Produced by David Widger





PERSONAL MEMOIRS OF U. S. GRANT, Part 5.

by U. S. Grant



CHAPTER LII.

BATTLE OF SPOTTSYLVANIA--HANCOCK'S POSITION--ASSAULT OF WARREN'S AND
WRIGHT'S CORPS--UPTON PROMOTED ON THE FIELD--GOOD NEWS FROM BUTLER AND
SHERIDAN.

The Mattapony River is formed by the junction of the Mat, the Ta, the Po
and the Ny rivers, the last being the northernmost of the four.  It
takes its rise about a mile south and a little east of the Wilderness
Tavern.  The Po rises south-west of the place, but farther away.
Spottsylvania is on the ridge dividing these two streams, and where they
are but a few miles apart.  The Brock Road reaches Spottsylvania without
crossing either of these streams. Lee's army coming up by the Catharpin
Road, had to cross the Po at Wooden Bridge.  Warren and Hancock came by
the Brock Road.  Sedgwick crossed the Ny at Catharpin Furnace. Burnside
coming by Aldrich's to Gates's house, had to cross the Ny near the
enemy.  He found pickets at the bridge, but they were soon driven off by
a brigade of Willcox's division, and the stream was crossed.  This
brigade was furiously attacked; but the remainder of the division coming
up, they were enabled to hold their position, and soon fortified it.

About the time I received the news of this attack, word came from
Hancock that Early had left his front.  He had been forced over to the
Catharpin Road, crossing the Po at Corbin's and again at Wooden Bridge.
These are the bridges Sheridan had given orders to his cavalry to occupy
on the 8th, while one division should occupy Spottsylvania.  These
movements of the enemy gave me the idea that Lee was about to make the
attempt to get to, or towards, Fredericksburg to cut off my supplies.  I
made arrangements to attack his right and get between him and Richmond
if he should try to execute this design.  If he had any such intention
it was abandoned as soon as Burnside was established south of the Ny.

The Po and the Ny are narrow little streams, but deep, with abrupt
banks, and bordered by heavily wooded and marshy bottoms--at the time we
were there--and difficult to cross except where bridged.  The country
about was generally heavily timbered, but with occasional clearings.  It
was a much better country to conduct a defensive campaign in than an
offensive one.

By noon of the 9th the position of the two armies was as follows:  Lee
occupied a semicircle facing north, north-west and north-east, inclosing
the town.  Anderson was on his left extending to the Po, Ewell came
next, then Early.  Warren occupied our right, covering the Brock and
other roads converging at Spottsylvania; Sedgwick was to his left and
Burnside on our extreme left.  Hancock was yet back at Todd's Tavern,
but as soon as it was known that Early had left Hancock's front the
latter was ordered up to Warren's right.  He formed a line with three
divisions on the hill overlooking the Po early in the afternoon, and was
ordered to cross the Po and get on the enemy's flank.  The fourth
division of Hancock's corps, Mott commanding, was left at Todd's when
the corps first came up; but in the afternoon it was brought up and
placed to the left of Sedgwick's--now Wright's--6th corps.  In the
morning General Sedgwick had been killed near the right of his
intrenchments by rebel sharpshooters.  His loss was a severe one to the
Army of the Potomac and to the Nation.  General H. G. Wright succeeded
him in the command of his corps.

Hancock was now, nine P.M. of the 9th of May, across the left flank of
Lee's army, but separated from it, and also from the remainder of
Meade's army, by the Po River.  But for the lateness of the hour and the
darkness of the night he would have attempted to cross the river again
at Wooden Bridge, thus bringing himself on the same side with both
friend and foe.

The Po at the points where Hancock's corps crossed runs nearly due east.
Just below his lower crossing--the troops crossed at three points--it
turns due south, and after passing under Wooden Bridge soon resumes a
more easterly direction.  During the night this corps built three
bridges over the Po; but these were in rear.

The position assumed by Hancock's corps forced Lee to reinforce his left
during the night.  Accordingly on the morning of the 10th, when Hancock
renewed his effort to get over the Po to his front, he found himself
confronted by some of Early's command, which had been brought from the
extreme right of the enemy during the night.  He succeeded in effecting
a crossing with one brigade, however, but finding the enemy intrenched
in his front, no more were crossed.

Hancock reconnoitred his front on the morning of the 10th, with the view
of forcing a crossing, if it was found that an advantage could be
gained.  The enemy was found strongly intrenched on the high ground
overlooking the river, and commanding the Wooden Bridge with artillery.
Anderson's left rested on the Po, where it turns south; therefore, for
Hancock to cross over--although it would bring him to the same side of
the stream with the rest of the army--would still farther isolate him
from it.  The stream would have to be crossed twice in the face of the
enemy to unite with the main body.  The idea of crossing was therefore
abandoned.

Lee had weakened the other parts of his line to meet this movement of
Hancock's, and I determined to take advantage of it.  Accordingly in the
morning, orders were issued for an attack in the afternoon on the centre
by Warren's and Wright's corps, Hancock to command all the attacking
force.  Two of his divisions were brought to the north side of the Po.
Gibbon was placed to the right of Warren, and Birney in his rear as a
reserve.  Barlow's division was left south of the stream, and Mott of
the same corps was still to the left of Wright's corps.  Burnside was
ordered to reconnoitre his front in force, and, if an opportunity
presented, to attack with vigor.  The enemy seeing Barlow's division
isolated from the rest of the army, came out and attacked with fury.
Barlow repulsed the assault with great slaughter, and with considerable
loss to himself.  But the enemy reorganized and renewed the assault.
Birney was now moved to the high ground overlooking the river crossings
built by our troops, and covered the crossings.  The second assault was
repulsed, again with severe loss to the enemy, and Barlow was withdrawn
without further molestation. General T. G. Stevenson was killed in this
move.

Between the lines, where Warren's assault was to take place, there was a
ravine grown up with large trees and underbrush, making it almost
impenetrable by man.  The slopes on both sides were also covered with a
heavy growth of timber.  Warren, before noon, reconnoitred his front
twice, the first time with one and the second with two divisions.  He
was repulsed on both occasions, but gained such information of the
ground as to induce him to report recommending the assault.

Wright also reconnoitred his front and gained a considerably advanced
position from the one he started from.  He then organized a storming
party, consisting of twelve regiments, and assigned Colonel Emory Upton,
of the 121st New York Volunteers, to the command of it.  About four
o'clock in the afternoon the assault was ordered, Warren's and Wright's
corps, with Mott's division of Hancock's corps, to move simultaneously.
The movement was prompt, and in a few minutes the fiercest of struggles
began.  The battle-field was so densely covered with forest that but
little could be seen, by any one person, as to the progress made.  Meade
and I occupied the best position we could get, in rear of Warren.

Warren was repulsed with heavy loss, General J. C. Rice being among the
killed.  He was not followed, however, by the enemy, and was thereby
enabled to reorganize his command as soon as covered from the guns of
the enemy.  To the left our success was decided, but the advantage was
lost by the feeble action of Mott.  Upton with his assaulting party
pushed forward and crossed the enemy's intrenchments.  Turning to the
right and left he captured several guns and some hundreds of prisoners.
Mott was ordered to his assistance but failed utterly.  So much time was
lost in trying to get up the troops which were in the right position to
reinforce, that I ordered Upton to withdraw; but the officers and men of
his command were so averse to giving up the advantage they had gained
that I withdrew the order.  To relieve them, I ordered a renewal of the
assault.  By this time Hancock, who had gone with Birney's division to
relieve Barlow, had returned, bringing the division with him.  His corps
was now joined with Warren's and Wright's in this last assault.  It was
gallantly made, many men getting up to, and over, the works of the
enemy; but they were not able to hold them.  At night they were
withdrawn.  Upton brought his prisoners with him, but the guns he had
captured he was obliged to abandon.  Upton had gained an important
advantage, but a lack in others of the spirit and dash possessed by him
lost it to us.  Before leaving Washington I had been authorized to
promote officers on the field for special acts of gallantry.  By this
authority I conferred the rank of brigadier-general upon Upton on the
spot, and this act was confirmed by the President.  Upton had been badly
wounded in this fight.

Burnside on the left had got up to within a few hundred yards of
Spottsylvania Court House, completely turning Lee's right.  He was not
aware of the importance of the advantage he had gained, and I, being
with the troops where the heavy fighting was, did not know of it at the
time.  He had gained his position with but little fighting, and almost
without loss.  Burnside's position now separated him widely from
Wright's corps, the corps nearest to him.  At night he was ordered to
join on to this.  This brought him back about a mile, and lost to us an
important advantage.  I attach no blame to Burnside for this, but I do
to myself for not having had a staff officer with him to report to me
his position.

The enemy had not dared to come out of his line at any point to follow
up his advantage, except in the single instance of his attack on Barlow.
Then he was twice repulsed with heavy loss, though he had an entire
corps against two brigades.  Barlow took up his bridges in the presence
of this force.

On the 11th there was no battle and but little firing; none except by
Mott who made a reconnoissance to ascertain if there was a weak point in
the enemy's line.

I wrote the following letter to General Halleck:


NEAR SPOTTSYLVANIA C. H., May 11, 1864--8.30 A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Chief of Staff of the Army, Washington, D. C.

We have now ended the 6th day of very hard fighting.  The result up to
this time is much in our favor.  But our losses have been heavy as well
as those of the enemy.  We have lost to this time eleven general
officers killed, wounded and missing, and probably twenty thousand men.
I think the loss of the enemy must be greater--we having taken over four
thousand prisoners in battle, whilst he has taken from us but few except
a few stragglers.  I am now sending back to Belle Plain all my wagons
for a fresh supply of provisions and ammunition, and purpose to fight it
out on this line if it takes all summer.

The arrival of reinforcements here will be very encouraging to the men,
and I hope they will be sent as fast as possible, and in as great
numbers.  My object in having them sent to Belle Plain was to use them
as an escort to our supply trains.  If it is more convenient to send
them out by train to march from the railroad to Belle Plain or
Fredericksburg, send them so.

I am satisfied the enemy are very shaky, and are only kept up to the
mark by the greatest exertions on the part of their officers, and by
keeping them intrenched in every position they take.

Up to this time there is no indication of any portion of Lee's army
being detached for the defence of Richmond.

U. S. GRANT, Lieut.-General.


And also, I received information, through the War Department, from
General Butler that his cavalry under Kautz had cut the railroad south
of Petersburg, separating Beauregard from Richmond, and had whipped
Hill, killing, wounding and capturing many.  Also that he was
intrenched, and could maintain himself.  On this same day came news from
Sheridan to the effect that he had destroyed ten miles of the railroad
and telegraph between Lee and Richmond, one and a half million rations,
and most of the medical stores for his army.

On the 8th I had directed Sheridan verbally to cut loose from the Army
of the Potomac and pass around the left of Lee's army and attack his
cavalry and communications, which was successfully executed in the
manner I have already described.



CHAPTER LIII.

HANCOCK'S ASSAULT-LOSSES OF THE CONFEDERATES--PROMOTIONS RECOMMENDED
--DISCOMFITURE OF THE ENEMY--EWELL'S ATTACK-REDUCING THE ARTILLERY.

In the reconnoissance made by Mott on the 11th, a salient was discovered
at the right centre. I determined that an assault should be made at that
point. (*28) Accordingly in the afternoon Hancock was ordered to move
his command by the rear of Warren and Wright, under cover of night, to
Wright's left, and there form it for an assault at four o'clock the next
morning.  The night was dark, it rained heavily, and the road was
difficult, so that it was midnight when he reached the point where he
was to halt.  It took most of the night to get the men in position for
their advance in the morning.  The men got but little rest.  Burnside
was ordered to attack (*29) on the left of the salient at the same hour.
I sent two of my staff officers to impress upon him the importance of
pushing forward vigorously.  Hancock was notified of this.  Warren and
Wright were ordered to hold themselves in readiness to join in the
assault if circumstances made it advisable.  I occupied a central
position most convenient for receiving information from all points.
Hancock put Barlow on his left, in double column, and Birney to his
right.  Mott followed Birney, and Gibbon was held in reserve.

The morning of the 12th opened foggy, delaying the start more than half
an hour.

The ground over which Hancock had to pass to reach the enemy, was
ascending and heavily wooded to within two or three hundred yards of the
enemy's intrenchments.  In front of Birney there was also a marsh to
cross.  But, notwithstanding all these difficulties, the troops pushed
on in quick time without firing a gun, and when within four or five
hundred yards of the enemy's line broke out in loud cheers, and with a
rush went up to and over the breastworks.  Barlow and Birney entered
almost simultaneously.  Here a desperate hand-to-hand conflict took
place.  The men of the two sides were too close together to fire, but
used their guns as clubs.  The hand conflict was soon over.  Hancock's
corps captured some four thousand prisoners among them a division and a
brigade commander twenty or more guns with their horses, caissons, and
ammunition, several thousand stand of arms, and many colors.  Hancock,
as soon as the hand-to-hand conflict was over, turned the guns of the
enemy against him and advanced inside the rebel lines.  About six
o'clock I ordered Warren's corps to the support of Hancock's. Burnside,
on the left, had advanced up east of the salient to the very parapet of
the enemy.  Potter, commanding one of his divisions, got over but was
not able to remain there.  However, he inflicted a heavy loss upon the
enemy; but not without loss in return.

This victory was important, and one that Lee could not afford to leave
us in full possession of.  He made the most strenuous efforts to regain
the position he had lost.  Troops were brought up from his left and
attacked Hancock furiously.  Hancock was forced to fall back:  but he
did so slowly, with his face to the enemy, inflicting on him heavy loss,
until behind the breastworks he had captured.  These he turned, facing
them the other way, and continued to hold.  Wright was ordered up to
reinforce Hancock, and arrived by six o'clock.  He was wounded soon
after coming up but did not relinquish the command of his corps,
although the fighting lasted until one o'clock the next morning.  At
eight o'clock Warren was ordered up again, but was so slow in making his
dispositions that his orders were frequently repeated, and with
emphasis.  At eleven o'clock I gave Meade written orders to relieve
Warren from his command if he failed to move promptly. Hancock placed
batteries on high ground in his rear, which he used against the enemy,
firing over the heads of his own troops.

Burnside accomplished but little on our left of a positive nature, but
negatively a great deal.  He kept Lee from reinforcing his centre from
that quarter.  If the 5th corps, or rather if Warren, had been as prompt
as Wright was with the 6th corps, better results might have been
obtained.

Lee massed heavily from his left flank on the broken point of his line.
Five times during the day he assaulted furiously, but without dislodging
our troops from their new position.  His losses must have been fearful.
Sometimes the belligerents would be separated by but a few feet.  In one
place a tree, eighteen inches in diameter, was cut entirely down by
musket balls.  All the trees between the lines were very much cut to
pieces by artillery and musketry.  It was three o'clock next morning
before the fighting ceased.  Some of our troops had then been twenty
hours under fire.  In this engagement we did not lose a single
organization, not even a company.  The enemy lost one division with its
commander, one brigade and one regiment, with heavy losses
elsewhere.(*30)  Our losses were heavy, but, as stated, no whole company
was captured.  At night Lee took a position in rear of his former one,
and by the following morning he was strongly intrenched in it.

Warren's corps was now temporarily broken up, Cutler's division sent to
Wright, and Griffin's to Hancock.  Meade ordered his chief of staff,
General Humphreys, to remain with Warren and the remaining division, and
authorized him to give it orders in his name.

During the day I was passing along the line from wing to wing
continuously.  About the centre stood a house which proved to be
occupied by an old lady and her daughter.  She showed such unmistakable
signs of being strongly Union that I stopped.  She said she had not seen
a Union flag for so long a time that it did her heart good to look upon
it again.  She said her husband and son, being, Union men, had had to
leave early in the war, and were now somewhere in the Union army, if
alive.  She was without food or nearly so, so I ordered rations issued
to her, and promised to find out if I could where the husband and son
were.

There was no fighting on the 13th, further than a little skirmishing
between Mott's division and the enemy.  I was afraid that Lee might be
moving out, and I did not want him to go without my knowing it. The
indications were that he was moving, but it was found that he was only
taking his new position back from the salient that had been captured.
Our dead were buried this day.  Mott's division was reduced to a
brigade, and assigned to Birney's division.

During this day I wrote to Washington recommending Sherman and Meade
(*31) for promotion to the grade of Major-General in the regular army;
Hancock for Brigadier-General; Wright, Gibbon and Humphreys to be
Major-Generals of Volunteers; and Upton and Carroll to be Brigadiers.
Upton had already been named as such, but the appointment had to be
confirmed by the Senate on the nomination of the President.

The night of the 13th Warren and Wright were moved by the rear to the
left of Burnside.  The night was very dark and it rained heavily, the
roads were so bad that the troops had to cut trees and corduroy the road
a part of the way, to get through.  It was midnight before they got to
the point where they were to halt, and daylight before the troops could
be organized to advance to their position in line.  They gained their
position in line, however, without any fighting, except a little in
Wright's front.  Here Upton had to contend for an elevation which we
wanted and which the enemy was not disposed to yield.  Upton first drove
the enemy, and was then repulsed in turn.  Ayres coming to his support
with his brigade (of Griffin's division, Warren's corps), the position
was secured and fortified.  There was no more battle during the 14th.
This brought our line east of the Court House and running north and
south and facing west.

During the night of the 14th-15th Lee moved to cover this new front.
This left Hancock without an enemy confronting him.  He was brought to
the rear of our new centre, ready to be moved in any direction he might
be wanted.

On the 15th news came from Butler and Averill.  The former reported the
capture of the outer works at Drury's Bluff, on the James River, and
that his cavalry had cut the railroad and telegraph south of Richmond on
the Danville road:  and the latter, the destruction of a depot of
supplies at Dublin, West Virginia, and the breaking of New River Bridge
on the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad.  The next day news came from
Sherman and Sheridan.  Sherman had forced Johnston out of Dalton,
Georgia, and was following him south.  The report from Sheridan embraced
his operations up to his passing the outer defences of Richmond.  The
prospect must now have been dismal in Richmond. The road and telegraph
were cut between the capital and Lee. The roads and wires were cut in
every direction from the rebel capital.  Temporarily that city was cut
off from all communication with the outside except by courier.  This
condition of affairs, however, was of but short duration.

I wrote Halleck:


NEAR SPOTTSYLVANIA C. H., May 16, 1864, 8 A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Washington, D. C.:

We have had five days almost constant rain without any prospect yet of
it clearing up.  The roads have now become so impassable that ambulances
with wounded men can no longer run between here and Fredericksburg.  All
offensive operations necessarily cease until we can have twenty-four
hours of dry weather.  The army is in the best of spirits, and feel the
greatest confidence of ultimate success. *        *        *        *
*        * You can assure the President and Secretary of War that the
elements alone have suspended hostilities, and that it is in no manner
due to weakness or exhaustion on our part.

U. S. GRANT, Lieut.-General.


The condition of the roads was such that nothing was done on the 17th.
But that night Hancock and Wright were to make a night march back to
their old positions, and to make an assault at four o'clock in the
morning.  Lee got troops back in time to protect his old line, so the
assault was unsuccessful.  On this day (18th) the news was almost as
discouraging to us as it had been two days before in the rebel capital.
As stated above, Hancock's and Wright's corps had made an unsuccessful
assault. News came that Sigel had been defeated at New Market, badly,
and was retreating down the valley.  Not two hours before, I had sent
the inquiry to Halleck whether Sigel could not get to Staunton to stop
supplies coming from there to Lee.  I asked at once that Sigel might be
relieved, and some one else put in his place. Hunter's name was
suggested, and I heartily approved.  Further news from Butler reported
him driven from Drury's Bluff, but still in possession of the Petersburg
road.  Banks had been defeated in Louisiana, relieved, and Canby put in
his place. This change of commander was not on my suggestion.  All this
news was very discouraging.  All of it must have been known by the enemy
before it was by me.  In fact, the good news (for the enemy) must have
been known to him at the moment I thought he was in despair, and his
anguish had been already relieved when we were enjoying his supposed
discomfiture, But this was no time for repining.  I immediately gave
orders for a movement by the left flank, on towards Richmond, to
commence on the night of the 19th.  I also asked Halleck to secure the
cooperation of the navy in changing our base of supplies from
Fredericksburg to Port Royal, on the Rappahannock.

Up to this time I had received no reinforcements, except six thousand
raw troops under Brigadier General Robert O. Tyler, just arrived.  They
had not yet joined their command, Hancock's corps, but were on our
right.  This corps had been brought to the rear of the centre, ready to
move in any direction.  Lee, probably suspecting some move on my part,
and seeing our right entirely abandoned, moved Ewell's corps about five
o'clock in the afternoon, with Early's as a reserve, to attack us in
that quarter.  Tyler had come up from Fredericksburg, and had been
halted on the road to the right of our line, near Kitching's brigade of
Warren's corps.  Tyler received the attack with his raw troops, and they
maintained their position, until reinforced, in a manner worthy of
veterans.

Hancock was in a position to reinforce speedily, and was the soldier to
do it without waiting to make dispositions.  Birney was thrown to
Tyler's right and Crawford to his left, with Gibbon as a reserve; and
Ewell was whirled back speedily and with heavy loss.

Warren had been ordered to get on Ewell's flank and in his rear, to cut
him off from his intrenchments.  But his efforts were so feeble that
under the cover of night Ewell got back with only the loss of a few
hundred prisoners, besides his killed and wounded.  The army being
engaged until after dark, I rescinded the order for the march by our
left flank that night.

