspicions, should have been aroused, and that he should have been thus led to take up the whole subject seriously? One who had given himself up, as Wood says, to reading and thought as well as to healthy and useful exercise, must have sought for and obtained books on either side of the subject, and in especial the known book of Wier; and thoughtful reading of these, and meditation must have led him to extend his views, and gather them into a harmonious and consistent whole. Meanwhile, however, the bloodthirsty superstition daily increased, and there were published first, the mad book or books of Richard Gallis—spoken of in pp. 132–3—of the witches at Windsor, now, I believe, unfortunately lost, where, among other things, he narrates how, at a Sabbath meeting, he had a hand-to-hand encounter with the devil, and wounded him so sore that he stank of brimstone; and in 1582, there took place the wholesale condemnation of the poor old women of St. Osees, thirteen I believe of whom were hanged. There had been no such condemnation before in England. It is not unlikely that he himself witnessed their condemnation—see pp. xxv–vi. xxxv So unusual was it, that—as I cannot but believe on other evidence, as stated in my noting on Macbeth—a ballad was written on it, which became very commonly known, and was remembered as late as 1606. This same unusual breadth of punishment also created so much attention that Justice Brian Darcie thought it worth while to set forth in print, not the trial, but the depositions taken before him, and thus inform a too ignorant public that he and he alone was the primary cause of such a purification.

These facts, and especially this last, aroused, I believe, Scot’s compassion and indignation, and made both find vent in printed words. And besides these likelihoods, including that of date, there are two at first sight seemingly contradictory facts, which made themselves manifest to me when I first carefully read the book, and before I had formed any opinion on their causes, and which are on this view reconciled. These facts are, that while the plan which he has adopted, and his facts and conclusions, seem to have been deliberately sought out, thought over, and canvassed, there are evidences throughout of a feverous haste of composition, such feverous haste as the above spoken of emotions would excite in a man like Scot, who had witnessed so horrible and so bloody a perversion of justice. The proof of the first fact I leave to be observed by the intelligent reader; but while the second must also be observed by him, it is needful, to the full exposition of my argument, that I should collect in one view most at least of the details. This haste is evidenced in some of his corrected errata, but more in those that he did not correct. Thus we have, on p. 174, a curious slip, by which Pharaoh becomes a Persian, and Nebuchadnezzar takes Pharaoh’s place as an Egyptian king, for other parts of the book prove conclusively that this was an unintentional lapsus, and one a second time overlooked when the book was re-read before the title-page and the preliminary leaves were set up. Similar are his errors as to Haias and Sedaias, for at one time he speaks of Rabbi Sedaias Haias, repeating it also at the last when he gives his “forren authors” consulted, and between these speaks of them as two persons, as they were. More especially would I call attention to his blunders as to Argerius Ferrerius. He quotes him—yet he is always Ferrarius—five times in his text, twice in his table of contents, and once in his “authors used”. So in his translation from him, the “s” of xxxvi “verbis” being indistinct in some copies, he read the word as “verbi”, and thereby translated the sentence into such unmistakable nonsense that this alone should have shown him his error. So, also, we have the senseless, because careless, rendering of the sword in hand passage, p. 257; and with these may be classed his adoption of T. R.’s curious mistranslations from Wier’s Pseudomonarchia, or from another copy of the Empto. Salomonis, for a moment’s consideration would have shown him their absurdity, and led him to turn to Wier. In p. 19 also, we find “infants” where, as stated in my note, all the editions of the Mal. Malef. in the British Museum have “infames”; and this, though a slip of memory, betokens, when taken with the rest, overhaste. These slips, in an ordinary writer, would lead to another conclusion, but not in this case, where we have evidence of both ordinary and recondite knowledge, of conclusions tried by actual experiment, of a quick and intelligent perception, and of what may be called, in a good sense, a ready and acute subtlety in refuting or retorting allegations or objections.

Our author’s indebtedness to Cornelius Agrippa and to Wier has, in a great measure, been anticipated in what has been said; but a few words may here be added. Casually coming across their books when he became a reader of out-of-the-way works, he did not become a follower of theirs, and then write a book, as the disciples of Pythagoras wrote books to expound and hand down the doctrines of their master. Wier had written a book against witchcraft, and a clear and comprehensive book. But while Scot certainly followed Wier in point of time, and as certainly was much indebted to him for the perfecting of his book, yet, as I have said, Scot seems to have taken up his belief against the reality of witchcraft from what he in his own experience had witnessed; and my view, that he was then led to read Wier and Cornelius Agrippa, and the writers on the other side, seems to me confirmed by what we find as to his indebtedness to Wier. The “Notings on Wier” show that, while he copied him in some other instances, he borrowed from him mainly a long list of illustrations, some of which even he may have drawn independently from the same sources as did Wier.

Bibliography.—We do not find an entry of Scot’s Hoppe-garden in the Stationers’ Registers, because the entries about 1574 are wanting. xxxviiBut why do we not find so large and important a book as the Witchcraft of 1584 so entered, the writer being of a family of no mean repute, and the head of his house, Sir Th. Scot, being in those days a man of some mark? The answer, after what has been said, is simple. He upheld and defended a heresy, the existence and diabolical powers and practices of witches being believed in and guarded against, by the Queen, the bishops, and the people. Hence the reply of the Stationers’ Company would most certainly have been—the same as in more trifling cases—“provided he shall get the bishop of London his alowance to yt”, words which, under the circumstances, would have been a refusal, and a refusal which, had any steps been taken against him after its publication, would have told against him. Hence he resolved to print it, taking all the blame and responsibility on his own shoulders, no stationer’s name being connected with it, and the name of the printer appearing only at the end of the book, without date or place of address—“Imprinted at London by | William Brome.” And here, by the way, it may be mentioned that though called in catalogues a quarto, its signatures are in eights. As before stated, both Thomas Ady and Anthony à Wood tell us that it “did for a time make great impressions on the Magistracy and Clergy”, and that it did so generally is shown by the appearance of Webster’s, Ady’s, and other books on the same side, and those of Gifford, Perkins, and others, on the other, including King James, who, in 1597, issued his Dæmonologie specially against it. Whether Elizabeth or the authorities under her took any notice of it is doubtful, for, as I have said, he was still an Esquire in 1587; and the last words of his will, “for greate is the trouble my poor wief hath had with me, and small is the comforte she hath receyved at my hands”, and his designation of himself as “gent.”, point rather to a voluntary surrender of his office, through weakness and ill-health, than to a dismissal.

But zeal for the truth, as he believed it, combined with his fears for himself, for he believed that he had been the object of witchcraft and of the machinations of the evil powers more than once, though luckily in vain, led the royal author on the other side to cause Scot’s book to be burned by the common hangman; and, as is also said by Cole, not one copy alone, as significant of its character, and of its xxxviii being a liber prohibitus in the eyes of this Protestant Pope, but as many as could be laid hands upon. While, too, I have as yet found no direct proof of this latter statement, it is perhaps in some degree confirmatory of it, that no copies of the book exist in the library of St. Paul’s Cathedral, nor in that of Lambeth Palace, nor in that of Sion College. To the same cause is most likely due the exceedingly neat copy of various chapters, and parts of chapters, contained in the Sloane MS., ff. 2189, in the British Museum, its date according to the experts there being circa 1620. At one time I had suspected that these extracts had been made with the intent of writing a book either for or against the truth of witchcraft; but the methodical neatness of all but the first two or three pages, the manner in which the typographical form of the book is followed, the consecutive, though broken manner, in which the extracts follow one another, the absence of any word or any sign of remark or comment throughout, now cause me to hold that it was a copy made by or for one who took such portions as he wished from a book otherwise inaccessible.

Turning back to this burning, I would say also that I have not come across any English contemporary, or even early statement as to it, much less as to its date. Perhaps, however, without much fear of error, we may suppose it to have been done immediately after the Act against witches, passed in the first year of James’s reign. By it the Act 5 Eliz. was repealed, and any conjuration, etc., of an evil spirit was made a crime punishable by death as a felon, the culprit losing all benefit of clergy and sanctuary. The finding of treasure by magical means, provoking to unlawful love, or destroying of cattle, was for the first offence to bring with it imprisonment for one year, standing in the pillory once a quarter for six hours, and confessing his crime, as in the Act repealed; and for the second offence death as a felon, though the dowry and the heirship were not attainted. This Act itself shows how strong were James’s convictions in the matter, as does the publication in London of his Dæmonologie in the same year, it being entered on the Stationers’ Registers on the 3rd April 1603. Scot’s book was therefore against James’s belief, and the esteem in which it was held against his own powers as a reasoner and author. While, however, so far as I can find, we owe the knowledge of this burning to a German source, its extreme likelihood is corroborated by xxxix what I have said, that James’s belief in witchcraft was with him an undoubted Article of Faith, and by the fact that various books, known and unknown, were at different times publicly burnt during his reign, though no official records of these burnings have been preserved.

Cole, as quoted in Bliss’s edition of the Athen. Oxon., gives the account as made by Thomasius de crimine magiæ, a book which I believe does not exist. There is a Thesis inaugaralis de crimine magiæ submitted in 1701 by Johan Reiche to the Regia Academia Fredericiana ... præside D. Christiano Thomasio. But Reiche refers to an earlier writer—“Gisberti Voetii | Theologiæ in Acad. Ultrajectina Professoris | Selectarum | Disputationum | Theologicarum, | Pars Tertia. | .... | Ultrajecti, | Ex Officina Johannis à Waesberge, | Anno CIↃ IↃ C LIX, |” which says, p. 564:

“... Reginaldus Scot nobilis Anglus magiæ crimen aperte negavit, & ex professo oppugnavit, omnes ejus mirabiles effectus aut ad melancoliam, aliosve naturales morbos, aut ad artem, industriam, & agilitatem hominum figmentis & præstigiis suis illudentium, aut ad stolidas imaginationes, dictorum magorum, aut ad vanas nugas & fictiones eorundem magorum referens. Ejus liber tit. Discoverie of Withcraft [sic] in Anglia combustus est; quem nominatim etiam perstringit Sereniss. Magnæ Briantniæ [sic] Rex Jacobus in Dæmonologia, eumque tangit diffusissimæ eruditionis Theologus Johannes Raynoldus, in cens. lib. Apocryph. tom. 2 prælect. 169. In eundem, sed innominatum calamum strinxit eximius & subacti judicii Theologus, Guilelm. Perkinsus in tractatu de Bascanologia. Pars libri istius Reginaldi Scot elenctica (nam reliqua in editione Anglicana conjurationes continebat,) in Belgicum idioma translata est, ante annos aliquot Lugd. Batav. per Thomam Basson: ex illius libri lectione, seu fonte perenni, non pauci ab illo tempore docti & indocti in Belgio fluctuare, & de Magia σκεωτικιζειν ac λιβερτινιζειν (ut Libertinis & Semilibertinis infesta est patria nostra) quin eo ignorantiæ sæpe prolabi, ut non iniquè illis applicari potuerit, quod Sereniss. Rex Jacobus in Dæmonologiâ subdito suo Reginaldo Scot: esse quasi novos Sadduccæos: cum omnes diabolorum operationes & apparitiones suaviter exibilant: tanquam anicularum, aut superstitionis meticulosæ phantasmata ac sabellas. Sunt & alii, sed pessimi magiæ patroni, qui ad Deum & divina charismata xlseu gratias gratis datas, aut ad angelos bonos, operationes magicas referunt.”

Dr. W. N. du Rieu, Librarian of the University of Leyden, kindly informs me, that a translation into Dutch, “omitting some formulæ of malediction and other matters which would more interest English readers,” was made and edited by Th. Basson, an English stationer living at Leyden in 12mo in 1609. It was undertaken at the instigation of the professors of law and history, and its dedication, dated 10th January 1609, was to the Curators of the University, and to the burgomasters of Leyden. A second and corrected edition, published by his son, G. Basson, was also printed at Leyden in 1637, though the dedication is dated 8th May 1637, Amsterdam.

Though in various of the notes the passages have been spoken of, yet to call attention to the matter, and in the hope that others may be more successful, I would add that I have not discovered the principle on which he went, nor his authorities, for his Scripture readings. In his Latin quotations he generally quotes the Vulgate, twice or thrice Beza, or Beza varied, while at other times he goes by some other translation, or possibly makes it himself. So his long English quotation, p. 284, is not taken from Wycliffe’s, Tyndale’s, Cranmer’s, Coverdale’s, Matthews’, or from the Genevan, Bishops’, or Rheims versions, though more like the Genevan, while, curiously enough, it precedes the one of 1611 by one or two verbal coincidences. Hence, I believe that he varied the Genevan version according to his own views and taste, and am the more inclined to this in that the passage is not in Italics, the then type and mark of quotations, but in Romans.

Notwithstanding, however, the decree that had gone forth, and, notwithstanding the strange Sadducean assertion, not argument, set forth by James, and followed by John Rainolds, D.D., in his work on the Apocrypha (tom. ii, 1032), and by Gisbert Voet, the book’s inherent excellency, as reported by Ady, and as evidenced by the notices of it in the various books on either side that afterwards came forth, and in part, perhaps, through that decree itself, called for its reproduction; and in 1651 it was issued with a new title-page, though naturally it was again not entered on the Stationers’ Registers. This time it was really—as evidenced by the signatures—a quarto. The text was one and the same with that printed off by Richard Cotes; but there werexli three issues, and three slightly different title-pages. The first bears—LONDON | Printed by Richard Cotes. 1651. The second has—Printed by R. C. and are to be sold by Giles Calvert, dwelling at the | Black Spread-Eagle at the West-end of Pauls. 1651. And except for these final words, separated on both title-pages by a line from the rest, both are word for word, and even to the misprint “superstions” identical. The explanation, in all probability, if not certainty, being that my “first” one was the first issue, when the publisher thought it more prudent to withhold his name; the other, a second issue of copies still called for, when, finding no ill results, he had become bolder. The third has below the line spoken of: London | Printed by E. [not R.] Cotes and are to be sold by Thomas Williams at the | Bible in Little Britain 1654. In this “Scots” is printed without the apostrophe, “men”, “women”, and “children”, as also “treatise”, have capital initials; on both occasions it has “Devils”, not “Divels”; and the last line but one above the dividing line ends “De-” not “Divels”, and “superstions” is rightly printed “superstitions”. These variations in the title-page, and the exact conformity of the text as to the various peculiarities of the letters, words, and sizes of the punctuation, show that Williams had come into possession of Calvert’s remainder, or of his set-up type, and had issued these sheets, prefixing a new title-page of his own, printed by E. Cotes.

There is not the slightest evidence of a copy of the 1584 edition having been prepared for the press, beyond the new title-page, and on two occasions the translation of Latin, that Scot had not—as he had done in similar instances—translated. The Latin-named ingredients on p. 184 are Englished, and I have thus been enabled to give them in my notings with the more probability that they are correct. The second instance is, as stated in my margin, on p. 416. Two or three press errors are corrected, one of them not a certain emendation, and all within the competency of an ordinary compositor or reader; but no others, not even that of “increase” for “incense”, p. 446, while fresh errors, indicative of a careless “reader”, are made.

What has been thus said as to the character of this second reprint, goes to prove that it was a publisher’s venture based upon the demand for the book, and, therefore, for gain, and one which he carried out spitexlii of its having been burnt, and placed among the “prohibited books”. In like manner, and for the like purpose, and as before, without entry in the Stationers’ Registers, there was brought out the third, and so-called folio edition of 1665, though the sheets are in sixes. All but the title-page, which, curiously enough, was again re-written, though still bearing, like the second, the words, “By Reginald Scot Esquire”; it is a careless reprint of that second, with all its errors, and new ones superadded. But as a novelty and inducement to buy, nine chapters, commencing the fifteenth book, and a second book of the “Discourse on Devils and Spirits”, were added by an anonymous author. Who this anonymity was, I have uselessly spent some little time in inquiring, time that might have been better employed, even had I found him. But it goes to prove that these additions were merely made for novelty’s sake, and its glamour and gain, in that the writer was a believer in, and not improbably, from his minute directions, as well as from his reticence, a practiser of witchcraft, or of what he thought to be witchcraft. He also, and I give this as one possible clue, was a strong believer in the perishable Astral spirit of a man, as well as of Astral spirits in general, and much of his “Discourse” is taken up with remarks on these.

I may here add, as showing the carelessness with which these second and third editions were edited, a note of the errata marked in the first and not corrected in them.

75, 21. “We,” so the second; in the third the (,) is rightly placed after “years”. A correction that could have been made by the least intelligent of “readers”.

269, 16. “If there be masses delete If.” Retained, but the second attempts to correct by inserting “no” before “masses”, and the third follows suit, though it is as nonsensical as before.

Beyond these, the limited edition now printed is the only other known to me. As stated in the preface, it is a reprint of the first edition, with some slight alterations in the lettering, but not in the spelling. Besides the few errata that have been found and recorded, the small heading on its left hand pages up to p. 24 is “Chap. —”, xliii like that on the right hand, instead of being “1 or 2 Booke”. So also in the earlier pages, the marginal references, though correct, are not printed line for line with the original. The pictorial initial letters of the first chapter of each book occupy in the original almost a third of the page. The first word of a chapter has only its first two letters—including its pictorial letter—in capitals, but the remainder, as well as the rest of the first line, is in larger type than the rest. The original being also in black letter was enabled to use both Romans and Italics as variants, whereas the reprint could only use Italics. The rule of the original is, however, in general very simple. “The — Chapter”, the contents of the chapter and proper names are in Romans; “The — Booke” and quotations in Italics; the translations of quotations in Romans. Wherever there can be any doubt the type of the original is marked in the margin, as are occasional uses by the author of [] to distinguish them from the editor’s use of the same. It may be added that “The — Chapter”, and the contents of the chapter, have been transposed. The V like arrangement of the lines at the end of a chapter have not been followed, but been imitated according to the spirit in which they were employed; for, after an investigation made for the purpose, it was found that they do not indicate a division of the text or matter, but were simply compositors’ devices to fill up a page when that page either ended a book, or when its blank space did not allow of the commencement of a new chapter. Similarly, on one page, a (∵) was added to complete the page. And, in like manner, if there was still space at the end of a book, an engraving was inserted. I would add that all the page references that I make are to the pages of the 1584 edition.

