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                   The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898

   Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
   their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
    as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
   political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
   islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
                    close of the nineteenth century,

                          Volume LI, 1801-1840



 Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
  with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
                                Bourne.



                      The Arthur H. Clark Company
                            Cleveland, Ohio
                                 MCMVII








CONTENTS OF VOLUME LI


    Preface                                                          11

    Documents of 1801-1840

        Events in Filipinas, 1801-1840. [Compiled from Montero
        y Vidal's Historia de Filipinas.]                            23
        Remarks on the Philippine Islands, 1819-22.
        "An Englishman;" Calcutta, 1828                              73
        Reforms needed in Filipinas. Manuel Bernaldez Pizarro;
        Madrid, April 26, 1827                                      182

    Bibliographical Data                                            275

    Appendix

        Representation of Filipinas in Cortes. [Compiled from
        various sources.]                                           279
        List of the archbishops of Manila, 1581-1898. [Compiled
        from various sources.]                                      298








ILLUSTRATIONS


    Chart of China Sea and the Philippines, 1794, in The
    complete East India pilot, printed for Laurie & Whittle
    (London, 1800), ii, map 114; photographic facsimile from
    copy in Library of Congress.                           Frontispiece
    Plan of a portion of Manila, showing new works constructed
    December 15, 1770-June 15, 1771, drawn by the engineer
    Dionisio Kelly, 1771; photographic facsimile from MS. map
    (in colors), in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla               29
    Chart of the port of San Luis, in the Marianas Islands,
    1738; photographic facsimile from original manuscript by
    Adjutant Domingo Garrido de Malavar, in Archivo general de
    Indias, Sevilla                                                  67
    Plan of the environs, and a portion of the coast and bay
    adjacent to the city of Manila, 1779 (?); photographic
    facsimile from original MS. map (in colors), in Archivo
    general de Indias, Sevilla                                      161
    Plan showing outer works of Manila, drawn by the engineer
    Tomás Sanz; photographic facsimile from original MS. map
    (in colors), in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla              193








PREFACE


In the present volume, a brief outline of events in Filipinas during
the period 1801-40 serves as a background and setting for the following
surveys of political, social, and economic conditions in the islands
during that period. Of these, one is made by an English naval officer
who had visited the islands, another by a Spanish official of long
experience, and a third (presented in synopsis) by a merchant familiar
with the commerce of the Orient and the Americas. These different
accounts (written at nearly the same time) furnish most valuable
knowledge of the Philippines and their people, and their needs and
possibilities; and at the same time they reflect the more enlightened
and liberal ideas of policy and administration which had gained a
foothold in Spain, and which the recent loss of her other colonies
had made her more willing to put in practice in Filipinas.

The leading events in Philippine history during the first four decades
of the nineteenth century are briefly epitomized from Montero y Vidal's
Historia de Filipinas. Governor Aguilar opposes the appointment of
native secular priests to the curacies, regarding them as unfit for
these posts. During his term, he introduces public street-lighting,
paved sidewalks, and vaccination in Manila, and various other
beneficial measures; he attempts, but with little success, to check
the piracies of the Moros, and is compelled to desist therefrom by
news of the war between England and Spain, and the consequent danger
to Manila. At his death (August 8, 1806) an officer named Folgueras
becomes governor ad interim; he strengthens the fortifications of
Manila, and quells a revolt in Ilocos. He is succeeded (March 4,
1810) by the new proprietary governor, González Aguilar, who promotes
cattle-raising in the provinces, quells another insurrection in Ilocos,
publishes the first newspaper in Filipinas, and proclaims the Spanish
constitution of 1812. In 1813 arrives his successor, José de Gardoqui,
whose rule is by no means easy; for he is opposed by corrupt royal
officials, and has to encounter revolts among the Indians caused by
the publication of the new Spanish constitution--disturbances which
are aggravated by the despotic acts of Fernando VII on regaining his
crown (1814). Gardoqui prohibits the introduction and use of opium
in the islands, strengthens the fortifications of Cavite, puts down
banditti and smugglers, and in many other ways benefits the colony;
he dies in December, 1816, and is succeeded by Folgueras. The latter
revives the Economic Society, and founds a nautical academy. In 1820
occurs the first epidemic of cholera morbus, which is unfortunately
accompanied by a massacre of the foreigners in Manila, executed by
the credulous Indians who have been persuaded by malicious persons
that the pest was caused by the foreigners having poisoned the
waters. Martínez, who becomes governor on October 30, 1822, brings
over a number of Spanish officers for the Filipinas regiments; this
creates jealousy among the officers who had come from America, which
results in a mutiny among them and part of the troops in Manila (June,
1823); this is put down, and the leaders are shot. An expedition is
sent against the Moros (1824), which lays waste their shores.

On October 14, 1825, Martínez is replaced by Mariano Ricafort as
governor; the latter is also made chief of the treasury. The parish
curacies are, by a royal decree in 1826, restored to the regular
orders. In 1827 the naval bureau is reëstablished at Manila, under
Pascual Enrile, who succeeds Ricafort as governor in 1830. (Both these
men were among the most illustrious rulers of Filipinas, on account of
their ability, uprightness, and zeal for the public welfare.) In 1828
the insurgent mountaineers of Bohol are finally subdued, and reduced
to villages. Various royal decrees are obtained for the promotion
of agriculture, manufactures, and other industries; and for obliging
the Chinese to live in villages, like the Indians. Several important
reforms in the administration and the social conditions of the colony
are instituted by these two governors, and Enrile is especially active
in building highways and providing other means of communication to
bring the inland and the maritime provinces into communication with
each other.

In 1836, Governor Salazar has to enforce the laws forbidding the
sale of firearms and powder to the enemies of Spain; he also makes
a treaty of commerce with the Joloans, which does not, however,
restrain them from piracy. In 1837, he urgently requests the
Spanish government to send more Spanish friars to the islands as
parish priests. The political disturbances in Spain at this time are
reflected in Filipinas, and a strong Carlist faction oppose Governor
Camba (who assumes that office in August, 1837), and finally procure
his recall to Spain, little more than a year afterward. Under his
successor, Lardizábal, the status of the Chinese in the islands is
determined, provision is made for the official censorship of books
brought to Filipinas, a school of commerce is established at Manila
and various important changes are made in financial and municipal
administration. In February, 1841, Lardizábal is succeeded by Marcelino
de Oráa.

In 1828 was published at Calcutta an interesting book entitled, Remarks
on the Phillippine Islands, 1819 to 1822, "by an Englishman"--as
he states therein, a naval officer; this is here presented, with
additional annotations from various sources. It throws much light
on conditions in Manila at that time, and is of especial value as
coming from an enlightened foreigner, rather than a Spaniard. He
praises the natural resources and advantages of the islands, and makes
various comments on their climate (which "is remarkably temperate and
salubrious"), diseases, and population; he then classifies this last,
describing in succession the various races, white, colored, and mixed,
who inhabit the islands. He defends the natives from accusations which
have been made against them, and considers their defects as the natural
result of the oppression and injustice which they have suffered,
and the general insecurity of property in the islands. Robbery and
piracy prevail there, outside of the new Spanish towns; and even in
Manila there are numerous acts of pillage committed by the lawless
soldiery. Justice is neglected or corrupted; and the Church exacts
so many holidays, pilgrimages, etc., that the natives are obliged
to neglect their fields, and tend to become idle and dissipated;
they also are burdened by many church taxes and impositions. Our
writer proceeds to describe the government of the islands, general,
municipal, and provincial, and the abuses prevalent in the last-named;
then the ecclesiastical administration, the character of the clergy,
and their influence over the natives. The sources of the colonial
revenue are enumerated, with the chief branches of expense, the
main part of this being for the military and naval forces, both of
which are mismanaged, ill-disciplined, poorly paid, and of course
very inefficient. Agriculture is "yet in its infancy," as a result
partly of the oppression of the natives, partly of the expulsion of
the Jesuits--who did more than any others to civilize the Indians--and
partly of the restrictions on commerce, which now are less oppressive;
yet the country is almost incredibly fertile. The implements used
in tillage are described, with the methods of cultivating the
chief products, and that of refining the sugar produced there;
and the reasons are given why Europeans have been unable to engage
in agriculture with success. The mineral products of the islands
are enumerated. Commerce is, like agriculture, still undeveloped;
our author attributes this to the Acapulco trade, to the prohibitory
system pursued by Spain and to the monopoly allowed to the Philippine
Company, and criticises Spain's policy toward her colonies. He then
describes the condition of Philippine commerce, with statistics of
1818; and the difficulties under which it labors--especially the
insecurity of property and contracts, the fraudulent dealings of the
Chinese merchants; and the neglect of government to prevent smuggling
or to make suitable provision for reëxportation of goods--which have
prevented Manila from being one of the great centers of Oriental trade.

The second part of these "Remarks" is devoted to Manila; a description
of the city, its fortifications (which our writer considers very
inefficient on the side next to Pasig River), streets, public
buildings, mode of constructing houses, and the public cemetery; and
social conditions there, which are unfavorable to morality and the
development of character. The author criticises the colonial policy
of Spain, and regards her tenure of rule over Filipinas as precarious,
especially as discontent and ideas of political freedom are spreading
among the Indians.

Of unusual interest and value is a memorial written (April 26, 1827) by
Manuel Bernaldez Pizarro, on the "causes which antagonize the security
and progress of the Filipinas Islands," and which bring about their
backward condition, with the measures which he judges desirable for
their correction. As a high official in Filipinas during seventeen
years, his opinions are of much importance, especially as he was
evidently a clear-sighted and upright statesman, a keen observer,
and a logical thinker--albeit he was, like the majority of government
officials, still much under the sway of autocratic and regalistic
notions--and was fertile in ideas and projects for improving the
condition of Filipinas. The memorial is methodically arranged in
sections relating to military affairs, Moro piracies, land-titles,
Spanish vs. native clerics, the residence of foreigners in the islands,
character of government officials, administration of justice, taxes
and revenue, commerce, agriculture, manufactures, etc.

On each of these subjects he presents a concise statement of present
conditions and tendencies, followed by his recommendations for change,
reform, or suppression. In the army, the principal difficulty lies in
the corps of officers, partly Peninsular and partly native or American,
with Indian subalterns; these classes have almost nothing in common,
and the latter are dangerously near to the Indians, or are spoiled by
the tendencies of the country. Provision should be made, therefore, for
sending officers from Spain to fill all posts of command. Instead of
enlarging the military force, a central location (afterward indicated
as Cavite) should be selected, and rendered impregnable to assault,
in which the government and the Spanish population of Manila might
be safe in any revolution or other dangerous emergency; Manila is
not sufficiently fortified for such a purpose. The piracies of the
Moros are ruining the islands; the only way to check them is to
conquer Joló and Mindanao with a powerful expedition, and colonize
them from the Visayas. The Indian villages are often much too large
to be properly directed in either spiritual or civil matters, and
should be made smaller, with stricter police patrol. Measures should
be taken to authenticate and confirm the titles to landed property,
which at present are confused and unreliable. Much harm is caused by
the ignorance, unfitness, and immorality of the Indian and mestizo
clerics; they not only neglect their priestly duties, but have
dangerous tendencies to revolution; as soon as this is practicable,
all such should be replaced by European friars. Bernaldez descants
upon their virtues and their ability to rule the Indians well, and
advises the government "to maintain as many religious as possible
in the islands, and give them as much political authority as is
consistent with their ministry." Foreigners are undesirable as
residents in Filipinas, especially exiles, idlers, and stowaways;
and even Spaniards from the Peninsula should be compelled to return
thither after a certain period. Strict residencias should be required
from the alcaldes-mayor, as many of them are unfit to hold that
office, and commit crimes which render them dangerous to the peace
of the provinces. Greater care should be exercised in the selection
of all government officials, in order to correct the laxity which
everywhere characterizes the administration of the islands. There
is pressing necessity for better means of communication with the
mother-country, which can best be promoted by encouraging her commerce
with Filipinas. The governors and intendants should be obliged to
furnish the reports and information about the country which the laws
require; and there should be more coöperation between the governor
and the Audiencia. Private persons of means should be encouraged and
aided to undertake the enterprises which the country needs. Various
specified abuses in the administration of justice should be corrected;
and the trading alcaldes-mayor should be replaced by corregidors, who
should be able and experienced lawyers. The tributes ought to be paid
in money, and not in kind; and this involves the need of a colonial
money for Filipinas. The revenue taxes, especially those on tobacco and
wine, should receive more attention, and these two should be extended
to all the provinces; and the manufacture and sale of brandy in the
islands should be restricted. The Chinese in the islands should be
carefully classified, more strictly supervised by the government,
and more heavily taxed. The rebate of duties granted on all foreign
imports at Manila is ruining the Filipinas manufacturers, whose
"infant industries" should be protected; and Bernaldez proposes a new
schedule, carefully classified. The inter-island trade is exclusively
in the hands of the alcaldes-mayor and the rich Chinese and mestizos,
who should therefore pay a moderate tax on that lucrative commerce. A
colonial currency is urgently needed. An account of the management
of the obras pías should be demanded by the government, and those
funds should be employed in promoting agriculture and industry in the
islands. The shipbuilding and mining carried on by the government ought
to be furnished by private persons under contract. Agriculture is the
most important industry of Filipinas, and a feeder to its commerce;
its backward condition should be remedied. He recommends direct
and unlimited commerce between Spain and the islands, government
encouragement to large agricultural enterprises, instruction of the
Indians in better methods of agriculture and the preparation of its
products, and rewards for industry and application on their part. The
production of opium for the Chinese market ought to be allowed in
Filipinas, and heavy duties collected on its exportation. Enormous sums
of money are yearly carried to India and China for fine cotton goods,
which could as well be manufactured by the Filipinos if they knew how
to dye these properly and had machinery for spinning the cotton thread;
the government should take active and prompt measures to secure this
desirable end. Closer relations should be established with Spain,
whose government and merchants are urged to work together in behalf
of this. Bernaldez concludes by showing "the necessity of forming a
special code of laws for Filipinas," and of "a periodical visitation
of that colony by officials from the Peninsula." As appendix to
his memorial, we present a summary of a similar document, written
at nearly the same time by a merchant of long and varied commercial
experience in the Orient and the Americas. Less official and formal,
but more shrewd, alert, and liberal, this writer presents his views,
with much clearness and force, on the decadence of the islands and
the means of making them more prosperous and wealthy; and a comparison
of these with the opinions of Bernaldez might well be helpful to the
present administration of Filipinas.

In an appendix to this volume we present a brief account of the
three Spanish Cortes in which the Philippines had representation; all
these sessions occurred in the early part of the nineteenth century,
one of the most disturbed and critical periods of Spain's national
existence. The most important measures of these Cortes concerning the
Philippines were, the suppression of the Acapulco-Manila galleon and
the abolition of the privileges formerly granted to the Compañia de
Filipinas. In each of these assemblies efficient representation of the
islands was barred by their distance from Spain and the difficulty
of communication with that country, while, in general, political
development was very backward. The final ruling, in the Constitution
of 1837, by which special laws were devised for the government of
Ultramar, appears to have been the only possible solution of the
difficulty (at least for the Philippines). Finally, we furnish a list
of the archbishops of Manila during the Spanish régime.


The Editors.

May, 1907.








DOCUMENTS OF 1801-1840


    Events in Filipinas, 1801-1840. [Compiled from Montero y Vidal.]
    Remarks on the Phillippine Islands, 1819-22. "An Englishman;" 1828.
    Reforms needed in Filipinas. Manuel Bernaldez Pizarro; April
    26, 1827.


Sources: The first document is compiled from Montero y Vidal's
Historia de Filipinas (tomo ii, pp. 360-573; iii, pp. 6-32); the
second is reprinted from the original publication, a copy of which
is in possession of Edward E. Ayer; the third is presented, partly
in synopsis, from original MSS. in the Ayer collection.

Translations: The first and third are made by Emma Helen Blair.








EVENTS IN FILIPINAS, 1801-1840


[At the beginning of VOLUME L may be found a brief summary of events
during the latter third of the eighteenth century, a record which
is here continued as above. As before, we epitomize from Montero y
Vidal's Hist. de Filipinas (tomo ii, pp. 360-573; iii, pp. 6-32),
using his own language wherever practicable, usually distinguished
by quotation marks.]

Under Governor Aguilar the "Ordinances of good government," as
revised by Governor Raon in 1768 (for which see VOL. L, pp. 191-264),
were reprinted in the year 1801. "On September 8, 1804, Don Fray
Juan Antonio Zulaibar, a Dominican, and formerly a professor in
the university of Alcalá, took possession of the archbishopric of
Manila." In November following, the governor sent despatches to
the king explaining his action in appointing to certain curacies
regular instead of secular priests, saying that the latter were seldom
qualified for those charges. He said, in regard to this: "No one is
ignorant how different are the appearance and the degree of prosperity
of all the churches and settlements administered by religious from
those in the villages which are in charge of Indian clerics. Of the
latter, some are doubtless men of virtue and pious intentions; but
in general it is notorious that, on account of their origin, lack of
education, the very obscure condition in which they are reared, and the
little (if any) knowledge that they possess, they do not inspire in
their parishioners that respect and veneration with which the latter
regard the religious--who, on account of being Spaniards, possess the
art of dominating the minds of the Indians, in order to maintain them
in those conditions on which depends the preservation of these your
Majesty's dominions. The religious know how to guide the Indians,
without violence, to whatever ends are expedient for both religion
and the State, as the results of never becoming too familiar with the
natives. The Indian clerics not only follow the opposite course, but,
lacking the dignity that belongs to their character as priests, they
mingle familiarly with their parishioners not only in their sports,
but in feasting and other things which are entirely unfitting; and not
seldom they dress themselves in the same manner as do the natives,
abandoning the very garb of their priestly estate." He proceeded to
say that only deplorable consequences could result from the surrender
of the curacies entirely to the native priests; and that the religious
of the orders must be employed therein, unless they could be supplied
with properly qualified secular priests who were Spaniards. The same
ideas were expressed by the municipal council of Manila, who said of
the native priests: "The weak and yielding disposition which has been
for so long a time noticed in these islanders does not permit in them
that steadfastness which is so proper for the priestly character and
the difficult office of the care of souls."

"In June, 1805, the Frenchman Félix Renouard de Sainte-Croix was
commissioned to examine the gold mines in Mambulao (in Camarines);
and in his report he explained that various gold mines existed there,
with very rich veins, but some were difficult to develop and others
had been abandoned. By royal order of July 5, 1805, was decreed
the total independence of the Manila custom-house, ordaining that
its manager should be under the immediate orders of the [treasury]
superintendent." [1] On December 20, 1806, Aguilar created a Bureau of
Vaccination at Manila, of which he was president; and regulations were
made for public vaccination, which had a marked effect in diminishing
the ravages of the smallpox. This governor gave much attention to
the construction of public works, one of the more important of these
being the highway from Manila to Cavite. He caused the streets of the
capital to be lighted at public expense, and paved sidewalks to be
built, and made the police system more efficient; he also did much
to promote domestic industries.

Aguilar endeavored, throughout his term of office, to check the
incursions of the Moros. The pirates attacked even the coasts of Luzón
in 1793, and an expedition sent out against them in December of that
year accomplished almost nothing, being too late and ineffective. In
the following year the governor called a council of the leading
military officers and other persons experienced in Moro wars and the
affairs of the southern islands, where it was shown that the Moros made
captive some 500 persons a year, whom they rendered slaves--excepting
the old, who "were sold to the inhabitants of Sandakan, who sacrificed
these captives to the shades of their deceased relatives or of
prominent personages, [2] preserving the skull of the victim as
a proof that they had complied with so barbarous a usage." It was
shown at this council that during the time from the establishment
of the vintas in 1778 until the end of 1793 the colony had spent
the sum of 1,519,209 pesos fuertes for vessels, expeditions, wages,
etc., in the warfare with the Moros, to say nothing of the losses and
destruction caused by the pirate raids. The council resolved to abolish
the present equipment of vintas and pancos, replacing these by lanchas
carrying cannon, in six divisions of six lanchas and one panco each,
with extra pay and honors to the crews; and to repair and strengthen
all the forts on the coasts liable to attack. Aguilar attempted to open
negotiations for peace with the Moro sultans; but these had no effect,
the piracies still continuing. In the summer of 1794, a Portuguese
trader of Manila who had carried goods to Joló was treacherously
attacked on his return, when near Iloilo, by the same Moros with
whom he had traded at Joló; but he defended his vessel bravely, and
one of the leading dattos of Joló was killed in the fray. In August,
1795, two vessels of the Spanish royal navy arrived at Manila, with
tidings that the English, again at war with Spain, were planning to
occupy the Filipinas Islands; this compelled Aguilar to desist from
further proceedings against the Moros, for the time. It was hoped
that Álava and his powerful squadron (who remained at Manila during
1797-1802) might chastise the Moros, but nothing was accomplished in
this direction--either through fear of another English invasion, or
because of the disagreements between Aguilar and Álava. [3] On January
21, 1798, two English ships attacked the Spanish post at Zamboanga,
but were bravely repulsed with much damage to the invaders. In that
year a strong force of Moros attacked the village of Baler and others
inland from the eastern coast of Luzón [where now is the province of
Principe], constituting the oldtime missions of Ituy; they devastated
these towns, and seized four hundred and fifty captives, among them
three parish curas, one of whom was sold by them for 2,500 pesos. These
pirates were established in Burías Island for four years, from which
center they harried the neighboring coasts. In 1799, the authorities
decided that it was more expedient that the warfare with the Moros
be carried on by the provincial authorities, with the direction and
aid of the central government; and instructions to this effect were
sent to all the alcaldes-mayor. In 1800 Aguilar established friendly
and commercial relations with Bandajar, sultan of Borneo; and on
November 4, 1805, his governor at Zamboanga, Francisco Bayot, made
a treaty of peace with Mahamad Ali Mudin, sultan of Joló, in which
the latter agreed to forbid any foreigners to reside in his dominions
without the consent of the Spanish government, and in case of war to
close his ports to enemies of Spain. In 1804-05 English cruisers were
frequently seen off the coasts of Filipinas, and they even attempted
to capture several villages on the Mindanao coast, but were repulsed.

On Aguilar's death (August 8, 1806), the rule of the islands was
assumed by the king's lieutenant at Manila, Mariano Fernández de
Folgueras; and his first measures were for the defense of Manila, as
there were rumors of another attack by the English. In the summer
of 1807, there arose a rebellion in the mountains of Ilocos Norte,
begun by certain Spanish deserters from Vigan in conjunction with
some vagabond Indians; afterward it spread to many of the Ilocans,
who resented the government monopoly of wine and prohibition of native
manufacture of basi (a liquor produced by the fermentation of the juice
of sugar cane). This revolt was put down without much difficulty,
and the leaders were hanged at Manila; much was accomplished by the
Augustinian fathers of Ilocos in restoring peace. In February, 1809,
the news arrived at Manila of the French invasion of Spain, and the
captivity of Fernando VII; the Manila authorities promptly declared
their loyalty to that monarch. Somewhat later a French schooner of war
was captured off the coast of Batangas, and the French authorities at
Isle de France endeavored to persuade those at Manila that England,
not France, was the enemy of Spain, and that the people of Filipinas
ought to support the French interests. Folgueras answered, refusing
to accept any such propositions, and would do no more than to return
the French prisoners from the captured vessel.

On March 4, 1810, the new proprietary governor Manuel González Aguilar,
assumed his office. On February 14 preceding, a decree had been issued
by the Spanish government granting to all the colonies in America
and to Filipinas representation in the Spanish Cortes by deputies
chosen by the various capital cities. The sessions of this Cortes
began on September 24, 1810, and Filipinas was represented therein by
acting deputies; afterward, one was duly chosen (Ventura de los Reyes)
by the municipality of Manila, according to the forms required. [4]
"In the jurisdiction of each village in the Philippine archipelago,
there are extensive communal lands, in which the natives can keep,
almost without cost and easily guarded, their herds of cattle and
horses. In regard to these lands (which in that country are called
estancias ["ranches"]), the new governor framed a useful ordinance,
which remained in force, with good results, during a long period. (It
has now fallen into disuse, and many of the communal lands have become
the property, illegally acquired, of private persons.) Important
service was rendered [to the country] by these ranches, on account
of the increase of live-stock and its great cheapness; and a positive
source of wealth for the provinces was initiated with the exportation
of their cattle." In the sessions of Cortes in 1811, a decree was
issued (January 26) that trade in quicksilver should be free in all
the Spanish dominions of Indias and Filipinas. In the summer of 1811,
a new rebellion broke out among the natives of Ilocos Norte, some of
whose chiefs attempted to found a new religion, in behalf of a deity
whom they called Lungao; [5] they endeavored to persuade the heathen
mountain-dwellers of Cagayan to join them, but the insurrection was
quelled promptly by the Spaniards, and the ringleaders put to death. It
was in González Aguilar's time that the Indians were allowed to render
the services required from them for public works on those in their
neighborhood. In order to relieve the public anxiety and impatience
caused by the dearth of news from the mother-country, the authorities
of the colony undertook to publish a sort of gazette containing such
information as was available from Europe--mostly received through
English publications that came from Bengal. Accordingly, "the first
newspaper in Filipinas made its appearance on August 8, 1811," [6]
the second number appearing three days later; it was published during
the rest of 1811 and part of 1812, and must have ceased for lack of
material. [7] "On account of the war which España was sustaining
against the French invaders, the religious corporations agreed to
contribute with their donations toward the expenses of so great an
undertaking; the Order of Dominicans gave with that object, in August,
1812, the sum of 36,000 pesos. On March 19 the Constitution of 1812
was promulgated at Cádiz, and orders were issued that allegiance to
it should be sworn in all the towns of the monarchy. The deputies
signed it on the eighteenth, and among the signatures appears that of
Don Ventura de los Reyes." The Constitution was solemnly proclaimed
in Manila on April 17, 1813, and the oath of allegiance was taken on
the following day. A decree in Cortes (July 3, 1813) extended to the
veteran troops of the over-seas colonies the same scale of rewards
as had been recently granted to the soldiers of the Peninsula. In
that same year a special effort was made by the Spanish government
to add to its revenues by pushing in the colonies the sale of bulls
of the Crusade. [8]

A new governor arrived at Manila assuming command on September 4,
1813; this was José de Gardoqui Jaraveitia, who also had appointment as
chief of the naval station. This exasperated the treasury officials,
for thus the entire naval force was under one head, that sent against
the pirates [which Aguilar had stubbornly kept separate from the
naval bureau--see "Events in Filipinas," VOL. L, pp. 23-74] being
now taken from their control, with all its opportunities for their
personal profit; and they opposed Gardoqui in whatever he proposed or
undertook. [9] On February 1, 1814, a fearful eruption occurred in the
volcano Mayón, which partially or wholly destroyed many villages in
Albay and Camarines; hot stones, sand, and ashes were poured forth from
the crater, and villages were thus set on fire, and their inhabitants
killed. The slain numbered 12,000, besides many more seriously injured;
and those who escaped lost all their possessions. The most fertile and
beautiful districts of Camarines were converted into a desert of sand.

"The introduction into Filipinas of the political reforms established
at the metropolis [of Madrid] were the occasion, in certain localities
of the archipelago, of lamentable disturbances of public order. The
Indians understood that the proclamation of the political creed of
1812, solemnly made known to the country, signified exemption from
tributes and public services; and this absurd belief spread to such
an extent that the governor of the islands found himself obliged to
publish an edict on February 8, 1814, explaining the extent of the
benefits conferred [by the Constitution], and the necessity which
exists in every nation for paying contributions for supporting
the expenses of the State. These explanations did not satisfy the
Indians, and uprisings occurred in various places, principally in
Ilocos Norte; the people claimed that they ought to be relieved,
as were the notables, from polos and services, or the obligation of
laboring on public works, as bridges, highways, churches, convents,
school-houses, etc.,--an exaction which, according to them, did not go
with the equality which was established among all by the Constitution;
and it cost the alcalde-mayor of the province his utmost efforts to
restrain the Ilocanos from violence." Still worse were the effects
of the renewal of absolutism in Spain, on the return of Fernando VII
from his captivity in France; for on May 4, 1814, he issued a decree
abolishing the Cortes, and nullifying its acts, and immediately began
a course of persecution and condemnation, even to death, of all the
prominent Liberals in the country. He also reëstablished in Spain the
Inquisition [10] (which had been abolished by the Cortes on February
22, 1813), and the Society of Jesus. When the royal decrees were
received in Filipinas, the Indians believed that they were false,
and concocted in Manila; one thousand five hundred Ilocanos seized
their arms, and began plundering, killing, and destroying throughout
the province. This was mainly, however, a rebellion of the common
people (Tagal, cailianes) against the ruling class, the principalía
or notables; and the latter finally took arms against the rebels,
aiding the Spaniards to suppress the insurrection. On July 20, 1814,
a treaty of peace was made between Spain and France. "Gardoqui, by an
edict of December 1, 1814, prohibited the introduction of opium into
Filipinas, imposing on those who should violate this law six years
of confinement in a presidio and the confiscation of the opium; and
to those who were found smoking the drug a fortnight's imprisonment
for the first offense, thirty days for the second, and four years
in presidio for the third. A term of eight days was allowed in order
that persons who might possess unsold stocks of the said drug could
deposit them in the custom-house for reshipment to China. In the said
year of 1814, there was built in the environs of the town of Laoag
(Ilocos Norte) a leper hospital, at the expense of the charitable
parish priest there, Fray Vicente Febras, an Augustinian; and this
act is worthy of note, since this was the first establishment of the
kind in the provinces of the Archipelago." A royal decree of August
22, 1815, reëstablished the Jesuit order in the Indias and Filipinas;
and another, dated December 11, commanded the seizure in the colonies
of various political books and pamphlets, with penalties for their
use in schools. After the death of Governor Aguilar, the Moro pirates
were comparatively quiet for a time, but in 1813 they renewed their
attacks on the Spanish territories, and during several years they
harassed the latter, taking many captives, and even seizing several
vessels, both Spanish and English, on the seas. Governor Raffles,
of Java, after the restoration of that island by England to Holland,
proposed to Gardoqui that they coöperate in occupying Joló and
Mindanao; but the Spaniard declined this, protesting against any
operations by the English in Spanish territory. "Gardoqui, during his
term of office, caused the fortifications of Cavite to be repaired,
making them very strong; he issued orders regulating weights and
measures; he created the general administration for the revenues
from wine; and he occupied himself greatly with the improvement and
development of the tobacco plantations. The bandits, smugglers, and
gamblers had been increasing at an alarming rate; and, in order that
they might be promptly punished the governor appointed a military
commission, headed by a lieutenant-colonel. Thanks to their energetic
proceedings, the desired object was attained." Gardoqui's last days
were embittered, and his end hastened, by the treacherous act of one
of his secretaries, who, by substituting a false report for the one
which Gardoqui had dictated in favor of retaining the naval bureau,
procured the governor's unwitting signature to the former and thus
made him appear to report adversely to the bureau; as a result,
the bureau was suppressed by a royal decree of March 23, 1815. His
disappointment and wounded honor so grieved him that his death soon
resulted (December 9, 1816).

The command ad interim was again assumed by Folgueras, who held it
during nearly six years. On December 17, 1819, he reëstablished the
"Royal Economic Society of Filipinas," as a result of royal orders
to that effect issued in 1811 and 1813; and five days later its
first session was held, the governor presiding, only two members
of the original society being still alive. [11] A month later, it
met again, with sixty new members, and Manuel Bernáldez was chosen
director of the association; and its new ordinances were approved by
the governor on July 24 following. Folgueras, learning that certain
immunities and advantages had been granted to Cuba and Puerto Rico for
the encouragement of agriculture, requested from the home government
similar help for Filipinas; the crown decreed an investigation of the
subject, but the fulfilment of this was delayed from time to time,
so that not until 1848 was even a definite statement and proposal
for action in this direction made. [12] (This was done by Rafael
Díaz Arenas, one of the four members of the Economic Society--to
which the investigation had been referred--who had been appointed
to prepare the data for a report to the crown; "but we do not know
whether the Society accepted his proposal, or whether it reached any
definite conclusion on the subject.") In October of the year 1820,
Manila was ravaged by a terrible epidemic of smallpox, which was
especially fatal in the villages along the Pasig River; the corregidor
of Tondo therefore issued an edict prohibiting the use of the river
water. A public relief committee was organized to give the sick
medical treatment and to furnish food to the poor; and the friars
and the private citizens vied with the authorities in ministering
to the victims of the pest. The medical men belonging to the ships
anchored in the bay came to the city, and did all in their power to
aid these benevolent efforts; but all these things only confirmed in
the ignorant natives the fatal idea, already spread among them, that
the disease was caused by the foreigners having poisoned the waters
and used to this end the specimens of insects and other creatures
which they had collected for scientific purposes. A crowd of armed
Indians therefore gathered in the square of Binondo on October 9,
attacked the houses of the foreigners, and murdered twenty-seven
persons--among whom was not one Spaniard; nor did they, in plundering
the houses, rob any Spaniard. The governor sent out some troops,
but they accomplished nothing in checking the riot, which ended only
at nightfall; and he did nothing to prevent further crimes of this
sort, so that the mob renewed their acts of violence the next day,
[13] plundering and killing many Chinese of the suburbs. This aroused
Folgueras to activity, and he sent out a large force of soldiers to
pursue the assassins; but the latter at once dispersed. A council
of the authorities was called, but there were discordant opinions
among them, and they seem to have taken no definite action. The
municipal council of Manila called upon the governor for the proper
legal proceedings in regard to this scandalous and lawless uprising;
and for this purpose he appointed a commission. [14]

In October, 1820, was created the office of general intendant of
army and treasury, separate from the superior government; and it was
conferred upon Colonel Luis Urréjola, with a salary of 5,000 pesos. In
May, 1821, the Constitution of 1812 was again proclaimed in Filipinas,
only to be again abrogated in 1824, as a result of Fernando VII's
triumph (with French aid) over the Liberal party in Spain. "Folgueras
gave great impulse to the Economic Society of Friends of the Country;
and he attempted to found in Manila a school of medicine, surgery, and
pharmacy, commencing for this purpose the indispensable documentary
evidence [expediente], but he did not succeed in carrying out this
plan--a failure much to be regretted, because nearly all of the
towns [in the islands] had neither physician nor drug-store. As a
compensation, the creation of the nautical academy was an excellent
idea, for its practical results are of great value." "In 1821 appeared
the second periodical which was published in the country, entitled El
Noticiero Filipino; [15] [i.e., "The Philippine Intelligencer"]; and
in the same year were published two others, El Ramillete Patriótico
["The Patriotic Bouquet"] and La Filantropía ["Philanthropy"]. The
life of all was of short duration."

Folgueras was replaced by a proprietary governor, Juan Antonio
Martinez, who began to exercise that office on October 30, 1822. He
brought with him many military officers from the Peninsula, "a measure
counseled by Folgueras, in view of the deficiency of officers in the
regiments of Filipinas, and the little confidence which they inspired;
and this was the cause or pretext which he advanced to the court to
exculpate himself for not having adopted more energetic measures when
the melancholy assassinations were committed by the Indians among the
foreigners in 1820. The body of officers in the army of Filipinas was
almost entirely composed of American Spaniards. These were greatly
displeased at the increase of Peninsular officers, partly because they
supposed that thus their own promotions would be stopped, and partly on
account of race antagonisms." They talked so much against the newcomers
that the governor became distrustful, and finally discovered that the
American officers were plotting and conspiring against authority;
he consequently arrested the persons suspected of this intrigue,
and sent them to Spain (February 18, 1823)--among them being Luis
Rodríguez Varela, styled El Conde Filipino ["The Filipino Count"]; [16]
and the factor of the Company of Filipinas, José Ortega. Nevertheless,
the plots continued, and the authorities sent him who appeared to be
the leader in these, Captain Andrés Novales, to fight the pirates in
northern Mindanao; he embarked (June 1, 1823), but was driven back
by a storm, and immediately he and his accomplices determined to
"declare themselves openly against the authority of España," and set
up a government of their own. The insurgents (some eight hundred in
number) seized the cabildo house, and incarcerated therein the leading
military chiefs and some magistrates; then they murdered Folgueras,
and took from his pockets the keys of the city; and they fortified
themselves in the royal palace, and attempted to seize the artillery
quarters. Here they were resisted bravely by a few loyal officers
and men, and word was conveyed to the governor, who collected the
troops available and sent these against the palace. The insurgents
there were soon overcome, and many abandoned their posts and fled;
Novales was made a prisoner, taken before a court-martial--to whom
he declared that he had no accomplices, and was alone guilty of
seducing the troops--and with the sergeant Mateo (who had commanded
the insurgent force in the palace) was shot that afternoon, as
also was Lieutenant Ruiz, who had assassinated Folgueras. Amnesty
was extended to all the remaining prisoners, except six officers,
who were shot soon afterward. On October 26, 1824, great damage was
done in Manila by a severe earthquake, which destroyed the barracks,
several churches, and many houses; and this was followed (November
1) by a fearful hurricane, which ruined many buildings and wrecked a
multitude of sailing vessels. In this same year the Economic Society
founded a monthly periodical entitled Registro Mercantil [17] ["The
Mercantile Register"].

The ravages of the Moro pirates continuing, and becoming each year more
menacing, [18] Martínez sent out an expedition against them (February
29, 1824), which laid waste the shores of Joló and southern Mindanao,
and killing a considerable number of Moros, among whom were three of
their fiercest and most treacherous dattos. Martínez advocated such
operations as this, as the only means of stopping the piracies of the
Moros. During the period of 1823-29, the Augustinian missionary Fray
Bernardo Lago succeeded in reducing to village life and converting
more than eight thousand Tinguianes and Igorrots in the province of
Abra, forming the mission of Pidigan. In 1825 Martínez was replaced
by Mariano Ricafort Palacín y Abarca, and departed for Spain; a few
days after leaving Manila he died, and was buried in Cochinchina.

Ricafort assumed office on October 14, 1825, and by royal orders also
took possession of the intendancy of exchequer, although Urréjola
was continued in its charge; but in the following January Ricafort
concluded that "this dual command was impossible," and restricted the
intendant to certain routine functions, at the same time asking the
approval of the home government for this proceeding. He had brought
with him a portrait of Fernando VII, presented by the king to his
colony of Filipinas; the municipal council of Manila decided to pay
this portrait the same honors as if the king himself had visited the
islands, and during the week of December 19-25 festivities of every
kind were conducted, with the utmost display and magnificence. (Five
years later, orders from the Spanish government were received at
Manila, censuring the extravagant expenditures on that occasion, said,
to amount to some 16,000 pesos, as an unwarranted and blamable use of
municipal funds, and regulating, for the future, expenditures of this
sort.) A royal decree of June 8, 1826, ordained that the secularization
of parish curacies should cease, and that those ministries should
be restored to the religious orders, which was accordingly done. On
September 15 of that year Fray Hilarión Diez, an Augustinian, took
possession of the archbishopric of Manila, replacing Zulaibar,
who had died on March 4, 1824. In June a circular letter was sent
by Ricafort to the provincial governors, reminding them of the law
(art. 26 of the "Ordinances of good government") which forbade them
to hinder in any way the trade in the products of the provinces,
whether by Spaniards, natives, or mestizos, and whether in kind or
with money, ordering them to permit trade freely everywhere, without
any delays or exactions against those doing business. In 1827 Ricafort
sent an expedition against Joló, which was kept off by the valor of
the Joloans; but the Spaniards burned and ravaged the settlements
on the shores of Illana Bay, doing the Moros much damage. In that
same year the Spanish government reëstablished the naval bureau at
Manila, independent of the captain-general, and Pascual Enrile was
appointed as its chief; he proceeded to reorganize all branches of
the service, including that intended to serve against the pirates,
whom he was able to restrain to a great extent; and he constructed
several cruisers and other vessels, one of which remained in active
service for forty years. He established the jurisdiction of the bureau
throughout the archipelago, creating port-captains for Iloilo, Capiz,
Cebú, and Pangasinán. Ever since the insurrection of 1744 in Bohol,
caused by the imprudence of the Jesuit Morales, the insurgents had
(under their chief Dagohoy) maintained hostilities, not only against
the Spaniards, but even harassing their own countrymen who occupied
the coastal villages of that island. The Recollects, in charge of
the missions of Bohol after the expulsion of the Jesuits, tried
to persuade the rebels to submit to Spanish authority, and secured
from Governor Raon a general amnesty for them; but it resulted only
in their defying further the authority of the government, which was
long unable to take any measures for subduing them. Finally, in 1827,
the danger to the loyal villages of Bohol was so menacing that the
authorities were compelled to protect them and reduce the insurgents;
and to this end Ricafort sent powerful expeditions (May, 1827, and
April, 1828), which after strenuous efforts compelled the rebels to
submit. [19] That governor accomplished much during his term of office
for the promotion of agriculture. He ordained (1825 and 1826) that the
native gobernadorcillos should furnish to agriculturists the idle and
unoccupied Indians within their jurisdictions, to work on the estates,
these laborers being paid their daily wages; and on October 30, 1827,
that all complaints in civil cases relating to farm laborers should
be settled by the magistrates as promptly and simply as possible,
"observing the contracts and usages of the Indians, when these
are not unjust," and that no Indian laborer should be imprisoned
for a purely civil debt (save those to the royal exchequer), nor
should his animals, tools, lands, or house be seized therefor. The
Spanish minister of the exchequer, Luis López Ballesteros, also took
a paternal interest in the islands, and secured royal decrees for
the benefit of their industries. One of these (dated April 6, 1828)
encouraged the importation into Filipinas of all machinery suitable for
spinning and weaving cotton, offered public aid to private enterprises
for improvement in weaving and dyeing, and promised protection and
encouragement to all projects for promoting native manufactures of
cloth; and made the exportation of raw cotton from the islands free,
in order to promote the cultivation of that plant. Another decree
(of the same date) permitted the free importation of all kinds of
agricultural machinery and implements into Filipinas; and authorized
premiums and rewards from the public funds to Filipino farmers who
should first make large plantations of coffee, cacao, cinnamon,
and cloves, as also to those who should make most progress in the
plantations of Chinese cinnamon [canelón], tea, and mulberry-trees,
and in raising silk, etc. Those who kept in cultivation a certain
area of land, and day-laborers who continued to work for a certain
number of years, were exempted from paying tributes; and the native
farmers were allowed to keep cockpits in operation daily and without
tax, on the estates which they cultivated. "In spite of so many
privileges, not many of them were inclined to the cultivation of
their fields." Another royal order (April 6, 1828) made important
regulations regarding the Chinese residing in the islands; they
were to be gathered into villages, as were the Indians; their heads
of barangay were to collect the tributes, as in the Indian villages,
being allowed three per cent of the collections for their trouble; they
were classified into three groups--those who were engaged in foreign
or wholesale trade, those in domestic or retail trade, and artisans
of all classes--who were obliged to pay a monthly tax of ten, four,
and two pesos respectively; those who had settled in the islands,
but were not married, must return to China within six months; and
any Chinaman who failed to pay his tax for three months was to be
sent to compulsory labor on some estate, at a specified wage, from
which should be deducted two pesos a month until his tax dues should
be paid. [20] Still another royal order of the same date gave free
permission to any person of sufficient means to cultivate the opium
poppy in Filipinas and export its product therefrom; and ordered that
its culture should begin on lands close to Manila. Another decree
ordained the establishment of a mint at Manila; but this desirable
measure was not carried out until many years afterward, and the islands
meanwhile had to suffer from the wretched clipped and debased currency
which had so long prevailed there. On October 13, 1828, Ricafort
published an edict that all money which came to the islands coined by
the revolted Spanish colonies of America should be recoined at Manila,
taxing it one per cent for this recoinage. On November 9 following,
a long but not destructive earthquake occurred. In that same year a
conspiracy was set on foot by some civil officials; it was discovered,
and its promoters sent to Spain. As a result, the authorities created
a public vigilance commission, and demanded more troops from Spain;
a regiment was accordingly sent to Manila in 1830. By royal decree
of October 27, 1829, it was provided that the post of superintendent
of the exchequer should be filled by the intendant of the army and
treasury; accordingly this charge was assumed (September 9, 1830) by
Francisco Enriquez, who for two years had been intendant succeeding
Urréjola. In January, 1829, an officer named Guillermo Galvey (whose
duty it was to follow up smugglers in Pangasinán and Ilocos) conducted
an expedition into the district of Benguet; an interesting account of
this is found in the diary left by him. By royal decree of April 5,
1820 Spanish vessels were permitted to enter British ports just as
British vessels were admitted to Spanish ports. Ricafort, having
finished his government of Filipinas, sailed for Spain at the end
of 1830. He was a governor of good judgment and much energy, and did
much to improve the condition of Manila and of the country. He issued
edicts imposing penalties on those who should sing obscene songs,
and on blasphemers, gamblers, beggars, and parents who brought up
their children in evil ways; and he "made provision for a general
domiciliary visitation of Manila and the formation of a list of its
citizens, which measure resulted in many persons of bad antecedents
abandoning the capital. He also decreed standards for weights and
measures, which unfortunately soon fell into disuse; and he created a
military commission with power to execute evildoers, which fulfilled
the object of its creation."

Ricafort was succeeded (December 23, 1830) by Pascual Enrile y Alcedo,
a most zealous and able governor. He personally visited the northern
provinces of Luzón, accompanied by his relative and adjutant, José
María Peñaranda (afterward the governor of Albay), a military engineer,
who afterward made journeys and surveys in a large part of the rest
of that island; this resulted in carefully prepared itineraries,
plans, and maps, which were utilized in the construction of highways
and bridges, and the establishment of postal routes, which opened up
communication between regions before destitute of such facilities,
and sometimes in places heretofore deemed impassable. The navigable
rivers and bayous of Pangasinán were explored and mapped; a highway
was made in Pampanga which should be safe from the overflow of Lake
Canarem; and explorations were made from east to west in Luzón for
the sake of bringing the shores of the island into communication
with the fertile plains of the interior. On May 14, 1834, Peñaranda
was made corregidor or governor of the province of Albay, "which
experienced a complete transformation during his just and beneficent
rule. To him it owed its most important roads, bridges, and public
edifices, and the promotion of its agriculture, on which account his
name is venerated by the inhabitants of Albay; they perpetuated the
memory of this illustrious but modest patriot by erecting, some years
after his death, a monument to him in the plaza of the capital of the
province." The Economic Society of Friends of the Country contributed
to the development of agriculture, in the time of Enrile, by its
reports, memoirs, and material support. We read with surprise, however,
that in 1833 this Society, in an opinion requested from it by the home
government, opposed the establishment of a mint at Manila, and informed
Enrile that such institution was at that time unnecessary. In March,
1831, Galvey made an expedition into the country of the Igorrots;
and in the following December, to the district of Bacún. A decree
of May 9, 1831, established a custom-house in Zamboanga, "in order
to prevent the frauds committed by foreigners in the port of Joló,
and to facilitate and promote expeditions to that point." A royal
decree of April 24, 1832, substituted the garrote for the gallows in
capital punishments. Another, dated February 16, 1833, provided for
the adjustment and management of the funds belonging to the obras
pías, which charge was entrusted later to a committee composed
of the governor of the islands, some of the treasury officials,
and the archbishop. [21] The treasury officials, by a decree of
July 3, 1833, accepted the proposal of certain persons to establish
"a lottery, at their own account and risk, offering to pay to the
treasury forty per cent [of the receipts?], besides twenty-five per
cent of the value of the tickets which composed each drawing, after
furnishing adequate security as a guarantee for the fulfilment of
their promise." The exclusive privilege of this lottery was granted
to these persons for a period of five years. Enrile created the
Guía de forasteros ["Guide for Strangers"] of Filipinas; it first
appeared in 1834. Our author reproduces (t. ii, pp. 539, 540) the
table of contents of this annual. Fernando VII died on September 29,
1833, and was succeeded by his daughter Isabel II, to be until her
majority under the regency of her mother, Maria Cristina; this was
quickly followed by the Carlist insurrection, the reactionary party
being headed by the young prince Carlos, who was proclaimed king
as Carlos V, and civil war ensued, which for seven years stained
the soil of Spain with the blood of her own sons. By royal order of
August 10, 1834, the Chinese traders were restricted to the Parián,
and those Chinese who were allowed to reside in the provinces
must devote themselves to agricultural pursuits. Enrile issued an
edict on October 1, 1834, removing the special duties imposed on the
Chinese champans, and placing them under the same regulations as the
vessels of other foreign nations. On February 2, 1835, the official
despatches arrived from Spain which decreed the restoration of the
constitutional regime and the convocation of the Cortes. Enrile
strengthened the naval forces sent against the pirates [la marina
sutil, composed of light-draught vessels], and was able to drive them
away from the coasts of Visayas. He also increased the area planted
in tobacco, enforced just weights and measures, endeavored to correct
the evils resulting from the debased money of the islands, and caused
a light-house to be erected on Corregidor Island. Our writer commends
this governor as being "one of the most intelligent and industrious
who have ever ruled Filipinas." "To him the country owes material
improvements of the utmost value, of so much importance as the great
highways of Luzón, which have facilitated the intercourse between
the provinces, bringing them into postal communication, one after
another, by means of the mail-routes established by him; and the
administration of the colony is indebted to him for regulations and
procedures that are scientific and orderly, in all the branches that
have contributed to the development of the general welfare, making
considerable increase in the public wealth. Agriculture, commerce,
and navigation likewise experienced the beneficial results of this
illustrious governor's judicious management; and his term of office was
the source of the rapid progress which has been made from that time by
these most important factors of the general welfare--in great part,
thanks to the impulse received from the measures, dictated by him,
which conduced to the natural development of those industries." Enrile
resigned his post, and returned to Spain early in 1835.