As soon as it was discovered that the enemy were coming out to attack, I
naturally supposed they would detach a force to destroy our trains.  The
withdrawal of Hancock from the right uncovered one road from
Spottsylvania to Fredericksburg over which trains drew our supplies.
This was guarded by a division of colored troops, commanded by General
Ferrero, belonging to Burnside's corps.  Ferrero was therefore promptly
notified, and ordered to throw his cavalry pickets out to the south and
be prepared to meet the enemy if he should come; if he had to retreat to
do so towards Fredericksburg.  The enemy did detach as expected, and
captured twenty-five or thirty wagons which, however, were soon retaken.

In consequence of the disasters that had befallen us in the past few
days, Lee could be reinforced largely, and I had no doubt he would be.
Beauregard had come up from the south with troops to guard the
Confederate capital when it was in danger.  Butler being driven back,
most of the troops could be sent to Lee. Hoke was no longer needed in
North Carolina; and Sigel's troops having gone back to Cedar Creek,
whipped, many troops could be spared from the valley.

The Wilderness and Spottsylvania battles convinced me that we had more
artillery than could ever be brought into action at any one time.  It
occupied much of the road in marching, and taxed the trains in bringing
up forage.  Artillery is very useful when it can be brought into action,
but it is a very burdensome luxury where it cannot be used.  Before
leaving Spottsylvania, therefore, I sent back to the defences of
Washington over one hundred pieces of artillery, with the horses and
caissons.  This relieved the roads over which we were to march of more
than two hundred six-horse teams, and still left us more artillery than
could be advantageously used.  In fact, before reaching the James River
I again reduced the artillery with the army largely.

I believed that, if one corps of the army was exposed on the road to
Richmond, and at a distance from the main army, Lee would endeavor to
attack the exposed corps before reinforcements could come up; in which
case the main army could follow Lee up and attack him before he had time
to intrench.  So I issued the following orders:


NEAR SPOTTSYLVANIA C. H., VA., May 18, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Commanding Army of the Potomac.

Before daylight to-morrow morning I propose to draw Hancock and Burnside
from the position they now hold, and put Burnside to the left of Wright.
Wright and Burnside should then force their way up as close to the enemy
as they can get without a general engagement, or with a general
engagement if the enemy will come out of their works to fight, and
intrench.  Hancock should march and take up a position as if in support
of the two left corps. To-morrow night, at twelve or one o'clock, he
will be moved south-east with all his force and as much cavalry as can
be given to him, to get as far towards Richmond on the line of the
Fredericksburg Railroad as he can make, fighting the enemy in whatever
force he can find him.  If the enemy make a general move to meet this,
they will be followed by the other three corps of the army, and
attacked, if possible, before time is given to intrench.

Suitable directions will at once be given for all trains and surplus
artillery to conform to this movement.

U. S. GRANT.


On the 20th, Lee showing no signs of coming out of his lines, orders
were renewed for a left-flank movement, to commence after night.



CHAPTER LIV.

MOVEMENT BY THE LEFT FLANK--BATTLE OF NORTH ANNA--AN INCIDENT OF THE
MARCH--MOVING ON RICHMOND--SOUTH OF THE PAMUNKEY--POSITION OF THE
NATIONAL ARMY.

We were now to operate in a different country from any we had before
seen in Virginia.  The roads were wide and good, and the country well
cultivated.  No men were seen except those bearing arms, even the black
man having been sent away.  The country, however, was new to us, and we
had neither guides nor maps to tell us where the roads were, or where
they led to.  Engineer and staff officers were put to the dangerous duty
of supplying the place of both maps and guides.  By reconnoitring they
were enabled to locate the roads in the vicinity of each army corps.
Our course was south, and we took all roads leading in that direction
which would not separate the army too widely.

Hancock who had the lead had marched easterly to Guiney's Station, on
the Fredericksburg Railroad, thence southerly to Bowling Green and
Milford.  He was at Milford by the night of the 21st.  Here he met a
detachment of Pickett's division coming from Richmond to reinforce Lee.
They were speedily driven away, and several hundred captured.  Warren
followed on the morning of the 21st, and reached Guiney's Station that
night without molestation.  Burnside and Wright were retained at
Spottsylvania to keep up the appearance of an intended assault, and to
hold Lee, if possible, while Hancock and Warren should get start enough
to interpose between him and Richmond.

Lee had now a superb opportunity to take the initiative either by
attacking Wright and Burnside alone, or by following by the Telegraph
Road and striking Hancock's and Warren's corps, or even Hancock's alone,
before reinforcements could come up.  But he did not avail himself of
either opportunity.  He seemed really to be misled as to my designs; but
moved by his interior line--the Telegraph Road--to make sure of keeping
between his capital and the Army of the Potomac.  He never again had
such an opportunity of dealing a heavy blow.

The evening of the 21st Burnside, 9th corps, moved out followed by
Wright, 6th corps.  Burnside was to take the Telegraph Road; but finding
Stanard's Ford, over the Po, fortified and guarded, he turned east to
the road taken by Hancock and Warren without an attempt to dislodge the
enemy.  The night of the 21st I had my headquarters near the 6th corps,
at Guiney's Station, and the enemy's cavalry was between us and Hancock.
There was a slight attack on Burnside's and Wright's corps as they moved
out of their lines; but it was easily repulsed.  The object probably was
only to make sure that we were not leaving a force to follow upon the
rear of the Confederates.

By the morning of the 22d Burnside and Wright were at Guiney's Station.
Hancock's corps had now been marching and fighting continuously for
several days, not having had rest even at night much of the time.  They
were, therefore, permitted to rest during the 22d.  But Warren was
pushed to Harris's Store, directly west of Milford, and connected with
it by a good road, and Burnside was sent to New Bethel Church.  Wright's
corps was still back at Guiney's Station.

I issued the following order for the movement of the troops the next
day:


NEW BETHEL, VA., May 22, 1864

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Commanding Army of the Potomac.

Direct corps commanders to hold their troops in readiness to march at
five A.M. to-morrow.  At that hour each command will send out cavalry
and infantry on all roads to their front leading south, and ascertain,
if possible, where the enemy is. If beyond the South Anna, the 5th and
6th corps will march to the forks of the road, where one branch leads to
Beaver Dam Station, the other to Jericho Bridge, then south by roads
reaching the Anna, as near to and east of Hawkins Creek as they can be
found.

The 2d corps will move to Chesterfield Ford.  The 9th corps will be
directed to move at the same time to Jericho Bridge.  The map only shows
two roads for the four corps to march upon, but, no doubt, by the use of
plantation roads, and pressing in guides, others can be found, to give
one for each corps.

The troops will follow their respective reconnoitring parties. The
trains will be moved at the same time to Milford Station.

Headquarters will follow the 9th corps.

U. S. GRANT, Lieut.-General.


Warren's corps was moved from Harris's Store to Jericho Ford, Wright's
following.  Warren arrived at the ford early in the afternoon, and by
five o'clock effected a crossing under the protection of sharpshooters.
The men had to wade in water up to their waists.  As soon as enough
troops were over to guard the ford, pontoons were laid and the artillery
and the rest of the troops crossed.  The line formed was almost
perpendicular to the course of the river--Crawford on the left, next to
the river, Griffin in the centre, and Cutler on the right.  Lee was
found intrenched along the front of their line.  The whole of Hill's
corps was sent against Warren's right before it had got in position.  A
brigade of Cutler's division was driven back, the enemy following, but
assistance coming up the enemy was in turn driven back into his trenches
with heavy loss in killed and wounded, with about five hundred prisoners
left in our hands. By night Wright's corps was up ready to reinforce
Warren.

On the 23d Hancock's corps was moved to the wooden bridge which spans
the North Anna River just west of where the Fredericksburg Railroad
crosses.  It was near night when the troops arrived. They found the
bridge guarded, with troops intrenched, on the north side.  Hancock sent
two brigades, Egan's and Pierce's, to the right and left, and when
properly disposed they charged simultaneously.  The bridge was carried
quickly, the enemy retreating over it so hastily that many were shoved
into the river, and some of them were drowned.  Several hundred
prisoners were captured.  The hour was so late that Hancock did not
cross until next morning.

Burnside's corps was moved by a middle road running between those
described above, and which strikes the North Anna at Ox Ford, midway
between Telegraph Road and Jericho Ford.  The hour of its arrival was
too late to cross that night.

On the 24th Hancock's corps crossed to the south side of the river
without opposition, and formed line facing nearly west. The railroad in
rear was taken possession of and destroyed as far as possible.  Wright's
corps crossed at Jericho early the same day, and took position to the
right of Warren's corps, extending south of the Virginia Central
Railroad.  This road was torn up for a considerable distance to the rear
(west), the ties burned, and the rails bent and twisted by heating them
over the burning ties.  It was found, however, that Burnside's corps
could not cross at Ox Ford.  Lee had taken a position with his centre on
the river at this point, with the two wings thrown back, his line making
an acute angle where it overlooked the river.

Before the exact position of the whole of Lee's line was accurately
known, I directed Hancock and Warren each to send a brigade to Ox Ford
by the south side of the river.  They found the enemy too strong to
justify a serious attack.  A third ford was found between Ox Ford and
Jericho.  Burnside was directed to cross a division over this ford, and
to send one division to Hancock.  Crittenden was crossed by this
newly-discovered ford, and formed up the river to connect with
Crawford's left.  Potter joined Hancock by way of the wooden bridge.
Crittenden had a severe engagement with some of Hill's corps on his
crossing the river, and lost heavily.  When joined to Warren's corps he
was no further molested.  Burnside still guarded Ox Ford from the north
side.

Lee now had his entire army south of the North Anna.  Our lines covered
his front, with the six miles separating the two wings guarded by but a
single division.  To get from one wing to the other the river would have
to be crossed twice.  Lee could reinforce any part of his line from all
points of it in a very short march; or could concentrate the whole of it
wherever he might choose to assault.  We were, for the time, practically
two armies besieging.

Lee had been reinforced, and was being reinforced, largely. About this
time the very troops whose coming I had predicted, had arrived or were
coming in.  Pickett with a full division from Richmond was up; Hoke from
North Carolina had come with a brigade; and Breckinridge was there:  in
all probably not less than fifteen thousand men.  But he did not attempt
to drive us from the field.

On the 22d or 23d I received dispatches from Washington saying that
Sherman had taken Kingston, crossed the Etowah River and was advancing
into Georgia.

I was seated at the time on the porch of a fine plantation house waiting
for Burnside's corps to pass.  Meade and his staff, besides my own
staff, were with me.  The lady of the house, a Mrs. Tyler, and an
elderly lady, were present.  Burnside seeing us, came up on the porch,
his big spurs and saber rattling as he walked.  He touched his hat
politely to the ladies, and remarked that he supposed they had never
seen so many "live Yankees" before in their lives.  The elderly lady
spoke up promptly saying, "Oh yes, I have; many more."  "Where?" said
Burnside. "In Richmond."  Prisoners, of course, was understood.

I read my dispatch aloud, when it was received.  This threw the younger
lady into tears. I found the information she had received (and I suppose
it was the information generally in circulation through the South) was
that Lee was driving us from the State in the most demoralized condition
and that in the South-west our troops were but little better than
prisoners of war.  Seeing our troops moving south was ocular proof that
a part of her information was incorrect, and she asked me if my news
from Sherman was true.  I assured her that there was no doubt about it.
I left a guard to protect the house from intrusion until the troops
should have all passed, and assured her that if her husband was in
hiding she could bring him in and he should be protected also.  But I
presume he was in the Confederate army.

On the 25th I gave orders, through Halleck, to Hunter, who had relieved
Sigel, to move up the Valley of Virginia, cross over the Blue Ridge to
Charlottesville and go as far as Lynchburg if possible, living upon the
country and cutting the railroads and canal as he went.  After doing
this he could find his way back to his base, or join me.

On the same day news was received that Lee was falling back on Richmond.
This proved not to be true.  But we could do nothing where we were
unless Lee would assume the offensive. I determined, therefore, to draw
out of our present position and make one more effort to get between him
and Richmond.  I had no expectation now, however, of succeeding in this;
but I did expect to hold him far enough west to enable me to reach the
James River high up.  Sheridan was now again with the Army of the
Potomac.

On the 26th I informed the government at Washington of the position of
the two armies; of the reinforcements the enemy had received; of the
move I proposed to make (*32); and directed that our base of supplies
should be shifted to White House, on the Pamunkey.  The wagon train and
guards moved directly from Port Royal to White House.  Supplies moved
around by water, guarded by the navy.  Orders had previously been sent,
through Halleck, for Butler to send Smith's corps to White House.  This
order was repeated on the 25th, with directions that they should be
landed on the north side of the Pamunkey, and marched until they joined
the Army of the Potomac.

It was a delicate move to get the right wing of the Army of the Potomac
from its position south of the North Anna in the presence of the enemy.
To accomplish it, I issued the following order:


QUARLES' MILLS, VA., May 25, 1864.

MAJOR GENERAL MEADE, Commanding A. P.

Direct Generals Warren and Wright to withdraw all their teams and
artillery, not in position, to the north side of the river to-morrow.
Send that belonging to General Wright's corps as far on the road to
Hanover Town as it can go, without attracting attention to the fact.
Send with it Wright's best division or division under his ablest
commander.  Have their places filled up in the line so if possible the
enemy will not notice their withdrawal.  Send the cavalry to-morrow
afternoon, or as much of it as you may deem necessary, to watch and
seize, if they can, Littlepage's Bridge and Taylor's Ford, and to remain
on one or other side of the river at these points until the infantry and
artillery all pass.  As soon as it is dark to-morrow night start the
division which you withdraw first from Wright's corps to make a forced
march to Hanover Town, taking with them no teams to impede their march.
At the same time this division starts commence withdrawing all of the
5th and 6th corps from the south side of the river, and march them for
the same place.  The two divisions of the 9th corps not now with
Hancock, may be moved down the north bank of the river where they will
be handy to support Hancock if necessary, or will be that much on their
road to follow the 5th and 6th corps.  Hancock should hold his command
in readiness to follow as soon as the way is clear for him. To-morrow it
will leave nothing for him to do, but as soon as he can he should get
all his teams and spare artillery on the road or roads which he will
have to take.  As soon as the troops reach Hanover Town they should get
possession of all the crossings they can in that neighborhood.  I think
it would be well to make a heavy cavalry demonstration on the enemy's
left, to-morrow afternoon, also.

U. S. GRANT, Lieut.-General.


Wilson's division of cavalry was brought up from the left and moved by
our right south to Little River.  Here he manoeuvred to give the
impression that we were going to attack the left flank of Lee's army.

Under cover of night our right wing was withdrawn to the north side of
the river, Lee being completely deceived by Wilson's feint.  On the
afternoon of the 26th Sheridan moved, sending Gregg's and Torbert's
cavalry to Taylor's and Littlepage's fords towards Hanover.  As soon as
it was dark both divisions moved quietly to Hanover Ferry, leaving small
guards behind to keep up the impression that crossings were to be
attempted in the morning.  Sheridan was followed by a division of
infantry under General Russell.  On the morning of the 27th the crossing
was effected with but little loss, the enemy losing thirty or forty,
taken prisoners.  Thus a position was secured south of the Pamunkey.

Russell stopped at the crossing while the cavalry pushed on to Hanover
Town.  Here Barringer's, formerly Gordon's, brigade of rebel cavalry was
encountered, but it was speedily driven away.

Warren's and Wright's corps were moved by the rear of Burnside's and
Hancock's corps.  When out of the way these latter corps followed,
leaving pickets confronting the enemy.  Wilson's cavalry followed last,
watching all the fords until everything had recrossed; then taking up
the pontoons and destroying other bridges, became the rear-guard.

Two roads were traversed by the troops in this move.  The one nearest to
and north of the North Anna and Pamunkey was taken by Wright, followed
by Hancock.  Warren, followed by Burnside, moved by a road farther
north, and longer.  The trains moved by a road still farther north, and
had to travel a still greater distance.  All the troops that had crossed
the Pamunkey on the morning of the 27th remained quiet during the rest
of the day, while the troops north of that stream marched to reach the
crossing that had been secured for them.

Lee had evidently been deceived by our movement from North Anna; for on
the morning of the 27th he telegraphed to Richmond: "Enemy crossed to
north side, and cavalry and infantry crossed at Hanover Town."  The
troops that had then crossed left his front the night of the 25th.

The country we were now in was a difficult one to move troops over.  The
streams were numerous, deep and sluggish, sometimes spreading out into
swamps grown up with impenetrable growths of trees and underbrush.  The
banks were generally low and marshy, making the streams difficult to
approach except where there were roads and bridges.

Hanover Town is about twenty miles from Richmond.  There are two roads
leading there; the most direct and shortest one crossing the
Chickahominy at Meadow Bridge, near the Virginia Central Railroad, the
second going by New and Old Cold Harbor.  A few miles out from Hanover
Town there is a third road by way of Mechanicsville to Richmond.  New
Cold Harbor was important to us because while there we both covered the
roads back to White House (where our supplies came from), and the roads
south-east over which we would have to pass to get to the James River
below the Richmond defences.

On the morning of the 28th the army made an early start, and by noon all
had crossed except Burnside's corps.  This was left on the north side
temporarily to guard the large wagon train.  A line was at once formed
extending south from the river, Wright's corps on the right, Hancock's
in the centre, and Warren's on the left, ready to meet the enemy if he
should come.

At the same time Sheridan was directed to reconnoitre towards
Mechanicsville to find Lee's position.  At Hawes' Shop, just where the
middle road leaves the direct road to Richmond, he encountered the
Confederate cavalry dismounted and partially intrenched.  Gregg attacked
with his division, but was unable to move the enemy.  In the evening
Custer came up with a brigade. The attack was now renewed, the cavalry
dismounting and charging as infantry.  This time the assault was
successful, both sides losing a considerable number of men.  But our
troops had to bury the dead, and found that more Confederate than Union
soldiers had been killed.  The position was easily held, because our
infantry was near.

On the 29th a reconnoissance was made in force, to find the position of
Lee.  Wright's corps pushed to Hanover Court House.  Hancock's corps
pushed toward Totopotomoy Creek; Warren's corps to the left on the Shady
Grove Church Road, while Burnside was held in reserve. Our advance was
pushed forward three miles on the left with but little fighting.  There
was now an appearance of a movement past our left flank, and Sheridan
was sent to meet it.

On the 30th Hancock moved to the Totopotomoy, where he found the enemy
strongly fortified.  Wright was moved to the right of Hancock's corps,
and Burnside was brought forward and crossed, taking position to the
left of Hancock.  Warren moved up near Huntley Corners on the Shady
Grove Church Road.  There was some skirmishing along the centre, and in
the evening Early attacked Warren with some vigor, driving him back at
first, and threatening to turn our left flank.  As the best means of
reinforcing the left, Hancock was ordered to attack in his front.  He
carried and held the rifle-pits.  While this was going on Warren got his
men up, repulsed Early, and drove him more than a mile.

On this day I wrote to Halleck ordering all the pontoons in Washington
to be sent to City Point.

In the evening news was received of the arrival of Smith with his corps
at White House.  I notified Meade, in writing, as follows:


NEAR HAWES' SHOP, VA., 6.40 P.M., May 30, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Commanding A. P.

General Smith will debark his force at the White House tonight and start
up the south bank of the Pamunkey at an early hour, probably at 3 A.M.
in the morning.  It is not improbable that the enemy, being aware of
Smith's movement, will be feeling to get on our left flank for the
purpose of cutting him off, or by a dash to crush him and get back
before we are aware of it. Sheridan ought to be notified to watch the
enemy's movements well out towards Cold Harbor, and also on the
Mechanicsville road.  Wright should be got well massed on Hancock's
right, so that, if it becomes necessary, he can take the place of the
latter readily whilst troops are being thrown east of the Totopotomoy if
necessary.

I want Sheridan to send a cavalry force of at least half a brigade, if
not a whole brigade, at 5 A.M. in the morning, to communicate with Smith
and to return with him.  I will send orders for Smith by the messenger
you send to Sheridan with his orders.

U. S. GRANT.


I also notified Smith of his danger, and the precautions that would be
taken to protect him.

The night of the 30th Lee's position was substantially from Atlee's
Station on the Virginia Central Railroad south and east to the vicinity
of Cold Harbor.  Ours was:  The left of Warren's corps was on the Shady
Grove Road, extending to the Mechanicsville Road and about three miles
south of the Totopotomoy.  Burnside to his right, then Hancock, and
Wright on the extreme right, extending towards Hanover Court House, six
miles south-east of it.  Sheridan with two divisions of cavalry was
watching our left front towards Cold Harbor.  Wilson with his division
on our right was sent to get on the Virginia Central Railroad and
destroy it as far back as possible.  He got possession of Hanover Court
House the next day after a skirmish with Young's cavalry brigade.  The
enemy attacked Sheridan's pickets, but reinforcements were sent up and
the attack was speedily repulsed and the enemy followed some distance
towards Cold Harbor.



CHAPTER LV.

ADVANCE ON COLD HARBOR--AN ANECDOTE OF THE WAR--BATTLE OF COLD HARBOR
--CORRESPONDENCE WITH LEE--RETROSPECTIVE.

On the 31st Sheridan advanced to near Old Cold Harbor.  He found it
intrenched and occupied by cavalry and infantry.  A hard fight ensued
but the place was carried.  The enemy well knew the importance of Cold
Harbor to us, and seemed determined that we should not hold it.  He
returned with such a large force that Sheridan was about withdrawing
without making any effort to hold it against such odds; but about the
time he commenced the evacuation he received orders to hold the place at
all hazards, until reinforcements could be sent to him.  He speedily
turned the rebel works to face against them and placed his men in
position for defence.  Night came on before the enemy was ready for
assault.