I had collected for an appendix various grammatical peculiarities of the age; but they increased the number of pages, and therefore the price of the book, without, as seemed to me, sufficient cause, more especially as the reader can readily consult Dr. Abbot’s Shakesperian Grammar, as well as notices in other books. One point, however, ought to be attended to. Though an educated and University man, accustomed to Latin and Greek, he, like all of his time, followed the then frequent habit of using singular verbs after plural nominatives not immediately preceding them. A close examination of these, both in Scot and Greene, another literate and Utriusque Academiæ in xliv Artibus Magister; and one notable one in Ben Jonson, who elsewhere, so far as I know, avoids this error; as well as those in Shakespeare and others, have shown me that they cannot be explained as is sought in Dr. Abbot’s Shakesperian Grammar, § 333, where the form of the verb is held to be a remnant of the northern early English third person plural in “s”. The instances alone of the auxiliary verbs so used set this theory aside, and show that the custom was due to carelessness, habit, the remoteness or after position of the true nominatives, and to the nearness of another word, sometimes even to a transposed objective; or of a “that” or “which” that had the look of a singular, or in the case of a double nominative, to both words being considered as implying one thought, as indeed they often did, being merely synonyms. Our Elizabethan ancestors would have said: “Pity and compassion moves me,” because they held pity and compassion were one and the same; and the habit of using Saxon and Latin, or other synonyms, led them to use the same construction when the meanings were but allied. This seems to me the more likely explanation: but the reader may prefer this—that our ancestors took the phrase to be elliptical, and that the verb really employed after both substantives was to be understood after the first and before the “and”.

Contemporary Notices of Scot.—Of strictly contemporary notices, I know of but two. In Nash’s Four Letters Confuted, 1593, he asks, ed. Grosart, ii, 252: “How is the Supplication a diabolicall Discourse, otherwise than as it intreats of the diverse natures and properties of Divels and spirits? in that far fetcht sense may the famous defensative against supposed Prophecies, and the Discoverie of Witchcraft be called notorious Diabolicall discourses, as well as the Supplication, for they also intreate of the illusions and sundrie operations of spirits.” The second is in Gabriel Harvey’s Pierce’s Supererogation, 1593, ed. Grosart, ii, 291: “Scottes discoovery of Witchcraft, dismasketh sundry egregious impostures, and in certaine principall Chapters, & speciall passages, hitteth the nayle on the head with a witnesse: howsoever I could have wished, [G. H. is nothing if he be not quasi-critical and emending] he had either dealt somewhat more curteously with Monsieur Bodine, or cōfuted him somewhat more effectually.”

Of course, various of the after-writers on witchcraft, whichever side they took, either spoke of him explicitly, or alluded to him; xlv Webster, Wagstaffe, Ady, and others, on the same side as Scot, and Meric Casaubon, Cotta, etc., ending with Glanvil on the other. But these, the really curious in such matters may be left to search out for themselves. Only I would like to mention John Deacon’s and John Walker’s Dialogicall Discourses of ... Devils [etc.], 1601, both because they, being clergymen, had the boldness—besides adding new arguments of their own, and though their wording is somewhat less decided than their own evident belief—out of three explanations of the case of the Witch of Endor which they set before the reader, to plainly prefer Scot’s view of her ventriloquism, both naming him in the text, and giving the reference to his page in their margin; and secondly, because so far as a hasty look enables one to give an opinion, they spoke more rationally on magical and other points than one would at that date expect. They also quote the opinion of Hippocrates on magical cures, as given by Scot, p. 450, and show that they take it, though not literally, from him, and not from Hippocrates directly, by giving a reference to Scot in the margin. Afterwards they published in 1603, a second large work, A summarie[?] answer to John Darrell, the first work having been also suggested by the same impostor, and his setting forth of himself as a caster out of devils.

I have said on p. xxii that the discovery of Scot’s name in the Subsidy Rolls for 1586 and 1587 with the affix of “Armiger” was for me an important find. And now I would explain that it was so, inasmuch as it set my mind at rest as to the oneness of the Raynold of the Hoppe-garden with the Reginald Scot Esquire, of the Witchcraft. Aware that Reynold and Reginald were variants of one name, used of and by the same person, the following facts hindered me for a long time from accepting the common belief that the Raynold and Reginald of these two works were one and the same. First, the author of the Hoppe-garden in each of his signatures to the editions of 1574–6–8, three in each, appears as Raynold. In the marriage entry, in the pay-account of the Kent forces, in the Muster-roll, and in the Will, it is also Raynold. But in 1584, throughout the Witchcraft, that is, four times in all, the name appears as Reginald. Secondly, in the Will of 1599, in accordance with the want of any title on the title-page of the Hoppe-garden, he describes himself as “gent”, and in the Inquisitio p. m., though he is called Reginald, the document being in Latin, hexlvi is, as in his Will, “generosus”. But in the title-page of the Witchcraft, he is Reginald Scot Esquire. The finding no evidence of the separate existence of a Raynold and a Reginald, the frequent references to the Scriptures in the Witchcraft, and the very frequent references to the Proverbs and Ecclesiastes, in the “Address to the Reader” of the Hoppe-garden, the use in both works, as already quoted, of certain legal phrases, and the occurrence in the prefatory part of the Hoppe-garden of “with the licour (or rather the lucre)”, and “condemne the man, or rather the mynde”, a trick of language not unfrequently repeated in the Discoverie, a trick resulting from his love of irony, shook my doubts. But there were still, the want of any title after the name in the Hoppe-garden, the “gent” of the Will, and the “generosus” of the Inquisitio, as against the “Esquire” of the Discoverie. First, however, Hunter’s suggestion, that his esquireship was due to his having been appointed a Justice of the Peace, and then the discovery of armiger after his name, have removed all reasonable doubts; and to turn our belief to a positive certainty, it only remains to discover that he was a Justice of the Peace.

Possibly the reader may now expect some pages on Scot’s style as a writer, and on his claim—his claim, yet not one made by himself—to be considered an English classic. But, besides that, I am not “greatly æsthetic”, and besides having expressed my opinions in more than one place in this Introduction, I think that any reader, with any appreciation of style, and of the manner in which an argument ought to be carried out, can come to but one conclusion. Such belief, I may add, is strengthened by this, that most writers whom I have consulted are of this opinion: and I would conclude with three quotations, chiefly regarding the way in which he carried out his argument. The Rev. Jos. Hunter, in his MS. Chorus Vatum, ch. v, says: “In fact, I had no notion of the admirable character of this book till I read it this September 1839. It is one of the few instances in which a bold spirit opposes himself to the popular belief, and seeks to throw protection over a class of the defenceless. In my opinion, he ought to stand very prominent in any catalogue of Persons who have been public benefactors.”

“To answer his argument was wholly impossible, and though the publication of his book did not put an end to the notion which continued xlvii very prevalent for a century afterwards [though we know from Ady that it greatly checked the belief for a time], yet it had, I have no doubt, much to do with the silent and gradual extinction of it.”

So D’Israeli, in his Amenities of Literature, has these words: “A single volume sent forth from the privacy of a retired student, by its silent influence may mark an epoch in the history of the human mind.”

“Such a volume was The Discoverie of Witchcraft, by Reginald Scot, a singular work, which may justly claim the honour in this country of opening that glorious career which is dear to humanity and fatal to imposture.”

Thirdly, Professor W. T. Gairdner, M.D. and LL.D., thus speaks, in his address on “Insanity: Modern Views as to its Nature and Treatment”, read before the Glasgow Medico-Chirurgical Society: “But I cannot leave it [witchcraft] ... without expressing, more strongly than even Mr. Lecky does, the unqualified admiration and surprise which arise in the mind on finding that in 1584 ... there was at least one man in England ... who could scan the whole field of demonology, and all its terrible results in history, with an eye as clear from superstition, and a judgment as sound and unwavering in its opposition to abuses, as that of Mr. Lecky himself. There is only one book, so far as I know, in any language, written in the sixteenth or even the seventeenth century, that merits this praise: and it is a book which, notwithstanding its wide human interest, its great and solid learning, and a charming English style that makes it most readable, even at the present day, has never been reprinted for two hundred years, and is therefore extremely inaccessible to most readers. Reginald Scot’s Discoverie of Witchcraft ... stands brightly out amid the darkness of its own and the succeeding age, as a perfectly unique example of sagacity amounting to genius.” He adds: “Nothing, however, is more evident than that Scot, however indebted to Wier (and both of them, probably, to Cornelius Agrippa ...), was far in advance of either in the clearness of his views and the unwavering steadiness of his leanings to the side of humanity and justice.”

The Epistle

To the Honorable, mine especiall good A. ii. A.
Lord, Sir Roger Manwood Knight, Lord
cheefe Baron of hir Majesties Court
of the Eschequer.

NSOMUCH as I know that your Lordship is by nature whollie inclined, and in purpose earnestly bent to releeve the poore, and that not onlie with hospitalitie and almes, but by diverse other devises and waies tending to their comfort, having (as it were) framed and set your selfe to the helpe and maintenance of their estate; as appeareth by your charge and travell in that behalfe. Whereas also you have a speciall care for the supporting of their right, and redressing of their wrongs, as neither despising their calamitie, nor yet forgetting their complaint, seeking all meanes for their amendement, and for the reformation of their disorders, even as a verie father to the poore. Finallie, for that I am a poore member of that commonwelth, where your Lordship is a principall person; I thought this my travell, in the behalfe of the poore, the aged, and the simple, might be/ A. ii. v. verie fitlie commended unto you: for a weake house requireth a strong staie. In which respect I give God thanks, that hath raised up unto me so mightie a freend for/A. v. them as your Lordship is, who in our lawes have such knowledge, in government such discretion, in these causes such experience, and in the commonwealth such authoritie; and neverthelesse vouchsafe to descend to the consideration of these base and inferior matters, which minister more care and trouble, than worldlie estimation.

And in somuch as your Lordship knoweth, or rather exerciseth the office of a judge, whose part it is to heare with courtesie, and to determine with equitie; it cannot but be apparent unto you, that when punishment exceedeth the fault, it is rather to be thought vengeance than correction. In which respect I knowe you spend more time and travell in the conversion and reformation, than in the subversion & confusion of offenders, as being well pleased to augment your owne private paines, to the end you may diminish their publike smart. For in truth, that commonwealth remaineth in wofull state, where fetters and halters beare more swaie than mercie and due compassion.

Howbeit, it is naturall to unnaturall people, and peculiar unto witchmongers, to pursue the poore, to accuse the simple, and to kill the innocent; supplieng in rigor and malice towards others, that viii which they themselves want in proofe and discretion, or the other in offense or occasion. But as a cruell hart and an honest mind doo seldome meete and feed togither in a dish; so a discreet and mercifull magistrate, and a happie commonwealth cannot be separated asunder. How much then are we bound to God, who hath given us a Queene, that of justice is not only the very perfect image & paterne; but also of mercie & clemencie (under God) the meere fountaine &/ A. 2. bodie it selfe? In somuch as they which hunt most after bloud in/A. iii. these daies, have least authoritie to shed it. Moreover, sith I see that in cases where lenitie might be noisome, & punishment wholesome to the commonwealth; there no respect of person can move you, no authoritie can abash you, no feare, no threts can daunt you in performing the dutie of justice.

In that respect againe I find your Lordship a fit person, to judge and looke upon this present treatise. Wherein I will bring before you, as it were to the barre, two sorts of most arrogant and wicked people, the first challenging to themselves, the second attributing unto others, that power which onelie apperteineth to God,^a ^a Apoc. 4, 11. who onelie is the Creator of all things,^b ^b Rom. 8.
Acts. 5.
Apoc. 2. who onelie searcheth the heart and reines, who onelie^c ^c Luke. 16. knoweth our imaginations and thoughts, who onelie^d ^d Dan. 2. & 28, & 47. openeth all secrets, who^e ^e Psalm. 72. & 136.
Jer. 5. onelie worketh great wonders, who onelie hath power^f ^f Job, 5. & 36.
Sam. 12.
1. Reg. 8.
2. Reg. 3.
Isaie. 5.
Zach. 10. & 14.
Amos. 4. 7. to raise up & cast downe; who onelie maketh thunder, lightning, raine, tempests, and restraineth them at his pleasure; who onelie^g ^g Job. 1. sendeth life and death, sicknesse & health, wealth and wo; who neither giveth nor lendeth his^h ^h Isaie. 42, 8. glorie to anie creature.

And therefore, that which greeveth me to the bottome of my hart, is, that these witchmongers cannot be content, to wrest out of Gods hand his almightie power, and keepe it themselves, or leave it with a witch: but that, when by drift of argument they are made to laie downe the bucklers, they yeeld them up to the divell, or at the least praie aid of him, as though the raines of all mens lives and actions were committed into his hand; and that he sat at the sterne, to guide and direct the course of the whole world, imputing unto him power and abilitie inough to doo as great things, and as strange miracles as ever Christ did.

But the doctors of this supernaturall doctrine saie/ A. 2. v.somtimes, that the witch doth all these things by vertue of hir/ A. iii. v. charmes; sometimes that a spirituall, sometimes that a corporall divell doth accomplish it; sometimes they saie that the divell doth but make the witch beleeve she doth that which he himselfe hath wrought; sometimes that the divell seemeth to doo that by compulsion, which he doth most willinglie. Finallie, the writers hereupon are so eloquent, and full of varietie; that sometimes they write that the divell dooth all this by ix Gods permission onelie; sometimes by his licence, somtimes by his appointment: so as (in effect and truth) not the divell, but the high and mightie king of kings, and Lord of hosts, even God himselfe, should this waie be made obedient and servile to obeie and performe the will & commandement of a malicious old witch, and miraculouslie to answere hir appetite, as well in everie trifling vanitie, as in most horrible executions; as the revenger of a doting old womans imagined wrongs, to the destruction of manie innocent children, and as a supporter of hir passions, to the undoing of manie a poore soule. And I see not, but a witch may as well inchant, when she will; as a lier may lie when he list: and so should we possesse nothing, but by a witches licence and permission.

And now forsooth it is brought to this point, that all divels, which were woont to be spirituall, may at their pleasure become corporall, and so shew themselves familiarlie to witches and conjurors, and to none other, and by them onlie may be made tame, and kept in a box, &c. So as a malicious old woman may command hir divell to plague hir neighbor: and he is afflicted in manner and forme as she desireth. But then commeth another witch, and she biddeth hir divell helpe, and he healeth the same partie. So as they/A 3 make it a kingdome divided in it selfe, and therefore I trust it will not long endure, but will shortlie be overthrowne, according to the words of our Savior, Omne regnum in se divisum desolabitur, Everie king/domeA. iiii. divided in it selfe shalbe desolate.

And although some saie that the divell is the witches instrument, to bring hir purposes and practises to passe: yet others saie that she is his instrument, to execute his pleasure in anie thing, and therefore to be executed. But then (me thinks) she should be injuriouslie dealt withall, and put to death for anothers offense: for actions are not judged by instrumentall causes; neither dooth the end and purpose of that which is done, depend upon the meane instrument. Finallie, if the witch doo it not, why should the witch die for it? But they saie that witches are persuaded, and thinke, that they doo indeed those mischeefs; and have a will to performe that which the divell committeth: and that therefore they are worthie to die. By which reason everie one should be executed, that wisheth evill to his neighbor, &c. But if the will should be punished by man, according to the offense against God, we should be driven by thousands at once to the slaughterhouse or butcherie.Proverb. 5. For whosoever loatheth correction shall die. And who should escape execution, if this lothsomnesse (I saie) should extend to death by the civill lawes. Also the reward of sinne is death. Howbeit, everie one that sinneth, is not to be put to death by the magistrate. But (my Lord) it shalbe proved in my x booke, and your Lordship shall trie it to be true, as well here at home in your native countrie, as also abrode in your severall circuits, that (besides them that be Venificæ, which are plaine poisoners) there will be found among our witches onelie two sorts; the one sort being such by imputation, as/A 3 v so thought of by others (and these are abused, and not abusors) the other by acceptation, as being willing so to be accompted (and these be meere cousenors.)

CalvineInstit. lib. 5. ca. 8. sect. 6.
Item upon Deut. cap. 18.
Lib. de lamiis, pag. 5. treating of these magicians, calleth them cousenors, saieng that they use their juggling knacks onelie to amase or abuse the people; or else for fame: but he/A. iiij. v. might rather have said for gaine. Erastus himselfe, being a principall writer in the behalfe of witches omnipotencie, is forced to confesse, that these Greeke words, μαγία, μαγγαγία, φαρμακία, are most commonlie put for illusion, false packing, cousenage, fraud, knaverie and deceipt: and is further driven to saie, that in ancient time, the learned were not so blockish, as not to see that the promises of magicians and inchanters were false, and nothing else but knaverie, cousenage, and old wives fables; and yet defendeth he their flieng in the aire, their transferring of corne or grasse from one feeld to another, &c.

But as Erastus disagreeth herein with himselfe and his freends: so is there no agreement among anie of those writers, but onlie in cruelties, absurdities, and impossibilities. And these (my Lord) that fall into so manifest contradictions, and into such absurd asseverations, are not of the inferior sort of writers; neither are they all papists, but men of such accompt, as whose names give more credit to their cause, than their writings. In whose behalfe I am sorie, and partlie for reverence suppresse their fondest errors and fowlest absurdities; dealing speciallie with them that most contend in crueltie,^a^a Isaie. 59, 7.
Rom. 3, 15. whose feete are swift to shed bloud, striving (as ^b^b Eccl. 27, 5.Jesus the sonne of Sirach saith) and hasting (as ^c^c Prov. 1, 16.Salomon the sonne of David saith) to powre out the bloud of the innocent; whose heat against these poore wretches cannot be allaied with anie other liquor than bloud. And therfore I feare that ^d^d Jer. 2, 34.under their wings will be found the bloud of the soules of the poore, at that daie, when the Lord shall saie;/A 4 ^e^e Ps. 139, 15.
Esai. 33, 15.Depart from me ye bloudthirstie men.

And bicause I know your Lordship will take no counsell against innocent bloud, but rather suppresse them that seeke to embrue their hands therein; I have made choise to open their case unto you, and to laie their miserable calamitie before your feete: following herein the/[A. v.] advise of that learned man Brentius, who saith; In epistola ad Jo. Wier.Si quis admonuerit magistratum, ne in miseras illas mulierculas sæviat, eum ego arbitror divinitùs excitatum; that is, If anie admonish the magistrate not to deale too hardlie with these miserable wretches, that are called xi witches, I thinke him a good instrument raised up for this purpose by God himselfe.

But it will perchance be said by witchmongers; to wit, by such as attribute to witches the power which apperteineth to God onelie, that I have made choise of your Lordship to be a patrone to this my booke; bicause I think you favour mine opinions, and by that meanes may the more freelie publish anie error or conceipt of mine owne, which should rather be warranted by your Lordships authoritie, than by the word of God, or by sufficient argument. But I protest the contrarie, and by these presents I renounce all protection, and despise all freendship that might serve to helpe towards the suppressing or supplanting of truth: knowing also that your Lordship is farre from allowing anie injurie done unto man; much more an enimie to them that go about to dishonor God, or to embezill the title of his immortall glorie. But bicause I know you to be perspicuous, and able to see downe into the depth and bottome of causes, and are not to be carried awaie with the vaine persuasion or superstition either of man, custome, time, or multitude, but mooved with the authoritie of truth onlie: I crave your countenance herein, even so farre foorth, and no further, than the lawe of God, the lawe of nature, the lawe of this land, and the/A 4 v rule of reason shall require. Neither doo I treat for these poore people anie otherwise, but so, as with one hand you may sustaine the good, and with the other suppresse the evill: wherein you shalbe thought a father to orphans, an advocate to widowes, a guide to the blind, a staie to the lame, a comfort & countenance to the honest, a scourge/ and terror to the wicked.[A. v. v.]