He was succeeded ad interim (March 1, 1835) by Gabriel de Torres, at
the time the commander of the army [segundo cabo] under Enrile; as a
military officer, he immediately proposed plans for the improvement
of the military service; but these were checked by his premature
death, [22] less than two months after entering on his office. In
his place, the command was assumed (April 23) by the officer next
him in rank, Juan Crámer; but he surrendered this office on September
9 following to the new segundo cabo, Pedro Antonio Salazar Castillo
y Varona. The latter, on April 25, 1836, issued an edict that "the
plain [sencillas] pesetas coined in the Peninsula should be accepted
[in the islands] at their lawful value of four reals vellón instead
of five, as if they were pillar coins [columnarias]; [23] accordingly
they began to circulate, having been recently introduced into the
islands." On June 11, 1836, the superintendency of treasury affairs
was assumed by Urréjola in place of Enríquez. [24] On July 28,
Salazar found it necessary to issue an edict for the enforcement
of the laws which prohibited carrying gunpowder and firearms to
the Indias, and selling them in countries hostile to Spain; this
referred especially to Moroland, where evidently the pirates had
been thus aided by unscrupulous traders to make their raids against
the northern islands. Salazar thought that he could restrain those
piracies by carrying on commerce with the Moros, and therefore made a
treaty with the sultan of Joló, Mahamad Diamalud Quiram (September 22,
1836), which stipulated "that every three-masted ship which made port
at Joló with Chinese passengers from Manila should pay 2,000 pesos
fuertes, and smaller vessels in proportion to their size;" but "the
most important cargo which went from Manila to Joló never exceeded
2,500 pesos. The Joloan barks which should go to Zamboanga were to
pay a duty of one per cent, and those which entered at Manila two
per cent; but no Joloan bark was accustomed to go to Manila." The
governor of Zamboanga also made a treaty with another Moro ruler;
but it resulted only in increasing the insolence of the pirates,
who paid no attention to their treaties. At the beginning of 1836,
Salazar sent an expedition under Galvey to occupy the Igorrot country;
but it was, despite Galvey's remonstrances, sent in too great haste,
and without adequate preparations, and too near the beginning of the
rainy season; they reached that region, and built some forts, but so
many of the soldiers were attacked by sickness that the expedition
was forced to give up the undertaking and retire, "without any other
result than the expenditure of several thousand dollars." [25]
In that same year, Peñaranda conducted with brilliant success an
expedition to dislodge the pirates from Masbate Island, where they
had fortified themselves. "Afterward, he established a system of
signals in the provinces of the south, to watch the movements of those
pirates." On January 26, 1837, Salazar sent an urgent request to the
Spanish government for the despatch of Spanish regulars to supply the
parish curacies throughout the archipelago, as (for the same reasons
advanced by former governors) he considered the Indian clerics unfit
for that purpose. In view of the secularization of the orders that
had been decreed in Spain, [26] he desired that some two hundred of
the friars there should be sent to Filipinas, which, added to those
already in the islands, would be sufficient for the parishes. The
political disturbances in Spain found some reflection in the distant
colonies; and in February, 1837, there was danger of a tumult arising,
"some insisting that the Constitution should be proclaimed, in order
that they might utilize the change to their own advantage;" among these
were several officers of high rank. Absurd reports were circulated
throughout Manila: that the governor was opposed to the proclamation,
and was intending to banish certain persons from the country, and that
he was a Carlist, etc. Violent measures were proposed by some of the
radicals, but these were resisted by some of the cooler heads; and
many citizens opposed the proclamation of the Constitution, fearing
that serious disturbances would result. Salazar, being informed of
these things, promised that when the royal despatches arrived he
would open them in the presence of all, and fulfil whatever orders he
should receive from the home government. This occurred on August 26
of that year, and the royal orders decreed that no change in political
affairs should be made in Filipinas until the Cortes should decide the
matter; this and Salazar's tact reconciled the contending factions. At
the same time he received a decree reducing in all departments the
military forces of the islands; the authorities resolved to suspend
the execution of this order, and sent an envoy to remonstrate with
the government on this subject--for this purpose choosing one of the
officers who had been most prominent in the recent controversy, and
thus removing from Manila a person whose presence there was regarded
as dangerous. By royal order of February 1, 1836 (published in the
islands on March 31, 1837), order was given that there should be
compiled and published in Manila every year tables of the values of
the moneys from the new provinces of America, in order that their
value might, in their circulation in Manila, be properly adjusted
to the Spanish peso; consequently, the recoinage of American money
was stopped. A later edict ordered that from June 1, 1837, "the coin
called cuarto should circulate at the rate of twenty to the real,
[27] instead of seventeen as hitherto, on account of the greater
size and weight of the new coins; and to this new subdivision were
adjusted the prices of the measures of tobacco established therefor,
and the revenues from wine. Also the circulation of cigars [tabacos]
in place of money was forbidden; the Indians had introduced this on
account of the scarcity of copper coin, and because the greater part
of that then current was counterfeit, on which account a multitude of
disputes had arisen. The governor decided, moreover, that the Spanish
peseta should be accepted at thirty-two cuartos, five [pesetas],
therefore, corresponding to the peso fuerte." A royal order of May
31, 1837, declared certain jurisdictions--Caraga, Samar, Iloilo,
Antique, Capis, Albay, Camarines Sur, and Tayabas--to be those of
governors, at once military and political, who should be military
officers appointed by the War Department; all the rest (excepting
Cavite, Zamboanga, and the Marianas, which also were filled like
the foregoing) were classed as alcaldeships, and appointments thereto
should be made from the attorney-general's office [Ministerio de Gracia
y Justicia]. The Constitution of 1837 was decreed and sanctioned by
the Cortes on June 8 of that year; and it was ordained by that body
that the provinces of Ultramar should be governed by special laws,
a provision reiterated by succeeding constitutions. "From that time
Filipinas lost its representation in the Cortes."

On August 4, 1837, arrived at Manila the new governor of the islands,
Andrés García Camba, a knight of the Order of Santiago. He had already
spent ten years in Filipinas (April, 1825, to March, 1835), and had
gone to Spain as the deputy of Manila to the Cortes, an honor twice
again conferred upon him. He was received with the utmost enthusiasm,
although the Liberals at Manila were irritated by the action of the
Cortes in depriving the islands of representation therein; but Camba
himself had liberal views, as well as a generous and kindly nature,
and gained the good-will of that party. This made trouble for him,
however, in another direction. The civil war in Spain aroused there
great partisan bitterness, which spread to the colonies; and in
Filipinas was a Carlist and reactionary faction, who opposed Camba
in every way. "The regular clergy, as a body, were partisans of the
Pretender, and not only gave him their sympathy but aided him, as well
as the Carlist publications, with their money. The court of Madrid
was aware of this attitude of the friars, and had already sharply
censured Salazar for his indulgence and lenity toward them. Several
Carlist partisans had been banished from Spain to the Marianas,
but had gone to Manila instead, and were not only unmolested there,
but visited and entertained by many of the most prominent people of
the city, and especially by the ecclesiastical element. Camba found
that Carlist reunions were being held in the convents of San Juan
de Dios and Santo Domingo, and that even the archbishop, [Fray José
Segui] was an avowed adherent of the Pretender; the governor tried
to conciliate the disaffected, but with little success, since the
clergy, the Audiencia, and many influential persons, both citizens and
officials, were jealous and hostile toward him." [28] He was obliged to
compel the archbishop to deposit certain funds, belonging to the Cavite
hospital, in the royal treasury, instead of the Dominican convent; also
to arrest a Dominican friar for conducting treasonable correspondence
with Carlists, and to send to Spain a military officer concerned
therein. Notwithstanding Camba's ability, integrity, and devotion to
the interests of the islands, and his patience with his opponents,
they exerted so much influence and carried on so many intrigues against
him, not only in Manila but at Madrid, that they procured his recall to
Spain; [29] and on December 29, 1838, he surrendered the governorship
to his successor, Luis Lardizábal y Montoya. Notwithstanding the
obstacles and difficulties which Camba continually encountered, he
accomplished some important improvements in the administration, [30]
the chief of these being the reorganization of the postal service,
which from 1838 was conducted under one bureau and on modern lines;
he improved the means of communication between the provinces, and
pushed forward the reduction of the heathen tribes. He informed the
Spanish government that the attempts to make treaties and alliances
with the sultans of Joló were of no use in bringing any permanent or
substantial advantage to Spanish navigation and commerce. In 1837 was
published the Flora de Filipinas of the Augustinian Fray Manuel Blanco,
the first attempt to form a compendium of Philippine botany. [31]
A royal decree of October 24, 1838, "created in Spain a consulting
committee for the administration of colonial affairs, as members of
the same being appointed, among others, the ex-governors of Filipinas
Ricafort and Enrile."

A royal order of November 16, 1838, had prohibited the holding of
provincial chapter-sessions in Filipinas; the Recollect procurator at
Madrid remonstrated with the government against this, and the matter
was referred to the governor and archbishop of Manila. Lardizábal
decided that the chapters should meet, and that the senior auditor
of the Audiencia should attend those sessions, as the representative
of the vice-regal patron. By a decree of August 31, the governor
regulated the status of the Chinese in the islands. They were
"classified as transients, those spending the winter [in the islands],
and permanent residents. They were allowed to choose the occupation
which best suited them, without any restriction. The resident
Chinese who should be arrested [as being] without official permit
[cédula] or passport were condemned to labor on the public works;
and deportation to Zamboanga, Misamis, Paragua, and Calamianes was
decreed for all those who were serving a prison term for failure to
pay their capitation-tax, in both Manila and Cavite, with the object
of securing by this means a larger population for those places." On
July 6, 1839, a weekly publication was begun in Manila entitled,
Precios corrientes de Manila [i.e., "Prices current at Manila"], [32]
in the Spanish and English languages. A royal decree of October 4,
1839, provided for the introduction and circulation of books in the
islands; the fiscal must designate those that merited examination,
and then they must be passed upon by two censors, appointed by
the governor and the archbishop respectively, whose opinion must
be submitted to the fiscal; and if "there shall appear sufficient
ground for prohibiting the circulation of any work, because it may
contain principles, opinions, or doctrines opposed to the rights of
the legitimate government or to the religion of the State, it shall be
not only seized but reshipped." [33] On July 15, 1840, was opened the
School of Commerce, established at the request of the Board [Junta]
of Commerce. "On November 11 Lardizábal repeated Ricafort's edict of
1828, prohibiting foreigners from selling merchandise at retail and
entering the provinces to trade." At the end of this year important
changes were made in the administration of financial affairs, all
the revenues arising from government monopolies being united under
one bureau; and another bureau was likewise created for the general
administration of the tributes and some other branches of revenue, as
those from cockpits, tithes, etc.; while in all the general offices of
supervision was introduced the system of bookkeeping by double entry,
which had been established in the royal accountancy of the exchequer
in 1839. The governor also issued instructions for more careful and
accurate accounting being made of municipal property and local imposts,
in order to prevent abuses and waste of funds. Lardizábal was soon
weary of his command, although faithful to his duties while governor,
and so earnestly entreated the home government to allow him to return
to Spain that finally he gained this permission; and he departed on
that voyage (February, 1841), only to die a few days after leaving
Manila; he was buried on an islet near Java. He was succeeded by
Marcelino de Oráa Lecumberri.








REMARKS ON THE PHILLIPPINE ISLANDS AND ON THEIR CAPITAL MANILA,

1819 to 1822


ADVERTISEMENT

The following remarks are drawn up by one but little accustomed
to writing, and offered with much diffidence. In them the Spanish
character will be found perhaps severely treated; but it is necessary
to remark, that not only these observations are, from their very
nature, general; but farther, that they have no reference to the
genuine or European Spanish character--a character of which the writer
has but little knowledge, and one as essentially different from that
which falls under consideration in the following pages, as the society
of all convict colonies is from that of the mother country. [34]





PART I

THE PHILLIPPINES

Of the numerous groupes of islands which constitute the maritime
division of Asia, the Phillippines, in situation, riches, fertility,
and salubrity, are equal or superior to any. Nature has here revelled
in all that poets or painters have thought or dreamt of unbounded
luxuriance of Asiatic scenery. The lofty chains of mountains--the rich
and extensive slopes which form their bases--the ever-varying change
of forest and savannah--of rivers and lakes--the yet blazing volcanoes
in the midst of forests, coeval perhaps with their first eruption--all
stamp her work with the mighty emblems of her creative and destroying
powers. Java alone can compete with them in fertility; but in riches,
extent, situation, and political importance, it is far inferior.

Their position, whether in a political or commercial point of view,
is strikingly advantageous. With India and the Malay Archipelago on
the west and south, the islands of the fertile Pacific and the rising
empires of the new world on the east, the vast market of China at
their doors, their insular position and numerous rivers affording
a facility of communication and defence to every part of them, an
active and industrious population, climates of almost all varieties,
a soil so fertile in vegetable and mineral productions as almost to
exceed credibility; the Phillippine Islands alone, in the hands of
an industrious and commercial nation, and with a free and enlightened
government, would have become a mighty empire:--they are--a waste!

This archipelago presents, in common with all the islands which form
the southern and eastern barrier of Asia, those striking features
which mark a recent or an approaching convulsion of nature: they are
separated by narrow, but deep, and frequently unfathomable channels;
their steep and often tremendous capes and headlands, though clothed
with verdure to the very brink, appear to rise almost perpendicularly
from the ocean; they have but few reefs or shoals, and those of
small extent; and in the interior of the islands, numerous volcanoes,
in activity or very recently so, boiling springs and mineral waters
of all descriptions, minerals of all kinds on the very surface of
the earth, and frequent shocks of earthquakes, all point to this
conclusion, and offer a rich and unexplored field to the geologist
[35] and mineralogist, as do their plants and animals to the botanist
and zoologist; [36] the few attempts that have hitherto been made to
examine them, having from various causes failed, or only extended to
a short distance round the capital. [37]

The climate of these islands is remarkably temperate and
salubrious. The thermometer in Manila is sometimes as low as 70°,
and rarely exceeds 90° in the house during the N. E. monsoon. In
the interior it is sometimes as low as 68° in the mornings, which
are remarkably cool, so much so as to require at time$ woolen
clothing. None of the mountains are within the limits of perpetual
congelation; but I think some cannot be far from it, as I have seen
something much resembling snow on the Pico de Mindoro, and there may
be higher ones in the interior of Magindanao. [38]

Both natives and Spaniards live to a tolerable age, in spite of
the indolent habits of the latter, and the debauches of both. The
Spaniards are most commonly carried off by chronic dysentery, which is
called by them "la enfermedád del pays" (the illness of the country):
from its very frequent occurrence, at least 7 out of 10 of those who
exceed the age of 40, fall victims to this disorder. [39] Acute liver
complaints are very rare, as is also the chronic affection of that
organ, unless as connected with the preceding disorder.

Fevers are not common amongst Europeans, in Manila. Amongst the
natives, the intermittent is of common occurrence, particularly
after the rains (in September and October), and in woody or
marshy situations. [40] This appears to be owing as much to the
thinness and want of clothing, together with their habits of bathing
indiscriminately at all hours, as to miasmata; and, as their fevers
are generally neglected, they often superinduce other and more fatal
disorders, as obstructions, &c. Tetanos in cases of wounds is of
common occurrence, and generally fatal.

Their population, by a census taken in 1817-18, amounted to 2,236,000
souls, and is increasing rapidly. In one province, that of Pampanga,
from 1817 to 1818, there was an increase of 6,737 souls, the whole
population being in 1817, 22,500; but I suspect some inaccuracy
in this. The total increase from 1797 to 1817, 25 [sic] years, is
by this statement 835,500, or 3,360 per annum! In this census are
included only those subject to Spanish laws. About three quarters
of a million more may be added for the various independent tribes,
[41] which may be said to possess the whole of the interior of the
islands, on some of which, as the large one of Mindanao (called by
the natives Magindanao) there are only a few contemptible [Spanish]
posts, the interior and a great part of the coast being still subject
to the Malay sultans, originally of Arab race.

The population of the Marianas and Calamianes Islands, with that of
Palawan, which are all included in "The Kingdom of the Phillippines,"
are comprised in this number, but the whole of these does not exceed
19,000.

Of this number about 600 only are European Spaniards, with some few
foreigners: the remainder are divided into various classes, of which
the principal are, 1st, The Negroes, or aborigines; 2d, the Malays
(or Indians, as they are called by the Spaniards); and the Mestizos
and Creoles, who are about as 1 to 5 of the Indian population.

The Negroes [i.e., Negritos] [42] are in all probability the original
inhabitants of these islands, as they appear at some remote epoch
to have been of almost all the eastern archipelago. The tide of
Malay emigration, from whatever cause and part it proceeded, has on
some islands entirely destroyed them. Others, as New Guinea, it has
not yet reached, a circumstance which seems to point to the west as
the original cradle of the Malay race. In the Phillippines, it has
driven them from the coast to the mountains, which by augmenting the
difficulty of procuring subsistence, may have much diminished their
numbers. Still, however, they form a distinct, and perhaps a more
numerous class of men than is generally suspected. They have in the
present day undisturbed possession of nearly 2/3ds of the island of
Luzon, and of others a still larger proportion.

These people are small in stature, some of them almost dwarfish,
woolly-headed, and thick-lipped, like the negroes of Africa, to
whom indeed they bear a striking resemblance, though the different
tribes vary much in their stature and general appearance. They subsist
entirely on the chase, or on fruits, herbs, roots, or fish when they
can approach the coast. They are nearly, and often quite naked, and
live in huts formed of the boughs of trees, grass &c., or in the trees
themselves, when on an excursion or migration. Their mode of life is
wandering and unsettled, seldom remaining long enough in one place
to form a village. They sometimes sow a little maize or rice, and
wait its ripening, but not longer. These are the habits of the tribes
which border on the Spanish settlements. Farther within the mountains
they are more settled, and even form villages of considerable size, in
the deep vallies by which the chains of mountains are intersected. The
entrances to these they fortify with plantations of the thorny bamboo,
pickets of the same, set strongly in the earth and sharpened by fire,
ditches and pit-falls; in short all the means of defence in their
power are employed to render these places inaccessible. Here they
cultivate corn, rice, and tobacco; the last they sell to Indians,
who smuggle it into the towns. This being a contraband article, as
it is monopolized by government, the defences are used against the
Spanish revenue officers and troops, who on this account never fail
to destroy their establishments when they can do so, though many are
impregnable to any force they can bring against them, from the nature
of the passes, and from the activity of the negroes, who use their
bows with wonderful expertness. There are indeed instances of their
repulsing bodies of one or two hundred native troops, but affairs of
this magnitude are very rare.

To this predatory kind of warfare, as well as to the defective
qualities, and often very reprehensible conduct of the missionaries,
generally Indian priests (Clerigos), are perhaps to be in some
measure attributed their unsettled habits. Those nearest the Spanish
settlements carry on a little commerce, receiving wrought iron,
cloth, and tobacco, but oftener dollars, in exchange for gold-dust,
&c., or for wax, honey, and other products of their mountains. The
circumstance of their receiving dollars, which they rarely use in
their purchases, is a curious one; but it is a fact, and very large
quantities of money are supposed to be thus buried; from what motive,
except a superstitious one, cannot be imagined. [43]

Of their manners or customs little or nothing is known. Like all
savage nations, they are abundantly tinctured with superstitions,
fickle, and hasty. One of their customs best known is, that upon the
death of a chief, they plant themselves in ambush on some frequented
track, and with their arrows assassinate the first unfortunate
traveller who passes, and not unfrequently two or three; the bodies
are carried off as sacrifices to the manes of the deceased. [44] The
communications between the Spanish settlements are often interrupted
by this circumstance, as no Indian will venture out when the negroes
are known to be "de luto" (in mourning): they are also said to have a
"throwing of spears," similar to those of New Holland, at the death
of any eminent person. In fact, upon this, as upon all other points
unconnected with masses and sermons, there exists a degree of ignorance
which is almost incredible. The early missionaries, in their rage for
nominal conversion, appear to have neglected entirely the history or
origin of their neophytes; and, as in America, where the monuments of
ages were crumbled to the dust to plant the cross, all that related
to the history of their converts was considered as unprofitable,
if not as impious, the devil [45] being compendiously supposed to
preside over their political as well as religious institutions in
all cases. In this belief, and in its consequent effects, the modern
missionaries, who are mostly Indian priests, are worthy successors
of their Spanish predecessors.

The government have many missions established for the purpose of
converting them, but with little success. Like most savages, their
mode of life has to them charms superior to civilization, or rather to
Christianity (for here the terms are not synonimous); and they rarely
remain, should they even consent to be baptized, but on the first
caprice, or exaction of tribute, which immediately takes place, and
sometimes even precedes this ceremony, return again to their mountains.

Exposed to all inclemencies of the weather, and with an unwholesome
and precarious diet, they perhaps rarely attain more than forty
years of age. Their numbers are supposed rather to diminish than
increase; and in a few years this race of men, with their language,
will probably be extinct. It is indeed a curious subject of enquiry,
whether the language of those of the eastern islands has any, and
what resemblance to those of Africa, or the southern parts of New
Holland and Van Dieman's Land? [46]

They are not represented as very mischievous; but if strangers
venture too far into their woods, they consider it an aggression,
and repel it accordingly with their arrows. Those who frequent the
Spanish settlements are rather of a mild character; and there are
instances of Spanish vessels being wrecked on the coast, whose people,
particularly the Europeans, have been treated by them in the kindest
manner, and carefully conducted to the nearest settlement.

The character of the different tribes appears, however, to vary in
this particular: some are described as treacherous and cruel, and
those which inhabit the north western coasts of the Bay of Manila are
accused of having frequently attacked the boats of ships, when these
were not sufficiently guarded in their intercourse with them. The
natives of the town in the Bay of Mariveles, at the entrance of that
of Manila, assured the writer of these pages, that it would be madness
to attempt accompanying them into the woods, even in disguise; and
in this they persisted, though money was offered them to allow him
to proceed with them.

The Indians are the descendants of the various Malay tribes which
appear to have emigrated to this country at different times, and
from different parts of Borneo and Celebes. Their languages, though
all derived from one stock (the Malay), has a number of dialects
differing very materially; so much so, that those from different
provinces frequently do not understand each other.

They differ too in their character, and slightly in their manners
and customs. The most numerous class of them are the Bisayas, [47]
(a Spanish name, from their anciently painting their bodies, and using
defensive armour). These inhabit the largest part of the southern
islands. Luzon contains several tribes, of which the most remarkable
are the Ylocos, Cagayanes, Zambales, Pangasinanes, Pampangos, and
Tagalos. These still retain their national distinctions and characters
to such a degree, that they often occasion quarrels amongst each
other. Of their general character as a nation we are now to speak.

The Indian of the Phillippine Islands has been strangely
misrepresented. He is not the being that oppression, bigotry,
and indolence, have for 300 years endeavoured to make him, or he
is so only when he has no other resource. Necessity, and the force
of example have made those of Manila, what the whole are generally
characterized as--traitors, idlers, and thieves.

How, under such a system as will be afterwards described, should
they be otherwise? Say rather, that all considered, it is surprising
to find them what they are; for they are in general (I speak of the
Indian of the provinces), mild, industrious, as far as they dare to
be so, hospitable, kind, and ingenuous. The Pampango is brave, [48]
faithful, and active; the fidelity of the Cagayan is proverbial; the
Yloco and the Pangasinanon are most industrious; the Bisayan is brave
and enterprising almost to fool-hardiness:--they are all a spirited, a
proudly-spirited race of men; and such materials, in other hands, would
form the foundation of all that is great and excellent in human nature.

But for 300 years they have been ground to the earth with
oppression. They have been crushed by tyranny; their spirit has
been tortured by abuse and contempt, and brutalized by ignorance;
in a word, there is no injustice that has not been inflicted on them,
short of depriving them of their liberty; and in a work published at
Madrid in 1819 (Estado de las Yslas Filipinas, par [sic; for por] Don
Tomas Comyn), whose author was a factor of the Phillippine company, a
whole chapter (the 4th) is devoted to the mild and humane project "of
establishing Spanish agriculturists throughout the islands," who are,
"to require a certain number of Indians from the governors of towns
and provinces, who are to be driven to the plantations, where they
are to be obliged to work a certain time, the price of their labour
being fixed, and then to be relieved by a fresh drove!" [49]

Such a system, incredible as it may appear, has been proposed to a
Spanish cortes; and still more wonderful, plans like these excited
no reprobation in Manila. Such were Spanish ideas of governing
Indians! Justice would almost tempt us to wish that this scheme had
been carried into execution, and that the Indian had risen and dashed
his chains on the heads of the authors of such an infernal project. And
yet the Indian is marked out as little better than a brute; so many
of them are, but to the system of government, and not to the Indian,
is the fault to be ascribed.

It is not here meant to accuse the Spanish laws; many of them are
excellent, and would appear to have been dictated by the very spirit
of philanthropy. But these are rarely enforced, or if they are,
delay vitiates their effect. That this colony, the most favoured
perhaps under heaven by nature, should have remained till the present
day almost a forest, is a circumstance which has generally excited
surprise in those who are acquainted with it, and has as generally
been accounted for by attributing it to the laziness of the Spaniards
and Indians. This is but a superficial view of the subject; one of
those general remarks which being relatively a little flattering to
ourselves, pass current as facts, and then "we wonder how any one can
doubt of what is so generally received."--The cause lies deeper, man is
not naturally indolent. When he has supplied his necessities, he seeks
for superfluities--if he can enjoy them in security and peace;--if
not--if the iron gripe of despotism (no matter in what shape, or
through what form it is felt), is ready to snatch his earnings from
him, without affording him any equivalent--then indeed he becomes
indolent, that is, he merely provides for the wants of to-day. This
apathy is perpetuated through numerous generations till it becomes
national habit, and then we falsely call it nature. It cannot be
too often repeated, that from the poles to the equator, man is the
creature of his civil institutions, and is active in proportion to
the freedom he enjoys. Who that has perused the History of Java by
Sir S. Raffles, [50] and seen the effects of government planned by
the talents of Minto in the spirit of the British constitution in
that country, will now accuse the Javanese of unwillingness to work,
if the fruits of his labour are secured to him? And yet we remember
when a Javanese was another name for every thing that is detestable. It
is ever thus--we blame the race, because that flatters our pride--we
should first look to their institutions. I return to the Phillippines.

The cause, then, of their little progress is "because there is no
security for property;" or in other words, the smallness of the
salaries of the officers of justice, as well as of other members
of government, and the profligacy inseparable from all despotic
governments, have laid the inhabitants under that curse of all
societies, venal courts of justice. Does an unfortunate Indian scrape
together a few dollars to buy a buffalo, in which consists their
whole riches? Woe to him if it is known; and if his house is in a
lonely situation--he is infallibly robbed. Does he complain, and is
the robber caught? In three months he is let loose again (perhaps
with some trifling punishment), to take vengeance on his accuser,
and renew his depredations.

Hundreds of Indian families are yearly ruined in this manner. Deprived
of their cattle, on which they depend for subsistence, they grow
desperate and careless of future exertion, which can but lead to the
same results, and thus either drag on a miserable existence from day
to day, or join with the robbers [51] to pursue the same mode of life,
and to exonerate themselves from paying tributes and taxes, in return
for which no protection is granted. In many provinces this has been
carried to such an extent, that whole districts are rendered impassable
by the robbers, [52] who even lay villages under contribution!

This is the state of the inland towns. On the coasts, and while a
flotilla of gun-boats is maintained at an expense of upwards of half
a million of dollars annually, there is no part safe from the attacks
of the Malay pirates from Borneo, Sooloo, and Mindanao. These make
regular cruises to procure slaves, and have even not unfrequently
carried them off, not only from the bay of Manila, [53] but even from
within gun-shot of its ramparts! The very soldiers and sailors sent
for their protection plunder them. An Indian in whose neighbourhood
troops are posted, or who sees the gun-boats approaching, can no
longer consider his property safe; and in the very vicinity of Manila,
soldiers ramble about with their loaded muskets, and pilfer all they
lay hands upon at midday! [54]

Does the Indian, in spite of all this, escape, and by patient industry
make a little way in the world? he is vexed with offices; he is chosen
Alguazil, Lieutenant, and Captain of his town; to these offices no
pay is attached, they always occasion expenses and create him enemies;
he is pinched or cheated by the Mestizos, a forestalling, avaricious,
and tyrannical race. Does he suffer in silence? it is a signal for
new oppressions: does he complain? a law suit. The Mestizos are all
connected, they are rich, and the Indian is poor.

The imperfect mode of trial, both in civil and criminal cases (by
written declarations and the decisions of judges alone), lays them open
to a thousand frauds; for if the magistrate be supposed incorruptible,
his notaries or writers (escribanos and escribientes) are not so;
and from their knavery, declarations are often falsified, or one paper
is exchanged for another whilst in the act of or before signing them.

To such a degree does this exist, that few Indians, even of those
who can read Spanish tolerably, will sign a declaration made before a
magistrate without threats, or without having some one on whom they
can depend, to assure them they may safely do so. Nor is this to be
wondered at, when it is known that declarations on which the life
or fortune of an individual may depend are left, often for days,
in the power of writers or notaries, any of whom may be bought for
a doubloon; and some of them are even the menial servants of the
magistrate! This applies to Luzon. In the other islands, this miserable
system is yet worse: they have seldom but one communication a year
with the capital, to which all causes of any magnitude are sent for
decision or confirmation; and, as the papers are often (purposely)
drawn up with some informality, the cause, after suffering all the
first ordeal of chicane and knavery, experiences a year's delay
before it is even allowed a chance of being exposed to that which
awaits it at Manila. Or should the cause be at length carried to the
Audiencia, or Supreme Court, and there, as is sometimes the case, be
judged impartially, the delay of the decision renders it useless--the
sentence is evaded--or treated with contempt! This may appear almost
incredible, but known to any person who has resided in Manila.

While the civil power is thus shamefully corrupt or negligent of
its duties, the church has not forgotten that she too has claims
on the Indian. She has marked out, exclusive of Sundays, above 40
days in the year on which no labour can be performed throughout the
islands. Exclusive of these are the numerous local feasts in honor
of the patron saints of towns and churches. [55] The influence of
these extends often through a groupe of many islands, always to many
leagues round their different sanctuaries; and often lasting three
or four days, sometimes a week, according to his or her reputation
for sanctity; so that including Sundays, the average cannot be less
than 110 or 120 days lost to the community in a year. This alone is
a heavy tax on the agricultural classes, by whom it is most severely
felt; but its consequences are more so, from the habits of idleness
and dissipation which it engenders and perpetuates. These feasts
are invariably, after the procession is over, scenes of gambling,
drinking, and debauchery of every description.


               "And mony jobs that day begun,
                Will end in houghmagandie." [56]


Thus they unsettle and disturb the course of their labours by calling
off their attention from their domestic cares; and by continually
offering occasions of dissipation destroy what little spirit of economy
or foresight may exist amongst so rude and ignorant a people. Nor is
this all; they are subject to numerous other vexations and impositions
under the title of church-services; such are, in some towns, five or
six men attendant daily in rotation to bring the sick to the church
to confess, or to carry the "Padre" with the host to their houses,
and many others; all of which, though in themselves trifles, are more
harassing, from their unsettling tendency, than pecuniary imposts. An
encouragement to celibacy and its consequent evils is also to be found
in the (to them) heavy expenses attendant on all the domestic offices
of religion, as matrimony, baptism, &c., as well as in the increase
of the poll-tax on married persons, for the whole of which the husband
is responsible. The ecclesiastical expenses of a marriage between the
poorer classes are about five dollars: the others, as christenings,
buryings, &c., in proportion. These appear trifles; but if to these
are added the confessions, bulas, [i.e., of the Crusade] and other
exactions, it will be seen that these constitute no trifling part of
the oppressive and ill managed system which has so much contributed
to debase their real character.

I say nothing here of the natural effect of the Roman Catholic
religion on an ignorant people, who imagine, that verbal confession
and pecuniary atonements (rarely to the injured person) are a salvo
for crimes of all magnitudes: that such is the case, is notorious to
every one who has visited Catholic countries.

Let us for a moment retrace this picture. To whom after this is it
attributable that the Indian is often a vicious and degraded being,
particularly in the neighborhood of Manila?

If he sees all around him thieving and enjoying their plunder
with impunity, what wonder is it that he should thieve also? If
his tribunals of all descriptions afford him no redress,
or place that redress beyond his reach, what resource has he
but private revenge? [57] If he cannot enjoy the fruits of
his labour in peace, why should he work? If he is ignorant,
why has he not been instructed? There exist scarcely any
schools to teach him his duties: the few that do exist teach him
Latin! prayers! theology! jurisprudence! and some little reading and
writing; [58] but he is only taught to read the lives of the saints,
and the legends of the church, whose gloomy, fanatical doctrines and
sanguinary histories have not a little contributed to make him at
times revengeful and intolerant. Does he prevaricate and flatter? It
is because he dare not speak the truth, and because a long system of
oppression has broken his spirit.

Does he endeavour to advance himself a few steps in civilization? his
attempts are treated with ridicule and contempt; [59] hence he
becomes apathetic, careless of advancement, and often insensible to
reproach. The best epithets he hears from Spaniards (often as ignorant
as himself) are "Indio!" The God of nature made him so. "Bruto!" He
has been and is brutalized by his masters. "Barbaro!" He is often
so by force, example, or even by precept. "Ignorante!" He has no
means of learning; the will is not wanting. In a word, the spirit
of the followers of Cortes and Pizarro, appears to have left its
last vestiges here, and perhaps the Indian has been saved from its
persecutions only by the weakness of the Spaniard.

Such are some of the causes which have marked the character of
the Indian, which is not naturally bad, with some of its prominent
blemishes. I am far from holding up the Indian of the Phillippines as
a faultless being; he is not so; the Indian of Manila [60] has all the
vices attributed to him; but I assert, that the Phillippine islander
owes the greater part of his vices to example, to oppression, and above
all to misgovernment; and that his character has traits, which under
a different system, would have produced a widely different result.

To sum up his character:--He is brave, tolerably faithful, extremely
sensible to kind treatment, and feelingly alive to injustice or
contempt; proud of ancestry, which some of them carry to a remote
epoch; fond of dress and show, hunting, riding, and other field
exercises; but prone to gambling and dissipation. He is active,
industrious, and remarkably ingenious. He possesses an acute ear,
and a good taste for music and painting, but little inclination for
abstruse studies. He has from nature excellent talents, but these
are useless for want of instruction. The little he has received, has
rendered him fanatical in religious opinions; and long contempt and
hopeless misery has mingled with his character a degree of apathy,
which nothing but an entire change of system and long perseverance
will efface from it. [61]

The Mestizos are the next class of men who inhabit these islands: under
this name are not only included the descendants of Spaniards by Indian
women and their progeny, but also those of the Chinese, who are in
general whiter than either parent, and carefully distinguish themselves
from the Indians. The Mestizos are, as the name denotes, a mixed class,
and, with the creoles of the country, like those of all colonies,
when uncorrected by an European education, inherit the vices of both
progenitors, with but few of the virtues of either. Their character has
but few marked traits; the principal ones are their vanity, industry,
and trading ingenuity: as to the rest, money is their god; to obtain
it they take all shapes, promise and betray, submit to everything,
trample and are trampled on; all is alike to them, if they get money;
and this, when obtained, they dissipate in lawsuits, firing cannon,
fireworks, illuminations, processions on feast days and rejoicings, in
gifts to the churches, or in gambling. This anomaly of actions is the
business of their lives. Too proud to consider themselves as Indians,
and not sufficiently pure in blood to be acknowledged as Spaniards,
they affect the manners of the last, with the dress of the first,
and despising, are despised by both. [62] They however, cautiously
mark on all occasions the lines which separate them from the Indians,
and have their own processions, ceremonies, inferior officers of
justice, &c., &c. The Indian repays them with a keen contempt, not
unmixed with hatred. And these feuds, while they contribute to the
safety of a government too imbecile and corrupt to unite the good
wishes of all classes, have not unfrequently given rise to affrays
which have polluted even the churches and their altars with blood.

Such are the three great classes of men which may be considered
as natives of the Phillippine Islands. The Creole [63] Spaniards,
or those whose blood is but little mingled with the Indian ancestry,
pass as Spaniards. Many of them are respectable merchants and men of
large property; while others, from causes which will be seen hereafter,
are sunk in all the vices of the Indian and Mestizo.

The government of the Phillippine Islands is composed of a governor,
who has the title of Captain General, with very extensive powers;
a Teniente Rey, or Lieutenant Governor; the Audiencia or Supreme
Court, who are also the Council. This tribunal is composed of three
judges, the chief of whom has the title of Regent, and two Fiscals or
Attorney Generals, the one on the part of the king, the other on that
of the natives, and this last has the specious title of "Defensor
de los Indios." The financial affairs are under the direction of
an Intendant, who may be called a financial governor. He has the
entire control and administration of all matters relative to the
revenue, the civil and military auditors and accountants being under
him. Commercial affairs are decided by the Consulado, or chamber of
commerce, composed of all the principal, and, in Manila, some of the
inferior merchants. From this is an appeal to a tribunal "de Alzada"
[i.e., of appeal] composed of one judge and two merchants, and from
this to the Audiencia, without whose approbation no sentence is valid.

The civic administration is confided to the Ayuntamiento (Courts of
Aldermen or Municipality). This body, composed of the two Alcaldes,
twelve Regidors (or Aldermen) and a Syndic, enjoy very extensive
privileges, approaching those of Houses of Assembly; their powers,
however, appear more confined to remonstrances and protests,
representations against what they conceive arbitrary or erroneous
in government, or recommendations of measures suggested either
by themselves or others. They have, in general, well answered the
object of their institution as a barrier against the encroachments
of government, and as a permanent body for reference in cases where
local knowledge was necessary, which last deficiency they well supply.

The civil power and police are lodged in the hands of a Corregidor and
two Alcaldes: the decision of these is final in cases of civil suits,
where the value in question is small, 100 dollars being about the
maximum. [64] Their criminal jurisdiction extends only to slight fines
and corporal punishments, and imprisonment preparatory to trial. The
police is confided to the care of the Corregidor, who has more
extensive powers, and also the inspection and control of the prisons.

To him are also subject the Indian Captains and Officers of towns, who
are annually elected by the natives. These settle small differences,
answer for disturbances in their villages, execute police orders,
impose small contributions of money or labour for local objects, such
as repairs of roads, &c. &c. They also have the power of inflicting
slight punishments on the refractory. To them is also confided the
collection of the capitation or poll-tax, which is done by dividing the
population of the town or village into tens, each of which has a Cabeça
(or head), who is exempt from tribute himself, but answerable for the
amount of the ten under him. This tax is then paid to the Alcalde or
Corregidor, and from him to the treasury. The Mestizos and Chinese
have also their captains and heads, who are equally answerable for
the poll-tax.

The different districts and islands, which are called provinces,
and are 29 in number, are governed by Alcaldes. The more troublesome
ones, or those requiring a military form of government, by military
officers, who are also Corregidors. Samboangan on the south west
coast of Mindanao, and the Marianas, have governors named from Manila,
and these are continued from three to five years in office.

These Alcaldeships are a fertile source of abuses and oppression: their
pay is mean to the last degree, not exceeding 350 dollars per annum,
and a trifling per centage on the poll-tax. They are in general held
by Spaniards of the lower classes, who finding no possible resource
in Manila, solicit an Alcadeship. This is easily obtained, on giving
the securities required by government for admission to these offices,
which consist in two sureties [65] to an amount proportionable to
the value of the taxes of the province, which all pass through the
Alcalde's hands.

Of the nature and amount of these abuses an idea will be better
formed from the following abridged quotations, which are translated
from the work of Comyn before quoted (p. 16). [66]

"It is indeed common enough to see the barber or lacquey of a governor,
or a common sailor, transformed at once into the Alcalde in chief of
a populous province, without any other guide or council than his own
boisterous passions.

"Without examining the inconvenience which may arise from their
ignorance, it is yet more lamentable to observe the consequences
of their rapacious avarice, which government tacitly allows them to
indulge, under the specious title of permissions to trade (indultos).

----"and these are such that it may be asserted, that the evil which
the Indian feels most severely is derived from the very source which
was originally intended for his assistance and protection, that is,
from the Alcaldes of the provinces, who, generally speaking, are the
determined enemies and the real oppressors of their industry.

"It is a well known fact, that far from promoting the felicity of the
provinces to which he is appointed, the Alcalde is exclusively occupied
with advancing his private fortune, without being very scrupulous
as to the means he employs to do so: hardly is he in office than he
declares himself the principal consumer, buyer, and exporter of every
production of the province. In all his enterprises he requires the
forced assistance of his subjects, and if he condescends to pay them,
it is at least only at the price paid for the royal works. These
miserable beings carry their produce and manufactures to him, who
directly or indirectly has fixed an arbitrary price for them. To offer
that price is to prohibit any other from being offered--to insinuate is
to command--the Indian dares not hesitate--he must please the Alcalde,
or submit to his persecution: and thus, free from all rivalry in his
trade, being the only Spaniard in the province, the Alcalde gives
the law without fear or even risk, that a denunciation of his tyranny
should reach the seat of government.

"To enable us to form a more correct idea of these iniquitous
proceedings, let us lift a little of the veil with which they are
covered, and examine a little their method of collecting the 'tributo'
(poll-tax).

"The government, desirous of conciliating the interests of the natives
with that of the revenue, has in many instances commuted the payment
of the poll-tax into a contribution in produce or manufactures:
a year of scarcity arrives, and this contribution, being then of
much higher value than the amount of the tax, and consequently the
payment in produce a loss, and even occasioning a serious want in
their families, they implore the Alcalde to make a representation
to government that they may be allowed to pay the tribute for that
year in money. This is exactly one of those opportunities, when,
founding his profits on the misery of his people, the Alcalde can in
the most unjust manner abuse the power confided to him. He pays no
attention to their representations. He is the zealous collector of
the royal revenues;--he issues proclamations and edicts, and these are
followed by his armed satellites, who seize on the harvests, exacting
inexorably the tribute, until nothing more is to be obtained. Having
thus made himself master of the miserable subsistence of his subjects,
he changes his tone on a sudden--he is the humble suppliant to
government in behalf of the unfortunate Indians, whose wants he
describes in the most pathetic terms, urging the impossibility of
their paying the tribute in produce--no difficulty is experienced in
procuring permission for it to be paid in money--to save appearance,
a small portion of it is collected in cash, and the whole amount paid
by him into the treasury, while he resells at an enormous profit,
the whole of the produce (generally rice) which has been before
collected!" Comyn, p. 134 to 138.

This extract, though long, is introduced as an evidence from a Spaniard
(not of the lower order, or a disappointed adventurer, but a man of
high respectability), of the shameless abuses which are daily practiced
in this unfortunate country, and of which the Indian is invariably
the victim: and it is far from being an overcharged one. Hundreds
of other instances might be cited, [67] but this one will perhaps
suffice to exonerate the writer of these remarks from suspicion of
exaggeration, in pointing out some of the most prominent of them.

While treating of the government of the Phillippines, we must not
forget the ministers of their religion, and the share which they have
in preserving these islands as dominions to the crown of Spain. This
influence dates from the earliest epoch of their discovery. The
followers of Cortes and Pizarro, with their successors, were employed
in enriching themselves in the new world; and the spirit of conquest
and discovery having found wherewith to satiate the brutal avarice by
which it was directed, abandoned these islands to the pious efforts of
the missionaries by whom, rather than by force of arms, they were in a
great measure subdued; and even in the present day, they still preserve
so great an influence, that the Phillippines may be almost said to
exist under a theocracy approaching to that of the Jesuits in Paraguay.

The ecclesiastical administration is composed of an Archbishop
(of Manila), who has three suffragans, Ylocos, Camarines, and Zebu;
the first two on Luzon, the last on the island of the same name. The
revenue of the Archbishop is 4000, and that of the bishops 3000 dollars
annually. The regular Spanish clergy of all orders are about 250,
the major part of which are distributed in various convents in the
different islands, though their principal seats are in that of Luzon;
and many of them, from age or infirmity, are confined to their convents
in Manila.

The degree of respect in which "the Padre" is held by the Indian,
is truly astonishing. It approaches to adoration, and must be
seen to be credited. In the most distant provinces, with no other
safeguard than the respect with which he has inspired the Indians,
he exercises the most unlimited authority, and administers the whole
of the civil and ecclesiastical government, not only of a parish,
but often of a whole province. His word is law--his advice is taken
on all subjects. No order from the Alcalde, or even the government
[68] is executed without his counsel and approbation, rendered too
in many cases the more indispensable from his being the only person
who understands Spanish in the village. [69] To their high honour
be it spoken, the conduct of these reverend fathers in general fully
justifies and entitles them to this confidence. The "Padre" is the only
bar to the oppressions of the Alcalde: he protects, advises, comforts,
remonstrates, and pleads for his flock; and not unfrequently has he
been seen, though bending beneath the weight of years and infirmity,
to leave his province, and undertake a long and often perilous voyage
to Manila, to stand forward as the advocate of his Indians; and these
gratefully repay this kind regard for their happiness by every means
in their power.

Their hospitality is equally praiseworthy. The stranger who is
travelling through the country, no matter what be his nation or his
religion, [70] finds at every town the gates of the convent open to
him, and nothing is spared that can contribute to his comfort and
entertainment. They too are the architects and mechanists: many of
them are the physicians and schoolmasters of the country, and the
little that has been done towards the amelioration of the condition
of the Indian, has generally been done by the Spanish clergy.

It is painful, however, to remark, that much that might have been
done, has been left undone. The exclusive spirit of the Roman church,
which confines its knowledge to its priests, is but too visible
even here: they appear to be more anxious to make Christians, than
citizens, and by neglecting this last part of their duty, have but
very indifferently fulfilled the first,--the too common error of
proselytists of all denominations, which has probably its source in
that vanity of human nature, which is as insatiable beneath the cowl
as under any garb it has yet assumed.

Some of them too have furnished a striking but melancholy proof of
the eloquent moral,


            "It is not good for man to be alone."


Let us draw a veil over these infirmities. He who has lived amidst
the busy hum of crowds, amidst the wild whirl of human passions and
interests, can have but little conception of the state of that mind,
which perhaps feeling alive to the blessings of social intercourse,
is cut off for years from civilized men; and thus buried mentally,
is constrained to seek all its resources within itself. [71] That
heart is one of powerful fibre which does not sometimes show itself
to be human....

There are instances indeed of some of them forgetting in a great
measure their language! and of others who have become almost idiots
while yet in the vigour of life! [72]

The next and lowest order of ecclesiastics are the Indian clergy
(clerigos); they are in number from 800 to 1000, and though from the
want of Spaniards, the administration of many large districts and
towns is confided to them, they are as a body far from being worthy
of such an important charge. The majority of them are ignorant to the
last degree, proud, debauched, and indolent: in a word, they unite
the vices of the priesthood to those of the Indian, and form a class
of men who may almost be said to be distinguished by their vices only.

This arises from various causes, of which the principal appears to be
that of their being entirely excluded from the higher ecclesiastical
situations. This alone, by depriving them of the most powerful stimulus
to correct conduct, together with the very confined education they
receive, and the impassable line drawn between them and the Spanish
clergy, whom they are never allowed to approach, and who treat them
with much contempt, are sufficient to account, in a great measure,
for their apparent demerit. The fact, however, is such, whatever be
its cause; and seldom a week passes, or at most a month, but some of
them are brought before the ecclesiastical tribunals, under accusations
but little creditable to their cloth.

Their ordinary resort at Manila is the cockpit or the gaming table,
where they shew an avidity and keenness which are disgraceful and
shameless to the last degree. Yet to the guidance of beings like
these is the unfortunate Indian in a great measure abandoned, even
in his last moments: for from the very great proportion of these
to the Spanish priests, and from the recluse lives of the latter,
nearly nine-tenths of all the clerical duties are performed by the
Indian clerigos, such as I have described them. The few who do form an
exception, are men whose conduct is highly creditable to themselves,
and more striking from its unfrequent occurrence.

A keen and deadly jealousy subsists between these and the Spanish
ecclesiastics, or rather a hatred on the one side, and a contempt on
the other. The Indian clergy accuse these last of a neglect of their
ecclesiastical duties, of vast accumulations of property in lands,
&c., which, say they, "belong to us the Indians." The Spaniards in
return treat them with silent contempt, continuing to enjoy the best
benefices, and living at their ease in the convents. From what has been
said, it will be easily seen, "that much may be said on both sides;"
but these recriminations have the bad effect of debasing both parties
in the eyes of the natives, and are the germs of a discord which
may one day involve these countries in all the horrors of religious
dissentions. [73]

Such are the civil and ecclesiastical government of the
Phillippines. We turn now to the Revenue and Expenditure, Military
establishments, &c.

Until very lately these rich islands have been a constant burden to
the crown of Spain, money having been annually sent from Mexico to
supply their expenses. The establishment of the monopoly of tobacco has
principally contributed to supply this deficiency. It was established
by an active and intelligent governor (Vasco) about 1745 [sc., 1785]
and still continues to be the principal revenue of the country;
and large sums have been from time to time sent home to Spain,
as a balance against those received from Mexico. The sales of this
article amount more or less to a million of dollars per annum. The
extensive establishment which is kept up to prevent smuggling, and the
expenses of purchase and manufacture, reduce its net produce to 500,000
dollars per annum. The plant is cultivated in the districts of Gapan
in Pampanga, in a part of the province of Cagayan, and in the island
Marinduque to the south of Luzon. It is delivered in by the cultivators
at fixed prices, and sent to Manila, where it is manufactured in a
large range of buildings dedicated to that purpose, and retailed to the
public at about 18 to 19 1/2 dollars per arroba of 25 lbs. (Spanish),
the prices varying a little according to the harvests.

The administration, inspection, and manufacture of this article,
employ several thousand persons of both sexes (the manufacturing
process being almost wholly carried on by women). This is not only
the most productive, but the best conducted branch of the revenue;
while it is at the same time the least vexatious in its operations,
though not exempt from those objections which are common to all
government monopolies.

Another of these monopolies is that of Coco wine, as it is called
(vino de Coco y nipa). This is a weak spirit produced from the juice
of the Toddy tree (Borassus gomutus), [74] and from the nipa (Cocos
nypa): of this, large quantities are used by the natives. The expense
of collection is about 80,000 dollars, the net revenue to government
varying from 2 to 300,000.

The poll-tax (tributo) is the other great branch of the revenue;
the manner of collecting it is described in p. 29. Its amount to
each individual is, with some exceptions and variations in different
provinces, 14 rials, or 1 3/4 dollars for every married Indian, from
the age of 24 to 60. The Mestizos pay 24 rials or 3 dollars, and the
Chinese 6 dollars each: this last branch is generally farmed. The
amount of Indian and Mestizo tribute may be stated in round numbers at
800,000 dollars: the expense of collecting it diminishes it to about
640,000. The exemptions from it are disbanded soldiers, who pay less
than others, men above 60 years of age, and the cultivators of tobacco,
or makers of wine for the royal monopolies.

The collection of this tax is always attended with much trouble, and
it is detested by the Indians to the last degree. The exaction of it
from the newly converted tribes, [75] and the extensive frauds which,
as already detailed, are practised by means of it, render it the most
oppressive of all impositions. The natives consider it (perhaps with
some justice), as giving money to no purpose; and infallibly evade
it by every means in their power.

The customs produce from 1 to 300,000 dollars per annum. The remaining
part of the revenue is derived from various minor sources: such are
the cockpits, which are farmed, and produce a net revenue of 25 to
40,000 dollars;--the Chinese poll-tax, 30,000 dollars;--"Bulas,"
[76] (the sale of which is farmed, and produces from 10 to 12,000
dollars);--cards, powder (a monopoly), stamps, and other articles of
minor importance; amongst which was formerly the monopoly of betel nut,
which is now abolished.

The expenses of administration are as follows. The civil and
ecclesiastical officers of government, 250,000 dollars. The military,
including all classes, about 600,000; and the marine, about 550,000.

The excess of revenue over the expenditure is stated by Comyn to have
been in 1809 about 450,000 dollars, but in this is included 250,000
received from Mexico.

In 1817, by an account published by order of the Ayuntamiento of
Manila, the amount of the revenue was--


                                Receipts

                                              Dollars

            Poll Tax                                 638,976
            Rentas (monopolies, farms, &c.)          810,784
                                                   =========
                Total                              1,449,760 [77]


of which a surplus would remain when all the expenses were
liquidated. In preceding years, some surplus has been remitted
to Spain.

The military establishment consists of three regiments of infantry,
one of dragoons, a squadron of hussars, and a battalion of artillery,
in all about 4500 regulars. The militia are numerous, but only one
regiment is under arms: the total of men may be estimated at 5000,
but on an emergency, large bodies of irregulars can be called into
activity. In 1804, the governor, Don J. M. de Anguilar, [i.e.,
Aguilar] is said to have had upwards of 20,000 men under arms, being
in expectation of an attack from the English.

These troops (which are all natives) are in general badly disciplined
and officered, mostly by country-born officers, without the advantage
of an European education, ignorant of their military duties to the
last degree, many of them (more especially in the Mestizo regiments)
connected with the soldiers by relationship, or at least by the tie
of mutual indulgence, the soldier performing every menial office for
the officer, who in return winks at the excesses of the soldier. This
is carried to such an extent, that, not to mention such trifles as
a garden wall or gate, a bathing house, or a stable, or at times a
little smuggling; there are instances on record, where the commanding
officer of a regiment has built himself a country house! the whole
of the masonry and carpentry being performed by soldiers of his
regiment! Another is of a captain collecting his debts by means of
a piquet of infantry; taking possession of his debtor's house until
payment was made!