Wright's corps was ordered early in the evening to march directly to
Cold Harbor passing by the rear of the army.  It was expected to arrive
by daylight or before; but the night was dark and the distance great, so
that it was nine o'clock the 1st of June before it reached its
destination.  Before the arrival of Wright the enemy had made two
assaults on Sheridan, both of which were repulsed with heavy loss to the
enemy.  Wright's corps coming up, there was no further assault on Cold
Harbor.

Smith, who was coming up from White House, was also directed to march
directly to Cold Harbor, and was expected early on the morning of the
1st of June; but by some blunder the order which reached Smith directed
him to Newcastle instead of Cold Harbor.  Through this blunder Smith did
not reach his destination until three o'clock in the afternoon, and then
with tired and worn-out men from their long and dusty march.  He landed
twelve thousand five hundred men from Butler's command, but a division
was left at White House temporarily and many men had fallen out of ranks
in their long march.

Before the removal of Wright's corps from our right, after dark on the
31st, the two lines, Federal and Confederate, were so close together at
that point that either side could detect directly any movement made by
the other.  Finding at daylight that Wright had left his front, Lee
evidently divined that he had gone to our left.  At all events, soon
after light on the 1st of June Anderson, who commanded the corps on
Lee's left, was seen moving along Warren's front.  Warren was ordered to
attack him vigorously in flank, while Wright was directed to move out
and get on his front.  Warren fired his artillery at the enemy; but lost
so much time in making ready that the enemy got by, and at three o'clock
he reported the enemy was strongly intrenched in his front, and besides
his lines were so long that he had no mass of troops to move with.  He
seemed to have forgotten that lines in rear of an army hold themselves
while their defenders are fighting in their front.  Wright reconnoitred
some distance to his front:  but the enemy finding Old Cold Harbor
already taken had halted and fortified some distance west.

By six o'clock in the afternoon Wright and Smith were ready to make an
assault.  In front of both the ground was clear for several hundred
yards and then became wooded.  Both charged across this open space and
into the wood, capturing and holding the first line of rifle-pits of the
enemy, and also capturing seven or eight hundred prisoners.

While this was going on, the enemy charged Warren three separate times
with vigor, but were repulsed each time with loss.  There was no officer
more capable, nor one more prompt in acting, than Warren when the enemy
forced him to it.  There was also an attack upon Hancock's and
Burnside's corps at the same time; but it was feeble and probably only
intended to relieve Anderson who was being pressed by Wright and Smith.

During the night the enemy made frequent attacks with the view of
dispossessing us of the important position we had gained, but without
effecting their object.

Hancock was moved from his place in line during the night and ordered to
the left of Wright.  I expected to take the offensive on the morning of
the 2d, but the night was so dark, the heat and dust so excessive and
the roads so intricate and hard to keep, that the head of column only
reached Old Cold Harbor at six o'clock, but was in position at 7.30 A.M.
Preparations were made for an attack in the afternoon, but did not take
place until the next morning.  Warren's corps was moved to the left to
connect with Smith:  Hancock's corps was got into position to the left
of Wright's, and Burnside was moved to Bethesda Church in reserve. While
Warren and Burnside were making these changes the enemy came out several
times and attacked them, capturing several hundred prisoners.  The
attacks were repulsed, but not followed up as they should have been.  I
was so annoyed at this that I directed Meade to instruct his corps
commanders that they should seize all such opportunities when they
occurred, and not wait for orders, all of our manoeuvres being made for
the very purpose of getting the enemy out of his cover.

On this day Wilson returned from his raid upon the Virginia Central
Railroad, having damaged it considerably.  But, like ourselves, the
rebels had become experts in repairing such damage.  Sherman, in his
memoirs, relates an anecdote of his campaign to Atlanta that well
illustrates this point.  The rebel cavalry lurking in his rear to burn
bridges and obstruct his communications had become so disgusted at
hearing trains go whistling by within a few hours after a bridge had
been burned, that they proposed to try blowing up some of the tunnels.
One of them said, "No use, boys, Old Sherman carries duplicate tunnels
with him, and will replace them as fast as you can blow them up; better
save your powder."

Sheridan was engaged reconnoitring the banks of the Chickahominy, to
find crossings and the condition of the roads.  He reported favorably.

During the night Lee moved his left up to make his line correspond to
ours.  His lines extended now from the Totopotomoy to New Cold Harbor.
Mine from Bethesda Church by Old Cold Harbor to the Chickahominy, with a
division of cavalry guarding our right.  An assault was ordered for the
3d, to be made mainly by the corps of Hancock, Wright and Smith; but
Warren and Burnside were to support it by threatening Lee's left, and to
attack with great earnestness if he should either reinforce more
threatened points by drawing from that quarter or if a favorable
opportunity should present itself.

The corps commanders were to select the points in their respective
fronts where they would make their assaults.  The move was to commence
at half-past four in the morning.  Hancock sent Barlow and Gibbon
forward at the appointed hour, with Birney as a reserve.  Barlow pushed
forward with great vigor, under a heavy fire of both artillery and
musketry, through thickets and swamps.  Notwithstanding all the
resistance of the enemy and the natural obstructions to overcome, he
carried a position occupied by the enemy outside their main line where
the road makes a deep cut through a bank affording as good a shelter for
troops as if it had been made for that purpose.  Three pieces of
artillery had been captured here, and several hundred prisoners.  The
guns were immediately turned against the men who had just been using
them.  No (*33) assistance coming to him, he (Barlow) intrenched under
fire and continued to hold his place.  Gibbon was not so fortunate in
his front.  He found the ground over which he had to pass cut up with
deep ravines, and a morass difficult to cross.  But his men struggled on
until some of them got up to the very parapet covering the enemy.
Gibbon gained ground much nearer the enemy than that which he left, and
here he intrenched and held fast.

Wright's corps moving in two lines captured the outer rifle-pits in
their front, but accomplished nothing more.  Smith's corps also gained
the outer rifle-pits in its front.  The ground over which this corps
(18th) had to move was the most exposed of any over which charges were
made.  An open plain intervened between the contending forces at this
point, which was exposed both to a direct and a cross fire.  Smith,
however, finding a ravine running towards his front, sufficiently deep
to protect men in it from cross fire, and somewhat from a direct fire,
put Martindale's division in it, and with Brooks supporting him on the
left and Devens on the right succeeded in gaining the outer--probably
picket--rifle-pits.  Warren and Burnside also advanced and gained
ground--which brought the whole army on one line.

This assault cost us heavily and probably without benefit to compensate:
but the enemy was not cheered by the occurrence sufficiently to induce
him to take the offensive.  In fact, nowhere after the battle of the
Wilderness did Lee show any disposition to leave his defences far behind
him.

Fighting was substantially over by half-past seven in the morning.  At
eleven o'clock I started to visit all the corps commanders to see for
myself the different positions gained and to get their opinion of the
practicability of doing anything more in their respective fronts.

Hancock gave the opinion that in his front the enemy was too strong to
make any further assault promise success.  Wright thought he could gain
the lines of the enemy, but it would require the cooperation of
Hancock's and Smith's corps.  Smith thought a lodgment possible, but was
not sanguine:  Burnside thought something could be done in his front,
but Warren differed.  I concluded, therefore to make no more assaults,
and a little after twelve directed in the following letter that all
offensive action should cease.


COLD HARBOR, June 3, 1864.-12.30 P.M. MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE,

Commanding A. P.

The opinion of corps commanders not being sanguine of success in case an
assault is ordered, you may direct a suspension of farther advance for
the present.  Hold our most advanced positions and strengthen them.
Whilst on the defensive our line may be contracted from the right if
practicable.

Reconnoissances should be made in front of every corps and advances made
to advantageous positions by regular approaches. To aid the expedition
under General Hunter it is necessary that we should detain all the army
now with Lee until the former gets well on his way to Lynchburg.  To do
this effectually it will be better to keep the enemy out of the
intrenchments of Richmond than to have them go back there.

Wright and Hancock should be ready to assault in case the enemy should
break through General Smith's lines, and all should be ready to resist
an assault.

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General.


The remainder of the day was spent in strengthening the line we now
held.  By night we were as strong against Lee as he was against us.

During the night the enemy quitted our right front, abandoning some of
their wounded, and without burying their dead.  These we were able to
care for.  But there were many dead and wounded men between the lines of
the contending forces, which were now close together, who could not be
cared for without a cessation of hostilities.

So I wrote the following:


COLD HARBOR, VA., June 5, 1864.

GENERAL R.  E. LEE, Commanding Confederate Army.

It is reported to me that there are wounded men, probably of both
armies, now lying exposed and suffering between the lines occupied
respectively by the two armies.  Humanity would dictate that some
provision should be made to provide against such hardships.  I would
propose, therefore, that hereafter, when no battle is raging, either
party be authorized to send to any point between the pickets or skirmish
lines, unarmed men bearing litters to pick up their dead or wounded,
without being fired upon by the other party.  Any other method, equally
fair to both parties, you may propose for meeting the end desired will
be accepted by me.

U. S. GRANT, Lieut.-General.


Lee replied that he feared such an arrangement would lead to
misunderstanding, and proposed that in future, when either party wished
to remove their dead and wounded, a flag of truce be sent.  I answered
this immediately by saying:


COLD HARBOR, VA., June 6, 1864.

GENERAL R. E. LEE, Commanding Army of N. Va.

Your communication of yesterday's date is received.  I will send
immediately, as you propose, to collect the dead and wounded between the
lines of the two armies, and will also instruct that you be allowed to
do the same.  I propose that the time for doing this be between the
hours of 12 M. and 3 P.M. to-day.  I will direct all parties going out
to bear a white flag, and not to attempt to go beyond where we have dead
or wounded, and not beyond or on ground occupied by your troops.

U. S. GRANT, Lieut.-General.


Lee's response was that he could not consent to the burial of the dead
and removal of the wounded in the way I proposed, but when either party
desired such permission it should be asked for by flag of truce and he
had directed that any parties I may have sent out, as mentioned in my
letter, to be turned back.  I answered:


COLD HARBOR, VA, June 6, 1864.

GENERAL R. E. LEE. Commanding Army, N. Va.

The knowledge that wounded men are now suffering from want of attention,
between the two armies, compels me to ask a suspension of hostilities
for sufficient time to collect them in, say two hours.  Permit me to say
that the hours you may fix upon for this will be agreeable to me, and
the same privilege will be extended to such parties as you may wish to
send out on the same duty without further application.

U. S. GRANT, Lieut.-General.


Lee acceded to this; but delays in transmitting the correspondence
brought it to the 7th of June--forty-eight hours after it commenced
--before parties were got out to collect the men left upon the field.
In the meantime all but two of the wounded had died.  And I wrote to
Lee:


COLD HARBOR, VA., June 7, 1864. 10.30 A.M.

GEN. R. E. LEE, Commanding Army of N. Va.

I regret that your note of seven P.M. yesterday should have been
received at the nearest corps headquarters, to where it was delivered,
after the hour which had been given for the removal of the dead and
wounded had expired; 10.45 P.M. was the hour at which it was received at
corps headquarters, and between eleven and twelve it reached my
headquarters.  As a consequence, it was not understood by the troops of
this army that there was a cessation of hostilities for the purpose of
collecting the dead and wounded, and none were collected.  Two officers
and six men of the 8th and 25th North Carolina Regts., who were out in
search of the bodies of officers of their respective regiments, were
captured and brought into our lines, owing to this want of
understanding.  I regret this, but will state that as soon as I learned
the fact, I directed that they should not be held as prisoners, but must
be returned to their commands.  These officers and men having been
carelessly brought through our lines to the rear have not determined
whether they will be sent back the way they came, or whether they will
be sent by some other route.

Regretting that all my efforts for alleviating the sufferings of wounded
men left upon the battle-field have been rendered nugatory, I remain,
&c.,

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General.


I have always regretted that the last assault at Cold Harbor was ever
made.  I might say the same thing of the assault of the 22d of May,
1863, at Vicksburg.  At Cold Harbor no advantage whatever was gained to
compensate for the heavy loss we sustained.  Indeed, the advantages
other than those of relative losses, were on the Confederate side.
Before that, the Army of Northern Virginia seemed to have acquired a
wholesome regard for the courage, endurance, and soldierly qualities
generally of the Army of the Potomac.  They no longer wanted to fight
them "one Confederate to five Yanks."  Indeed, they seemed to have given
up any idea of gaining any advantage of their antagonist in the open
field.  They had come to much prefer breastworks in their front to the
Army of the Potomac.  This charge seemed to revive their hopes
temporarily; but it was of short duration.  The effect upon the Army of
the Potomac was the reverse.  When we reached the James River, however,
all effects of the battle of Cold Harbor seemed to have disappeared.

There was more justification for the assault at Vicksburg.  We were in a
Southern climate, at the beginning of the hot season.  The Army of the
Tennessee had won five successive victories over the garrison of
Vicksburg in the three preceding weeks.  They had driven a portion of
that army from Port Gibson with considerable loss, after having flanked
them out of their stronghold at Grand Gulf.  They had attacked another
portion of the same army at Raymond, more than fifty miles farther in
the interior of the State, and driven them back into Jackson with great
loss in killed, wounded, captured and missing, besides loss of large and
small arms:  they had captured the capital of the State of Mississippi,
with a large amount of materials of war and manufactures.  Only a few
days before, they had beaten the enemy then penned up in the town first
at Champion's Hill, next at Big Black River Bridge, inflicting upon him
a loss of fifteen thousand or more men (including those cut off from
returning) besides large losses in arms and ammunition.  The Army of the
Tennessee had come to believe that they could beat their antagonist
under any circumstances.  There was no telling how long a regular siege
might last.  As I have stated, it was the beginning of the hot season in
a Southern climate.  There was no telling what the casualties might be
among Northern troops working and living in trenches, drinking surface
water filtered through rich vegetation, under a tropical sun.  If
Vicksburg could have been carried in May, it would not only have saved
the army the risk it ran of a greater danger than from the bullets of
the enemy, but it would have given us a splendid army, well equipped and
officered, to operate elsewhere with. These are reasons justifying the
assault.  The only benefit we gained--and it was a slight one for so
great a sacrifice--was that the men worked cheerfully in the trenches
after that, being satisfied with digging the enemy out.  Had the assault
not been made, I have no doubt that the majority of those engaged in the
siege of Vicksburg would have believed that had we assaulted it would
have proven successful, and would have saved life, health and comfort.



CHAPTER LVI.

LEFT FLANK MOVEMENT ACROSS THE CHICKAHOMINY AND JAMES--GENERAL LEE
--VISIT TO BUTLER--THE MOVEMENT ON PETERSBURG--THE INVESTMENT OF
PETERSBURG.

Lee's position was now so near Richmond, and the intervening swamps of
the Chickahominy so great an obstacle to the movement of troops in the
face of an enemy, that I determined to make my next left flank move
carry the Army of the Potomac south of the James River. (*34)
Preparations for this were promptly commenced. The move was a hazardous
one to make:  the Chickahominy River, with its marshy and heavily
timbered approaches, had to be crossed; all the bridges over it east of
Lee were destroyed; the enemy had a shorter line and better roads to
travel on to confront me in crossing; more than fifty miles intervened
between me and Butler, by the roads I should have to travel, with both
the James and the Chickahominy unbridged to cross; and last, the Army of
the Potomac had to be got out of a position but a few hundred yards from
the enemy at the widest place.  Lee, if he did not choose to follow me,
might, with his shorter distance to travel and his bridges over the
Chickahominy and the James, move rapidly on Butler and crush him before
the army with me could come to his relief.  Then too he might spare
troops enough to send against Hunter who was approaching Lynchburg,
living upon the country he passed through, and without ammunition
further than what he carried with him.

But the move had to be made, and I relied upon Lee's not seeing my
danger as I saw it.  Besides we had armies on both sides of the James
River and not far from the Confederate capital.  I knew that its safety
would be a matter of the first consideration with the executive,
legislative and judicial branches of the so-called Confederate
government, if it was not with the military commanders.  But I took all
the precaution I knew of to guard against all dangers.

Sheridan was sent with two divisions, to communicate with Hunter and to
break up the Virginia Central Railroad and the James River Canal, on the
7th of June, taking instructions to Hunter to come back with him (*35).
Hunter was also informed by way of Washington and the Valley that
Sheridan was on the way to meet him.  The canal and Central Road, and
the regions penetrated by them, were of vast importance to the enemy,
furnishing and carrying a large per cent. of all the supplies for the
Army of Northern Virginia and the people of Richmond.  Before Sheridan
got off on the 7th news was received from Hunter reporting his advance
to Staunton and successful engagement with the enemy near that place on
the 5th, in which the Confederate commander, W. S. Jones, was killed.
On the 4th of June the enemy having withdrawn his left corps, Burnside
on our right was moved up between Warren and Smith.  On the 5th Birney
returned to Hancock, which extended his left now to the Chickahominy,
and Warren was withdrawn to Cold Harbor.  Wright was directed to send
two divisions to the left to extend down the banks of that stream to
Bottom's Bridge.  The cavalry extended still farther east to Jones's
Bridge.

On the 7th Abercrombie--who was in command at White House, and who had
been in command at our base of supplies in all the changes made from the
start--was ordered to take up the iron from the York River Railroad and
put it on boats, and to be in readiness to move by water to City Point.

On the 8th Meade was directed to fortify a line down the bank
overlooking the Chickahominy, under cover of which the army could move.

On the 9th Abercrombie was directed to send all organized troops
arriving at White House, without debarking from their transports, to
report to Butler.  Halleck was at this time instructed to send all
reinforcements to City Point.

On the 11th I wrote:


COLD HARBOR, VA., June 11, 1864.

MAJOR-GEN. B. F. BUTLER, Commanding Department of Va. and N. C.

The movement to transfer this army to the south side of the James River
will commence after dark to-morrow night.  Col. Comstock, of my staff,
was sent specially to ascertain what was necessary to make your position
secure in the interval during which the enemy might use most of his
force against you, and also, to ascertain what point on the river we
should reach to effect a crossing if it should not be practicable to
reach this side of the river at Bermuda Hundred.  Colonel Comstock has
not yet returned, so that I cannot make instructions as definite as I
would wish, but the time between this and Sunday night being so short in
which to get word to you, I must do the best I can.  Colonel Dent goes
to the Chickahominy to take to you the 18th corps.  The corps will leave
its position in the trenches as early in the evening, tomorrow, as
possible, and make a forced march to Cole's Landing or Ferry, where it
should reach by ten A.M. the following morning.  This corps numbers now
15,300 men.  They take with them neither wagons nor artillery; these
latter marching with the balance of the army to the James River.  The
remainder of the army will cross the Chickahominy at Long Bridge and at
Jones's, and strike the river at the most practicable crossing below
City Point.

I directed several days ago that all reinforcements for the army should
be sent to you.  I am not advised of the number that may have gone, but
suppose you have received from six to ten thousand.  General Smith will
also reach you as soon as the enemy could, going by the way of Richmond.

The balance of the force will not be more than one day behind, unless
detained by the whole of Lee's army, in which case you will be strong
enough.

I wish you would direct the proper staff officers, your chief-engineer
and your chief-quartermaster, to commence at once the collection of all
the means in their reach for crossing the army on its arrival.  If there
is a point below City Point where a pontoon bridge can be thrown, have
it laid.

Expecting the arrival of the 18th corps by Monday night, if you deem it
practicable from the force you have to seize and hold Petersburg, you
may prepare to start, on the arrival of troops to hold your present
lines.  I do not want Petersburg visited, however, unless it is held,
nor an attempt to take it, unless you feel a reasonable degree of
confidence of success.  If you should go there, I think troops should
take nothing with them except what they can carry, depending upon
supplies being sent after the place is secured.  If Colonel Dent should
not succeed in securing the requisite amount of transportation for the
18th corps before reaching you, please have the balance supplied.

U. S. GRANT, Lieut.-General.

P. S.--On reflection I will send the 18th corps by way of White House.
The distance which they will have to march will be enough shorter to
enable them to reach you about the same time, and the uncertainty of
navigation on the Chickahominy will be avoided.

U. S. GRANT.


COLD HARBOR, VA., June 11,1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL G. G. MEADE, Commanding Army of the Potomac.

Colonel Comstock, who visited the James River for the purpose of
ascertaining the best point below Bermuda Hundred to which to march the
army has not yet returned.  It is now getting so late, however, that all
preparations may be made for the move to-morrow night without waiting
longer.

The movement will be made as heretofore agreed upon, that is, the 18th
corps make a rapid march with the infantry alone, their wagons and
artillery accompanying the balance of the army to Cole's Landing or
Ferry, and there embark for City Point, losing no time for rest until
they reach the latter point.

The 5th corps will seize Long Bridge and move out on the Long Bridge
Road to its junction with Quaker Road, or until stopped by the enemy.

The other three corps will follow in such order as you may direct, one
of them crossing at Long Bridge, and two at Jones's Bridge.  After the
crossing is effected, the most practicable roads will be taken to reach
about Fort Powhattan.  Of course, this is supposing the enemy makes no
opposition to our advance.  The 5th corps, after securing the passage of
the balance of the army, will join or follow in rear of the corps which
crosses the same bridge with themselves.  The wagon trains should be
kept well east of the troops, and if a crossing can be found, or made
lower down than Jones's they should take it.