Thus farre I have beene bold to use your Lordships patience, being offended with my selfe, that I could not in brevitie utter such matter as I have delivered amplie: whereby (I confesse) occasion of tediousnes might be ministred, were it not that your great gravitie joined with your singular constancie in reading and judging be means of the contrarie. And I wish even with all my hart, that I could make people conceive the substance of my writing, and not to misconstrue anie part of my meaning. Then doubtles would I persuade my selfe, that the companie of witchmongers, &c: being once decreased, the number also of witches, &c: would soone be diminished. But true be the words of the Poet,*[* Homer.]

Haudquaquam poteris sortirier omnia solus,

Námque aliis divi bello pollere dederunt,

Huic saltandi artem, voce huic cytharáque canendi:

Rursum alii inseruit sagax in pectore magnus

Jupiter ingenium, &c.

xii

And therefore as doubtfull to prevaile by persuading, though I have reason and common sense on my side; I rest upon earnest wishing; namelie, to all people an absolute trust in God the creator, and not in creatures, which is to make flesh our arme: that God may have his due honor, which by the undutifulnes of manie is turned into dishonor, and lesse cause of offense and errour given by common received evill example. And to your Lordship I wish, as increase of honour, so continuance of good health, and happie daies.

Your Lordships to be commanded
Reginald Scot.

xiii

To the right worshipfull Sir[A. vi.] A. a
Thomas Scot Knight, &c.

[Rom. and Ital. of this reversed from original.]

Ir, I see among other malefactors manie poore old women convented before you for working of miracles, other wise called witchcraft, and therefore I thought you also a meet person to whom I might cōmend my booke. And here I have occasion to speake of your sincere administration of justice, and of your dexteritie, discretion, charge, and travell emploied in that behalfe, wherof I am oculatus testis. Howbeit I had rather refer the reader to common fame, and their owne eies and eares to be satisfied; than to send them to a Stationers shop, where manie times lies are vendible, and truth contemptible. For I being of your house, of your name, & of your bloud; my foot being under your table, my hand in your dish, or rather in your pursse, might bee thought to flatter you in that, wherein (I knowe) I should rather offend you than please you. And what need I currie favour with my most assured friend? And if I should onelie publish those vertues (though they be manie) which give me speciall occasion to exhibit this my travell unto you, I should doo as a painter, that describeth the foot of a notable personage, and leaveth all the best features in his bodie untouched.

I therefore (at this time) doo onelie desire you to consider of my report, concerning the evidence that is commonlie brought before you against them. See first whether the evidence be not frivolous, & whether the proofs brought against them be not incredible, consisting of ghesses, presumptions, & impossibilities contrarie to reason, scrip/ture,A a 2 and nature. See also what persons complaine upon them, whether they be not of the basest, the unwisest, & most faithles kind of people. Also/[A. vi. v.] may it please you to waie what accusations and crimes they laie to their charge, namelie: She was at my house of late, she would have had a pot of milke, she departed in a chafe bicause she had it not, she railed, she curssed, she mumbled and whispered, and finallie she said she would be even with me: and soone after my child, my cow, my sow, or my pullet died, or was strangelie taken. Naie (if it please your Worship) I have further proofe: I was with a wise woman, and she told me I had an ill neighbour, & that she would come to my house yer it were long, and so did she; and that she had a marke above hir waste, & so had she: and God forgive me, my stomach hath gone against hir a great while. Hir mother before hir was counted a witch, she hath beene beatenxiv and scratched by the face till bloud was drawne upon hir, bicause she hath beene suspected, & afterwards some of those persons were said to amend. These are the certeinties that I heare in their evidences.

Note also how easilie they may be brought to confesse that which they never did, nor lieth in the power of man to doo: and then see whether I have cause to write as I doo. Further, if you shall see that infidelitie, poperie, and manie other manifest heresies be backed and shouldered, and their professors animated and hartened, by yeelding to creatures such infinit power as is wrested out of Gods hand, and attributed to witches: finallie, if you shall perceive that I have faithfullie and trulie delivered and set downe the condition and state of the witch, and also of the witchmonger, and have confuted by reason and lawe, and by the word of God it selfe, all mine adversaries objections and arguments: then let me have your countenance against them that maliciouslie oppose themselves against me./

My greatest adversaries are yoong ignorance and old custome.A a 2 For what follie soever tract of time hath fostered, it is/[A. vii.] so superstitiouslie pursued of some, as though no error could be acquainted with custome. But if the lawe of nations would joine with such custome, to the maintenance of ignorance, and to the suppressing of knowledge; the civilest countrie in the world would soone become barbarous, &c. For as knowledge and time discovereth errors, so dooth superstition and ignorance in time breed them. And concerning the opinions of such, as wish that ignorance should rather be mainteined, than knowledge busilie searched for, bicause thereby offense may grow: I answer,John. 5. that we are commanded by Christ himselfe to search for knowledge: Prov. 15, 1.for it is the kings honour (as Salomon saith) to search out a thing.

Aristotle said to Alexander, that a mind well furnished was more beautifull than a bodie richlie araied. What can be more odious to man, or offensive to God, than ignorance: for through ignorance the Jewes did put Christ to death.Acts. 3.
Proverbs. 9. Which ignorance whosoever forsaketh, is promised life everlasting: and therfore among Christians it should be abhorred above all other things. For even as when we wrestle in the darke, we tumble in the mire, &c: so when we see not the truth, we wallow in errors. A blind man may seeke long in the rishes yer he find a needle; and as soone is a doubt discussed by ignorance. Finallie, truth is no sooner found out in ignorance, than a sweet savor in a dunghill. And if they will allow men knowledge, and give them no leave to use it, men were much better be without it than have it. Matth. 25.
Matth. 5.
Luke. 8.For it is, as to have a tallent, and to hide it under the earth; or to put a candle under a bushell: or as to have a ship, & to let hir lie xv alwaies in the docke: which thing how profitable it is, I can saie somewhat by experience./

But hereof I need saie no more, for everie man seeth thatA a 2 v none can be happie who knoweth not what felicitie meaneth. For what availeth it to have riches, and not to have the use/ thereof? [A. vii. v.]Trulie the heathen herein deserved more commendation than manie christians, for they spared no paine, no cost, nor travell to atteine to knowledge. Pythagoras travelled from Thamus to Aegypt, and afterwards into Crete and Lacedæmonia: and Plato out of Athens into Italie and Aegypt, and all to find out hidden secrets and knowledge: which when a man hath, he seemeth to be separated from mortalitie. For pretious stones, and all other creatures of what value soever, are but counterfeits to this jewell: they are mortall, corruptible, and inconstant; this is immortall, pure and certeine. Wherfore if I have searched and found out any good thing, that ignorance and time hath smothered, the same I commend unto you: to whom though I owe all that I have, yet am I bold to make other partakers with you in this poore gift.

Your loving cousen,
Reg. Scot.

xvi

To the right worshipfull his loving friends,[A. viii].
A a 3
Maister Doctor Coldwell Deane of Ro-
chester, and Maister Doctor Read- man Archdeacon of Can-
turburie, &c.

[Rom. and Ital. reversed; the italics of original smaller than in that to Sir Th. Scot.

Aving found out two such civill Magistrates, as for direction of judgement, and for ordering matters concerning justice in this common wealth (in my poore opinion) are verie singular persons, who (I hope) will accept of my good will, and examine my booke by their experience, as unto whom the matter therin conteined dooth greatlie apperteine: I have now againe considered of two other points: namelie, divinitie and philosophie, whereupon the groundworke of my booke is laid. Wherein although I know them to be verie sufficientlie informed, yet dooth not the judgement and censure of those causes so properlie apperteine to them as unto you, whose fame therein hath gotten preeminence above all others that I know of your callings: and in that respect I am bold to joine you with them, being all good neighbours togither in this commonwelth, and loving friends unto me. I doo not present this unto you, bicause it is meet for you; but for that you are meet for it (I meane) to judge upon it, to defend it, and if need be to correct it; knowing that you have learned of that grave counseller Cato, not to shame or discountenance any bodie. For if I thought you as readie, as able, to disgrace me for mine insufficiencie; I should not have beene hastie (knowing your learning) to have written unto you: but if I should be abashed to write to you, I should shew my selfe ignorant of your courtesie.

I knowe mine owne weakenesse, which if it have beene able to mainteine this argument, the cause is the stronger. Eloquent words may please the eares, but sufficient matter persuadeth the hart. So as, if I exhibit wholsome drinke (thought it be small) in a treene*[* = wooden] dish with a faithfull hand, I hope it will bee as well accepted, as strong wine offered in a silver bowle with a flattering heart. And surelie it is a point of as great liberalitie to receive a small thing thankeful/lie,A a 3 v. as to give and distribute great and costlie gifts bountifullie: for there is more supplied with courteous answers than with rich rewards. The ty/rant[A. viii. v.] Dionysius was not so hated for his tyrannie, as for his churlish and strange behaviour. Among the poore Israelites sacrifices, God was satisfied with the tenth part of xviian Ephah of flower, so as it were fine and good. Christ liked well of the poore widowes mite, Lewis of France accepted a rape root of clownish Conan, Cyrus vouchsafed to drinke a cup of cold water out of the hand of poore Sinætes: and so it may please you to accept this simple booke at my hands, which I faithfullie exhibit unto you, not knowing your opinions to meet with mine, but knowing your learning and judgement to be able as well to correct me where I speake herein unskilfullie, as others when they speake hereof maliciouslie.

Some be such dogs as they will barke at my writings, whether I mainteine or refute this argument: as Diogenes snarled both at the Rhodians and at the Lacedæmonians: at the one, bicause they were brave; at the other, bicause they were not brave. Homer himselfe could not avoid reprochfull speaches. I am sure that they which never studied to learne anie good thing, will studie to find faults hereat. I for my part feare not these wars, nor all the adversaries I have; were it not for certeine cowards, who (I knowe) will come behind my backe and bite me.

But now to the matter. My question is not (as manie fondlie suppose) whether there be witches or naie: but whether they can doo such miraculous works as are imputed unto them. Good Maister Deane, is it possible for a man to breake his fast with you at Rochester, and to dine that day at Durham with Maister Doctor Matthew; or can your enimie maime you, when the Ocean sea is betwixt you? What reall communitie is betwixt a spirit and a bodie? May a spirituall bodie become temporall at his pleasure? Or may a carnall bodie become invisible? Is it likelie that the lives of all Princes, magistrates, & subjects, should depend upon the will, or rather upon the wish of a poore malicious doting old foole; and that power exempted from the wise, the rich, the learned, the godlie, &c? Finallie, is it possible for man or woman to do anie of those miracles expressed in my booke, & so constantlie reported by great clarks? If you saie, no; then am I satisfied. If you saie that God, absolutelie, or by meanes can accomplish all those, and manie more, I go with you. But witches may well saie they can doo these things, howbeit they cannot shew how they doo them. If I for my part should saie I could doo/A a 4. those things, my verie adversaries would saie that I lied.

O Maister Archdeacon, is it not pitie, that that which is said to be doone with the almightie power of the most high God, and by our saviour his onelie sonne Jesus Christ our Lord, shouldbe referred to a baggage old womans nod/B. i. or wish, &c? Good Sir, is it not one manifest kind of Idolatrie, for them that labor and are laden, to come xviii unto witches to be refreshed? If witches could helpe whom they are said to have made sicke, I see no reason, but remedie might as well be required at their hands, as a pursse demanded of him that hath stolne it. But trulie it is manifold idolatrie, to aske that of a creature, which none can give but the Creator. The papist hath some colour of scripture to mainteine his idoll of bread, but no Jesuiticall distinction can cover the witchmongers idolatrie in this behalfe. Alas, I am sorie and ashamed to see how manie die, that being said to be bewitched, onelie seeke for magicall cures, whom wholsome diet and good medicines would have recovered. I dare assure you both, that there would be none of these cousening kind of witches, did not witchmongers mainteine them, followe them, and beleeve in them and their oracles: whereby indeed all good learning and honest arts are overthrowne. For these that most advance their power, and mainteine the skill of these witches, understand no part thereof: and yet being manie times wise in other matters, are made fooles by the most fooles in the world.

Me thinks these magicall physicians deale in the commonwelth, much like as a certeine kind of Cynicall people doo in the church, whose severe saiengs are accompted among some such oracles, as may not be doubted of; who in stead of learning and authoritie (which they make contemptible) doo feed the people with their owne devises and imaginations, which they prefer before all other divinitie: and labouring to erect a church according to their owne fansies, wherein all order is condemned, and onelie their magicall words and curious directions advanced, they would utterlie overthrowe the true Church. And even as these inchanting Paracelsians abuse the people, leading them from the true order of physicke to their charmes: so doo these other (I saie) dissuade from hearkening to learning and obedience, and whisper in mens eares to teach them their frierlike traditions. And of this sect the cheefe author at this time is/A a 4 v one Browne, a fugitive, a meet cover for such a cup: as heretofore the Anabaptists, the Arrians,*[* Arians] and the Franciscane friers.

Trulie not onlie nature, being the foundation of all perfection; but also scripture, being the mistresse and director thereof, and of all christianitie, is beautified with knowledge and learning. For as nature without discipline dooth naturallie incline unto vanities, and as it were sucke up errors:Rom. 2, 27.
2. Cor. 3, 6. so doth the word, or rather the letter of the scripture, without understanding, not onlie make us devoure errors, but yeeldeth us up to death & destruction: & therefore Paule saith he was not a minister of the letter, but of the spirit.

Thus have I beene bold to deliver unto the world, and to you, those simple/B. i. v. notes, reasons, and arguments, which I have devised or collectedxix out of other authors: which I hope shall be hurtfull to none, but to my selfe great comfort, if it may passe with good liking and acceptation. If it fall out otherwise, I should thinke my paines ill imploied. For trulie, in mine opinion, whosoever shall performe any thing, or atteine to anie knowledge; or whosoever should travell throughout all the nations of the world, or (if it were possible) should peepe into the heavens, the consolation or admiration thereof were nothing pleasant unto him, unles he had libertie to impart his knowledge to his friends. Wherein bicause I have made speciall choise of you, I hope you will read it, or at the least laie it up studie with your other bookes, among which therein your is none dedicated to any with more good will. And so long as you have it, it shall be untoyou (upon adventure of my life) a certeine amulet, periapt, circle, charme, &c: to defend you from all inchantments.

Your loving friend
Reg. Scot.

To the Readers.B. ii. B

O you that are wise & discreete few words may suffice: for such a one judgeth not at the first sight, nor reprooveth by heresaie;Isai. 11.
Prover. 1. but patientlie heareth, and thereby increaseth in understanding: which patience bringeth foorth experience, whereby true judgement is directed. I shall not need therefore to make anie further sute to you, but that it would please you to read my booke, without the prejudice of time, or former conceipt: and having obteined this at your hands, I submit my selfe unto your censure. But to make a solemne sute to you that are parciall readers, desiring you to set aside parcialitie, to take in good part my writing, and with indifferent eies to looke upon my booke, were labour lost, and time ill imploied. For I should no more prevaile herein, than if a hundred yeares since I should have intreated your predecessors to beleeve, that Robin goodfellowe, that great and ancient bulbegger, had beene but a cousening merchant, and no divell indeed.

If I should go to a papist, and saie; I praie you beleeve my writings, wherein I will proove all popish charmes, conjurations, exorcismes, benedictions and cursses, not onelie to be ridiculous, and of none effect, but also to be impious and contrarie to Gods word: I should as hardlie therein win favour at their hands, as herein obteine credit at yours. Neverthelesse, I doubt not, but to/B. ii v. use the matter so, that as well the massemoonger for his part, as the witchmoonger for his, shall both be ashamed of their professions.

But Robin goodfellowe ceaseth now to be much feared, and poperie is sufficientlie discovered. Nevertheles, witches charms, and conjurors cousenages are yet thought effectuall. Yea the Gentiles have espied the fraud of their cousening oracles, and our cold prophets and inchanters make us fooles still, to the shame of us all, but speciallie of papists, who conjure everie thing, and thereby bring to passe nothing. They saie to their candles; I conjure you to endure for ever: and yet they last not a pater noster while the longer. They conjure water to be wholesome both for bodie and soule: but the bodie (we see) is never the better for it, nor the soule anie whit xxi reformed by it. And therefore I mervell, that when they see their owne conjurations confuted and brought to naught, or at the least void of effect, that they (of all other) will yet give such credit, countenance, and authoritie to the vaine cousenages of witches and conjurors; as though their charmes and conjurations could produce more/ apparent, certeine, and better effects than their owne.B v

But my request unto all you that read my booke shall be no more, but that it would please you to conferre my words with your owne sense and experience, and also with the word of God. If you find your selves resolved and satisfied, or rather reformed and qualified in anie one point or opinion, that heretofore you held contrarie to truth, in a matter hitherto undecided, and never yet looked into; I praie you take that for advantage: and suspending your judgement, staie the sentence of condemnation against me, and consider of the rest, at your further leasure. If this may not suffice to persuade you, it cannot prevaile to annoy you: and then, that which is written without offense, may be overpassed without anie greefe.

And although mine assertion, be somewhat differing from the old inveterat opinion, which I confesse hath manie graie heares, whereby mine adversaries have gained more authoritie than reason, towards the maintenance of their presumptions and old wives fables: yet shall it fullie agree with Gods glorie, and with his holie word. And albeit there be hold taken by mine adver/sariesB. iii. of certeine few words or sentences in the scripture that maketh a shew for them: yet when the whole course thereof maketh against them, and impugneth the same, yea and also their owne places rightlie understood doo nothing at all releeve them: I trust their glorious title and argument of antiquitie will appeare as stale and corrupt as the apothecaries drugs, or grocers spice, which the longer they be preserved, the woorsse they are. And till you have perused my booke, ponder this in your mind, to wit, that Sagæ, Thessalæ, Striges, Lamiæ (which words and none other being in use do properlie signifie our witches) are not once found written in the old or new testament; and that Christ himselfe in his gospell never mentioned the name of a witch. And that neither he, nor Moses ever spake anie one word of the witches bargaine with the divell, their hagging, their riding in the aire, their transferring of corne or grasse from one feeld to another, their hurting of children or cattell with words or charmes, their bewitching of butter, cheese, ale, &c: nor yet their transubstantiation;Mal. malef. par. 2. quæ. 2. insomuch as the writers hereupon are not ashamed to say, that it is not absurd to affirme that there were no witches in Jobs time. The reason is, that if there had beene such witches then in beeing, Job would have said he had beene bewitched. But indeed men tooke no heed in those daies to this xxii doctrine of divels;1. Pet. 4. 1. to wit, to these fables of witchcraft, which Peter saith shall be much regarded and hearkened unto in the latter daies.