It will be easily conceived, that where these things are permitted,
the soldiers are made subservient to other purposes; accordingly
they have been employed to punish the paramours of their officers'
wives--to eject a troublesome tenant--or at times to take vengeance
for affronts, in cases where it might not be safe for the injured
person to do so. [78]

These remarks apply more particularly to the Mestizo officers. The
Spaniards, and some of the creoles, who are but very few in number,
form a respectable class of military men, of whom some few may be cited
as models of spirit and discipline: but they are not sufficiently
numerous for their example to influence the despicable beings with
whom they are unavoidably associated; and the wealth and influence
being generally on the side of the native-born officers, these abuses
are permitted, and the complaints of others disregarded.

It is but just, however, to remark, that their pay is excessively
mean; it is a bare, and miserable subsistence; and due weight should
be given to this circumstance in extenuation. A captain of regulars
has not more than 80 dollars per month! and so on in proportion, and
when we reflect, that from the low value of the circulating medium,
a dollar will barely command more than a rupee in any part of India,
much must be allowed for men so situated.

Hence, though the men, arms, and accoutrements are not bad, the troops
are, from abuses, embezzlement, and neglect, miserably deficient in
a military point of view, and but poorly calculated to answer any
efficient purpose. To this description, the regiment of artillery and
Pampango militia are exceptions: the style of equipment and discipline
of the first are a high testimony of the activity and military talents
of their colonel. The queen's regiment is by far the most respectable
of the infantry.

Their cavalry are badly mounted, the horses being very small, and by no
means good. The men too are clumsily equipped, with swords manufactured
apparently in the 14th century, being straight, disproportionably long,
and furnished with a steel poignet or basket, above which is a cross,
resembling the rapiers of that time.

Their marine is still more miserably deficient in the requisite
qualities for essential service, and suffers more from the
mal-administration of its various branches. All work done in the royal
arsenal is computed to cost at least 40 per cent. more than that by
individuals! The marine consists of a flotilla of 40 or 50 gun-boats,
and as many feluccas, [79] of which about one half, or fewer, may be
in constant activity; with what effect has been already remarked.

Like the army, the navy is almost entirely officered by creoles
and Mestizos, whose pay is but a subsistence, and consequently no
prospect is offered to young men of family and enterprise who may
have other resources.

The arsenal at Cavite, about 10 miles from Manila, is well provided
with officers and workmen, but has no docks. Vessels, however,
may heave down with great safety; and the work, though expensive,
is remarkably well executed.

The agriculture of this very fertile country is yet in its
infancy. Oppressed with so many enemies to his advancement, and
placed in a climate where the slightest exertion insures subsistence,
the Indian has, like the majority of his Malay brethren, been content
with supplying his actual wants, without seeking for luxuries. Hence,
and from the expulsion of the Jesuits, they have made no advances
beyond the common attainments of the surrounding islanders.

This spirited and indefatigable order of men, who, both by precept
and example, encouraged agriculture, not only as the source of
national greatness, but as preparatory to, and inseparable from,
conversion to Christianity, which they well knew did not consist
alone in ceremonies, but in fulfilling the duties of citizens and men,
and who, whatever were their political sins, certainly possessed more
than any other the talent of converting men from savage to civilized
life, have left in the Phillippines some striking monuments of their
wide-spreading and well-directed influence. Extensive convents (the
ground stories of which were magazines), in the centre of fertile
districts formerly in the highest state of cultivation, but now more
than half abandoned,--tunnels,--canals,--reservoirs and dams, by which
extensive tracts were irrigated for the purposes of cultivation,
attest the spirit with which they encouraged this science; and if
their expulsion was a political necessity, it certainly appears to
have been in this country a moral evil.

The restraints imposed on commerce were another insuperable
bar to their prosperity, as depriving them of a market for their
produce. Since foreigners have been allowed free intercourse with them,
their agriculture has in some degree improved by the increased demand
of produce; but under the present system, but little can be expected
from it. [80]

The soil is in general a rich red mould, with a great proportion of
iron, and in some districts volcanic matters; it is easily worked
and very productive: that in the immediate vicinity of Manila, and
for four or five miles round it, extending to that distance from the
coast of the Bay, is an alluvial soil, formed by the confluence of
the numerous rivers with the ocean; it is stiff, and in all respects
very inferior to the other. In some parts are extensive tracts, the
reservoirs of the waters from the mountains in the rainy season,
which first yield an amazing supply of fish, [81] and then a good
crop of rice or pasture for the buffaloes.

The frequent rains, and the numerous rivers and streams with which
the country is every-where intersected, adds to its extraordinary
fertility: it is seldom, if ever, afflicted with droughts, but is
at times devastated by locusts (perhaps once in 10 or 15 years), and
these make dreadful havoc amongst the canes. Their attacks, however,
are partial, and generally take place after the rice is harvested,
in December, disappearing before the rains. In 1818, nearly the whole
of the canes were destroyed by them, and the Ayuntamiento of Manila
expended from 60 to 80,000 dollars in purchasing large quantities of
them, which were thrown into the sea. [82]

The buffalo is universally used in all field labours, for which,
however, he is but poorly calculated: the slowness of his pace,
and his great suffering from heat, which obliges the labourer to
bathe him frequently, occasion a very considerable loss of time,
which is scarcely compensated by his great strength and little
expense in keeping. Indeed, the bullock should perhaps be on all
occasions substituted for him, excepting only in the cultivation of
rice fields. In a few districts, this is the case; but it is with
reluctance that the native uses him in preference to the buffalo.

Their breed of horses is small, but very hardy: they are never used
for agricultural purposes, though but few of the peasants are without
one for riding, and many of them have two or three. In the province
of Pampanga (the finest tribe of Indians in the Phillippines), they
risk considerable sums on races! of which they are very fond.

Their plough is of Chinese origin: it has but one handle, and no
coulter or mould-board, the upper part of the share, which is flat,
and turned to one side, performing this part of the work. The common
harrow is composed of five or six pieces of the stems of the thorny
bamboos, which at the lower part are almost solid; these are united
by a long peg of the same, passing through all the pieces: to these
the hard branches of thorns are left appending, and being cut off at
a short distance from the stem, form the teeth of the instrument,
which, rude as it is, performs its work well, and usefully, and is
seldom out of order.

For cleaning and finally pulverizing the ground, they have another
harrow of Chinese origin, (or an invention of the Jesuits?) It is
of wrought iron, and for simplicity and utility it is, I think,
unequalled. By means of it they can extirpate the Lallang grass
(Andropogon caricosum), called by them Cogon, [83] and which no other
instrument will perform so well, that I am acquainted with.

A hoe, like that of the West Indies, answers the purposes of a
spade; and (with the basket) of a shovel. A large knife (the Malay
Parang), called "Bolo," completes the list of their agricultural
instruments. Machinery they cannot be said to possess, except a rude
mill of two cylinders for cane, and another for grinding their rice,
can be called such. The greater part of the rice is beaten from the
husk in wooden mortars, and by hand.

The rainy season commences with the S. W. monsoon, and ends in
October. The rice (the aquatic sorts) is planted by hand in July and
August, and reaped in December. The upland rice, of which they have two
varieties, is planted earlier, and comes sooner to maturity. The cane
is planted in the manner called "en canon" by the French, that is,
the plant piece is stuck diagonally into the ground; and thus, from
the roots being often on the surface, the plant suffers frequently
from drought, and they have seldom two crops from a piece of cane:
their sugar, though clumsily manufactured, is of excellent grain,
and highly esteemed by the refiners of Europe.

The indigo plant is very fine; and though, as in all countries, a
precarious crop, yet it is far from being so much so as in India: it
has been manufactured equal to Guatemala, but in the present day is of
a very inferior quality: this arises from various causes, of which the
principal are ignorance in the manufacture of it, a want of capital,
and spirit of enterprise. They have no tanks of masonry, the whole
process being carried on in two wooden vats of a very moderate size,
from which the fecula is taken once a week. It is needless to remark,
that the quality of the indigo is materially injured by this alone:
it is also subject to many adulterations in the hands of the Mestizos,
before being brought to market.

The coffee plant was almost entirely unknown about 40 years ago, a few
plants only existing in the gardens about Manila. It was gradually
transported from thence to the towns in the neighbourhood of the
lake, where it has been since multiplied to an amazing degree by an
extraordinary method. A species of civet cat with which the woods
abound, swallows the berries, [84] and these passing through the
animal entire, take root, and thus the forests are filled with wild
plants. This fact may be depended upon, and the major part of all the
coffee exported from Manila is produced from the wild plants, and is
equal or superior in flavour to that of Bourbon. The government, in
1795 or 96, made an attempt to force its cultivation in the province of
Bulacan, but forgot, as one of their own officers naivement observes,
"Que no habia compradores ni consumidores"--that there were neither
consumers or customers for it! It of course fell to the ground, and in
the next passage of the same work, the Indian is partly blamed for it!

The cultivation of cotton is as yet but very partial. It is of the
herbaceous species, of a very fine quality, almost equalling the
Bourbon, but excessively adherent to the grain: so much so indeed,
that none of the attempts to separate it from the seed by machinery
have hitherto succeeded; the grains passing through the rollers,
and staining the cotton. It is cleared by the natives by means of a
hand-mill, very clumsy in its construction, and performing so little
work, that the cleaning costs six dollars per pekul.

The principal part of the cotton comes from the province of Ylocos,
where large quantities of stuffs are manufactured. The brown cotton,
for which a prize was offered in 1818 by the Society of Arts, grows
in great quantities, and is manufactured into durable cloths and
blankets. The prices of agricultural labour vary from 1 rial [85] per
day near Manila to 3/4 and 1/2 rial in the provinces--a plough with two
buffaloes and a man, 2 1/2 rials. The workmen, like day labourers in
all countries, are often "looking for sunset;" but when allowed task
work, are willing and industrious. A plough will go over rather more
than a loan [86] of ground in a day--about a quinion in three months.

Of the produce of any given cultivation, it is difficult to speak with
any degree of correctness: calculations of this kind are difficult
to make amongst a people labouring each for himself, and all for the
wants of the day: for, unaccustomed to generalize, each gives his own
as the average, and hence the discrepancy which every person must have
remarked who has had occasion to make inquiries of this description
in half civilized countries, where a main point, the value of the
labourer's time, and of that of his animals, is invariably left out, as
is also the difference of work for himself and for a master. The tables
given at the conclusion of Comyn's work are, as far as regards the
vicinity of the capital, very erroneous. They are also very deficient
in many points. [87] The following is a much nearer approximation.

A quinion of land requires four ploughings and three harrowings,
say six ploughings in all.


                                                              Ds. Rs.

Now as 1 Quinion will occupy a hired labourer about 90 days
at 2 1/2 Rials = 28 Dollars 1 Rial, which for six times is    168   6
Fencing, 12 Ds.; Grubbing, &c., 15; Cane Slips, 25;
Planting, 18; Weeding and Hoeing, 30; Carriage, 18;
Manufacture, 45; Pilones, &c., 12                             175   0
Cost                                                          343   6
Produce at low average, 150 Pilones, [88] salable at 3 1/2
Ds.                                                           487   4
                                                              =======
    Profit                                                    143   6


This supposes the proprietor of the cane to be possessed of a mill,
buffaloes, &c. for the wear of which no estimate is made.

The 150 pilones of sugar, each weighing about 150 lbs. gross, will
produce the refiner who has purchased them about 100 piculs of sugar,
of which


                                                      S.  Ds.

         80 1st sort, worth 6 1/4 Dollars             500   0
         20 2d ditto, and Molasses, &c. 3 3/4          75   0
                                                      =======
                                                      575   0

         They have cost him about                     487   4
         Refiner's allowance on 100 Pilones, S. Ds.    47   8


The profits of the refiner would appear high; and they have been so;
but are far from what this statement appears to give, from various
reasons, of which the chief are, the heavy capital sunk in buildings,
interest on advances, &c. and from a want of knowledge, the enormous
waste of labour in the process. A glance at this may give an idea of
what trade is at these antipodes of commercial knowledge.

I have termed the process "refining;" it should rather be called
claying and sorting--and it is as clumsily managed as the ingenuity
of man could well devise. The trade is principally in the hands of
three or four capitalists; advances are made by these to brokers,
the provincial merchants, who annually bring their produce to the
capital in small vessels, [89] and to the masters of coasting traders,
in which the sugar merchants have shares. These are made to a large
amount, 80 to 100,000 dollars; and as the interest of this must at
least run for six months at 9 per cent. it forms a heavy item. Losses
and defaulters form another, say 1/2 per cent. in all 5 per cent.

The pilones are delivered from November to May and June, and are
received into extensive warehouses, which are provided with large
court-yards and terraced roofs. Here the upper part of the pilone
is cut off, and a quantity of manufactured sugar being pressed
down on the top of it, a thin layer of the river mud is put on it;
this is watered from time to time and changed once or twice, the
pilone standing on a small foot, with the small hole at its apex
left open, through which the molasses slowly drains, leaving the
upper and broader part of the pilone of a fine white, gradually
decreasing in goodness to the bottom, where it is little more than
molasses--the pilone is then cut in two; the darker part is put by
as second quality (or reboiled), and the whiter portion as firsts,
of the sugar, the care taken in the process, the kind of mud used,
&c. About two piculs of sugar from three pilones is a fair average,
when these are of a good size. That from the province of Pampanga is
by far the best; it is produced from a small red cane [90] about four
feet high, and of the thickness of a good walking stick.

The sugar being thus clayed, is now to be mixed, pounded, and
dried. The last process is performed by laying it on small mats in
the sun, on the terraces and pavements of the court-yards. On the
slightest appearance of rain, it must be hurried under cover, and
brought out again when this is past. So that in a manufacture of
any size, when from 3 to 400 Chinese are employed at 4 1/2 dollars
per month, fully 1/3d of their labour is expended on this operation
alone. The management of the rest requires no comment.

The cost of production of any of the other articles cannot be
estimated to any degree of correctness, from the very small scale on
which they are cultivated, and the limited knowledge of the writer
of these remarks. Those of Comyn are erroneous.

The Indians are the principal and almost the only cultivators of
the soil, very few Mestizos or Chinese [91] being engaged in it. The
few Spaniards and other Europeans who have attempted it, have been
obliged to abandon their attempts to form plantations. These failures,
or rather determination to abandon their speculations (even when in a
promising state), have arisen from various causes; but the general one
may be stated to be the very little security for life and property,
in a country such as has been described. This is with the major part
an insuperable objection; for from the moment they are established,
and known to possess money for the payment of their workmen, they must
be in expectation of an attack, and prepared to defend themselves;
nor can they lie down at night free from the apprehension of seeing
their establishments in flames before morning! either from robbers,
or from malice of any individual who may think himself aggrieved:--the
impossibility of obtaining justice so generally experienced by the
Indians, and the many chances of escaping punishment, being strong
inducements to the ill-disposed to adopt these modes of revenge. To
this it may be added, that even were the foreigner to kill the most
determined robber in the country, the circumstance of having done so
in defence of his life and property, would by no means exonerate him
from a fleecing by the inferior officers of justice, and from a long
and tiresome process of depositions, declarations, &c. during which
his affairs must be entirely neglected. [92]

In addition to this he must lay his account with another obstacle,
and this none of the smallest--the chance of bad faith on the part
of those with whom he is connected; a chance which by no means will
diminish in proportion to his success; for, let no foreigner deceive
himself on this head in Manila; if he cannot flatter as low, or bribe
as high as his adversary, his cause is lost by some means or other.

The Phillippines also produce cacao of an excellent quality, though
not sufficient for their consumption, a large quantity being imported
from New Spain.

Pepper is also an article of exportation, but in very limited
quantities, the utmost the Phillippine Company have been able to
procure being about 60,000 lbs. in favourable years.

To these may be added the Abaca (Musa textilis), a species of plantain,
from which the beautiful fibres are procured known by that name. This
is becoming a very considerable article of exportation, both raw, and
manufactured into cordage. The natives also consume large quantities
of it in cordage, and as shirting cloth, into which a large portion
of the interior and finer fibres are manufactured. Some of it is
equal to the coarser sort of China grass cloth. [93]

In Gogo, [94] a gigantic climbing plant, whose trunk attains the
size of a man's body, is another remarkable production of these
islands. Its branches being cut out into lengths, are coarsely pounded
and dried in the sun: they are used as soap by all classes of people,
the saponaceous fluid which is extracted from them being remarkably
cleansing, and the fibres answering the purpose of a brush.

It is also used in large quantities in washing the earth of rivers
and streams, to separate the gold from them. It is not cultivated,
but exists in great abundance in the forests, in which are also the
sapan-wood (called Sibacao), the sandal, ebony, and vanilla. They
abound in gums and resins, large portions of which are washed down
by the torrents; but these are for the most part useless, either from
the ignorance of the natives, or from the impossibility of venturing
far in the interior.

Their timber is excellent, and in a country so covered with forests,
of course plentiful; but the want of roads and other conveniences of
transport, renders it, in Manila, rather an expensive article.

The principal timber woods are, the "Mulave" [i.e., Molave], a
compact, heavy, yellowish wood, and almost incorruptible, perhaps
from the very great portion of tannin it contains. Tindalo, [95] a
hard wood, much resembling the iron-wood of the Brasils, and like it
used for screws, &c., &c. when great hardness is required. "Betis,"
an excellent timber tree, which grows to a very great size, and for
its durability is generally used for the main beams of churches,
convents, and other large buildings. The "Narra," of which there are
two kinds, the white and red: this last is almost equal to mahogany in
polish and durability. Banaba, a red wood resembling cedar; and many
others of equal goodness. Of these the Banaba and Mulave are most
used in shipbuilding, the first for planking, and the last for the
framework. For masts, the Manga-chapuy and Palo-maria are generally
used: the last is equal or superior to pine, both in strength and
lightness.

Their forests are not infested with those ferocious animals which are
the terror of those of other Asiatic countries. The tiger, elephant,
and rhinoceros are unknown: the wild buffalo and hog are the only ones
of which the native has any dread. These attain an enormous size,
but are not mischievous, unless provoked. The dried flesh and hides
of these animals, as well as of deer and wild cattle, which are in
immense numbers, form a considerable article of trade amongst the
natives, the "tappa" or dried flesh being used for food, and the
hides for exportation.

Their serpents, however, attain an enormous size: the largest are those
of the Boa species (Constrictor), and will devour a horse or a cow at a
meal. [96] Of this genus there is one variety very beautifully marked,
which frequents the houses, and is called by the Spaniards (Culebra
casera), the house snake, [97] and by the Indians "Sawa." These are
often seen from 10 to 12 feet in length, but are very harmless. Few
houses are without one or more of them in the cellars, stables, &c. but
they are seldom disturbed, as they are said to devour rats and other
noxious animals; though, when these fail them, they attack fowls, or
even goats. They form a favourite article of food with the Chinese,
who keep them in jars to fatten, and the Indians may be often seen
carrying them through the streets for sale.

Of other varieties they have great numbers; some of which, as the
"dahun palay," or leaf of rice, of a deep green and yellow, which
frequents the rice fields, and the "mandadalag," or whip-snake, are
excessively venomous: accidents from these animals are not, however,
very frequent; from whence it may be concluded, that the superstition
of the natives has greatly exaggerated the number of venomous ones: and
this may be the more readily inferred, not only from their excessively
superstitious character, and the common custom of all nations in this
particular; but also from the thousand ridiculous fables told by them
of the cameleon, which is very common in the woods, and perfectly
harmless. The Indian name for it is "Ynyano."

Of minerals they have an inexhaustible supply: gold is found in almost
all the streams, and even in the sands of the shores of the Bay after
blowing weather: no mines of it have as yet been wrought, though they
are known to exist. The quantity obtained by the rude efforts of the
natives merely washing the sands of the torrents, is very great, and
certainly does not fall short of 4 to 500,000 dollars worth annually,
as great quantities are expended in gilding for the churches, &c. &c.

Silver is also found, but in small quantities. Virgin copper is
another produce of their mountains: pieces of it are frequently
met with in the torrents, and on the shores of some of the islands
(Masbate, Burias, and Ambil). The negroes have also been seen with
rude ornaments, and even with utensils made from it.

Of iron they have whole mountains in the very vicinity of
Manila! (provinces of Pampanga and Bulacan), some of the ores
yielding 75 per cent. of metal, and of an excellent quality, this
having been ascertained by some Biscayan iron-masters sent out for
that purpose. It contains great numbers of magnets. There are some
miserable establishments for working and smelting these ores, but
on a very small scale; they have only produced cast iron articles,
and those of an inferior quality. They have no forging machinery. [98]

Cinnabar, lead, and tin are supposed to exist; but of these last
there is no certainty.

Sulphur is found in the neighbourhood of the volcanoes in considerable
quantities, and is an article of export to Bengal and other places:
the principal part of it is collected on the island of Leyté, which is
next to Samar on the south side of the strait of St. Bernardino. It
is collected on the edges of numerous small apertures, which emit
at times flames and smoke. These are situated in an extensive plain
near the sea-coast in the vicinity of the village of Dulag, on the
eastern side of the island. With these natural advantages, and those
are not few that still remain to be enumerated, the commerce of this
country, like its agriculture, is still in its infancy: and this has
been principally owing to two great causes--the trade to Acapulco,
and the prohibitory system invariably pursued by Spain in regulating
the intercourse with her colonies, and which here has been burdened
with an additional weight, the monopoly of the Phillippine Company.

It were a task far exceeding the intention and ability of the writer
of these remarks to point out the causes and effects of these extensive
evils:--a few observations only will be made to elucidate such remarks
as may follow on the commerce of Manila.

Of the prohibitory system pursued by Spain towards her colonies, it
may perhaps be said, with as much justice as of her wars, that it was,
"en faire un desert pour s'en assurer l'empire;" [99] for few systems
could have been better calculated to assure the first object; the
last has miserably disappointed its advocates, and left a striking
lesson to the world, at which humanity has cause to rejoice.

With jealousy of foreigners exceeding even the bounds of credibility,
she invariably refused them admittance, [100] whether for scientific
or commercial purposes; [101] or when from accident or influence
this was obtained, the people following, and often exceeding the
lessons of their rulers, by civil and religious persecutions, and
contempt, contrived to render their existence almost a burden. It would
appear to have become an axiom amongst them, remarkable only for its
illiberality, that "a dollar gained by foreigners was one taken from
the pocket of a Spaniard;" [102] and that in all cases where the
interests of the merchants of the mother country and those of the
colonies were opposed, the latter were to be sacrificed. [103] Her
own subjects were, from the same miserable narrow policy, embarrassed
with restrictions and conditions--permissions from the Consejo de
las Yndias, &c. &c. that it became by no means a trifling affair to
be able to embark for the Phillippines, unless at the risk of being
sent home from there by the local authorities.

Unable herself, from the want of manufactures and energy, to profit
by her colonies, she obstinately refused to allow others to do so,
and in this she invariably persisted. The fruits of such a system
were such as might have been expected; the colonies submitted--(while
they were obliged by force to do so), smuggled to a large amount,
remonstrated, resisted, and declared themselves independent; and thus
has Spain forever lost those advantages which a more liberal policy
might have secured to her through a long course of time. [104]

In the Philippines, this system, though followed for a long time,
has been of late years successively relaxed, and the good effects
of this modification are visible to the most indifferent observer:
it has however left deep traces of its operations, and much is still
wanting: the foreign merchant or adventurer, how much soever he may
be smiled upon and caressed, has still to contend against a rooted
and long cherished jealousy of all that is not Spanish.

The Acapulco trade is another and a principal cause of the very
confined state of the commerce of this valuable colony. A few remarks
will be sufficient to justify the apparent paradox.

The merchant of Manila (says Comyn), is "entirely different from
the merchant of other parts of the world; he has no extensive
correspondence, no books, or intricate accounts; his operations are
confined to a shipment of bales to Acapulco, and to receiving the
silver in return: and in 40 years, only one or two instances have
occurred wherein bankrupts have been able to produce a correct set of
books to the Consulado (or Chamber of Commerce)!" This description
was doubtless correct at the time when it was written (1809); but
it is just to observe that they are now much improved, and though
not excessively enterprising, are better acquainted with the true
principles of commerce. Such were the merchants: let us examine a
little the trade.

The basis of it was, and is, the funds called "Obras Pias" [105]
(Pious Works). These are funds under various denominations, whose
origin was the piety of well-meaning Spaniards, who dying rich have
bequeathed large sums for the purpose of lending to deserving traders
to commence or continue their career with. The administration of
these is confided to various religious and charitable institutions,
or to civil associations--the trustees forming a board, at which
the sums to be lent, &c. are determined. Their statutes differ in
many unessential points; [106] but their general tenour is the same,
viz. that sums not exceeding two thirds of the fund shall be lent on
respondentia at certain rates of interest, which are fixed according
to the risk of the voyages; and these, when repaid, shall be added,
principal and interest, to the original fund. The interests are 25 per
cent. to Acapulco, 15 to Bengal, and so in proportion. The total of
the capitals of these establishments (there are 12 or 14 of them),
amounted to about three millions and a half of dollars in 1820,
of which about two millions are due to the funds on various risks,
principally those of New Spain: of this the major part is considered
as lost by those best qualified to judge of the subject.

The principal employ of these funds has been in the commerce to
Acapulco; and from the facility with which capital was procured,
the excessive gambling spirit which this introduced, as well as the
system of mutual accommodations from the trustees of different funds,
and the utter absence of the wholesome restraint of public examinations
of their accounts, it has resulted that more harm than good has been
done by these establishments. The original intentions are entirely
perverted, a few small sums being lent to young adventurers (when they
have powerful friends), but far the greatest part is employed by the
trustees themselves under the name of a relation or friend. [107]

When, without risking any capital of his own, the merchant might
thus share the enormous profits of this trade, with no more exertion
than signing the invoices and letters (they were written by Indian
clerks), and receiving the treasure on the return of the vessel,
it is not surprising that for nearly two centuries they neglected
all the other commercial advantages which surrounded them, or that
such a commerce produced such merchants: the history of it and of
them for that period may be confined to a few words:--they were the
agents of the merchants of Madras and Bengal, receiving and shipping
their goods, and returning their proceeds, while their profits were
confined to a large commission on them. [108]

This trade was anciently confined to a single ship annually, the
famous Galleon. She was fitted out, manned and armed, at the king's
expense, and commanded by a king's officer. This was reimbursed by
a duty of 33 1/3 per cent. on the registered cargo, the merchants
contributing to her provisionment, and to the payment of 20,000
dollars as a bounty to her commander. She was calculated to carry
3,000 bales of a certain size, and the privilege of shipping these
was confined to the holders of 1,000 tickets called "boletas," which
were divided amongst different public bodies, charitable and religious
institutions, the widows of the officers, &c., these tickets being
saleable to others: [109] and of the enormous profit on this trade,
some idea may be formed, when it is known, that with the very heavy
expenses attendant on every stage of it, 500 dollars have been paid
for a ticket entitling the holder to ship three bales!

By regulation, the invoice was not to exceed 500,000 dollars; but this
was always evaded. The vessels were crammed with goods, and generally
netted 100 per cent. or even 150 on every thing taken out. [110]
By applications from private merchants, the permissions have of late
years been extended to their ships, and even brigs; but they still
were encumbered with many useless restrictions and conditions, which
of course were evaded by every means that could be devised.

By the adoption of the new constitution, and the late declaration
of the independence of Mexico, [111] which began in the seizure of a
convoy of nearly a million of dollars belonging to the merchants of
Manila, this trade is now almost annihilated.

As has been remarked, their intercourse with the other countries is
very limited. The Phillippine Company, who were in possession of the
exclusive trade of Europe, have for many years taken no advantage of
their privilege (the last ship which arrived from Spain was in 1817);
[112] but private merchants were still debarred from doing so, till
the promulgation of the constitution. [113] Foreigners have been,
however, gradually admitted since 1800; and they have supplied the
wants of the country by introducing European articles, and carrying
off the surplus produce, when a sufficient quantity could be procured
to employ their capital, which rarely happens without much delay. So
rapid has been the augmentation of this trade, that though in 1813
only 15,000 pekuls of sugar were exported, it had increased in 1818
to 200,000, at from 6 1/2 to 9 dollars per pekul. The other exports
of the same year were as follows:--

Coffee, about 400 pekuls, at 28 dollars; Cotton, 1,000, at 20 to 25
dollars; Indigo, 1,000 quintals, at 90 to 110 dollars per quintal;
wax, 600 pekuls at 40 to 50 dollars; red wood, &c. &c. in large
quantities. In a printed account, the number of foreign vessels for
that year (1818) are stated to be, English, 18; American, 10; French,
4; Portuguese, 2; Chinese Junks, 10, and 8 Spanish vessels. The value
of imports as follows:


                     Goods,    2,296,272 dollars
                     Cash,       758,239
                              ==========
                              $3,054,511


The exports, 1,205,649 dollars; but this last is any thing but correct,
not only from the very imperfect nature of the custom-house valuations,
but from the smuggling, which is carried on to an immense amount. It
will be nearer the truth to estimate the imports at about 3,8, or
3,900,000, and the exports at 3 1/4 or 3,500,000. [114]

The imports consist of piece-goods for the Acapulco market, and for
home consumption from Bengal; cambrics and handkerchiefs of plaided
patterns from Madras; woollens, wines, spirits, silks, printed cottons,
hosiery, hardware, &c. from Europe (principally from France); bird's
nests, tortoise and mother-of-pearl shell, bich-de-mar [i.e., balate],
wax, dried fish, &c. from Soolo, Borneo, and other islands of the
Archipelago; toys, silks, nankeens, teas, and dollars from China;
dollars from the United States; and from South America, silver,
cochineal, and cacao. Of these articles the specie and cochineal
are mostly exported to Bengal and Madras, and the produce of the
Soolos and Borneo to China; the other exports have been noticed in
a preceding page.

An active coasting trade [115] is carried on by the natives amongst
the islands, though they suffer dreadfully from the pirates; but
such is their enterprising turn, that with these in sight, they will
often cross from one island to another, when they have a fair start;
and frequently set out on a long trip in a small prow [i.e., prau],
armed only with their spears and "campilans," [116] though knowing
the pirates to be in the neighbourhood of their track. They are well
known in the piratical states, where a Manila slave always commands
a higher price than any other. They have been much stigmatized in
British country-ships, as the leaders of mutinies, &c.; but though no
doubt can exist that they have often assisted in cutting off vessels,
yet I question much whether the fault was not in a great measure to
be attributed to a want of discrimination between the high spirit
of the Philippine islander, and the meek sufferance of the patient
Lascar--a fatal mistake, when both are trampled on, as it is to be
feared they but too often are.

This trade is carried on in pontines, [117] galeras, feluccas, and
prows or boats of all sizes. The pontines are stout-built vessels
of European models, from 80 to 150 tons, with two long mat sails,
like a Chinese junk. The "galeras" are smaller, and carry a lateen
sail, like those of the Mediterranean. The feluccas have been already
described, and their prows and boats resemble nearly those of their
Malay brethren. Large property is often embarked in these vessels,
and they are conducted entirely by natives.

They have but a few manufactures: the principal one is that of coarse
gauzes, and rope from the Abaca plant, the first of which has a very
extensive consumption and is universally worn by all classes of the
natives. It is principally carried on in the province of Camarines,
at the S. E. angle of the island.

Considerable quantities of coarse canvas and striped cloths are
manufactured from cotton in the province of Ylocos; and in those
in the more immediate vicinity of the capital, the striped cloths
called "tapis" are universally worn by the native women over their
petticoat. None of these articles except the Abaca rope are exported,
and probably the whole of the cloths might be imported at a cheaper
rate than they are made. The Phillippine Company, by a mistaken policy,
expended large sums in endeavoring to render these manufactures
articles of export to Spain and the Americas; but after heavy and
repeated losses, the attempt was at length abandoned.

I am not certain whether there was not a clause in their charter,
obliging them to attempt this; and from the interfering spirit
of Spanish legislature throughout the last two centuries, it is
more than probable it was so. For the Company must have seen the
impropriety of endeavoring to establish manufactures in a country
so thinly populated, and where the little security for property or
power of enforcing contracts, must have exposed them to a thousand
losses unknown in Europe.

This last circumstance is one which is at all times a severe check on
the prosperity of any undertaking in this country. The most shameless
frauds are daily committed, particularly by the Chinese and Chinese
Mestizos, and for these there is no resource; complaint is unavailing,
for the trouble of obtaining redress is greater than the injury, and
it is a matter of common conversation--how so and so has been cheated
in his contracts. They appear to mistake indolence for compassion,
and allow themselves to be robbed with impunity, rather than pursue the
offender, or, should they do so, the magistrate to whom they apply is
but too apt, if the affair is intricate, to mistake procrastination
for deliberation, and thus the culprit escapes unpunished. The
losses of private merchants and the individuals in this way, would,
if enumerated, exceed belief. Another and a most serious drawback to
the commercial prosperity of the Phillippines, has been the negligence
or ignorance, or both which have prevented the establishment of bonded
warehouses, or a system of drawback duties on re-exportations. A glance
at their position, and the consideration of the monsoons, will convince
any one, that this was of all things that for which ample provision
should have been made; and it would be no exaggeration to say, that
this commerce would in a few years have increased tenfold with China
alone, had this plan been adopted. The enormous duties and vexatious
spirit of the Chinese government, together with, what must doubtless
be often the case, the fleecing combinations of the Hong merchants;
[118] would long ago have driven every vessel from their ports, could
another have been found near enough to insure a supply of goods,
which, from the enterprising spirit of the Chinese, could not have
failed. Manila is this port. From Amoy and Nankin, the granaries and
workshops of the eastern provinces, the most fertile and commercial
part of the empire, it is but a short run to Manila; and thus, when
the Chinese could freely trade in their favourite article, opium,
[119] and find too an assortment of European and Malay goods, while
the European could complete his investment of funds with the valuable
produce of China, [120] without the expense of the measurement duties,
and while the Malay could trade with both, an emporium might have
risen, inferior only perhaps to Batavia or Calcutta.

An attempt was made in 1817, by a Spanish merchant, to commence
something of this sort. He purchased a quantity of Turkey opium from
an American, with an understanding that it was to be reshipped, on
payment of a small additional duty. It was so, but a quantity of the
opium was plundered from the custom-house godowns, and the proprietor
was told "that the king was not responsible for losses."

It would be foreign to the object of a cursory sketch like the present
to enter farther into the details of this subject. Enough has been
said to bear out an assertion, which those who are acquainted with the
trade will not think exaggerated, that had this system been fairly and
equitably established, one half of the trade to China would before this
have centered at Manila; and it is only at Manila that the advantages
of such a transit could have been unknown or neglected in the 19th
century. I proceed to make some observations on the capital and its
inhabitants. [121]





PART II

MANILA


Manila, [122] the capital of the "kingdom of the Phillippines," [123]
in lat. 14° 26' N. and long. 121° 3' East of Greenwich, is situated
on the eastern side of an extensive bay in the western coast of the
island Luzon, or Luconia, as it is sometimes called. It is a captain
general-ship (not a viceroyalty), and archbishopric, and the seat of
the Audiencia, or Supreme Tribunal.

The city forms nearly a sector of a circle, of which the center is a
point formed by the coast and the influence of a small but rapid river,
the Passig, which flowing to the westward, and passing to the north of
the city, discharges the waters of an extensive lake about 30 miles
distant from the town. This river is navigable for vessels of 250
tons for a small distance from its entrance, which is formed by two
fine moles, built by the municipality of the city. On the southern
of these is a small semicircular battery for four guns, and on the
other a light-house. The southern or outer mole is much out of repair.

The constant and rapid current of the river forms a bar at its
entrance, over which there is 10, and at times 11 feet water at spring
tides, in a narrow channel close to the battery.

The city is well fortified on the sea and land faces, but on that
towards the river very indifferently, being only defended by a
long curtain with a few ill-constructed bastions, which from their
diminutive size are rather playthings than bastions. The curtain is
narrow, and confined on the inside, and unfit for guns of calibre;
the buildings within the city overlooking, and even joining the wall
in some places. On the other side of the river, within 200 yards of
this curtain, are a number of stone houses, along the whole length
of its bank; and the bases of these being walls of eight and ten feet
thick of solid masonry, would afford an immediate cover for an enemy,
who might breach the curtain in ten minutes at so short a distance,
and with perfect safety, the fire from some of these taking the whole
of the works on the N. Eastern side in reverse. Indeed its only defence
on this side is the river, [124] the current of which is always rapid.

Over it is a neat but narrow stone bridge of ten arches, which joins
the city at its northern angle to the suburbs. On the city side of
the bridge is a square tower, with an archway pierced through it,
and with embrasures on the top. This is intended as a "tête de pont;"
but it is too small for any effective purpose, and, like the bastions
on this face, resembles a military plaything; and this defect is the
more striking, as the fortifications, from this angle on the land
and sea faces, are remarkably handsome and well proportioned.

At the north-western point of the city, which joins the mole,
is the citadel of Santiago, a clumsy old-fashioned fortification,
separated from the rest of the city by a narrow ditch with a stone
bridge, but joined by the curtains of the bastions. It is incapable
of any respectable defence, except from a semicircular bastion,
which forms the point, and commands the moles and entrance to the
river. It is now used as a state prison and magazine. The convicts
employed in the public works are also lodged in it. This was the
refuge of the unfortunate foreigners who escaped from the massacre
on the 9th of October 1820; and to the honour of the commandant
(Col. Don A. Parreno), and his lady be it recorded, they found there
another home.

The length of the city within the walls is 1,300 yards Spanish, from
N. W. to S. E.; its width 744, and circumference 4,166. The side
towards the river, it has already been remarked, is, from the want
of bastions, and from the encumbered state of the approaches to it,
in a very defective state. The sea and land faces are exactly the
reverse of this, being remarkably clear and strong.

The land face has a double ditch, and an esplanade of five or six
hundred yards in breadth, which towards the river is marshy and
swampy, and utterly unfit for military operations. Towards the sea,
and for some miles along the coast, is an epaulement, [125] thrown
up when in expectation of an attack from the English in 1804. On
this esplanade formerly stood a church, from the tower of which
the English under Sir W. Draper fired into the heart of the city:
[126] it is now razed. There is also a small battery called Charles
the Fourth's, on an elevated spot in the marshy ground; it is about
350 yards from the fortifications and is mostly used as an exercising
battery. Another redoubt of stone stands at the southern point of the
outer ditch, and flanks the sea shore to a considerable distance to
the southward: it also serves to cover the head of the outer ditch,
which is not carried round the sea face, apparently for want of room,
as its crest would nearly approach high water mark in this part.

There are six gates to the city, two on each face: those on the
land side have neat stone bridges over the outer ditch, which are
not mined, and, being of solid masonry, would be found cumbersome
in case of an attack. The inner ones, and those on the sea side,
are of wood or stone pillars with drawbridges. The ditches are wide
and deep, but much encumbered with mud and weeds, from which last
the fortifications also have suffered. The bastions on the sea and
land sides are in many places without embrasures, the guns being
"en barbette." [127] The shore is not very flat, and will perhaps
allow a frigate to lay within gunshot of the ramparts.

Within the walls of the city is the cathedral, the inside of which is
very handsome, though the exterior is destitute of all symmetry, and
seems to have been intended as a contrast to the majestic architecture
of the interior.

The governor's palace resembles a decent barn or warehouse, both
externally and internally. It is large, dirty, and ill distributed,
the basement being used as a prison.

The Cabildo, or Town House, is a handsome building, and the only
one in the country which has any pretensions to symmetry, of which
the architects of the Phillippines take every opportunity of shewing
a sovereign contempt:--so much so, that it is rare to find even the
doors and windows, or the angles of a room, correctly placed and laid
out! These three buildings form three sides of a small square, the
only one in the city, of about 100 yards on each side, the fourth side
being occupied by private houses. In the centre is a handsome pedestal
of reddish marble, on which no statue has yet been placed. [128]

The streets of the city are narrow and dirty; and the middle being
a hollow, in rainy weather forms a continued puddle. They are paved
at the sides with granite from China, the stone in the immediate
neighbourhood of Manila being too soft. The pavement is not in good
repair, and in some streets only occupies one side; the other, which
is generally occupied by a large house, or the wall of a convent,
being heaped up with dirt, rendered solid by long accumulation,
and forming a hill against the wall, the receptacle of.... This is
not confined to bye-lanes, but is most common in the great square
(Plaza Constitucional) in front of the cathedral! [129]

The city and suburbs are well lighted, and the European quarters of
the last are cleaner than the city.

The convents, which occupy nearly one third of the whole area of the
city! are more distinguished for their size and massy architecture,
than for their beauty. The church and convent of St. Augustine,
and that of the Jesuits (now fast falling to decay), are, however,
neat and well built. That of San Domingo is the most extensive.

The hospital of St. John of God, a military order of Knights
Hospitallers, is extensive, but for want of funds, is but indifferently
entertained. [130] There is also a university (St. Thomas), two
colleges for the instruction of Indians and mestizos, and three
convents of nuns, who receive girls to educate. There are also two
schools for girls, both endowed by the piety of single individuals;
the first of these being a Spanish lady, who came out from Spain for
the express purpose of devoting herself to the education of Indian
and mestizo girls! The other is that of a mestizo woman of the village
of Binondo, a suburb of Manila.

There are some large houses, but they are generally ill-built and
inconvenient, the rooms being often excessively large, and always
badly laid out. The ground floor is used for warehouses, stables,
&c. and always includes a large court-yard. The first floor only
is inhabited. The architecture of the lower part is very massive,
being often walls of solid masonry of eight or ten feet thick, with
large arches from side to side, and connected with massy beams. At
the height of the floor, these walls are discontinued, and on them are
raised at distances clumsy pillars of brickwork, or at times of wood
(which is seldom straight). These pillars are connected at the top by
large joists in all directions, having wooden forelocks driven through
them close to the pillars; and on this framework are laid the rafters
for the tiled roof; the interstices of the pillars, and divisions of
the rooms, being filled up with brick and plaster. The ends of the
floor timbers being allowed to project over the walls, form a gallery
of eight or ten feet in width along the front of the house, and round
it when insulated: this gallery is boarded for about four feet in
height in front, and then filled up with sliding windows, the small
panes of which are filled with plates of thin mother-of-pearl shell,
[131] forming one continued window, like the front of a hot-house. The
communication to this gallery is by wide folding doors from the rooms,
a large one having four or five, which thus admit light and air into
the apartments; but the shell windows, when closed against the sun,
transmit an intolerable heat, and the houses are not in general cool
ones. The galleries are often used as dressing, and even as bathing
rooms; and as they overhang the streets, the passenger is often
sprinkled from them, in consequence of this dirty practice.

The exterior of these galleries being painted a curious mixture of
tawdry colours, such as black, grey, blue, yellow, and red, in panels,
flowers, ovals, &c. on white or grey grounds, with their shell windows
above, and the grated ones of the godowns below, gives a tawdry and
unsociable appearance to the houses. The better sort, and those newly
built, have venetians, which greatly improves both their appearance
and comfort.

All the houses have a cross, and some two or three, on the roof or
gables, as a preservative against evil spirits, [132] and lightning;
and though few years pass without many accidents from the latter, the
crosses are still preserved in preference to conductors, even in the
magazines, not one of which is provided with this useful preservative,
though that of the citadel contains many thousand pounds of powder.

The suburbs of the city are extensive, and contain many stone houses,
in which some of the principal inhabitants reside, and generally all
the foreigners, the vicinity of the river, and its many branches,
rendering it more convenient for business.

The custom-house is a plain octagonal building of considerable
extent, and contains a fine courtyard surrounded with an arcade,
and extensive magazines for warehousing goods. These, from neglect
and the ravages of the white ants, are fast falling to decay, and
in a few years the building will be a ruin; it is now very dirty
and ill-arranged, the entrance not being convenient to the river,
and wanting quays and a crane. The officers of this establishment
are in general attentive, civil, and indulgent to foreigners, though
the length of their siestas does not contribute to the dispatch of
business. There is no interpreter attached to this establishment,
nor is the king responsible for goods or money deposited in it,
this being solely at the merchant's risk.

The "Calzada," or public drive, is a broad neat carriage road,
leading round the outer face of the outer ditch, from the bridge,
round the land and sea faces of the fortifications to the river. It
is planted with trees, and forms a good drive, having roads leading
from it into the country, whose rich and cultivated appearance gives
the stranger a high opinion of its fertility. The roads are however
much in want of waterings in dry weather, the dust of the principal
one being at these times insufferable.

On the road leading to the village of Santa Anna is the cemetery,
[133] a building well worth the attention of strangers both as a
novelty in itself, and as in some measure redeeming the character of
the architecture of this country from its general want of interest
and symmetry.

It consists of two concentric circular walls, about ten feet apart
and fourteen in height, both surmounted with a balustrade. The inner
wall forms the periphery of a circle of about 250 feet in diameter,
and is pierced with three rows of small semicircular arches, which
form the entrances to as many arched, oven-like receptacles, formed
in the space betwixt the walls, and of a size just calculated to
receive a coffin, to which purpose they are appropriated.

There are from two to three hundred of those receptacles; and when
occupied, the entrances are walled up. The plot of ground in the centre
is crossed by two broad stone walks, the borders of which are planted
with flowers and shrubs; the remaining space is used for interments.

On the further side from the gate, and joined to the wall, is a
handsome chapel of an oval shape, the roof being a dome. The interior
of this chapel is remarkably neat; and the altar, which is white, and
gold, is particularly so, from its elegant simplicity and chasteness
of ornament: on each side of it are repositories for the remains of
governors and bishops.

Without are flights of steps leading to the terrace joining the walls,
and two passages leading to a smaller building at the back of the
chapel, and in the same style as the large one. This is called
the "Angelorio" and a recess in it the "Ossario." The first is
appropriated to the remains of infants and children, and the last to
the bones which may in time accumulate. This purpose suggests the only
objection which is apt to arise in viewing the building, which is,
that, as in the course of time the receptacles must be filled up,
those which have been first occupied must be opened, and the bones
displaced to make room for others. To many this is a most revolting
objection, and would appear to indicate a dulness of feeling and
want of sentiment, which, though far from being uncommon at Manila,
by no means accords with the spirit and style in which the building
is executed, or with the reflections it is apt to excite.

There are no other buildings in the neighbourhood of Manila worthy
the attention of the stranger. The appearance of the surrounding
country is rich, and in some parts highly cultivated; but an air
of neglect and dilapidation is visible throughout, which strikingly
marks the apathetic character of both classes of its inhabitants. It
is remarkable, too, that the neatness of the native villages, and
the apparent comfort of the people, increase in direct proportion
to their distance from the capital, as the influence of government
is less felt, and the Indian, knowing no other authority than the
"Padre," retains more of his original character.

The vices of Spanish colonies have been often the theme of those
who have visited them; and when speaking of Manila, they have seldom
exaggerated. [134] It has been observed, and with some justice, that
"to know the education of the children, is to know the character
of a people." If this be true, but little can be said for Manila,
where this highly important duty is more neglected than perhaps in
any civilized part of the globe.

The majority of the young are abandoned entirely to the Indian
servants, who soon familiarize them with all that is vicious. They
know but little of their parents more than as the master and mistress
of the house, whose hand they must kiss, kneeling, every morning and
evening. By five years of age they smoke cigars, ride out at night by
moonlight, abuse the Indians, and not unfrequently their parents. At 12
they are debauched. At 18 or 20 they marry, and then form the citizens
for which such an education has prepared them. They are seldom or
ever taught any useful employment or profession. This the majority of
them would look upon with the utmost contempt: "Soy gracias a Dios,
de sangre noble," [135] is their reply to any advice of this kind;
and this is a passport to a cadetship in the army or colonial marine;
which, though attained at the age of 12 or 13, seldom finds them with
any vice unlearnt. The girls are educated nearly in the same manner,
as far as to the acquirement of any useful knowledge. They are sent
to the nunneries till 12 or 14 years, and from thence married. Of
household duties they know little or nothing, and of any thing else,
still less.

The manner of living is nearly as follows: The gentlemen rise about
six or seven, and take chocolate. They then lounge about in their
shirts and trowsers (the former often outside of the latter) till
nine, when they dress, and dictate a letter or two to their writers
(they rarely write for themselves); at 10 they breakfast, after which
they go out in their carriages to transact any business they may have
in town. At 12 or 1 they dine, and from table retire to sleep the
siesta, till 4--at 4 chocolate [136]--at 5 drive on the esplanade,
or into the country, till 6 or 7, when visits are received or made
till 10 or 11; supper is served hot at this hour, and at midnight they
retire to sleep. Some of these evening parties (tertulias) are lively
and pleasant, but at most of them gambling is carried on with great
avidity. Both ladies and gentlemen smoke at these, as well as at balls
and other assemblies. They drink but little wine or strong liquors,
their ordinary beverage being water, which is handed round in large
glasses with sweetmeats, which are always eaten before drinking water.

Society in Manila is at a very low standard: in a community,
the majority of which are men of inferior classes, no very select
assemblies can be expected; and those whose character and education
might have given another tone to it, are here, from necessity,
amalgamated with the crowd. There are in fact only a few houses where
a respectable society can be met with; at others the stranger is
disgusted with a coarseness of manners, and with unfeeling or often
excessively indelicate conversation, and an ignorance of the most
common branches of knowledge that must be heard to be credited.

Hence, exclusive of some of the civil and military officers of
government, the agents of the Company, and a few respectable
merchants and priests, the remainder are but little qualified
for select society, and there exists amongst them a want of moral
discrimination, a toleration of publicly known vicious characters of
both sexes, that is not a little embarrassing to the stranger. This
is more particularly the case with the female part of society,
with many of whom "era tentada la pobrecita por el demonio!" [i.e.,
"The poor woman was tempted by the devil"] appears to be a salvo,
both at confession and in society, for failings which in Europe
inevitably and justly entail expulsion from it.

Such is the society of Manila, and such its manners: from them the
general character of those who compose it may be easily imagined; they
are polite in offering every thing--but do but little or nothing:--they
affect great decency of manners and a religious deportment in all their
actions; but any thing but this is to be found in the conduct of the
generality; and a common remark amongst themselves, "Esta no es tierra
para un hombre de bien," [137] is worth a chapter on the subject.

This may be thought an exaggerated, or at least a highly coloured
picture, and it is natural that it should be so. A recital of
a well-known custom may add an evidence to these assertions,
premising that it is not the only, though the most prominent one
that attracts the notice of the stranger: I allude to that of
promiscuous bathing. This shamefully indecent custom could exist
in no country where the common decencies of life were held in due
consideration. Imagine the members of a large family, the father,
mother, children, young and old, any visitors who may be in the house
and often part of another family, all assembled in a large bath, built
out on the river with bamboos, the women with only a petticoat and
a gauze chemise, and the men with a thin pair of drawers, and this
continuing for one or two hours. This is a Manila bath, to which it is
no uncommon thing for an acquaintance to be asked, and in which 4/5ths
of all the families in Manila indulge. It may be said in extenuation,
that from its frequency no evil arises from it: this may be the case,
but it is not the less indecent on that account.

The policy of Spain towards the Phillippines appears to have been
to preserve them--no matter how, as it afforded occasion to remark,
"that the sun never set in the dominions of his Catholic majesty." Its
neglect of so rich a colony can only be supposed to arise from
ignorance, or from a mistaken determination to sacrifice it to the
Americans: from which, this is not the place to enquire. It will
suffice to observe, that in Spain it has been at all times considered
as the "ne plus ultra" of expatriation: a natural consequence of this
was the state of society which has been shewn to exist. [138] Nor is
this idea confined to Spain alone: Mr. Whitbread, when addressing the
House on the tyranny of Ferdinand to the liberal party, concluded in
the following manner: "Some have perished on the scaffold--others in
the dungeons of Ceuta--and others, still more horrible to relate,
have been sent to linger out their days amidst the savages of the
Phillippine islands!"