U. S. GRANT, Lieut.-General.

P. S.--In view of the long march to reach Cole's Landing, and the
uncertainty of being able to embark a large number of men there, the
direction of the 18th corps may be changed to White House.  They should
be directed to load up transports, and start them as fast as loaded
without waiting for the whole corps or even whole divisions to go
together.

U. S. GRANT.


About this time word was received (through the Richmond papers of the
11th) that Crook and Averell had united and were moving east.  This,
with the news of Hunter's successful engagement near Staunton, was no
doubt known to Lee before it was to me. Then Sheridan leaving with two
divisions of cavalry, looked indeed threatening, both to Lee's
communications and supplies. Much of his cavalry was sent after
Sheridan, and Early with Ewell's entire corps was sent to the Valley.
Supplies were growing scarce in Richmond, and the sources from which to
draw them were in our hands.  People from outside began to pour into
Richmond to help eat up the little on hand.  Consternation reigned
there.

On the 12th Smith was ordered to move at night to White House, not to
stop until he reached there, and to take boats at once for City Point,
leaving his trains and artillery to move by land.

Soon after dark some of the cavalry at Long Bridge effected a crossing
by wading and floundering through the water and mud, leaving their
horses behind, and drove away the cavalry pickets.  A pontoon bridge was
speedily thrown across, over which the remainder of the army soon passed
and pushed out for a mile or two to watch and detain any advance that
might be made from the other side.  Warren followed the cavalry, and by
the morning of the 13th had his whole corps over.  Hancock followed
Warren.  Burnside took the road to Jones's Bridge, followed by Wright.
Ferrero's division, with the wagon train, moved farther east, by Window
Shades and Cole's Ferry, our rear being covered by cavalry.

It was known that the enemy had some gunboats at Richmond. These might
run down at night and inflict great damage upon us before they could be
sunk or captured by our navy.  General Butler had, in advance, loaded
some vessels with stone ready to be sunk so as to obstruct the channel
in an emergency.  On the 13th I sent orders to have these sunk as high
up the river as we could guard them, and prevent their removal by the
enemy.

As soon as Warren's corps was over the Chickahominy it marched out and
joined the cavalry in holding the roads from Richmond while the army
passed.  No attempt was made by the enemy to impede our march, however,
but Warren and Wilson reported the enemy strongly fortified in their
front.  By the evening of the 13th Hancock's corps was at Charles City
Court House on the James River.  Burnside's and Wright's corps were on
the Chickahominy, and crossed during the night, Warren's corps and the
cavalry still covering the army.  The material for a pontoon bridge was
already at hand and the work of laying it was commenced immediately,
under the superintendence of Brigadier-General Benham, commanding the
engineer brigade.  On the evening of the 14th the crossing commenced,
Hancock in advance, using both the bridge and boats.

When the Wilderness campaign commenced the Army of the Potomac,
including Burnside's--which was a separate command until the 24th of May
when it was incorporated with the main army--numbered about 116,000 men.
During the progress of the campaign about 40,000 reinforcements were
received.  At the crossing of the James River June 14th-15th the army
numbered about 115,000.  Besides the ordinary losses incident to a
campaign of six weeks' nearly constant fighting or skirmishing, about
one-half of the artillery was sent back to Washington, and many men were
discharged by reason of the expiration of their term of service.* In
estimating our strength every enlisted man and every commissioned
officer present is included, no matter how employed; in bands, sick in
field hospitals, hospital attendants, company cooks and all.  Operating
in an enemy's country, and being supplied always from a distant base,
large detachments had at all times to be sent from the front, not only
to guard the base of supplies and the roads to it, but all the roads
leading to our flanks and rear.  We were also operating in a country
unknown to us, and without competent guides or maps showing the roads
accurately.

The manner of estimating numbers in the two armies differs materially.
In the Confederate army often only bayonets are taken into account,
never, I believe, do they estimate more than are handling the guns of
the artillery and armed with muskets (*36) or carbines.  Generally the
latter are far enough away to be excluded from the count in any one
field.  Officers and details of enlisted men are not included.  In the
Northern armies the estimate is most liberal, taking in all connected
with the army and drawing pay.

Estimated in the same manner as ours, Lee had not less than 80,000 men
at the start.  His reinforcements were about equal to ours during the
campaign, deducting the discharged men and those sent back.  He was on
the defensive, and in a country in which every stream, every road, every
obstacle to the movement of troops and every natural defence was
familiar to him and his army.  The citizens were all friendly to him and
his cause, and could and did furnish him with accurate reports of our
every move.  Rear guards were not necessary for him, and having always a
railroad at his back, large wagon trains were not required. All
circumstances considered we did not have any advantage in numbers.

General Lee, who had led the Army of Northern Virginia in all these
contests, was a very highly estimated man in the Confederate army and
States, and filled also a very high place in the estimation of the
people and press of the Northern States.  His praise was sounded
throughout the entire North after every action he was engaged in:  the
number of his forces was always lowered and that of the National forces
exaggerated.  He was a large, austere man, and I judge difficult of
approach to his subordinates.  To be extolled by the entire press of the
South after every engagement, and by a portion of the press North with
equal vehemence, was calculated to give him the entire confidence of his
troops and to make him feared by his antagonists.  It was not an
uncommon thing for my staff-officers to hear from Eastern officers,
"Well, Grant has never met Bobby Lee yet."  There were good and true
officers who believe now that the Army of Northern Virginia was superior
to the Army of the Potomac man to man.  I do not believe so, except as
the advantages spoken of above made them so.  Before the end I believe
the difference was the other way.  The Army of Northern Virginia became
despondent and saw the end.  It did not please them.  The National army
saw the same thing, and were encouraged by it.

The advance of the Army of the Potomac reached the James on the 14th of
June.  Preparations were at once commenced for laying the pontoon
bridges and crossing the river.  As already stated, I had previously
ordered General Butler to have two vessels loaded with stone and carried
up the river to a point above that occupied by our gunboats, where the
channel was narrow, and sunk there so as to obstruct the passage and
prevent Confederate gunboats from coming down the river.  Butler had had
these boats filled and put in position, but had not had them sunk before
my arrival.  I ordered this done, and also directed that he should turn
over all material and boats not then in use in the river to be used in
ferrying the troops across.

I then, on the 14th, took a steamer and ran up to Bermuda Hundred to see
General Butler for the purpose of directing a movement against
Petersburg, while our troops of the Army of the Potomac were crossing.

I had sent General W. F. Smith back from Cold Harbor by the way of White
House, thence on steamers to City Point for the purpose of giving
General Butler more troops with which to accomplish this result.
General Butler was ordered to send Smith with his troops reinforced, as
far as that could be conveniently done, from other parts of the Army of
the James.  He gave Smith about six thousand reinforcements, including
some twenty-five hundred cavalry under Kautz, and about thirty-five
hundred colored infantry under Hinks.

The distance which Smith had to move to reach the enemy's lines was
about six miles, and the Confederate advance line of works was but two
miles outside of Petersburg.  Smith was to move under cover of night, up
close to the enemy's works, and assault as soon as he could after
daylight.  I believed then, and still believe, that Petersburg could
have been easily captured at that time.  It only had about 2,500 men in
the defences besides some irregular troops, consisting of citizens and
employees in the city who took up arms in case of emergency.  Smith
started as proposed, but his advance encountered a rebel force
intrenched between City Point and their lines outside of Petersburg.
This position he carried, with some loss to the enemy; but there was so
much delay that it was daylight before his troops really got off from
there.  While there I informed General Butler that Hancock's corps would
cross the river and move to Petersburg to support Smith in case the
latter was successful, and that I could reinforce there more rapidly
than Lee could reinforce from his position.

I returned down the river to where the troops of the Army of the Potomac
now were, communicated to General Meade, in writing, the directions I
had given to General Butler and directed him (Meade) to cross Hancock's
corps over under cover of night, and push them forward in the morning to
Petersburg; halting them, however, at a designated point until they
could hear from Smith.  I also informed General Meade that I had ordered
rations from Bermuda Hundred for Hancock's corps, and desired him to
issue them speedily, and to lose no more time than was absolutely
necessary.  The rations did not reach him, however, and Hancock, while
he got all his corps over during the night, remained until half-past ten
in the hope of receiving them.  He then moved without them, and on the
road received a note from General W. F. Smith, asking him to come on.
This seems to be the first information that General Hancock had received
of the fact that he was to go to Petersburg, or that anything particular
was expected of him.  Otherwise he would have been there by four o'clock
in the afternoon.

Smith arrived in front of the enemy's lines early in the forenoon of the
15th, and spent the day until after seven o'clock in the evening in
reconnoitering what appeared to be empty works.  The enemy's line
consisted of redans occupying commanding positions, with rifle-pits
connecting them.  To the east side of Petersburg, from the Appomattox
back, there were thirteen of these redans extending a distance of
several miles, probably three.  If they had been properly manned they
could have held out against any force that could have attacked them, at
least until reinforcements could have got up from the north of Richmond.

Smith assaulted with the colored troops, and with success.  By nine
o'clock at night he was in possession of five of these redans and, of
course, of the connecting lines of rifle-pits. All of them contained
artillery, which fell into our hands. Hancock came up and proposed to
take any part assigned to him; and Smith asked him to relieve his men
who were in the trenches.

Next morning, the 16th, Hancock himself was in command, and captured
another redan.  Meade came up in the afternoon and succeeded Hancock,
who had to be relieved, temporarily, from the command of his corps on
account of the breaking out afresh of the wound he had received at
Gettysburg.  During the day Meade assaulted and carried one more redan
to his right and two to his left.  In all this we lost very heavily.
The works were not strongly manned, but they all had guns in them which
fell into our hands, together with the men who were handling them in the
effort to repel these assaults.

Up to this time Beauregard, who had commanded south of Richmond, had
received no reinforcements, except Hoke's division from Drury's
Bluff,(*37) which had arrived on the morning of the 16th; though he had
urged the authorities very strongly to send them, believing, as he did,
that Petersburg would be a valuable prize which we might seek.

During the 17th the fighting was very severe and the losses heavy; and
at night our troops occupied about the same position they had occupied
in the morning, except that they held a redan which had been captured by
Potter during the day.  During the night, however, Beauregard fell back
to the line which had been already selected, and commenced fortifying
it.  Our troops advanced on the 18th to the line which he had abandoned,
and found that the Confederate loss had been very severe, many of the
enemy's dead still remaining in the ditches and in front of them.

Colonel J. L. Chamberlain, of the 20th Maine, was wounded on the 18th.
He was gallantly leading his brigade at the time, as he had been in
the habit of doing in all the engagements in which he had previously
been engaged.  He had several times been recommended for a
brigadier-generalcy for gallant and meritorious conduct.  On this
occasion, however, I promoted him on the spot, and forwarded a copy of
my order to the War Department, asking that my act might be confirmed
and Chamberlain's name sent to the Senate for confirmation without any
delay.  This was done, and at last a gallant and meritorious officer
received partial justice at the hands of his government, which he had
served so faithfully and so well.

If General Hancock's orders of the 15th had been communicated to him,
that officer, with his usual promptness, would undoubtedly have been
upon the ground around Petersburg as early as four o'clock in the
afternoon of the 15th.  The days were long and it would have given him
considerable time before night.  I do not think there is any doubt that
Petersburg itself could have been carried without much loss; or, at
least, if protected by inner detached works, that a line could have been
established very much in rear of the one then occupied by the enemy.
This would have given us control of both the Weldon and South Side
railroads.  This would also have saved an immense amount of hard
fighting which had to be done from the 15th to the 18th, and would have
given us greatly the advantage in the long siege which ensued.

I now ordered the troops to be put under cover and allowed some of the
rest which they had so long needed.  They remained quiet, except that
there was more or less firing every day, until the 22d, when General
Meade ordered an advance towards the Weldon Railroad.  We were very
anxious to get to that road, and even round to the South Side Railroad
if possible.

Meade moved Hancock's corps, now commanded by Birney, to the left, with
a view to at least force the enemy to stay within the limits of his own
line.  General Wright, with the 6th corps, was ordered by a road farther
south, to march directly for the Weldon road.  The enemy passed in
between these two corps and attacked vigorously, and with very serious
results to the National troops, who were then withdrawn from their
advanced position.

The Army of the Potomac was given the investment of Petersburg, while
the Army of the James held Bermuda Hundred and all the ground we
possessed north of the James River.  The 9th corps, Burnside's, was
placed upon the right at Petersburg; the 5th, Warren's, next; the 2d,
Birney's, next; then the 6th, Wright's, broken off to the left and
south.  Thus began the siege of Petersburg.



CHAPTER LVII.

RAID ON THE VIRGINIA CENTRAL RAILROAD--RAID ON THE WELDON RAILROAD
--EARLY 'S MOVEMENT UPON WASHINGTON--MINING THE WORKS BEFORE PETERSBURG
--EXPLOSION OF THE MINE BEFORE PETERSBURG--CAMPAIGN IN THE SHENANDOAH
VALLEY--CAPTURE OF THE WELDON RAILROAD.

On the 7th of June, while at Cold Harbor, I had as already indicated
sent Sheridan with two divisions of cavalry to destroy as much as he
could of the Virginia Central Railroad.  General Hunter had been
operating up the Shenandoah Valley with some success, having fought a
battle near Staunton where he captured a great many prisoners, besides
killing and wounding a good many men.  After the battle he formed a
junction at Staunton with Averell and Crook, who had come up from the
Kanawha, or Gauley River.  It was supposed, therefore, that General
Hunter would be about Charlottesville, Virginia, by the time Sheridan
could get there, doing on the way the damage that he was sent to do.

I gave Sheridan instructions to have Hunter, in case he should meet him
about Charlottesville, join and return with him to the Army of the
Potomac.  Lee, hearing of Hunter's success in the valley, started
Breckinridge out for its defence at once. Learning later of Sheridan's
going with two divisions, he also sent Hampton with two divisions of
cavalry, his own and Fitz-Hugh Lee's.

Sheridan moved to the north side of the North Anna to get out west, and
learned of the movement of these troops to the south side of the same
stream almost as soon as they had started. He pushed on to get to
Trevilian Station to commence his destruction at that point.  On the
night of the 10th he bivouacked some six or seven miles east of
Trevilian, while Fitz-Hugh Lee was the same night at Trevilian Station
and Hampton but a few miles away.

During the night Hampton ordered an advance on Sheridan, hoping, no
doubt, to surprise and very badly cripple him.  Sheridan, however, by a
counter move sent Custer on a rapid march to get between the two
divisions of the enemy and into their rear. This he did successfully, so
that at daylight, when the assault was made, the enemy found himself at
the same time resisted in front and attacked in rear, and broke in some
confusion.  The losses were probably very light on both sides in killed
and wounded, but Sheridan got away with some five hundred prisoners and
sent them to City Point.

During that day, the 11th, Sheridan moved into Trevilian Station, and
the following day proceeded to tear up the road east and west.  There
was considerable fighting during the whole of the day, but the work of
destruction went on.  In the meantime, at night, the enemy had taken
possession of the crossing which Sheridan had proposed to take to go
north when he left Trevilian.  Sheridan learned, however, from some of
the prisoners he had captured here, that General Hunter was about
Lynchburg, and therefore that there was no use of his going on to
Charlottesville with a view to meet him.

Sheridan started back during the night of the 12th, and made his way
north and farther east, coming around by the north side of White House,
and arriving there on the 21st.  Here he found an abundance of forage
for his animals, food for his men, and security while resting.  He had
been obliged to leave about ninety of his own men in the field-hospital
which he had established near Trevilian, and these necessarily fell into
the hands of the enemy.

White House up to this time had been a depot; but now that our troops
were all on the James River, it was no longer wanted as a store of
supplies.  Sheridan was, therefore, directed to break it up; which he
did on the 22d of June, bringing the garrison and an immense wagon train
with him.  All these were over the James River by the 26th of the month,
and Sheridan ready to follow.

In the meantime Meade had sent Wilson's division on a raid to destroy
the Weldon and South Side roads.  Now that Sheridan was safe and Hampton
free to return to Richmond with his cavalry, Wilson's position became
precarious.  Meade therefore, on the 27th, ordered Sheridan over the
river to make a demonstration in favor of Wilson.  Wilson got back,
though not without severe loss, having struck both roads, but the damage
done was soon repaired.

After these events comparative quiet reigned about Petersburg until late
in July.  The time, however, was spent in strengthening the
intrenchments and making our position generally more secure against a
sudden attack.  In the meantime I had to look after other portions of my
command, where things had not been going on so favorably, always, as I
could have wished.

General Hunter who had been appointed to succeed Sigel in the Shenandoah
Valley immediately took up the offensive.  He met the enemy on the 5th
of June at Piedmont, and defeated him.  On the 8th he formed a junction
with Crook and Averell at Staunton, from which place he moved direct on
Lynchburg, via Lexington, which he reached and invested on the 16th.  Up
to this time he was very successful; and but for the difficulty of
taking with him sufficient ordnance stores over so long a march, through
a hostile country, he would, no doubt, have captured Lynchburg. The
destruction of the enemy's supplies and manufactories had been very
great.  To meet this movement under General Hunter, General Lee sent
Early with his corps, a part of which reached Lynchburg before Hunter.
After some skirmishing on the 17th and 18th, General Hunter, owing to a
want of ammunition to give battle, retired from before the place.
Unfortunately, this want of ammunition left him no choice of route for
his return but by the way of the Gauley and Kanawha rivers, thence up
the Ohio River, returning to Harper's Ferry by way of the Baltimore and
Ohio Railroad.  A long time was consumed in making this movement.
Meantime the valley was left open to Early's troops, and others in that
quarter; and Washington also was uncovered. Early took advantage of this
condition of affairs and moved on Washington.

In the absence of Hunter, General Lew Wallace, with headquarters at
Baltimore, commanded the department in which the Shenandoah lay.  His
surplus of troops with which to move against the enemy was small in
number.  Most of these were raw and, consequently, very much inferior to
our veterans and to the veterans which Early had with him; but the
situation of Washington was precarious, and Wallace moved with
commendable promptitude to meet the enemy at the Monocacy.  He could
hardly have expected to defeat him badly, but he hoped to cripple and
delay him until Washington could be put into a state of preparation for
his reception.  I had previously ordered General Meade to send a
division to Baltimore for the purpose of adding to the defences of
Washington, and he had sent Ricketts's division of the 6th corps
(Wright's), which arrived in Baltimore on the 8th of July.  Finding that
Wallace had gone to the front with his command, Ricketts immediately
took the cars and followed him to the Monocacy with his entire division.
They met the enemy and, as might have been expected, were defeated; but
they succeeded in stopping him for the day on which the battle took
place.  The next morning Early started on his march to the capital of
the Nation, arriving before it on the 11th.

Learning of the gravity of the situation I had directed General Meade to
also order Wright with the rest of his corps directly to Washington for
the relief of that place, and the latter reached there the very day that
Early arrived before it.  The 19th corps, which had been stationed in
Louisiana, having been ordered up to reinforce the armies about
Richmond, had about this time arrived at Fortress Monroe, on their way
to join us. I diverted them from that point to Washington, which place
they reached, almost simultaneously with Wright, on the 11th.  The 19th
corps was commanded by Major-General Emory.

Early made his reconnoissance with a view of attacking on the following
morning, the 12th; but the next morning he found our intrenchments,
which were very strong, fully manned.  He at once commenced to retreat,
Wright following.  There is no telling how much this result was
contributed to by General Lew Wallace's leading what might well be
considered almost a forlorn hope.  If Early had been but one day earlier
he might have entered the capital before the arrival of the
reinforcements I had sent. Whether the delay caused by the battle
amounted to a day or not, General Wallace contributed on this occasion,
by the defeat of the troops under him a greater benefit to the cause
than often falls to the lot of a commander of an equal force to render
by means of a victory.

Farther west also the troubles were threatening.  Some time before,
Forrest had met Sturgis in command of some of our cavalry in Mississippi
and handled him very roughly, gaining a very great victory over him.
This left Forrest free to go almost where he pleased, and to cut the
roads in rear of Sherman who was then advancing.  Sherman was abundantly
able to look after the army that he was immediately with, and all of his
military division so long as he could communicate with it; but it was my
place to see that he had the means with which to hold his rear.  Two
divisions under A. J. Smith had been sent to Banks in Louisiana some
months before.  Sherman ordered these back, with directions to attack
Forrest.  Smith met and defeated him very badly.  I then directed that
Smith should hang to Forrest and not let him go; and to prevent by all
means his getting upon the Memphis and Nashville Railroad.  Sherman had
anticipated me in this matter, and given the same orders in substance;
but receiving my directions for this order to Smith, he repeated it.

On the 25th of June General Burnside had commenced running a mine from
about the centre of his front under the Confederate works confronting
him.  He was induced to do this by Colonel Pleasants, of the
Pennsylvania Volunteers, whose regiment was mostly composed of miners,
and who was himself a practical miner.  Burnside had submitted the
scheme to Meade and myself, and we both approved of it, as a means of
keeping the men occupied.  His position was very favorable for carrying
on this work, but not so favorable for the operations to follow its
completion.  The position of the two lines at that point were only about
a hundred yards apart with a comparatively deep ravine intervening.  In
the bottom of this ravine the work commenced.  The position was
unfavorable in this particular: that the enemy's line at that point was
re-entering, so that its front was commanded by their own lines both to
the right and left.  Then, too, the ground was sloping upward back of
the Confederate line for a considerable distance, and it was presumable
that the enemy had, at least, a detached work on this highest point.
The work progressed, and on the 23d of July the mine was finished ready
for charging; but I had this work of charging deferred until we were
ready for it.