Howbeit, how ancient so ever this barbarous conceipt of witches omnipotencie is, truth must not be measured by time: for everie old opinion is not sound. Veritie is not impaired, how long so ever it be suppressed; but is to be searched out, in how darke a corner so ever it lie hidden: for it is not like a cup of ale, that may be broched too rathe. Finallie, time bewraieth old errors, & discovereth new matters of truth. Danæus in suo prologo.Danæus himselfe saith, that this question hitherto hath never beene handled; nor the scriptures concerning this matter have never beene expounded. To prove the antiquitie of the cause, to confirme the opini/onB 2 of the ignorant, to inforce mine adversaries arguments, to aggravate the punishments, & to accomplish the confusiō of these old women, is added the vanitie and wickednes of them, which are called witches, the arrogancie of those which take upon them to/B. iii. v. worke wonders, the desire that people have to hearken to such miraculous matters, unto whome most commonlie an impossibilitie is more credible than a veritie; the ignorance of naturall causes, the ancient and universall hate conceived against the name of a witch; their ilfavoured faces, their spitefull words, their cursses and imprecations, their charmes made in ryme, and their beggerie; the feare of manie foolish folke, the opinion of some that are wise, the want of Robin goodfellowe and the fairies, which were woont to mainteine chat, and the common peoples talke in this behalfe; the authoritie of the inquisitors, the learning, cunning, consent, and estimation of writers herein, the false translations and fond interpretations used, speciallie by papists; and manie other like causes. All which toies take such hold upon mens fansies, as whereby they are lead and entised awaie from the consideration of true respects, to the condemnation of that which they know not.

Howbeit, I will (by Gods grace) in this my booke, so apparentlie decipher and confute these cavils, and all other their objections; as everie witchmoonger shall be abashed, and all good men thereby satisfied. In the meane time, I would wish them to know that if neither the estimation of Gods omnipotencie, nor the tenor of his word, nor the doubtfulnes or rather the impossibilitie of the case, nor the small proofes brought against them, nor the rigor executed upon them, nor the pitie that should be in a christian heart, nor yet their simplicitie, impotencie, or age may suffice to suppresse the rage or rigor wherewith they are oppressed; yet the consideration of their sex or kind ought to moove some mitigatiō of their punishment. For if nature (as Plinie reporteth) have taught a lion not to deale so roughlie with a woman as with a man, bicause she is in bodie the xxiii weaker vessell, and in hart more inclined to pitie (which JeremieLam. Jer. 3. & 4. cap. verse. 10
1. Cor 11. 9.
Ibid. vers. 7.
Ge. 2. 22. 18.
Arist. lib. problem. 2. 9. in his lamentations seemeth to confirme) what should a man doo in this case, for whome a woman was created as an helpe and comfort unto him? In so much as, even in the lawe of nature, it is a greater offense to slea a woman than a man: not bicause a man is not the more excellent creature, but bicause a woman is the weaker vessell. And therefore among all modest and honest persons it is thought a shame to offer violence or injurie to a woman:Vir. Georg. in which respect Virgil/[B. iv.] saith, Nullum memorabile nomen fæminea in pæna est.

God that knoweth my heart is witnes, and you that read my booke shall see, that my drift and purpose in this enterprise tendeth onelie to these respects. First, that the glorie and power of God be not so abridged and abased, as to be thrust into the hand or lip of a lewd old woman: whereby the worke of the Creator should be attributed to the power of a creature. Secondlie, that the religion of the gospell may be seene to stand without such peevish trumperie. Thirdlie, that lawfull favour and christian compassion be rather used towards these poore soules, than rigor and extremitie. Bicause they, which are commonlie accused of witchcraft,/B 2 v are the least sufficient of all other persons to speake for themselves; as having the most base and simple education of all others; the extremitie of their age giving them leave to dote, their povertie to beg, their wrongs to chide and threaten (as being void of anie other waie of revenge) their humor melancholicall to be full of imaginations, from whence cheefelie proceedeth the vanitie of their confessions; as that they can transforme themselves and others into apes, owles, asses, dogs, cats, &c: that they can flie in the aire, kill children with charmes, hinder the comming of butter, &c.

And for so much as the mightie helpe themselves together, and the poore widowes crie,Eccl[us.] 35, 15. though it reach to heaven, is scarse heard here upon earth: I thought good (according to my poore abilitie) to make intercession, that some part of common rigor, and some points of hastie judgement may be advised upon. For the world is now at that stay (as Brentius in a most godlie sermon in these words affirmeth) that even as when the heathen persecuted the christians, if anie were accused to beleeve in Christ, the common people cried Ad leonem: so now, if anie woman, be she never so honest, be accused of witchcraft, they crie Ad ignem. What difference is betweene the rash dealing of unskilfull people, and the grave counsell of more discreet and learned persons, may appeare by a tale of Danæus his owne telling; wherein he opposeth the rashnes of a few townesmen, to the counsell of a whole senate, preferring the follie of the one, before the wisdome of the other.

xxiv

At Orleance on Loyre (saith he) there was a manwitch, not only/[B. iv. v.] taken and accused, but also convicted and condemned for witchcraft, who appealed from thence to the high court of Paris. Which accusation the senate sawe insufficient, and would not allow, but laughed thereat, lightlie regarding it; and in the end sent him home (saith he) as accused of a frivolous matter. And yet for all that, the magistrats of Orleance were so bold with him, as to hang him up within short time after, for the same or the verie like offense. In which example is to be seene the nature, and as it were the disease of this cause: wherein (I saie) the simpler and undiscreeter sort are alwaies more hastie & furious in judgements, than men of better reputation and knowledge. Nevertheles, Eunichius saith, that these three things; to wit, what is to be thought of witches, what their incantations can doo, and whether their punishment should extend to death, are to be well considered. And I would (saith he) they were as well knowne, as they are rashlie beleeved, both of the learned, and unlearned. And further he saith, that almost all divines, physicians and lawyers, who should best know these matters, satisfieng themselves with old custome, have given too much credit to these fables, and too rash and unjust sentence of death upon witches. But when a man pondereth (saith he) that in times past, all that swarved from the church of Rome were judged heretikes; it is the lesse marvell, though in this matter they be blind and ignorant.

And surelie, if the scripture had beene longer suppressed, more absurd fables would have sproong up, and beene beleeved. Which credulitie though it is to be derided with laughter; yet this their crueltie is to be/B 3 lamented with teares. For (God knoweth) manie of these poore wretches had more need to be releeved than chastised; and more meete were a preacher to admonish them, than a gailor to keepe them; and a physician more necessarie to helpe them, than an executioner or tormentor to hang or burne them. For proofe and due triall hereof, I will requite Danæus his tale of a manwitch (as he termeth him) with another witch of the same sex or gender.

CardanusLib. 15. cap. 18. de varietatib. rerum. from the mouth of his owne father reporteth, that one Barnard, a poore servant, being in wit verie simple and rude, but in his service verie necessarie and diligent (and in that respect deerelie beloved of his maister) professing the art of witchcraft,/[B. v.] could in no wise be dissuaded from that profession, persuading himselfe that he knew all things, and could bring anie matter to passe; bicause certeine countrie people resorted to him for helpe and counsell, as supposing by his owne talke, that he could doo somewhat. At length he was condemned to be burned: which torment he seemed more willing to suffer, than to loose his estimation in that behalfe. But hisxxv maister having compassion upon him, and being himselfe in his princes favor, perceiving his conceipt to proceed of melancholie, obteined respit of execution for twentie daies. In which time (saith he) his maister bountifullie fed him with good fat meat, and with foure egs at a meale, as also with sweet wine: which diet was best for so grosse and weake a bodie. And being recovered so in strength, that the humor was suppressed, he was easilie woone from his absurd and dangerous opinions, and from all his fond imaginations: and confessing his error and follie, from the which before no man could remoove him by anie persuasions, having his pardon, he lived long a good member of the church, whome otherwise the crueltie of judgement should have cast awaie and destroied.

This historie is more credible than Sprengers fables, or Bodins bables, which reach not so far to the extolling of witches omnipotencie, as to the derogating of Gods glorie. For if it be true, which they affirme, that our life and death lieth in the hand of a witch; then is it false, that God maketh us live or die, or that by him we have our being, our terme of life appointed, and our daies numbred. But surelie their charmes can no more reach to the hurting or killing of men or women, than their imaginations can extend to the stealing and carrieng awaie of horsses & mares. Neither hath God given remedies to sicknes or greefes, by words or charmes, but by hearbs and medicines;Amos. 3. 6.
La. Jer. 3. 38.
Isai. 45. 9.
Rom. 9. 20. which he himselfe hath created upon earth, and given men knowledge of the same; that he might be glorified, for that therewith he dooth vouchsafe that the maladies of men and cattell should be cured, &c. And if there be no affliction nor calamitie, but is brought to passe by him, then let us defie the divell, renounce all his works, and not so much as once thinke or dreame upon this supernaturall power of witches; neither let us prosecute them with such despight, whome our fansie condemneth, and our reason acquiteth: our/[B v. v.] evidence against them consisting in impossibilities, our proofes in unwritten verities, and our whole proceedings in doubts and difficulties./

B 3. v.Now bicause I mislike the extreame crueltie used against some of these sillie soules (whome a simple advocate having audience and justice might deliver out of the hands of the inquisitors themselves) it will be said, that I denie anie punishment at all to be due to anie witch whatsoever. Naie, bicause I bewraie the follie and impietie of them, which attribute unto witches the power of God: these witchmoongers will report, that I denie there are anie witches at all: and yet behold (saie they) how often is this word [Witch]** [] in text. mentioned in the scriptures? Even as if an idolater should saie in the behalfe of images and idols, to them which denie their power and godhead, and xxvi inveigh against the reverence doone unto them; How dare you denie the power of images, seeing their names are so often repeated in the scriptures? But truelie I denie not that there are witches or images: but I detest the idolatrous opinions conceived of them; referring that to Gods worke and ordinance, which they impute to the power and malice of witches; and attributing that honour to God, which they ascribe to idols. But as for those that in verie deed are either witches or conjurors, let them hardlie suffer such punishment as to their fault is agreeable, and as by the grave judgement of lawe is provided.

Places amended by the author, and to be read as followeth. The first number standeth for the page, the second for the line.

46. 16. except you.
51. 9. one Saddocke.
75. 21. that we of
110. 21. as Elimas.
112. 10. is reproved.
119. 16. one Necus.
126. 12. Magus as.
138. 2. the hart.
144. 25. in hir closet at Endor, or in.
168. 31. the firmament.
187. 16. reallie finished.
192. put out the first line of the page.
247. 29. write it.
257. 32. an image.
269. 16. there be masses.
333. 14. evenlie severed.
363. 26. for bellowes.
366. 27. his leman.
438. 29. exercise the.
450. 1. that it is.
463. 19.*[* 16]that businesse.
471. 19. cōteineth nothing.
472. 11. I did deferre.
491. 6. so difficult.
491. 27. begat another.
503. 9. of all the.
519. 7. the Hevites.
542. 30. their reproch./

[Corrected in this 4th edition. The numbers of the 3rd line in original, i.e., from 438, are smaller.]

xxvii The forren authors used in this Booke.[B. vi.] [B 4]

Ælianus.
Aetius.
Albertus Crantzius.
Albertus Magnus.
Albumazar.
Alcoranum Franciscanorum.
Alexander Trallianus.
Algerus.
Ambrosius.
Andradias.
Andræas Gartnerus.
Andræas Massius.
Antonius Sabellicus.
Apollonius Tyanæus.
Appianus.
Apuleius.
Archelaus.
Argerius Ferrarius.*[* Ferre-]
Aristoteles.
Arnoldus de villa nova.
Artemidorus.
Athanasius.
Averroës.
Augustinus episcopus Hip.
Augustinus Niphus.
Avicennas.
Aulus Gellius.
Barnardinus de bustis.
Bartholomæus Anglicus.
Berosus Anianus.
Bodinus.
Bordinus.
Brentius.
Calvinus.
Camerarius.
Campanus.
Cardanus pater.
Cardanus filius.
Carolus Gallus.
Cassander.
Cato.
Chrysostome.
Cicero.
Clemens.
Cornelius Agrippa.
Cornelius Nepos.
Cornelius Tacitus.
Cyrillus.
Danæus.
Demetrius.
Democritus.
Didymus.
Diodorus Siculus.
Dionysius Areopagita.
Dioscorides.
Diurius.
Dodonæus.
Durandus.
Empedocles.
Ephesius.
Erasmus Roterodamus.
Erasmus Sarcerius.
Erastus.
Eudoxus.
Eusebius Cæsariensis.
Fernelius.
Franciscus Petrarcha.
Fuchsius.
Galenus.
Garropius.
Gelasius.
Gemma Phrysius.
Georgius Pictorius.
Gofridus.
Goschalcus Boll.
Gratianus.
Gregorius.
Grillandus.
Guido Bonatus.
Gulielmus de sancto Clodoaldo.
Gulielmus Parisiensis.
Hemingius.
Heraclides.
Hermes Trismegistus.
Hieronymus.
Hilarius.
Hippocrates.
Homerus.
Horatius.
Hostiensis.
Hovinus.
Hyperius.
Jacobus de Chusa Carthusianus.
Iamblichus.
Jaso Pratensis.
Innocentius. 8. Papa.
Johannes Anglicus.
Johannes Baptista Neapolitanus.
Johannes Cassianus.
Johannes Montiregius.
Johannes Rivius.
Josephus ben Gorion.
Josias Simlerus.
Isidorus.
Isigonus.
Juba.
Julius Maternus.
Justinus Martyr.
Lactantius.
Lavaterus.
Laurentius Ananias.
Laurentius a villavicentio.
Leo II. Pontifex.
Lex Salicarum.
Lex 12. Tabularum.
Legenda aurea.
Legenda longa Coloniæ.
Leonardus Vairus.
Livius.
Lucanus.
Lucretius.
Ludovicus Cælius.
Lutherus.
Macrobius.
Magna Charta.
Malleus Maleficarum.
xxviiiManlius.
Marbacchius.
Marbodeus Gallus.
Marsilius Ficinus.
Martinus de Arles.
Mattheolus.
Melancthonus.//B. vi. v. B 4 v.
Memphradorus.
Michael Andræas.
Musculus.
Nauclerus.
Nicephorus.
Nicholaus 5. Papa.
Nider.
Olaus Gothus.
Origines.
Ovidius.
Panormitanus.
Paulus Aegineta.
Paulus Marsus.
Persius.
Petrus de Appona.
Petrus Lombardus.
Petrus Martyr.
Peucer.
Philarchus.
Philastrius Brixiensis.
Philodotus.
Philo Judæus.
Pirkmairus.
Platina.
Plato.
Plinius.
Plotinus.
Plutarchus.
Polydorus Virgilius.
Pomœrium sermonum quadragesimalium.
Pompanatius.
Pontificale.
Ponzivibius.
Porphyrius.
Proclus.
Propertius.
Psellus.
Ptolomeus.
Pythagoras.
Quintilianus.
Rabbi Abraham.
Rabbi ben Ezra.
Rabbi David Kimhi.
Rabbi Josuah ben Levi.
Rabbi Isaach Natar.
Rabbi Levi.
Rabbi Moses.
Rabbi Sedaias Haias.
Robertus Carocullus.
Rupertus.
Sabinus.
Sadoletus.
Savanorola.
Scotus.
Seneca.
Septuaginta interpretes.
Serapio.
Socrates.
Solinus.
Speculum exemplorum.
Strabo.
Sulpitius Severus.
Synesius.
Tatianus.
Tertullianus.
Thomas Aquinas.
Themistius.
Theodoretus.
Theodorus Bizantius.
Theophrastus.
Thucidides.
Tibullus.
Tremelius.
Valerius Maximus.
Varro.
Vegetius.
Vincentius.
Virgilius.
Vitellius.
Wierus.
Xanthus historiographus.
¶ These English.
Barnabe Googe.
Beehive of the Romish church.
Edward Deering.
Geffrey Chaucer.
Giles Alley.
Gnimelf Maharba [Abraham Fleming].
Henrie Haward.
John Bale.
John Fox.
John Malborne.
John Record.
Primer after Yorke use.
Richard Gallis.
Roger Bacon.
Testament printed at Rhemes.
T. E. a nameles author. 467.
Thomas Hilles.
Thomas Lupton.
Thomas Moore Knight.
Thomas Phaer.
T. R. a nameles author. 393.
William Lambard.
W. W. a nameles author. 542.

xxix

[These Contents in original end the book as do our Indices.]

The summe of everie chapter con-
teined in the sixteene bookes of this disco-
verie, with the discourse of divels and
spirits annexed thereunto.

¶ The first Booke.

N impeachment of witches power in meteors and elementarie bodies, tending to the rebuke of such as attribute too much unto them. Pag. 1.

The inconvenience growing by mens credulitie herein, with a reproofe of some churchmen, which are inclined to the common conceived opinion of witches omnipotencie, and a familiar example thereof. pag. 4.

Who they be that are called witches, with a manifest declaration of the cause that mooveth men so commonlie to thinke, & witches themselves to beleeve that they can hurt children, cattell, &c. with words and imaginations: and of coosening witches. pag. 7.

What miraculous actions are imputed to witches by witchmongers, papists, and poets. pag. 9.

A confutation of the common conceived opinion of witches and witchcraft, and how detestable a sinne it is to repaire to them for counsell or helpe in time of affliction. pag. 11.

A further confutation of witches miraculous and omnipotent power, by invincible reasons and authorities, with dissuasions from such fond credulitie. pag. 12.

By what meanes the name of witches becommeth so famous, & how diverslie people be opinioned concerning them and their actions. pa. 14.

Causes that moove as well witches themselves as others to thinke that they can worke impossibilities, with answers to certeine objections: where also their punishment by law is touched. pag. 16.

A conclusion of the first booke, wherein is foreshewed the tyrannicall crueltie of witchmongers and inquisitors, with a request to the reader to peruse the same. pag. 17.

¶ The second Booke.

WHat testimonies and witnesses are allowed to give evidence against reputed witches, by the report and allowance of the inquisitors themselves, & such as are speciall writers herein. Pag. 19.

The order of examination of witches by the inquisitors. pag. 20.

Matters of evidence against witches. pag. 22.

Confessions of witches, whereby they are condemned. pag. 24.

Presumptions, whereby witches are condemned. pag. 25.

Particular interogatories used by the inquisitors against witches. pa. 27.

The inquisitors triall of weeping by conjuration. pag. 29.

Certeine cautions against witches, and of their tortures to procure confession. pag. 29.