The islands have suffered too from another cause, the adoption of the
Spanish language as that of the courts of justice, &c. &c. and the
consequent neglect of that of the natives amongst the higher classes
of Europeans. Hence they are ignorant of the feelings and prejudices
of the people they govern, and who look to them for example, or at
least for precept; and not a little of the extensive influence of the
priesthood may be owing to their intimate knowledge of the language,
and the mutual confidence which results from this. The Indian,
meanwhile, has not neglected the language of his masters; and as
from the Indian writers, who transact all business, every thing is
known, it follows, while both mistakenly consider their interests
as separate, the natives and creoles have much the advantage. Both
despise and detest the Spaniards, the majority of whom, divided into
factions of Andaluces, Montaneses, Serviles, and Liberales, [139]
abuse each other cordially; while the few who know and feel that
there are other and higher duties owing from them to the Indian, must
look on with regret, or complain to be disregarded or insulted. The
disaffected, and those who have nothing to fear and every thing to
hope from a popular commotion, do not lose sight of these advantages;
and are rapidly spreading doctrines gleaned from the works of Voltaire,
Rousseau, Tom Paine; &c. and stimulating them with songs of liberty and
equality; as unfit for them as they were for the creoles and slaves
of St. Domingo, to whose fate the Phillippines are fast verging, and
from which nothing but some extraordinary event can save them. [140]

The 9th of October, 1820, has given a fatal blow to the power of Spain
in this country; for much as has been written and said on the subject,
it is questionable whether there exists any country of black men,
where the white is not looked upon as an intruder; and "the country
belongs to the Indians," "La tierra es de los Yndios," is a common
remark, even amongst the lower orders. Moral or political injustice
seldom fails to recoil on the head of the oppressor; and when the
government of Manila allowed an indiscriminate massacre and pillage
of European foreigners by the mob, and by their shameful lenity gave
a tacit sanction to it, they taught the Indian, that he might with
equal impunity attack them. The plunder then obtained is a premium
to future violence; and perhaps the day is not far distant, when they
may bitterly repent the hour in which they allowed the Indian to feel
his physical superiority.

This he is now hourly taught, and the doctrine of "El Pueblo Soberano"
[i.e., "the sovereign people"] is hourly echoed in his ears by
those who are least capable of managing him when once aroused. "La
Constitucion" is made the pretext for every thing subversive of good
order and due restraint; the convulsed state of Spain, the imbecile
indecision of the present government, and the recent revolution of
Mexico (another example to the many already before them), will not
a little tend to accelerate the crisis to which, it is to be feared,
they are fast approaching; a crisis to which every political body must
be subject, who would govern an ignorant people by laws made for an
enlightened one, and who forget in their speculations, that though
the civil institutions of a people may be changed in a few hours,
their moral character cannot; and on it and its influence throughout
the circle of social intercourse depends the portion of real freedom
which a people can enjoy.




CONCLUSION

Such was the outline of the state of these islands in 1822. Severe
and frequent as the censures are which are passed in the foregoing
pages, the writer is not conscious that they are in any instance
unjust or exaggerated, or that praise has been withheld wherever it
might be due. The unprejudiced, honourable, and well-informed, will,
he hopes, think so, the opinion of others is indifferent to him:
they will perhaps too believe, that his object has neither been to
flatter nor to wound, but, if a sketch like this had originally any
object, a hope that when their true state was better known these
islands might be better appreciated--perhaps better governed; that
a cruelly-abused class of men (the natives) might one day find their
condition ameliorated; and lastly, that when this fair and rich portion
of the earth shall be visited by men of science, a few general remarks
on their state at any given period, however ill drawn up, might be of
some use. Who indeed can but reflect with pain, that while the torch
of science has blazed in the western hemisphere, from Greenland to the
Antarctic, bearing with it light, and life, and hope, and blessings,
few are even aware how very much it has yet to illumine in the East!


                                 Finis








REFORMS NEEDED IN FILIPINAS


    Opinion regarding the causes which antagonize the security and
    progress of the Filipinas Islands


Most Excellent Sir:

The Filipinas Islands, on account of their great extent, their
advantageous location in the center of the commercial world of Asia,
their considerable population, and the fertility of their soil--which
is capable of yielding all the products which are grown between the two
tropics--require from his Majesty's paternal government a carefully
planned system of measures which shall strengthen their peace and
internal security, and at the same time advance their agriculture,
industry, and commerce to that high degree to which they have been
destined by Providence.

As I am charged by order of the king our sovereign to furnish
information regarding the measures which can contribute to objects
so important, it will be my plan to point out (but with that
circumspection which is so necessary in matters of colonial policy
and administration) the causes which today are antagonizing both the
internal and external security of those islands and their successful
administration--civil, economic, and commercial--proposing in regard
to each one of these the correctives which have been impressed upon me
by my experience as consulting attorney [asesor] and judge in all the
public affairs of justice, army and navy, the government, revenues,
and commerce; and my own observations under popular revolutions,
changes in the system of government, and other vicissitudes and
critical positions in which that colony has been seen during the long
period of my residence therein.




OF THE CAUSES WHICH ANTAGONIZE THE INTERNAL SECURITY OF THE FILIPINAS
ISLANDS, AND OF CORRECTIVES FOR THEM


Of the present composition of the divisions of the army

The army of the Filipinas Islands, in view of the class of men of
whom it now consists, offers very little (if any) moral confidence
for their resisting the force of the revolutions which may be formed
in the very bosom of the islands. It is officered, in great part,
by Spaniards of the country, and by some Americans and mestizos; and
the disposition, tendencies, and education of the latter class are
(with very rare exceptions) absolutely different from those of the
other and European officers; consequently, there exists between the two
classes, from the outset, a certain insuperable disunion of feeling,
between not only individuals but the two classes. The officer who
is a native of the country has all the lax characteristics which the
climate induces. He lives in exclusive intercourse with his neighbors,
and separated from the Europeans. He likes the military career solely
for the conveniences connected with his office; he is incapable of
a noble emulation, and limits himself in the service to the outside
and very inexact fulfilment of the necessary obligations of his
position; and when the cause of the legitimate government exacts on
his part sacrifices incompatible with his own interests or those of
his neighbors, he disowns and absolutely abandons his duties. For
these reasons the officers born in that country have never come to
merit the confidence of their chiefs; and if from the rank of cadets
they have been promoted to that of captain, it has been more from the
peremptory necessity of completing the military corps and protecting
the service than on account of their fitness, military spirit, or
appreciation of the confidence and honor which the king bestows on
them. Such sentiments they can never possess until they undergo a
rigid training moral and political, in the colleges of España. This
mental divergence, and the natural contrariety of their temperaments,
so mischievous in the ordinary service of military bodies, are much
more lamentable in the crisis of a revolution. The officers of the
country, being nearer to the Indian soldiers in their customs and
language, make common cause with the latter, and seduce and lead
them into their own faction, with a marvelous readiness; this I have
repeatedly seen in the mutinies of military bodies which have occurred
in the Americas, and especially in that of the troops in the kingdom
of Guadalajara in the year '21, and in that at Manila in the year '23.

The army of Filipinas also contains a considerable number of Indian
sergeants and corporals, and this is another of the causes from
which have already arisen, and always will arise, seditions in the
corps. Whoever has observed the natural disposition of the Filipino
Indian will recognize two things: First, that he always imitates
and obeys only that which is directly commanded, explained, and
taught to him; and, second, that while he is kept in his simple
condition of laborer, artisan, or soldier he is entirely void of
ambition. The Indian soldier serves very contentedly during the eight
years of his term, and returns to his own land without aspiring to
anything; but when he is placed in command, of any degree whatever,
he is filled with pride, and vehemently desires to be at the head
[serlo todo], without changing, for all that, his station as an
Indian. [The writer states that even these non-commissioned officers
were formerly always Spaniards; [141]] the appointment of Indians to
these posts has been only in these last years, in which a system of
commerce which entirely separated those islands from their center of
government has rendered impossible the despatch of reënforcements,
so necessary to those islands. From that very time may be noted much
laxity in the military service and discipline; and I have witnessed the
insurrections and disorders which never were known in former days. In
the popular uprisings in the suburbs of Manila, at the end of 1820,
[142] the detachments commanded by Indian corporals who were sent
out to pacify the villages took such part in the lawlessness that
they even attacked houses, and it was by their gunshots that many
foreigners were butchered. In the military insurrection of June 3,
1823, parties of troops commanded by only one officer (a Philippine
Spaniard), without any previous plan or any combination, and simply
by appearing before the barracks of their regiment and offering
to make captains of the Indian sergeants, immediately persuaded
them to revolt; and, directing the soldiers at their own pleasure,
they committed the lamentable and horrible acts of that day, which
ought to be kept well in mind. [This should be a warning against
allowing the Indians any place of command, especially as they have
more influence with the common soldiers than do the superior officers;
and all military posts of command should be filled with competent and
trained Spaniards. The writer urges the following measures of reform:
(1) that a sufficient number of Spanish officers to fill all the posts
of sergeant and corporal, and a surplus number to fill vacancies
as they occur, shall be sent to Filipinas annually; (2) the class
of cadets should be suppressed, who "have always been (with a few
exceptions) very unsatisfactory officers; for, belonging to very poor
and obscure families, and receiving no kind of education, in a country
which so depraves and corrupts a youth, they demoralize the soldiers,
and cause the military career to be held there in slight esteem;" (3)
in future, no other officers except the heads of corps should be sent
there from the Peninsula, so as to make room for promoting the lower
officers, and to avoid demoralizing the young Spaniards; (4) that
the Indian and mestizo sergeants or corporals who, after fulfilling
their twelve years of all service, have to be replaced by Spaniards,
shall be given places in the custom-house or revenue service, or in the
monopoly shops, so as to recompense them for losing their posts.] In
this manner the Indian soldier--who is docile, and always imitates
the desires and opinions of his immediate superiors--will receive more
disinterested treatment than he has hitherto had; he will make common
cause with his leaders, in critical cases of popular revolutions;
and the army will remain loyal and incorrupt in its opinions, always
ready for its duty, and united in action and interests.



Of the enlargement of the army of the islands

The colonies are governed and maintained more by opinion, justice and
example than by force of arms. When opinion in them becomes corrupted
up to the point of forming great conspiracies, the offensive action
of the army produces no other effect than to hasten the ruin of the
legitimate government. [In the Filipinas Islands, the persuasions
and example of the ministers of religion, and the measures taken by
the civil authorities, have been usually sufficient to put down an
uprising; but it is not well to rely too much on military force in
such cases, since such action causes rankling resentment and unites
the discontented in the common effort to throw off the yoke. It is
impossible, in such a climate, to employ only Spaniards in the army,
since they cannot endure it, and the expense of such an army would also
be too great a burden on the royal treasury.] The army of Filipinas,
then, ought not to have a greater force than is sufficient to defend
and maintain, in any event, a post or locality that is impregnable,
which can serve as a protection and defense to the government, its
interests and employees, and the families of Spanish blood. A center
of strength, ordered and disciplined, of this sort (the locality of
which I will mention later), will be inaccessible not only to three
millions of inhabitants who now people the islands, but to thirty
millions who might inhabit them; and this idea alone in the mind
of the Filipino Indian is the most efficacious for disconcerting,
in its origin or progress, any plan for conspiring or taking by
surprise. [In such a point of vantage, the government can use measures
of policy,] which in revolutions are more effective than arms for
reëstablishing order, without leaving in the minds of the people,
as war does, deep feelings of resentment at being repressed; and the
partial revolutions in the provinces will be always broken--as thus
far have been those of Ilocos, Cebú, Bataan, and others--by the zeal
and sagacity of the European religious and coöperation of the civil
employees of the king. In such a crisis, the principle is, to disunite
sagaciously the opinions and feelings of the people; and repression by
force only unites them. [If the military forces, the forts, and the
navy be augmented, the only results will be to demoralize the army,
make unnecessary display of the government's power, teach the Indians
the art of war (which as few of them as possible ought to know), and
impose unendurable burdens on the treasury. Plans of this sort ought
to be postponed until the country can bear such burdens. The present
permanent veteran force of the islands seems to Bernaldez sufficient
for the above purpose;] it consists of four battalions of infantry,
each containing approximately one thousand men; of a cavalry corps,
recently increased to three squadrons; and a brigade of artillery,
with a force of four hundred forty-four men, including a light-armed
company. The following may also be regarded as permanent troops: a
company, called the Pampanga, annexed to the service of the engineer
corps; and three brigades called the "pirate marines" [marina
corsaria], who have been in service twenty years. [The system of
rewards is costly and useless. The soldier receives enough pay to live
comfortably, in a country where living is so cheap; "it is equivalent
for an Indian, and even for a Spaniard, to three times the same amount
in Europa." The rewards given to the soldiers ought to be reduced in
such measure as the circumstances of the colony demand, "taking for
a basis the fact that with four hard dollars a month any inferior
employee can maintain himself and all his family comfortably in the
provinces, and that all beyond that is extravagance." The Pampanga
company has no organization; it ought to be placed on a military
basis, with European officers, and ranked as a company of pioneers,
when it would be very useful in the service. The militia troops of the
islands have been neglected, although they are (especially the pirate
marines) so important in checking the Moro pirates. The commanders
are "men of no force, arbitrarily chosen by the governor there, from
the class of merchants and private citizens of Manila, who possess
only honorary titles, without any military instruction or love for
the military career." The militia forces do not cost the government
much, but they are of very little use. Bernaldez thinks that the
pirate marines ought to be regarded as a part of the regular army,
with the same pay, and with European officers. The cavalry corps of
Luzon is untrained, and would be of little use in an invasion of the
country; it ought to be replaced by light and irregular cavalry, and
supplemented by a small body of veterans. Two squadrons in the corps
of dragoons of Luzon would be sufficient to preserve order in Manila,
and the third ought to be abolished as unnecessary.]



Of the artillery and its dependent branches

[The artillery corps is in better condition than any other part of
the military force of the islands; it is under better discipline,
and has always been under European officers. The Indians are in great
terror of the cannon. When in the tumult of 1820 Folgueras ordered
three pieces to be planted at various points outside the walls,
the natives implored him to take the cannon away, as the inhabitants
were so terrified that they did not dare to cross the streets; and
in the disturbances of 1809 in Ilocos, "only one four-libra cannon,
fired by a revenue-clerk, the ball from which hit a church-tower, was
sufficient to curb and disconcert more than 10,000 insurgents." To
this corps might be added (but as footmen) the company which should
be disbanded in the cavalry, since in so rough and broken a country
as Luzon horsemen are of little use. The artillery in Manila is of
wretched quality: almost all of it was cast there, at various periods,
and by unskilled founders; not only the guns but their carriages
are irregular, clumsy, unreliable, and are difficult to manage;
and for these very reasons the foundry there has been abolished, but
since that time no cannon save a small siege battery has been sent
thither from Europe. The artillery cast in Manila is sufficiently
good to provide for the defense of the provinces against the Moros;
but measures should be taken to provide for the better defense of
that city. The working of iron and the making of artillery are almost
entirely in the hands of the Chinese of Manila, [143] and the Indians
therefore are unskilled in this industry; some skilled masters should
be sent over from Spain to teach them and oversee the manufacture
of iron. The country abounds in rich mines of iron, but these have
been barely scratched and then abandoned; only some common utensils
are made there, and other iron articles are sold to the people at
high prices by foreigners, who carry great sums of money out of
the country. "The iron of Manila has been examined in the artillery
workshops, and has been found to be very soft and fibrous." Attempts
have been made by the Spanish government to utilize the mines
and introduce machinery into their operation; but the officials
entrusted with these enterprises have been ineffective, caring only
to draw their salaries. Bernaldez urges the encouragement of private
capital to undertake these works, with concessions, privileges, and
protection which shall be adequate to enlist their energies; this
would lead to the development of the natural riches of the islands,
the population would be increased by skilled artisans and mechanics,
and the great increase thus obtained in wealth of the country would
likewise bring incalculable benefits to the royal treasury--not only
in revenues from the increased commerce and manufactures, but in the
great saving in the expenses of furnishing the army with weapons,
made in the country at so much less cost than before. In the arsenal
reform is needed; all its workmen except the gunsmiths should be
replaced gradually by Indians, who are so skilful and work for less
wages than the Spaniards; and the gunsmiths should have a regular
military organization. Better provision should also be made for a
supply of gunpowder. At the beginning of the century, a powder factory
was erected, which cost eighty thousand hard dollars, although it was
made of only bamboo and nipa; with this a large supply of powder was
made, but its quality was poor, on account of the impurities in the
saltpetre, which they had to obtain from India. There has been talk of
building another factory (the former one being apparently no longer in
existence); it is likely to be as costly an enterprise, because the
lack of a strong current in the rivers "has rendered impracticable
the installation of hydraulic machinery." The Spanish government
ought to take measures to provide the large amount of powder needed
for the use of the forts, army, navy, and revenue service. Bernaldez
advises that this be done by making contracts (with either Spaniards or
foreigners), by which they can secure powder of better quality and at
lower prices; and besides this they ought to send immediately to the
islands a scientist (whose salary ought to be paid from the funds of
the Economic Society and the consulate of commerce)--"whose mission
shall be not only to establish in the capital a chair of mineralogy
(which is so necessary for exploring the hitherto unknown interior
of the islands), but himself to make researches in the provinces of
the archipelago for places where the saltpetre can be found--which he
will find, without fail." Then gunpowder can be made in the islands,
and they will be independent in the means for their defense.]



Of the forts of Manila and Cavite

No location like that of Manila could have been selected by the
conquistadors of the island of Luzon for fortifying themselves
and founding the capital of an infant colony. [Its position is
described, with mention of its earlier fortifications; but these
were only suitable for the defense of its inhabitants against
piratical attacks. Its present condition is a dangerous one, for its
fortifications are unable to withstand a siege by European troops;
it has no bomb-proof magazine, and hostile batteries across the Pasig
River could easily reduce the city to ashes. Manila is not suitable for
a military center, and the efforts of the government ought to be bent
toward the fortification of Cavite, which would render that place a
first-class fortress; its advantages for this are enumerated in detail,
and the measures which should be taken to render it impregnable.] The
feeble fortifications of Manila and its citadel may be preserved for
the present, in order to shelter the government and the property of
the Spaniards from a sedition; but in case of war and the landing of
an enemy let them be abandoned and destroyed, in order to proceed
for safety to the impregnable point of Cavite. In this manner will
be laid the foundation for the perpetual security of the [Spanish]
government in those islands, and for their preservation against all
enemies, whether within or without.



Of the piracies of the Moros

Longer tolerance of the piratical raids by the Moros is another cause
which in time must compromise our secure possession of the islands,
through the plundering of their maritime villages and the captivity of
their inhabitants, and the stoppage of the commerce and the coasting
trade. Much more is this true because some ports of the islands,
which are in the possession of those pirates, are already frequented
by foreign vessels, which provide the pirates with military supplies
and firearms; and it is to be feared that later the foreigners will
furnish them with plans, vessels, leaders, and other aids, like those
which they have furnished to the disaffected peoples in the Americas,
to wage steady war on the Spanish government. [The Spanish colony has
carried on defensive warfare with the Moros ever since the conquest,
but has gained no permanent advantage therein, while the enemy have
increased in numbers and strength, inflicting ravages on the southern
provinces that are "continually greater and more scandalous." The
Spaniards have spent enormous sums in forts, vessels, and other
defenses; but with little effect, on account of the immense extent of
the coasts of Filipinas and the great number of uninhabited places
where the pirates can hide themselves from pursuit.] Their vessels,
called pancos, are of extraordinary swiftness. The Moros make these
of planks lashed together with rattans, without nails or any [other]
ligature. Their masts are three bamboos, their rigging a few pieces
of rattan or the bark of trees, their sails are certain petates,
or mats, which they call saguran; and their provisions are reduced
to the flour made from a tree, called yoro [i.e., sago] and dried
shellfish. Nearly all their pancos have two banks of oars, and two men
for each oar. And with this slight though warlike equipment, with their
harpoons, javelins, campilans, and arrows (in handling which weapons
they are very dextrous), and with their swarming crews--composed of
their slaves, who row under the lash; and of a multitude of pirates,
who thus make their living, and traffic in their booty--they attack,
among many, with the odds on their side, surround, and jump aboard,
any Christian vessel which cannot defend itself on account of a small
crew or the inaccurate firing of its cannon. [If they are caught
in some bay by the Spanish who pursue them, they abandon their
pancos, hide in the mountains, where they find enough to live on,
and, as soon as the Spaniards depart, the pirates easily construct
new boats and resume their raids. The pirate marine with the forts,
troops, and cannon supported by the Spaniards make a heavy burden of
expense on the treasury and on the people; and the amount thus spent
in half a dozen years is enough to equip a strong naval expedition
which could humble the insolence of the pirates. In view of this,
and of the importance of Joló--which is the headquarters of the
Moro pirates and of their government, and the general market for
the Christian slaves and property which they carry away--Bernaldez
advocates the immediate conquest of that island, and its repopulation
from the more thickly settled parts of the northern islands. This can
easily be done. Thousands of families whose members have been enslaved,
especially in Bohol, are ready to join such an expedition, if leaders
and provisions are supplied to them; and there are a multitude of
skilled inter-island pilots--mestizos who are efficient and rich--who
would act as leaders for the sake of their own profit and reward in
such an enterprise. For ships they could use the government armed
vessels, and the multitude of boats which ply among the islands;
and sufficient rewards could be furnished to the soldiers in the
distribution of the conquered lands and of the plunder which they
would obtain. By this plan, the Moro piracies could be suppressed,
and the islands thus gain peace from those fierce enemies.]



Of the large Indian villages

Although the laws of the Indias endeavor to establish firmly the peace
and good government, both temporal and spiritual, of the villages by
placing limits to their extent and the number of their residents,
the inattention of the governors of Filipinas in regard to this so
important subject, on the one hand, and on the other the interested
motives of the parish curas and the ministers of the doctrinas,
have given rise to the abuse of the villages of excessive size which
are now found established in Filipinas. These, as they cannot be
properly governed by their respective local authorities, maintain
within themselves a source of internal civil discord, and from time
to time they have broken out in disturbances which have placed the
islands in a very critical situation.

If the reports of their population be examined, it will be found
that in a great number of villages it does not fall below 10,000,
11,000, or 12,000 souls; and it is impossible that so many can be
well directed spiritually by the one parish cura alone which each
village has, or in secular matters by only one gobernadorcillo or
alcalde. In this class of towns the most notable are the following:
Tondo, with 13,424 souls; Binondoc, 22,570; Tambobo, 21,378; Pasig,
14,465; Malolos, 19,655; Vigan, 17,320; Pavay, 14,840; Lavag [Laoag],
25,242; Bacarra, 13,064; Balayan, 18,631; Taal, 23,526; Banan, 17,438;
Batangas, 19,566; Cabatuan, 17,359; Xaro, 14,911. In these populations
which do not conform to the rule there has always been recognized more
or less instability, for the class of the plebeians, or caylianes,
is immense, and out of proportion to that of the timauas, or nobles;
and likewise because the unarmed authority of a gobernadorcillo must
necessarily be vacillating, at the mercy of that great mass of people,
who are easily set in motion by a seditious person, a few drunkards,
or the superstitious tale of some old man.

The successive revolts of various towns in the province of Ilocos
in the years 1810, 1812, and 1816 had no other source. The cause
of this last uprising was decided by me, in my official character
as fiscal of the royal Audiencia of Manila. In my reply I explained
the origin of those repeated insurrections, analyzed the degree of
perverseness which progressively in each of them had been revealed
in the purpose of the conspirators, and deduced the necessity of
dividing the province of Ilocos into two, to the end that its large
towns should each have a ruler closer at hand who might keep them
in check. The Audiencia made a report, with my opinion as fiscal
thereon to the king our sovereign; and, his Majesty having deigned
to command that immediately the said province should be divided into
two, it has been maintained on that footing, up to the present time,
in the greatest order and tranquillity.

[Even more surprising is the neglect of the governors to enforce
the law that no houses shall be erected close to the castles
and fortresses.] Within cannon-shot of the walls of Manila, and
even no farther away than the breadth of the river, one hundred
thousand souls--Indians, mestizos, and Chinese--have been allowed
to establish themselves; a people of foreign origin, in great part,
without passports, classification, settled occupation, or any other
requisite of a well-ordered social condition, and whose formidable
number is threatening Manila with an inevitable blow. The sudden
movements of that great mob of people, ignorant and swayed by blind
passion, reached the point of approaching close to the defenses of
the city, in the year of 1820, even before this was known to the
government and the military council (which for this object had been
called together, and of which I was a member)--notwithstanding that
the object of their revenge was in the outer suburbs, and that their
aim was not, at least for the time, directed against the city. [These
facts ought to make the authorities of the colony realize that no
other considerations ought to interfere with their prime obligation,
which is to preserve peace and order in the towns and maintain the
military posts in security. Bernaldez recommends that new regulations
be formed regarding the settlements of the islands; that no town be
allowed to contain over five thousand souls and one thousand houses
(except the capitals of the provinces, which might have ten thousand
souls and two thousand houses); that the large towns be divided
into villages on the above basis, which should be kept separate from
one another; and that in the suburbs of Manila there should be more
rigorous police control of the people. The Indians there should be
classified by occupations, to each being appointed a chief or leader
who should be responsible for the conduct of those in his class; the
use of all dangerous weapons should be forbidden; passports should be
required for all persons coming from the provinces; and vigilant watch
should be kept over the occupations and mode of life of every family.]



Of the titles to landed property belonging to the Indians and the
villages

The lack of clear and exact laws for properly authenticating the
documents regarding the ownership of the lands of the Indians, and
the uncertain and unlimited possession which the villages have of
lands under the pretext, of their being communal, have been and always
will be in Filipinas the origin of a multitude of ruinous lawsuits and
contentions--sometimes those of Indians and villages among themselves,
sometimes between these and the Spanish and mestizo proprietors. The
Indians, as a rule, have no title of ownership in the lands which they
possess, and if any one has such it is a private document, signed
by other Indians--who with the greatest readiness deny, change,
and forge their signatures--or it will be simply a writing signed
by the alcalde-mayor, a copy of which, if it remains in the court,
will disappear or be mutilated, with equal readiness, by the Indian
clerks of the alcalde, in whose charge the archives are--if indeed
these are not entirely destroyed in the frequent fires which occur in
the villages. The most common method which the Indians of the villages
have for proving their territorial property is by tradition, and the
depositions of witnesses; and with that powerful weapon they undertake
and maintain the most contentious lawsuits, aided by the fiscals of
the Audiencia--who often forget that their office of defenders of the
Indians is bona fide, and for the sake and protection of the natives
in the tribunals to which the laws commend them. But any person who may
have exercised the duties of magistrate for any time in Filipinas will
know that in the decisions of judges there is nothing more discredited
than the evidence presented by Indian and mestizo witnesses, who
are not restrained from perjury by either an intimate acquaintance
with the obligations of religion or by sentiments of conscience,
honor, and reputation. It is very common to see, in court cases,
that witnesses of that sort will swear, and then contradict their
own testimony, according as the witnesses [are affected by] either
their own interests or the influence of the litigant who presents them.

These causes, besides rendering the lawsuits of this kind eternal, have
very frequently produced scandalous disobedience of the villagers to
the enactments of the Audiencia of the islands, and uprisings of armed
men in order to prevent effectually even the judicial possession of
the crown lands which had been sold, with all the formalities of the
laws, by the government there; and, finally, they withhold the Spanish
families and persons of wealth from purchasing rural establishments in
order to undertake on a large scale the cultivation of the products
of the country, which is perhaps the only means of promoting the
agriculture of the islands.

It is therefore expedient, in order to cut short these noisy
controversies, which have so mischievous consequences for the internal
peace of the communities in the islands, that his Majesty be pleased
to command that the government there shall oblige all the villages
and private land-owners in them to have authenticated before the
respective alcaldes-mayor of the provinces the documents for their
ownership, both private and communal. Strict obligation should be
imposed on them to surround their lands with trees--achiote, [144]
mulberry, cotton, cinnamon, cacao--under penalty of losing their title
to the land. The documents should be registered in the tribunals of
the respective alcaldes, who at the end of every year should send to
the capital the original books of record, in order that these may
be kept there securely in the archives, for which provision shall
be made by the government, not admitting in the courts or declaring
lawful any other titles of ownership to lands than those which are
supported by those necessary conditions.



Of the ecclesiastical orders which are conferred on Indians and
mestizos

The irregular procedure of the reverend archbishops and bishops of the
islands in conferring ecclesiastical orders on the Indians and mestizos
there, will be in that colony, as it has already been in America,
one of the causes which most incite revolutions. The Indians receive
through the priesthood a standing which they cannot worthily sustain,
because they never lay aside the affections, passions, and usages of
Indians. Educated by the religious, they afterward come to be their
decided enemies; they divide with the religious the opinions of the
villagers, who finally, even though they know the deficient morals
of the native priests, always respect the sacred functions which
these exercise. The least political evil which the latter occasion
is [through] their neglect of their obligations as parish priests,
the irregularity of their mode of life, and their carelessness in
everything pertaining to divine worship. The inhabitants of the
villages administered by Indian curas are very different from those
of the religious from Europa, whose people are distinguished by their
simplicity, docility, and religious training. He who knows the active
and leading part played by this class of persons in accomplishing
the independence of America will not be surprised that in the
establishment of the constitution in Filipinas Indian curas have
almost all been the directors of the elections in their villages,
the electors, and the deputies in Cortes and for the province--in
all these functions distinguishing themselves by their officiousness,
and their pretensions against the legitimate government of the islands.

This class of persons, dominating the consciences of the ignorant
and unfortunate, can easily drag them into error. As simple farmers
and artisans, they would have been useful to their families and to
the government; but mistakenly raised to the dignity of priests,
other interests now move them, and they form a commonwealth apart in
the safe retreat of the provinces. A consideration of justice wrongly
understood by the prelates of the islands, and a vehement desire in the
Indian or mestizo heads of families to ennoble these by placing their
sons in the priesthood, have caused there an excessive ordination
of Indians--which I cannot avoid characterizing as such, since,
besides the many clerics who are actually administering villages,
there is a considerable surplus of others who are scattered through
the provinces. These evils were foreseen in the laws of the Indias
(ley iv, tit. vii, lib. i), which cautions and exhorts the reverend
prelates of the Indias not to ordain so many clerics as they were
doing; but this has not sufficed, and it is necessary that the
government, recognizing the unfortunate experience that it has already
had with this abuse, should take the most efficacious measures for
the purpose of limiting the authority of the prelates in Filipinas,
in conferring ecclesiastical orders on Indians and mestizos, strictly
to the number of clerics which the religious orders of those islands
agree upon and propose as necessary to have for their coadjutors,
and for Indian villages not now occupied, or which in the future the
religious shall fail to occupy--ordering the governor of Filipinas
to secure, by mild and discreet means, that the vacant curacies of
clerics be conferred on European religious.



Of the European religious in Filipinas

The lack of European religious in the Filipinas Islands for filling
at least four-fifths of their curacies is incompatible with the
permanent preservation of that colony. It can be safely asserted that
the government of his Majesty has in this class of ministers the most
powerful force for maintaining that possession in attachment to his
sovereignty. Their virtuous and unworldly mode of life; their absolute
disinterestedness in regard to temporal matters, which is a marvelous
contrast to the greed and ambition of the European trader, the mestizo,
and the Chinese; their extraordinary sacrifices in living apart from
the society of their equals for nineteen, twenty, and [even] thirty
years in those almost uninhabited islands, which are unprovided with
the sort of nourishment suitable to their estate; their discretion and
patience in correcting and teaching the Indians; their resignation in
all kinds of adversity: everything, in short, contributes to make the
inhabitants of that land regard them as supernatural beings, and in
the light of this conception the fathers exercise over the Indians
a moral force more powerful than even that of the government. The
Indians live in entire moral separation from the Spaniards; they
have their own laws of tradition, their own opinions and customs,
entirely unknown to any one who is ignorant of their language or
has not continual intercourse with them. The European religious are
the only persons in the confidence of the government who by favor of
these circumstances, and with a practical and intimate knowledge of
the nature and inclinations of the natives there, can find a way into
their hearts, incline their wills to what is right, enlighten them,
and keep them peaceful and submissive; and without this larger armies
would be of no avail.

[The religious are the only persons who understand the condition
of their respective villages, and the alcaldes-mayor are usually
indolent and inefficient, relying on native interpreters, and caring
little for aught save their own profit; they depend on the religious
in all cases of difficulty, and the higher authorities are jealous of
this superiority of the religious. The government ought to maintain
as many religious as possible in the islands, and give them as much
political authority as is consistent with their ministry; five hundred
of them should be sent there, and the alcaldes-mayor should be obliged
to consult every month with their respective curas on the best means
of promoting the interests of the people, and the central government
can then act on reports of these conferences.]



On the settlement of banished and vagabond foreigners in the islands

[The entrance of these persons causes trouble among the people of the
islands: the Indians are easily influenced by white men, especially
those who teach them to live in more freedom and insubordination to
authority; foreigners of this sort are almost always of lax morals
and dangerous political opinions, which are even more dangerous to
"the Spaniards of the country, who, although more enlightened than the
Indians, are more susceptible to such corruption." The foreigner thus
residing in the islands, "usually from the dregs of other nations,"
makes light of all the institutions there, and tries to set the people
against the mother country; and three times recently has occurred]
the scandal, unheard-of in that colony, of foreigners who, abusing
the innocence of the country, have, being already married in their
own country, again married Philippine Spanish girls, leaving them
abandoned and dishonored. Others, who feigned to be learned physicians
and agriculturists, have deceived and defrauded proprietors in the
islands. Others have clandestinely introduced impious, revolutionary,
and obscene books printed in the Spanish language, but pirated in
France, with which they have caused atrocious injury in the morals of
families there. In fine, the settlement of foreigners in the islands
would not be expedient, even for the sake of the advantages which
their industry and arts would produce there; for works carried on
always with foreign capital, on the account of foreigners, and by
the agency of foreigners, would leave to the country very little
benefit as compared to that from labor employed there by Spanish
capital, and on the account and for the benefit of Spaniards. If we
desire to preserve intact in Filipinas the religious ideas and the
pure morals of our ancestors, and due submission to the government
of his Majesty, it is necessary to keep the people away from every
point of contact with foreigners. In China, Japan, and other nations,
the revolutionary spirit has not been able to penetrate, because the
laws of those kingdoms keep the gates closed to all strangers. In
a colony still in its infancy in customs and enlightenment--which,
like a school of education, needs to have for models men of sound
morals--it has been very absurd to allow to remain and become citizens
therein men who have served a term of exile, and polisones [145]
or vagabonds, sometimes followed by officers of justice from the
Peninsula; and that the Indian people should see (as so many times I
have seen) that this sort of men succeeded in obtaining positions as
corporals, revenue officials, and even militia captains, solely from
the circumstance of their being white men. It is necessary always
to remove from the colonies this sort of people, who on account of
their principles and their inclinations must be enemies of order and
of government, permitting therein the settlement only of respectable
Spanish artisans and merchants, whose upright conduct may serve as
an example to that neophyte people, while at the same time they make
fortunes for themselves. But even this point needs careful study,
and in regard to it I will present the following reflections.



Of the residence of European Spaniards in Filipinas

By a necessary and inevitable effect of certain causes, physical and
moral, which would take too long to explain here, the Spanish race in
the colonies--or the descendants of Europeans, and mestizos of these,
born and reared there--have from their birth political sentiments
which are entirely opposite to those of their ancestors and other
Europeans. They regard the Indian as an entirely passive being, the
European as a foreigner, and the land as exclusively their own. The
educational institutions which thus far have been founded in the
colonies, with the object of uniting their inhabitants, by means of
enlightening them, under the same principles of religion, morals,
and politics, have not been able to uproot those ideas; on the other
hand, recent events in the Americas have proved that the men who had
most education and acquaintance with the sciences were the party
leaders [corifeos] of revolution and independence. It ought to be
regarded as an incontestable truth that as soon as the Spanish race
in Filipinas reaches a greater number than that of the Europeans,
and with this increase acquires a certain degree of moral force,
a war for independence will be declared; and according to this idea
the educational institutions, when there is not sincerity in the
minds of the persons and in the laws that aim at encouraging this
class of population in the colonies, have a tendency hostile to the
preservation of the royal government in them. This class of Spanish
families is, for another reason, very unfortunate in Filipinas, and may
be regarded as condemned to perpetual slothfulness and misery. They
cannot devote themselves to agriculture, because in that burning
climate only the Indian resists labor so hard; nor to handicrafts,
because the wages which the Indian and the Sangley mestizo alike earn,
which is sufficient to meet their simple needs, is insufficient to
pay for another sort of food and clothing for the Spaniards. For these
same reasons, they cannot occupy themselves in the coasting trade; nor,
finally, in the commerce of the islands on a large scale, for lack of
sufficient capital, since by inheritance is divided among all the sons
the wealth which their European parents left to them; and the practice
of law is there a career to which resort is very unfortunate. All these
causes, added to the lassitude which the climate inspires, maintain
that class of people in such a condition of idleness and poverty,
especially the women, that it has been necessary to establish in
the capital alone six seminaries and beaterios in which to shelter
and educate Spanish girls; and that in the ordinance regarding the
Acapulco galleon his Majesty should grant to the Spanish widows of
merchants the special favor of a pension or widow's usufruct on the
boletas of that vessel, their only means of making a living.

[Bernaldez declares that these European Spaniards, "there abandoned,
as it were, to the mercy of charity, or to vices," are not only
useless but dangerous to the country; that among them revolutions
are born; that it is for the best interests of España to retain
her population at home, and, while furnishing means for Spaniards
to enrich themselves in the colonies or their trade, to attract to
the mother country all possible wealth and capital, not allowing her
children to remain abroad after acquiring wealth; and, finally, "to
remove from the colonies all cause of insurrection, than which there is
none greater and more terrible than the propagation [therein] of the
Spanish race." Moreover, the Europeans settled in the colonies "have
too much influence, through their exclusive wealth and connections,
for weakening governmental action there; and care nothing for any
political changes except as they can find therein opportunity for
speculations" (on which he instances the action of European Spaniards
in Mexico in Iturbide's short reign, and in other events of the
revolution there). "The Filipinas Islands need, to maintain them in
tranquillity, nothing more than a stable system of administration,
civil and spiritual, by means of religious, and an army trained and
commanded by competent European leaders, officers, sergeants, and
corporals, with the necessary number of civil officials." The creole
inhabitants should be diminished as much as possible, all Spaniards
being required to return with their families to their own country;
and "aid given to destitute widows and orphans of Spaniards who die
in Filipinas would be better employed in paying for their removal
to Europa." This matter should be considered in the residencia of
every governor. Convicts and exiles should no longer be sent to
the islands. No foreigner should be allowed to marry there except on
condition of leaving the country with his wife. No European adventurer
or idler should be allowed to remain in the islands unless he proffer
sufficient security for his good conduct and occupation; he may then
remain not longer than ten years; otherwise, he should be at once sent
back whence he came. Every ship should carry back to España as many
Spaniards as it brought to the islands; and European Spaniards should
not be allowed to remain in Filipinas more than ten years, after which
they should be compelled to return with their families to España.]



Of the residencias

[It is highly desirable that public officials should undergo
strict residencia, and that regulations be made for these, which
are adapted to the special needs of Filipinas. This is especially
true of the alcaldes-mayor, who, as they have permission to trade,
are more tempted to evade or infringe the laws; and many persons are
appointed to that office who "lack all the qualifications necessary
for obtaining any public office whatever." Unfortunately, since the
royal decree of August 24, 1799, no alcalde has been or can be subject
to residencia, and they consequently enjoy absolute impunity in their
transgressions; for that decree does not allow a sufficient time for
complaints to be made in a country like Filipinas, where intercourse
between the provinces and the capital is so uncertain, interrupted,
and difficult, on account of the vicissitudes of weather and climate,
the lack of roads and postal facilities, and the great distance of
many provinces from Manila. "This impunity has most serious results,
very detrimental to the peace and quiet of the islands; for such has
been the class of persons whom necessity has compelled to appoint
as alcaldes-mayor that not only have they used their authority to
possess themselves of the property of the Indians--seizing the boats of
traders, which injured the natives in their traffic--and defrauded the
Indians with unjust exactions; but they have humiliated the religious,
stolen moneys from the king, outraged young girls, burned houses, and,
in short, have thrown the provinces into a condition of effervescence
and of conspiracy against the government which sent to the natives
such a ruler." Bernaldez urges the government to take such measures
that the residencia of the alcaldes may be made effective and just.]



Of the selection of all classes of employees for the Filipinas Islands

[On this point, the writer urges greater care and more sense of
responsibility. All government officials, of every grade, should
be of good morals, old enough to have stability of character,
sufficiently competent and experienced to understand their duties,
and such as will set a good example to the natives.] The imprudence
of one man alone has often been sufficient to incite a sedition in
the minds of various parties or castes in those islands; and in any
case it is very dangerous to entrust positions of command to persons
who are not endowed with well-proved ability and discretion. I
cannot attribute the laxity which in recent times is evident in
all branches of the administration and government of those islands
to any other cause than the injudicious selection of many of their
employees. The military corps, whose former captains and subalterns
had been mainly sergeants sent from the Peninsula, were kept in the
best order and discipline until, in the year '23, those officers were
added to them who accompanied General Martinez--of some of whom,
according to the documents which were executed for my court, their
appointment to the Indias, with their scandalous conduct, looks
like a proof that in España there was neither religion, morality,
nor subordination. [Bernaldez urges that certain qualifications be
required for office in Filipinas; the governors should be members of
learned bodies, and excel in discretion and ability, and in the art
of governing, and of promoting the welfare of a country, rather than
in the military art. The intendants should be "enlightened economists,
capable of creating and promoting the great wealth of which that virgin
country is capable." The officials of the Audiencia should be at least
thirty-five years old, with ten years of service, and experienced in
legal practice; and other employees should be trustworthy, experienced,
and not mere youths. "The Filipinas Islands, like every colony, are
the country of the corruption of youth, and where it is necessary to
work with men whose characters are already formed."]



Of the use of weapons in Filipinas

[The writer protests against the carelessness which, contrary to
the laws of the Indias, has allowed the natives to possess and carry
weapons--even including campilans and sabers, pistols and guns. These
arms have, through culpable negligence of the government officials,
been imported in the foreign ships and sold publicly; and, possessing
them, the natives are a constant source of danger to the whites. He
recommends that the governor of Filipinas be commanded to disarm the
natives, using mild and politic methods, and allow them no implements
or tools save those required in their labor; to stop the importation
of arms into the islands; to compel all coasting vessels to deposit
with the authorities, during their stay in the harbor, the arms which
they carry for defense against the pirates; to see that no weapons
be allowed in the villages save those needed by the local guards;
and to stop all clandestine manufacture and sale of gunpowder.]



Of the despatch of assistance to the Filipinas Islands

[This section is devoted to the evils resulting from the remoteness
of the islands, and the neglect of providing them with facilities
for communication with España; it is necessary, if the government
desires to keep the islands; to remedy this deficiency at once,
for their material prosperity, the administration of justice, their
safety from enemies, their loyalty to the crown--all are at great
risk under present conditions. "The establishment of postal service
in vessels of the royal armada would be a most burdensome expense
to the treasury of España and to that of Filipinas. Unfortunately,
previous to the royal decree of 1820 in regard to the commerce of
Filipinas, in the long period of forty years only twenty trading
ships have gone to those islands, leaving them without assistance or
communication during the long space of three, four, five, or [even]
seven years." However, this can be remedied, and without expense, by
suitable measures for the promotion of commerce between the islands
and España, "an attempt at which has been made in these last six
years, during which time more expeditions direct to Filipinas have
been effected than in the preceding forty years--that is, sixteen
from Cadiz, three from Santander, Coruña, and San Sebastian, and five
whose return is now expected."]





OF THE CAUSES WHICH OPERATE IN THE BACKWARD CONDITION OF THE
ADMINISTRATION, BOTH CIVIL AND ECONOMIC, OF THE FILIPINAS ISLANDS;
AND THEIR CORRECTIVE


[Of the failure of governors and intendants to make reports]

[Exact and circumstantial information is of course, necessary for
the guidance of the home government in all measures relating to the
resources, needs, development, and administration of the islands, and
annual reports on all these matters are demanded from governors and
intendants by the laws of the Indias. Essential as this requirement
is, it has always been neglected.] What those officials sometimes
write, when questioned about these matters, are but generalities;
their reports and information are reduced to how much has been
produced and how much spent, in the résumé of the royal exchequer
accounts. Thus it is not known with what necessity and justice certain
extraordinary expenses have been incurred, what number of employees the
king has in that colony, what causes have occasioned the increase or
decrease in the product of the revenues, and, finally, how the means
and resources of the people who contribute to the royal income can be
augmented so that the latter can likewise be increased, all which the
government ought to know. [It is true that the governors are laden with
multifarious routine duties, which often prevent them from attending
to these important matters, and from examining conditions personally,
for which they have to depend upon the reports of their subordinates;
and these are apt to be actuated by self-interest and they do not like
reforms, so their statements are not very reliable. The reports made by
the municipalities, commercial consulate, and other bodies are of the
same sort, as being always from the standpoint of their corporation;
and neither authorities nor corporations have the same stimulus to
thoroughness, accuracy, and energy as has the private person who
undertakes an enterprise. It is through the latter class that great
projects and advances are made, but such persons hesitate to present
plans for these to the authorities there, because the authorities
do not examine them personally, "but by means of a contentious,
voluminous, and annoying expediente," and likewise have no authority to
adopt these plans until they are referred to Madrid--where, too, they
are not encouraged to bring such projects before the royal government,
and these, moreover, would have to be sent to Manila first (apparently
to contend there with the aforesaid expediente). Bernaldez continues:]
In order, then, to awaken this interest of enterprising private
persons in the agriculture, manufactures, and commerce of Filipinas,
it is necessary to have there a body expressly devoted to this object,
and authorized to adopt provisionally any plan for improvement and
progress which may be proposed to it and examined by it with the aid
of its special knowledge of the country; and this body ought to be
the superior council of the royal exchequer of the islands.... This
council, as such, has very little occupation; its ministers, like
all who are employed in Filipinas, attend to their official duties
only in the forenoons, remaining free during all the afternoons and
evenings for employment in a service of so great importance as this.

I am, then, of opinion that his Majesty should deign to establish
the following: That the superior council of the royal exchequer
in Filipinas constitute a similar council for the improvement and
prosperity of the country, with the object of stimulating in every way
the Indians to work, and capitalists to undertake enterprises. That
its members hold weekly meetings for this purpose, at such hours as
the president shall designate. That it also call in the proprietors of
lands, agriculturists, manufacturers, and merchants of the country,
listen to their views, and encourage them to propose reforms and
plans for promoting the useful arts. That it be authorized to decide
upon the execution of projects, provisionally, until the approbation
of his Majesty is secured, in all matters which do not occasion loss
to the country or injure the interests of the treasury. That it can
draw upon the treasury of the community for a moderate amount of
necessary expenses for the encouragement and reward of enterprises,
for anything which can bring a positive and general benefit to the
Indians and the government.



Of the royal court

[Our writer notes the requirement of the laws of the Indias that the
governors and audiencias should consult and act together in matters
of government, and the excellent results of this procedure. [146]] But
unfortunately such has not been the case in the recent governments of
Filipinas. The governor-presidents have entirely separated themselves
from their audiencias, and have governed alone--sometimes in military
fashion, not heeding the opinions and customs of the country, but
depending on force of arms; and sometimes only by the advice of the
lawyer who assists the governor, who has the title of government
counselor [asesor], and who, although he ought to limit himself to
giving opinion on points and cases regarding statutes, is counselor in
all the arduous matters of administration. From this it has resulted
that the fate of the colonies may be left in the hands of this class
of counselors, and that their subordinates have had so much power
and importance. [Moreover, this course leads to dissensions and
hostilities between the governor and the Audiencia, which is a bad
example to furnish to the people and lowers their respect for the
authorities.] It must be borne in mind that the Indians of Filipinas
are not so sunken in ignorance that they do not of themselves,
and likewise through their attorneys and confessors, recognize that
they have a sovereign who rules them, and who to this end has given
them laws; consequently, all lack of concord among the authorities,
and every change introduced in the method of governing the villages,
must produce fatal consequences. [It is therefore recommended that
the governor consult the Audiencia in all matters of the internal
government of the islands, and any failure in this should be made a
charge in his residencia.]



Of the administration of justice in general

The consideration and respect which the Audiencia of Manila merits
among the Indians proceeds also from those times in which its
members made official visits to the provinces, and in these visits
did so much good to the villages. The visiting auditors were, in
reality, friendly mediators in the disputes between the Indians;
and they made agreements, placed limits to the villages, furnished
a sort of municipal ordinance, and protected the natives against the
oppressions of the alcaldes-mayor. Notwithstanding my high opinion of
that tribunal, I regard as very proper the provisions of law xxxiv,
título ii, book ii of the laws of the Indias in regard to the removal
and promotion of its ministers, basing my opinion on the same arguments
as did the law--that is, that it is very desirable not only to reward
them, but to uproot them from the friendships which they contract
in places where they remain a long time. These friendships, whose
influence is always detrimental to the equitable administration of
justice, are in Manila an almost necessary result of the small Spanish
population, of the lack of all public amusement or diversion, and of
the fact that with the enervating effect of the climate the rectitude
and vigor of European morals is lost after some years of residence
in the country. [The Audiencia has been unable to attend to the
administration of justice in the islands as it has desired, for it has
always been hindered by the many obstacles which arise from the storms,
the lack of roads and mail service, the attraction of all the lawyers
in the islands to the capital, the ignorance of the gobernadorcillo and
the alcalde of each other's language and of judicial procedures, the
dilatory mode of carrying on these between the provinces and Manila,
etc. "Thus it is very common that these lawsuits, besides being always
full of defects, last three, four, or six years; and that in that
long period either the delinquents take to flight, or the documents
are lost." Even in the Audiencia itself there are many obstacles to
its action. Its subordinate officials are Indian or mestizo lawyers,
who often are neither competent nor qualified for their positions;]
and that which most contributes to retard the despatch of business,
and to maintain the offices of the court without any organization,
is the unfitness of those who occupy the class or purchasable and
renunciable offices. The court clerk, the special commissioners,
and the attorneys know nothing else than how to obtain the greatest
possible advantage from the purchase of their offices. Without any
instruction in the obligations of those positions, because they cannot
acquire it in that country, and incapable of carrying out even what the
ministers themselves have the patience to teach them, those men are,
notwithstanding, the only ones whom the ministers can choose for those
offices, because they are likewise the only ones who can outbid others
in the sale of them. These positions are also of little advantage,
because in the immense extension of the military jurisdiction, among
the wealthy persons of Filipinas, the tribunal of the War Department
has drawn to itself all the civil causes of importance in the islands;
and the Audiencia has been reduced to criminal causes, and the minor
controversies over land among the Indians, for which reason it is
impossible to have educated Europeans who will purchase those posts
and serve in them. The consequence of this is that the offices of
the Audiencia are in the utmost disorder; that they do not contain
even the books of entry which the laws provide for, or registers,
citations, or reports of cases; that in order to record a decree or an
official report it is necessary for a minister to take upon himself the
task of doing that; and, finally, that the administration of justice
must necessarily be slow. [Bernaldez therefore recommends that the
ministers of the Audiencia be promoted at least every ten years to
other appointments; that the minor offices be no longer purchasable
or renunciable, but filled directly by royal appointment, and given
to suitable persons, with good salaries (which are specified); and
that the government of the islands provide some expedient for raising
money to pay the salary of an attorney-general in each province.]