On the 17th of July several deserters came in and said that there was
great consternation in Richmond, and that Lee was coming out to make an
attack upon us the object being to put us on the defensive so that he
might detach troops to go to Georgia where the army Sherman was
operating against was said to be in great trouble.  I put the army
commanders, Meade and Butler, on the lookout, but the attack was not
made.

I concluded, then, a few days later, to do something in the way of
offensive movement myself, having in view something of the same object
that Lee had had.  Wright's and Emory's corps were in Washington, and
with this reduction of my force Lee might very readily have spared some
troops from the defences to send West.  I had other objects in view,
however, besides keeping Lee where he was.  The mine was constructed and
ready to be exploded, and I wanted to take that occasion to carry
Petersburg if I could.  It was the object, therefore, to get as many of
Lee's troops away from the south side of the James River as possible.
Accordingly, on the 26th, we commenced a movement with Hancock's corps
and Sheridan's cavalry to the north side by the way of Deep Bottom,
where Butler had a pontoon bridge laid. The plan, in the main, was to
let the cavalry cut loose and, joining with Kautz's cavalry of the Army
of the James, get by Lee's lines and destroy as much as they could of
the Virginia Central Railroad, while, in the mean time, the infantry was
to move out so as to protect their rear and cover their retreat back
when they should have got through with their work.  We were successful
in drawing the enemy's troops to the north side of the James as I
expected.  The mine was ordered to be charged, and the morning of the
30th of July was the time fixed for its explosion.  I gave Meade minute
orders (*38) on the 24th directing how I wanted the assault conducted,
which orders he amplified into general instructions for the guidance of
the troops that were to be engaged.

Meade's instructions, which I, of course, approved most heartily, were
all that I can see now was necessary.  The only further precaution which
he could have taken, and which he could not foresee, would have been to
have different men to execute them.

The gallery to the mine was over five hundred feet long from where it
entered the ground to the point where it was under the enemy's works,
and with a cross gallery of something over eighty feet running under
their lines.  Eight chambers had been left, requiring a ton of powder
each to charge them.  All was ready by the time I had prescribed; and on
the 29th Hancock and Sheridan were brought back near the James River
with their troops.  Under cover of night they started to recross the
bridge at Deep Bottom, and to march directly for that part of our lines
in front of the mine.

Warren was to hold his line of intrenchments with a sufficient number of
men and concentrate the balance on the right next to Burnside's corps,
while Ord, now commanding the 18th corps, temporarily under Meade, was
to form in the rear of Burnside to support him when he went in.  All
were to clear off the parapets and the _abatis_ in their front so as to
leave the space as open as possible, and be able to charge the moment
the mine had been sprung and Burnside had taken possession.  Burnside's
corps was not to stop in the crater at all but push on to the top of the
hill, supported on the right and left by Ord's and Warren's corps.

Warren and Ord fulfilled their instructions perfectly so far as making
ready was concerned.  Burnside seemed to have paid no attention whatever
to the instructions, and left all the obstruction in his own front for
his troops to get over in the best way they could.  The four divisions
of his corps were commanded by Generals Potter, Willcox, Ledlie and
Ferrero.  The last was a colored division; and Burnside selected it to
make the assault.  Meade interfered with this.  Burnside then took
Ledlie's division--a worse selection than the first could have been.  In
fact, Potter and Willcox were the only division commanders Burnside had
who were equal to the occasion.  Ledlie besides being otherwise
inefficient, proved also to possess disqualification less common among
soldiers.

There was some delay about the explosion of the mine so that it did not
go off until about five o'clock in the morning.  When it did explode it
was very successful, making a crater twenty feet deep and something like
a hundred feet in length.  Instantly one hundred and ten cannon and
fifty mortars, which had been placed in the most commanding positions
covering the ground to the right and left of where the troops were to
enter the enemy's lines, commenced playing.  Ledlie's division marched
into the crater immediately on the explosion, but most of the men
stopped there in the absence of any one to give directions; their
commander having found some safe retreat to get into before they
started.  There was some delay on the left and right in advancing, but
some of the troops did get in and turn to the right and left, carrying
the rifle-pits as I expected they would do.

There had been great consternation in Petersburg, as we were well aware,
about a rumored mine that we were going to explode.  They knew we were
mining, and they had failed to cut our mine off by countermining, though
Beauregard had taken the precaution to run up a line of intrenchments to
the rear of that part of their line fronting where they could see that
our men were at work.  We had learned through deserters who had come in
that the people had very wild rumors about what was going on on our
side.  They said that we had undermined the whole of Petersburg; that
they were resting upon a slumbering volcano and did not know at what
moment they might expect an eruption.  I somewhat based my calculations
upon this state of feeling, and expected that when the mine was exploded
the troops to the right and left would flee in all directions, and that
our troops, if they moved promptly, could get in and strengthen
themselves before the enemy had come to a realization of the true
situation.  It was just as I expected it would be.  We could see the men
running without any apparent object except to get away. It was half an
hour before musketry firing, to amount to anything, was opened upon our
men in the crater.  It was an hour before the enemy got artillery up to
play upon them; and it was nine o'clock before Lee got up reinforcements
from his right to join in expelling our troops.

The effort was a stupendous failure.  It cost us about four thousand
men, mostly, however, captured; and all due to inefficiency on the part
of the corps commander and the incompetency of the division commander
who was sent to lead the assault.

After being fully assured of the failure of the mine, and finding that
most of that part of Lee's army which had been drawn north of the James
River were still there, I gave Meade directions to send a corps of
infantry and the cavalry next morning, before Lee could get his forces
back, to destroy fifteen or twenty miles of the Weldon Railroad.  But
misfortunes never come singly.  I learned during that same afternoon
that Wright's pursuit of Early was feeble because of the constant and
contrary orders he had been receiving from Washington, while I was cut
off from immediate communication by reason of our cable across
Chesapeake Bay being broken.  Early, however, was not aware of the fact
that Wright was not pursuing until he had reached Strasburg.  Finding
that he was not pursued he turned back to Winchester, where Crook was
stationed with a small force, and drove him out.  He then pushed north
until he had reached the Potomac, then he sent McCausland across to
Chambersburg, Pa., to destroy that town.  Chambersburg was a purely
defenceless town with no garrison whatever, and no fortifications; yet
McCausland, under Early's orders, burned the place and left about three
hundred families houseless.  This occurred on the 30th of July.  I
rescinded my orders for the troops to go out to destroy the Weldon
Railroad, and directed them to embark for Washington City.  After
burning Chambersburg McCausland retreated, pursued by our cavalry,
towards Cumberland.  They were met and defeated by General Kelley and
driven into Virginia.

The Shenandoah Valley was very important to the Confederates, because it
was the principal storehouse they now had for feeding their armies about
Richmond.  It was well known that they would make a desperate struggle
to maintain it.  It had been the source of a great deal of trouble to us
heretofore to guard that outlet to the north, partly because of the
incompetency of some of the commanders, but chiefly because of
interference from Washington.

It seemed to be the policy of General Halleck and Secretary Stanton to
keep any force sent there, in pursuit of the invading army, moving right
and left so as to keep between the enemy and our capital; and, generally
speaking, they pursued this policy until all knowledge of the
whereabouts of the enemy was lost. They were left, therefore, free to
supply themselves with horses, beef cattle, and such provisions as they
could carry away from Western Maryland and Pennsylvania.  I determined
to put a stop to this.  I started Sheridan at once for that field of
operation, and on the following day sent another division of his
cavalry.

I had previously asked to have Sheridan assigned to that command, but
Mr. Stanton objected, on the ground that he was too young for so
important a command.  On the 1st of August when I sent reinforcements
for the protection of Washington, I sent the following orders:


CITY POINT, VA.,

August 1, 1864, 11.30 A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Washington D. C.

I am sending General Sheridan for temporary duty whilst the enemy is
being expelled from the border.  Unless General Hunter is in the field
in person, I want Sheridan put in command of all the troops in the
field, with instructions to put himself south of the enemy and follow
him to the death.  Wherever the enemy goes let our troops go also.  Once
started up the valley they ought to be followed until we get possession
of the Virginia Central Railroad.  If General Hunter is in the field,
give Sheridan direct command of the 6th corps and cavalry division. All
the cavalry, I presume, will reach Washington in the course of
to-morrow.

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General.


The President in some way or other got to see this dispatch of mine
directing certain instructions to be given to the commanders in the
field, operating against Early, and sent me the following very
characteristic dispatch:


OFFICE U. S. MILITARY TELEGRAPH, WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C.,
August 3, 1864.

Cypher. 6 P.M.,

LT. GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.

I have seen your despatch in which you say, "I want Sheridan put in
command of all the troops in the field, with instructions to put himself
south of the enemy, and follow him to the death. Wherever the enemy
goes, let our troops go also."  This, I think, is exactly right, as to
how our forces should move.  But please look over the despatches you may
have received from here, even since you made that order, and discover,
if you can, that there is any idea in the head of any one here, of
"putting our army south of the enemy," or of "following him to the
death" in any direction.  I repeat to you it will neither be done nor
attempted unless you watch it every day, and hour, and force it.

A. LINCOLN.


I replied to this that "I would start in two hours for Washington," and
soon got off, going directly to the Monocacy without stopping at
Washington on my way.  I found General Hunter's army encamped there,
scattered over the fields along the banks of the Monocacy, with many
hundreds of cars and locomotives, belonging to the Baltimore and Ohio
Railroad, which he had taken the precaution to bring back and collect at
that point.  I asked the general where the enemy was.  He replied that
he did not know.  He said the fact was, that he was so embarrassed with
orders from Washington moving him first to the right and then to the
left that he had lost all trace of the enemy.

I then told the general that I would find out where the enemy was, and
at once ordered steam got up and trains made up, giving directions to
push for Halltown, some four miles above Harper's Ferry, in the
Shenandoah Valley.  The cavalry and the wagon trains were to march, but
all the troops that could be transported by the cars were to go in that
way.  I knew that the valley was of such importance to the enemy that,
no matter how much he was scattered at that time, he would in a very
short time be found in front of our troops moving south.

I then wrote out General Hunter's instructions. (*39)  I told him that
Sheridan was in Washington, and still another division was on its way;
and suggested that he establish the headquarters of the department at
any point that would suit him best, Cumberland, Baltimore, or elsewhere,
and give Sheridan command of the troops in the field.  The general
replied to this, that he thought he had better be relieved entirely.  He
said that General Halleck seemed so much to distrust his fitness for the
position he was in that he thought somebody else ought to be there.  He
did not want, in any way, to embarrass the cause; thus showing a
patriotism that was none too common in the army.  There were not many
major-generals who would voluntarily have asked to have the command of a
department taken from them on the supposition that for some particular
reason, or for any reason, the service would be better performed.  I
told him, "very well then," and telegraphed at once for Sheridan to come
to the Monocacy, and suggested that I would wait and meet him there.

Sheridan came at once by special train, but reached there after the
troops were all off.  I went to the station and remained there until he
arrived.  Myself and one or two of my staff were about all the Union
people, except General Hunter and his staff, who were left at the
Monocacy when Sheridan arrived.  I hastily told Sheridan what had been
done and what I wanted him to do, giving him, at the same time, the
written instructions which had been prepared for General Hunter and
directed to that officer.

Sheridan now had about 30,000 men to move with, 8,000 of them being
cavalry.  Early had about the same number, but the superior ability of
the National commander over the Confederate commander was so great that
all the latter's advantage of being on the defensive was more than
counterbalanced by this circumstance.  As I had predicted, Early was
soon found in front of Sheridan in the valley, and Pennsylvania and
Maryland were speedily freed from the invaders.  The importance of the
valley was so great to the Confederates that Lee reinforced Early, but
not to the extent that we thought and feared he would.

To prevent as much as possible these reinforcements from being sent out
from Richmond, I had to do something to compel Lee to retain his forces
about his capital.  I therefore gave orders for another move to the
north side of the James River, to threaten Richmond.  Hancock's corps,
part of the 10th corps under Birney, and Gregg's division of cavalry
were crossed to the north side of the James during the night of the
13th-14th of August.  A threatening position was maintained for a number
of days, with more or less skirmishing, and some tolerably hard
fighting; although it was my object and my instructions that anything
like a battle should be avoided, unless opportunities should present
themselves which would insure great success. General Meade was left in
command of the few troops around Petersburg, strongly intrenched; and
was instructed to keep a close watch upon the enemy in that quarter, and
himself to take advantage of any weakening that might occur through an
effort on the part of the enemy to reinforce the north side.  There was
no particular victory gained on either side; but during that time no
more reinforcements were sent to the valley.

I informed Sheridan of what had been done to prevent reinforcements
being sent from Richmond against him, and also that the efforts we had
made had proven that one of the divisions which we supposed had gone to
the valley was still at Richmond, because we had captured six or seven
hundred prisoners from that division, each of its four brigades having
contributed to our list of captures.  I also informed him that but one
division had gone, and it was possible that I should be able to prevent
the going of any more.

To add to my embarrassment at this time Sherman, who was now near
Atlanta, wanted reinforcements.  He was perfectly willing to take the
raw troops then being raised in the North-west, saying that he could
teach them more soldiering in one day among his troops than they would
learn in a week in a camp of instruction.  I therefore asked that all
troops in camps of instruction in the North-west be sent to him.
Sherman also wanted to be assured that no Eastern troops were moving out
against him.  I informed him of what I had done and assured him that I
would hold all the troops there that it was possible for me to hold, and
that up to that time none had gone.  I also informed him that his real
danger was from Kirby Smith, who commanded the trans-Mississippi
Department.  If Smith should escape Steele, and get across the
Mississippi River, he might move against him.  I had, therefore, asked
to have an expedition ready to move from New Orleans against Mobile in
case Kirby Smith should get across.  This would have a tendency to draw
him to the defence of that place, instead of going against Sherman.

Right in the midst of all these embarrassments Halleck informed me that
there was an organized scheme on foot in the North to resist the draft,
and suggested that it might become necessary to draw troops from the
field to put it down.  He also advised taking in sail, and not going too
fast.

The troops were withdrawn from the north side of the James River on the
night of the 20th.  Before they were withdrawn, however, and while most
of Lee's force was on that side of the river, Warren had been sent with
most of the 5th corps to capture the Weldon Railroad.  He took up his
line of march well back to the rear, south of the enemy, while the
troops remaining in the trenches extended so as to cover that part of
the line which he had vacated by moving out.  From our left, near the
old line, it was about three miles to the Weldon Railroad.  A division
was ordered from the right of the Petersburg line to reinforce Warren,
while a division was brought back from the north side of the James River
to take its place.

This road was very important to the enemy.  The limits from which his
supplies had been drawn were already very much contracted, and I knew
that he must fight desperately to protect it.  Warren carried the road,
though with heavy loss on both sides.  He fortified his new position,
and our trenches were then extended from the left of our main line to
connect with his new one.  Lee made repeated attempts to dislodge
Warren's corps, but without success, and with heavy loss.

As soon as Warren was fortified and reinforcements reached him, troops
were sent south to destroy the bridges on the Weldon Railroad; and with
such success that the enemy had to draw in wagons, for a distance of
about thirty miles, all the supplies they got thereafter from that
source.  It was on the 21st that Lee seemed to have given up the Weldon
Railroad as having been lost to him; but along about the 24th or 25th he
made renewed attempts to recapture it; again he failed and with very
heavy losses to him as compared with ours.

On the night of the 20th our troops on the north side of the James were
withdrawn, and Hancock and Gregg were sent south to destroy the Weldon
Railroad.  They were attacked on the 25th at Reams's Station, and after
desperate fighting a part of our line gave way, losing five pieces of
artillery.  But the Weldon Railroad never went out of our possession
from the 18th of August to the close of the war.



CHAPTER LVIII.

SHERIDAN'S ADVANCE--VISIT TO SHERIDAN--SHERIDAN'S VICTORY IN THE
SHENANDOAH--SHERIDAN'S RIDE TO WINCHESTER--CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN FOR THE
WINTER.

We had our troops on the Weldon Railroad contending against a large
force that regarded this road of so much importance that they could
afford to expend many lives in retaking it; Sherman just getting through
to Atlanta with great losses of men from casualties, discharges and
detachments left along as guards to occupy and hold the road in rear of
him; Washington threatened but a short time before, and now Early being
strengthened in the valley so as, probably, to renew that attempt.  It
kept me pretty active in looking after all these points.

On the 10th of August Sheridan had advanced on Early up the Shenandoah
Valley, Early falling back to Strasburg.  On the 12th I learned that Lee
had sent twenty pieces of artillery, two divisions of infantry and a
considerable cavalry force to strengthen Early.  It was important that
Sheridan should be informed of this, so I sent the information to
Washington by telegraph, and directed a courier to be sent from there to
get the message to Sheridan at all hazards, giving him the information.
The messenger, an officer of the army, pushed through with great energy
and reached Sheridan just in time. The officer went through by way of
Snicker's Gap, escorted by some cavalry.  He found Sheridan just making
his preparations to attack Early in his chosen position.  Now, however,
he was thrown back on the defensive.

On the 15th of September I started to visit General Sheridan in the
Shenandoah Valley.  My purpose was to have him attack Early, or drive
him out of the valley and destroy that source of supplies for Lee's
army.  I knew it was impossible for me to get orders through Washington
to Sheridan to make a move, because they would be stopped there and such
orders as Halleck's caution (and that of the Secretary of War) would
suggest would be given instead, and would, no doubt, be contradictory to
mine.  I therefore, without stopping at Washington, went directly
through to Charlestown, some ten miles above Harper's Ferry, and waited
there to see General Sheridan, having sent a courier in advance to
inform him where to meet me.

When Sheridan arrived I asked him if he had a map showing the positions
of his army and that of the enemy.  He at once drew one out of his side
pocket, showing all roads and streams, and the camps of the two armies.
He said that if he had permission he would move so and so (pointing out
how) against the Confederates, and that he could "whip them."  Before
starting I had drawn up a plan of campaign for Sheridan, which I had
brought with me; but, seeing that he was so clear and so positive in his
views and so confident of success, I said nothing about this and did not
take it out of my pocket.

Sheridan's wagon trains were kept at Harper's Ferry, where all of his
stores were.  By keeping the teams at that place, their forage did not
have to be hauled to them.  As supplies of ammunition, provisions and
rations for the men were wanted, trains would be made up to deliver the
stores to the commissaries and quartermasters encamped at Winchester.
Knowing that he, in making preparations to move at a given day, would
have to bring up wagons trains from Harper's Ferry, I asked him if he
could be ready to get off by the following Tuesday.  This was on Friday.
"O Yes," he said, he "could be off before daylight on Monday."  I told
him then to make the attack at that time and according to his own plan;
and I immediately started to return to the army about Richmond.  After
visiting Baltimore and Burlington, New Jersey, I arrived at City Point
on the 19th.

On the way out to Harper's Ferry I had met Mr. Robert Garrett, President
of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad.  He seemed very anxious to know when
workmen might be put upon the road again so as to make repairs and put
it in shape for running.  It was a large piece of property to have
standing idle.  I told him I could not answer then positively but would
try and inform him before a great while.  On my return Mr. Garrett met
me again with the same and I told him I thought that by the Wednesday he
might send his workmen out on his road.  I gave him no further
information however, and he had no suspicion of how I expected to have
the road cleared for his workmen.

Sheridan moved at the time he had fixed upon.  He met Early at the
crossing of Opequon Creek, a most decisive victory--one which the
country.  Early had invited this attack himself by his bad generalship
and made the victory easy.  He had sent G. T. Anderson's division east
of the Blue Ridge before I went to Harper's Ferry; and about the time I
arrived there he started other divisions (leaving but two in their
camps) to march to Martinsburg for the purpose destroying the Baltimore
and Ohio Railroad at that point.  Early here learned that I had been
with Sheridan and, supposing there was some movement on foot, started
back as soon as he got the information.  But his forces were separated
and, as I have said, he was very badly defeated.  He fell back to
Fisher's Hill, Sheridan following.

The valley is narrow at that point, and Early made another stand there,
behind works which extended across.  But Sheridan turned both his flanks
and again sent him speeding up the valley, following in hot pursuit.
The pursuit was continued up the valley to Mount Jackson and New Market.
Sheridan captured about eleven hundred prisoners and sixteen guns.  The
houses which he passed all along the route were found to be filled with
Early's wounded, and the country swarmed with his deserters.  Finally,
on the 25th, Early turned from the valley eastward, leaving Sheridan at
Harrisonburg in undisputed possession.

Now one of the main objects of the expedition began to be accomplished.
Sheridan went to work with his command, gathering in the crops, cattle,
and everything in the upper part of the valley required by our troops;
and especially taking what might be of use to the enemy.  What he could
not take away he destroyed, so that the enemy would not be invited to
come back there.  I congratulated Sheridan upon his recent great victory
and had a salute of a hundred guns fired in honor of it, the guns being
aimed at the enemy around Petersburg.  I also notified the other
commanders throughout the country, who also fired salutes in honor of
his victory.

I had reason to believe that the administration was a little afraid to
have a decisive battle at that time, for fear it might go against us and
have a bad effect on the November elections. The convention which had
met and made its nomination of the Democratic candidate for the
presidency had declared the war a failure.  Treason was talked as boldly
in Chicago at that convention as ever been in Charleston.  It was a
question whether the government would then have had the power to make
arrests and punish those who talked treason.  But this decisive victory
was the most effective campaign argument made in the canvass.