The 15. crimes laid to the charge of witches, by witchmongers; speciallie by Bodin, in Demonomania. 32.

A refutation of the former surmised crimes patched togither by Bodin, and the onelie waie to escape the inquisitors hands. pag. 34.

The opinion of Cornelius Agrippa concerning witches, of his pleading/S s. i. v for a poore woman accused of witchcraft, and how he convinced the inquisitors. pag. 35.

What the feare of death and feeling of torments may force one to doo, and that it is no marvell though witches condemne themselves by their owne confessions so tyrannicallie extorted. pag. 37.

¶ The third Booke.

THe witches bargaine with the divell, according to M. Mal. Bodin, Nider, Daneus, Psellus, Erastus, Hemingius, Cumanus, Aquinas, Bartholomeus Spineus, &c. Pag. 40.

The order of the witches homage done (as it is written by lewd inquisitors and peevish witchmoongers) to the divell in person; of their songs and danses, and namelie of La volta, and of other ceremonies, also of their excourses. pag. 41.

How witches are summoned to appeere before the divell, of their riding in the aire, of their accompts, of their conference with the divell, of his supplies, and their conference, of their farewell and sacrifices: according to Daneus, Psellus, &c. p. 43.

That there can no real league be made with the divell the first author of the league, and the weake proofes of the adversaries for the same. pag. 44.

Of the private league, a notable tale of Bodins concerning a French ladie, with a confutation. pag. 46.

xxx

A disproofe of their assemblies, and of their bargaine pag. 47.

A confutation of the objection concerning witches confessions. pag. 49.

What follie it were for witches to enter into such desperate perill, and to endure such intolerable tortures for no gaine or commoditie, and how it comes to passe that witches are overthrowne by their confessions. 51.

How melancholie abuseth old women, and of the effects thereof by sundrie examples. pag. 52.

That voluntarie confessions may be untrulie made, to the undooing of the confessors, and of the strange operation of melancholie, prooved by a familiar and late example. pag. 55.

The strange and divers effects of melancholie, and how the same humor abounding in witches, or rather old women, filleth them full of mervellous imaginations, & that their confessions are not to be credited. p. 57.

A confutation of witches confessions, especiallie concerning their league. pag. 59.

A confutation of witches confessions, concerning making of tempests and raine: of the naturall cause of raine, and that witches or divels have no power to doo such things. pag. 60.

What would ensue, if witches confessions or witchmōgers opinions were true, concerning the effects of witchcraft, inchantments, &c. pag. 63.

Examples of forren nations, who in their warres used the assistance of witches; of eybiting witches in Ireland, of two archers that shot with familiars. pag. 64.

Authorities condemning the fantasticall confessions of witches, and how a popish doctor taketh upon him to disproove the same. pag. 65.

Witchmongers reasons, to proove that witches can worke wonders, Bodins tale of a Friseland preest transported, that imaginations proceeding of melancholie doo cause illusions. pag. 67.

That the confession of witches is insufficient in civill and common law to take awaie life. What the sounder divines, and decrees of councels determine in this case. pag. 68.

Of foure capitall crimes objected against witches, all fullie answered & confuted as frivolous. pag. 70./

S s. ii.A request to such readers as loath to heare or read filthie & bawdie matters (which of necessitie are here to be inserted) to passe over eight chapters. pag. 72.

¶ The fourth Booke.

OF witchmoongers opinions concerning evill spirits, how they frame themselves in more excellent sort than God made us. Pag. 73.

Of bawdie Incubus and Succubus, and whether the action of venerie may be performed betweene witches and divels and when witches first yeelded to Incubus. pag. 74.

Of the divels visible and invisible dealing with witches in the waie of lecherie. pag. 76.

That the power of generation is both outwardlie and inwardlie impeached by witches, and of divers that had their genitals taken from them by witches, and by the same means againe restored. pag. 77.

Of bishop Sylvanus his leacherie opened & covered againe, how maids having yellow haire are most combred with Incubus, how maried men are bewitched to use other mens wives, and to refuse their owne. pag. 79.

How to procure the dissolving of bewitched love, also to enforce a man (how proper so ever he be) to love an old hag: and of a bawdie tricke of a priest in Gelderland. pag. 80.

Of divers saincts and holie persons, which were exceeding bawdie and lecherous, and by certeine miraculous meanes became chast. pag. 81.

Certeine popish and magicall cures, for them that are bewitched in their privities. p. 82.

A strange cure doone to one that was molested with Incubus. pag. 83.

A confutation of all the former follies touching Incubus, which by examples and proofes of like stuffe is shewed to be flat knaverie, wherein the carnall copulation with spirits is overthrowne. pag. 85.

That Incubus is a naturall disease, with remedies for the same, besides magicall cures herewithall expressed. pag. 86.

The censure of G. Chaucer, upon the knaverie of Incubus. pag. 88.

¶ The fift Booke.

OF transformations, ridiculous examples brought by the adversaries for the confirmation of their foolish doctrine. Pag. 89.

Absurd reasons brought by Bodin, & such others, for confirmation of transformations. pag. 93.

Of a man turned into an asse, and returned againe into a man by one of Bodins witches: S. Augustines opinion thereof. cap. 94.

A summarie of the former fable, with a refutation thereof, after due examination of the same. pag. 97.

That the bodie of a man cannot be turned into the bodie of a beast by a witch, is prooved by strong reasons, scriptures, and authorities. pag. 99.

The witchmongers objections concerning Nabuchadnez-zar answered, & their errour concerning Lycanthropia confuted. pag. 101.

A speciall objection answered concerning transportations, with the consent of diverse writers thereupon. pag. 103.

The witchmongers objection concerning the historie of Job answered. pag. 105.

What severall sortes of witches are mentioned in the scriptures, & how the word witch is there applied. pag. 109.

xxxi

¶ The sixt Booke.

THe exposition of this Hebrue word Chasaph, wherin is answe/redS s. ii. v. the objection conteined in Exodus 22. to wit: Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live, and of Simon Magus. Acts 8. pag. 111.

The place of Deuteronomie expounded, wherein are recited all kind of witches; also their opinions confuted, which hold that they can worke worke*[* sic] such miracles as are imputed unto them. pag. 113.

That women have used poisoning in all ages more than men, & of the inconvenience of poisoning pag. 116.

Of divers poisoning practises, otherwise called veneficia, committed in Italie, Genua, Millen, Wittenberge, also how they were discovered and executed. pag. 119.

A great objection answered concerning this kind of witchcraft called Veneficium. pag. 120.

In what kind of confections that witchcraft, which is called Veneficium, consisteth: of love cups, and the same confuted by poets. pag. 121.

It is prooved by more credible writers, that love cups rather ingender death through venome, than love by art: and with what toies they destroie cattell, and procure love. p. 123.

John Bodin triumphing against J. Wier is overtaken with false greeke & false interpretation thereof. p. 125.

¶ The seventh Booke.

OF the Hebrue woord Ob, what it signifieth where it is found, of Pythonisses called Ventriloque, who they be, & what their practises are, experience and examples thereof shewed. Pag. 126.

How the lewd practise of the Pythonist of Westwell came to light, and by whome she was examined; and that all hir diabolicall speach was but ventriloquie and plaine cousenage, which is prooved by hir owne confession. pag. 130.

Bodins stuffe concerning the Pythonist of Endor, with a true storie of a counterfeit Dutchman. pag. 132.

Of the great oracle of Apollo the Pythonist, and how men of all sorts have beene deceived, and that even the apostles have mistaken the nature of spirits, with an unanswerable argument, that spirits can take no shapes. pag. 133.

Why Apollo was called Pytho wherof those witches were called Pythonists: Gregorie his letter to the divell. pag. 136.

Apollo, who was called Pytho, compared to the Rood of grace: Gregories letter to the divell cōfuted. p. 137.

How diverse great clarkes and good authors have beene abused in this matter of spirits through false reports, and by means of their credulitie have published lies, which are confuted by Aristotle and the scriptures. pag. 138.

Of the witch of Endor, and whether she accomplished the raising of Samuel trulie, or by deceipt: the opinion of some divines hereupon. p. 139.

That Samuel was not raised indeed, and how Bodin and all papists dote herin, and that soules cannot be raised by witchcraft. pag. 140.

That neither the divell nor Samuel was raised, but that it was a meere cousenage, according to the guise of our Pythonists. pag. 142.

The objection of the witchmongers concerning this place fullie answered, and what circumstances are to be considered for the understanding of this storie, which is plainelie opened from the beginning of the 28. chapt. of the 1. Samuel, to the 12. verse. pag. 143.

The 12. 13. & 14. verses of 1. Sam. 28. expounded: wherein is shewed that Saule was cousened and abused by the witch, & that Samuel was not raised, is prooved by the witches/S s. iii. owne talke. pag. 146.

The residue of 1. Sam. 28. expounded: wherein is declared how cunninglie this witch brought Saule resolutelie to beleeve that she raised Samuel, what words are used to colour the cousenage, & how all might also be wrought by ventriloquie. p. 148.

Opinions of some learned men, that Samuel was indeed raised, not by the witches art or power, but by the speciall miracle of God, that there are no such visions in these our daies, and that our witches cannot doo the like. pag. 151.

Of vaine apparitions, how people have beene brought to feare bugs, which is partlie reformed by preaching of the gospel, the true effect of Christes miracles. pag. 152.

Witches miracles cōpared to Christs, that God is the creator of al things, of Apollo, and of his names and portraiture. pag. 154.

¶ The eight Booke.

THat miracles are ceased. 156.

That the gift of prophesie is ceased. Pag. 158.

That Oracles are ceased. pag. 160.

A tale written by manie grave authors, and beleeved by manie wise men of the divels death. An other storie written by papists, and beleeved of all catholikes, approoving the divels honestie, conscience, and courtesie. pag. 162.

The judgments of the ancient fathers touching oracles, and their abolishment, and that they be now transferred from Delphos to Rome. p. 164.

Where and wherein couseners, witches, and preests were woont to give oracles, and to worke their feats. pag. 165.

¶ The ninth Booke.

THe Hebrue word Kasam expounded, and how farre a Christian may conjecture of things to come. Pag. 167.

xxxii

Proofes by the old and new testament, that certaine observations of the weather are lawfull. pag. 168.

That certeine observations are indifferent, certeine ridiculous, and certeine impious, whence that cunning is derived of Apollo, and of Aruspices. pag. 169.

The predictions of soothsaiers & lewd preests, the prognostications of astronomers and physicians allowable, divine prophesies holie and good. pag. 171.

The diversitie of true prophets, of Urim, and of the propheticall use of the twelve pretious stones conteined therein, of the divine voice called Eccho. pag. 172.

Of prophesies conditionall: whereof the prophesies in the old testament dee*[* doe] intreat, and by whom they were published; witchmongers answers to the objections against witches supernaturall actions. pag. 173.

What were the miracles expressed in the old testament, and what are they in the new testament: and that we are not now to looke for anie more miracles. pag. 175.

¶ The tenth Booke.

THe interpretation of the Hebrue word Onen, of the vanitie of dreames, and divinations thereupon. Pag. 177.

Of divine, naturall, & casuall dreames, with the differing causes and effects. pag. 178.

The opinion of divers old writers touching dreames, and how they varie in noting the causes therof. p. 179.

Against interpretors of dreames, of the ordinarie cause of dreames, Hemingius his opinion of diabolicall dreames, the interpretation of dreames ceased. pag. 180./

S s. iii. v.That neither witches, nor anie other, can either by words or herbs, thrust into the mind of a sleeping man, what cogitations or dreames they list; and whence magicall dreames come. pag. 181.

How men have beene bewitched, cousened or abused by dreames to dig and search for monie. pag. 182.

The art & order to be used in digging for monie, revealed by dreames, how to procure pleasant dreames, of morning and midnight dreames. p. 183.

Sundrie receipts & ointments, made and used for the transportation of witches, and other miraculous effects: an instance thereof reported and credited by some that are learned. pag. 184.

A confutation of the former follies, as well cōcerning ointments, dreams, &c. as also of the assemblie of witches, and of their consultations and bankets at sundrie places, and all in dreames. pag. 185.

That most part of prophesies in the old testament were revealed in dreams, that we are not now to looke for such revelations, of some who have drempt of that which hath come to passe, that dreames proove contrarie, Nebuchadnez zars*[* sic] rule to know a true expositor of dreames. pag. 187.

¶ The eleventh Booke.

THe Hebrue word Nahas expounded, of the art of augurie, who invented it, how slovenlie a science it is: the multitude of sacrifices and sacrificers of the heathen, and the causes thereof. Pag. 189.

Of the Jewes sacrifice to Moloch, a discourse thereupon, and of Purgatorie. pag. 190.

The Cambals*[* sic] crueltie, of popish sacrifices exceeding in tyrannie the Jewes or Gentiles. pag. 191.

The superstition of the heathen about the element of fier, and how it grew in such reverence among them, of their corruptions, and that they had some inkling of the godlie fathers dooings in that behalfe. pag. 191.

Of the Romane sacrifices, of the estimation they had of augurie, of the lawe of the twelve tables. pag. 192.

Colleges of augurors, their office, their number, the signification of augurie, that the practisers of that art were couseners, their profession, their places of exercise, their apparell, their superstition. pag. 193.

The times and seasons to exercise augurie, the maner and order thereof, of the ceremonies thereunto belonging. pag. 195.

Upon what signes and tokens augurors did prognosticate, observations touching the inward and outward parts of beasts, with notes of beasts behaviour in the slaughterhouse. pag. 196.

A confutation of augurie, Plato his reverend opinion thereof, of contrarie events, & false predictions. p. 196.

The cousening art of sortilege or lotarie, practiced especiallie by Aegyptian vagabonds, of allowed lots, of Pythagoras his lot, &c. pag. 197.

Of the Cabalisticall art, consisting of traditions and unwritten verities learned without booke, and of the division thereof. cap. 198.

When, how, and in what sort sacrifices were first ordained, and how they were prophaned, and how the pope corrupteth the sacraments of Christ. pag. 200.

Of the objects whereupon the augurors used to prognosticate, with certeine cautions and notes. pag. 201.

The division of augurie, persons admittable into the colleges of augurie, of their superstition. pag. 202./

S s iiii.Of the common peoples fond and superstitious collections and observations. pag. 203.

How old writers varie about the matter, the maner, and the meanes, whereby things augurificall are mooved. pag. 205.

How ridiculous an art augurie is, how Cato mocked it, Aristotles reason against it, fond collections of augurors, who allowed, and who disallowed it. pag. 206.

Fond distinctions of the heathen writers, concerning augurie. pag. 208.

Of naturall and casuall augurie, the one allowed,and the other disallowed. pag. 208.

A confutation of casual augurie which is meere witchcraft, and upon what uncerteintie those divinations are grounded. pag. 209.

xxxiii

That figure-casters are witches, the uncerteintie of their art, and of their contradictions, Cornelius Agrippas sentence against judiciall astrologie. pag. 210.

The subtiltie of astrologers to mainteine the credit of their art, why they remaine in credit, certeine impieties conteined in astrologers assertions. pag. 212.

Who have power to drive awaie divels with their onelie presence, who shall receive of God whatsoever they aske in praier, who shall obteine everlasting life by meanes of constellations, as nativitie-casters affirme. pag. 214.

¶ The twelfe Booke.

THe Hebrue word Habar expounded, where also the supposed secret force of charmes and inchantments is shewed, and the efficacie of words is diverse waies declared. Pag. 216.

What is forbidden in scriptures concerning witchcraft, of the operation of words, the superstition of the Cabalists and papists, who createth substances, to imitate God in some cases is presumption, words of sanctification. pag. 217.

What effect & offense witches charmes bring, how unapt witches are, and how unlikelie to worke those things which they are thought to doo, what would follow if those things were true which are laid to their charge. pag. 218.

Why God forbad the practise of witchcraft, the absurditie of the law of the twelve tables, whereupon their estimation in miraculous actions is grounded, of their woonderous works. pag. 220.

An instance of one arreigned upon the law of the twelve tables, whereby the said law is prooved ridiculous, of two witches that could doo woonders. pag. 221.

Lawes provided for the punishment of such witches as worke miracles, whereof some are mentioned, and of certeine popish lawes published against them. pag. 222.

Poetical authorities commonlie alledged by witchmongers, for the proofe of witches miraculous actions, and for confirmation of their supernaturall power. pag. 223.

Poetrie and poperie compared in inchantments, popish witchmongers have more advantage herein than protestants. pag. 229.

Popish periapts, amulets & charmes, agnus Dei, a wastcote of proofe, a charme for the falling evill, a writing brought to S. Leo from heaven by an angell, the vertues of S. Saviors epistle, a charme against theeves, a writing found in Christs wounds, of the crosse, &c. pag. 230.

¶ A charme against shot, or a wastcote of proofe. Against the falling evill, p. 231. A popish periapt or charme, which must never be said, but carried about one, against theeves. Another amulet, pag. 233. A papisticall charme. A charme found in the ca/nonS s. iiii. v. of the masse. Other papisticall charmes. pag. 234. A charme of the holie crosse. pag. 235. A charme taken out of the Primer. pag. 236.

How to make holie water, and the vertues thereof, S. Rufins charme, of the wearing & bearing of the name of Jesus, that the sacrament of confession & the eucharist is of as much efficacie as other charmes, and magnified by L. Vairus. pag. 237.

Of the noble balme used by Moses, apishlie counterfeited in the church of Rome. pag. 238.

The opinion of Ferrarius touching charmes, periapts, appensions, amulets, &c. Of Homericall medicines, of constant opinion, and the effects thereof. pag. 239.

Of the effects of amulets, the drift of Argerius Ferrarius in the commendation of charmes, &c: foure sorts of Homericall medicines, and the choice thereof; of imagination. pag. 241.

Choice of charmes against the falling evill, the biting of a mad dog, the stinging of a scorpion, the toothach, for a woman in travell, for the kings evill, to get a thorne out of any member, or a bone out of ones throte, charmes to be said fasting, or at the gathering of hearbs, for sore eies, to open locks, against spirits, for the bots in a horsse, and speciallie for the Duke of Albas horsse, for sowre wines, &c. pag. 242.

¶ For the falling evill. pa. 242. Against the biting of a mad dog. pag. 243. Against the biting of a scorpion. Against the toothach. A charme to release a woman in travell. To heale the Kings or Queenes evill, or anie other sorenesse in the throte. A charme read in the Romish church, upon saint Blazes daie, that will fetch a thorne out of anie place of ones bodie, a bone out of the throte, &c: Lect. 3. pag. 244. A charme for the headach. A charme to be said ech morning by a witch fasting, or at least before she go abroad. Another charme that witches use at the gathering of their medicinable hearbs. An old womans charme, wherwith she did much good in the countrie, and grew famous thereby. pag. 245. Another like charme. A charme to open locks. A charme to drive awaie spirits that haunt anie house. pag. 246. A prettie charme or conclusion for one possessed. Another for the same purpose. Another to the same effect. Another charme or witchcraft for the same. pag. 247. A charme for the bots in a horsse. pag. 248. A charme against vineger. pa. 249.