Of the alcaldes-mayor and military governors of the provinces

[The office of alcalde-mayor and provincial governor involves the
civil government and defense of the province, the administration of
justice, and the collection of the taxes; but those who are appointed
to it are usually only traders, in reality, and care more for the
profits yielded by the trade that is permitted to them than for the
obligations of their office. They are paid twenty-five hard dollars
a month for salary, "and they pay to the treasury the same sum for
the indulto [i.e., privilege], as it is called there, of trading," to
which pursuit they devote all their time and energies during the term
of their office.] A system of alcaldeships so anomalous and irregular
nevertheless produced at the outset some benefits to the islands,
because, by reason of the great lack of capitalists there, many
products of the agriculture and industries of the provinces would have
received no encouragement if the alcalde had not speculated in them
for the sake of his own trade. It is also necessary to note that there
are provinces with which, on account of their remoteness and the little
advantage which they have for the coasting trade, there was hardly any
other means of communication than the barks of the alcalde. But now,
when the coasting trade has become so general, it is a necessity to
abolish, in most of the provinces of the islands, that absurd system of
trading alcaldes; and to appoint in their places corregidors, lawyers
educated in España, with only a salary, and the charge of making
collections for the royal revenue, with the right to the offices in
the Audiencia there. This increase in expenditure should be covered
by the duties which ought to be imposed on the coasting trade, which
by this means remains free from all impediment. [Bernaldez urges that
the provincial magistrates be carefully selected, for their knowledge,
experience, discretion, and executive ability; and that they be men
who will devote themselves to the proper administration of justice,
the study of those regions hitherto unknown, plans of reform, and the
encouragement of industry and commerce among the people--not forgetting
to preserve friendly relations with the parish priests. He recommends
that seventeen of the provinces in the islands of Luzon, Panay, and
Cebú be divided into corregidorships, eight into those of the first
class, and nine into those of the second, with specified salaries
to each; that appointments to these posts be made for six years;
and that corregidors of the first class be proposed by the Audiencia.]



Of the taxes

[At present, the tribute paid by the Indians should not be increased
because so many of them would be distressed by any heavier tax; but
this might be done later, when the class of large proprietors may have
increased in numbers. The payment of this tax in kind is a source
of loss, not only in the quantity and quality of the products paid
in, but in the damage caused by transportation and storage; and in
selling the products thus received by the government there is loss,
because its agents are poor managers of such business, not having
the shrewdness or the knowledge of the markets which enable private
merchants to make their profits. The commutation of the payment from
money to kind was only partly due to the influence of the alcaldes,
who preferred it for the benefit of their own trading;] the cause which
has rendered that commutation almost necessary and which operates
directly to the prejudice of the Indian, is the lack of a colonial
money peculiar to the Filipinas Islands, like that which the other
possessions in Asia have (of the necessity of which I will speak in
another chapter), in order to revive internal commerce and promote
and facilitate the payment of taxes.

The indirect taxes by means of government monopolies in Filipinas
are, in my opinion, those most suitable to the native disposition of
inhabitants who, furnished most abundantly by the soil with all the
income necessary for their support, convert the superfluous enjoyments
of life into objects of prime necessity. It should be a firm principle
of good government to protect and rectify the administration of these
indirect taxes, especially those on tobacco and wine--not only because
these will be sufficient to cover abundantly all the expenses of army
and navy, but because in case of a war and the absolute cessation of
trade the government will have this firm support for its existence; and
therefore no hearing should be given to the suggestions and proposals
of those persons who are craftily working to free the islands from
those monopolies. But so long as these taxes are not made general
through all the provinces of the archipelago, so that the fire of the
contraband trade (which always finds lodgment in the exempt provinces)
may be extinguished, and until certain reforms are adopted in their
administration and protection, the produce [of these taxes] in favor
of the royal exchequer must be very disproportionate to the amounts
consumed by that large population.



Of the revenue from tobacco

The revenue which supports the Filipinas Islands, which cannot be
replaced by any other, and which if it were properly established
and administered would yield incalculable advantages, is that from
tobacco. Three millions of inhabitants, all without exception of sex
or age consumers of that article--and for each one of them, on the
average, and at a very low estimate, can be set down a consumption of
four pesos [worth] a year--would produce an addition to the revenue
of twelve million pesos, which they would obtain from the land and
from their industries, in order to give at the same time a great
impulse to commerce. This is not a paradox, for the use of tobacco
is of so prime necessity for the Indians that the same calculation
can be made for that object that would be made for the use of bread
in España. [Bernaldez considers the injurious effects of enforcing
this monopoly in only a part of the islands--"although more than half
the population is today subject to the monopoly, its income is only
one-tenth of what, at a reasonable estimate, it ought to be"--and
those of its careless and negligent administration. He makes the
following suggestions:] That the collection of the tributes from
the Indians of Filipinas be made compulsory in money, as soon as the
colonial money can be placed in circulation in their provinces. That
the monopoly of tobacco in Filipinas be extended to all the [now]
exempt provinces, without exception; and the government there will
succeed much better in establishing it therein by sagacity than
by authority or force. That the examination and appraisal of the
leaf tobacco which the monopoly purchases from the growers be made
before a board which the government there shall appoint annually,
composed of officials from the capital who are most trustworthy and
intelligent in that branch of administration, such tobacco as proves
to be unfit for use being burned in their presence. That all the
tobacco which can be collected in Filipinas be conveyed to España, by
means of contracts with private persons for the freighting of ships;
and with it the amount which can be remitted from the [different]
branches of the royal exchequer, and the annual surplus of their funds.



Of the revenue from wine

The product of the revenue from wine cannot in Filipinas be considered
so important as that from tobacco, because the Indians are very
moderate in their drinking. The wines made from the cocoanut and
nipa (the only ones subject to the monopoly) are wholesome for the
Indians; and as the monopoly has regulated the supply for each village,
greatly improving the process of making the liquor and diminishing its
strength, the Indians prefer the monopoly to the free privilege of this
article. The failure of this revenue to increase depends on two causes:
first, that the monopoly is not extended, as it ought to be, to all the
provinces of the islands, not only thus to place all the natives on the
same footing, and so suppress the contraband trade, but to prevent by
this method the manufacture by the Indians of other beverages which
are more injurious to their health, and which, without giving them
pleasure, intoxicate them as has been the case with the brandy and rum
from sugar-cane juice or molasses; second, the great amount of the two
last-named liquors which is clandestinely furnished to the public, as
a result of the permission, very negligently guarded, which was given
to manufacture them freely to export abroad, or to sell them under a
certain tax in order that they should not injure the consumption of
the article placed under monopoly control. [Bernaldez admits that the
manufacture of the above-mentioned brandy and rum ought to be allowed,
"because otherwise the country would lose the enormous quantity of
molasses which results from the sugar-making, which has a considerable
value, but cannot be employed for other uses;" but the government
ought to maintain the value of the monopolized beverages, and at
the same time facilitate the exportation of rum and brandy. [147]
He recommends, besides the extension of the wine monopoly:] That,
as a consequence, every other kind of beverage made in the country
be prohibited in the islands for the common use of the Indians. That
the manufacture of brandy and rum from sugar-cane be allowed only
for the export trade. That each manufacturer be likewise allowed to
have a retail warehouse, under the imposts which they now pay. That
the manufacturers be compelled to establish their factories in the
immediate vicinity of Manila, where they can and must be watched,
at their own expense, by the revenue clerks. That all the brandy and
rum which is made from sugar be immediately deposited in warehouses,
the keys of which the custom-house shall take charge of, the government
levying on it moderate duties for deposit as well as for export. [148]



Of the head-money, or personal tax, from the Chinese

[The Chinese were at first allowed in Filipinas only to cultivate
the soil and work in handicrafts; but they have drawn into their
possession the control of trade and commerce, "winning the good-will
of the government and the tolerance of the inhabitants of Manila
with a thousand intrigues unknown in the country. They have done in
Filipinas what the Europeans ought to have done, that is, to acquire
wealth and send it, or themselves go with it, to their own country to
establish commercial houses;" and thus they have added a marvelous
amount to the wealth of China. Their method of doing business is
explained--practically the same as is done in the United States at
the present time; united capital and effort, division of the gains
accordingly, quick sales and small profits, etc. They have obtained the
exclusive retail trade in Manila, and a great part of the wholesale
trade, "and thereby have aroused the hostility of corporations and
private persons, notwithstanding that they are a class of peaceable and
industrious people in the country." Bernaldez thinks that their tax of
six pesos a year is much too small, considering the advantages which
they enjoy and the large fortunes which they acquire in the islands;
in Batavia the Chinese pay the government as much as thirty pesos a
month for merely the permission to trade. The tax on them at Manila is
farmed out to a Chinaman, and does not yield as much as it should. The
following recommendations are made:] That measures be immediately taken
to correct and render accurate the registration of the Chinese settled
in Filipinas. That the individuals of that nation be divided into three
classes: first, wholesale merchants, understanding by that term all
those who embark for China and receive thence goods on commission or
for their own account; second, retail merchants, or shopkeepers; third,
artisans of every class. That these be distributed by groups under
head-men [por cabecerias], which shall not exceed sixty individuals to
each one. That every Chinaman, as soon as he is registered, shall be
joined to one of these groups, the head-man becoming responsible for
him. That these Chinese heads of barangay must give security for the
tribute from those under them, and collect the tax and deliver it to
the alcalde-mayor of their respective province, being responsible in
every case for the residence and occupation of their tribute-payers;
and for this commission collecting the three per cent. That in future
the tax on the Chinese already settled and those who shall settle
in Filipinas shall be as follows: the wholesale merchant, ten pesos
fuertes a month; the retail merchant, four pesos ditto; the artisan of
every class, two pesos ditto. That every Chinaman settled there shall
be free to return to his own country, provided he is not married,
the limit of six months being allowed for this. That the Chinaman,
of whatever class, who shall not pay his respective tax within one
year shall be sent and delivered up to one of the ranch-owners for
compulsory labor [por repartimiento], in order that there he may work
at the day-wages agreed upon, which must not fall below two reals a
day and food-rations of rice; and that the ranchman shall with these
wages pay the tax [due], at the rate of two pesos a month.

[Among the advantages derived from this arrangement will be that
of sending out of the islands the many poor and useless Chinese who
have been gradually multiplying there, and have been infecting the
natives with their vices. It will even benefit the Chinese themselves,
"who with two reals a day, which make 7 1/2 dollars a month clear"
(thus showing that Sunday labor was exacted), "can pay two pesos of
tax and be exceedingly prosperous."] [149]



Of the custom-house duties

The royal decree of August 25, 1818, by which it was decided that
the exaction of import and export duties should be made in the Manila
custom-house from the owners of the vessels, without considering the
ownership of their lading, and that if the vessel were Spanish it
should pay three per cent, and if foreign six per cent, has been a
special favor or privilege granted to half a dozen Spanish ship-owners
(for those who conduct the commerce with China and Bengala cannot be
more than that number), with serious loss to the exchequer. This is,
of course, annually deprived of the considerable income of the three
per cent rebate on all foreign goods imported into Manila, which is
a direct benefit to the foreigners who own nearly all the commerce
in those goods. The manufacturers of Filipinas, especially those of
cotton fabrics--which are able to compete with, and even exceed in
cheapness, those of China, since the cotton of which these are made
is of their own raising--are being ruined, because that rebate of
duties brings the prices of the Chinese goods so near to those of
their infant industry that the former ought always to be preferred;
and, finally, the above arrangement has also given opportunity for
various frauds proceeding from the pretended sale of foreign vessels
to Spaniards, solely for the purpose of availing themselves of the
rebate of duties on their cargoes, and to the possession (under
assumed names) by Chinese settled in Manila of Spanish vessels.

[Bernaldez states the considerations which should regulate these
duties, and the following recommendations for the payment of duties on
various classes of merchandise, this amount to cover in each case the
entire exaction: On national goods in transit, carried to Manila--on a
Spanish vessel, three per cent; on a foreign ship, six per cent. The
same goods for consumption in the country shall pay nine and ten per
cent respectively. On foreign goods from India and China, for domestic
consumption, ten and fifteen per cent respectively; from this class
should be excepted the wines, brandies, pig iron, small articles of
cast iron, dry beans, and foreign paper, which should pay twenty and
twenty-five per cent respectively. Goods, whether national or foreign,
not declared as in transit at leaving Manila shall pay two and four per
cent respectively; but those registered on a Spanish ship from India,
China, and all Asia for España, ten per cent. Coined silver and gold,
and silver bullion, shall pay no entrance duty at Manila, but on
leaving that port shall pay three and six per cent respectively;
and foreign gold in bullion shall pay eight per cent at entering
Manila (whether on Spanish or foreign vessels). National products,
and those of the industries of Filipinas, shall pay when exported
eight per cent on a foreign vessel, but nothing on a Spanish ship. The
duty of the merchant's peso [peso marchante] which the municipality
of Manila collects should be abolished as obstructive to commerce;
for the legal origin of this imposition is unknown, and it is very
unsuitable for a municipality which is rich through its rents,
revenues, and imposts. Bernaldez believes that this tariff would
promote agriculture, industry, and navigation, and benefit the royal
treasury. More coin would be brought into the islands, the plan of
exempting it from duties having been adopted for that purpose by
all the other governments of Asia. The burden of these duties will
fall mainly on the rich class, and not on the Indians. The "infant
industries" [fabricas nacientes] will be protected, and the Spanish
merchant marine will be given the advantage over the foreigners.]



Of the inter-island trade

The inter-island trade of the Filipinas Islands is at present quite
active, as is shown by the latest reports received. Its importance is
well worth consideration, since the commodities which are traded in
this way constitute the greater part of the cargoes of the export
commerce. Tortoise-shell, gold, birds'-nests, balate, wax, cacao,
and other products form cargoes of great value which come from
the provinces. The exclusive proprietors of this commerce are the
alcaldes-mayor of the provinces, and the rich mestizos and Chinese, who
in this traffic have made exorbitant profits, for it is these alone who
exclusively avail themselves of the rise in prices which is produced in
Manila by the arrival there of foreign vessels together. This causes
those posts of alcalde there to be very eagerly sought, since in only
three years of holding them they allow [the making of] a fortune;
and also that the class of mestizos and Chinese is the only one that
is sure of becoming rich in Filipinas.... The result is, that with
the exception of the great fortunes which in other times were made in
the privileged commerce of Nueva España, it is this [coasting trade]
from which have proceeded the fortunes of Manila. [This branch of trade
is exempt from all duties, a privilege which does not benefit either
the agriculture or the other industries of the Indians, since they
always sell at the same price, and have no share in the profits of
the trade. Nor is this commerce promoted by the freedom from duties,
for it will always continue and always yield great profits to those
who carry it on--who can well afford to pay a moderate tax on their
lucrative trade, especially as it is partly for their benefit that
the government incurs so great expense for curbing the piracies of
the Moros. It is recommended:] That all commodities, whether natural
products or those of industry, which arrive at the port of Manila by
sea from the provinces shall pay one per cent on the prices current
in that city; and from this tax shall be exempted only rice (whether
in the hull or cleaned), cocoanut oil, and fresh fruits, as being
articles of prime necessity for the Indians. That no duty shall
be collected for those same products when they are transported by
land, or by the rivers and bayous of the island of Luzon. And that,
from the time when this law shall go into effect, the power which
the municipality of Manila has to tax the value of the provisions
which come from the provinces shall be suppressed. The exemption from
duties will tend, in regard to the provinces of Luzon, to encourage in
that island preëminently, as is desirable, agriculture and industry,
and at the same time will save to the custom-house the new expenses
which it would [otherwise] have to incur for establishing posts and
men to guard against smuggling.



Of money

The Spanish peso is the universal money in the commerce among all the
nations of Asia; and, as therefore the exterior commerce is constantly
drawing it into circulation, the governments of all the colonies
in that part of the world have found themselves obliged to create
a colonial money, which on account of its provisional value cannot
be taken out of the country, and, being directed into the internal
commerce of the province, feeds and multiplies exchanges. In Filipinas
there was no need of adopting that measure while its commerce with
Nueva España lasted, because then those islands were receiving annually
a million of Mexican pesos, and the situado of two hundred and fifty
thousand; and, besides this, the business that was carried on during
that period in the natural and industrial products of the country
was almost insignificant. And if in Filipinas at this present time
enough money circulates to support the outside traffic, that results
from the fact that the profits which the colony has gained from the
commerce with all the nations of Europa (the balance of which is in
favor of Filipinas) are greater than the losses of money which it
experiences in its commerce with India and China. [This is of course
a very precarious situation; for the contingencies of war, diversion
of commerce from the islands, or poor crops may at any time compel
Filipinas to send out all its money to India or China for the supply of
its needed commodities; and this would ruin even the internal commerce,
"on account of the serious difficulties which the establishment of a
system of public credit there presents."] Besides that, considering now
the matter of giving a strong impulse to the agriculture and industry
of those islands, there would be needed for the former project many
millions of pesos in constant circulation in the provinces, and there
must be a great reversion of the capital employed in commerce to the
interior of the islands; and this cannot be practiced in a country in
which hardly enough money circulates to support the government and
the demands from without, and which had undertaken to promote its
interests by commerce before placing its agriculture and industry
on a sound basis. In almost all the provinces of the islands very
little money circulates, and in some of them there is not even what
is necessary in order that the natives can pay the government taxes;
and from this has proceeded the necessity of commuting the tribute
from money to kind. The Spanish pesos go from and return to the
provinces rapidly; and it can be said that the produce of the taxes
which has to be sent annually to the capital, and the importations of
the alcaldes and the mestizos, are equal. Most of the Indians trade
among themselves by means of simple barter, and the mestizos make
them pay dearly with their products for the money that they need for
clothing themselves and paying their taxes.

There is, then, nothing to hope for--either advance in agriculture
and the useful arts, or the great extension and progress of which
the consumption of monopolized articles is susceptible--without the
creation of a colonial money which will remain within the colony to
which it belongs, which will liberate it from the precarious dependence
on foreign commerce, which will afford to the Indian the just profits
from his labor, which by remaining with him in the provinces will
encourage him to obtain possession of it as an easy means of providing
him with the necessities of life at the time [when he needs them,]
and which likewise may be an allurement to his children--which up to a
certain point it is of great importance to encourage in the Indians,
as a powerful incentive to make them labor. [Lastly, this colonial
money would check the exportation of silver coin by the Chinese,
[150] who would then prefer to export from Filipinas its nature
products in return for their commodities. In China all the Spanish
pesos are, in order to keep them within the empire, disfigured with
so many marks that they cannot be used in foreign commerce.] We
have no knowledge thus far of there being silver mines in Filipinas;
but it is a positive fact that gold abounds there, of so low grade
and so mingled with silver that it has little more value than that
metal. This circumstance, aided by the introduction of some silver
bars from America, carried thither by foreigners, the recoinage of
the half-dollars, and of the silver two-real, one-real, and half-real
pieces which circulate in the islands, and the use of the great amount
of old silver in household articles--which is there sold at very low
prices, on account of being alloyed and manufactured in China--would
supply the government with easy means for the creation of a colonial
currency without need for expense, or for forestalling [the income
from] any fund, only by accepting from the persons interested their
respective materials in gold or silver, under assay, and returning to
them the value of the metal in the coined money which it would yield,
after deducting the necessary expenses. Likewise the government could
accept, in payment of all taxes, the gold which is obtained from
the placers, at the same prices at which the Chinese carry it away,
and after it was assayed at its mint--where the learned professors
who for this purpose would be sent from Europe would dictate the
necessary measures for carrying into effect an undertaking which is
the basis for all progress in the islands. I am therefore of opinion
that his Majesty should deign to issue the following orders: That a
colonial currency be immediately created for internal circulation in
the Filipinas Islands. That for this purpose a mint be established
there. That the standard for this money be the same as those of the
moneys of the same kind which have been adopted in the other colonies
of Asia. That the subdivisions of its value be made according to the
needs of internal trade. That all the gold and silver, in various
forms, which private persons offer for coinage be accepted at the
mint, returning it to them in the standard coin which it yields after
the expenses are deducted. That the government there be authorized
to accept in payment of taxes the gold from the mines of Filipinas,
after it is assayed. That regulations be drawn up by competent persons,
in which precautions are taken against any fraud in this matter.



Of the charitable funds established in Filipinas

[The obras pías merit full attention from the government,] on account
of the advantages which the agriculture and industry of the islands
may gain from them. If the limited and privileged dealings of Manila
with Nueva España had not been reduced to a merely passive commerce
of transfer or transportation, those foundations would, at the same
time while they have become wealthy, have given real opulence to that
commerce. Of the enormous profit of two hundred and three hundred
per cent which the transactions of the galleon yielded at Acapulco,
the greater part was for the foreign dealers of India and China,
whose wares supplied almost all the lading of the galleons, and for
the obras pías; a greatly reduced profit remained for the Manila
merchants, which could be shown by a calculation which might be made
of the many millions imported from Nueva España by the galleons, and
of the comparatively small value, in money or assistance, which has
remained [therefrom] in the islands. [The returns from these funds are
now greatly diminished, since the cessation of the Acapulco trade,
for on that depended the commerce with India and China, which also
has practically ended, save for the commodities from those countries
which are consumed in Filipinas. This could not have been foreseen
by the founders of those funds, many of which, moreover, are impeded
by various restrictions and conditions; and the government should
interpose its authority not only to secure the fulfilment of the
founders' wishes, but to commute the investment of the funds in such a
way that they may be used to promote the agriculture and industry of
the country. These funds ought also to be preserved as a most useful
resource in case of war or revolution, when the usual revenues of the
government would cease. Bernaldez therefore recommends:] That the
government of Manila furnish special protection to the charitable
foundations of the islands, and keep close watch over their honest
administration. That it stimulate the managers to obtain immediately
from the competent authority the commutation of the allotments of these
funds so as to benefit the agriculture and manufactures of the country,
giving reports of what shall be effected in a matter so important for
the welfare of the islands. That the funds in the communal treasuries
of the Indians and the Chinese, those of the secular revenues,
[151] and any others which are not subject to private foundations and
regulations, and which hitherto have followed in their investments the
rules of the obras pías, shall be by preference set aside for rewards
bestowed for enterprises in agriculture, industry, and inter-island
trade. Thus will be remedied the injury arising from the failure of
those great funds to be in circulation; and the abuse of employing
them in favor of foreigners and their commerce, under assumed names,
will be corrected.



Of the arsenal of Cavite

[Bernaldez declares that the works of naval construction, etc., for the
government can be accomplished for half the cost by means of private
contracts awarded to the lowest bidder, which is proved by the history
of all the enterprises which have been undertaken by the government
in those islands, whether in agriculture, mining, or metal-working;
"for, however great the disinterestedness and economy which can
be ascribed to the officials who conduct the enterprise, in this
direction nothing can take the place of the contractor's activity and
vigilance." In the cutting and gathering of timber there is abundant
cheating and graft, as that work is directed by Indian overseers,
or by mestizos and Chinese; the latter have abandoned the system of
day wages ("which the natural slothfulness of the Indian renders
very costly"), and instead pay the natives so much for a certain
amount of work (which they call paqueao). "In this way the Indians,
who always are cheated in these calculations, have to redouble their
efforts to gain the amount bargained for, thus allowing to the mestizo
the benefit of at least one-third of the usual daily wages." After
the timber is cut, its transportation, storage, and seasoning cost
more when done by the government than by the mestizo contractor, and
occasion much loss and damage. Ships of war could be built at Manila
to great advantage, so far as the abundance and cheapness and location
of the timber is concerned; but the lack of iron and copper there is
a serious hindrance to such plans. There are mines of both metals in
the islands, but they are not worked for lack of enterprising persons
and suitable machinery. Bernaldez recommends: That the crown offer
large rewards for the successful operation of the iron and copper
mines in the islands, the supply therefrom of metal sufficient for the
construction of ships and cannon, and the introduction of machinery
for mining and iron-working. That arrangements be made for building
war-ships each year, by contracts for the supply of timber and the
manual labor. That competent engineers and constructors be sent from
España, at good salaries; that necessary supplies and materials be
secured by contracts, bid for in public; and that funds from the royal
exchequer be set aside for this purpose to the amount of one hundred
thousand to one hundred and fifty thousand pesos annually. That all the
construction and repairing of war-ships for Filipinas be done through
contracts, at public bidding; and that the arsenal of Cavite be reduced
to a simple depository for the articles required for arming the ships,
with such officials as may be necessary for the custody of these.]



Of the agriculture of the Filipinas Islands, in general, and of their
principal productions

The Filipinas Islands, on account of the fertility of their land,
their abundant rains, and the great number of animals for labor,
constitute an agricultural colony; and to the readiness with which the
country supplies the principal articles for human support has been
due the rapid increase of its population. And although the Indians,
as a general thing, only devote themselves to the cultivation of
what they actually need for subsistence, the annual production so
far exceeds the necessities of the people that very seldom has the
failure or scarcity of provisions been experienced. The abundance of
its arable lands and the excellence of its products have also rendered
this colony capable of a considerable commerce with the other nations,
at a much greater advantage over the other colonies, inasmuch as
the land is tilled by free labor, which costs only the value of its
food and clothing; and not by slaves, who, besides those expenses,
occasion that of the premium or interest on the money invested in
their purchase, which causes a difference of at least a third more
in the cost of the manual labor employed in agriculture.

The neglected condition in which agriculture is in Filipinas,
considered under this last aspect, and the backwardness in knowledge of
the manipulations required in the preparation of its raw products for
their consumption in trade, proceed from the following causes: (1) The
lack of a stable and regular system of commerce which can assure to the
inhabitants of the islands the annual exportation of the produce of an
extensive agriculture. The foreign vessels resort to the ports there,
some years in excessive number and others very infrequently; and this
irregularity always produces an effect opposed to the interests of the
colony. The extraordinary rise in prices--which during the last three
years has reached a value double that from which the ability to sell at
all times would enable the colony to gain a profit--and the consequent
lack of commodities for supplying all the vessels, prevent them from
returning in the following years; while the decline of prices below
what is fair, caused by the non-arrival of ships, discourages large
production in agriculture. The Indians are absolutely without capital
and storehouses which would enable them to hold back their produce for
another market. They are induced to cultivate the soil solely by their
present advantage; they always sell, but they suffer from the stern
law of trade which, although it flatters them in years of scarcity,
equally tyrannizes over them in years of abundance--for they are
always deceived regarding the actual prices of the general market,
of which they are ignorant; and one year only of unsuccessful sales,
whether from lack of foreign ships, or through the loss of their crops,
will be a warning to them for a long time. In short, the agriculture of
Filipinas at this time depends on the irregular and transient stimulus
which is furnished to it by the peripatetic capital of the mestizo,
who buys only in the years when he calculates that he must in view of
the condition of the crops and the market, make a profit; while the
Indian farmer always sows his seed heedless of results, and without
the guidance of that elementary principle in affairs of commerce that
the estimate of what he acquires ought to be based on a calculation of
the market for it. For the corrective of this evil, and assuming that,
for reasons that are rightful and conformable to sound policy (as I
have set forth), the residence of foreigners in the islands ought not
to be permitted, I find no other means than this, that the government
encourage, by judicious measures, the direct and unlimited commerce of
España with that colony--of which I shall speak in another chapter,
[presenting] the rough sketch of a plan which ought to produce the
following effects: (a) The definite and reliable annual exportation
from those islands, not only of the great quantity of sugar, indigo,
coffee, and other native products which are needed in the ordinary
consumption of España, but of that which Spanish commerce can dispose
of in the other nations and free ports of Europa. (b) The establishment
of Spanish trading posts [factorias] in the interior of the provinces
of Filipinas, which the Spanish mercantile interests will carry on
for the sake of acquiring the agricultural produce at first hand,
freeing the Indians from the oppressive rule of the mestizo trader,
and forming contracts with them, at prices agreed upon, for a certain
number of years.

[The backward condition of agriculture proceeds] (2) from the lack
of great agricultural establishments. One of the causes for this is
the fact that the capital of the islands, which ought to be employed
for that object, has been diverted by the commerce of India, China,
and Nueva España, which offers greater and quicker profits. The
religious orders administer their estates as in mortmain, or by
ecclesiastical rules. The Indians cultivate, not from inclination
but through necessity, the little plots of ground on which they have
fixed their abodes. They lack the buildings and appliances necessary
for the preparation of the little sugar and indigo that they collect;
and from that results the wretched and unreliable quality of those
articles which so discredits them in the trade. They lack also the
capital to incur the expenses of a regular plantation, and these
enterprises require costly outlays at the start. But this cause of
backwardness would be remedied by the impulse which would be given to
commerce by the exportation of native products, which would attract
to agriculture the capital which it has hitherto lacked, and by the
special protection which the government can grant to large capitalists
who may devote themselves to agriculture.

(3) From the ignorance of the Indians, not only of the various methods
of making plantations, but of the means of preparing the raw materials
for their employment in the trade--a cause which is so universal
and so mischievous that the agricultural products of Filipinas,
which ought to be, on account of their excellent character and the
extent of territory of the islands, commodities which should supply
all the markets of Europe and hold the first rank in quality, are
the most scarce in general commerce, and moreover lowest in price,
as I am going to prove by some instances. The sugar of Filipinas
is today the most important commodity for exportation which the
commerce there includes. The cultivation of the sugar-cane cannot
be improved; but the manufacture of the sugar is so defective that,
in spite of the superior quality of the cane, the sugar which is
produced from it is inferior to that which is called terciado [i.e.,
brown] at Habana. Although in the market of Cadiz the white sugar from
Habana is worth thirty-two to twenty-five silver reals, and the brown
sugar twenty-six to twenty-eight, the white sugar of Manila is worth
twenty-four to twenty-five [152]--that is, nine silver reals less
than the former, and two or three reals less than the latter on each
arroba. Consequently, the temporary privilege granted by his Majesty
in exempting the products of Filipinas from duties is the only support
of the expeditions which have come [thence] to the Peninsula; and it
is unquestionable that when that privilege ceases that commerce will
likewise come to a complete stop. For if from the twenty-four silver
reals, the highest price at which an arroba of the Manila sugar
can be sold, be deducted for duties eight reals and twenty-seven
maravedís, the trader will receive a price of only nineteen silver
reals, five cuartos; subtracting from this the fourteen and one-half
reals of the prime cost at Manila (according to the latest information
received), and the only profit left to him would be four reals, three
maravedís--with which it is absolutely impossible for him to pay either
the heavy freight charges on that commodity, or the interest on money
and the insurance premiums, on a voyage three times as long as that
from Habana. The low price [of sugar] in the market has no other cause
than the lack of skill at Manila for manufacturing the sugar; this art
is there found entirely in its infancy, and without any other method
than that which, since very ancient times, the Chinese have taught
them. [The sugar-makers have not proper machinery or appliances,
or the knowledge, for any of the stages of the process; and their
product is inferior, when it might be as good as that of Habana--or
even better, if the same skill and care were used in making it as are
used there. The above profit of nine reals on the arroba, if equally
divided among the grower, the manufacturer, and the government (for
duties which in that case should be imposed on the sugar), would
yield each of them $300,000 annually, on the estimated production
of 1,000,000 arrobas which would be practicable for Filipinas--to
say nothing of the increased benefits to the laboring class--with
improved methods of manufacture. To secure this, the government must
be energetic in promoting large establishments there, and introducing
machinery and skilled laborers. "The funds in the communal treasury
of the Indians, which at the present time must reach about $300,000,
and whose object is the benefit of those same Indians," might aid
the government in meeting the expenses of such measures; the skilled
artisans could instruct the Indian farmers in the new improved methods,
and the industry would be almost perfected in two years' time, at very
little expense. Bernaldez describes in similar manner the deficiencies,
possibilities, and needs of the indigo, coffee, and cacao industries,
and urges the government to extend like care to these; what has been
done thus far by the colonial government has been quite ineffective,
because it has been in the form of proclamations and enactments which
merely required small plantations to be made by all the inhabitants,
but these failed because they disregarded the principles of political
economy and made no provision for the individual interest of the
cultivator.] There are, then, two means which ought to be adopted
for the promotion of large plantations in Filipinas, incentive
and instruction; and for this it is necessary to grant pecuniary
rewards to the agriculturists, and furnish them with teachers from
the near-by islands of Java or even Bourbon, where not only coffee
but cacao is cultivated.

(4) And, finally, the cause which likewise exerts a powerful influence
in [causing] the neglected and backward condition of agriculture is
the slothfulness of the Indians and their absolute indifference to
acquiring and keeping property. [This sloth is caused by the climate,
the abundant supply of the necessities of life with little labor,
and the hospitality which prevails among the natives;] and if it
were not that in the capital and its adjacent provinces there has
now been introduced a certain degree of decency and [even] luxury in
some families of that class, it would be difficult to find any one to
render service or to practice the useful arts that are necessary in
villages. [With a people like this, it would be hazardous to attempt
to compel them to work; but "even if they are naturally slothful,
they have their likes and dislikes; and a wise government ought to
avail itself of these two powerful resources to urge them to work." The
Indians dislike to pay direct taxes, and hate the collector of these;
also they are passionately fond of cockfighting and spectacles of
all sorts, and of office-holding; and if these characteristics are
considered in the policy of the government much can be done to make
them industrious. Bernaldez recommends: That a system of direct,
unlimited, and regular commerce be established between España and
Filipinas, for the purpose of maintaining a reliable and definite
annual exportation of the latter's products. That agricultural
establishments be protected by the government, being allowed
(although at their own expense) the assistance of a band of irregular
soldiers. That machines, tools, and other aids to agricultural
production be admitted free of duties. That skilled workmen be taken
to the islands as instructors in the manufacture of sugar and indigo,
and cultivators of coffee, etc., with their machinery and tools;
their salaries for three years and their transportation to Manila
being paid from the communal funds of the Indians. That large rewards
be paid to the farmers who shall make large plantations of coffee and
other useful trees or establish the silk industry. That the owners of
these large plantations shall be allowed to keep on their lands each
a cockpit for his laborers, free of expense. That groups of Indians,
Chinese, and mestizos, limited to twenty families each, who shall
maintain an indigo or sugar plantation of a certain extent in good
condition, shall be relieved from paying the tribute so long as the
plantation is kept up. That every Indian who works for wages during
five consecutive years, to the satisfaction of his employer, shall be
perpetually exempted from tribute, the employer paying the laborer's
tax for twenty years. That the Indians and mestizos who cultivate
large plantations on their own account shall have the preference
for the offices in their respective villages. That the government
of Filipinas take measures to avoid frauds in connection with these
proposed changes.]



Of the anfion, or opium

[Bernaldez describes the efforts made by the English East India Company
to import opium into China, although against the will of the Chinese
government, and states that a certain amount is smuggled into Manila
to supply the Chinese settled in Filipinas; he supposes that the
prohibition of this trade in the islands arose from the fear of the
governors that the Indians would become habitual users of this drug and
thus be injured; but in his experience of seventeen years in various
judicial positions in Filipinas he has never seen a scandalous case of
opium inebriacy among the Chinese of Luzon, nor any Indian brought into
court for using the drug; and "the Indians without exception regard
the use of opium with the utmost indifference and contempt." He thinks
that it should not be prohibited in Filipinas, since its use appears
not to injure the Chinese there, or to be necessary for the Indians;
while the islands] ought not to be deprived of a revenue that is
exceedingly lucrative for agriculture, commerce, and the treasury;
of an article which in the order of nature ought to be exclusively
for the trade and benefit of the islands; and a means by which the
Manila commerce would draw great wealth from China, turning in its
favor, and with large sales, the balance of trade with that empire,
which is now and always has been against Manila. A chest of opium,
weighing one pico of Filipinas or 100 cates of China (each of 22
onzas), would probably cost the Manila grower for all expenses at
most 100 pesos; and its value in China is usually 1,400 to 1,600
pesos. Add to this advantage that of the large and secure market which
Filipinas has close at hand, since there would be annually consumed
in China more than eight millions pesos' worth of this article from
the islands; this would permit all the extension which they choose
to give to the cultivation of this article. And if 8,000 chests of
opium produced in Filipinas would yield in China 12,000,000 dollars,
the royal exchequer, which ought to secure its proportion of the great
advantages to agriculture and commerce, could without any difficulty
load that product with a duty so considerable that it would produce
four to six millions of pesos a year. [Bernaldez therefore recommends:
That the government, without abrogating the present prohibition of the
importation and use of opium in the islands, give free permission to
capitalists to cultivate the poppy and export opium from Filipinas;
that the poppy-fields be close to the capital and enclosed; that the
harvest be superintended by trustworthy persons from the revenue
service, as is that of tobacco; and that the entire product be
deposited in the magazines of the custom-house. That at the time of
its exportation a duty of 25 per cent be collected on the value of
the opium, at the prices current in China. That the concession of
raising opium should be granted by preference to the planters who
already are maintaining large plantations of sugar, indigo, coffee,
and other useful products.]



Of the cotton manufactures

The Madrast commerce annually carries into Filipinas fabrics of cotton,
called cambayas, to the value of $300,000 to $350,000, a sum which
the traders carry back to their own country in cash, without taking
away any natural or industrial product of Filipinas. Likewise the
Chinese carry into the islands annually, by means of their champans,
cotton fabrics with the names of manta Hipo, Chuapo, and others,
to the value of $300,000, nearly all of which sum they carry back to
their own country in cash. The Armenians of India and the Chinese had
likewise the control, from the time of the conquest of the islands,
of importing into them annually the enormous quantity of small cotton
articles [pañuelos] and ordinary cambayas which the natives of the
country consume, until intercourse with those coasts was interrupted
in the late war with Inglaterra. Then necessity and the high price
of those goods induced the natives of Filipinas to manufacture them,
and in such abundance that the ships which arrived at Manila, after the
peace, with those commodities suffered great loss; and from that time
the importation of those fabrics ceased, and the natives continued to
manufacture them in the country. This has not been the case, however,
with the fine cambayas and kerchiefs from Madrast, nor with the cotton
fabrics from China; for the former are dyed with the beautiful and
permanent Indian colors, furnished by certain plants which are to this
day unknown in Filipinas, and the latter [are desired] on account of
the very low prices at which the Chinese sell them. Thus, although
various manufacturers of Manila have attempted to weave and dye that
class of goods, they have not obtained favorable results, and have
abandoned to the Armenians and Chinese the exclusive provision of
Filipinas with those commodities. It seems impossible that a colony
in which is produced cotton of a quality superior to that of all the
other colonies in Asia, whose natives are industrious, and where the
general consumption of the country offers a large and sure market
for cotton fabrics, must be dependent for its supply on foreign
manufacturers, and carry on with them a commerce which is one-sided
[pasivo] and ruinous. Nevertheless, the causes of this incongruity
lie in the great population of India and China as compared with that
of Filipinas, which causes the wages paid for the spinning of the
thread (and it is this item which increases or diminishes the cost
of the woven goods) to be very low; in the enormous crops of cotton
which those countries produce as compared with that of Filipinas,
which abundance causes a diminution in the price of the raw material
there; and, finally, in the superiority of the dyes of India, which
no colony has been able thus far to imitate.

In order to compensate for the cheapness of hand labor in the great
populations of India and China, it is necessary that in Filipinas
cotton-spinning machinery should be introduced, and that this project
be encouraged by all means; that instructors in weaving and dyeing
cambayas and kerchiefs be taken thither from Madrast, who shall at
the same time introduce into Filipinas a knowledge of the plants from
which the Oriental dyes are obtained, with the methods of planting
and cultivating these--meeting this expense from the communal funds
of the Indians. [These measures, and the promotion already urged for
large plantations of cotton, would furnish employment to many natives
of Filipinas, and "place in circulation within the country itself the
$650,000 which annually are carried out of it in hard money to foreign
lands for the value of the cambayas and other fabrics imported into
it." Moreover, a new and important line of goods would be added to
the exports of Filipinas in these fine cotton fabrics, which would
be equal to those of India and even cheaper; while the islands can
always supply their own coarse cottons much more cheaply than these
can be manufactured in España, an industry which should therefore be
fostered in Filipinas. These coarse commodities could thus be supplied
also to España, more cheaply than they can be manufactured there;
thus Spanish commerce would be liberated from its present dependence
upon foreign countries for them, and the money paid for them would
instead go into the hands of Spaniards, in Spanish possessions. To
secure these ends, the government of Filipinas should be cautious in
imposing import duties on the fine foreign goods, gradually increasing
them according to the ability of Philippine manufacturers to displace
foreign goods by native products. Bernaldez therefore recommends:
That encouragement and rewards be conferred on those who introduce
cotton-spinning machinery; that instructors in weaving and dyeing be
brought from India, as above mentioned; that the manufacture of coarse
cotton fabrics in the islands be promoted; that duties on the fine
goods should be gradually increased; that raw cotton be permitted
free exportation from the islands; and that the authorities of the
exchequer there confer on these matters with the local manufacturers
and merchants.]



Of the means for establishing regular communication and frequent
and permanent mercantile relations between España and the Filipinas
Islands.

[The writer urges the necessity of more interest and care for the needs
of the islands, and action by the Spanish government in their behalf,
if they are to be retained as a Spanish possession. For this purpose a
regular commerce with the islands should be maintained, sufficient to
keep twelve ships in constant employment, six sailing for the islands
every year; and thus could be kept in efficient condition the large
force (more than one thousand two hundred) of government employees
in all the departments of the island service. He warns the ministry
against plans which may be proposed by selfish interests and intrigues,
for leaving the islands in their present poverty and isolation from
the mother country. The commercial interests of the latter should
unite to carry on this work, partly for their own profit, partly as a
matter of patriotism. "The Filipinas Islands ought to be the center of
the Spanish government's power in Asia, the great market for Spanish
commerce," and the source of enormous revenues to the Spanish treasury;
they should be to España what India is to England, and are even more
capable, by their natural endowments, of being a source of power
and opulence to the mother country. Spanish commerce is being greatly
injured by the restrictions laid upon trade with the countries of Asia,
and the treasury should adjust the duties it exacts to those of other
countries; this would put an end to the smuggling which wastes more
than half of its revenues under the present system, cheapen prices,
increase the consumption of goods, and augment the revenues of the
crown. Bernaldez compares the restrictive Spanish policy with that
pursued by the Dutch and English in Asia, the latter being "based on
the principle of maintaining and protecting their principal possessions
in those regions;" and illustrates this by allusion to their leading
colonies, while he censures Spain's negligence and folly in regard
to Filipinas, and her apathy in allowing foreign nations to seize
her commerce. The royal decree of January 10, 1820, although aiding
Philippine commerce only as a temporary measure, has already done much
for the islands; their commerce with España has placed in circulation
considerable quantities of capital, and has increased the products of
agriculture and the exportation of these from Manila to such a degree
that their value has risen to almost double what it was before. This
has been mutually beneficial to both countries; but the colony "will
become the victim of this very prosperity" unless the home government
shall grant certain exemptions and privileges to render it permanent
and solid. The present restrictions on Spanish commerce prevent the
exportation of silver to Filipinas, and enable the foreigners to
monopolize the trade of the islands in iron, wine, brandy, paper,
and other wares which, being Spanish products, ought to be furnished
by Spanish merchants--who, in this fettered condition, are "unable
to find any way of placing funds in Manila for the purchase of their
cargoes." Moreover, "the premiums on insurance have been considerably
increased for [vessels bearing] the Spanish flag, on account of the
risk from the insurgent corsairs; and these same risks compel the
merchants to increase, for their part, the expenses for the armament
and crews of their ships." The merchants of Manila have only two
commodities to offer to Spanish trade, sugar and indigo, and the
latter of these is not practicable for the sole lading of a vessel;
while if the sugar crop should fail, those merchants are left without
other resource, to say nothing of the uncertainty in prices caused by
that in the number of foreign customers who will arrive at Manila. The
Spanish government, therefore, "should open to the commerce of España
with Filipinas a wider range of objects in all the productions of India
and China, both natural and industrial, in which commerce can engage
in speculation and with which it can furnish cargoes for its ships;"
for the trade in sugar alone is far too inadequate and uncertain
to support the ships needed for the maintenance and protection of
Filipinas. Bernaldez urges forcibly such action by the government,
and makes these recommendations: That Spanish ships be allowed to
trade with Filipinas, without any restrictions or duties, save that
on foreign goods carried by them a duty of ten per cent be paid,
and five per cent on arrival at Manila. That returns from these
consignments which consist in products of Filipinas shall be free
from any duties or imposts whatsoever, at either end of the voyage
or on their circulation in España. That ships may complete their
cargoes at Manila, if they wish, with any products of India, China,
and other Asiatic countries, to the extent of 30 toneladas of lading
for every 100 toneladas of Philippine products carried in the vessel;
these foreign goods shall pay ten per cent duty at Manila, and ten per
cent on reaching the Spanish ports, reckoned on the cost of the goods
at Manila as shown by the official registers. Any ship-owner who shall
have carried only Spanish goods to Filipinas and Philippine products
on the return trip shall be given the right to make another voyage
to the ports of India or China, carrying the goods most suitable
for those markets and returning to España with white cotton stuffs
and other goods at their pleasure. In these latter voyages, Spanish
products carried to Asia shall be exempt from all duties; and foreign
products carried thither shall pay a duty of ten per cent on the values
in the general tariffs; and Asiatic goods brought back to España shall
pay the same rate on the first cost in Asia, as shown by the original
invoices. That silver may be freely exported from España for all these
trading expeditions, by paying two per cent. And that the shipments
of moneys due from the colonial revenues to the Spanish government
be made through the Spanish ships which shall be at Manila at the
beginning of the monsoon, in proportion to their respective tonnage.]



Of the necessity of forming a special code of laws for the Filipinas
Islands; and of ordaining that a periodical visitation of that colony
be made by officials from the Peninsula.

[Such visitation should be made] every five years, by officials
despatched from the Peninsula for the purpose of inspecting the
manner in which the laws are fulfilled, and the conduct of government
employees of all classes; to examine the progress made in all the
branches of administration, and matters that are worthy of reform; to
make provisional arrangements for these, according to the instructions
that shall be entrusted to them; and to furnish information to his
Majesty's government, from their positive knowledge and examination of
the facts. The climate of Filipinas, and the disposition, passions,
and customs of its inhabitants, are very different from those of the
two Americas, by whose code the islands are governed. Although they
form a naturally agricultural colony, they lack agrarian laws suited to
the nature and resources of the country. The administration of justice
demands many modifications of the general laws; and the institutions
of the municipality and the [commercial] consulate, similar to those
of the Peninsula, have not corresponded to the beneficial ends which
the sovereign intended in them, on account of the character of the
persons who in Manila compose that class of corporations, and of
their clashing interests and relations. The chairs of theology,
laws, and philosophy should, I am forced to say, be abolished, on
account of the abuse which is made of the knowledge gained in those
branches of learning; and in their places be substituted chairs of
agriculture, botany, mineralogy, arts, and commerce--throwing open
the colleges and universities of España to the natives of Filipinas
who desire to cultivate the former branches. In the laws which
regulate law-suits, in the tariffs, in the penalties--in short, in
all which has been adopted from other countries and another condition
of human life--there is a certain discord with the character, usages,
and customs of the inhabitants of Filipinas which it is necessary to
correct. A periodical visitation by officials experienced in affairs,
would set everything in motion in that colony, fill the natives with
hope, correct the arbitrary use of power (which usually increased
in proportion to the distances from the center of government), and
furnish to this government accurate and impartial data for making its
decisions. It is a great mistake, in my judgment, to seek for light on
affairs of government in the colonies from the information furnished by
their authorities and corporations; they are always prone to support
their own jurisdictions or interests, and, in whatever matter these
may cross, it is impossible to expect impartiality. The laxity which
the climate inspires, the pleasures, the relations of friendship,
kindred, and interest in a small population of Spaniards - all these
things cause the neglect of affairs of government, and the domination
of private interests. Points of mere etiquette, questions of little
importance to the [royal] service, and discords (which furnish a bad
example) between married persons - it has been mainly these things
which for many years have filled the official correspondence of the
colonies and kept their authorities occupied. Many of the subjects
which are touched upon in this writing are either absolutely unknown
to the government, or have not been discussed with the specifications
and explanations which their importance deserves.

I have explained to your Excellency impartially the causes which
antagonize the security and progress of the Filipinas Islands; and
your Excellency will recognize, by the irrefutable facts which I
have here set down, that in that colony there exist the elements
necessary for it to render itself prosperous, and to distribute
its wealth throughout España, increasing the glory and power of her
sovereign. Your Excellency desires radical measures of reform, and
solidly-grounded plans for prosperity, because you recognize that
this is the great art of government and of political economy. I have
endeavored not to embarrass myself with the examination of one-sided
and isolated questions, but rather to rise to the comprehension of
the axioms and general principles which would give perpetual strength
to the tranquillity of the Filipinas Islands and lay the foundations
for their advancing prosperity.

It has already been made evident by melancholy experience that the
governmental measures adopted since the conquest of the colonies have
not been suited to their object. It is therefore necessary either
to leave existing in Filipinas the same causes which have brought
other colonies to their ruin, or to change the system without loss
of time. This great reform will assuredly be the work of the present
enlightened government of his Majesty, and the future prosperity of the
Filipinas Islands will be the grandest monument to his glory. Madrid,
April 26, 1827.


Most excellent Sir,

MANUEL BERNALDEZ PIZARRO




[Here follows a "résumé of the measures proposed in this memorial,"
which we have already presented by sections, at the end of each subject
treated. At the end is a list of the items of estimated increase in
the public revenues of the islands provided the reforms advocated by
Bernaldez are adopted.]