Sheridan, in his pursuit, got beyond where they could hear from him in
Washington, and the President became very much frightened about him.  He
was afraid that the hot pursuit had been a little like that of General
Cass was said to have been, in one of our Indian wars, when he was an
officer of army.  Cass was pursuing the Indians so closely that the
first thing he knew he found himself in front, and the Indians pursuing
him.  The President was afraid that Sheridan had got on the other side
of Early and that Early was in behind him.  He was afraid that Sheridan
was getting so far away that reinforcements would be sent out from
Richmond to enable Early to beat him.  I replied to the President that I
had taken steps to prevent Lee from sending reinforcements to Early, by
attacking the former where he was.

On the 28th of September, to retain Lee in his position, I sent Ord with
the 18th corps and Birney with the 10th corps to make an advance on
Richmond, to threaten it.  Ord moved with the left wing up to Chaffin's
Bluff; Birney with the 10th corps took a road farther north; while Kautz
with the cavalry took the Darby road, still farther to the north.  They
got across the river by the next morning, and made an effort to surprise
the enemy.  In that, however, they were unsuccessful.

The enemy's lines were very strong and very intricate. Stannard's
division of the 18th corps with General Burnham's brigade leading, tried
an assault against Fort Harrison and captured it with sixteen guns and a
good many prisoners. Burnham was killed in the assault.  Colonel Stevens
who succeeded him was badly wounded; and his successor also fell in the
same way.  Some works to the right and left were also carried with the
guns in them--six in number--and a few more prisoners.  Birney's troops
to the right captured the enemy's intrenched picket-lines, but were
unsuccessful in their efforts upon the main line.

Our troops fortified their new position, bringing Fort Harrison into the
new line and extending it to the river.  This brought us pretty close to
the enemy on the north side of the James, and the two opposing lines
maintained their relative positions to the close of the siege.

In the afternoon a further attempt was made to advance, but it failed.
Ord fell badly wounded, and had to be relieved; the command devolved
upon General Heckman, and later General Weitzel was assigned to the
command of the 18th corps.  During the night Lee reinforced his troops
about Fort Gilmer, which was at the right of Fort Harrison, by eight
additional brigades from Petersburg, and attempted to retake the works
which we had captured by concentrating ten brigades against them.  All
their efforts failed, their attacks being all repulsed with very heavy
loss.  In one of these assaults upon us General Stannard, a gallant
officer who was defending Fort Harrison, lost an arm. Our casualties
during these operations amounted to 394 killed, I,554 wounded and 324
missing.

Whilst this was going on General Meade was instructed to keep up an
appearance of moving troops to our extreme left.  Parke and Warren were
kept with two divisions, each under arms, ready to move leaving their
enclosed batteries manned, with a scattering line on the other
intrenchments.  The object of this was to prevent reinforcements from
going to the north side of the river.  Meade was instructed to watch the
enemy closely and, if Lee weakened his lines, to make an attack.

On the 30th these troops moved out, under Warren, and captured an
advanced intrenched camp at Peeble's farm, driving the enemy back to the
main line.  Our troops followed and made an attack in the hope of
carrying the enemy's main line; but in this they were unsuccessful and
lost a large number of men, mostly captured.  The number of killed and
wounded was not large.  The next day our troops advanced again and
established themselves, intrenching a new line about a mile in front of
the enemy.  This advanced Warren's position on the Weldon Railroad very
considerably.

Sheridan having driven the enemy out of the valley, and taken the
productions of the valley so that instead of going there for supplies
the enemy would have to bring his provisions with him if he again
entered it, recommended a reduction of his own force, the surplus to be
sent where it could be of more use.  I approved of his suggestion, and
ordered him to send Wright's corps back to the James River.  I further
directed him to repair the railroad up the Shenandoah Valley towards the
advanced position which we would hold with a small force.  The troops
were to be sent to Washington by the way of Culpeper, in order to watch
the east side of the Blue Ridge, and prevent the enemy from getting into
the rear of Sheridan while he was still doing his work of destruction.

The valley was so very important, however, to the Confederate army that,
contrary to our expectations, they determined to make one more strike,
and save it if possible before the supplies should be all destroyed.
Reinforcements were sent therefore to Early, and this before any of our
troops had been withdrawn. Early prepared to strike Sheridan at
Harrisonburg; but the latter had not remained there.

On the 6th of October Sheridan commenced retiring down the valley,
taking or destroying all the food and forage and driving the cattle
before him, Early following.  At Fisher's Hill Sheridan turned his
cavalry back on that of Early, which, under the lead of Rosser, was
pursuing closely, and routed it most completely, capturing eleven guns
and a large number of prisoners.  Sheridan lost only about sixty men.
His cavalry pursued the enemy back some twenty-five miles.  On the 10th
of October the march down the valley was again resumed, Early again
following.

I now ordered Sheridan to halt, and to improve the opportunity if
afforded by the enemy's having been sufficiently weakened, to move back
again and cut the James River Canal and Virginia Central Railroad.  But
this order had to go through Washington where it was intercepted; and
when Sheridan received what purported to be a statement of what I wanted
him to do it was something entirely different.  Halleck informed
Sheridan that it was my wish for him to hold a forward position as a
base from which to act against Charlottesville and Gordonsville; that he
should fortify this position and provision it.

Sheridan objected to this most decidedly; and I was impelled to
telegraph him, on the 14th, as follows:


CITY POINT, VA., October 14, 1864.--12.30 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL SHERIDAN, Cedar Creek, Va.

What I want is for you to threaten the Virginia Central Railroad and
canal in the manner your judgment tells you is best, holding yourself
ready to advance, if the enemy draw off their forces. If you make the
enemy hold a force equal to your own for the protection of those
thoroughfares, it will accomplish nearly as much as their destruction.
If you cannot do this, then the next best thing to do is to send here
all the force you can.  I deem a good cavalry force necessary for your
offensive, as well as defensive operations.  You need not therefore send
here more than one division of cavalry.

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General.


Sheridan having been summoned to Washington City, started on the 15th
leaving Wright in command.  His army was then at Cedar Creek, some
twenty miles south of Winchester.  The next morning while at Front
Royal, Sheridan received a dispatch from Wright, saying that a dispatch
from Longstreet to Early had been intercepted.  It directed the latter
to be ready to move and to crush Sheridan as soon as he, Longstreet,
arrived.  On the receipt of this news Sheridan ordered the cavalry up
the valley to join Wright.

On the 18th of October Early was ready to move, and during the night
succeeded in getting his troops in the rear of our left flank, which
fled precipitately and in great confusion down the valley, losing
eighteen pieces of artillery and a thousand or more prisoners.  The
right under General Getty maintained a firm and steady front, falling
back to Middletown where it took a position and made a stand.  The
cavalry went to the rear, seized the roads leading to Winchester and
held them for the use of our troops in falling back, General Wright
having ordered a retreat back to that place.

Sheridan having left Washington on the 18th, reached Winchester that
night.  The following morning he started to join his command.  He had
scarcely got out of town, when he met his men returning in panic from
the front and also heard heavy firing to the south.  He immediately
ordered the cavalry at Winchester to be deployed across the valley to
stop the stragglers.  Leaving members of his staff to take care of
Winchester and the public property there, he set out with a small escort
directly for the scene of battle.  As he met the fugitives he ordered
them to turn back, reminding them that they were going the wrong way.
His presence soon restored confidence.  Finding themselves worse
frightened than hurt the men did halt and turn back.  Many of those who
had run ten miles got back in time to redeem their reputation as gallant
soldiers before night.

When Sheridan got to the front he found Getty and Custer still holding
their ground firmly between the Confederates and our retreating troops.
Everything in the rear was now ordered up. Sheridan at once proceeded to
intrench his position; and he awaited an assault from the enemy.  This
was made with vigor, and was directed principally against Emory's corps,
which had sustained the principal loss in the first attack.  By one
o'clock the attack was repulsed.  Early was so badly damaged that he
seemed disinclined to make another attack, but went to work to intrench
himself with a view to holding the position he had already gained.  He
thought, no doubt, that Sheridan would be glad enough to leave him
unmolested; but in this he was mistaken.

About the middle of the afternoon Sheridan advanced.  He sent his
cavalry by both flanks, and they penetrated to the enemy's rear.  The
contest was close for a time, but at length the left of the enemy broke,
and disintegration along the whole line soon followed.  Early tried to
rally his men, but they were followed so closely that they had to give
way very quickly every time they attempted to make a stand.  Our
cavalry, having pushed on and got in the rear of the Confederates,
captured twenty-four pieces of artillery, besides retaking what had been
lost in the morning.  This victory pretty much closed the campaigning in
the Valley of Virginia.  All the Confederate troops were sent back to
Richmond with the exception of one division of infantry and a little
cavalry.  Wright's corps was ordered back to the Army of the Potomac,
and two other divisions were withdrawn from the valley.  Early had lost
more men in killed, wounded and captured in the valley than Sheridan had
commanded from first to last.

On more than one occasion in these engagements General R. B. Hayes, who
succeeded me as President of the United States, bore a very honorable
part.  His conduct on the field was marked by conspicuous gallantry as
well as the display of qualities of a higher order than that of mere
personal daring.  This might well have been expected of one who could
write at the time he is said to have done so:  "Any officer fit for duty
who at this crisis would abandon his post to electioneer for a seat in
Congress, ought to be scalped."  Having entered the army as a Major of
Volunteers at the beginning of the war, General Hayes attained by
meritorious service the rank of Brevet Major-General before its close.

On the north side of the James River the enemy attacked Kautz's cavalry
on the 7th of October, and drove it back with heavy loss in killed,
wounded and prisoners, and the loss of all the artillery.  This was
followed up by an attack on our intrenched infantry line, but was
repulsed with severe slaughter.  On the 13th a reconnoissance was sent
out by General Butler, with a view to drive the enemy from some new
works he was constructing, which resulted in heavy loss to us.

On the 24th I ordered General Meade to attempt to get possession of the
South Side Railroad, and for that purpose to advance on the 27th.  The
attempt proved a failure, however, the most advanced of our troops not
getting nearer than within six miles of the point aimed for.  Seeing the
impossibility of its accomplishment I ordered the troops to withdraw,
and they were all back in their former positions the next day.

Butler, by my directions, also made a demonstration on the north side of
the James River in order to support this move, by detaining there the
Confederate troops who were on that side. He succeeded in this, but
failed of further results by not marching past the enemy's left before
turning in on the Darby road and by reason of simply coming up against
their lines in place.

This closed active operations around Richmond for the winter. Of course
there was frequent skirmishing between pickets, but no serious battle
was fought near either Petersburg or Richmond. It would prolong this
work to give a detailed account of all that took place from day to day
around Petersburg and at other parts of my command, and it would not
interest the general reader if given.  All these details can be found by
the military student in a series of books published by the Scribners,
Badeau's history of my campaigns, and also in the publications of the
War Department, including both the National and Confederate reports.

In the latter part of November General Hancock was relieved from the
command of the 2d corps by the Secretary of War and ordered to
Washington, to organize and command a corps of veteran troops to be
designated the 1st corps.  It was expected that this would give him a
large command to co-operate with in the spring.  It was my expectation,
at the time, that in the final operations Hancock should move either up
the valley, or else east of the Blue Ridge to Lynchburg; the idea being
to make the spring campaign the close of the war.  I expected, with
Sherman coming up from the South, Meade south of Petersburg and around
Richmond, and Thomas's command in Tennessee with depots of supplies
established in the eastern part of that State, to move from the
direction of Washington or the valley towards Lynchburg.  We would then
have Lee so surrounded that his supplies would be cut off entirely,
making it impossible for him to support his army.

General Humphreys, chief-of-staff of the Army of the Potomac, was
assigned to the command of the 2d corps, to succeed Hancock.



CHAPTER LIX.

THE CAMPAIGN IN GEORGIA--SHERMAN'S MARCH TO THE SEA--WAR ANECDOTES--THE
MARCH ON SAVANNAH--INVESTMENT OF SAVANNAH--CAPTURE OF SAVANNAH.

Let us now return to the operations in the military division of the
Mississippi, and accompany Sherman in his march to the sea.

The possession of Atlanta by us narrowed the territory of the enemy very
materially and cut off one of his two remaining lines of roads from east
to west.

A short time after the fall of Atlanta Mr. Davis visited Palmetto and
Macon and made speeches at each place.  He spoke at Palmetto on the 20th
of September, and at Macon on the 22d. Inasmuch as he had relieved
Johnston and appointed Hood, and Hood had immediately taken the
initiative, it is natural to suppose that Mr. Davis was disappointed
with General Johnston's policy.  My own judgment is that Johnston acted
very wisely:  he husbanded his men and saved as much of his territory as
he could, without fighting decisive battles in which all might be lost.
As Sherman advanced, as I have show, his army became spread out, until,
if this had been continued, it would have been easy to destroy it in
detail.  I know that both Sherman and I were rejoiced when we heard of
the change.  Hood was unquestionably a brave, gallant soldier and not
destitute of ability; but unfortunately his policy was to fight the
enemy wherever he saw him, without thinking much of the consequences of
defeat.

In his speeches Mr. Davis denounced Governor Brown, of Georgia, and
General Johnston in unmeasured terms, even insinuating that their
loyalty to the Southern cause was doubtful.  So far as General Johnston
is concerned, I think Davis did him a great injustice in this
particular.  I had know the general before the war and strongly believed
it would be impossible for him to accept a high commission for the
purpose of betraying the cause he had espoused.  There, as I have said,
I think that his policy was the best one that could have been pursued by
the whole South--protract the war, which was all that was necessary to
enable them to gain recognition in the end.  The North was already
growing weary, as the South evidently was also, but with this
difference.  In the North the people governed, and could stop
hostilities whenever they chose to stop supplies.  The South was a
military camp, controlled absolutely by the government with soldiers to
back it, and the war could have been protracted, no matter to what
extent the discontent reached, up to the point of open mutiny of the
soldiers themselves.  Mr. Davis's speeches were frank appeals to the
people of Georgia and that portion of the South to come to their relief.
He tried to assure his frightened hearers that the Yankees were rapidly
digging their own graves; that measures were already being taken to cut
them off from supplies from the North; and that with a force in front,
and cut off from the rear, they must soon starve in the midst of a
hostile people.  Papers containing reports of these speeches immediately
reached the Northern States, and they were republished.  Of course, that
caused no alarm so long as telegraphic communication was kept up with
Sherman.

When Hood was forced to retreat from Atlanta he moved to the south-west
and was followed by a portion of Sherman's army.  He soon appeared upon
the railroad in Sherman's rear, and with his whole army began destroying
the road.  At the same time also the work was begun in Tennessee and
Kentucky which Mr. Davis had assured his hearers at Palmetto and Macon
would take place.  He ordered Forrest (about the ablest cavalry general
in the South) north for this purpose; and Forrest and Wheeler carried
out their orders with more or less destruction, occasionally picking up
a garrison.  Forrest indeed performed the very remarkable feat of
capturing, with cavalry, two gunboats and a number of transports,
something the accomplishment of which is very hard to account for.
Hood's army had been weakened by Governor Brown's withdrawing the
Georgia State troops for the purpose of gathering in the season's crops
for the use of the people and for the use of the army.  This not only
depleted Hood's forces but it served a most excellent purpose in
gathering in supplies of food and forage for the use of our army in its
subsequent march.  Sherman was obliged to push on with his force and go
himself with portions of it hither and thither, until it was clearly
demonstrated to him that with the army he then had it would be
impossible to hold the line from Atlanta back and leave him any force
whatever with which to take the offensive.  Had that plan been adhered
to, very large reinforcements would have been necessary; and Mr. Davis's
prediction of the destruction of the army would have been realized, or
else Sherman would have been obliged to make a successful retreat, which
Mr. Davis said in his speeches would prove more disastrous than
Napoleon's retreat from Moscow.

These speeches of Mr. Davis were not long in reaching Sherman. He took
advantage of the information they gave, and made all the preparation
possible for him to make to meet what now became expected, attempts to
break his communications.  Something else had to be done:  and to
Sherman's sensible and soldierly mind the idea was not long in dawning
upon him, not only that something else had to be done, but what that
something else should be.

On September 10th I telegraphed Sherman as follows:


CITY POINT, VA., Sept. 10, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL SHERMAN, Atlanta, Georgia.

So soon as your men are sufficiently rested, and preparations can be
made, it is desirable that another campaign should be commenced.  We
want to keep the enemy constantly pressed to the end of the war.  If we
give him no peace whilst the war lasts, the end cannot be distant.  Now
that we have all of Mobile Bay that is valuable, I do not know but it
will be the best move to transfer Canby's troops to act upon Savannah,
whilst you move on Augusta. I should like to hear from you, however, in
this matter.

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General.


Sherman replied promptly:

"If I could be sure of finding provisions and ammunition at Augusta, or
Columbus, Georgia, I can march to Milledgeville, and compel Hood to give
up Augusta or Macon, and then turn on the other.  * * * If you can
manage to take the Savannah River as high up as Augusta, or the
Chattahoochee as far up as Columbus, I can sweep the whole State of
Georgia."

On the 12th I sent a special messenger, one of my own staff, with a
letter inviting Sherman's views about the next campaign.

CITY POINT, VA., Sept. 12, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL W. T.  SHERMAN, Commanding Mill Division of the
Mississippi.

I send Lieutenant-Colonel Porter, of my staff, with this. Colonel Porter
will explain to you the exact condition of affairs here better than I
can do in the limits of a letter. Although I feel myself strong enough
for offensive operations, I am holding on quietly to get advantage of
recruits and convalescents, who are coming forward very rapidly.  My
lines are necessarily very long, extending from Deep Bottom north of the
James across the peninsula formed by the Appomattox and the James, and
south of the Appomattox to the Weldon Road.  This line is very strongly
fortified, and can be held with comparatively few men, but from its
great length takes many in the aggregate.  I propose, when I do move, to
extend my left so as to control what is known as the South Side, or
Lynchburg and Petersburg Road, then if possible to keep the Danville
Road cut.  At the same time this move is made, I want to send a force of
from six to ten thousand men against Wilmington.

The way I propose to do this is to land the men north of Fort Fisher,
and hold that point.  At the same time a large naval fleet will be
assembled there, and the iron-clads will run the batteries as they did
at Mobile.  This will give us the same control of the harbor of
Wilmington that we now have of the harbor of Mobile. What you are to do
with the forces at your command, I do not see. The difficulties of
supplying your army, except when you are constantly moving, beyond where
you are, I plainly see.  If it had not been for Price's movements Canby
would have sent twelve thousand more men to Mobile.  From your command
on the Mississippi an equal number could have been taken.  With these
forces my idea would have been to divide them, sending one half to
Mobile and the other half to Savannah.  You could then move as proposed
in your telegram, so as to threaten Macon and Augusta equally.
Whichever was abandoned by the enemy you could take and open up a new
base of supplies.  My object now in sending a staff officer is not so
much to suggest operations for you, as to get your views and have plans
matured by the time everything can be got ready.  It will probably be
the 5th of October before any of the plans herein indicated will be
executed.

If you have any promotions to recommend, send the names forward and I
will approve them. * * *

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General.


This reached Sherman on September 20th.

On the 25th of September Sherman reported to Washington that Hood's
troops were in his rear.  He had provided against this by sending a
division to Chattanooga and a division to Rome, Georgia, which was in
the rear of Hood, supposing that Hood would fall back in the direction
from which he had come to reach the railroad.  At the same time Sherman
and Hood kept up a correspondence relative to the exchange of prisoners,
the treatment of citizens, and other matters suitable to be arranged
between hostile commanders in the field.  On the 27th of September I
telegraphed Sherman as follows:


CITY POINT, VA., September 27, 1864--10.30 A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL SHERMAN:

I have directed all recruits and new troops from the Western States to
be sent to Nashville, to receive their further orders from you.  * * *

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General.


On the 29th Sherman sent Thomas back to Chattanooga, and afterwards to
Nashville, with another division (Morgan's) of the advanced army.
Sherman then suggested that, when he was prepared, his movements should
take place against Milledgeville and then to Savannah.  His expectation
at that time was, to make this movement as soon as he could get up his
supplies.  Hood was moving in his own country, and was moving light so
that he could make two miles to Sherman's one.  He depended upon the
country to gather his supplies, and so was not affected by delays.

As I have said, until this unexpected state of affairs happened, Mobile
had been looked upon as the objective point of Sherman's army.  It had
been a favorite move of mine from 1862, when I first suggested to the
then commander-in-chief that the troops in Louisiana, instead of
frittering away their time in the trans-Mississippi, should move
against Mobile.  I recommended this from time to time until I came into
command of the army, the last of March 1864.  Having the power in my own
hands, I now ordered the concentration of supplies, stores and troops,
in the department of the Gulf about New Orleans, with a view to a move
against Mobile, in support of, and in conjunction with, the other armies
operating in the field.  Before I came into command, these troops had
been scattered over the trans-Mississippi department in such a way that
they could not be, or were not, gotten back in time to take any part in
the original movement; hence the consideration, which had caused Mobile
to be selected as the objective point for Sherman's army to find his
next base of supplies after having cut loose from Atlanta, no longer
existed.

General G. M. Dodge, an exceedingly efficient officer, having been badly
wounded, had to leave the army about the first of October. He was in
command of two divisions of the 16th corps, consolidated into one.
Sherman then divided his army into the right and left wings the right
commanded by General O. O. Howard and the left by General Slocum.
General Dodge's two divisions were assigned, one to each of these wings.
Howard's command embraced the 15th and 17th corps, and Slocum's the 14th
and 20th corps, commanded by Generals Jeff. C. Davis and A. S. Williams.
Generals Logan and Blair commanded the two corps composing the right
wing.  About this time they left to take part in the presidential
election, which took place that year, leaving their corps to Osterhaus
and Ransom.  I have no doubt that their leaving was at the earnest
solicitation of the War Department. General Blair got back in time to
resume his command and to proceed with it throughout the march to the
sea and back to the grand review at Washington.  General Logan did not
return to his command until after it reached Savannah.