The inchanting of serpents & snakes, objections answered concerning the same; fond reasons whie charmes take effect therein, Mahomets pigeon, miracles wrought by an Asse at Memphis in Aegypt, popish charmes against serpents, of miracle-workers, the taming of snakes, Bodins lie of snakes. pag. 249.

xxxiv

Charmes to carrie water in a sive, to know what is spoken of us behind our backs, for bleare eies, to make seeds to growe well, of images made of wax, to be rid of a witch, to hang hir up, notable authorities against waxen images, a storie bewraieng the knaverie of waxen images. pag. 256.

¶ A charme teaching how to hurt whom you list with images of wax, &c. pag. 257.

Sundrie sorts of charmes tending to diverse purposes, and first, certeine charmes to make taciturnitie in tortures. pag. 259.

¶ Counter charmes against these and all other witchcrafts, in the saieng also whereof witches are vexed, &c. A charme for the choine cough. For corporall or spirituall rest. Charmes to find out a theefe. pag. 260. Another/[S s. v.] waie to find out a theefe that hath stolne any thing from you. pag. 261. To put out the theeves eie. Another waie to find out a theefe. pag. 262. A charme to find out or spoile a theefe. S. Adelberts cursse or charme against theeves. pag. 263. Another inchantment. pag. 266.

A charme or experiment to find out a witch. pag. 266.

¶ To spoile a theefe, a witch, or any other enimie, and to be delivered from the evill. pag. 269. A notable charme or medicine to pull out an arrowhead, or any such thing that sticketh in the flesh or bones, and cannot otherwise be had out. Charmes against a quotidian ague. For all maner of agues intermittant. Periapts, characters, &c: for agues, and to cure all diseases, and to deliver from all evill. p. 270. More charmes for agues. pag. 271. For a bloudie fluxe, or rather an issue of bloud. Cures commensed and finished by witchcraft, pa. 273. Another witchcraft or knaverie, practised by the same surgion. pag. 275. Another experiment for one bewitched. Otherwise. A knacke to know whether you be bewitched, or no, &c. pag. 276.

That one witchcraft may lawfullie meete with another. pag. 277.

Who are privileged from witches, what bodies are aptest to be bewitched, or to be witches, why women are rather witches than men, and what they are. pag. 277.

What miracles witchmongers report to have been done by witches words &c: contradictions of witchmongers among themselves, how beasts are cured hereby, of bewitched butter, a charme against witches, & a counter charme, the effect of charmes and words prooved by L. Vairus to be woonderfull. pag. 279.

¶ A charme to find hir that bewitched your kine. Another, for all that have bewitched any kind of cattell. p. 281. A speciall charme to preserve all cattell from witchcraft. pag. 282.

Lawfull charmes, rather medicinable cures for diseased cattell. The charme of charmes, and the power thereof. pag. 283.

¶ The charme of charmes. Otherwise. pag. 284.

A confutation of the force and vertue falselie ascribed to charmes and amulets, by the authorities of ancient writers, both divines and physicians. pag. 285.

¶ The xiii. Booke.

THe signification of the Hebrue word Hartumim, where it is found written in the scriptures, and how it is diverslie translated: whereby the objection of Pharaos magicians is afterward answered in this booke; also of naturall magicke not evill in it selfe. Pag. 287.

How the philosophers in times past travelled for the knowledge of naturall magicke, of Salomons knowledge therein, who is to be called a naturall magician, a distinctiō therof, and why it is condemned for witchcraft. pag. 288.

What secrets doo lie hidden, and what is taught in naturall magicke, how Gods glorie is magnified therein, and that it is nothing but the worke of nature. pag. 290.

What strange things are brought to passe by naturall magicke. pag. 291.

The incredible operation of waters, both standing and running; of wels, lakes, rivers, and of their woonderfull effects. pag. 292.

The vertues and qualities of sundrie pretious stones, of cousening Lapidaries, &c. pag. 293.

Whence the pretious stones receive their operations, how curious Magicians use them, and of their/[S s. v. v.] seales. pag. 297.

The sympathie and antipathie of naturall and elementarie bodies declared by diverse examples of beasts, birds, plants, &c. pag. 301.

The former matter prooved by manie examples of the living and the dead. pag. 303.

The bewitching venome conteined in the bodie of an harlot, how hir eie, hir toong, hir beautie and behavior bewitcheth some men: of bones and hornes yeelding great vertue. pag. 304.

Two notorious woonders and yet not marvelled at. pag. 305.

Of illusions, confederacies, and legierdemaine, and how they may be well or ill used. pag. 307.

Of private confederacie, and of Brandons pigeon. pag. 308.

Of publike confederacie, and whereof it consisteth. pag. 309.

How men have beene abused with words of equivocation, with sundrie examples thereof. pag. 309.

How some are abused with naturall magike, and sundrie examples therof when illusion is added thereunto, of Jacobs pied sheepe, and of a blacke Moore. pag. 311.

The opinion of witchmongers, that divels can create bodies, & of Pharaos magicians. pag. 312.

How to produce or make monsters by art magike, and why Pharaos magicians could not make lice. pa. 313.

That great matters may be wrought by this art, when princes esteeme and mainteine it: of divers woonderfull experiments, and of strange conclusions in glasses, of the art perspective, &c. pag. 315.

A comparison betwixt Pharaos magicians and our witches, and how their cunning consisted in juggling knacks. pag. 317.

That the serpents and frogs were trulie presented, and the water poisoned indeed by Jannes and Jambres, of false prophets, and of their miracles, of Balams asse. pag. 318.

xxxv

The art of juggling discovered, and in what points it dooth principallie consist. pag. 321.

Of the ball, and the manner of legierdemaine therwith, also notable feats with one or diverse balles. pag. 322.

¶ To make a little ball swell in your hand till it be verie great. p. 323. To consume (or rather to conveie) one or manie balles into nothing. pag. 324. How to rap a wag upon the knuckles. pag. 324.

Of conveiance of monie. pag. 324.

¶ To conveie monie out of one of your hands into the other by legierdemaine. pag. 325. To convert or transubstantiate monie into counters, or counters into monie. pag. 325. To put one testor into one hand, and an other into the other hand, and with words to bring them togither. pag. 325. To put one testor into a strangers hand, and another into your owne, and to conveie both into the strangers hand with words. pag. 326. How to doo the same or the like feat otherwise. pa. 326. To throwe a peece of monie awaie, and to find it againe where you list. pag. 326. With words to make a groat or a testor to leape out of a pot, or to run alongst upon a table. pag. 327. To make a groat or a testor to sinke through a table, and to vanish out of a handkercher verie strangelie. pag. 327.

A notable tricke to transforme a counter to a groat. pag. 328.

An excellent feat, to make a two penie peece lie plaine in the palme of your hand, and to be passed from thence when you list. pag. 329.

¶ To conveie a testor out of ones hand that holdeth it fast. pag. 329. To throwe a peece of monie into a deepe pond, and to fetch it againe from whence you list. pag. 330./[S s. vi.]

To conveie one shilling being in one hand into an other, holding your armes abroad like a rood. pag. 330. How to rap a wag on the knuckles. pag. 330.

To transforme anie one small thing into anie other forme by folding of paper. pag. 331.

Of cards, with good cautions how to avoid cousenage therein: speciall rules to conveie and handle the cards, and the maner and order how to accomplish all difficult and strange things wrought by cards. pag. 331.

¶ How to deliver out foure aces, and to convert them into foure knaves. pag. 333. How to tell one what card he seeth in the bottome, when the same card is shuffled into the stocke. pag. 334. An other waie to doo the same, having your selfe indeed never seene the card. pag. 334. To tell one without confederacie what card he thinketh. pag. 334.

How to tell what card anie man thinketh, how to conveie the same into a kernell of a nut or cheristone, &c: and the same againe into ones pocket: how to make one drawe the same or anie card you list, and all under one devise. pag. 335.

Of fast or loose, how to knit a hard knot upon a handkercher, and to undoo the same with words. p. 336.

¶ A notable feat of fast or loose, namelie, to pull three beadstones from off a cord, while you hold fast the ends thereof, without remooving of your hand. pag. 337.

Juggling knacks by confederacie, and how to know whether one cast crosse or pile by the ringing. pag. 338.

¶ To make a shoale of goslings drawe a timber log. pag. 338. To make a pot or anie such thing standing fast on the cupboord, to fall downe thense by vertue of words. pag. 338. To*[* make] one danse naked. pag. 339. To transforme or alter the colour of ones cap or hat. pag. 339. How to tell where a stollen horsse is become. pag. 339.

Boxes to alter one graine into another, or to consume the graine or come to nothing. pag. 340.

¶ How to conveie (with words or charmes) the corne conteined in one boxe into an other. pag. 340. Of an other boxe to convert wheat into flower with words, &c. pag. 341. Of diverse petie juggling knacks. pag. 341.

To burne a thred, and to make it whole againe with the ashes thereof. pag. 341.

¶ To cut a lace asunder in the middest, and to make it whole againe. pag. 342. How to pull laces innumerable out of your mouth, of what colour or length you list, and never anie thing seene to be therein. pag. 343.

How to make a booke, wherein you shall shew everie leafe therein to be white, blacke, blew, red, yellow, greene, &c. pag. 343.

Desperate or dangerous juggling knacks, wherin the simple are made to thinke, that a seelie juggler with words can hurt and helpe, kill and revive anie creature at his pleasure: and first to kill anie kind of pullen, and to give it life againe. pag. 346.

¶ To eate a knife, and to fetch it out of anie other place. pag. 346. To thrust a bodkin into your head without hurt. pag. 347. To thrust a bodkin through your toong, and a knife through your arme: a pittiful sight, without hurt or danger. pag. 347. To thrust a peece of lead into one eie, and to drive it about (with a sticke) betweene the skin and flesh of the forehead, untill it be brought to the other eie, and there thrust out. pag. 348. To cut halfe your nose asunder, and to heale it againe presentlie without anie salve. pag. 348./

[S s vi. v.]To put a ring through your cheeke. pag. 348. To cut off ones head, and to laie it in a platter, &c: which the juglers call the decollation of John Baptist. pag. 349. To thrust a dagger or bodkin in your guts verie strangelie, and to recover immediatlie. pag. 350. To draw a cord through your nose, mouth or hand, so sensiblie as it is wonderfull to see. pag. 351.

The conclusion wherein the reader is referred to certeine patterns of instruments wherewith diverse feats here specified are to be executed. pag. 351.

xxxvi

¶The xiiii. Booke.

OF the art of Alcumysterie, of their woords of art and devises to bleare mens eies, and to procure credit to their profession. Pag. 353.

The Alcumysters drift, the Chanons yeomans tale, of alcumystical stones and waters. pag. 355.

Of a yeoman of the countrie cousened by an Alcumyst. pag. 357.

A certeine king abused by an Alcumyst, and of the kings foole a pretie jest. pag. 360.

A notable storie written by Erasmus of two Alcumysts, also of longation and curtation. pag. 361.

The opinion of diverse learned men touching the follie of Alcumystrie. pag. 368.

That vaine and deceitfull hope is a great cause why men are seduced by this alluring art, and that there labours therein are bootelesse, &c. pag. 371.

A continuation of the former matter, with a conclusion of the same. p. 372.

¶ The xv. Booke.

THe exposition of Iidoni, and where it is found, whereby the whole art of conjuration is deciphered. Pag. 376.

An inventarie of the names, shapes, powers, governement, and effects of divels and spirits, of their severall segniorities and degrees: a strange discourse woorth the reading. p. 377.

The houres wherein principall divels may be bound; to wit, raised and restrained from dooing of hurt. p. 393.

The forme of adjuring or citing of the spirits aforesaid to arise & appeare. page. 393.

A confutation of the manifold vanities conteined in the precedent chapters, speciallie of commanding of divels. pag. 396.

The names of the planets, their characters, togither with the twelve signes of the zodiake, their dispositions, aspects, and government, with other observations. pag. 397.

¶ The twelve signes of the zodiake, their characters and denominations, &c. pag. 397. Their dispositions or inclinations. 397. The disposition of the planets. pag. 398. The aspects of the planets. 398. How the daie is divided or distinguished. 398. The division of the daie, and the planetarie regiment. pag. 399. The division of the night, and the planetarie regiment. pag. 399.

The characters of the angels of the seven daies, with their names: of figures, seales and periapts. pag. 400.

An experiment of the dead. pag. 401.

A licence for Sibylia to go and come by at all times. pag. 407.

To know of treasure hidden in the earth. pag. 408.

¶ This is the waie to go invisible by these three sisters of fairies. 408.

An experiment of Citrael, &c: angeli diei dominici. pag. 410.

¶ The seven angels of the seven daies, with the praier called Regina linguæ. pag. 410.

How to inclose a spirit in a christall stone. pag. 411./

[S s. iii.]A figure or type proportionall, shewing what forme must be observed and kept, in making the figure whereby the former secret of inclosing a spirit in christall is to be accomplished, &c. pag. 414.

An experiment of Bealphares. pag. 415.

¶ The twoo and twentieth Psalme. pag. 416.

This psalme also following, being the fiftie one psalme, must be said three times over, &c. pag. 416.

To bind the spirit Bealphares, and to lose him againe. pag. 418.

¶ A licence for the spirit to depart. pag. 419. A type or figure of the circle for the maister and his fellowes to sit in, shewing how & after what fashion it should be made. pag. 420.

The making of the holie water. pag. 421.

¶ To the water saie also as followeth. pag. 421. Then take the salt in thy hand, and saie putting it into the water, making in the maner of a crosse. pag. 421. Then sprinkle upon anie thing, and saie as followeth. pag. 422.

To make a spirit to appeare in a christall. pag. 422.

An experiment of the dead. pag. 423.

¶ Now the Pater noster, Ave, and Credo must be said, and then the praier immediatlie following. p. 425.

A bond to bind him to thee, and to thy N. as followeth. pag. 425.

¶ This bōd as followeth, is to call him into your christall stone, or glasse, &c. pag. 428. Then being appeared, saie these words following. pag. 429. A licence to depart. pag. 429.

When to talke with spirits, and to have true answers to find out a theefe. pag. 430.

¶ To speake with spirits. pag. 430.

A confutation of conjuration, especiallie of the raising, binding and dismissing of the divell, of going invisible and other lewd practises. pag. 430.

A comparison betweene popish exorcists and other conjurors, a popish conjuration published by a great doctor of the Romish church, his rules and cautions. pag. 433.

A late experiment, or cousening conjuration practised at Orleance by the Franciscane Friers, how it was detected, and the judgement against the authors of that comedie. pag. 435.

Who may be conjurors in the Romish church besides priests, a ridiculous definition of superstition, what words are to be used and not used in exorcismes, rebaptisme allowed, it is lawfull to conjure any thing, differences betweene holie water and conjuration. pag. 438.

The seven reasons why some are not rid of the divell with all their popish conjurations, why there were no cōjurors in the primitive church, and why the divell is xxxvii not so soone cast out of the bewitched as of the possessed. pag. 441.

Other grosse absurdities of witchmongers in this matter of conjurations. pag. 443.

Certaine conjurations taken out of the pontificall and out of the missall. pag. 444.

¶ A conjuration written in the masse booke. Fol. 1. pag. 445. Oremus. pag. 445.

That popish priests leave nothing unconjured, a forme of exorcisme for incense. pag. 446.

The rules and lawes of popish Exorcists and other conjurors all one, with a confutation of their whole power, how S. Martine conjured the divell. pag. 447.

That it is a shame for papists to beleeve other conjurors dooings, their owne being of so litle force, Hippocrates his opinion herein. pag. 450./

[S s vii. v.]How conjurors have beguiled witches, what bookes they carie about to procure credit to their art, wicked assertions against Moses and Joseph. pag. 451.

All magicall arts confuted by an argument concerning Nero, what Cornelius Agrippa and Carolus Gallus have left written therof, and prooved by experience. pag. 452.

Of Salomons conjurations, and of the opinion conceived of his cunning and practise therein. pag. 454.

Lessons read in all churches, where the pope hath authoritie, on Saint Margarets daie, translated into English word for word. pag. 455.

A delicate storie of a Lombard, who by saint Margarets example would needs fight with a reall divell. pag. 457.

The storie of S. Margaret prooved to be both ridiculous and impious in everie point. pag. 459.

A pleasant miracle wrought by a popish preest. pag. 460.

The former miracle confuted, with a strange storie of S. Lucie. pag 461.

Of visions, noises, apparitions, and imagined sounds, and of other illusions, of wandering soules: with a confutation thereof. pag. 461.

Cardanus opinion of strange noises, how counterfet visions grow to be credited, of popish appeerances, of pope Boniface. pag. 464.

Of the noise or sound of eccho, of one that narrowlie escaped drowning thereby &c. pag. 465.

Of Theurgie, with a confutation therof, a letter sent to me concerning these matters. pag. 466.

¶ The copie of a letter sent unto me R. S. by T. E. Maister of art, and practiser both of physicke, and also in times past, of certeine vaine sciences; now condemned to die for the same: wherein he openeth the truth touching these deceits. pag. 467.

¶ The xvi. Booke.

A Conclusion, in maner of an epilog, repeating manie of the former absurdities of witchmongers conceipts, confutations thereof, and of the authoritie of James Sprenger and Henry Institor inquisitors and compilers of M. Mal. Pa. 470.

By what meanes the common people have beene made beleeve in the miraculous works of witches, a definition of witchcraft, and a description thereof. pag. 471.

Reasons to proove that words and characters are but bables, and that witches cannot doo such things as the multitude supposeth they can, their greatest woonders prooved trifles, of a yoong gentleman cousened. pag. 473.

Of one that was so bewitched that he could read no scriptures but canonicall, of a divell that could speake no Latine, a proofe that witchcraft is flat cousenage. pag. 476.

Of the divination by the sive & sheeres, and by the booke and key, Hemingius his opinion thereof confuted, a bable to know what is a clocke, of certeine jugling knacks, manifold reasons for the overthrowe of witches and conjurors, and their cousenages, of the divels transformations, of Ferrum candens, &c. pag. 477.

How the divell preached good doctrine in the shape of a preest, how he was discovered, and that it is a shame (after confutation of the greater witchcrafts) for anie man to give credit to the lesser points thereof. pag. 481.

A conclusion against witchcraft, in maner and forme of an Induction. pag. 483.

Of naturall witchcraft or fascination. pag. 484.

Of inchanting or bewitching eies. pag. 485./

Of naturall witchcraft for love, &c. pag. 487.[S s. viii.]

A Discourse upon divels and spirits, and first of philosophers opinions, also the maner of their reasoning hereupon, and the same confuted. Pag. 489.