[Another MS. in the possession of Edward E. Ayer, dated Madrid,
July 15, 1827, is of similar scope to this; it is signed with the
initials "P. de S. M.," and is addressed to the Spanish minister
Ballesteros. The writer states, in the prefatory note, that his
paper is the fruit of his many years of practical experience and
observation, being actively engaged in commerce from Manila throughout
the Philippine archipelago, in China, in all the foreign colonies
of India, and on the Pacific coasts of America; and that he has
written this paper "in the short time since he knew the charge given
to Señor Bernaldez." He sends it to the minister to be laid before
"the junta extraordinaria (or special committee) which at that time
was considering the judicious informatory report of the auditor Señor
Bernaldez Folgueras in regard to the protection and preservation of
the Filipinas Islands;" and he offers to appear before the committee
in person, to give any further information or explanation which may
be desired. He states that, like Ballesteros, he is a Galician; and
he displays much enthusiasm for the advancement and prosperity of
Filipinas. This MS. is headed, "Impartial reflections of a Spaniard,
who is enrolled among the citizens of Manila, upon the causes of
the decadence of the Filipinas Islands, and the means which he deems
most suitable for making them productive to the central government,
and for restoring them to the state which, by their advantageous
location, they are capable of occupying." It begins by deploring the
injury and loss caused to the islands by the piracies of the Moros,
and recommending that the Spanish government remedy the abuses and
negligence displayed in the administration of the colony, and the
enormous and extravagant expenditure of funds in the wars against
those pirates. This latter could be ended by effecting the conquest
of Joló, Mindanao, and other centers of piracy, and establishing
therein military and agricultural colonies of Visayans; this,
and the development of the natural resources of those islands,
would stop piracy and add much to the colonial revenues. Following
the example of the English colonies in America, and of the Jesuit
missionaries in Paraguay and California, agriculture should be
fostered in every way in Filipinas--where much greater success can
be obtained because the native population is large and robust, and
needs not to be supplemented by slave labor, which fortunately has
been kept out of the islands. This and other industries there can be
promoted at the same time, by proper measures. The preservation of
the colony cannot be left to the Indians, and six thousand men from
España, selected carefully, should be sent to Filipinas as soldiers
and colonists, lands being bestowed on them; and with them should
come commissioners of high standing and integrity to reform abuses
in the colony and take measures for its benefit. Banks should be
established, currency provided for, and facilities given to all the
people for securing credit when needed--under the care, protection,
and partly the management of the government. Commerce should be
made entirely free to the world, in all kinds of products, whether
native or foreign, save for the payment of moderate customs duties. A
lottery should be established; fire and marine insurance companies
should be protected; all artisans, of every class, nationality,
and religion, should be free to settle in the islands (those who
oppose this show puerile fears and absurd and impolitic notions);
the ownership of land should be made secure and legal; waste lands
should be brought under cultivation, under penalty of losing title to
them; such lands should be freely granted to all, whether natives or
foreigners, who will cultivate them; and intending colonists be aided
in all practicable ways, even from the public funds. The convents and
cabildos which have the administration of funds deposited with them
for the promotion of agriculture should be obliged to render their
accounts of these, and to distribute them so as to carry out the
intentions of the founders; and the funds which were to be invested
in the Acapulco trade should, as that has now ceased, be applied to
the benefit of agriculture. Foreign nations should be allowed to send
consuls to Manila, which would be a benefit not only to foreigners
residing in the islands, but reciprocally to Spaniards who navigate
the seas controlled by foreign nations. A printing-office should be
established there, and provision be made for the publication of a daily
paper devoted to commerce and industry, and having correspondents in
the other Oriental colonies to furnish information of their progress
and achievements in all the useful arts. A mint should be erected at
Manila; and the government establishments there for making cannon and
gun-powder, which now are almost useless, should be put on an effective
footing, and those articles should be supplied for the defense of
the merchant and coasting vessels. A probate court has been formed,
for the proper care of intestate property and that left to minors;
and its administration should be regulated carefully, and the funds
in its charge be administered for the benefit of its owners and of
the country. Manila and its environs should be sufficiently policed,
and lawlessness curbed; vagabonds should be kept under control, and
all who employ Indian servants should be made responsible for their
conduct; and such servants should not be employed by any one, whether
Spaniard or foreigner, nor allowed to enter colleges as students,
without producing certificates from the police department. A college
should be established in which the youth should receive instruction in
belles lettres, medicine, chemistry, botany, experimental physics, and
mathematics; and a botanical garden should be made near Manila. Martins
should be introduced into Luzon, for the extermination of the locust
plague. The intendancy of the royal exchequer should be separated
from the office of captain-general, so that the intendant shall have
authority to direct the affairs of the former independently.]

[The writer proceeds to describe the character of the Tagalog natives,
which he paints in gloomy colors.] It is impossible to define either
the character of these Tagálos, or their morality--although it can be
said that they have none; for, although in outward appearance they
profess the Catholic religion, inwardly and in their actions they
manifest that they follow no religion. The zeal with which the first
conquistadors undertook to instruct them in the true belief has been
useless; and the watchful care of the missionaries whom the piety
of our kings has not ceased to send to those regions has been of no
avail, except to make of their neophytes, instead of true Catholics
and useful members of society, a new species of men, who unite the
slothfulness of the savages to the vices of civilized peoples. Thus
it is that the Tagálos are fickle, vagabonds, full of superstitions,
assassins, liars, licentious but without love, adroit thieves; and,
in one word, they do not respect even the most sacred of the laws,
divine or human. They lose no opportunity to make mischief among the
authorities, and between the latter and Spaniards of all classes;
and they have the cunning to throw the blame on these last, as being
more timid. Moreover, they perjure themselves without the least
scruple; their telling the truth depends on their being more or less
carefully instructed by the parties to the suit; and unfortunate is
he who summons them as his witnesses. They do not understand love,
and their sensuality is carried to the extreme; consequently they are
cruel fathers and worse husbands, and they have not the least respect
or consideration for their wives. Paternal love is a strange thing
for them, and therefore when they punish their children they do so
barbarously, and if they begin it in the morning they do not finish
until night. The same cruel disposition is seen among the schoolmasters
who are paid by the government to teach the youth in their villages.

The code of laws for the Indias, considering these Indians as
neophytes like those of the Antillas and the Americas, has made them
participants in the privileges and liberties granted to those natives;
and it exempts them from the penalties of which they render themselves
worthy by the atrocious crimes which they continually commit. Incest,
for example, is a common vice among them, for which opportunity is
given by the little privacy in which the families live; for the
mother, daughters, and sisters all sleep in one bed [hacen cama
redonda], without any other separation from the men than merely a
blanket. It is difficult to prove this crime among them, and only the
cura or missionary could rebuke them and apply the proper correction,
in their wrongly-understood condition of neophytes, if in confession
they should reveal their sin; but, as lying is their dominant vice,
they are silent or else deny it, and the cura cannot, even when he
knows of it, obtain any satisfaction from them. The capital and its
environs are the refuge of the more perverse, who migrate from the
provinces and from their villages, in order not to work and to relieve
themselves from paying the tribute. There they devote themselves to
studies in the colleges of Santo Tomas, San José, and San Juan de
Letran, making progress in a short time, and deceiving the professors
with their apparent ingenuousness; at the same time they are occupied
as servants to the Spaniards and foreigners, but only nominally, since
they do not go to their master's house except for eating, sleeping, and
stealing from him (which they do with astonishing dexterity). After a
little time, having abused the master's patience, and having violated
his wife, daughters, and other relatives, if he has such (without
respecting even those who have not reached the age of puberty), they
end by departing with the utmost coolness; and in order to avoid
recognition, and so that they cannot be caught if they happen to be
pursued, they employ the trick of shaving the head, and, while naked,
anointing the entire body with oil, and then take to flight, with no
other covering than a mere breech-clout. The poor Spaniard, although
he finds that he has been robbed, does not think of resorting to the
magistrates to make complaint, for he knows that instead of doing him
justice they would, after making him spend much money, sentence him
to pay the costs and exculpate the Indian, regarding the latter as a
neophyte. Still less does he say a word about the rape, in order not to
make public his own dishonor. Let it not be supposed that this occurs
only among private persons; for there have been persons in authority
who have experienced in their own houses similar acts of insolence
from these vicious and immoral neophytes. After these evil deeds,
they disappear, as I have said; and in a very short time they are
seen returning from Ilocos, Camarines, and Cebú, ordained as clerics,
with what sort of character may be understood--now cleansed from all
their crimes, and absolved from guilt and penalty, to continue their
studies in the colleges. Thus they graduate as bachelors and doctors,
and secure curacies, in which they commit the acts of folly which
may easily be inferred, and which it would be tedious to explain
here; and with their corrupt behavior they set an example to their
parishioners of dissoluteness, impiety, and slothfulness.

[The writer then enumerates the good qualities of this people,
so far as they go. They are inclined to the arts and sciences, and
learn quickly, and their deficiencies therein are due only to their
lack of books for their instruction, and tools with which to finish
off their work; this is mainly due to their improvidence, "for an
Indian, even though he is a doctor and a cura, is unable to save one
cuarto for purchasing those things, no matter how cheap they may be;
on the other hand, he will, if he needs money for his vices, pledge
his breviary or sell his missal." "Nevertheless, they exercise all
the occupations except those of silversmith, tailor, and watch-maker,
for no one would trust them [in these];" but lack of tools prevents
them from doing as good work as Europeans. They have taste in the
fine arts, and almost all the buildings are planned by them. They
are excellent artillerists, and a French naval commander (in 1798)
thought them better than his own; and are useful in naval fights, on
account of their courage and agility. An Indian will in a few days'
practice understand as much of seamanship as a European would gain
in twenty years; and many of them have migrated from the islands as
seamen on the ships. But they resent being called "negroes," and in
several cases where they have been thus affronted they have mutinied,
killed the Europeans, and fled with the ship and cargo. So great
has been this migration that in the other colonies of Asia rigorous
measures have been taken to stop it, and "in all the ports of India,
the entrances and roads are full of gibbets on which men from Manila
are hanged, for a warning; but, seeing that this had no effect,
all the owners and captains of merchant ships have been compelled by
law not to receive on their vessels more than four or six of these
Indians." The Tagálos are free with their money, and readily lend to
any European whatever they may possess. They take great care of their
fighting cocks ("who are for them actual idols"), are very temperate
in eating and drinking, and are never seen intoxicated. They are often
devoted to agricultural labor, and will do well in it when they are
supplied with better methods and appliances.]

[Some account is given of the Negritos and other wild tribes of Luzón;
and it is stated that any colonist who wishes to settle among them
will be able to succeed in any agricultural or other enterprise which
he may undertake, if he will obtain the consent of the chiefs, pay
the savages whom he may employ exactly what he has agreed to give,
and not annoy them with matters of religion. As for the civilized
Tagálos, their women are entirely different from the men; they are
kind, hospitable, and industrious, and, although coquettish, are
very modest and decorous in behavior. They sow the rice, and gather
all the crops; roll cigars, and weave beautiful fabrics of cotton
and abacá; and embroider beautifully, besides making hats, mats, and
many other articles. In fine, "if it were possible to put an end to
all the men and leave only the women, or rather unite them to other
men who would possess their good qualities and think as they do,
Filipinas would come to be the most wealthy and fortunate country
in the universe." It is certain that agriculture would be the best
mode of life for the Indians, and they ought to be urged to engage
in it, after the examples furnished by the Jesuits in Paraguay,
the Quakers in America, and other successful colonists. The writer
suggests various means to stimulate the Indians to greater industry
(especially as the Spaniards cannot undertake work in the fields),
and for the formation and management of agricultural enterprises; he
would have them well treated, promptly and justly paid, and supplied
with house, land, and suitable amusements. It has been a great mistake
to prohibit the alcaldes-mayor and other provincial officials from
owning estates there, while permitting them to engage in trade; this
policy ought to be reversed, and they be obliged to cultivate the land,
and prevented from harassing the Indians as they have done. In forming
large estates, provision should be made for the homes of the laborers
being comfortable, arranged in regular streets, protected as far as
possible from the danger of fire, and shaded by trees of useful sorts;
and from these should be well isolated the proprietor's dwelling,
sheds, machinery, and other property. Gardens, orchards, fishponds,
etc., should be formed; and all appliances should be furnished which
are desirable for improving the quantity and quality of the products
of the estate, and for providing a safe and abundant supply of food,
and of the luxuries which are dear to the heart of the Indian. Careful
directions are given for the selection of land, the supply of water,
cattle-raising, making of plantations, protection against storms,
etc. An interesting account is given of the Chinese in Filipinas,
their trade, relations with the Spaniards, the abuses in these,
the hatred felt toward them by the Tagálos (resulting mainly from
the illicit relations of the Chinese with the Indian women), their
mode of life, etc.; they should be compelled to devote themselves
only to agriculture and the useful arts, and to abandon commerce and
business entirely. They have been very injurious to the interests of
the islands, and ought to be expelled from Filipinas, save as they are
engaged in handicrafts or the tillage of the soil. The Spaniards ought
thus to follow the example of the Dutch in Java and other islands,
where the Chinese have made excellent agriculturists and manufacturers
of agricultural products, and have enriched both themselves and the
Dutch; if they had been thus treated in Filipinas, that country would
now be as prosperous and wealthy as are the Dutch colonies, and its
trade would be as rich and extensive as that of the Dutch. As it is,
enormous sums of money have been carried to Filipinas from España, and
spent in the islands, with hardly any return to the mother country;
and the greater part of this wealth has been absorbed by the trade
with China, and has been stored away in that country.]

[A note at the end of this MS. outlines the author's plan for the
establishment of a banking system at Manila.]








BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA


The documents in this volume are obtained from the following sources:

1. Events in Filipinas.--Compiled from Montero y Vidal's Historia de
Filipinas, tomo ii, pp. 360-573; iii, pp. 6-32.

2. Remarks on the Phillippine Islands, 1819-22.--Reprinted from the
original publication (Calcutta, 1828), from a copy in the possession
of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago.

3. Reforms needed in Filipinas.--From two original MSS. in the
collection of Edward E. Ayer.

4. Representation of Filipinas in Cortes.--Compiled from various
sources, as indicated in preliminary note.

5. List of archbishops.--Compiled from various sources, as indicated
in first paragraph.








APPENDIX


    Representation of Filipinas in Cortes. [Compiled from various
    sources.]
    List of the archbishops of Manila, 1581-1898. [Compiled from
    various sources.]


Sources: These appendices are obtained from various sources, as
indicated therein; they are compiled by James Alexander Robertson.








REPRESENTATION OF FILIPINAS IN THE SPANISH CORTES


Preliminary Note: The account of the first two Cortes is drawn largely
from notes made by James A. LeRoy from Diario de las sessiones de las
Cortes generales y extraordinarias, and other sources, and kindly
sent by him to the Editors. For the first Cortes see also Montero
y Vidal, Historia general, ii, pp. 388-390, 392, 396-398, 400-409,
411-413,422-435, and Guia oficial de España, 1813, pp. 21, 22, where
the Philippine deputies are named. For the second Cortes, see also
Montero y Vidal, ut supra, ii, pp. 444-452, 457-462, 476-481. For
the third Cortes, see Montero y Vidal, ut supra, ii, pp. 544, 545,
552-560, 563-573; and Filipinas y su representacion en Cortes (Madrid,
February 8, 1836), which although published anonymously is by Camba.



The Cortes of 1810-1813

Three times in their history have the Philippines had representation in
the Spanish national Cortes, [153] namely, for the years 1810-1813,
1820-1823, and 1834-1837. In the first two periods is emphasized
the backwardness of the Philippines politically as compared with the
Spanish-American colonies. In all three periods, one cannot point to
any single great measure that was enacted solely at the initiative of
the Philippine representatives (unless with the possible exception
of the suppression of the Acapulco galleon), and indeed, not to a
great many in which they took part. [154]

With Fernando virtually a prisoner in France (where he remained
for five years), the nationalists in Spain being without a ruler,
since they refused to consider Joseph Bonaparte as king, organized
a provisional government known as the central governing assembly
(Junta central), with headquarters in the south. This Junta, taking
the necessary steps for the reorganization of government, and the
calling of a Cortes, proceeded, on June 25, 1809, to rehabilitate the
old Consejo de España, and on January 29, 1810, to constitute the
supreme Consejo de Regencia. The delegates to the first session of
the Cortes, for which final orders were issued by decree of June 18,
1810, and in which, by a decree of January 22, 1829, all the Spanish
domain was to have equality of representation, assembled on the island
of León during the month of August, 1810. On account of the distance
of the American countries and the Philippines and the impossibility of
regularly-appointed delegates reaching Spain in time for the opening of
the session, substitutes were chosen from residents of those countries
then in the Peninsula. Consequently, at the opening of the Cortes,
September 24, 1810, the Philippines were represented by Pedro Pérez
de Tagle, an officer in the corps of the Spanish Royal Guards, and
Dr. José Manuel Couto, prebend of La Puebla. The election at Manila
(held by order of the Regency, February 14, 1810), resulted in the
choice of Ventura de los Reyes, a wealthy merchant of Manila, and on
the whole an active representative, who, despite his seventy years,
set out immediately for Cádiz. The two substitutes above mentioned
took but little part in affairs. [155]

Several general measures enacted by the Cortes touch the Philippines
incidentally. [156] The first matter, however, specifically connected
with the Philippines was the receipt by the Cortes (March 16, 1811)
of the report of the governor of the Philippines (dated August 8, 1809)
in regard to the French vessel "Mosca," which had been captured by the
parish priest of Batangas (Fray Melchor Fernandez), and the despatches
carried on that vessel. The reading on April 26, 1812, of the proposed
decree prescribing the manner of holding elections in the regular
Cortes to be convened in 1813, aroused lengthy discussion. [157]
On May 6, Reyes moved that a special form of election be granted for
the Philippines because of their distance and the character of their
inhabitants. The islands had neither the funds nor the men to send by
which equality of representation would be justified, and he requested
that it only be declared that they must not send less than two. An
amendment offered by the committee on the Constitution proposed that
to the instructions regarding the elections in Ultramar be added a
clause to meet Reyes's wishes, but the matter was hotly contested
by the American representatives who feared that such a clause might
sometime lead to the cutting down of their own representation, and
as a consequence the proposal of the committee was not voted on. [158]

In January, 1813, after recommendation by the committee on Ultramar,
it was resolved to grant the petition of the board (mesa) of
the Misericordia of Manila (which had been hanging fire in the
Cortes since September 25, 1812), asking for certain reforms,
among them that the number of persons voting for the electors of
the board itself be reduced. [159] On January 6, 1813, the proposed
ordinances for the hospice for the poor at Manila (the establishment
of which was provided for by royal order of December 27, 1806),
were declared unconstitutional by the committee on Ultramar, [160]
and that committee's report was adopted. A minute in the records of
March 11, 1813, shows that the suppression of the brandy monopoly had
been decreed by the governor of the Philippines and that it could
be manufactured freely in the provinces of Tondo, Cavite, Bulacan,
and Pampanga.

By far the most important measure affecting the Philippines, however,
was the suppression of the Acapulco galleon. [161] The discussion
on the matter was lengthy and bitter, and arose over one of twelve
propositions submitted by Reyes on February 11, 1813, to the effect
that the determined suppression of the Acapulco galleon be published,
and in its place those engaged in that commerce be allowed to fit up
private vessels at their own cost to continue the trade with Nueva
España, through the ports of Acapulco, San Blas, or any other, under
the old terms of 500,000 pesos for the outgoing voyage and 1,000,000
for the return, and a lowering of the duties by one-half. The matter
was debated in the presence of the secretaries of the Peninsula and
Ultramar, and after full discussion, in which many of the delegates
took part, and in which the American delegates generally favored
a liberal policy for the Philippines, the decree suppressing the
galleon was finally issued on September 14, 1813. [162]

The special session of the Cortes closed on the date of the decree
above, and the regular session opened at Cádiz, either in the latter
part of September or the first part of October. On October 4, the
last meeting was held in Cádiz and opened again in the island of León
because of yellow fever in the former place. On the eighth of that
month, Reyes presented three plans for the benefit of the agriculture,
industry, commerce, and navigation of the Philippines. On the
twenty-ninth of October meetings at the island of León were suspended,
and resumed again in Madrid, on January 15, 1814. Fernando VII,
released by order of Napoleon, after the disastrous campaign conducted
by Joseph in Spain, abolished the Cortes by his decree of May 4, 1814,
and on the publication of this decree in Madrid, on the thirteenth
many of the members of the Cortes were arrested, all the acts of the
constitutional government were declared null and void, the Inquisition
reëstablished, and absolutism was again proclaimed in Spain. On the
publication of the decree in the Philippines, the Ilocans, deeming it
only a ruse of the governor, revolted, sacked churches and convents,
and destroyed public records. Their insurrection was directed chiefly
against their own principales and their wives. [163]



The Cortes of 1820-1823

After vainly endeavoring to rule as an absolute monarch, Fernando
VII was compelled to convoke the Cortes by his decree of March 6,
1820. [164] On the twenty-second the regular session of the Cortes
for 1820-1821 was formally summoned, the colonies being allowed to be
represented by substitutes pending the arrival of regularly-elected
representatives. At the first preliminary meeting of June 26, the two
Philippine substitutes, [165] Jose María Arnedo and Manuel Felix Camus
y Herrera, presented their credentials. The Cortes were declared open
on July 9. Matters of trade and commerce, involving the question of
duties, [166] were of paramount interest, so far as the Philippines
are concerned, although the matters of elections, revenues, and
ecclesiastical affairs were debated at some length. From July 18 to
October 19, were considered at intervals the privileges and monopolies
of the Compañía de Filipinas, which were abolished by a decree of
the latter date. [167] Several decrees and orders of November 9 (on
which date the first session of the Cortes ended), affecting trade
and looking toward the development of the colonies, were issued. [168]

At the opening of the new session of the Cortes, the Philippine
substitutes of the previous session held over. [169] An order [170]
of March 22 decided that the vice-royalties, captaincies-general, etc.,
were not to be filled for stated periods, but incumbents were to hold
them at the will of the king. Of great importance was the approval
on June 30, of a petition presented by Arnedo on June 16 asking for
direct mails between Spain and the Philippines under charge of the
navy department. On that same date the report of the committee on
Hacienda on the estimated budget for the Ministry of Ultramar for 1822
(over 330,000 reals more than that of 1821), aroused considerable
discussion, especially among the American delegates. [171] A decree
of June 29 provided for public schools and provincial universities,
of which Manila was to have one. This decree provided for schools and
courses much ahead of anything in the islands, but it remained a dead
letter because of the speedy suppression of the constitution. [172]
This session of the Cortes closed on June 30.

The preliminary meeting of a special session was held on September
22, 1821, at which the above two Philippine substitutes were
approved. [173] Camus y Herrera was one of a committee chosen on the
twenty-third, to inform the king that the Cortes was ready to open
the session, which accordingly was opened next day. On November 4,
the Philippine government and governor were arraigned by representative
Lallave of Veracruz for electing only four instead of the twenty-five
representatives to whom they were entitled. Discussion of this
matter resulted in the Cortes directing the Minister of Ultramar
(February 11, 1822), that the Philippines, notwithstanding claims of
distance and poverty, were to elect their whole quota to Cortes. At
the secret session of February 12, 1822, it was decided to allow
Arnedo and Camus y Herrera (in view of a petition presented by them
on the eighth, and because of their pressing need), to draw a sum
sufficient to meet their needs and the debts that they had been
obliged to contract in the performance of their duties, from the
money sent by the provincial deputation of Manila (24,500 pesos)
for the regularly-elected Philippine representatives of the next
session. This special session closed February 14.

The first preliminary meeting of the regular session was held February
15, at which Vicente Posada, a former magistrate of the Manila
Audiencia, presented himself as a regularly-elected representative
from the Philippines. He was not, however, allowed to take his seat
in this session, which opened formally on March 7, and closed on July
30, as it was claimed that his resignation had not been confirmed and
that he was consequently still a government employe. [174] During this
session, a clause of a decree of June 28 ordered the encouragement
of visits to Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines by naturalists
for the purpose of study.

At the first preliminary meeting of the special session, held
October 1, 1822, Francisco Bringas y Taranco, ex-alcalde-mayor of
Ilocos, the deputy elect for Nueva Segovia, Manuel Sáenz de Vizmanos,
senior accountant of the Tribunal de Cuentas of the Philippines, and
Posada, presented their credentials, which were approved on October 3,
although Posada was again contested. At the preliminary meeting held
on the fourth complaint was made that the Philippines had elected but
four deputies instead of twenty-five. [175] The session which opened
on October 7 closed on February 19, 1823, without any action having
been taken by the Philippine representatives.

The regular session opened on March 1, 1823, at Madrid, but the
absolutists gaining control through the invasion of the French,
nothing was done in this session, and the Cortes, which had been
compelled to flee first to Sevilla and then to Cádiz, were finally
dissolved by Fernando on October 1, who declared all their acts from
March 7, 1820, to that time null and void. Posada was one of those
condemned by Fernando after his entrance into Madrid, for his liberal
tendencies. By decree of December 25, 1823, Fernando communicated
to America and the Philippines the reëstablishment of absolutism,
the suppression of the Constitution of 1812, and the abolition of
all the organisms inaugurated during the constitutional régime. [176]



The Cortes of 1834-1837

The third Cortes of 1834-37 were called after the death of Fernando
VII, which occurred September 29, 1833, when the liberals again
demanded concessions and a constitutional government. [177] The ship
"Santa Ana" sailing from Cádiz, August 28, 1834, reached Manila with
official orders and the summons to the Cortes; [178] which having
been called for July 24, 1834 (by decree of May 10), had already
convened. The election for the Philippine representatives (March 1,
1835) [179] resulted in the choice of Brigadier Andrés García Camba,
[180] and Licentiate Juan Francisco Lecaros (or Lecaroz) [181]--the
first a resident of Manila (formerly a resident in Nueva España),
and the second the Madrid agent for the Manila Ayuntamiento. Camba
sailed for Cádiz on the "Santa Ana" on March 21, and arrived in
Spain August 20, 1835, after the end of the first session of the
Cortes. That session imposed a special tax on certain classes of
financial documents, which affected all the Spanish domains; and
which was sanctioned by the regent, May, 1835, and communicated to
the Philippines on June 2.

The new session was set in a meeting of the Consejo de Ministros
(September 28, 1835) for November 16, 1835. The first preliminary
meeting was held on November 12, at which the Philippine
representatives presented their credentials, being duly confirmed on
the meeting of the fourteenth, although Camba was contested by one
Manuel Cacho of Manila. The formal opening of the session occurred on
the sixteenth, and on the twenty-fourth, Camba and Lecaros took the
oath, the former being placed on the committee on Etiquette. On the
occasion of the vote of confidence in the government, the Philippine
representatives spoke on the rumors of the transfer of the Philippines
to a foreign government, stating that such rumors had already been
reported in foreign newspapers, as well as the power to whom the
transfer was to be made and the sum to be paid. Such a sale they
could not believe would be the reward of so many years of loyalty
to the Spanish government. In the discussion of the election law
for the Cortes, the government and the Cortes came to a deadlock,
and the Cortes were dissolved by the government. Hence nothing was
accomplished during this session. [182]

A royal decree of the date when the Cortes were dissolved, ordered
the new Cortes to assemble at Madrid, March 22, article 5 of the
decree specifying that elections should be held in the provinces of
Ultramar on receipt of the decree. Consequently, at this session,
which lasted from March 22 until May 23, when it was again dissolved,
the Philippines had no representation.

A decree of May 24 ordered a new session for August 20, at which the
Philippines were to have four representatives, the officials evidently
not taking into account the distance of the Philippines from Spain,
for it would be manifestly impossible for any representative to arrive
from the Philippines for that session or even for the one of March,
1837. The election at Manila held in 1836 resulted in the reelection
of Camba and Lecaros. On August 13, a royal decree (in consequence of
the mutiny of La Granja) ordered the publication of the Constitution of
1812 until the Cortes clearly manifested their will or drew up a new
constitution. Another decree of August 21 called the general Cortes
for October 24, in accordance with the rules of the Constitution of
1812; and one of September 28 suppressed the Real Consejo de España
é Indias. At the secret session of the Cortes on January 16, 1837, a
proposition for special laws to govern Ultramar was made, being passed
to the proper committee. On February 10 the committee having in charge
the drafting of a new constitution, presented a plan for the provinces
to be ruled by special laws, in accordance with which their delegates
were not to sit in the Cortes. On March 9, 1837, the elections at
Manila resulted in Camba and Luis Prudencio Alvarez y Tejero, [183]
formerly of the Manila Audiencia, and a resident of Manila for thirteen
years, being elected. The latter arrived in Spain after the passing
of the law excluding the Philippine representation from the Cortes. A
royal order of May 31, 1837, presented the method to be observed
in the provision of alcaldes-mayor for the Philippines. On June 18,
the new constitution was promulgated in Madrid, article 2 of which
decreed that Ultramar should be governed by special laws. [184] Since
that time the Philippines have had no representation in Cortes. [185]








LIST OF ARCHBISHOPS OF MANILA


The authorities used in the following chronological list of the
archbishops of Manila are as follows: San Antonio, Chronicas; Zúñiga,
Historia general; Delgado, Historia; Buzeta y Bravo, Diccionario;
Ferrando y Fonseca, Historia de los padres dominicos; Montero y Vidal,
Historia general; various copies of the Guia; the Reports of the
Philippine Commission; and some minor works.

SALAZAR, DOMINGO DE, O.P.--Born at Rioja, in 1512; takes Dominican
habit at convent of San Esteban, Salamanca; becomes master in theology;
missionary in Nueva España for 40 years; goes to Spain as procurator
general for his province, and preaches before Felipe II, in favor of
the Indians; proposed as first bishop of the Philippines in 1578 and
consecrated at Madrid, 1579; arrives at Manila in March, 1581, with
two Jesuits, two coadjutors, eight Franciscans, and one Dominican;
erects cathedral of Manila, Dec. 21, 1581, by virtue of bull of Gregory
XIII, as suffragan to the see of Mexico; celebrates provincial synod
(1582-86), with attendance of 90 ecclesiastics and 6 seculars (to
discuss both ecclesiastical and secular matters); tries to enforce
episcopal visit on the regulars, thus raising the question in the
Philippines that was so often to convulse those islands both in
ecclesiastical and secular circles; royal Audiencia founded partly
on account of his petition; defends natives against encomenderos;
aids greatly in the building of the cathedral and in the church of the
Dominicans, as well as the hospital for the natives, and the college
of Santa Potenciana; quarrels with Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, by whom
the Audiencia had been suppressed in obedience to royal commands;
goes to Spain in 1591 (leaving his companion Salvatierra in charge),
to seek royal redress, and secures reëstablishment of Audiencia,
and complete royal favor, although opposed by the governor and the
Augustinians; procures elevation of Manila into a metropolitan see,
with three suffragan churches; designated as first archbishop by
king, but dies Dec. 4, 1594, at college of Santo Tomás at Madrid,
before the papal bulls arrive, aged 82; hot-headed and impetuous,
and apt to meddle too freely in secular affairs, but a worker. See
the many documents in our series by Salazar, and those containing
matter in regard to him.

SANTIBAÑEZ, IGNACIO, O.S.F.--Native of Búrgos; guardian of the province
of Búrgos, and later provincial; preacher to Felipe II; presented as
first archbishop, June 17, 1595; consecrated in Nueva España in 1596;
delays going to the Philippines until 1598 because the bulls of the
pallium are not correct in all details; takes possession of his see,
May 28, 1598; immediately erects the cathedral into a metropolitan
church, with three suffragan sees (Cebú, with Pedro de Agurto, O.S.A.,
as bishop; Nueva Cáceres, with Miguel Benavides, O.P., as bishop;
and Nueva Segovia, with Francisco Ortega, O.S.A., as bishop), by
virtue of the bull of Clement VII, dated Aug. 14, 1595; Audiencia
reëstablished during his time; dies from dysentery, Aug. 14, 1598,
after term of 2 months and 17 days; buried in cathedral; funeral
sermon preached by Pedro de Agurto, O.S.A., bishop of Cebú.

VACANT SEE.

BENAVIDES, MIGUEL, O.P.--Native of Carrion de los Condes, where he was
born of illustrious parents; takes the Dominican habit in San Pablo at
Valladolid, where he also becomes a collegiate at the college of San
Gregorio; reader of theology; goes to Manila with the first Dominican
mission in 1587; spends a short time in the Chinese missions, whence
he is exiled; helps promote building of Chinese hospital in Manila;
elected procurator general for his order and accompanies Salazar to
Spain; there gains three missions, and an increase in the commerce;
elected first bishop of Nueva Segovia; consecrated in Nueva España,
in 1597; arrives at Manila, 1598; takes possession of bishopric, 1599;
presented as archbishop, 1601; takes possession of Manila see, 1603,
the king defraying the cost of the bulls, on account of Benavides's
poverty; by decree of Sept. 9, 1603, gives administration of the
Japanese in Manila to the Franciscans; partly responsible for the
Chinese massacre of 1603 (see the various documents in our series); in
response to a royal decree ordering all natives to take a new oath of
allegiance to Spain, takes possession of all the natives in the name
of the crown of Castilla and Leon; dies on St. Anne's day, July 26,
1605; buried in Dominican church; leaves bequest for foundation of
Dominican college (San Tomás); a generous alms-giver. See documents
on the foundation of San Tomás.

VACANT SEE.

VAZQUEZ DE MERCADO, DR. DIEGO--Native of Arévalo, in Castilla la Vieja;
related to the family of the Ronquillos; obtains degree licentiate
in canons in university of Mexico; becomes secular priest, goes to
Philippines with Salazar, where he becomes his lawyer and acts as dean
of Manila cathedral for sixteen years; in 1597 goes to Nueva España,
to assume the curacy of Acapulco; in Nueva España given the degree
of Doctor of canon law from the university of Mexico; resigns his
office as dean of Manila during the sojourn of Santibañez in Nueva
España; in 1600, presented as bishop of Mechoacán, where he serves
three years; Oct. 22, 1603, presented as first bishop of Yucatan,
and receives necessary bulls in Campeche; consecrated in Mexico,
Jan. 13, 1604, and governs his bishopric for three years; in 1608,
presented as archbishop of Manila; takes possession of see, on eve
of Corpus Christi, 1610; completes building of cathedral by means
of his own funds and contributions of the inhabitants of Manila;
builds a chapel in the collateral nave on epistle side of cathedral,
for his own burial and that of the prebendaries of the cathedral;
enacts various acts for the good government of the cathedral; dies
June 12, 1616; buried in chapel.

VACANT SEE.--The archbishopric is governed by Pedro de Arce, O.S.A., by
virtue of a brief of Paul V, which is delivered to the ecclesiastical
cabildo by the Audiencia; governs for a period of more than four years.

GARCIA SERRANO, MIGUEL, O.S.A.--Native of Madrid or of Chinchilla;
goes to the Philippines in one of the early missions; becomes prior
of Manila and provincial of his province, and is elected procurator
to Spain; there presented as bishop of Nueva Segovia; consecrated in
Nueva España in 1616; goes to the Philippines the same year and governs
his bishopric for two and one-half years, presented as archbishop,
in 1618; takes possession of his see, Aug. 24, 1619, having received
the pallium at the church of Nuestra Señora de Guia, Aug. 1 of that
year; during his term, the nuns of St. Clare arrive at Manila, whom
he aids greatly; obtains brief (1625) from Urban VIII, allowing the
feast of Corpus Christi to be celebrated at a more opportune season,
but this brief was never carried out; tries to enforce episcopal visit
of regular parish priests, but opposed vigorously by regulars who
threaten to resign curacies, and question is finally submitted to king
and pope for decision; holy sacrament stolen from cathedral in 1628,
[186] and due partly to his grief over this calamity, Garcia Serrano
dies on Corpus Christi day, June 14 (Montero y Vidal says June 6),
1629, at age of 60.

VACANT SEE.--On the death of Garcia Serrano, the ecclesiastical
cabildo and the bishop of Nueva Segovia, Hernando Guerrero, O.S.A.,
go to law in regard to the government ad interim of the archbishopric,
the latter claiming it by virtue of the brief of Paul V, since Pedro
de Arce, O.S.A., has resigned his right. The litigation lasts until
Jan. 29, 1630, when Arce assumes the government by decree of the
royal Audiencia, and although he has continual suits he maintains
his office. The vacancy lasts 6 years and 9 days.

GUERRERO, HERNANDO, O.S.A.--Native of Madrid or Alcaraz; professes in
the Augustinian convent at Madrid; after going to the Philippines,
holds many posts in the order, and is finally sent to Spain as
procurator; on arrival at Mexico, finds decree appointing him bishop
of Nueva Segovia; proceeds to Spain, where he obtains a mission,
and his bulls confirming his appointment; returns to the Philippines
in 1627; consecrated at Cebú, in 1628; governs his bishopric for 7
years; tries to obtain the government of the archbishopric of Manila
in vacant see (see above); presented as archbishop, Jan. 16, 1632;
takes possession of see, June 23, 1635; during his term quarrels with
the governor, Hurtado de Corcuera, the Audiencia, and the Jesuits
(see the numerous documents in our series concerning this); refuses
to authorize or recognize the Collado faction among the Dominicans;
exiled, in 1636, to Marivelez; returns from exile, June 6, 1636, his
exile having lasted 26 days; visits diocese personally, and nearly
captured by Camucones in consequence; dies July 1, 1641, at age of
75; buried in Augustinian church; zealous, but obstinate, hot-headed,
and too unbending.

VACANT SEE.--Ecclesiastical cabildo governs because Arce renounces
his right to do so.

MONTERO DE ESPINOSA, DR. FERNANDO.--Native of Búrgos; becomes secular
priest; doctor of theology in Salamanca University, and holds other
offices; first palace cura of Felipe IV, when royal chapel was erected
into a parish church; a noted preacher; administrator of the hospital
outside of Toledo; presented as bishop of Nueva Segovia in 1642;
consecrated in Mexico in 1643; May 20, 1644, while on way to islands,
receives presentation as archbishop; embarks at Acapulco, in March,
1645; arrives at the port of Lampon, at the end of July of that year;
sets out for Manila, but dies at Pila, in Laguna de Bay, of fever;
funeral celebrated on day he was to have made his public entrance
into Manila; 45 years old; buried beside Benavides, but his remains
afterward removed to the sagrario of the curas by Archbishop Poblete.

VACANT SEE.--Ecclesiastical cabildo governs; although it is agreed
that the different members of the cabildo shall govern by months, the
dean obtains the upper hand through connivance with the governor's
favorite Venegas, and a vicar general is elected. In this period
occurs the Jesuit-Dominican contest as to priority of colleges; the
Franciscans are disturbed by interior dissensions; while the cabildo
itself is racked by internal dissensions; the royal decree ordering
St. Michael the Archangel to be published as patron of the islands
is put into force.

POBLETE, DR. MIGUEL DE.--Secular priest; born in Mexico, in 1603; a
professor in the university; occupies some of the best ecclesiastical
posts in Nueva España; resigns the bishopric of Nicaragua in 1644;
the decree of his presentation as archbishop of Manila, dated May,
1648; keeps decree hid for more than a month before showing it;
consecrated at the archiepiscopal palace at Mexico, Sept. 9, 1650;
reaches Cavite, July. 22, 1653, with Governor Manrique de Lara;
latter requests him to go ashore first and bless the country, on
account of the troubles of the former archbishop; makes solemn entry,
July 24; at Lent of 1654 the brief of Innocent X (Aug. 7, 1649),
giving benediction and absolution to the land placed in force; tries
to enforce episcopal visit of regulars, who oppose him strongly, and
resign their curacies, compelling the archbishop to restore them for
want of seculars to put in their place; quarrels with Governor Salcedo,
who refuses to pay the ecclesiastical stipends, whereupon the cabildo
is suspended for the time being, and Poblete tries to borrow 2,000
pesos with which to satisfy the most pressing needs of the cabildo;
trouble over the appointment to the office of dean of the cabildo,
which falls vacant; rebuilds cathedral, laying the first stone, April
20, 1654; begs alms for cathedral, and applies to it 22,000 pesos,
which has been contributed to it by the inhabitants of Manila; dies on
the day of the Conception, Dec. 8, 1667; orders body not embalmed, but
his orders disregarded; buried (governor participating in obsequies),
Dec. 11, in the sagrario of the curas in the cathedral; funeral
services met by alms of private persons; memorial honors celebrated,
Jan. 30, 1668; 64 years old at time of death; much regretted.

VACANT SEE.--The ecclesiastical cabildo governs the archbishopric.

LOPEZ, JUAN, O.P.--Born in Martin Muñoz in Castilla la Vieja; professes
in Dominican convent of San Esteban of Salamanca; collegiate at
college of San Gregorio at Valladolid; goes to Philippines in 1643
as missionary; lectures on theology in the college of Santo Tomás;
in 1658, goes to Nueva España to recover health; following year sent
title as definitor and procurator general; goes to Spain by way of
France, in 1662, and thence to Rome; general of order gives him the
degree of master of theology; at Rome receives decree of Felipe IV
(Dec., 1662) presenting him as bishop of Cebú; receives confirmation
from pope, Apr. 23, 1663; gathers a band of 40 missionaries, and on
reaching Nueva España is consecrated at Mechoacán, Jan. 4, 1665; takes
possession of bishopric, Aug. 31, 1665; has troubles in bishopric,
and proceeds to excommunications, unjustifiably, so that it becomes
necessary for the royal Audiencia to intervene; during term as bishop,
visits Manila twice, once when the commissary of the Holy Inquisition
arrested Governor Salcedo, and the second time at Poblete's death,
under summons from the governor, who requested him to rule the
archbishopric ad interim; presented for archbishopric in 1671; takes
possession, Aug. 21, 1672; quarrels with ecclesiastical officials and
with governor, the latter depriving him of the ecclesiastical stipends;
obtains royal permission to have stipends sent from Mexico, in order
that this might be avoided in the future (although the decree does not
arrive until after his death); dies, Feb. 12, 1674, after a fever of
5 months, at age of 61; heart and entrails buried in sagrario of the
curas, and body in the Dominican church; honors celebrated, Mar. 1,
1674; no bishop in islands at time of his death as all had died in
1671; harsh and impetuous by nature, and hence carried by his zeal
into constant trouble.

VACANT SEE.--Dean and cabildo rule the archbishopric.

PARDO, FELIPE, O.P.--Born in Valladolid of noble parents; takes
habit in convent of San Pablo at Valladolid; there becomes master of
students; goes as missionary to Philippines in 1648; lector and rector
in university of Santo Tomás in Manila; holds many posts in his order,
his first term as provincial ending in 1665; and his second in 1677;
twice commissary of Inquisition; presented as archbishop, by royal
decree of May 30, 1676; takes possession of archbishopric, at age of
68, Nov 11, 1677, without being consecrated, by special order of the
king; requisite bulls reach him only in 1681; consecrated, Oct. 28,
1681, in Manila cathedral; makes public entry, Nov. 1; during his
term, the first governor of the Marianas arrives; arrival of auxiliary
bishop de partibus Gines de Barrientos, O.P., with title of bishop
of Troya; takes missions in Luzón from Recollects, which he gives
to the Dominicans, giving to the Recollects the missions of Mindoro
in exchange (see the documents in our series referring to this);
has conflicts with the governor, other orders, and ecclesiastical
cabildo; orders all Spaniards to pay all fees to the parish priests
of each district instead of to the parish priest of Bagumbayan, and
since almost all the Spaniards lived in Binondo, this benefited his
order especially; exiled to Lingayen, in Pangasinan, Mar. 31, 1683;
secretly appoints Barrientos to govern the archbishopric; brought
back from exile by Governor Curuzalaegui, and takes vengeance on the
ex-governor, Vargas, and others; dies, Dec. 31, 1689, at age of 80,
without the aids of religion; buried in church of the Dominicans;
harsh, obstinate, revengeful, partial to the Dominicans; under the
influence of the Dominican Verart, who was his counselor, and a man
quarrelsome by nature. See the documents of the Pardo controversy in
our series.

VACANT SEE.--The ecclesiastical cabildo yields the government of the
archbishopric to the bishop of Troya, Gines de Barrientos, but the
latter finally resigns the post, and the cabildo rules. Barrientos
makes so extreme use of his power while in command, that two members
of the cabildo retire to the Augustinian convent in order to be immune
from arrest, and ask aid of the governor ad interim.

CAMACHO Y AVILA, DR. DIEGO.--Secular priest; native of Badajoz;
collegiate-mayor in the Insigne de Cuenca of Salamanca; canon of the
church of Badajoz; presented as archbishop, Aug. 19, 1696; consecrated
at La Puebla in Nueva España; takes possession of his see, Sept. 13,
1697; the papal legate Tournon comes to the islands during his term,
and Camacho's connection with him leads to complications with the
Spanish government; a strong champion of the episcopal visit of
the regular parish priests, and hence opposed by all the regulars;
his attempts to place seculars in control of the parish churches
end because there are not enough seculars to supply the places left
vacant by the regulars; makes many improvements in the cathedral, and
spends on it more than 40,000 pesos; founds seminary of San Clemente,
which is thrown open to foreigners; because of this and his connection
with Tournon, as well as indirectly because of his opposition to the
regulars, transferred by royal order to the bishopric of Guadalajara,
in Nueva España; takes possession of this, Mar. 25, 1706; visits
bishopric several times; dies, in 1712; in will orders honors to be
celebrated for him in Manila cathedral; these celebrated, Oct. 26,
1713, by Diego de Gorospe Yrala bishop of Nueva Segovia. See the
various documents regarding the Camacho controversy in our series.

VACANT SEE--Cabildo governs until the arrival of the following.

CUESTA, FRANCISCO DE LA, Ordr of San Gerónimo.--Native of Colmenar,
near Madrid; master in theology; preacher to the king; presented as
archbishop in 1706; consecrated in Mexico, Aug. 12, 1707; Clement
XI decides in favor of episcopal visit of regular parish priests,
and Cuesta attempts to carry the visits into effect, but regulars
induce him to wait until representations can be made to the pope;
imprisoned by Governor Bustamante; Governor Bustamante assassinated
Oct. 11, 1719, and Cuesta freed and becomes governor ad interim,
as all the auditors refuse the post; governs islands until July 24,
1721; all three bishoprics vacant during part of his term; transferred
to the bishopric of Mechoacán, in Nueva España, because of the death
of Bustamante; arrives at Acapulco, Jan. 11, 1724; takes charge of
diocese, April 18; dies May 30 (Buzeta and Bravo say, May 31), 1724,
at age of 63; buried in his church.

VACANT SEE.--Archbishopric governed by ecclesiastical cabildo; house
for girls built.

BERMUDEZ GONZALEZ DE CASTRO, DR. CARLOS.--Secular; native of Puebla de
los Angeles, Nueva España; licentiate and doctor of laws; professor
in canons in the university of Mexico; holds office in Inquisition
of Mexico, and other high offices in that archbishopric; presented as
archbishop of Manila; in 1722; consecrated, June 17, 1725; compelled to
remain in Nueva España three years longer for lack of a vessel sailing
to the Philippines; leaves Mexico City, Mar. 5, 1728, and embarks
at Acapulco, Mar. 27; goes ashore at Marianas, where he baptizes an
infant; received privately in Manila, July 29, 1728; receives pallium,
Aug. 22, from the bishop of Cagayan, at parish church of Quiapo;
takes possession, Aug. 25; has trouble with the governor in regard
to the college of San Felipe; establishes formal rites; falls ill,
Oct. 5, 1729, and dies, Nov. 13, at the age of almost 62; bequeaths
heart to convent of San Lorenzo in Mexico; corpse buried, Nov. 18.

VACANT SEE.--Ecclesiastical cabildo governs the archbishopric.

ANGEL RODRIGUEZ, JUAN, Trinitarian.--Born in Medina del Campo;
master in sacred theology; fills various posts in Spanish cathedrals;
professor in Salamanca and Alcalá universities; appointed confessor of
Diego Morcillo Rubio de Auñon, archbishop of Lima; arrives at Lima,
April 17, 1731; presented as archbishop of Manila, May 18, 1731;
obtains bulls, Dec. 17, and council decrees, dated Feb. 29, 1732,
on May 25, 1732; compelled to remain in Lima until Jan. 2, 1736,
as no ship is allowed to sail to Acapulco; embarks at Acapulco,
Apr. 17, 1736; lands at Samar, Aug. 30; reaches Nueva Cáceres,
Oct. 4; consecrated there by bishop Dr. Felipe de Molina, Nov. 23;
receives pallium, Nov. 26; takes possession of see through Dean Luis
Rico, Jan. 23, 1737, and makes public entry on the twenty-fourth;
gives form to the cathedral choir, and introduces the Gregorian
chant; prohibits night processions, and reforms several feasts;
takes up the cause of the fiscal who has become embroiled with the
governor and taken refuge in the Recollect convent, and persuades him
to present himself in fuerza, hoping that the governor would treat
him compassionately; matters turning out differently than he hopes,
the archbishop, believing himself to be the cause of the evils that
come upon the fiscal, is attacked by severe melancholy which causes
immediate death; peaceful by disposition, lovable, and virtuous.

VACANT SEE.--Ecclesiastical cabildo governs the archbishopric.

SANTISIMA TRINIDAD MARTINEZ DE ARRIZALA, PEDRO DE, O.S.F.--Native of
Madrid; auditor of Quito; counselor of the Indies; becomes Franciscan;
consecrated as archbishop of Manila in Spain; makes public entry
into Manila, Aug. 27, 1747; in Spain obtains decree ordering the
expulsion of the Chinese settled in the islands, but does not present
it, because of the representations of the bishop of Nueva Segovia,
Arrechedera, then governor ad interim, and whose order, the Dominican,
has charge of the Chinese; on the arrival of the new governor, Obando,
presents the decree, but it has no effect because of various disputes
between the governor and archbishop; demands that Arrechedera hand over
the government of the islands to him and even appeals to the court;
quarrels with Obando's successor, Governor Arandía, over questions
of etiquette; dies, May 28, 1755 (Zúñiga says May 29).

VACANT SEE.--Dean and ecclesiastical cabildo in charge of the
archbishopric.

ROJO DEL RIO Y VIEYRA, MANUEL ANTONIO.--Native of Tula, Nueva España;
canon and provisor of Mexico; consecrated as archbishop of Manila
in Nueva España, in 1758; takes possession of his see, July 22,
1759; demands charge of government of islands from Bishop Lino
de Espeleta, governor ad interim, but latter holds command until
arrival of decree from Spain transferring the command to Rojo;
immediately settles Villacorta matter and quashes case against the
Spanish mestizo Orendaín; British besiege and capture Manila, 1762;
Rojo made virtually a prisoner; has disputes with Anda; dies, Jan. 30,
1764, and given military burial by English; see VOL. XLIX.

VACANT SEE.--Ecclesiastical cabildo assumes control of the
archbishopric.

SANTA JUSTA Y SANCHO DE RUFINA, BASILIO.--An Aragonese; a member of
the Escuelas pias; preacher to the king; procurator for the province
of Aragon; appointed archbishop, in 1767; consecrated in Spain,
and arrives at Manila in 1767 via Cape of Good Hope; immediately
establishes mission and preaches rigorously against all the vices for
nine days; adorns cathedral; presides over council by which bishop of
Nueva Cáceres exiled to his bishopric; makes most vigorous attempts
to enforce episcopal visit of regular parish priests of any archbishop
in history of the Philippines; bases his action on the bull Firmandis
of Benedict XIV, dated Nov. 6, 1744, and the bull of Feb. 24, 1745,
which were confirmed at the instance of the king by the bull Nunc
nuper, of Nov. 8, 1751; in 1768, visits all the curacies held by the
Dominicans; all the other orders resist; although the governor commands
the orders to submit to the visit, and strives to uphold the royal
patronage, the orders disregard him; many parishes provided with native
secular priests by the archbishop in 1768, especially the parishes
of the Parián, Binondo and the Province of Bataán, which had been
administered by the Dominicans (which regulars claim was an irreparable
injury); regulars complain to king, and archbishop directs energetic
representation against them, May 10, 1768; Jesuit expulsion occurs
during his term; Raón is finally gained by the orders and yields; when
his successor Anda arrives, the archbishop appeals to him for aid,
and although the latter is unwilling to go as far as Santa Justa y
Rufina, he aids him; provincial council called at Manila for May 19,
1771, to which the three suffragan bishops summoned; six meetings held
but nothing lasting done; trouble over visit of the beaterio of Santa
Catalina; Anda suspends cedula of Nov. 9, 1774, ordering the curacies
secularized as they fall vacant; secularization ordered suspended by
royal decree of Dec. 11, 1776; archbishop dies at Manila, Dec. 15,
1787; strong character, vigorous mind, impetuous; regular historians
assert that he was influenced by the French encyclopedists and by the
ministers of Cárlos III. See Pardo de Tavera's Biblioteca filipina
(Washington, 1903), for various writings of Santa Justa y Rufina;
and our series for some account of his time.

VACANT SEE.--Ecclesiastical cabildo takes charge of the archbishopric.