Logan felt very much aggrieved at the transfer of General Howard from
that portion of the Army of the Potomac which was then with the Western
Army, to the command of the Army of the Tennessee, with which army
General Logan had served from the battle of Belmont to the fall of
Atlanta--having passed successively through all grades from colonel
commanding a regiment to general commanding a brigade, division and army
corps, until upon the death of McPherson the command of the entire Army
of the Tennessee devolved upon him in the midst of a hotly contested
battle.  He conceived that he had done his full duty as commander in
that engagement; and I can bear testimony, from personal observation,
that he had proved himself fully equal to all the lower positions which
he had occupied as a soldier.  I will not pretend to question the motive
which actuated Sherman in taking an officer from another army to
supersede General Logan.  I have no doubt, whatever, that he did this
for what he considered would be to the good of the service, which was
more important than that the personal feelings of any individual should
not be aggrieved; though I doubt whether he had an officer with him who
could have filled the place as Logan would have done.  Differences of
opinion must exist between the best of friends as to policies in war,
and of judgment as to men's fitness.  The officer who has the command,
however, should be allowed to judge of the fitness of the officers under
him, unless he is very manifestly wrong.

Sherman's army, after all the depletions, numbered about sixty thousand
effective men.  All weak men had been left to hold the rear, and those
remaining were not only well men, but strong and hardy, so that he had
sixty thousand as good soldiers as ever trod the earth; better than any
European soldiers, because they not only worked like a machine but the
machine thought. European armies know very little what they are fighting
for, and care less. Included in these sixty thousand troops, there were
two small divisions of cavalry, numbering altogether about four thousand
men.  Hood had about thirty-five to forty thousand men, independent of
Forrest, whose forces were operating in Tennessee and Kentucky, as Mr.
Davis had promised they should.  This part of Mr. Davis's military plan
was admirable, and promised the best results of anything he could have
done, according to my judgment. I say this because I have criticised his
military judgment in the removal of Johnston, and also in the
appointment of Hood.  I am aware, however, that there was high feeling
existing at that time between Davis and his subordinate, whom I regarded
as one of his ablest lieutenants.

On the 5th of October the railroad back from Atlanta was again very
badly broken, Hood having got on the track with his army. Sherman saw
after night, from a high point, the road burning for miles.  The defence
of the railroad by our troops was very gallant, but they could not hold
points between their intrenched positions against Hood's whole army; in
fact they made no attempt to do so; but generally the intrenched
positions were held, as well as important bridges, and store located at
them. Allatoona, for instance, was defended by a small force of men
under the command of General Corse, one of the very able and efficient
volunteer officers produced by the war.  He, with a small force, was cut
off from the remainder of the National army and was attacked with great
vigor by many times his own number. Sherman from his high position could
see the battle raging, with the Confederate troops between him and his
subordinate.  He sent men, of course, to raise the temporary siege, but
the time that would be necessarily consumed in reaching Corse, would be
so great that all occupying the intrenchments might be dead.  Corse was
a man who would never surrender.  From a high position some of Sherman's
signal corps discovered a signal flag waving from a hole in the block
house at Allatoona.  It was from Corse.  He had been shot through the
face, but he signalled to his chief a message which left no doubt of his
determination to hold his post at all hazards.  It was at this point
probably, that Sherman first realized that with the forces at his
disposal, the keeping open of his line of communication with the North
would be impossible if he expected to retain any force with which to
operate offensively beyond Atlanta.  He proposed, therefore, to destroy
the roads back to Chattanooga, when all ready to move, and leave the
latter place garrisoned.  Yet, before abandoning the railroad, it was
necessary that he should repair damages already done, and hold the road
until he could get forward such supplies, ordnance stores and small
rations, as he wanted to carry with him on his proposed march, and to
return to the north his surplus artillery; his object being to move
light and to have no more artillery than could be used to advantage on
the field.

Sherman thought Hood would follow him, though he proposed to prepare for
the contingency of the latter moving the other way while he was moving
south, by making Thomas strong enough to hold Tennessee and Kentucky.
I, myself, was thoroughly satisfied that Hood would go north, as he did.
On the 2d of November I telegraphed Sherman authorizing him definitely
to move according to the plan he had proposed:  that is, cutting loose
from his base, giving up Atlanta and the railroad back to Chattanooga.
To strengthen Thomas he sent Stanley (4th corps) back, and also ordered
Schofield, commanding the Army of the Ohio, twelve thousand strong, to
report to him.  In addition to this, A. J. Smith, who, with two
divisions of Sherman's army, was in Missouri aiding Rosecrans in driving
the enemy from that State, was under orders to return to Thomas and,
under the most unfavorable circumstances, might be expected to arrive
there long before Hood could reach Nashville.

In addition to this, the new levies of troops that were being raised in
the  North-west went to Thomas as rapidly as enrolled and equipped.
Thomas, without any of these additions spoken of, had a garrison at
Chattanooga which had been strengthened by one division and garrisons at
Bridgeport, Stevenson, Decatur, Murfreesboro, and Florence.  There were
already with him in Nashville ten thousand soldiers in round numbers,
and many thousands of employees in the quartermaster's and other
departments who could be put in the intrenchments in front of Nashville,
for its defence.  Also, Wilson was there with ten thousand dismounted
cavalrymen, who were being equipped for the field.  Thomas had at this
time about forty-five thousand men without any of the reinforcements
here above enumerated.  These reinforcements gave him  altogether about
seventy thousand men, without counting what might be added by the new
levies already spoken of.

About this time Beauregard arrived upon the field, not to supersede Hood
in command, but to take general charge over the entire district in which
Hood and Sherman were, or might be, operating.  He made the most frantic
appeals to the citizens for assistance to be rendered in every way:  by
sending reinforcements, by destroying supplies on the line of march of
the invaders, by destroying the bridges over which they would have to
cross, and by, in every way, obstructing the roads to their front. But
it was hard to convince the people of the propriety of destroying
supplies which were so much needed by themselves, and each one hoped
that his own possessions might escape.

Hood soon started north, and went into camp near Decatur, Alabama, where
he remained until the 29th of October, but without making an attack on
the garrison of that place.

The Tennessee River was patrolled by gunboats, from Muscle Shoals east;
and, also, below the second shoals out to the Ohio River.  These, with
the troops that might be concentrated from the garrisons along the river
at any point where Hood might choose to attempt to cross, made it
impossible for him to cross the Tennessee at any place where it was
navigable.  But Muscle Shoals is not navigable, and below them again is
another shoal which also obstructs navigation.  Hood therefore moved
down to a point nearly opposite Florence, Alabama, crossed over and
remained there for some time, collecting supplies of food, forage and
ammunition. All of these had to come from a considerable distance south,
because the region in which he was then situated was mountainous, with
small valleys which produced but little, and what they had produced had
long since been exhausted.  On the 1st of November I suggested to
Sherman, and also asked his views thereon, the propriety of destroying
Hood before he started on his campaign.

On the 2d of November, as stated, I approved definitely his making his
proposed campaign through Georgia, leaving Hood behind to the tender
mercy of Thomas and the troops in his command.  Sherman fixed the 10th
of November as the day of starting.

Sherman started on that day to get back to Atlanta, and on the 15th the
real march to the sea commenced.  The right wing, under Howard, and the
cavalry went to Jonesboro, Milledgeville, then the capital of Georgia,
being Sherman's objective or stopping place on the way to Savannah.  The
left wing moved to Stone Mountain, along roads much farther east than
those taken by the right wing. Slocum was in command, and threatened
Augusta as the point to which he was moving, but he was to turn off and
meet the right wing at Milledgeville.

Atlanta was destroyed so far as to render it worthless for military
purposes before starting, Sherman himself remaining over a day to
superintend the work, and see that it was well done. Sherman's orders
for this campaign were perfect.  Before starting, he had sent back all
sick, disabled and weak men, retaining nothing but the hardy,
well-inured soldiers to accompany him on his long march in prospect.
His artillery was reduced to sixty-five guns. The ammunition carried
with them was two hundred rounds for musket and gun.  Small rations were
taken in a small wagon train, which was loaded to its capacity for rapid
movement.  The army was expected to live on the country, and to always
keep the wagons full of forage and provisions against a possible delay
of a few days.

The troops, both of the right and left wings, made most of their advance
along the line of railroads, which they destroyed.  The method adopted
to perform this work, was to burn and destroy all the bridges and
culverts, and for a long distance, at places, to tear up the track and
bend the rails.  Soldiers to do this rapidly would form a line along one
side of the road with crowbars and poles, place these under the rails
and, hoisting all at once, turn over many rods of road at one time.  The
ties would then be placed in piles, and the rails, as they were
loosened, would be carried and put across these log heaps.  When a
sufficient number of rails were placed upon a pile of ties it would be
set on fire.  This would heat the rails very much more in the middle,
that being over the main part of the fire, than at the ends, so that
they would naturally bend of their own weight; but the soldiers, to
increase the damage, would take tongs and, one or two men at each end of
the rail, carry it with force against the nearest tree and twist it
around, thus leaving rails forming bands to ornament the forest trees of
Georgia. All this work was going on at the same time, there being a
sufficient number of men detailed for that purpose. Some piled the logs
and built the fire; some put the rails upon the fire; while others would
bend those that were sufficiently heated: so that, by the time the last
bit of road was torn up, that it was designed to destroy at a certain
place, the rails previously taken up were already destroyed.

The organization for supplying the army was very complete.  Each brigade
furnished a company to gather supplies of forage and provisions for the
command to which they belonged.  Strict injunctions were issued against
pillaging, or otherwise unnecessarily annoying the people; but
everything in shape of food for man and forage for beast was taken.  The
supplies were turned over to the brigade commissary and quartermaster,
and were issued by them to their respective commands precisely the same
as if they had been purchased.  The captures consisted largely of
cattle, sheep, poultry, some bacon, cornmeal, often molasses, and
occasionally coffee or other small rations.

The skill of these men, called by themselves and the army "bummers," in
collecting their loads and getting back to their respective commands,
was marvellous.  When they started out in the morning, they were always
on foot; but scarcely one of them returned in the evening without being
mounted on a horse or mule. These would be turned in for the general use
of the army, and the next day these men would start out afoot and return
again in the evening mounted.

Many of the exploits of these men would fall under the head of romance;
indeed, I am afraid that in telling some of their experiences, the
romance got the better of the truth upon which the story was founded,
and that, in the way many of these anecdotes are told, very little of
the foundation is left.  I suspect that most of them consist chiefly of
the fiction added to make the stories better.  In one instance it was
reported that a few men of Sherman's army passed a house where they
discovered some chickens under the dwelling.  They immediately proceeded
to capture them, to add to the army's supplies.  The lady of the house,
who happened to be at home, made piteous appeals to have these spared,
saying they were a few she had put away to save by permission of other
parties who had preceded and who had taken all the others that she had.
The soldiers seemed moved at her appeal; but looking at the chickens
again they were tempted and one of them replied:  "The rebellion must be
suppressed if it takes the last chicken in the Confederacy," and
proceeded to appropriate the last one.

Another anecdote characteristic of these times has been told. The South,
prior to the rebellion, kept bloodhounds to pursue runaway slaves who
took refuge in the neighboring swamps, and also to hunt convicts.
Orders were issued to kill all these animals as they were met with.  On
one occasion a soldier picked up a poodle, the favorite pet of its
mistress, and was carrying it off to execution when the lady made a
strong appeal to him to spare it. The soldier replied, "Madam, our
orders are to kill every bloodhound."  "But this is not a bloodhound,"
said the lady.  "Well, madam, we cannot tell what it will grow into if
we leave it behind," said the soldier as he went off with it.

Notwithstanding these anecdotes, and the necessary hardship they would
seem to imply, I do not believe there was much unwarrantable pillaging
considering that we were in the enemy's territory and without any
supplies except such as the country afforded.

On the 23d Sherman, with the left wing, reached Milledgeville. The right
wing was not far off:  but proceeded on its way towards Savannah
destroying the road as it went.  The troops at Milledgeville remained
over a day to destroy factories, buildings used for military purposes,
etc., before resuming its march.

The governor, who had been almost defying Mr. Davis before this, now
fled precipitately, as did the legislature of the State and all the
State officers.  The governor, Sherman says, was careful to carry away
even his garden vegetables, while he left the archives of the State to
fall into our hands.  The only military force that was opposed to
Sherman's forward march was the Georgia militia, a division under the
command of General G. W. Smith, and a battalion under Harry Wayne.
Neither the quality of the forces nor their numbers was sufficient to
even retard the progress of Sherman's army.

The people at the South became so frantic at this time at the successful
invasion of Georgia that they took the cadets from the military college
and added them to the ranks of the militia.  They even liberated the
State convicts under promise from them that they would serve in the
army.  I have but little doubt that the worst acts that were attributed
to Sherman's army were committed by these convicts, and by other
Southern people who ought to have been under sentence--such people as
could be found in every community, North and South--who took advantage
of their country being invaded to commit crime.  They were in but little
danger of detection, or of arrest even if detected.

The Southern papers in commenting upon Sherman's movements pictured him
as in the most deplorable condition:  stating that his men were
starving, that they were demoralized and wandering about almost without
object, aiming only to reach the sea coast and get under the protection
of our navy.  These papers got to the North and had more or less effect
upon the minds of the people, causing much distress to all loyal persons
particularly to those who had husbands, sons or brothers with Sherman.
Mr. Lincoln seeing these accounts, had a letter written asking me if I
could give him anything that he could say to the loyal people that would
comfort them.  I told him there was not the slightest occasion for
alarm; that with 60,000 such men as Sherman had with him, such a
commanding officer as he was could not be cut off in the open country.
He might possibly be prevented from reaching the point he had started
out to reach, but he would get through somewhere and would finally get
to his chosen destination:  and even if worst came to worst he could
return North.  I heard afterwards of Mr. Lincoln's saying, to those who
would inquire of him as to what he thought about the safety of Sherman's
army, that Sherman was all right:  "Grant says they are safe with such a
general, and that if they cannot get out where they want to, they can
crawl back by the hole they went in at."

While at Milledgeville the soldiers met at the State House, organized a
legislature, and proceeded to business precisely as if they were the
legislative body belonging to the State of Georgia. The debates were
exciting, and were upon the subject of the situation the South was in at
that time, particularly the State of Georgia.  They went so far as to
repeal, after a spirited and acrimonious debate, the ordinance of
secession.

The next day (24th) Sherman continued his march, going by the way of
Waynesboro and Louisville, Millen being the next objective and where the
two columns (the right and left wings) were to meet.  The left wing
moved to the left of the direct road, and the cavalry still farther off
so as to make it look as though Augusta was the point they were aiming
for.  They moved on all the roads they could find leading in that
direction.  The cavalry was sent to make a rapid march in hope of
surprising Millen before the Union prisoners could be carried away; but
they failed in this.

The distance from Milledgeville to Millen was about one hundred miles.
At this point Wheeler, who had been ordered from Tennessee, arrived and
swelled the numbers and efficiency of the troops confronting Sherman.
Hardee, a native of Georgia, also came, but brought no troops with him.
It was intended that he should raise as large an army as possible with
which to intercept Sherman's march.  He did succeed in raising some
troops, and with these and those under the command of Wheeler and Wayne,
had an army sufficient to cause some annoyance but no great detention.
Our cavalry and Wheeler's had a pretty severe engagement, in which
Wheeler was driven towards Augusta, thus giving the idea that Sherman
was probably making for that point.

Millen was reached on the 3d of December, and the march was resumed the
following day for Savannah, the final objective. Bragg had now been sent
to Augusta with some troops.  Wade Hampton was there also trying to
raise cavalry sufficient to destroy Sherman's army.  If he ever raised a
force it was too late to do the work expected of it.  Hardee's whole
force probably numbered less than ten thousand men.

From Millen to Savannah the country is sandy and poor, and affords but
very little forage other than rice straw, which was then growing.  This
answered a very good purpose as forage, and the rice grain was an
addition to the soldier's rations.  No further resistance worthy of note
was met with, until within a few miles of Savannah.  This place was
found to be intrenched and garrisoned.  Sherman proceeded at once on his
arrival to invest the place, and found that the enemy had placed
torpedoes in the ground, which were to explode when stepped on by man or
beast. One of these exploded under an officer's horse, blowing the
animal to pieces and tearing one of the legs of the officer so badly
that it had to be amputated.  Sherman at once ordered his prisoners to
the front, moving them in a compact body in advance, to either explode
the torpedoes or dig them up.  No further explosion took place.

On the 10th of December the siege of Savannah commenced. Sherman then,
before proceeding any further with operations for the capture of the
place, started with some troops to open communication with our fleet,
which he expected to find in the lower harbor or as near by as the forts
of the enemy would permit. In marching to the coast he encountered Fort
McAllister, which it was necessary to reduce before the supplies he
might find on shipboard could be made available.  Fort McAllister was
soon captured by an assault made by General Hazen's division.
Communication was then established with the fleet.  The capture of
Savannah then only occupied a few days, and involved no great loss of
life.  The garrison, however, as we shall see, was enabled to escape by
crossing the river and moving eastward.

When Sherman had opened communication with the fleet he found there a
steamer, which I had forwarded to him, carrying the accumulated mails
for his army, also supplies which I supposed he would be in need of.
General J. G. Foster, who commanded all the troops south of North
Carolina on the Atlantic sea-board, visited General Sherman before he
had opened communication with the fleet, with the view of ascertaining
what assistance he could be to him.  Foster returned immediately to his
own headquarters at Hilton Head, for the purpose of sending Sherman
siege guns, and also if he should find he had them to spare, supplies of
clothing, hard bread, etc., thinking that these articles might not be
found outside.  The mail on the steamer which I sent down, had been
collected by Colonel A. H. Markland of the Post Office Department, who
went in charge of it.  On this same vessel I sent an officer of my staff
(Lieutenant Dunn) with the following letter to General Sherman:


CITY POINT, VA., Dec. 3, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL W. T.  SHERMAN, Commanding Armies near Savannah, Ga.

The little information gleaned from the Southern press, indicating no
great obstacle to your progress, I have directed your mails (which had
been previously collected at Baltimore by Colonel Markland, Special
Agent of the Post Office Department) to be sent as far as the blockading
squadron off Savannah, to be forwarded to you as soon as heard from on
the coast.

Not liking to rejoice before the victory is assured, I abstain from
congratulating you and those under your command, until bottom has been
struck.  I have never had a fear, however, for the result.

Since you left Atlanta, no very great progress has been made here. The
enemy has been closely watched though, and prevented from detaching
against you.  I think not one man has gone from here, except some twelve
or fifteen hundred dismounted cavalry.  Bragg has gone from Wilmington.
I am trying to take advantage of his absence to get possession of that
place.  Owing to some preparations Admiral Porter and General Butler are
making to blow up Fort Fisher (which, while hoping for the best, I do
not believe a particle in), there is a delay in getting this expedition
off.  I hope they will be ready to start by the 7th, and that Bragg will
not have started back by that time.

In this letter I do not intend to give you anything like directions for
future action, but will state a general idea I have, and will get your
views after you have established yourself on the sea-coast. With your
veteran army I hope to get control of the only two through routes from
east to west possessed by the enemy before the fall of Atlanta.  The
condition will be filled by holding Savannah and Augusta, or by holding
any other port to the east of Savannah and Branchville.  If Wilmington
falls, a force from there can co-operate with you.

Thomas has got back into the defences of Nashville, with Hood close upon
him.  Decatur has been abandoned, and so have all the roads except the
main one leading to Chattanooga.  Part of this falling back was
undoubtedly necessary and all of it may have been.  It did not look so,
however, to me.  In my opinion, Thomas far outnumbers Hood in infantry.
In cavalry, Hood has the advantage in morale and numbers.  I hope yet
that Hood will be badly crippled if not destroyed.  The general news you
will learn from the papers better than I could give it.

After all becomes quiet, and roads become so bad up here that there is
likely to be a week or two when nothing can be done, I will run down the
coast to see you.  If you desire it, I will ask Mrs. Sherman to go with
me.

Yours truly, U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General


I quote this letter because it gives the reader a full knowledge of the
events of that period.

Sherman now (the 15th) returned to Savannah to complete its investment
and insure the surrender of the garrison.  The country about Savannah is
low and marshy, and the city was well intrenched from the river above to
the river below; and assaults could not be made except along a
comparatively narrow causeway. For this reason assaults must have
resulted in serious destruction of life to the Union troops, with the
chance of failing altogether. Sherman therefore decided upon a complete
investment of the place.  When he believed this investment completed, he
summoned the garrison to surrender.  General Hardee, who was in command,
replied in substance that the condition of affairs was not such as
Sherman had described.  He said he was in full communication with his
department and was receiving supplies constantly.

Hardee, however, was cut off entirely from all communication with the
west side of the river, and by the river itself to the north and south.
On the South Carolina side the country was all rice fields, through
which it would have been impossible to bring supplies so that Hardee had
no possible communication with the outside world except by a dilapidated
plank road starting from the west bank of the river.  Sherman, receiving
this reply, proceeded in person to a point on the coast, where General
Foster had troops stationed under General Hatch, for the purpose of
making arrangements with the latter officer to go through by one of the
numerous channels running inland along that part of the coast of South
Carolina, to the plank road which General Hardee still possessed, and
thus to cut him off from the last means he had of getting supplies, if
not of communication.