Mine owne opinion concerning this argument, to the disproofe of some writers hereupon. pag. 491.

The opinion of Psellus touching spirits, of their severall orders, and a confutation of his errors therein. pag. 492.

More absurd assertions of Psellus and such others, concerning the actions and passions of spirits, his definition of them, and of his experience therein. pag. 495.

The opinion of Fascius Cardanus touching spirits, and of his familiar divell. pag. 497.

The opinion of Plato concerning spirits, divels and angels, what sacrifices they like best, what they feare, and of Socrates his familiar divell. pag. 498.

Platos nine orders of spirits and angels, Dionysius his division thereof not much differing from the same, all disprooved by learned divines. pag. 500.

The commensement of divels fondlie gathered out of the 14. of Isaie, of Lucifer and of his fall, the Cabalists the Thalmudists and Schoolemens opinions of the creation of angels. pag. 501.

Of the cōtention betweene the Greeke and xxxviiiLatine church touching the fall of angels, the variance among papists themselves herein, a conflict betweene Michael and Lucifer. pag. 503.

Where the battell betweene Michael and Lucifer was fought, how long it continued, and of their power, how fondlie papists and infidels write of them, and how reverentlie Christians ought to thinke of them. p. 504.

Whether they became divels which being angels kept not their vocation, in Jude and Peter; of the fond opinions of the Rabbins touching spirits and bugs, with a confutation thereof. pag. 506.

That the divels assaults are spirituall and not temporall, and how grosselie some understand those parts of the scripture. pag. 508.

The equivocation of this word spirit, how diverslie it is taken in the scriptures, where (by the waie) is taught that the scripture is not alwaies literallie to be interpreted, nor yet allegoricallie to be understood. pa. 509.

That it pleased God to manifest the power of his sonne and not of witches by miracles. pag. 512.

Of the possessed with devils. pag. 513.

That we being not throughlie informed of the nature of divels and spirits, must satisfie our selves with that which is dilivered us in the scriptures touching the same, how this word divell is to be understood both in the singular & plurall number, of the spirit of God and the spirit of the divell, of tame spirits, of Ahab. pag. 514.

Whether spirits and soules can assume bodies, and of their creation and substance, wherein writers doo extreamelie contend and varie. pag. 516.

Certeine popish reasons concerning spirits made of aier, of daie divels and night divels, and why the divell loveth no salt in his meate. pag. 517.

That such divels as are mentioned in the scriptures, have in their names their nature and qualities expressed, with instances thereof. pag. 518.

Diverse names of the divell, whereby his nature and disposition is manifested. pag. 520.

That the idols or gods of the Gentiles are divels, their diverse names, and/[S s viii. v.] in what affaires their labours and authorities are emploied, wherein also the blind superstition of the heathen people is discovered. pag. 521.

Of the Romans cheefe gods called Dii selecti, and of other heathen gods, their names and offices. pag. 523.

Of diverse gods in diverse countries. pag. 525.

Of popish provinciall gods, a comparison betweene them and heathen gods, of physicall gods, and of what occupation everie popish god is. pag. 526.

A comparison betweene the heathen and papists, touching their excuses for idolatrie. pag. 529.

The conceipt of the heathen and the papists all one in idolatrie, of the councell of Trent, a notable storie of a hangman arraigned after he was dead and buried, &c. pag. 530.

A confutation of the fable of the hangman, of manie other feined and ridiculous tales and apparitions, with a reproofe thereof. pag. 532.

A confutation of Johannes Laurentius, and of manie others, mainteining these fained and ridiculous tales and apparitions, & what driveth them awaie; of Moses and Helias appearance in Mount Thabor. pag. 534.

A confutation of assuming of bodies, and of the serpent that seduced Eve. pag. 536.

The objection concerning the divels assuming of the serpents bodie answered. pag. 537.

Of the cursse rehearsed Genes. 3. and that place rightlie expounded, John Calvines opinion of the divell. pag. 539.

Mine owne opinion and resolution of the nature of spirits, and of the divell, with his properties. pag. 540.

Against fond witchmongers, and their opinions concerning corporall divels. pag. 542.

A conclusion wherin the Spirit of spirits is described, by the illumination of which spirit all spirits are to be tried: with a confutation of the Pneutomachi*[* Pneuma-] flatlie denieng the divinitie of this Spirit. pag. 543.

FINIS.

¶ Imprinted at London by
William Brome.

[These Contents in original end the book as do our Indices.]

Appendix I.

[Ch. 1 to 9 affixed to the 15th Book in Ed. 1665.]

Chap. Page.

I. OF Magical Circles, and the reason of their Institution. 215

II. How to raise up the Ghost of one that hath hanged himself. 217

III. How to raise up the three Spirits, Paymon, Bathin, and Barma; and what wonderful things may be effected through their Assistance. 218

IV. How to consecrate all manner of Circles, Fumigations, Fires, Magical Garments, and Utensils. 220

V. Treating more practically of the Consecration of Circles, Fires, Garments and Fumigations. 221

VI. How to raise and exorcise all sorts of Spirits belonging to the Airy Region. 222

VII. How to obtain the familiarity of the Genius, or Good Angel, and cause him to appear. 223

VIII. A form of Conjuring Luridan the Familiar, otherwise called Belelah. 224

IX. How to conjure the Spirit Balkin the Master of Luridan. 226

Appendix II.

[Second Book of A Discourse on Devils and Spirits.]

Book II.

Chap. Page.

I. OF Spirits in general, what they are, and how to be considered, also how far the power of Magitians and Witches, is able to operate in Diabolical Magick. 39

II. Of the good and evil Dæmons or Genii; whether they are, what they are, and how they are manifested; also of their names, powers, faculties, offices, how they are to be considered. 42

III. Of the Astral Spirits of Men departed; what they are, and why they appear again, and what witchcraft may be wrought by them. 45.

IV. Of astral spirits, or separate dæmons in all their distinctions, names, & natures, and places of habitations, & what may be wrought by their assistance. 49

V. Of the Infernal Spirits, or Devils, & damned souls, treating what their natures, names, & powers are. 56.

VI. Of the nature, force, & forms of charms, periapts, amulets, pentacles, conjurations, ceremonies, &c. 66

VII. Being the conclusion of the whole, wherein divers ancient spells, charms, incantations, and exorcisms, are briefly spoken of. 68

THE END.

The discoverie of Witchcraft.

¶ The first Booke.

The first Chapter.

An impeachment of Witches power in meteors and elementarie bodies tending to the rebuke of such as attribute too much unto them.

HE fables of Witchcraft have taken so fast hold and deepe root in the heart of man, that fewe or none can (nowadaies) with patience indure the hand and correction of God. For if any adversitie, greefe, sicknesse, losse of children, corne, cattell, or libertie happen vnto them; by & by they exclaime uppon witches. Job. 5.As though there were no God in Israel that ordereth all things according to his will; punishing both just and unjust with greefs, plagues, and afflictions in maner and forme as he thinketh good: but that certeine old women heere on earth, called witches, must needs be the contrivers of all mens calamities, and as though they themselves were innocents, and had deserved no such punishments. Insomuch as they sticke not to ride and go to such, as either are injuriouslie tearmed witches, or else are willing so to be accounted, seeking at their hands comfort and remedie in time of their tribulation, Matth. 11.contrarie to Gods will and commandement in that behalfe, who bids us resort to him in all/2. our necessities.

Such faithlesse people (I saie) are also persuaded, that neither haile nor snowe, thunder nor lightening, raine nor tempestuous winds come from the heavens at the commandement of God: but are raised by the cunning and power of witches and conjurers; insomuch as a clap of thunder, or a gale of wind is no sooner heard, but either they run to ring bels, or crie out to burne witches; or else burne consecrated things, hoping by the smoke thereof, to drive the divell out of the aire, as though spirits could be fraied awaie with such externall toies: howbeit, these are right inchantments, as Brentius affirmeth. In concione.

But certeinlie, it is neither a witch, nor divell, but a glorious^a^a Psal. 25. God that maketh the thunder. I have read in the scriptures, that God^b^b Psal. 83. maketh the blustering tempests and whirlewinds: and I find that it is^c^c Eccles. 43. the Lord that altogither dealeth with them, and that they^d^d Luke. 8.
Matth. 8. blowe according to his will. But let me see anie of them all^e^e Mark. 4. 41.
Luke. 8. 14. rebuke and still the sea in time of tempest, as Christ did; or raise the stormie wind, as ^fGod^f Psal. 170. did with his word; and I will beleeve in them. Hath 2 anie witch or conjurer, or anie creature entred into the ^gtreasures ^g Job. 38, 22. of the snowe; or seene/2. the secret places of the haile, which GOD hath prepared against the daie of trouble, battell, and warre? I for my part also thinke with Jesus Sirach,Eccles. 43. that at Gods onelie commandement the snowe falleth; and that the wind bloweth according to his will, who onelie maketh all stormes to cease; and^h^h Leviti. 26. verse. 3, 4. who (if we keepe his ordinances) will send us raine in due season, and make the land to bring forth hir increase, and the trees of the field to give their fruit.

But little thinke our witchmongers, that the ⁱLordⁱ Psal. 78, 23. commandeth the clouds above, or openeth the doores of heaven, as David affirmeth; or that the Lord goeth forth in the tempests and stormes, as the Prophet ^kNahum^k Nahum. 1. reporteth: but rather that witches and conjurers are then about their businesse.

The Martionists acknowledged one God the authour of good things, and another the ordeiner of evill: but these make the divell a whole god, to create things of nothing, to knowe mens cogitations, and to doo that which God never did; as, to transubstantiate men into beasts, &c. Which thing if divels could doo,/3. yet followeth it not, that witches have such power. But if all the divels in hell were dead, and all the witches in England burnt or hanged; I warrant you we should not faile to have raine, haile and tempests, as now we have: according to the appointment and will of God, and according to the constitution of the elements, and the course of the planets, wherein God hath set a perfect and perpetuall order.

I am also well assured, that if all the old women in the world were witches; and all the priests, conjurers: we should not have a drop of raine, nor a blast of wind the more or the lesse for them. For ^lthe ^l Job. 26, 8.
Job. 37.
Psalme. 135.
Jer. 10 & 15. Lord hath bound the waters in the clouds, and hath set bounds about the waters, untill the daie and night come to an end: yea it is God that raiseth the winds and stilleth them: and he saith to the raine and snowe; Be upon the earth, and it falleth. The ^mwind^m Ose. 13. of the Lord, and not the wind of witches, shall destroie the treasures of their plesant vessels, and drie up the fountaines; saith Oseas. Let us also learne and confesse with the Prophet David, that weⁿⁿ Psa. 39, &c. our selves are the causes of our afflictions; and not exclaime upon witches, when we should call upon God for mercie.

The Imperiall lawe (saith Brentius)In epist. ad Jo. Wierum. condemneth them to death that trouble and infect the aire: but I affirme (saith he) that it is neither in the power of witch not divell so to doo, but in God onelie. Though (besides Bodin, and all the popish writers in generall) it please Danæus, Hyperius, Hemingius, Erastus, &c. to conclude otherwise. The clouds^o^o Exod. 13.
Isai. 66.
Ps. 18, 11. 19. are called the pillers of Gods tents, Gods chariots, and his pavillions. And if it be so, what witch or divell can 3 make maisteries therof? S. Augustine saith, August. 3. de sancta Trinit.Non est putandum istis transgressoribus angelis servire hanc rerum visibilium materiem, sed soli Deo: We must not thinke that these visible things are at the commandement of the angels that fell, but are obedient to the onelie God.

Finallie, if witches could accomplish these things; what needed it seeme so strange to the people, when Christ by miracle ^pcommanded^p Mar. 4, 41. both seas and winds, &c. For it is written; Who is this? for both wind and sea obeie him./

4. 3.

The second Chapter.

The inconvenience growing by mens credulitie herein, with a reproofe of some churchmen, which are inclined to the common conceived opinion of witches omnipotencie, and a familiar example thereof.

UT the world is now so bewitched and over-run with this fond error, that even where a man shuld seeke comfort and counsell, there shall hee be sent (in case of necessitie) from God to the divell; and from the Physician, to the coosening witch, who will not sticke to take upon hir, by wordes to heale the lame (which was proper onelie to Christ; and to them whom he assisted with his divine power) yea, with hir familiar & charmes she will take upon hir to cure the blind: though in the ^atenth^a Joh. 10, 21. of S. Johns Gospell it be written, that the divell cannot open the eies of the blind. And they attaine such credit as I have heard (to my greefe) some of the ministerie affirme, that they have had in their parish at one instant, xvii. or xviii. witches: meaning such as could worke miracles supernaturallie. Whereby they manifested as well their infidelitie and ignorance, in conceiving Gods word; as their negligence and error in instructing their flocks. For they themselves might understand, and also teach their parishoners, that ^bGod^b Psal. 72, & 136.
Jeremie, 5. onelie worketh great woonders; and that it is he which sendeth such punishments to the wicked, and such trials to the elect: according to the saieng of the Prophet Haggai,^c^c Hag. 2, 28. I smote you with blasting and mildeaw, and with haile, in all the labours of your hands; and yet you turned not unto me, saith the Lord. And therefore saith the same Prophet in another place;^d^d Idem. cap. 1, 6. You have sowen much, and bring in little. And both in ^eJoel^e Joel. 1. and ^fLeviticus,^f Leviti. 26. the like phrases and proofes are used and made. But more shalbe said of this hereafter.

S. Paule fore-sawe the blindnesse and obstinacie, both of these blind shepheards, and also of their scabbed sheepe, when he said;/5. ^gThey^g 2 Tim. 4, 34. will not suffer wholsome doctrine, but having their eares itching, shall get them a heape of teachers after their own lusts; and shall 4turne their eares from the truth, and shall be given to fables. And ^hin^h 1 Tim. 4. 1. the latter time some shall depart from the faith, and shall give heed to spirits of errors, and doctrines of divels, which speake lies (as witches and conjurers doo) but cast thou awaie such prophane and old wives fables. In which sense Basil saith; Who so giveth heed to inchanters, hearkeneth to a fabulous and frivolous thing. But I will rehearse an example whereof I my selfe am not onelie Oculatus testis, but have examined the cause, and am to justifie the truth of my report: not bicause I would disgrace the ministers that are godlie, but to confirme my former assertion, that this absurd error is growne into the place, which should be able to expell all such ridiculous follie and impietie.

A storie of Margaret Simons, a supposed witch. At the assises holden at Rochester, Anno 1581, one Margaret Simons,/ the wife of John Simons, of Brenchlie in Kent, was araigned for witchcraft, at the instigation and complaint of divers fond and malicious persons; and speciallie by the meanes of one John Ferrall vicar of that parish: with whom I talked about that matter, and found him both fondlie assotted in the cause, and enviouslie bent towards hir: and (which is worse) as unable to make a good account of his faith, as shee whom he accused. That which he, for his part, laid to the poore womans charge, was this.

His sonne (being an ungratious boie, and prentise to one Robert Scotchford clothier, dwelling in that parish of Brenchlie) passed on a daie by hir house; at whome by chance hir little dog barked. Which thing the boie taking in evill part, drewe his knife, & pursued him therewith even to hir doore: whom she rebuked with some such words as the boie disdained, & yet neverthelesse would not be persuaded to depart in a long time. At the last he returned to his maisters house, and within five or sixe daies fell sicke. Then was called to mind the fraie betwixt the dog and the boie: insomuch as the vicar (who thought himselfe so privileged, as he little mistrusted that God would visit his children with sicknes) did so calculate; as he found, partlie through his owne judgement, and partlie (as he himselfe told/6. me) by the relation of other witches, that his said sonne was by hir bewitched. Yea, he also told me, that this his sonne (being as it were past all cure) received perfect health at the hands of another witch.

He proceeded yet further against hir, affirming, that alwaies in his parish church, when he desired to read most plainelie, his voice so failed him, as he could scant be heard at all. Which hee could impute, he said, to nothing else, but to hir inchantment. When I advertised the poore woman hereof, as being desirous to heare what she could saie for hir selfe; she told me, that in verie deed his voice did much faile 5 him, speciallie when he strained himselfe to speake lowdest. How beit, she said that at all times his voice was hoarse and lowe: which thing I perceived to be true. But sir, said she, you shall understand, that this our vicar is diseased with such a kind of hoarsenesse, as divers of our neighbors in this parish, not long since, doubted that he had the French pox; & in that respect utterly refused to communicate with him: untill such time as (being therunto injoined by M. D. Lewen the Ordinarie) he had brought frō London a certificat, under the hands of two physicians, that his hoarsenes proceeded from a disease in the lungs. Which certificat he published in the church, in the presence of the whole congregation: and by this meanes hee was cured, or rather excused of the shame of his disease. And this I knowe to be true by the relation of divers honest men of that parish. And truelie, if one of the Jurie had not beene wiser than the other, she had beene condemned thereupon, and upon other as ridiculous matters as this. For the name of a witch is so odious, and hir power so feared among the common people, that if the honestest bodie living chance to be arraigned therupon, she shall hardlie escape condemnation./

The third Chapter.7. 5.

Who they be that are called witches, with a manifest declaration of the cause that mooveth men so commonlie to thinke, and witches themselves to beleeve that they can hurt children, cattell, &c. with words and imaginations: and of coosening witches.

NE sort of such as are said to bee witches, are women which be commonly old, lame, bleare-eied, pale, fowle, and full of wrinkles; poore, sullen, superstitious, and papists; or such as knowe no religion: in whose drousie minds the divell hath goten a fine seat; so as, what mischeefe, mischance, calamitie, or slaughter is brought to passe, they are easilie persuaded the same is doone by themselves; inprinting in their mindsCardan. de var. rerum. an earnest and constant imagination hereof. They are leane and deformed, shewing melancholie in their faces, to the horror of all that see them. They are doting, scolds, mad, divelish; and not much differing from them that are thought to be possessed with spirits; so firme and stedfast in their opinions, as whosoever shall onelie have respect to the constancie of their words uttered, would easilie beleeve they were true indeed.

These miserable wretches are so odious unto all their neighbors, and so feared, as few dare offend them, or denie them anie thing they aske: whereby they take upon them; yea, and sometimes thinke, that they can doo such things as are beyond the abilitie of humane 6 nature. These go from house to house, and from doore to doore for a pot full of milke, yest, drinke, pottage, or some such releefe; without the which they could hardlie live: neither obtaining for their service and paines, nor by their art, nor yet at the divels hands (with whome they are said to make a perfect and visible bargaine) either beautie, monie, promotion, welth, worship, pleasure, honor, knowledge, learning, or anie other benefit whatsoever./8.