ORBIGO Y GALLEGO, ANTONIO DE, O.S.F.--Born at Orbigo in León, in 1729;
takes Franciscan habit at Priego; goes to Philippines as preacher and
confessor, in 1759; elected bishop of Nueva Cáceres while procurator
for his order in Spain, in 1779; takes possession of his see, in 1780;
chosen archbishop of Manila, in 1789, and takes possession of his
see Oct. 15 through the procurator, capitular vicar, and archdeacon,
Francisco Durana, and makes public entry next day; visits his see,
and once narrowly escapes capture by the Moros near Manila; dies
May 15 (Buzeta and Bravo say May 16), 1790, at Santa Ana; buried in
Franciscan church at Manila, on following day, as he had requested
that his corpse be not embalmed; of pacific character, learned,
simple in his tastes, and without enemies.

VACANT SEE.--Ecclesiastical cabildo assumes control of the
archbishopric.

SALAMANCA, IGNACIO.--Native of Manila; dean of Manila cathedral;
becomes bishop of Cebú, Sept. 28, 1789; consecrated in Manila,
and goes to bishopric in 1794; presented as archbishop of Manila,
but dies at Cebú, Feb. 1802, before having received the despatches
of his new dignity.

VACANT SEE.--The ecclesiastical cabildo rules the archbishopric
continuously from the death of Orbigo y Gallego to the coming of
Zulaibar, as Salamanca does not actually hold the office.

ZULAIBAR, JUAN ANTONIO, O.P.--Born in Vizcaya in 1753; takes habit
at age of 16 in convent of San Pablo at Búrgos; receives degree of
doctor at university of Ávila; professor of theology at university
of Alcalá for 7 years; presented as archbishop of Manila, Aug. 1803;
arrives at Manila, Sept. 2, 1804; consecrated at Manila, by Domingo
Collantes, bishop of Nueva Cáceres, July 14, 1805 (Ferrando; Buzeta
and Bravo say Sept. 8, 1804); voting member of vaccination board
formed at Manila, Dec. 20, 1806, by royal order of Sept. 1, 1803;
endows seminary of his diocese; dies Mar. 4, 1824.

VACANT SEE.--Ecclesiastical cabildo assumes control of the
archbishopric.

DIEZ, HILARION, O.S.A.--Born at Valladolid, 1761; takes habit at an
early age in the same city; in the Philippines serves as parish priest
in several Tagálog villages, and becomes proficient in the Tagálog
language; is twice prior of the Manila convent, and provincial of his
order; his appointment as archbishop meets general approval; assumes
charge of his see, Sept. 15, 1826; consecrated in the Augustinian
church, Oct. 21, 1827; dies, May 7, 1829.

VACANT SEE.--Ecclesiastical cabildo governs the archbishopric.

SEGUI, JOSE, O.S.A.--Born at Camprodon, in bishopric of Gerona,
Oct. 3, 1773; takes habit at Seo de Urgel; goes to Philippines in 1795;
missionary for 20 years in China; after his return to the Philippines,
serves as definitor and procurator general for 12 years; auxiliary
to his predecessor and made bishop in partibus of Hierocesaréa, July
27, 1829; elevated to the metropolitan see by Pius VIII, July 5,
1830; consecrated at the Manila Augustinian church, Oct. 28, 1830;
receives pallium, Sept. 14, 1831, from the bishop of Ilocos whither
he goes for that purpose; enters Manila publicly, Sept. 29, 1831;
sends several circulars to his clergy, and invites them to spiritual
exercises annually; receives the great cross of Isabel the Catholic;
dies, July 4, 1845.

VACANT SEE.--Governed by ecclesiastical cabildo.

ARANGUREN, JOSE.--Recollect; born at Barasoain, diocese of Pamplona,
Feb. 16, 1801; studies philosophy at Pamplona, and law at Zaragoza;
takes habit at Alfaro, at the college of the Recollects (since
removed to Monteagudo), in 1816; arrives at Manila, in 1830; serves in
Pampanga; acts as provincial secretary; cura at Masinlos in Zambales;
definitor in the chapter of 1840; elected provincial in 1843; appointed
archbishop by king, Nov. 12, 1845; begins to govern, Mar. 19, 1846;
consecrated, Jan. 31, 1847; receives pallium, Feb. 2, 1847, and makes
public entrance into Manila, Feb. 7; receives great cross of Isabel
the Catholic; dies, Apr. 18, 1862; laborious, prudent, and economical.

VACANT SEE.--The archbishopric is governed by Dr. Pedro Peláez,
a Filipino secular priest, who is elected by the ecclesiastical
cabildo as capitular vicar.

MELITON MARTINEZ DE SANTA CRUZ, DR. GREGORIO.--Secular; born in
1815, in Prado-Luengo, in the diocese of Búrgos; studies theology in
seminary of San Jerónimo in Búrgos, and afterwards occupies a chair
in the same seminary; receives degree of bachelor at the university
of Valladolid, and studies in the university of Madrid, where he also
receives degrees; acts as provisor in Palencia, for 12 years, where
he receives the doctorate by competition; holds various posts in the
Pamplona ecclesiastical cabildo; appointed archbishop of Manila by
the sovereign, July 31, 1861; consecrated in Madrid, Mar. 23, 1862;
takes possession of see, May 27, 1862; receives degree of doctor in
jurisprudence from the University of the Philippines, Aug. 24, 1862;
a member of the Vatican Council until its suspension in 1871; has
dissensions with the Recollects over vacancies occurring in the Manila
diocese; together with the secular bishops of Cebú and Nueva Cáceres,
sends exposition to queen, Feb. 15, 1863, urging the right of episcopal
visitation of the regular parish priests; asks that briefs and laws
declaring removable ad nutum the regular curas, be left in force;
with provincials of orders protests to governor against the Moret
decrees, May 16, 1869; Feb. 19, 1872, publishes long pastoral letter in
Spanish and Tagálog lamenting and condemning Cavite insurrection, and
especially the part taken in it by the Filipino clergy; resigns, 1875.

VACANT SEE.--1875-1876.

PAYO, PEDRO, O.P.--Takes charge of see, 1876; adorns and improves
cathedral; dies, 1889.

VACANT SEE.--1889-1890.

NOZALEDA, BERNARDINO, O.P.--Native of Asturías, of rustic parentage;
originally a professor in Manila; takes possession of his diocese,
Oct. 29, 1890; Apr. 28, and May 8, 1898, issues circulars to the
Filipinos urging them to repel the American invaders; resides about 26
years in Philippines; relinquishes archbishopric, June, 1903; returns
to Spain after the transfer of the Philippines to the United States;
there nominated archbishop of Valencia, [187] but the citizens refuse
to receive him, because of evil reports about him. [188]








NOTES


[1] "Originally, when the port of the capital of Filipinas was visited
only by vessels from the Asiatic nations and a few Spanish ships, the
exaction of duties was in the hands of the royal officials, according
to the laws of the Indias. In 1779 Basco y Vargas ordained that
those functionaries should attend only to collecting duties from the
ships which navigated to the coasts of Coromandel, Malabar, Bengala,
Java, Cantón, Acapulco, and Cádiz; and that the duties proper to the
entrance or outgo of products and commodities in the inter-island
commerce should be in charge of the director of alcabala. From this
originated the foundation of the custom-house, it being completed
by royal decrees of 1786 and 1788, from which time it was provided
with the necessary force of men for collecting the import and export
duties." (Note by Montero y Vidal.)

[2] Cf. Forrest, Voyage to New Guinea, p. 368: "They believe the deity
pleased with human victims. An Idaan or Maroot [a tribe in northern
Borneo] must, for once at least, in his life, have imbued his hands in
a fellow creature's blood; the rich are said to do it often, adorning
their houses with sculls and teeth, to show how much they have honored
their author, and laboured to avert his chastisement. Several in low
circumstances will club to buy a Bisayan Christian slave, or any one
that is to be sold cheap; that all may partake the benefit of the
execution. So at Kalagan, on Mindano, as Rajah Moodo informed me,
when the god of the mountain gives no brimstone, they sacrifice some
old slave, to appease the wrath of the deity. Some also believe,
those they kill in this world, are to serve them in the next, as
Mr. Dalrymple observes." He also says (p. 271), that they pay "perhaps
five or six Kangans" for an old slave, and that the above mountain
is "in the district of Kalagan [i.e., Caraga], a little way west of
Pandagitan, which emits at times smoke, fire, and brimstone." This
evidently alludes to Mt. Butulan, a volcano (now apparently extinct),
in the extreme southern point of Davao province, Mindanao.

[3] See account of this at end of "Events in Filipinas," the first
document in VOL. L.

[4] See post, near the end of this volume, the document on the
representation of Filipinas in the Spanish Cortes.

[5] "A fanatic, who, styling himself a new Christ, appeared to the
fishermen and announced to them their true redemption--freedom from
monopolies and tributes, and whatever could allure the unwary. This
fanatic and more than seventy of his following, called 'apostles,' were
seized, with their gowns, litters, flags, and other articles with which
'the new god,' as was reported, must make himself manifest." (Official
despatch, cited by Montero y Vidal.)

[6] It may be noted that in 1809 Folgueras had, "in order to quiet the
public anxiety" to know what was going on, published on two occasions
a sort of gazette (called Aviso al público) of news regarding his
encounter and correspondence with the French in that summer. (Montero
y Vidal, ii, pp. 390, 391.)

[7] See Retana's Periodismo filipino (Madrid, 1895), appendix i
(pp. 533-559), in which a detailed account of this gazette, with lists
of the articles in most of the numbers, is given by J. T. Medina. He
concludes that it had fifteen numbers, irregularly issued, the last
of which was dated February 7, 1812.

[8] According to Jagor (Reisen, pp. 108, 109), "the receipts from
the sale of the bulls of the Crusade in 1819 were $15,930, in 1839,
$36,390, and in 1860, $58,954. In the two years 1844-45 they rose
to $292,115, because the families and the heads of barangay were
forcibly obliged to accept the certificates of indulgences, 'with the
assistance and supervision of the curas and subordinate officials'
(who for this received 8 and 5 per cent respectively), and thus they
were distributed in the houses--certainly one of the most shameless
applications of the repartimiento system."

[9] A note by Montero y Vidal cites José R. Trujillo, a Philippine
official, as stating (1887) that the chief opponent and plotter against
Gardoqui was Joaquin Cirilo de la Cajigas, the chief accountant of the
treasury board and head of the naval bureau; he left a great fortune
to his descendants, "who even now figure as rich men in the country,
while the naval chiefs and officers who served here at that epoch
did not bequeath to their descendants more than poverty and honor,
although some of them had risen to high positions in the naval forces."

[10] "The Holy Office was, however, again abolished by the Cortes,
in its session of 1820.

[11] "In 1797, when on account of the decadence of the Society and
the opposition of Aguilar it practically ceased its functions, its
president at that time, the auditor Don Francisco Javier Moreno, placed
on deposit in the Consulate [of commerce] 6,000 pesos, which at that
period constituted all its funds. At the time of its reëstablishment,
the capital of the Society consisted of 34,224 pesos, two reals,
one grano in ready cash; a debt owed by the convent of San Juan de
Dios, of 7,525 pesos--the remainder of the sum of 15,890 pesos, four
reals, one grano, which by decree of the government dated April 1,
1805, were ordered to be paid for the rebuilding of that convent's
edifice; and twelve gold medals and 241 of silver. It was agreed
to invest these funds in commerce by sea or land, according to
circumstances." (Pamphlet cited by Montero y Vidal.)

[12] For a brief account of this Society's work, see note on
"Agriculture" at end of VOL. LII.

[13] An interesting account of this event is furnished in a letter
by Peter Dobell, then Russian consul in the Philippines, which is
preserved in the New York Public Library; it is printed in the Bulletin
of that institution for June, 1903, at pp. 198-200. Dobell went to
Macao for medical treatment in July, 1820, and this letter was written
from that city, on November 28 of that year. He thus writes: "I arrived
with my wife and daughter at Manilla last March, was received with
great apparent attention, politeness & hospitality. After living there
a couple of months, however, I perceived that there existed a vast deal
of jealousy and envy, against all strangers, and particularly those
who resided or intended to form establishments in the country. Those
ignorant people could not divest themselves of this feeling, even
toward those, whose capitals, talents and industry, were directed
to the most laudable pursuits, and promised to produce great public
as well as private advantages to the colony. At this crisis several
french ships were in the port, one or two Americans and a English ship
from Bengal. In the French ships, had arrived a naturalist sent out
by the government to make collections, and some persons, who intended
to remain in the Philippines to cultivate sugar, cotton &c. &c. In the
month of July last, I discovered that I had in my travels, contracted
a disease, called by the Doctr Hydrocele and becoming very troublesome
to me, I determined as there are no good surgeons in Manilla to pay
a short visit to Macao with my family & return to my post, as soon
as circumstances would permit, after the operation. This I found,
I could do the more conveniently, as my Nephew, a fine young Man of
23 years, had joined me at my arrival and I left him, in full charge
of my office &c and departed. This envious disposition, on the part
of the Spaniards, increased daily, against the Strangers, until an
opportunity presented itself of gratifying their malignant hatred, in
the most cruel & bloody manner & without themselves appearing to have
any thing to do in the business. It is necessary first to tell you,
that the new constitution, had been received during the prevalence
of this feeling, giving extensive privileges & liberal encouragement
to foreigners, who might think proper to settle in the Philippines &
rendering the natives as free & equal, in rights, etc. as their former
masters. This certainly made them a little unruly, but, if not secretly
instigated, it would never have induced them to commit a crime, that
makes humanity shudder. The ship from Bengal, was the Merope Captain
Nichols and it was supposed she had brot into the colony the epidemic,
that has ravaged all India, this year, under the name of the 'Cholera
Morbus.' It made its appearance, in the beginning of October last,
carrying off great numbers of the Indians every day. The humane French
& other Strangers, who beheld these miserable wretches, dying around
them without any medical aid, freely administered what medicines they
had, and were actively & daily employed, in endeavoring to alleviate;
the distress & cure the complaints of all those, who lived within the
sphere of their exertions. This also became, a cause of jealousy and
hatred and the villains, began immediately to exasperate the Indians
by saying, 'this poisonous disease, was introduced by the French &
the other strangers, they have poisoned even the waters, and they
administer poison to the sick, purposely to exterpate the whole
race of Tagalians.' The ferocious Indians wanted nothing farther
to excite them to deeds of blood & plunder. On the 9th of October
about 10 or 11 in the morning they collected, to the number of
about 3,000 Men armed with pikes knives and bludgeons and proceeded
coolly and deliberately to plunder and Massacre all the Strangers
on whom they could lay their hands! I have not time to give you the
details of this shocking business, but you will certainly read them
in the gazettes as I have sent both to England and Russia very full
accounts for publication. Suffice it now to say that the Governor &
the authorities were vainly implored for assistance. They came, it is
true, with the troops, but it was only to behold with sang froid the
horrid spectacle. Not a musket was fired to save the lives of those
unfortunate and defenceless strangers, who to the number of 39 were
plundered & cruelly massacred; some of them were so cut up & mangled
it was impossible to recognize them. As the most of them were Roman
Catholics, they were all collected and thrown into a hole together
without the shadow of a ceremony or a stone to mark their graves! What
is worse, the last accts from there down to the 9th of November
mention that not a spanish life was lost, nor has a single native as
yet suffered punishment for this most atrocious & horrible deed. My
house was attacked & pillaged, my Nephew & a Mr Prince of Boston,
who lived with him, made prisonners, and, after being near two days
in the hands of the Indians, suffering the most abominable treatment,
they luckily escaped Death. Eighty five Chinese & 11 English seamen
were also plundered & assassinated. I have been obliged to represent
this affair in its full suit of Black to my Government and have at the
same time declared my intention of going back to Siberia, next April,
where I shall await the orders of His Imperial Majesty.... I leave
the place & those miscreants to themselves, from the conviction,
that its commerce is ruined forever. In the first place they held
their productions too high & paid too low for European commodities, so
that, when the allowance of the half duties granted to the importers
of sugars shall cease, no french ships will visit the Philippines
to pay from 7 to 9 Dollars a pecul for Sugars. The Cadmus, you say
will make money. If she does, she will I fancy be the only American
ship that profits by its trade to Manilla. All those, who came out
last year lost money on the sales of their cargoes, &, from what we
hear of prices in America, and on the Continent, they must lose by
the returns. But what will give the death blow to the prosperity of
the Philippines, is the late horrible massacre. All those french and
other foreigners, who were anxious to have established themselves
in commerce or on estates in the country, are now frightened off
and certainly no one will find himself, confident enough to trust
to a Government, which could permit such a massacre to take place,
immediately under its eyes, when it had 5,000 men in arms, ready at a
minutes notice to disperse the Mob. Thus situated, Manilla offers no
chance of profit or Speculation; and I confess, however my hopes and
wishes may have been disappointed, I turn from them with disgust &
horror, better pleased to be ordered to live, in some remote corner
of Siberia, on black bread & salt, than roll in wealth, amidst such an
inhuman, illiberal and unchristianlike race of Men.... I must close my
letter by informing you that the Captain General has refused all the
applications for indemnification, from those who have been plundered;
so that as yet, neither the punishment due to the assassins has been
inflicted, nor redress made to the unfortunate people who were robbed."

By the kindness of James A. LeRoy, the Editors have in their hands
a copy (furnished by Dr. Pardo de Tavera from the original in
his possession) of a decree issued by Governor Folgueras (dated at
Manila, October 20, 1820), addressed "to the natives of the Filipinas
Islands, and especially to those of the district of Tondo," in which
he rebukes them severely for thus violating the law of nations,
under the influence of "a general frenzy," and "led astray and
infuriated by certain malicious persons." He characterizes their
belief that the strangers had poisoned the waters as a foolish and
absurd notion, which "the mountain Negritos or the Moros of Joló and
Mindanao would be ashamed to entertain;" and reminds them that the
strangers whom they have plundered and slain were not only friends
and brethren, but the very persons on whom the prosperity of the
islands must depend, since they supplied a market for the produce
of the country. He then presents the report which has been made by
an official whom the governor had specially appointed (October 13)
to investigate this idea of the foreigners' crime, which is to the
following effect: "As the evidence of guilt [cuerpo de delito, the
same as the Latin corpus delicti] in the poisoning which is charged,
the Indians have brought to us, among the spoils which they plundered
from the houses of the Frenchmen, various animals of different forms,
and among them a serpent, of quite the usual size, one of those which
they call 'house-snakes,' in a dissected state; others, with some
little shellfish, preserved in spirits of wine, in a crystal flask;
in another, two granos of muriatic baryte; a quantity of Peruvian
bark, which in my opinion would weigh about an arroba and a half;
and a box of sheet-tin about a vara long, one-fourth as wide, and six
dedos thick, in which also was found a mass of insects, but already
decaying; and finally, in the house of a woman who had been accused
of being an agent of the French for the alleged poisoning, a little
package of some black powders in China paper [i.e., rice paper]." The
official states that these animal specimens have evidently "no other
object than to enrich cabinets of natural history," and could not
in any way have been used for injuring human beings. The muriatic
baryte was for use in analyzing mineral waters, and was, moreover,
useful in various diseases. The Peruvian bark was, as all might
know, a useful medicine and had often been helpful in checking the
cholera itself. The black powders, it was also decided, were also of
medicinal value; and the entire story is characterized as a fiction
and delusion. The official regrets that it was believed by so many
persons who should have known better than to accept so gross an error;
"but it is certain that they did, and, among them, many of the clergy;
and with this the delusion attained such power that it has caused
the very scandalous deeds which all good persons lament; for it is
certain that there is no better way of propagating an error than for
persons of authority to adopt it. There is no doubt, it appears, that
this foolish idea of poisoning had its origin in the ignorance of the
Indians; but there is as little doubt that malicious persons, imposing
upon this folly and lack of knowledge in the Indians, incited them to
perpetrate the assassinations and robberies of the disastrous days,
October 9 and 10." He adds that one of the books brought to him by the
Indians, which they had taken from the house of the French naturalist,
was filled with sketches of fishes, mollusks, and birds peculiar to
the country, which plainly showed that he was only making zoological
observations. In view of all these things, Folgueras calls upon the
natives to repent of their sin, to surrender to the authorities the
instigators of the tumult, to restore to the plundered foreigners
what had been stolen from them, and to denounce the authors of the
murders, that justice might be done to these evil persons. These
exhortations are especially addressed to the inhabitants of Binondo,
"which has been the theatre of the most horrible tragedy, and has
covered itself with blood and ignominy." This decree is published
by Dr. Pardo de Tavera, from the original printed edition, in his
Biblioteca filipina, pp. 45-47.

[14] In his scarce third volume of the Informe, Mas says that the
governor, either wittingly or unwittingly, did well in not sending
out the soldiers, who were natives, until the fury of the people had
spent itself; as otherwise all discipline might easily have been lost,
and the soldiers have joined with their kindred in the massacre.

[15] Our author gives the name of this periodical incorrectly; it
should be El Noticioso Filipino--see Retana's Periodismo filipino,
appendix ii (pp. 561, 563). It was apparently begun on July 29, 1821;
it was issued on Sundays. Its publication ceased before November 1 of
that year. This information was furnished to Retana by Pardo de Tavera;
he also supplied accurate data for La Filantropia (pp. 561-563), which
began on September 1, 1821; it seems to have ceased publication in
1822. El Ramillete Patriótico is known only by an allusion in one of
the numbers of Filantropia, which speaks of the former as having been
"silenced" (presumably by the authorities). Pedro Torres y Lanzas
gives (p. 565) a description of Nos. 27-37 (March 16-May 25, 1822)
of Filantropia.

[16] Regarding this man and his works, see Retana's El precursor
de la político redentorista (Madrid, 1894); it is specially devoted
to Varela's Parnaso filipino (Sampaloc, 1814). Retana says of him:
"It is unquestionable that his writings in prose and verse encouraged
among the Indians the wrong interpretation which was given to the
Constitution of 1812, from which resulted the series of insurrections,
fortunately isolated, which took place in Filipinas."

[17] This publication was begun in January, 1824, and continued until
May, 1833; at first two hundred and fifty copies were printed. It
was finally obliged to suspend publication, for lack of funds. See
Retana's Periodismo filipino, pp. 10-14, and 566; at the latter place,
Torres y Lanzas describes a file of Nos. 49-109 (lacking two numbers)
of this publication, which is presumably preserved in the Archivo
general at Sevilla.

[18] In 1823 the pirates captured the provincial of the Recollects,
with one of his friars; and that order had to furnish 10,000 pesos
for their ransom. (Montero y Vidal, Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 482.)

[19] General Ricafort published a relation of this enterprise, dated
at Manila, December 30, 1829; he describes the island, presents an
historical sketch of the insurrection in Bohol since 1744 and the
efforts to quell it, and at the end furnishes a tabulated statement of
the expeditions sent by his orders, with number of men, expenditures,
etc., and of their results--a statement signed by Captain Manuel Sanz,
the leader of the expedition, and dated at Talibon, August 31, 1829;
to this is added the signed statement by the parish curas of Bohol that
the numbers of insurgents who have been conquered or have submitted to
the Spanish rule agree with their respective registers. According to
this account, the number of insurgents reduced or submitted was 19,420;
to this must be added 98 "banished for their rebellious dispositions,"
and 395 "obstinate persons who died at the hands of the troops," and
an unknown ("for lack of information") number of those killed in the
year 1827 and on March 28 of 1828, and more than 3,000 souls who have
fled to other provinces. Some of the troops were Spaniards from Manila,
but the main part of the force was composed of Indians from Bohol and
Cebú, to the number of 5,970 and 54 respectively; 294 of the former
and 32 of the latter deserted the ranks, and 4,977 Boholans and 22
Cebuans were at the end disbanded, as being on the sick list; and
very few were either killed or wounded in the campaign. The reduced
insurgents were formed into the following new villages: Catigbian,
with 1,967 souls; Batuanan, with 6,266 souls; Cabulao, with 790;
Balilijan, with 2,100; and Vilar, with 930. In other villages were
distributed the remaining insurgents.

[20] "The Chinese refused to accept their reduction into villages; more
than eight hundred elected to return to their own country; four hundred
odd were assigned to labor on the public works, as being insolvent;
and about a thousand fled to the mountains in order to elude payment
and punishment. The intendant, in view of the difficulty in collecting
[their] taxes, explained to the government the expediency of modifying
the enactment; and this was done in 1834." (Note by Montero y Vidal.)

[21] These funds were chiefly the obras pías which had been
administered by the Jesuit order in Filipinas up to their expulsion
from the islands; at that time, nearly half of these foundations
were extinguished by the authorities, and such moneys as remained in
them were covered into the royal treasury. Forty-five of the Jesuit
obras pías were thus left, which were administered by the government
in the following manner: The capital was divided (as had long been
the custom of all the orders in Filipinas in administering obras
pías) into three parts; one of these was invested in the commerce
of Acapulco, another in that of the Coromandel Coast and China,
and the other third remained on deposit as a reserve to make good
any losses in the amounts invested. Much light is thrown on the
management of these funds by the Jesuits, in the official report made
(June 23, 1797), in pursuit of a command from the Spanish government,
by Angel de la Fuente, the chief of the Bureau of Secular Revenues
[Contaduría de Temporalidades] at Manila; the original MS. of this
is in the possession of Edward K. Ayer, Chicago. Fuente examined the
account-books which the Jesuits had kept of these funds, and found them
full of confusion, discrepancies, and omissions; but after comparing
and verifying them so far as he could, he made a list of them, with
statement of their origin, amount, and application. He found that in
seventeen of these funds there was no evidence that the money had been
applied as directed by the donors, and only partial indications of this
in fifteen others. He reported that many of these obras pías had been
contributed for the advantage and benefit of the Jesuits themselves,
and therefore, since that order had been suppressed, the funds might
now justly be applied to any desirable pious purpose. To this end,
he recommended that nineteen of the funds be placed in charge of
the diocesan authorities, and twelve others used by the government
for specified purposes, and that the rest be covered into the royal
treasury.

[22] "In order to give aid to the widow of Torres, and pay the
expenses of her voyage to España, a subscription was raised which
produced 12,000 pesos; but we note that the promoter of this married
the widow, and they returned to the Peninsula together." (Note by
Montero y Vidal.)

[23] The "pillar dollar" was so called from the pillars on the
reverse of the coin, which represent the pillars of Hercules, or
the Straits of Gibraltar; this device was characteristic of the
Spanish-American coinage. This dollar was the peso duro (or "hard
dollar"), of eight reals; and its half, quarter, eighth, sixteenth,
and thirty-second parts were represented by smaller coins. The
greater part of the supply of pillar dollars were made in Mexico;
but this coinage ceased in 1822. In the Peninsula, the coins were the
dollar--formerly of ten reals, but now of twenty reals vellón--the
half, the peseta or pistareen (which is one-fifth of the dollar,
or four reals vellón), and the half and the quarter pistareen. After
the Peninsular revolution of 1821, pillar dollars were struck for a
short time at Madrid, but these are easily distinguishable from the
true pillar dollar. In 1810-16, silver coins were used in Brazil,
which were only the Spanish dollar, softened by annealing, and then
restamped; the pillars may be distinguished underneath this surface,
by close inspection. See Eckfeldt and DuBois, Manual of Gold and
Silver Coins (Philadelphia, 1842), pp. 33, 77, 119, 122, See also
chapter on Spanish coinage, especially that called "vellón," in
Lea's Inquisition in Spain (New York, 1906-07), i, pp. 560 et seq.;
this latter, although debased, was the standard of value until 1871,
when it was replaced by the decimal system.

[24] "According to a memorial published by Don Francisco Enríquez
on leaving his office, there were at that time in the funds [of his
department] a surplus of 1,000,000 pesos, and in the storehouses over
275,000 bales of tobacco, the value of which exceeded 4,000,000 hard
dollars." (Note by Montero y Vidal.)

[25] Hangers-on of the palace at Manila tried to throw on Galvey the
blame for this failure; but Montero y Vidal cites Galvey's diary, to
show that he had to contend with overwhelming difficulties, inadequate
supplies and lack of proper facilities, and the insalubrity of the
country. He stated therein that he had made "forty-five expeditions
into the hill-country, and had received therein four wounds, two of
which were mortal." He died in 1839.

[26] Royal decrees of 1835 and 1836 suppressed the Jesuit order
throughout the Spanish empire; all the religious communities and
colleges of men (excepting the colleges of missionaries for Asia,
the clergy of the Escuelas Pías and the hospital convents of St. John
of God), and the houses of the military orders; and all the beaterios
whose inmates were not devoted to educational or hospital labors.

[27] "In Filipinas the peseta is worth only 32 cuartos." (Vidal y
Soler, Viajes por Jagor, p. 227; published in 1874.)

[28] Soon after his return to Spain he published a book (Cádiz, 1839)
relating his experiences as governor of Filipinas.

[29] Camba's wife died, three months after their arrival at Manila;
and at her funeral certain military honors were paid her, as provided
in the regulations of affairs in the Indias, and these were promptly
approved by the home government. Camba's enemies, however, accused
him at Madrid of having had the same honors paid to his wife as were
customary with royal persons; and, at the time, the artillery officials
demanded from him pay for the powder used on that occasion. (Note by
Montero y Vidal.)

[30] In conjunction with the Audiencia, he commissioned a magistrate,
Francisco Otín y Duazo, to draw up new "Ordinances of good government,"
in 1838. (Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 360.)

[31] Montero y Vidal says (iii, p. 21): "On March 21, 1840, the
Economic Society of Friends of the Country made a grant of 500 pesos
to Father Blanco for the expenses of printing and publishing the Flora
which bears his name." In 1845 a second edition appeared, corrected
and enlarged by the author himself; and a third edition was issued
(1877-80) at the cost of the Augustinian order. This last was in four
volumes, a limited edition, with an atlas (in two volumes) containing
478 colored plates; it also included a previously unpublished MS. on
Philippine botany, written late in the sixteenth century, and an
appendix prepared by the editors of Blanco (Fathers Andrés Naves and
Celestino Fernández-Villar) in which they endeavored to coördinate
Blanco's species with those of other authors and to enumerate all the
species of Philippine plants then known. See an account of Blanco's
work and that of his later editors, with estimate of the scientific
value of both, in Review of the Identifications of Species Described
in Blanco's "Flora" (Manila, 1905), by Elmer D. Merrill, botanist of
the Bureau of Government Laboratories at Manila.

[32] In Retana's Periodismo filipino (pp. 566, 567) Torres y Lanzas
describes some copies of this periodical, dated October 5-November 9,
1839, and January 23-February 6, 1841; he cites a letter by Urréjola
to show that Precios corrientes was published weekly, beginning July 6,
1839, by private enterprise.

[33] By a later royal decree, the fiscal was to settle any case of
disagreement between the two censors, and any books seized by the
authorities should be only sent back to the shipper, and not kept by
them--the archbishop having demanded that confiscated books should
be surrendered to him. (Note by Montero y Vidal.)

[34] The full title of this book is as follows: Remarks on the
Phillippine Islands, and on their capital Manila. 1819 to 1822. By
an Englishman. "When a traveller returneth home, let him not leave
the countries where he hath travelled altogether behind him." Lord
Bacon--Essays. Calcutta: Printed at the Baptist mission Press,
Circular Road; and sold by Messrs. W. Thacker and Co. St. Andrew's
Library. 1828.

Opposite the title-page is a folding map, entitled "Map of the province
of Tondo." It is Spanish, dated 1819; and shows as well portions of
the adjacent provinces. The book is dedicated "To Holt Mackenzie,
Esq. This Work is respectfully inscribed, by his obedient humble
servant, The Author. Calcutta, March, 1828."

Notes signed "Eds." are supplied by the Editors; the rest are those
of the author himself. The original text is reproduced as exactly
as possible.

[35] Besides the references already given, see J. Roth's sketch
of the geology of the Philippines, in appendix to Jagor's Reisen,
pp. 333-354.--Eds.

[36] The Bureau of Government Laboratories at Manila published, during
1902-05, a valuable series of bulletins on various topics in botany,
ornithology, biology, diseases of man and beast, etc., and another
series was published by the Mining Bureau; the former bureau is now
replaced by the Bureau of Science.--Eds.

[37] In the environs of Manila, a monument is erected to the memory
of ..., [37-A] a Spanish naturalist of unwearied industry, and it is
said, great talents, sent out by government to examine the Phillippine
Islands. After seven years' incessant labour, he died of a fever, and
at his death his manuscripts, which are all written in cyphers, were
taken possession of by the government; they are said yet to remain
buried in the archives of 'la Secretaria,' having never been sent
to Europe!

[37-A] Apparently referring to Antonio Pineda (VOL. L, p. 61); but he
died only three years after leaving Spain. In the expedition to
which he was attached, he was director of the department of natural
sciences; he was accompanied by Louis Née, a Frenchman naturalized
in Spain. They visited Uruguay, Patagonia, Chile, Peru, and Nueva
España; and in Chile were joined by the Hungarian naturalist, Tadeo
Haenke (who, reaching Cádiz after their vessel sailed, was obliged
to sail to South America to meet them). From Acapulco they went to
Marianas and Filipinas; and journeyed (1791) through Luzón from
Sorsogón to Manila. Pineda labored diligently in Luzón, and made large
collections; but died at Badoc, in Ilocos, in 1792; his brother Arcadio
Pineda, who was first lieutenant of the ship, was charged to put in
order the materials collected by Antonio, but many of these were lost
on the return journey. Returning to South America, at Callao Haenke and
Née parted company; the former again traveled in America, but in the
vicissitudes of these journeys much of the material collected by him
was lost or spoiled. The residue was classified and described, after
his death, by the leading botanists of Europe, and this matter was
published in a work entitled Reliquiæ Haenkeane, seu descriptiones et
icones plantarum quæ in America meridionali et boreali in insulis
Philippinis et Marianis collegit Thaddeus Haenke, Philosophiæ Doctor,
Phytographus Regis Hispaniæ (Pragæ, 1825-35). Née went from Concepción,
Chile, overland to Montevideo, and thence to Spain; and in September,
1794, he reached Cádiz, with a herbarium of 10,000 plants, of which
4,000 were new ones. These were preserved in the Botanical Gardens at
Madrid, with more than 300 drawings. See Ramón Jordana y Morera's
Bosquejo geográfico é historico-natural del archipiélago filipino
(Madrid, 1885), pp. 356-358, 361; and José Gogorza y González's Datos
para la fauna filipina (Madrid, 1888), p. 2.--Eds.

[38] The loftiest peak in Mindoro is Mount Halcón, said to be 8,800
feet in height. The most prominent volcano in the archipelago is Mayón,
7,916 feet high, in Albay, Luzon; in Negros is another volcano, called
Canlaón, 8,192 feet high. In Panay the highest peak is Madiaás, 7,264
feet; and in Mindanao is the loftiest peak in the entire archipelago,
the almost extinct volcano of Apo, which rises to 10,312 feet. See
the chapter on "Mountains and rivers," in Census of Philippines, i,
pp. 00-73.--Eds.

[39] Le Gentil says (Voyage, ii, p. 29): "This animal [the hog] is so
common there that they even use its fat for sauces, ragouts, and fried
articles; for butter is not known in Manila, and there is very little
use of milk there. The Manilans doubtless find less difficulty (for in
that climate people are very fond of repose) in using pork fat in their
food than in rearing and keeping cattle and making butter. This sort
of food, joined to the heat and the great humidity of that country,
occasions serious dysentery in many persons." He adds (p. 123):
"The venereal disease (or 'French disease,' as they call it, I know
not why), is very common there [in Manila]; but they do not die from
it; the great heat and copious perspiration enable people to live at
Manila with this malady, they marry without being frightened at it,
and the evil passes by inheritance to their children; it is a sort of
heritage with which but few European families are not stained."--Eds.

[40] Le Gentil thus speaks of the placer-mining practiced by the
Indians in Luzon (Voyage, ii, p. 32): "It is true that this sort
of life shortens the days of these wretched people; as they are
perpetually in the water, they swell, and soon die. Besides that,
the friars say that it is their experience that the Indians who lead
that sort of life have no inclination to follow the Christian life,
and that they give much trouble to the ministers of God who instruct
them. Despite that, it is to the friars and to the alcaldes that
these Indians sell their gold."--Eds.

[41] In his "Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon," Worcester calls
attention to the various indefinite modes of using the word "tribe,"
among ethnological writers, and proposes (p. 803) the following
definition as a means of securing clearness and accuracy therein:
"A division of a race composed of an aggregate of individuals of
a kind and of a common origin, agreeing among themselves in, and
distinguished from their congeners by, physical characteristics,
dress, and ornaments; the nature of the communities which they form;
peculiarities of house architecture; methods of hunting, fishing, and
carrying on agriculture; character and importance of manufactures;
practices relative to war and the taking of heads of enemies; arms
used in warfare; music and dancing, and marriage and burial customs;
but not constituting a political unit subject to the control of any
single individual nor necessarily speaking the same dialect." He adds:
"Where different dialects prevail among the members of a single
tribe it should be subdivided into dialect groups." He also says
(p. 798): "It was the usage of the Spaniards to designate as a tribe
each group of people which had a dialect, more or less peculiar, of
its own. Furthermore, the custom which is widespread among the hill
people of northern Luzon of shouting out the name of a settlement
when they desire to call for one or more persons belonging to it,
seems in many instances to have led the Spaniards to adopt settlement
names as tribal ones, even when there were no differences of dialect
between the peoples thus designated."--Eds.

[42] The fullest and most authoritative account of the Negritos is,
of course, the monograph by W. A. Reed, The Negritos of Zambales,
published by the Philippine Ethnological Survey. See also Worcester's
account of them in his "Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon,"
in Philippine Journal of Science, October, 1906, pp. 805 et seq.--Eds.

[43] See Le Gentil, Voyage aux Indes.

[44] Is not this, or something resembling it, a custom of the natives
of Australasia?

[45] See Herrera and Ant. de Solis, Hist. of Mexico.

[46] The negro of the east appears to have amalgamated with some other
family. On the south coasts of Australasia, they resemble in many
points the people just described. This continues to be the case as far
as Cape Capricorn. To the northward of this, as far as Murray's Islands
in Torres Straits, they are a stout, tall, athletic race of men, [46-A]
and as hairy on the face and body as Europeans, with long hair, and
without the negro cast of countenance. This race may be traced by
intervals to Ternate, Gilolo, &c., where they are called Harraforas;
[46-B] but none are found in the Phillippines (unless the Ylocos have
some relationship to them). Is not the native of New Ireland and Queen
Charlotte's Islands too of this race? [46-C] The difference between
them is most striking. The one are dwarfish negroes, the others almost
black Europeans. Both are essentially different from the Malay family,
and not only so, but from each other (the native of Amboyna, I think,
forms the link between them) and this difference is apparently
anatomical, in the shape of the skull, facial angles, &c.

We are as yet in the infancy of our knowledge of the origin of these
various families of the human race: like that of languages, it will
in all probability remain one more of conjecture than of fact; but it
is still a subject of deep interest. I have heard from respectable
authority, that the language of Cagayan, the most northern province
but one of the island of Luzon, the men of which are tail, stout,
olive-coloured, almost beardless, and proverbial for their mildness,
peaceable behaviour, and fidelity, so much resembles that of the
Sandwich islanders, that some of these at Manila found no difficulty
in making the Cagayan servants understand them! The province of Ylocos
is the next to this to the north, and forms the north coast of the
island. The Ylocos are black, short-bearded men, and noted for their
insubordination and dissipated character.

[46-A] The writer of this memoir has, on the coast of New Holland,
between Cape Capricorn and Endeavour Straits, had occasion to know this
fact. A party of these savages attacked the captain and supercargo of
a vessel in which he was an officer, and they were repulsed only by
firearms. The account of them given by the supercargo, and indeed by
all the party attacked, uniformly agreed in describing them as the
finest made and strongest looking men possible. Their bodies were
also very hairy.

[46-B] The term "Haraforas" is applied to the Subanos of Mindanao by
Captain Forrest; from his Voyage, pp. 266, 268, 271, 273, 278-282, we
obtain the following interesting and first-hand information about
that people:

"The vassals of the Sultan, and of others, who possess great estates,
are called Kanakan. Those vassals are sometimes Mahometans, though
mostly Haraforas ["who are also called Subanos, or Oran Manubo,"
p. 186]. The latter only may be sold with the lands, but cannot be sold
off the lands. The Haraforas are more opprest than the former. The
Mahometan vassals are bound to accompany their lords, on any sudden
expedition; but the Haraforas being in a great measure excused from
such attendance, pay yearly certain taxes, which are not expected from
the Mahometan vassals. They pay a boiss, or land tax. A Harafora family
pays ten battels of paly (rough rice) forty lb. each; three of rice,
about sixty lb.; one fowl, one bunch of plantains, thirty roots,
called clody, or St. Helena yam, and fifty heads of Indian corn. I
give this as one instance of the utmost that is ever paid. Then
they must sell fifty battels of paly, equal to two thousand pound
weight, for one kangan. So at Dory, or New Guinea, one prong, value
half a dollar, or one kangan, given to a Harafora, lays a perpetual
tax on him. Those vassals at Magindano have what land they please;
and the Mahometans on the sea coast, whether free or kanakan, live
mostly by trading with the Haraforas, while their own gardens produce
them betel nuts, coco nuts, and greens. They seldom grow any rice,
and they discourage as far as they can, the Haraforas from going to
Mindano, to sell the produce of their plantations. On the banks of
the Pelangy and Tamantakka, the Mahometans grow much rice. The boiss
is not always collected in fruits of the earth only. A tax-gatherer,
who arrived at Coto Intang, when I was there, gave me the following
list of what he had brought from some of Rajah Moodo's crown lands,
being levied on perhaps five hundred families. 2870 battels of paly,
of forty lb. each; 490 Spanish dollars; 160 kangans; 6 tayls of gold,
equal to 30 l [sterling]; 160 Malons: a cloth made of the plantain
tree, three yards long, and one broad. This last mentioned cloth is
the usual wear of the country women, made in the form of a Bengal
lungy, or Buggess [i.e., Bugis] cloth, being a wide sack without a
bottom; and is often used as a currency in the market. The currency
in most parts of the country, is the Chinese kangan, coarse cloth,
thinly woven, nineteen inches broad, and six yards long; the value at
Sooloo is ten dollars for a bundle of twenty-five sealed up; and at
Magindano much the same; but at Magindano dollars are scarce. These
bundles are called gandangs, rolled up in a cylindrical form. They
have also, as a currency, kousongs, a kind of nankeen, dyed black;
and kompow, a strong white Chinese linen, made of flax; of which
more particularly hereafter. The kangans generally come from Sooloo;
so they are got at second hand: for the Spaniards have long hindered
Chinese junks, bound from Amoy to Magindano, to pass Samboangan. This
is the cause of so little trade at Magindano, no vessels sailing
from Indostan thither; and the little trade is confined to a few
country Chinese, called Oran Sangly, and a few Soolooans who come
hither to buy rice and paly, bringing with them Chinese articles: for
the crop of rice at Sooloo can never be depended on. In the bazar,
or market, the immediate currency is paly. Ten gantangs of about
four pounds each, make a battel; and three battels (a cylindrical
measure, thirteen inches and five-tenths high; the same in diameter)
about one hundred and twenty pounds of paly, are commonly sold for
a kangan. Talking of the value of things here, and at Sooloo, they
say, such a house or prow, &c., is worth so many slaves; the old
valuation being one slave for thirty kangans. They also specify in
their bargains, whether is meant matto (eye) kangan, real kangan,
or nominal kangan. The dealing in the nominal, or imaginary kangan,
is an ideal barter. When one deals for the real kangans, they must
be examined; and the gandangs, or bundles of twenty-five pieces, are
not to be trusted, as the dealers will often forge a seal, having
first packed up damaged kangans. In this the Chinese here, and at
Sooloo, are very expert. The China cash at Magindano, named pousin,
have holes as in China. I found them scarce; their price is from one
hundred and sixty to one hundred and eighty for a kangan. At Sooloo
is coined a cash of base copper, called petis, of which two hundred,
down to one hundred and seventy, go for a kangan."

"On Sooloo are no Haraforas. The Haraforas on Magindano make a strong
cloth, not of cotton, but of a kind of flax, very like what the Batta
people wear on the coast of Sumatra." "One day near Tubuan, a Harafora
brought down some paddy from the country: I wanted to purchase it;
but the head man of the village, a Magindanoer, would not permit him
to sell it me. I did not dispute the point; but found afterwards, the
poor Harafora had sold about three hundred pounds of paly for a prong,
or chopping knife." "They all seem to be slaves to the Magindano
people: for these take what they please, fowls or anything in the
house they like best; and if the owners seem angry, threaten to tie
them up, and flog them." "The inhabitants of this country [of the
Illanos] have generally their name from the lake [i.e., Lake Lanao]
on which they reside. The inlanders dwell chiefly towards the East,
where are said to be thirty thousand men, intermixed in many places
with the Haraforas, who seem to be the primitives of the island. On
the north coast of Magindano, the Spaniards have had great success,
in converting to Christianity those Haraforas. Their agreeing in one
essential point, the eating of hog's flesh, may, in a great measure,
have paved the way."

"The Magindano people sell to the Haraforas iron chopping knives,
called prongs, cloth, salt, &c., for their rice and other fruits
of the earth. For the Haraforas dread going to sea, else they could
carry the produce of their lands to a better market. They are much
imposed on, and kept under by their Mahometan lords; and are all
tributary to the Sultan, or to some Rajah Rajah (noblemen) under
him. Their system proves thus the feudal." "The Haraforas are thinly
scattered; and, being all tributary, many together seldom stay long
at one place. This cannot be for want of water, pasture, or fertile
ground; as with the Tartars on the continent of Asia. On this island,
almost every spot is covered either with timber, brushwood, reeds,
or grass; and streams are found every where in abundance. Nor can it
be to avoid wild beasts; there are none on the island: a good cause
why deer, wild horses and other wild cattle are found in so many
parts of it. I suspect that the Haraforas are often so opprest that
some have wisely got inland, beyond the tax-gatherer's ken."

Evidently Forrest and the writer of the Remarks had in mind two
different peoples, to whom they applied the term Haraforas. Crawfurd
explains this name (Dictionary Ind. Islands, p. 10) as a corruption of
Alforas; it is "not a native word at all, nor is it the generic name
of any people whatsoever. It is a word of the Portuguese language,
apparently derived from the Arabic article al, and the preposition
fora, 'without.' The Indian Portuguese applied it to all people
beyond their own authority, or who were not subdued by them, and
consequently to the wild races of the interior. It would seem to be
equivalent to the 'Indios bravos' of the Spaniards, as applied to the
wild and unconquered tribes of America and the Philippines."--Eds.

[46-C] And that groupe to which Quiros, Mendana, or Torres gave the
name of "Yslas de Gente Hermosa"? [Still thus named on modern charts;
see Voyages of Quiros (Hakluyt Society's publications, London, 1904),
pp. xxiv, 217, 424, 431.--Eds.

[47] Our author here confuses the Spanish name "Pintados" (literally,
"painted," referring to their tattooed bodies) with the native name,
"Bisayas," both being indifferently applied to the islands south
of Luzon.--Eds.

[48] See Sir William Draper's dispatches at the siege of Manila.

[49] Was it not by this system (the mita) that the mines and
plantations of Mexico were wrought? and Mexico,--that Mexico which
the Spaniards of Cortes in the 15th century called New Spain,--became
nearly a desert?

[50] A higher and purer praise is due to this gentleman than having
written the work alluded to: it is that he acted on its spirit, and
first taught the "red man" to know himself as man, and (a far more
arduous undertaking), he taught the white man that his prosperity
was essentially connected with that of the native. The country
in which the foundations of our power were laid on such a basis,
should not have been given away like a ministerial snuff-box. [50-A]

[50-A] Java was conquered by England in 1811, but was restored to
Holland five years later. During that time the island was governed
by Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles (1781-1826), who published a History
of Java (London, 1817); he was afterward governor of the English
settlements in Sumatra (1818-24), in both these posts ruling with
great ability and vigor and an enlightened and liberal mind. Gilbert
Elliot, Baron Minto, a noted English statesman, was governor-general
of India during 1807-13, and went with Raffles to Java to organize
its government.--Eds.

[51] See Descripcion Geografica y Topografica de la Ysla de Luzon,
Por Don Yldefonso de Arragon, Parte IV. Prov. de la Pampanga, p. 3,
5, &c. The author is a colonel of engineers. [In 1818-20, he was
chief of the topographical bureau at Manila.--Eds.]

[52] Ibid.

[53] "Estos (Pueblos) aunque immediatos a las orillas de la mar,
estén libres de las invasiones de los Moros; la espesura de las
Manglares occulta y hace dificil la entrada, &c."

"These (towns), though close to the sea shore, are free from the
invasions of the Moors (pirates); the thickness of the mangroves
conceal and render the entrances difficult." The writer is speaking of
towns, of which none are more than 20 miles from Manila!-- Descripcion
Geog. y Topograf.

[54] The writer was once obliged to arm all his servants against 16
soldiers with their muskets from a neighboring military post. The two
parties remained some minutes with their arms levelled at each other,
when a parley was begun, which ended the affair without bloodshed. The
origin of the quarrel was a dispute at cockfighting between his
servants and the soldiers.

[55] Such are, for example, Nuestra Señora de Antipolo, about 20 miles
east of Manila, and the Santo Niño (Holy Child) of Zebû: to both of
these it is reckoned almost indispensable to make a pilgrimage: the
natives of Luzon to the first, which is about 25 miles from Manila;
and those of all the Bisayas or Southern Islands to the other. From
Antipolo [55-A] alone have been sent in a single year 180,000 dollars
as the produce of the masses! And the writer has conversed with
pilgrims from the province of Ylocos! In all cases of peril and
difficulty, a vow is made to one of these saints, which is seldom
left unfulfilled. The crew of a small vessel of men offered 54 dollars
for masses at the convent of St. Augustin (I think), on the day of the
feast del Santo Niño.

[55-A] For detailed account of the shrine at Antipolo, its worship,
miracles, etc., see Murillo Velarde's Hist. de Philipinas, fol.
210v-229v; and in the engraved frontispiece to that work may be seen
a representation of the statue of the Virgin of Antipolo (see our
VOL. XLIV, opposite titlepage).--Eds.

[56] This word is defined by the Standard Dictionary (New York, 1895)
as a Scottish slang word meaning "unlawful sexual intercourse." It is
apparently allied to the obsolete Northumbrian word "houghen-moughen,"
meaning "greedy, ravenous"--see Wright's English Dialect Dictionary,
iii (London, 1902), p. 247.--Eds.

[57] Nothing has stamped the character of the Manila Indian with
greater atrocity in the eyes of Englishmen, than their frequent
appeals to assassination (the knife) in cases of supposed or actual
wrongs. How long is it since dirks were laid aside, because useless,
in Scotland? When men cannot appeal immediately to a magistrate,
they appeal to themselves. Duels too are another kind of appeals of
the same sort.