While arranging for this movement, and before the attempt to execute the
plan had been commenced, Sherman received information through one of his
staff officers that the enemy had evacuated Savannah the night before.
This was the night of the 21st of December.  Before evacuating the place
Hardee had blown up the navy yard.  Some iron-clads had been destroyed,
as well as other property that might have been valuable to us; but he
left an immense amount of stores untouched, consisting of cotton,
railroad cars, workshops, numerous pieces of artillery, and several
thousand stands of small arms.

A little incident occurred, soon after the fall of Savannah, which
Sherman relates in his Memoirs, and which is worthy of repetition.
Savannah was one of the points where blockade runners entered. Shortly
after the city fell into our possession, a blockade runner came sailing
up serenely, not doubting but the Confederates were still in possession.
It was not molested, and the captain did not find out his mistake until
he had tied up and gone to the Custom House, where he found a new
occupant of the building, and made a less profitable disposition of his
vessel and cargo than he had expected.

As there was some discussion as to the authorship of Sherman's march to
the sea, by critics of his book when it appeared before the public, I
want to state here that no question upon that subject was ever raised
between General Sherman and myself. Circumstances made the plan on which
Sherman expected to act impracticable, as as commander of the forces he
necessarily had to devise a new on which would give more promise of
success: consequently he recommended the destruction of the railroad
back to Chattanooga, and that he should be authorized then to move, as
he did, from Atlanta forward.  His suggestions were finally approved,
although they did not immediately find favor in Washington.  Even when
it came to the time of starting, the greatest apprehension, as to the
propriety of the campaign he was about commence, filled the mind of the
President, induced no doubt by his advisers.  This went so far as to
move the President to ask me to suspend Sherman's march for a day or two
until I could think the matter over.  My recollection is, though I find
no record to show it, that out of deference to the President's wish I
did send a dispatch to Sherman asking him to wait a day or two, or else
the connections between us were already cut so that I could not do so.
However this may be, the question of who devised the plan of march from
Atlanta to Savannah is easily answered:  it was clearly Sherman, and to
him also belongs the credit of its brilliant execution.  It was hardly
possible that any one else than those on the spot could have devised a
new plan of campaign to supersede one that did not promise success.
(*40)

I was in favor of Sherman's plan from the time it was first submitted to
me.  My chief of staff, however, was very bitterly opposed to it and, as
I learned subsequently, finding that he could not move me, he appealed
to the authorities at Washington to stop it.



CHAPTER LX.

THE BATTLE OF FRANKLIN--THE BATTLE OF NASHVILLE.

As we have seen, Hood succeeded in crossing the Tennessee River between
Muscle Shoals and the lower shoals at the end of October, 1864.  Thomas
sent Schofield with the 4th and 23d corps, together with three brigades
of Wilson's cavalry to Pulaski to watch him.  On the 17th of November
Hood started and moved in such a manner as to avoid Schofield, thereby
turning his position.  Hood had with him three infantry corps, commanded
respectively by Stephen D. Lee, Stewart and Cheatham.  These, with his
cavalry, numbered about forty-five thousand men. Schofield had, of all
arms, about thirty thousand.  Thomas's orders were, therefore, for
Schofield to watch the movements of the enemy, but not to fight a battle
if he could avoid it; but to fall back in case of an advance on
Nashville, and to fight the enemy, as he fell back, so as to retard the
enemy's movements until he could be reinforced by Thomas himself.  As
soon as Schofield saw this movement of Hood's, he sent his trains to the
rear, but did not fall back himself until the 21st, and then only to
Columbia.  At Columbia there was a slight skirmish but no battle.  From
this place Schofield then retreated to Franklin.  He had sent his wagons
in advance, and Stanley had gone with them with two divisions to protect
them.  Cheatham's corps of Hood's army pursued the wagon train and went
into camp at Spring Hill, for the night of the 29th.

Schofield retreating from Columbia on the 29th, passed Spring Hill,
where Cheatham was bivouacked, during the night without molestation,
though within half a mile of where the Confederates were encamped.  On
the morning of the 30th he had arrived at Franklin.

Hood followed closely and reached Franklin in time to make an attack the
same day.  The fight was very desperate and sanguinary.  The Confederate
generals led their men in the repeated charges, and the loss among them
was of unusual proportions.  This fighting continued with great severity
until long after the night closed in, when the Confederates drew off.
General Stanley, who commanded two divisions of the Union troops, and
whose troops bore the brunt of the battle, was wounded in the fight, but
maintained his position.

The enemy's loss at Franklin, according to Thomas's report, was 1,750
buried upon the field by our troops, 3,800 in the hospital, and 702
prisoners besides.  Schofield's loss, as officially reported, was 189
killed, 1,033 wounded, and 1,104 captured and missing.

Thomas made no effort to reinforce Schofield at Franklin, as it seemed
to me at the time he should have done, and fight out the battle there.
He simply ordered Schofield to continue his retreat to Nashville, which
the latter did during that night and the next day.

Thomas, in the meantime, was making his preparations to receive Hood.
The road to Chattanooga was still well guarded with strong garrisons at
Murfreesboro, Stevenson, Bridgeport and Chattanooga.  Thomas had
previously given up Decatur and had been reinforced by A. J. Smith's two
divisions just returned from Missouri.  He also had Steedman's division
and R. S. Granger's, which he had drawn from the front.  His
quartermaster's men, about ten thousand in number, had been organized
and armed under the command of the chief quartermaster, General J. L.
Donaldson, and placed in the fortifications under the general
supervision of General Z. B. Tower, of the United States Engineers.

Hood was allowed to move upon Nashville, and to invest that place almost
without interference.  Thomas was strongly fortified in his position, so
that he would have been safe against the attack of Hood.  He had troops
enough even to annihilate him in the open field.  To me his delay was
unaccountable--sitting there and permitting himself to be invested, so
that, in the end, to raise the siege he would have to fight the enemy
strongly posted behind fortifications.  It is true the weather was very
bad.  The rain was falling and freezing as it fell, so that the ground
was covered with a sheet of ice, that made it very difficult to move.
But I was afraid that the enemy would find means of moving, elude Thomas
and manage to get north of the Cumberland River.  If he did this, I
apprehended most serious results from the campaign in the North, and was
afraid we might even have to send troops from the East to head him off
if he got there, General Thomas's movements being always so deliberate
and so slow, though effective in defence.

I consequently urged Thomas in frequent dispatches sent from City
Point(*41) to make the attack at once.  The country was alarmed, the
administration was alarmed, and I was alarmed lest the very thing would
take place which I have just described that is, Hood would get north.
It was all without avail further than to elicit dispatches from Thomas
saying that he was getting ready to move as soon as he could, that he
was making preparations, etc.  At last I had to say to General Thomas
that I should be obliged to remove him unless he acted promptly.  He
replied that he was very sorry, but he would move as soon as he could.

General Logan happening to visit City Point about that time, and knowing
him as a prompt, gallant and efficient officer, I gave him an order to
proceed to Nashville to relieve Thomas.  I directed him, however, not to
deliver the order or publish it until he reached there, and if Thomas
had moved, then not to deliver it at all, but communicate with me by
telegraph.  After Logan started, in thinking over the situation, I
became restless, and concluded to go myself.  I went as far as
Washington City, when a dispatch was received from General Thomas
announcing his readiness at last to move, and designating the time of
his movement.  I concluded to wait until that time. He did move, and was
successful from the start.  This was on the 15th of December.  General
Logan was at Louisville at the time this movement was made, and
telegraphed the fact to Washington, and proceeded no farther himself.

The battle during the 15th was severe, but favorable to the Union
troops, and continued until night closed in upon the combat.  The next
day the battle was renewed.  After a successful assault upon Hood's men
in their intrenchments the enemy fled in disorder, routed and broken,
leaving their dead, their artillery and small arms in great numbers on
the field, besides the wounded that were captured.  Our cavalry had
fought on foot as infantry, and had not their horses with them; so that
they were not ready to join in the pursuit the moment the enemy
retreated.  They sent back, however, for their horses, and endeavored to
get to Franklin ahead of Hood's broken army by the Granny White Road,
but too much time was consumed in getting started.  They had got but a
few miles beyond the scene of the battle when they found the enemy's
cavalry dismounted and behind intrenchments covering the road on which
they were advancing. Here another battle ensued, our men dismounting and
fighting on foot, in which the Confederates were again routed and driven
in great disorder.  Our cavalry then went into bivouac, and renewed the
pursuit on the following morning.  They were too late.  The enemy
already had possession of Franklin, and was beyond them. It now became a
chase in which the Confederates had the lead.

Our troops continued the pursuit to within a few miles of Columbia,
where they found the rebels had destroyed the railroad bridge as well as
all other bridges over Duck River.  The heavy rains of a few days before
had swelled the stream into a mad torrent, impassable except on bridges.
Unfortunately, either through a mistake in the wording of the order or
otherwise, the pontoon bridge which was to have been sent by rail out to
Franklin, to be taken thence with the pursuing column, had gone toward
Chattanooga.  There was, consequently, a delay of some four days in
building bridges out of the remains of the old railroad bridge.  Of
course Hood got such a start in this time that farther pursuit was
useless, although it was continued for some distance, but without coming
upon him again.



CHAPTER LXI.

EXPEDITION AGAINST FORT FISHER--ATTACK ON THE FORT--FAILURE OF THE
EXPEDITION--SECOND EXPEDITION AGAINST THE FORT--CAPTURE OF FORT FISHER.

Up to January, 1865, the enemy occupied Fort Fisher, at the mouth of
Cape Fear River and below the City of Wilmington.  This port was of
immense importance to the Confederates, because it formed their
principal inlet for blockade runners by means of which they brought in
from abroad such supplies and munitions of war as they could not produce
at home.  It was equally important to us to get possession of it, not
only because it was desirable to cut off their supplies so as to insure
a speedy termination of the war, but also because foreign governments,
particularly the British Government, were constantly threatening that
unless ours could maintain the blockade of that coast they should cease
to recognize any blockade.  For these reasons I determined, with the
concurrence of the Navy Department, in December, to send an expedition
against Fort Fisher for the purpose of capturing it.

To show the difficulty experienced in maintaining the blockade, I will
mention a circumstance that took place at Fort Fisher after its fall.
Two English blockade runners came in at night.  Their commanders, not
supposing the fort had fallen, worked their way through all our fleet
and got into the river unobserved.  They then signalled the fort,
announcing their arrival.  There was a colored man in the fort who had
been there before and who understood these signals.  He informed General
Terry what reply he should make to have them come in, and Terry did as
he advised.  The vessels came in, their officers entirely unconscious
that they were falling into the hands of the Union forces.  Even after
they were brought in to the fort they were entertained in conversation
for some little time before suspecting that the Union troops were
occupying the fort.  They were finally informed that their vessels and
cargoes were prizes.

I selected General Weitzel, of the Army of the James, to go with the
expedition, but gave instructions through General Butler.  He commanded
the department within whose geographical limits Fort Fisher was
situated, as well as Beaufort and other points on that coast held by our
troops; he was, therefore, entitled to the right of fitting out the
expedition against Fort Fisher.

General Butler conceived the idea that if a steamer loaded heavily with
powder could be run up to near the shore under the fort and exploded, it
would create great havoc and make the capture an easy matter.  Admiral
Porter, who was to command the naval squadron, seemed to fall in with
the idea, and it was not disapproved of in Washington; the navy was
therefore given the task of preparing the steamer for this purpose.  I
had no confidence in the success of the scheme, and so expressed myself;
but as no serious harm could come of the experiment, and the authorities
at Washington seemed desirous to have it tried, I permitted it.  The
steamer was sent to Beaufort, North Carolina, and was there loaded with
powder and prepared for the part she was to play in the reduction of
Fort Fisher.

General Butler chose to go in command of the expedition himself, and was
all ready to sail by the 9th of December (1864).  Very heavy storms
prevailed, however, at that time along that part of the sea-coast, and
prevented him from getting off until the 13th or 14th.  His advance
arrived off Fort Fisher on the 15th.  The naval force had been already
assembled, or was assembling, but they were obliged to run into Beaufort
for munitions, coal, etc.; then, too, the powder-boat was not yet fully
prepared. The fleet was ready to proceed on the 18th; but Butler, who
had remained outside from the 15th up to that time, now found himself
out of coal, fresh water, etc., and had to put into Beaufort to
replenish.  Another storm overtook him, and several days more were lost
before the army and navy were both ready at the same time to co-operate.

On the night of the 23d the powder-boat was towed in by a gunboat as
near to the fort as it was safe to run.  She was then propelled by her
own machinery to within about five hundred yards of the shore.  There
the clockwork, which was to explode her within a certain length of time,
was set and she was abandoned.  Everybody left, and even the vessels put
out to sea to prevent the effect of the explosion upon them.  At two
o'clock in the morning the explosion took place--and produced no more
effect on the fort, or anything else on land, than the bursting of a
boiler anywhere on the Atlantic Ocean would have done.  Indeed when the
troops in Fort Fisher heard the explosion they supposed it was the
bursting of a boiler in one of the Yankee gunboats.

Fort Fisher was situated upon a low, flat peninsula north of Cape Fear
River.  The soil is sandy.  Back a little the peninsula is very heavily
wooded, and covered with fresh-water swamps.  The fort ran across this
peninsula, about five hundred yards in width, and extended along the sea
coast about thirteen hundred yards.  The fort had an armament of 21 guns
and 3 mortars on the land side, and 24 guns on the sea front.  At that
time it was only garrisoned by four companies of infantry, one light
battery and the gunners at the heavy guns less than seven hundred men
with a reserve of less than a thousand men five miles up the peninsula.
General Whiting of the Confederate army was in command, and General
Bragg was in command of the force at Wilmington.  Both commenced calling
for reinforcements the moment they saw our troops landing.  The Governor
of North Carolina called for everybody who could stand behind a parapet
and shoot a gun, to join them.  In this way they got two or three
hundred additional men into Fort Fisher; and Hoke's division, five or
six thousand strong, was sent down from Richmond.  A few of these troops
arrived the very day that Butler was ready to advance.

On the 24th the fleet formed for an attack in arcs of concentric
circles, their heavy iron-clads going in very close range, being nearest
the shore, and leaving intervals or spaces so that the outer vessels
could fire between them.  Porter was thus enabled to throw one hundred
and fifteen shells per minute.  The damage done to the fort by these
shells was very slight, only two or three cannon being disabled in the
fort.  But the firing silenced all the guns by making it too hot for the
men to maintain their positions about them and compelling them to seek
shelter in the bomb-proofs.

On the next day part of Butler's troops under General Adelbert Ames
effected a landing out of range of the fort without difficulty.  This
was accomplished under the protection of gunboats sent for the purpose,
and under cover of a renewed attack upon the fort by the fleet.  They
formed a line across the peninsula and advanced, part going north and
part toward the fort, covering themselves as they did so.  Curtis pushed
forward and came near to Fort Fisher, capturing the small garrison at
what was called the Flag Pond Battery.  Weitzel accompanied him to
within a half a mile of the works.  Here he saw that the fort had not
been injured, and so reported to Butler, advising against an assault.
Ames, who had gone north in his advance, captured 228 of the reserves.
These prisoners reported to Butler that sixteen hundred of Hoke's
division of six thousand from Richmond had already arrived and the rest
would soon be in his rear.

Upon these reports Butler determined to withdraw his troops from the
peninsula and return to the fleet.  At that time there had not been a
man on our side injured except by one of the shells from the fleet.
Curtis had got within a few yards of the works.  Some of his men had
snatched a flag from the parapet of the fort, and others had taken a
horse from the inside of the stockade.  At night Butler informed Porter
of his withdrawal, giving the reasons above stated, and announced his
purpose as soon as his men could embark to start for Hampton Roads.
Porter represented to him that he had sent to Beaufort for more
ammunition.  He could fire much faster than he had been doing, and would
keep the enemy from showing himself until our men were within twenty
yards of the fort, and he begged that Butler would leave some brave
fellows like those who had snatched the flag from the parapet and taken
the horse from the fort.

Butler was unchangeable.  He got all his troops aboard, except Curtis's
brigade, and started back.  In doing this, Butler made a fearful
mistake.  My instructions to him, or to the officer who went in command
of the expedition, were explicit in the statement that to effect a
landing would be of itself a great victory, and if one should be
effected, the foothold must not be relinquished; on the contrary, a
regular siege of the fort must be commenced and, to guard against
interference by reason of storms, supplies of provisions must be laid in
as soon as they could be got on shore.  But General Butler seems to have
lost sight of this part of his instructions, and was back at Fort Monroe
on the 28th.

I telegraphed to the President as follows:


CITY POINT, VA., Dec. 28, 1864.--8.30 P.M.

The Wilmington expedition has proven a gross and culpable failure.  Many
of the troops are back here.  Delays and free talk of the object of the
expedition enabled the enemy to move troops to Wilmington to defeat it.
After the expedition sailed from Fort Monroe, three days of fine weather
were squandered, during which the enemy was without a force to protect
himself. Who is to blame will, I hope, be known.

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General.


Porter sent dispatches to the Navy Department in which he complained
bitterly of having been abandoned by the army just when the fort was
nearly in our possession, and begged that our troops might be sent back
again to cooperate, but with a different commander.  As soon as I heard
this I sent a messenger to Porter with a letter asking him to hold on.
I assured him that I fully sympathized with him in his disappointment,
and that I would send the same troops back with a different commander,
with some reinforcements to offset those which the enemy had received.
I told him it would take some little time to get transportation for the
additional troops; but as soon as it could be had the men should be on
their way to him, and there would be no delay on my part.  I selected A.
H. Terry to command.

It was the 6th of January before the transports could be got ready and
the troops aboard.  They sailed from Fortress Monroe on that day.  The
object and destination of the second expedition were at the time kept a
secret to all except a few in the Navy Department and in the army to
whom it was necessary to impart the information.  General Terry had not
the slightest idea of where he was going or what he was to do.  He
simply knew that he was going to sea and that he had his orders with
him, which were to be opened when out at sea.

He was instructed to communicate freely with Porter and have entire
harmony between army and navy, because the work before them would
require the best efforts of both arms of service. They arrived off
Beaufort on the 8th. A heavy storm, however, prevented a landing at
Forth Fisher until the 13th.  The navy prepared itself for attack about
as before, and the same time assisted the army in landing, this time
five miles away.  Only iron-clads fired at first; the object being to
draw the fire of the enemy's guns so as to ascertain their positions.
This object being accomplished, they then let in their shots thick and
fast.  Very soon the guns were all silenced, and the fort showed evident
signs of being much injured.

Terry deployed his men across the peninsula as had been done before, and
at two o'clock on the following morning was up within two miles of the
fort with a respectable abatis in front of his line. His artillery was
all landed on that day, the 14th.  Again Curtis's brigade of Ame's
division had the lead. By noon they had carried an unfinished work less
than a half mile from the fort, and turned it so as to face the other
way.

Terry now saw Porter and arranged for an assault on the following day.
The two commanders arranged their signals so that they could communicate
with each other from time to time as they might have occasion.  At day
light the fleet commenced its firing.  The time agreed upon for the
assault was the middle of the afternoon, and Ames who commanded the
assaulting column moved at 3.30.  Porter landed a force of sailors and
marines to move against the sea-front in co-operation with Ames's
assault.  They were under Commander Breese of the navy.  These sailors
and marines had worked their way up to within a couple of hundred yards
of the fort before the assault.  The signal was given and the assault
was made; but the poor sailors and marines were repulsed and very badly
handled by the enemy, losing 280 killed and wounded out of their number.

Curtis's brigade charged successfully though met by a heavy fire, some
of the men having to wade through the swamp up to their waists to reach
the fort.  Many were wounded, of course, and some killed; but they soon
reached the palisades.  These they cut away, and pushed on through.  The
other troops then came up, Pennypacker's following Curtis, and Bell, who
commanded the 3d brigade of Ames's division, following Pennypacker.  But
the fort was not yet captured though the parapet was gained.

The works were very extensive.  The large parapet around the work would
have been but very little protection to those inside except when they
were close up under it.  Traverses had, therefore, been run until really
the work was a succession of small forts enclosed by a large one.  The
rebels made a desperate effort to hold the fort, and had to be driven
from these traverses one by one.  The fight continued till long after
night.  Our troops gained first one traverse and then another, and by 10
o'clock at night the place was carried.  During this engagement the
sailors, who had been repulsed in their assault on the bastion, rendered
the best service they could by reinforcing Terry's northern line--thus
enabling him to send a detachment to the assistance of Ames.  The fleet
kept up a continuous fire upon that part of the fort which was still
occupied by the enemy.  By means of signals they could be informed where
to direct their shots.

During the succeeding nights the enemy blew up Fort Caswell on the
opposite side of Cape Fear River, and abandoned two extensive works on
Smith's Island in the river.

Our captures in all amounted to 169 guns, besides small-arms, with full
supplies of ammunition, and 2,083 prisoners.  In addition to these,
there were about 700 dead and wounded left there.  We had lost 110
killed and 536 wounded.

In this assault on Fort Fisher, Bell, one of the brigade commanders, was
killed, and two, Curtis and Pennypacker, were badly wounded.

Secretary Stanton, who was on his way back from Savannah, arrived off
Fort Fisher soon after it fell.  When he heard the good news he promoted
all the officers of any considerable rank for their conspicuous
gallantry.  Terry had been nominated for major-general, but had not been
confirmed.  This confirmed him; and soon after I recommended him for a
brigadier-generalcy in the regular army, and it was given to him for
this victory.