It falleth out many times, that neither their necessities, nor their expectation is answered or served, in those places where they beg or borrowe; but rather their lewdnesse is by their neighbors reprooved. And further, in tract of time the witch waxeth odious and tedious to hir neighbors; and they againe are despised and despited of hir: so as sometimes she cursseth one, and sometimes another; and that from the maister of the house, his wife, children, cattell, &c. to the little pig that lieth in the stie. Thus in processe of time they have all displeased hir, and she hath wished evill lucke unto them all; perhaps with cursses and imprecations made in forme. Doubtlesse (at length) some of hir neighbors die, or fall sicke; or some of their children are visited with diseases that vex them strangelie: as apoplexies, epilepsies, convulsions, hot fevers, wormes, &c. Which by ignorant parents are supposed to be the vengeance of witches. Yea and their opinions and conceits are/ confirmed and maintained by unskilfull physicians: according to the common saieng; Inscitiæ pallium maleficium & incantatio, Witchcraft and inchantment is the cloke of ignorance: whereas indeed evill humors, & not strange words, witches, or spirits are the causes of such diseases. Also some of their cattell perish, either by disease or mischance. Then they, upon whom such adversities fall, weighing the fame that goeth upon this woman (hir words, displeasure, and cursses meeting so justlie with their misfortune) doo not onelie conceive, but also are resolved, that all their mishaps are brought to passe by hir onelie meanes.

The witch on the other side exspecting hir neighbours mischances, and seeing things sometimes come to passe according to hir wishes, cursses, and incantations (for BodinBodin. li. 2. de dæmono: cap. 8. himselfe confesseth, that not above two in a hundred of their witchings or wishings take effect) being called before a Justice, by due examination of the circumstances is driven to see hir imprecations and desires, and hir neighbors harmes and losses to concurre, and as it were to take effect: and so confesseth that she (as a goddes) hath brought such things to passe. Wherein, not onelie she, but the accuser, and also the Justice are fowlie deceived and abused; as being thorough hir confession and other circumstances persuaded (to the injurie of Gods glorie) that she hath doone, or can doo that which/9. is proper onelie to God himselfe.

Another sort of witches there are, which be absolutelie cooseners. These take upon them, either for glorie, fame, or gaine, to doo anie thing, which God or the divell can doo: either for foretelling of things to come, bewraieng of secrets, curing of maladies, or working of miracles. But of these I will talke more at large heereafter.

The fourth Chapter.

What miraculous actions are imputed to witches by witchmongers, papists, and poets.

LTHOUGH it be quite against the haire, and contrarie to the divels will, contrarie to the witches oth, promise, and homage, and contrarie to all reason, that witches should helpe anie thing that is bewitched; but rather set forward their maisters businesse: yet we read In malleo maleficarum,Mal. Malef. par. 2. quæst. 1. cap, 2. of three sorts of witches; and the same is affirmed by all the writers heereupon, new and old. One sort (they say) can hurt and not helpe, the second can helpe and not hurt, the third can both helpe and hurt. And among the hurtfull witches he saith there is one sort more beastlie than any kind of beasts, saving woolves: for these usuallie devoure and eate yong children and infants of their owne kind. These be they (saith he) that raise haile, tempests, and hurtfull weather; as lightening, thunder, &c. These be they that procure barrennesse in man, woman, and beast. These can throwe children into waters, as they walke with their mothers, and/7. not be seene. These can make horsses kicke, till they cast the riders. These can passe from place to place in the aire invisible. These can so alter the mind of judges, that they can have no power to hurt them. These can procure to themselves and to others, taciturnitie and insensibilitie in their torments. These can bring trembling to the hands, and strike terror into the minds of them that apprehend them. These can manifest unto others, things hidden and lost, and foreshew/10. things to come; and see them as though they were present. These can alter mens minds to inordinate love or hate. These can kill whom they list with lightening and thunder. These can take awaie mans courage, and the power of generation. These can make a woman miscarrie in childbirth, and destroie the child in the mothers wombe, without any sensible meanes either inwardlie or outwardlie applied. These can with their looks kill either man or beast.

All these things are avowed by James Sprenger and Henrie Institor In malleo maleficarum, to be true, & confirmed by Nider, and the inquisitor Cumanus; and also by Danæus, Hyperius, Hemingius, and multiplied by Bodinus, and frier Bartholomæus Spineus. But bicause I will in no wise abridge the authoritie of their power, you shall have8 also the testimonies of manie other grave authors in this behalfe; as followeth.

*And*Ovid. lib. metamorphoseôn 7.
Danæus in dialog.
Psellus in operatione dæm.
Virg. in Damo
Hora. epod. 5.
Tibul. de fascinat. lib. 1. eleg. 2.
Ovid epist 4.
Lex. 12.
Tabularum.
Mal. Malef.
Lucā. de bello civili. lib. 6.
Virg. eclog. 8.
Ovid. de remedio amoris. lib. 1.
Hyperius.
Erastus.
Rich. Gal. in his horrible treatise.
Hemingius.
Bar. Spineus.
Bryan Darcy Confessio Windesor.
Virgil. Aeneid. 4.
C. Manlius astrol. lib. 1. first Ovid affirmeth, that they can raise and suppresse lightening and thunder, raine and haile, clouds and winds, tempests and earthquakes. Others doo write, that they can pull downe the moone and the starres. Some write that with wishing they can send needles into the livers of their enimies. Some that they can transferre corne in the blade from one place to another. Some, that they can cure diseases supernaturallie, flie in the aire, and danse with divels. Some write, that they can plaie the part of Succubus, and contract themselves to Incubus; and so yoong prophets are upon them begotten, &c. Som saie they can transubstantiate themselves and others, and take the forms and shapes of asses, woolves, ferrets, cowes, apes, horsses, dogs, &c. Some say they can keepe divels and spirits in the likenesse of todes and cats.

They can raise spirits (as others affirme) drie up springs, turne the course of running waters, inhibit the sunne, and staie both day and night, changing the one into the other. They can go in and out at awger holes, & saile in an egge shell, a cockle or muscle shell, through and under the tempestuous seas. They can go invisible, and deprive men of their privities, and otherwise of the act and use of venerie. They can bring soules out of the graves. They can teare snakes in peeces with words, and with looks kill lambes. But in this case a man may saie, that Miranda canunt/11. sed non credenda Poetæ. They can also bring to passe, that chearne as long as you list, your butter will not come; especiallie, if either the maids have eaten up the creame; or the goodwife have sold the butter before in the market. Whereof I have had some triall, although there may be true and naturall causes to hinder the common course thereof: as for example. Put a little sope or sugar into your chearne of creame, and there will never come anie butter, chearne as long as you list. But M. Mal.Mal. Malef. part. 2. quæst 1. cap. 14.
1. Cor 9, 9. saith, that there is not so little a village, where manie women are not that/8. bewitch, infect, and kill kine, and drie up the milke: alledging for the strengthening of that assertion, the saie- ing of the Apostle, Nunquid Deo cura est de bobus? Dooth God take anie care of oxen?

The fift Chapter.

A confutation of the common conceived opinion of witches and witchcraft, and how detestable a sinne it is to repaire to them for counsell or helpe in time of affliction.

UT whatsoever is reported or conceived of such maner of witchcrafts, I dare avow to be false and fabulous (coosinage, dotage, and poisoning excepted:) neither is there any mention made of these kind of witches in the Bible. If Christ had knowne them, he would not have pretermitted to invaie against their presumption, in taking upon them his office: as, to heale and cure diseases; and to worke such miraculous and supernaturall things, as whereby he himselfe was speciallie knowne, beleeved, and published to be God; his actions and cures consisting (in order and effect) according to the power by our witchmoongers imputed to witches. Howbeit, if there be any in these daies afflicted in such strange sort, as Christs cures and patients are described in the new testament to have beene: we flie from trusting in God to trusting in witches, who doo not onelie in their coosening art take on them the office of Christ in this behalfe; but use his verie phrase of speech to such idolaters, as com to seeke divine/12. assistance at their hands, saieng; Go thy waies, thy sonne or thy daughter, &c. shall doo well, and be whole.John. 5: 6.
Mark. 5. 34.

It will not suffice to dissuade a witchmonger from his credulitie, that he seeth the sequele and event to fall out manie times contrarie to their assertion; but in such case (to his greater condemnation) he seeketh further to witches of greater fame. If all faile, he will rather thinke he came an houre too late; than that he went a mile too far. Trulie I for my part cannot perceive what is to go a whoring To go to witches, &c. is idolatrie.after strange gods, if this be not. He that looketh upon his neighbors wife, and lusteth after hir, hath committed adulterie. And truelie, he that in hart and by argument mainteineth the sacrifice of the masse to be propitiatorie for the quicke and the dead, is an idolater; as also he that alloweth and commendeth creeping to the crosse, and such like idolatrous actions, although he bend not his corporall knees.

In like manner I say, he that attributeth to a witch, such divine power, as dulie and onelie apperteineth unto GOD (which all witchmongers doo) is in hart a blasphemer, an idolater, and full of grosse impietie, although he neither go nor send to hir for assistance./

The sixt Chapter.

A further confutation of witches miraculous and omnipotent power, by invincible reasons and authorities, with dissuasions from such fond credulitie.

F witches could doo anie such miraculous things, as these and other which are imputed to them, they might doo them againe and againe, at anie time or place, or at anie mans desire: for the divell is as strong at one time as at another, as busie by daie as by night, and readie enough to doo all mischeefe, and careth not whom he abuseth. And in so much as it is confessed, by the most part of witchmoongers themselves, that he knoweth not the cogitation of mans heart, he should (me thinks) sometimes appeere/13. unto honest and credible persons, in such grosse and corporall forme, as it is said he dooth unto witches: which you shall never heare to be justified by one sufficient witnesse. For the divell indeed entreth into the mind, and that waie seeketh mans confusion.

The art alwaies presupposeth the power; so as, if they saie they can doo this or that, they must shew how and by what meanes they doo it; as neither the witches, nor the witchmoongers are able to doo. For to everie action is required the facultie and abilitie of the agent or dooer; the aptnes of the patient or subject; and a convenient and possible application. Now the witches are mortall, and their power dependeth upon the analogie and consonancie of their minds and bodies; but with their minds they can but will and understand; and with their bodies they can doo no more, but as the bounds and ends of terrene sense will suffer: and therefore their power extendeth not to doo such miracles, as surmounteth their owne sense, and the understanding of others which are wiser than they; so as here wanteth the vertue and power of the efficient. And in reason, there can be no more vertue in the thing caused, than in the cause, or that which proceedeth of or from the benefit of the cause. And we see, that ignorant and impotent women, or witches, are the causes of incantations and charmes; wherein we shall perceive there is none effect, if we will credit our owne experience and sense unabused, the rules of philosophie, or the word of God.Aristot. de anima. lib. 2.
Acts. 8. For alas! What an unapt instrument is a toothles, old, impotent, and unweldie woman to flie in the aier? Truelie, the divell little needs such instruments to bring his purposes to passe.

It is strange, Why shuld not the divell be as readie to helpe a theefe reallie as a witch? that we should suppose, that such persons can worke such feates: and it is more strange, that we will imagine that to be11 possible to be doone by a witch, which to nature and sense is impossible; speciallie when our neighbours life dependeth upon our credulitie therein; and when we may see the defect of abilitie, which alwaies is an impediment both to the act, and also to the presumption thereof. And bicause there is nothing possible in lawe,L. multum. l. si quis alteri, vel sibi. that in nature is impossible; therefore the judge dooth not attend or regard what the accused man saith; or yet would/10. doo: but what is prooved to have beene committed, and na/turallie14. falleth in mans power and will to doo. For the lawe saith, that To will a thing unpossible, is a signe of a mad man, or of a foole, upon whom no sentence or judgement taketh hold. Furthermore, what Jurie will condemne, or what Judge will give sentence or judgement against one for killing a man at Berwicke; when they themselves, and manie other sawe that man at London, that verie daie, wherein the murther was committed; yea though the partie confesse himself guiltie therein, and twentie witnesses depose the same? But in this case also I saie the judge is not to weigh their testimonie, which is weakened by lawe; and the judges authoritie is to supplie the imperfection of the case, and to mainteine the right and equitie of the same.

Seeing therefore that some other things might naturallie be the occasion and cause of such calamities as witches are supposed to bring; let not us that professe the Gospell and knowledge of Christ, be bewitched to beleeve that they doo such things, as are in nature impossible, and in sense and reason incredible.An objection answered. If they saie it is doone through the divels helpe, who can work miracles; whie doo not theeves bring their busines to passe miraculouslie, with whom the divell is as conversant as with the other? Such mischeefes as are imputed to witches, happen where no witches are; yea and continue when witches are hanged and burnt: whie then should we attribute such effect to that cause, which being taken awaie, happeneth neverthelesse?

The seventh Chapter.

By what meanes the name of witches becommeth so famous, and how diverslie people be opinioned concerning them and their actions.

URELIE the naturall power of man or woman cannot be so inlarged, as to doo anie thing beyond the power and vertue given and ingraffed by God. But it is the will and mind of man, which is vitiated and depraved by the divell: neither dooth God permit anie more,Miracles are ceased. than that which the naturall order appointed by/15. him dooth require. Which naturall order is nothing else, but the ordinarie power of God, powred into everie creature, according to his state12 and condition. But hereof more shall be said in the title of witches confessions. Howbeit you shall understand, that few or none are throughlie persuaded, resolved, or satisfied, that witches can indeed accomplish all these impossibilities: but some one is bewitched in one point, and some is coosened in another, untill in fine, all these impossibilities, and manie mo, are by severall persons affirmed to be true.

And this I have also noted,The opinions of people concerning witchcraft are diverse and inconstant. that when anie one is coosened with a coosening toie of witchcraft, and maketh report thereof accordinglie verifieng a matter most impossible and false as it were upon his owne knowledge, as being overtaken with some kind of illusion or other (which illusions are right inchantments) even the selfe-same man will deride the/snp like lie proceeding out of another mans mouth, as a fabulous matter unworthie of credit. It is also to be woondered, how men (that have seene some part of witches coosenages detected, and see also therein the impossibilitie of their owne presumptions, & the follie and falsehood of the witches confessions) will not suspect, but remaine unsatisfied, or rather obstinatelie defend the residue of witches supernaturall actions: like as when a juggler hath discovered the slight and illusion of his principall feats, one would fondlie continue to thinke, that his other petie juggling knacks of legierdemaine are done by the helpe of a familiar: and according to the follie of some papists, who seeing and confessing the popes absurd religion, in the erection and maintenance of idolatrie and superstition, speciallie in images, pardons, and relikes of saints, will yet persevere to thinke, that the rest of his doctrine and trumperie is holie and good.

Finallie, manie mainteine and crie out for the execution of witches, that particularlie beleeve never a whit of that which is imputed unto them; if they be therein privatelie dealt withall, and substantiallie opposed and tried in argument./16.

The eight Chapter.

Causes that moove as well witches themselves as others to thinke that they can worke impossibilities, with answers to certeine objections: where also their punishment by lawe is touched.

ARDANUS writeth,Card. de var. rerum. lib. 15. cap. 80. that the cause of such credulitie consisteth in three points; to wit, in the imagination of the melancholike, in the constancie of them that are corrupt therewith, and in the deceipt of the Judges; who being inquisitors themselves against heretikes and witches, did both accuse and condemne them, having for their labour the spoile of their goods. So as these inquisitors added 13 manie fables hereunto, least they should seeme to have doone injurie to the poore wretches, in condemning and executing them for none offense. But sithens (saith he) the springing up of Luthers sect, these priests have tended more diligentlie upon the execution of them; bicause more wealth is to be caught from them: insomuch as now they deale so looselie with witches (through distrust of gaines) that all is seene to be malice, follie, or avarice that hath beene practised against them. And whosoever shall search into this cause, or read the cheefe writers hereupon, shall find his words true.

It will be objected,An objection answered. that we here in England are not now directed by the popes lawes; and so by consequence our witches not troubled or convented by the inquisitors Hæreticæ pravitatis. I answer, that in times past here in England, as in other nations, this order of discipline hath beene in force and use; although now some part of old rigor be qualified by two severall statutes made in the fift of Elizabeth, and xxxiii of Henrie the eight. Nevertheles the estimation of the omnipotencie of their words and charmes seemeth in those statutes to be somewhat mainteined, as a matter hitherto generallie received; and not yet so looked into, as/12. that it is refuted and decided. But how wiselie so ever the Parle/ment17. house hath dealt therin, or how mercifullie soever the prince beholdeth the cause: if a poore old woman, supposed to be a witch, be by the civill or canon lawe convented; I doubt, some canon will be found in force, not onelie to give scope to the tormentor, but also to the hangman, to exercise their offices upon hir. And most certaine it is, that in what point soever anie of these extremities, which I shall rehearse unto you, be mitigated, it is thorough the goodnesse of the Queenes Majestie, and hir excellent magistrates placed among us. For as touching the opinion of our writers therein in our age; yea in our owne countrie, you shall see it doth not onlie agree with forren crueltie, but surmounteth it farre. If you read a foolish pamphlet dedicated to the lord Darcy by W. WW. W. his booke, printed in Anno Dom. 1582. 1582, you shall see that he affirmeth, that all those tortures are farre too light, and their rigor too mild; and that in that respect he impudentlie exclameth against our magistrates, who suffer them to be but hanged, when murtherers, & such malefactors be so used, which deserve not the hundreth part of their punishments. But if you will see more follie and lewdnes comprised in one lewd booke, I commend you to Ri. Ga. a Windsor man; who being a mad man hath written according to his frantike humor: the reading wherof may satisfie a wise man, how mad all these witchmoongers dealings be in this behalfe.

The ninth Chapter.

A conclusion of the first booke, wherein is fore-shewed the tyrannicall crueltie of witchmongers and inquisitors, with a request to the reader to peruse the same.

ND bicause it may appeare unto the world what trecherous and faithlesse dealing, what extreame and intolerable tyrannie, what grosse and fond absurdities, what unnaturall & uncivil discourtisie, what cancred and spitefull malice, what outragious and barbarous crueltie, what lewd and false packing, what cunning and craftie intercepting, what bald and peevish inter/pretations,18. what abhominable and divelish inventions, and what flat and plaine knaverie is practised against these old women; I will set downe the whole order of the inquisition, to the everlasting, inexcusable, and apparent shame of all witchmoongers. Neither will I insert anie private or doubtfull dealings of theirs; or such as they can either denie to be usuall, or justlie cavill at; but such as are published and renewed in all ages, since the commensement of poperie, established by lawes, practised by inquisitors, privileged by princes, commended by doctors, confirmed by popes, councels, decrees, and canons; and finallie *be[* ? beleeved.] left of all witchmoongers; to wit, by such as attribute to old women, and such like creatures, the power of the Creator. I praie you therefore, though it be tedious & intolerable (as you would be heard in your miserable calamities) so heare with compassion, their accusations, examinations, matters given in evidence, confessions, presumptions, interrogatories, conjurations, cautions, crimes, tortures and condemnations, devised and practised usuallie against them./