[58] "At Manila, therefore, a doctor [of law] is a species of
phenomenon, and many years pass without one of them being seen; in
two universities there is no doctor, while in 1767 there was but one
competitor for the doctoral of the cathedral. Yet it must be noted
that this competitor was a Mexican, and was not born in Manila. Of
what use, therefore, are two universities in this city? Would not a
single one be more than enough? One who knows Latin is greatly esteemed
in Manila, because that language is not common there, in spite of the
two universities which I have just mentioned; what is learned in those
institutions is very poor, and is only imperfectly understood. When
I arrived there, a great many persons asked me if I knew Latin, and
when I answered that I knew a little of it they apparently had after
that more respect for me. All the ancient prejudices of the schools
seem to have abandoned us of Europe only to take refuge at Manila,
where certainly they have long remained, for the ancient doctrine is
there in too good hands to give place to sound ideas of physics. Don
Feliciano Marqués often honestly confessed to me that in Spain they
were a hundred years behind France, in the sciences; and that at
Manila they were a hundred years behind Spain. One can judge, by
that, of the present state of physics at Manila, in the midst of
two universities. In that city electricity is known only by name,
and the Holy Office of the Inquisition has prohibited experiments
in that line. I knew there a Frenchman, a surgeon by profession,
a man of parts and of inquiring mind, who was threatened with the
Inquisition for having tried to make such experiments; but I think
that what really drew upon him this ill-fortune was the experiment
of the "little friar." [This simple experiment in physics was made
with a little figure resembling a friar; it had never before been
seen in Manila, and everybody ran to look at it and laugh.] "This
experiment of the surgeon, who made his little friar dance, and
sometimes sink to the bottom of the vial by way of correcting him,
drew upon him the displeasure of the entire body of religious with
whom Manila swarms; there was talk of the Holy Office, and it was said
that the surgeon's experiment was a case for the Inquisition. The
surgeon, therefore--whose only intention in the experiment was to
vex the friars who had prevented him from making his experiments in
electricity--was compelled to cease his pleasantry, and Manila had to
express its detestation of the pleasure that it had taken in seeing the
experiment." [The author was visited by many people at his observatory,
who desired to see the sun and the planets through his telescope;]
"the women were even more curious than the men about the rare things
which I showed them, and which I took pleasure in explaining to them;
but not a single religious came to visit my observatory." (Le Gentil,
Voyage, ii, pp. 96, 97.)--Eds.

[59] See El Yndio Agraciado (The aggrieved Indian), a
pamphlet published at Manila in 1821, but suppressed by order of
government. [59-A]

[59-A] Pardo de Tavera says of this pamphlet, in his Biblioteca
Filipina, p. 146: "It attacks one Don M. G., a Philippine Spaniard,
who was allowed to propose a plan of studies which was not much
to the liking of the Filipino Indians. As appears by the title of
this pamphlet, there existed in Manila at that time a publication
(probably weekly) called El noticioso Filipino. [See also Tavera's
account of this sheet, at foot of the same page, which he regards
as the first periodical which appeared in Manila]. Doubtless the
former was the doing of some friar, who took the name of 'Indian'
in order to express himself more freely."--Eds.

[60] This distinction should never be lost sight of. The Indian of
Manila, from whom strangers generally form their estimate of this
people, is so mixed, that a genuine Indian (Malay) family is scarcely
to be met with; they are a mixture of Indian, Chinese, Japanese,
Mexican (from the troops), seamen of different nations, and Spaniards
besides, "Toutes les Capitales se ressemblent, et çe n'est pas d'eux
qu'il faut juger les moeurs d'un peuple quelconque." [60-A] --Rousseau.
Let it never be forgotten, too, that while the Indians of Manila, on
the 9th of October, 1820, were assassinating every foreigner within
their reach, the Indians of the country were saving those in their
power at the hazard of their lives!

[60-A] That is, "All capital cities are alike, and it is not by them
that the morals of any people should be judged."--Eds.

[61] The following statements regarding the native character
are made by Ramon Reyes Lala (The Philippine Islands, New York,
1899, pp. 80-87), himself a Filipino: "The first thing that
in the native character impresses the traveler is his impassive
demeanor and imperturbable bearing. He is a born stoic, a fatalist
by nature. This accounts for his coolness in moments of danger,
and his intrepid bearing against overwhelming odds. This feature
of the Malay character has often been displayed in the conflicts
of the race with the Europeans in the East Indies. Under competent
leadership the native, though strongly averse to discipline, can be
made a splendid soldier. As sailors, too, I do not believe they can
be equaled." "As a result of the stoicism of the native character,
he never bewails a misfortune, and has no fear of death." "Europeans
often seem to notice in them what they deem a lack of sympathy for
the misfortunes of others; but it is not this so much as resignation
to the inevitable." "The educated native, however, impregnated with
the bitter philosophy of the civilized world, is by no means so
imperturbable. While more keenly alive to the sufferings of others,
he is also more sensitive to his own sorrows." "Incomprehensible
inconsistencies obtain in nearly every native. Students of character
may, therefore, study the Filipinos for years, and yet, at last, have
no definite impression of their mental or moral status. Of course,
those living in the cities are less baffling to the physiognomist
and the ethnologist; for endemic peculiarities have been so rubbed
off or modified that the racial traits are not obvious. But observe
the natives, in their primitive abodes, where civilizing forces
have not penetrated! You will then be amazed at the extraordinary
mingling and clashing of antithetical characteristics in one and
the same person; uncertain as to whether the good or the bad may
be manifested. Like the wind, the mood comes and goes, and no one
can tell why. I myself, with all the inherited feelings, tastes, and
tendencies of my countrymen--modified and transmuted [by his education
and long residence in Europe and America], happily--have stood
aghast or amused at some hitherto unknown characteristic manifesting
itself in an intimate acquaintance; and after I had been for years,
too, wholly ignorant of his being so possessed or obsessed. And
after that, the same mental or moral squint would be displayed at
irregular intervals." "His indolence is the result of generations of
tropical ancestors. Besides, deprived by the Spaniards from all active
participation in affairs of the Government, and robbed of the fruits of
industry, all incentive to advancement and progress was taken away. He
therefore yields with composure to the crushing conditions of his
environment, preferring the lazy joys of indolence rather than labor
for the benefit of his oppressors. Naturally. Recent events, however,
show that, given the stimulant of hope, even the 'indolent natives' of
the Philippines can achieve and nobly dare. Some Spaniards also have
asserted that the Filipinos are naturally disloyal and treacherous,
and that their word is not to be depended on. Now, the whole world
knows that they have every reason to be disloyal to the Spaniard,
who has for centuries so cruelly oppressed them. The devotion to
the cause of freedom, however, which has recently made Rizal and
hundreds of others martyrs to Spanish cruelty, shows that they also
have the stuff that heroes are made of, and that they ran be loyal to
an animating principle." "Though calm, the native is not secretive,
but often loquacious. He is naturally curious and inquisitive, but
always polite, and respectful withal--especially to his superiors. He
is passionate, and, in common with all half-civilized races, is
cruel to his foes. The quality of mercy, like the sentiment--as
distinguished from the passion--of love, is perhaps more the product
of the philosophy of civilization than a natural attribute of the
human heart." "All travelers unite in attributing to the natives
extreme family affection. They are very fond of their children; who,
as a rule, are respectful and well-behaved. The noisy little hoodlums
of European and American cities are utterly unknown. The old are
tenderly cared for, and venerated; while in almost every well-to-do
household are one or two poor relatives who, while mere hangers-on,
are nevertheless made welcome to the table of their host. Indeed, the
hospitality of the Filipinos is proverbial. A guest is always welcome,
and welcome to the best. As a rule, the people are superstitious and
very credulous; but how could they be otherwise? For three hundred
years they have been denied even the liberty of investigation; when no
light, save the dim glimmer of priestcraft pierced the utter darkness
of their lot. Those that have been educated, however, have proved
apt converts--only too apt, say the priests and the Spaniards--to the
conclusions of science and of modern research. The native is rarely
humorous, and seldom witty. He is not easily moved to anger, and when
angry does not often show it. When he does, like the Malay of Java,
he is prone to lose all control of himself, and, with destructive
energy, slays all in his path. This is infrequent, however, but is a
contingency that may occur at any time. If a native has been unjustly
punished, he will never forget it, and will treasure the memory of his
wrong until a good opportunity for revenge presents itself. Like all
courageous people, he despises cowardice and pusillanimity. He has,
therefore, but little regard for the meek and humble Chinaman, who
will pocket an insult rather than avenge himself. He greatly esteems
the European, who is possessed of the qualities which he admires,
and will follow him into the very jaws of death. He is easily awed
by a demonstration of superior force, and is ruled best by mild but
firm coercion, based upon justice. He is not often ambitious, save
socially, and to make some display, being fond of ceremony and of the
pomp and glitter of a procession. He is sober, patient, and always
clean. This can be said of few peoples. He easily adjusts himself to
new conditions, and will soon make the best of their surroundings. As
servants they are honest, obedient, and will do as they are told. It
must be said that they enjoy litigation more than is good for them or
for the best interests of the colony. There must be some psychological
reason for this. It doubtless gives some play to the subtlety of the
Oriental mind. It is said that he lacks the sense of initiative, and
to some extent this may be true. The recent conduct of Aguinaldo--a
full-blooded native--proves, notwithstanding, that he is not wholly
deficient in aggressiveness nor in organizing power."

Lala adds (pp. 157, 158): "I have talked with many rude, untutored
natives that, frankly, astonished me with the unwitting revelation
of latent poetry, love of imagery, and spiritual longings in their
nature."--Eds.

[62] Such is, although in somewhat varying degree, the condition of
half-caste classes everywhere. A vivid picture of their condition
in India, which may illustrate that of the mestizos in Filipinas,
is found in a book entitled That Eurasian (Chicago, 1905), by "Aleph
Bey," the pseudonym of an American writer who had spent many years in
India; he depicts, in terms both vigorous and pathetic, the origin,
difficulties, and degraded condition of the Eurasians (or half-castes)
there, and the oppression and cruel treatment which they encounter
from the dominant white class.--Eds.

[63] "To be born in Spain was enough to secure one marked tokens of
respect; but this advantage was not transmitted. The children who first
saw the light in that other world no longer bear the name of chapetons,
which honored their fathers; they become simply creóles." (Raynal,
Etablissemens et commerce des Européens, ii, p. 290.)--Eds.

[64] I am perhaps not quite correct here. [Mas states (Informe, ii,
"Administration of Justice," p. 1), that the limit for civil suits
was 100 pesos fuertes.--Eds.]

[65] It will be understood that these sureties have their share in
the advantages, that is plunder, which the Alcalde derives from the
government. This often amounts to 20, 30, or even 50,000 dollars
in three or four years--though at the time of their leaving Manila,
they are in debt to a large amount. It is but just to observe, that
there are some few honorable exceptions.

[66] This is a typographical error; the reference to Comyn work is
on p. 13 of Remarks.--Eds.

[67] Even from Spanish writers: see Zuniga's History, Morillo [i.e.,
Murillo Velarde], and others. Le Gentil (who names his informants,
men of the first respectability), La Peyrouse, &c. Many public papers
of the government bear witness to these abuses.

"El Alcalde de aqui Señor! (said an old Indian to the writer at
Zebú), le quitará los dientes de la boca a S. Md." "The Alcaldé here,
Sir!--He'll take the teeth out of your worship's mouth." This was
not too strong an expression.

[68] They are well aware of the extent of their influence, and even at
times speak of it. "Si aqui manda su tropa el Rey, se vayan los Indios
al monte, pero si yo cerro las puertas de la Iglesia los tengo todos
a mis pies en veinte quatro horas." "If the king sends troops here,
the Indians will retire to the mountains and forests. But if I shut
the church doors, I shall have them all at my feet in twenty-four
hours," was the remark of an intelligent "frayle" to the writer.

[69] Le Gentil says (Voyage, ii, p. 2): "Every order of religious has,
then, taken possession of these provinces, which they have, so to say,
shared among themselves. In some sort, they command therein, and they
are more kings than the king himself. They have been so shrewd as to
learn the dialects of the various peoples among whom they reside, and
not to teach the Castilian language to them; thus the religious are
absolute masters over the minds of the Indians in these islands."--Eds.

[70] Those who can see only inquisitors in Catholic bishops will be
a little incredulous of one of them checking an attempt to convert
a Protestant! This happened to the writer, who found himself one
evening seated between an Indian clerigo and the bishop of Zebû,
an aged and most worthy prelate. The Indian father, to show his
zeal for the faith, attacked me on the subject of religion with
the usual arguments of ignorant friars, till I was on the point of
quitting the room to avoid answering. "My son," said the old prelate
to the Indian--"we are here to convert the Indians, not to annoy the
strangers who may visit us. I will send this gentleman some books,
and I doubt not they will duly prepare his mind to see the errors of
the Protestant church, and then we may hope for success with him!"

[71] "Yo hé llorado de ansias de ver à un Europeo!" "How often has the
desire of seeing an European made me weep!" was the pathetic remark
of a most worthy minister to the writer of these remarks.--This man
had been 27 years on one small island!

[72] "Insanity is the fashionable disease [at Manila], and a great
many persons are attacked by it; but it prevails more generally among
the women and the religious--the latter most of all, and they are very
subject to it. The life which they lead contributes greatly to this:
to be always shut up, in a climate so hot, eating scanty and poor food,
and much given to study; perhaps also there is some grief at finding
themselves banished and shut in so far away [from Spain]. All these
causes make the brain grow hot, and madness follows. Nearly all the
religious who go to the Philippines arrive there while young.... As for
the women, their natural infirmity may, at a certain age, conduce to
insanity, with which a great many are stricken." (Le Gentil, Voyage,
ii, pp. 130, 131.)--Eds.

[73] They have already conducted them to scenes of the last indecency
and even bloodshed. See Martini's Hist.

The Inquisition has been but little felt in the Philippines of late
years. A tribunal existed, but it was merely nominal, and held only
"in terrorem." It was not wanted as a political engine; and as a
religious one, there was little use for it amongst a people who will
believe any thing and every thing. The Grand Inquisitor, during the
last 25 years, is a man universally beloved!--the Padre Coro.

[74] This is, according to Montero y Vidal (Archipiélago filipino,
p. 72), the name applied by Linnæus to the Caryota onusta of Blanco,
generally called cabonegro by the Spaniards (see VOL. XVIII, p. 177);
but the list of fiber plants in Official Handbook of Philippines
applies to that tree (p. 332) the name Caryota urens L. The natives
also make various sorts of wine and brandy from the sap of the
cocoanut palm (Cocos nucifera); see Delgado's Historia general,
pp. 645-648, 664.--Eds.

[75] There is an instance (I think in the province of Pampanga) of
a negro tribe, who annually pay their tribute--but upon the express
condition that no missionaries are to be sent!

[76] "Bulas." Surely this most absurd of all impositions on the
credulity of a people, should be abolished, or at least imposed in
a less objectionable manner. The "Bula de Cruzada" (originally a
contribution to the wars against the Infidels), for which is granted
permission to eat meat and eggs in Lent, or benefits to the souls
in purgatory ("Bula de Difuntos"), from the Pope is an article of
revenue to the king of Spain. His Most Catholic Majesty farms it to
one of his subjects, who rather than lose a rial of his bargain, will
sell them to Chinese, Turks, or Hindoos, if they are fools enough to
buy them, as the Chinese have been known to do for the souls of their
ancestors!--Quere: What has become of the original intention of these
precious documents? of which a modern Spanish author has remarked,
"Que es el papel mas caro y mas malo que se vende." It is the worst
and dearest paper that is sold, (Gallardo Dicc. Critico Burlesco). It
is, however, an indispensable condition to the performance of many
of the offices of religion to have the last published bull. See
Manila Almanack.

[77] In 1810, the total of receipts was 1,466,610 dollars.

[78] Such assertions demand some evidence in support of them. A very
recent case has occurred, wherein the colonel of a militia regiment
(of Chinese descent), having some dispute with a French gentleman,
and high words taking place, called up the guard stationed at his door,
it is supposed to flog him! The French gentleman having procured some
weapon, kept the whole guard at bay, together with their gallant
colonel. Muskets were levelled at him, and he probably would have
been assassinated, but for the interference of some of the family,
and his own firmness! Complaint was made of this, but no notice was
taken of it, nor was the gallant colonel's conduct thought at all
incorrect. On the contrary it was very generally applauded!

[79] Large boats undecked, pulling from 20 to 30 oars; they carry a
four or six pounder and five or six swivels; they are fine boats and
sail fast. The gun-boats carry a long 24 or 32 pounder, and six or
eight swivels; and including marines, carry from 80 to 100 men.

[80] For recent information on this subject, see chapter on agriculture
(revised by Frank Lamson-Scribner, chief of Bureau of Agriculture),
in Official Handbook of Philippines, pp. 99-126; and Census of
Philippines, iv, pp. 11-394, with full description of chief products
of the islands, methods of cultivation, lists of fruits, vegetables,
and fiber plants, and detailed statistics of production, lands, etc.,
as well as of domestic animals of all kinds.--Eds.

[81] The fish principally caught is one called Dalag (Blennius?) [81-A]
This fish, common I believe to many parts of India, presents some
phenomena well worth the attention of naturalists. In these extensive
plains, only a few pools remain in the dry season; and after the rains,
such multitudes of them are found, that they are caught with baskets
only. They weigh from one to two pounds, and are from one to two feet
in length; they are found in the rice fields, when these have been
overflowed a few weeks, and strange to relate, in the graves and vaults
of churches when in damp situations, but with little or no water near
them; this fact is related on respectable authority. The fish, though
not delicate, is good, and forms a valuable article of food for the
poor.

[81-A] Montero y Vidal mentions this fish (Archipiélago filipino,
p. 107), as belonging to the genus Ophicephalus; it is "abundant
in the rivers, lakes, and pools." See also Official Handbook of
Philippines, pp. 151, 152.--Eds.

[82] They, very unaccountably, neglected any steps to procure the
martin from Bengal or Cochin China. [82-A] This might, however, have
arisen from an idea that, as in the Isle of France, the martins might
have become as great a nuisance as the locusts; but surely the
introduction of some species of hawk would have obviated this.

[82-A] Montero y Vidal says (Archipiélago filipino, p. 113) that the
family of Orthoptera, "leaf-eaters in their adult stage, are the most
fearful scourge for agriculture," perhaps the worst of these plagues
being the locust (Oedipoda manilensis; Spanish, langosta); "the
Indians use great nets to catch them, because not only the government
pays a bounty for a certain quantity of these destructive insects
which the natives may present, but they preserve the insects and use
them for food." He also states (p. 96) that a species of grackle
(Gracula) was imported from China (in the Hist. de Filipinas, ii,
p. 294, he mentions in the same connection martins [pájaros martines])
to exterminate this pest; but does not mention the time or the result
of this experiment.--Eds.

[83] See VOL. XLVIII, p. 96, note 37.--Eds.

[84] This is the Viverra Musanga. [84-A] See Horsfield's Zoology of
Java.

[84-A] Montero y Vidal states (Archipiélago filipino, pp. 86, 87) that
two species of carnivores, Paradoxurus philippinensis and P. musanga,
are dreaded by the coffee-planters; these creatures "spend the day in
holes dug in the ground, and go out at night to hunt their game." He
mentions, besides these, two species of civets, both of the genus
Viverra. Delgado says (p. 875) that he has never seen the miró
(Paradoxurus) except in the island of Leyte.--Eds.

[85] Eight rials are a Spanish dollar.

[86] The following are the common land measures in use at Manila:

La Brasa de tierra is 8 feet 1.6-10 English, (from a new government
measure); 10,000 of these, or a square of 100 each way, is a Quinion.

                   10 Balitans is a Quinion
                   10 Loanes   is a Balitan

Hence the Quinion contains 661511 16-144ths sq. ft. or 73501 2-9ths
sq. yds., [86-A] which, taking the Bengal bigha at 14400 sq. ft.,
gives about 46 bigahs, or 15 acres English.

[86-A] The quiñón = 2.79495 hectares = 6.89 acres. (Official Handbook
of Philippines, p. 294; Jagor's Reisen, p. xv.) Jagor has balístas
for balitans, and Mallat has baletas.--Eds.

Their dry measure is as follows:

8 Chupas, 1 Ganta.--25 Gantas, 1 Caban.

I could not procure a sight of the standard. A mean measurement
of several new Gantas and Cabans (for they are all clumsily made,
though sold at a government office) gave as follows:

The Caban, 4633 cubic inches English.

The Ganta, 186,878 ditto.

The mean of these two (for the first would give 185.72 to the Ganta)
is thus about 186 cub. inches to a Ganta, and 4650 to the Caban,
or 2 bushels and 1-6th Winchester measure. [86-A]

[86-A] Since January 1, 1862, the caban of Manila (established
January 1, 1860) is regarded as the standard measure for all the
provinces. It measures exactly 75 liters, or, in cubical form,
422 mm., inside measure, or 5,990.96 Spanish cubic inches. (The
caban of 1859 contained 80.00919 liters.) A caban of rice weighs
128 to 137 Spanish pounds = 59 to 63 kilograms." (Jagor's
Reisen, p. xv.)--Eds.

[87] The table here referred to is as follows:

"Estimate of the cost and annual product of one cabalita of land
planted with sugar-cane in the province of Pampanga; to wit:


                                                          p. r. gr.

For plowing the said land 6 times                          1  4
For breaking the clumps with the balsa 3 times                6
For the surrounding fence and rattan 3 p. 5 r., and
three days' work 3 r. 9 gr.                                4      9
For 4,000 cane-shoots for planting, 1 p.; tracing the
lines and making the holes, 5 r.; two days' work at
planting, 2 r. 6 gr.                                       1  7   6
For fencing twice more, and cutting out the grass             6
For 14 moulds, at 1 1/2 r.                                 2  5
For 1 1/2 tareas [= amount of mill's capacity at one
time], each of 14 loaves [pilones] of sugar, the amount
usually obtained, at 8 p. a tarea                         12
                                                          ---------
    Total cost                                            23  5   3

Selling price of a loaf of sugar, averaging those of       2  6   6
the three grades
Deduct cost of each loaf, at the rate of                   1  6   1
                                                          =========
    Net product, equivalent to 90 per cent profit          1  3   2"


Comyn gives similar tables for the production of indigo and
rice, estimating the net profit thereon at 57 and 60 per cent
respectively. He adds, on the margin of the sheet: "In favorable years
the profit of the grower is wont to increase in an extraordinary
manner. The 4,000 shoots of sugar-cane, for instance, yield him 3
tareas, or 28 loaves of sugar, in place of the 14 loaves which were
figured in the comparative estimate preceding; the cavan of seed
yields 80 and even 100 cavans of rice in the hull, in place of the
35 computed; and he obtains a quintal of indigo from 15, or even
from 10, balsadas, instead of 25 being necessary for furnishing
the said product. And if the grower is fairly well-to-do, so that
he can send his produce to the general market, and sell it to the
foreign merchants or ship-captains who come for these products, he
can obtain incomparably more for them than by delivering them upon
the ground to the middlemen. At Manila I have seen indigo from La
Laguna sold at the rate of 130 pesos a quintal for extra fine grade,
and at 100 pesos for the usual quality; sugar, at 4p. 5r. a loaf;
and palay (or rice in the hull) at 3 pesos; but I have preferred to
limit myself to a low rate in the selling price which I have assigned
to the aforesaid products in the preceding estimates, in order to
demonstrate more thoroughly the advantages which agriculture offers
in Filipinas, and at the same time to conform to practical experience
in the formation of estimates of this sort." Cf. similar estimates
by Mallat (Philippines, ii, pp. 256-281.--Eds.

[88] Pilones are large bell-shaped moulds, from 2 to 2 1/2 feet high,
and 1 1/2 broad.

[89] Some of their voyages are most curious. One or more of the
principal men in a village, sometimes 15 or 20 of them, join to build
a small "parao." On this they embark with their harvest in sugar,
cacao, wax, &c., sell it at Manila, and return to their village;
there the accounts are settled, and the return cargo distributed;
after which a feast is held, and the Santo duly thanked for the good
markets of this year, and asked for better next. All parties then
visit the vessel, which they pull to pieces! every man carrying a
piece home with him--to take care of till next season, when they are
all sewed together for another trip.

[90] At the present time there are six varieties of sugar-cane in
Filipinas; of these, the purple is considered the best, and is more
generally cultivated in the Visayas; the white and the green are
almost exclusively restricted to some provinces of Luzon and the
rural districts near Manila; the other kinds are cultivated sparingly
and in few places. The sugar manufactured in the islands is "made in
pilones (which includes nearly all from Luzon), and the granulated,
which is the kind that has been adopted in the Visayan islands and in
some Luzon plantations." The pilon weighs a quintal; the granulated
is put up in sacks (known as bayones, containing two and a half
arrobas of sugar. (José R. de Luzuriaga, in Census of Philippines,
iv, pp. 26, 27).--Eds.

[91] These last, by a royal Cedula (ordonnance), are only admitted
into the island as cultivators. This, like almost every ordonnance
of His Catholic Majesty, relative to this country, is disregarded;
and the Chinese are almost all shopkeepers, or petty merchants. Were
an impartial account of the administration of these islands to be
presented to the king of Spain, it might begin thus: "Sire,--Not
one of your Majesty's orders are executed in your kingdom of the
Philippines." [91-A]

[91-A] Cf. similar statements by Viana (letter to Carlos III)
and Anda (Memorial), in VOL. L.--Eds.

[92] This case actually occurred to one of the most respectable
military officers in the Spanish service, now a captain in the Queen's
Regiment, whose name is Don M---- de O----. This gentleman, a man
of high spirit, and one of the few Spaniards in Manila who are an
ornament to their profession, bearing the king's commission, and in
pursuit of the robbers, suddenly fell in with a noted chief of them,
when accompanied only by a piquet of infantry. The robber knew him,
and with a gallantry worthy of a better cause, defied him to single
combat! With true chivalric spirit, the challenge was instantly
accepted; and orders given to the piquet not to interfere on pain
of their lives. A desperate conflict ensued, in which the gallant
Spaniard was at length victorious, and the robber's head was sent
through the country in triumph. Shall the sequel be told? When he
returned to Manila, with the blessing of every honest native for
having cleared that part of the country of robbers, a subject of
prosecution was found in this service by those numerous enemies which
every honest man has in a country like this, and on some frivolous
pretext of having (unavoidably) fired into a cottage, and killed or
wounded some innocent persons. He could not stoop to flatter or bribe;
and it was with the utmost difficulty, and rather by the exertions
of his friends than by his own, that after suffering a long series
of vexations, he was saved from ruin!

[93] Manufactured, I think, from the Urtica nevea of Linn. [93-A]

[93-A] See our VOL. XXII, p. 279. In regard to cultivation and
preparation of abacá, see Jagor's Reisen, pp. 245-256; Mallat,
Philippines, pp. 279, 280; Census of Phil., iv, pp. 14-24.--Eds.

[94] Mimosa saponaria? [94-A]

[94-A] This plant (variously known to the natives as gogong, gogo,
bayogo, and balogo) is a leguminous climbing plant, Entada scandens
(Official Handbook of Philippines, pp. 367, 384). Blanco (Flora,
pp. 247, 248) praises its detergent qualities, especially for bathing
purposes, as even superior to the soap of Europe; and says that it is
also used medicinally for asthma, and as a purgative, and that the
Indians place dry pieces of its wood in their jars of cacao-beans to
keep away worms. He states that it is also named Mimosa scandens by
some writers.--Eds.

[95] Tíndalo is the native name of the Afzelia (or Eperua)
rhomboidea, a leguminous tree highly valued for its durable and
beautiful timber. Mangachapuy, Vatica (or Dipterocarpus) mangachapoi,
furnishes a timber especially used for shipbuilding and other work
which must resist sun and rain. (Official Handbook, pp. 352, 357;
Blanco, Flora, pp. 260, 261, 281, 313.)--Eds.

[96] It is said by the Indians.

[97] Perhaps Boa hortulana? [97-A]

[97-A] See our VOL. XII, p. 259; and XXIX, p. 301. Dahon-palay is
Dryimus nasutus (Montero y Vidal, Archipiélago filipino, pp. 103,
104). See also Official Handbook, p. 149; and Worcester's Philippine
Islands, p. 514.--Eds.

[98] Many years ago, a complete set of forging machinery was sent out
on speculation; it was sold as old iron, for no one of course would
speculate in mines, when they could with so much more ease obtain
100 per cent. for their capital in the trade to Acapulco.

[99] That is, "to reduce them to a desert, in order to assure her
empire over them."--Eds.

[100] "By a royal decree of February 2, 1800, the residence of
foreigners in Filipinas was forbidden. This mandate was renewed by
royal decrees of September 3, 1807, and July 31, 1816." (Montero y
Vidal, Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 360.)--Eds.

[101] Perhaps much of this may be traced to the avaricious spirit of
the early adventurers, and to the cruelties of the Buccaneers; and
thus what might have been only a local, became from habit a national
principle; though "soy Cristiano viejo" [i.e., "I am an old-time
Christian"], was always the surest passport amongst an intolerant
people, with whom "filosofo" is yet an epithet of reproach.

[102] Something of this is more or less visible in the colonial policy
of almost all countries; but that those have been the most flourishing
who have acted on the broad and liberal principle of "Ubi dives, ibi
patria" [i.e., "where wealth is, there is my country"] (a humiliating
but correct estimate, not only of the bulk of colonial adventurers,
but of mankind in general), will scarcely be questioned. The Havannah
is a splendid example. In 1780, strangers were rigorously prohibited,
or at least loaded with restrictions; an enormous smuggling trade
was carried on, and the island did not pay its own expenses. In
1820, when the prohibitory system had been long annihilated, and
strangers allowed free intercourse and establishment, its trade had
increased a hundred-fold; and not only did it suffice for its own,
much more expensive establishments; but, both directly and indirectly,
contributed large sums to the mother country, though at the first
epoch, the profits on colonial capital were at least 30 per cent. more
than at the last.

[103] "We have been told, that we must not sit under the shade of
our own vines and olives! that we must not pluck the fruits from the
trees which our fathers have planted!--and why--lest the merchants
of Cadiz should be deprived of their profits in supplying us with
wine and oil."--From a Chilian manifesto, published soon after the
declaration of independence.

[104] A valuable study of "The Spanish colonial system" is furnished
by the chapter under that heading in Wilhelm Roscher's Kolonien,
Kolonial-politik und Auswanderung (Leipzig, 1885), an English
translation of which is published by Prof. E. G. Bourne (New York,
1904), with some additional annotations. See also "The colonial kingdom
of Spain," in Helmolt's History of the World (New York, 1902), which
is praised by Bourne as an excellent and scholarly study by Konrad
Häbler; but unfortunately the American edition of that work does not
name the author of the above section. Bourne also treats this subject
in a chapter of his Spain in America (New York, 1904), pp. 220-242,
and at pp. 355, 356, gives a helpful list of authorities thereon.--Eds.

[105] "Ecclesiastical foundations and obras pías were, it may be
said, innumerable. From the richest city to the smallest village,
from one extreme of the Peninsula to the other, and even to the
farthest boundaries which the monarchy reached in the period of its
greatest grandeur, the acts of Christian piety are seen in various
foundations. These include not only hermitages, confraternities,
memorials, charitable foundations, and chaplaincies,--which by
themselves alone made a total of enormous wealth--but more pretentious
establishments, as convents, cathedrals, parish churches, and colleges;
and any person will be surprised at those which were supported by some
towns which in their present condition are reduced in population and
poor. Larruga in his memoirs states that Toledo had 25 parish churches
and its cathedral, 39 convents, 14 hospitals, and four colleges,
in all, 83 foundations. Salamanca had more; Cuenca had 31, Avila 31,
Almagro 17, and so with the other cities of Castilla." Among these
pious gifts were "the exchanges of Barcelona, Sevilla, and Valencia,
the colleges of Salamanca, that of Santa Cruz of Valladolid," and many
cathedrals and convents. (Arias y Miranda, Examen crítico-histórico,
p. 139.)--Eds.

[106] At one of them (I believe that of Santa Clara), the sculls of the
seven founders are placed on the table at which the trustees meet!--but
this, it is said, does not exempt the funds from being misapplied.

[107] It was not uncommon for a person worth ten thousand dollars
to borrow 40 more from the public funds. Of these about 25 or 30,000
were shipped, and the remainder kept at home. If the ship was lost,
the accounts were settled; and if she came back, the interest was
always repaid,--which of course entitled them to borrow again, till a
fortunate loss made them independent. And where every body did this,
no one thought it incorrect.

[108] It is not here meant to controvert the principle of this kind of
commerce being at times the most lucrative that can be carried on; but
to remark, that had it not been for the strange system of trading just
described, the restrictive system, and the monopoly of the Phillippine
Company, the activity and ingenuity of private traders would have
discovered other branches of commerce, and with them, that their
own produce might suffice to pay for the piece goods of Bengal. As
an instance, the English and every other nation of Europe have for
a century carried betel-nut to China, but from the Phillippines not
a nut was exported--it was a royal monopoly! and the merchants and
growers were thus deprived of about half a million of dollars annually,
that the king might pocket 30,000. Many other instances might be cited.

[109] The boletas "long did duty as paper money, passing from hand
to hand." (Lala, Philippine Islands, p. 177.)--Eds.

[110] "Aunque a Mexico llevan diablos cornudos siempre ganan dinero"
(Though they should carry horned devils to Mexico, they would make
money by them), was the gruff observation of an old soldier to the
writer. The trade could not have been better characterized; for the
very topmen and cabin servants crammed their departments full of goods
of all kinds; and it was a very common thing to heave to, to clear
the decks in the Bay of Manila. The "Timoneles" (quarter-masters)
had always servants!

[111] The revolt of Mexico from Spain began in 1810, but independence
was not accomplished until 1821. The first constitution of the republic
of Mexico was proclaimed on October 4, 1824.--Eds.

[112] A ship was dispatched from Manila in 1821, and another freighted:
this last as an English ship; both were on account of the Company.

[113] The first constitution of Spain was promulgated on March 19,
1812, during the Napoleonic invasion of that country. Fernando VII
had been displaced on the throne by Joseph Bonaparte for a time, but
the latter fled from Madrid, at Wellington's approach with an English
army, and Fernando (who had been imprisoned in France since 1808)
was restored to Spain as its king, returning in March, 1814. After
long-continued struggles with the Liberal party, Fernando restored
absolutism in that country in 1823, with the aid of a French army;
and the Constitution was overthrown until after Fernando's death
in 1833.--Eds.

[114] To account for the enormous difference, it will be sufficient
to observe, that the Acapulco ships alone smuggle from 1-4th to 1-3d
of their cargo (treasure) on shore--that opium which is prohibited,
is smuggled to a considerable amount, as is also treasure, particularly
gold, to avoid paying the import duties. With respect to the exports,
the Chinese alone smuggle nearly a million annually, and no notice
is taken in the account of treasure exported to Bengal in bars.

[115] Comyn briefly sketches this domestic commerce (pp. 43-45),
but in vague and indefinite terms, save for the following paragraph:
"Besides the traffic founded on the ordinary consumption, and the
necessity of being furnished with goods both domestic and foreign in
order to supply the fairs known by the name of tianguis, which are
held weekly in almost all the villages, there is also a species of
traffic peculiar to the rich Indians and Sangley mestizos (who are an
industrious class, and own the greater part of the ready money). This
consists in buying up beforehand the harvests of indigo, sugar, rice,
etc., with the aim of afterward dictating the prices when they resell
those products to him who buys at second hand."--Eds.

[116] Large, heavy swords, which some of them wield with great
dexterity.

[117] They have some few brigs and schooners, but the number of these
is not much more than 20.

[118] "The Hong merchants (Chinese) were twelve in number, licensed by
government as intermediate agents in trade, between foreign merchants
and the Chinese people, becoming responsible for the good conduct
of the former, and, at the same time, securing to the Emperor the
payment of all maritime duties." (Allen, Opium Trade, p. 45.)--Eds.

[119] Dr. Nathan Allen, in a pamphlet entitled The Opium Trade (Lowell,
Mass., 1853), presents a history of this traffic, describes its results
in both China and India, and protests against its continuance. He
states that opium, originally a native of Persia, spread thence into
Turkey and India, being cultivated more extensively in the latter
country than anywhere else in the world. In 1767 the British East India
Company formed the plan of sending opium from Bengal to China, where
but little of this drug had previously been sold; but they had little
success in this until 1794, when they began a traffic which lasted
some twenty-five years at the ports of Whampoa and Macao. In 1821,
the opium merchants abandoned these places, on account of difficulties
encountered in their trade, and centered it at Lintin Island, in the
bay at the entrance to Canton River, where it rapidly increased. "Here
might be seen large armed vessels reposing, throughout the year, at
anchor, constituting a floating depot of storehouses, for receiving
the opium in large quantities from the ships bringing it from India,
and dealing it out in chests and cases to the Chinese junks, to be
retailed at various points on shore. The Merope, Capt. Parkyns, in
1821, was the first ship that commenced the system of delivering opium
at different cities along the coast of China, and from that time,
the trade increased with wonderful rapidity. Eligible places also
on the east and north-east coast of China were selected to station
receiving vessels, to which the Chinese might easily have access, and
become participators in the trade." Allen cites many contemporary and
high authorities. Among these, James Holman says, in 1830 (Travels in
China, p. 162), that the opium boats "are but seldom interfered with,
nor are they likely to be, so long as the Free Traders can afford to
pay the mandarins so much better for not fighting, than the government
will for doing their duty. The use of opium has become so universal
among the people of China, that the laws which render it penal, and
the proclamations which send forth their daily fulminations against
its continuance, have not the slightest effect in checking the
prevalence of so general a habit. Smoking houses abound in Canton;
and the inhabitants of every class who can furnish themselves with
the means to obtain the pipe, are seldom without this article of
general luxury. It is a propensity that has seized upon all ranks and
classes, and is generally on the increase." From the year 1800, the
Chinese government tried to stop this traffic, strictly prohibiting
the importation of opium; but foreign merchants paid no attention to
this, and forced the trade on the Chinese people. In 1839, a Chinese
official destroyed, by command of the emperor, over 20,000 chests
(worth $12,000,000) of the drug at Canton; this led to a war with
England, commonly known as "the Opium War." The resulting treaty
of peace compelled the Chinese to open five ports to British trade
and residence, to cede the island of Hong-kong to Great Britain--at
which place the opium trade then centered; and in 1845 the British
authorities licensed twenty shops to sell opium at retail--and to pay
heavy indemnities not only to the English government and the merchants,
but for the opium destroyed, which had been legally confiscated by
the emperor as contraband goods. The Chinese commissioners objected,
but were threatened with renewed hostilities if they persisted,
and they had to yield. During the past year negotiations looking
to a cessation of the opium traffic have been carried on between
Great Britain and China. The following also shows the recent growth
of the drug in China. "As for the gums from the Indias, the Chinese
physicians and surgeons make hardly any use of them. I do not think
that in an entire year there is used in Pekin a half-livre of opium
(which they call Yapien); its place is supplied by using the white
poppy." (Father Parennin, in a letter dated September 20, 1740;
Lettres édifiantes, ed. 1811, t. xxii, p. 274.)--Eds.

[120] One of the great drawbacks on the profits of the voyages from
Europe since 1814 has been, that no light goods of value were to
be obtained. An American, in 1816, remained 16 months to obtain two
crops of indigo, and bought all to be got in the market. She made an
excellent voyage, even with this heavy expense.

[121] At this point in the book (namely, facing p. 82) is a plan
of Manila entitled "Plano de la ciudad de Manila, capital de las
Yslas Filipinas," which shows the city and its suburbs; and a
second illustration showing, first, "View of Manila from the plain
of Bagumbayan," and second, "View of Manila from the sea." The plan
of Manila is from a Spanish source.--Eds.

[122] Generally, but incorrectly written, "Manilla."

[123] Under this title is included not only the Phillippines from the
Bashees and Babuyanes to Mindanao, but also from Palawan on the west
to the Carolinas on the east.

[124] It has no ditch on this side.

[125] A covert from an enemy's fire, but not intended for defense
with guns; composed of gabions or bags filled with earth, or of earth
heaped up.--Eds.

[126] Le Gentil states (Voyage, ii, pp. 103, 104) that Arandía was
hated by the friars because he desired to demolish two churches outside
the walls of Manila; these were so solid, and equipped with towers,
and so near the walls, that they were a source of great danger to
the city if they should fall into an enemy's hands. "I have been
assured that the friars raised the cry of heresy against M. Arandía,
and that they talked of nothing less than excommunicating him; but his
death stopped all that. This zealous governor actually died in 1760,
before he had effected his project; but his death was not regarded as
natural." When the English appeared before Manila, Arandía's loss was
regretted, when it was too late. The English demolished the aforesaid
churches and their towers, for their own safety.--Eds.

[127] That is, elevated so as to fire over the top of a parapet.--Eds.

[128] This place was afterward occupied (1824?) by "a statue of Carlos
IV, in bronze, a true work of art, cast in Manila. It was erected in
recognition of his having ordered the conveyance [to the islands]
of vaccine virus, transmitted from arm to arm, for which purpose
exclusively he arranged for the departure of a ship from Méjico, which
reached Manila on April 15, 1805." (Montero y Vidal, Archipiélago
filipino, p. 301.) The same writer says (Hist. de Filipinas, ii,
p. 388): "The benefits produced by vaccination among the natives,
always so harassed by that pest [of smallpox], were evident," and
Folgueras made strenuous efforts to secure its propagation throughout
the country. He also gave orders that the dead should not be interred
within the churches, a measure which drew upon him hostilities and
annoyances from the religious." The Plaza Mayor, where the above
statue stands, is now called Plaza McKinley.--Eds.

[129] And yet the ignorant natives ascribed the pest of cholera,
which caused such ravages in Manila in 1820, to the poisoning of their
wells by foreigners. A French physician, Dr. Charles L. Benoit, who
arrived at Manila at that time, and spent four years there, states,
in his Observacións sobre el cólera morbo espasmodico (Madrid, 1832)
that in this belief the Indians, usually so humble and religious,
then committed innumerable crimes. See account of their massacre of
foreigners, pp. 39-45, ante.--Eds.

[130] The brethren devote themselves to the care of the sick, and
perform their duties most honourably and zealously; so much so, that
the refectory is often supplied with little but rice for their own
dinners. The other orders are richly endowed, and fare sumptuously--but
they are more a-la-mode.

[131] These plates are obtained from the shell of the Placuna placenta,
a mollusk; they are generally used in place of window-glass, and by
their partial opacity modify the effects of the sun's heat.--Eds.

[132] This would appear a vulgar interpretation of a popular custom;
but from this charge the writer will be exonerated, when it is known,
that should a person yawn, he devoutly makes the sign of the cross
before his mouth, while it continues open, to--keep the devil from
him! Ex pede elephantem [i.e., "By the foot-print, one recognizes
the elephant"].

[133] "When the terrible epidemic which Manila had suffered came to an
end, the municipal council caused a fine cemetery to be constructed in
the village of San Fernando de Dilao, commonly called Paco." (Montero
y Vidal, Historia de Filipinas, ii, p. 457.)--Eds.

[134] La Peyrouse, when speaking of the public flagellants in the
Passion week, did not, I believe, do so; but though superstitious
enough, this practice is no longer continued in the present day.

[135] "Thank God! I am of a noble family!"--And if they are told,
"Well, but if you have nothing to eat?" "Me hago frayle," "Well,
I can be a friar," is the answer.

[136] Le Gentil says (Voyage, ii, pp. 116, 117) that the Jesuits
decided that the use of chocolate was admissible on fast days,
consequently these were no mortification to most of the people.--Eds.

[137] "This is no country for an honest man"--a remark quoted, too,
I think, by Le Gentil.

[138] Cervantes, whose keen but justly merited satire on many of the
failings of his countrymen, is only equalled by his beautiful eulogies
on many of their excellencies, has aptly described the composition
of their colonies in his day.

"To the Indies--the refuge and resource of despairing Spaniards--asylum
of rebels--protector of homicides--receptacle of gamblers (called by
some knowing ones)--common decoy for women of loose characters--the
deceiver of many, and remedy of few."--Novela del Zeloso Estnemeno
[i.e., "The jealous Estremaduran"].

[139] Andaluces: natives of Andalusia province. Montañeses:
appellation of the dwellers in the hill-country of Santander province,
Spain. Serviles (literally "those who are servile or fawning"): a
political epithet applied to the Monarchists or Absolutists. Liberales:
the Liberals in politics, much as that term is used at the present
time. Le Gentil describes (Voyage, ii, p. 109) the clannishness and
provincialism of the Spaniards in Manila.--Eds.

[140] This is not an isolated opinion; and in corroboration, it will
be sufficient to mention, that upwards of 3/4ths of all the disposable
Spanish property in the country has been sent out of it. This fact is
a volume in itself. Since this was written, two serious commotions
have taken place, in the latter of which the conspirators obtained
possession of the city, which was regained by storming. [140-A]

[140-A] Reference is here made to the rebellion incited by Novales in
1823; see account of it on pp. 47-48, ante.--Eds.

[141] The great length of this document obliges us to summarize
passages of lesser importance; but as much of the author's exact
language has been retained as possible.

[142] Bernaldez refers to the massacre of foreigners in 1820, and
the mutiny under Novales in 1823, both of which are related in the
first document of this volume.

[143] In the Archivo general de Indias at Sevilla is a MS. map, drawn
(June 20, 1773) by the government engineer at Manila, Miguel A. Gomez,
showing "portion of the site on the river of Tanay, indicating the plan
of the iron-works for casting anchors and artillery, and the shop for
casting the small iron articles which are called in the Philippine
archipelago cauas--which are equivalent to kettles, boilers, and
frying-pans, and which the Chinese or Sangleys manufacture with so
great skill and dexterity." Gomez estimated that this establishment
would cost "at least 175,000 pesos, without reckoning the cost of
the dwelling-houses" for officials, artisans, and laborers.

[144] The native name for the annotto (Bixa orellana), the seeds of
which produce a yellow substance used for coloring cheese, butter, etc.

[145] Polizon: "a person who embarks by stealth and without a passport,
in the ships which sail to America." (Dominguez.)

[146] "The association of the Audiencia with the governor began
in 1527, with Cortes, as the court recognized the impossibility
of controlling so great a hero by means of a single, and perhaps
insignificant, man. (Roscher, Spanish Colonial system, Bourne's ed.,
p. 24, note 5.)

[147] The writer here adds: "This exportation is of very little
importance in the markets of Asia, where the more usual and cheaper
beverage for the people is Rak [English, "arrack"], or wine made
from rice."

[148] In 1853 a pamphlet was published at Madrid, written by Sinibaldo
de Mas, entitled, Articulo sobre las rentas de Filipinas y los medios
de aumentarlas," written for the Boletin Oficial of the Treasury
Department." (Vindel, Catálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 1558.)

[149] "Only since 1843 have the Chinese shops been opened on the same
terms as those of other foreigners. But there is no doubt that the
Chinese have been a great boon to the colony. They have had, in the
main, a civilizing influence on the natives, and have taught them
many important things: as the working of iron and the manufacture
of sugar from the juice of the sugar-cane. They have also ever been
the leaders in commerce and the chief middlemen of the colony; and
for this reason mainly they have been deemed an unwelcome necessity,
for, without them, trade would almost be brought to a standstill, and,
in consequence, labor would suffer and living be rendered dearer to
every class. By their superior shrewdness and unscrupulous cunning
they have, on the other hand, excited the hatred of the natives,
who despise them for their cowardice. Thus, from time to time,
the feeling against them is very bitter. Another objection against
the Celestial is that he underbids all competitors, working for
what others refuse. Furthermore, he spends little, and all that
he saves he carries to his own country. Their expulsion, however,
would be as unwise as it is impracticable, and the only remedy that
meets the case is a proper State-control. The employment of coolie
labor, notwithstanding, is at present impossible, on account of the
hatred that the lower-class natives feel toward them. In Manila there
are at present no less than 40,000 Chinese, while the whole colony
contains about 100,000. They have their own courts, their guilds,
and secret societies, which are necessary for their self-protection;
and they choose representative deputations to represent them in the
Government." (Lala, Philippine Islands, pp. 104-106.)

Le Gentil says (Voyage, ii, p. 101) of the banishment of the Chinese
from Manila in 1767 (at which time he was residing there): "I did not
know any Spaniard in Manila who did not sincerely regret the departure
of the Chinese, and who did not frankly admit that the Philippines
would suffer for it, because the Indians are not capable of replacing
the Chinese.... The Parian was a sort of market, where could be found
provision of everything necessary for living; and it is not without
reason that the Spaniards regretted the loss of this laborious people."

[150] "This spirit of greed compelled the Chinese to abandon in
their internal commerce the gold and silver coins which were in
general use. The number of those who made counterfeit money, which
was continually increasing, permitted no other line of conduct;
and money was no longer coined save in copper. This metal, however,
having become scarce, in consequence of events which history does not
record, the shells so well known under the name of 'cauris' [English,
'cowries'] were mingled with the copper coins; but the government,
having observed that the people were dissatisfied with so frail
an article, ordered that the copper utensils throughout the entire
empire should be given up to the mints. As this ill-judged expedient
did not furnish resources adequate to the public needs, the government
caused about four hundred temples of Foé to be demolished, the idols
in which were melted down. Finally the court paid the magistrates
and the army partly in copper and partly in paper; but the people
rebelled against so dangerous innovation, and it became necessary
to give it up. Since that time, which was three centuries ago, the
coinage of copper is the only legal one." (Raynal, Établissemens et
commerce des Européens, i, pp. 641, 642).

[151] Spanish, temporalidades: referring to the bureau in charge of
the property formerly belonging to the Jesuits.

[152] Thus in text, but evidently a clerical error by Bernaldez's
amanuensis. A similar discrepancy is seen in the estimate of the
trader's profits, below.

[153] The Cortes, as first known by the Spaniards, contained three
divisions, the three estates; the ones called in the three periods
above-mentioned had but one chamber; the present Cortes contains
two houses, the senate and the congress or house of deputies or
representatives. The senate consists of three divisions: senators in
their own right (the heir presumptive, the grandees, archbishops, etc.;
life senators appointed by the crown; and those elected by the people,
half of whom are removable every five years. Members to the lower
house are elected for five years by electors chosen by the people. No
Cortes was held from 1713-1789, and from the latter year until 1810.

[154] For a good account of this period in Spain, which was one of
great confusion, see E. W. Latimer's Spain in the nineteenth century
(Chicago, 1898, 3d ed.) The machinations of Napoleon and the other
events leading up to the establishment of the Cortes of 1810-1813
are well and concisely narrated. See also Hume, Modern Spain (New
York, 1900).

[155] The latter, indeed, was granted permission (January 4, 1811)
to go to Veracruz for his health; and on July 22, 1811, permission
was given to the former to go to the Philippines on private business,
although he was later forbidden to leave until the return of his
colleague, as his absence before that time would leave the Philippines
without representation. The request was renewed on the arrival of
Reyes (December 6, 1811), and on the latter's assumption of his seat
(December 9), Perez de Tagle was allowed to leave. On September
19, 1813, a discourse was pronounced at Manila by José de Vergara,
"deputy-elect for the province of Manila to the general Cortes,"
and published in that year at Sampaloc. The election of deputies in
that year was regulated by a junta composed of Governor Gardoqui,
Archbishop Juan de Zúñiga, Manuel Díaz Condé, and three others;
one of their decisions exempted the very poor in the community from
contributing to the fund raised for paying the traveling and other
expenses of the deputies to the Cortes. (Vindel, Catálogo biblioteca
filipina, nos. 1874, 1875.)

[156] Such were the decree of October 5, 1810, confirming the essential
unity and equality of all parts of the Spanish domain; the abolition of
the quicksilver monopoly, January 26, 1811; the provisional creation of
a Consejo de Estado to consist of twenty members (six from Ultramar),
on January 21, 1812, although the constitution (adopted March 18, 1812)
called for one with forty members (twelve from Ultramar): the creation
of the Secretaría del Despacho de la Gobernación de Ultramar (April
2, 1812), and the establishment of the Tribunal Supremo de Justicia,
and the suppression of the Consejos de Castilla, Indias, and Hacienda
(all of them provided for in the constitution); and the suppression
of the Inquisition (February 22, 1813). The law of November 9, 1813,
abolishing personal services for Indians and regulating public works,
seems to have been intended only for America.

[157] February 20, 1812, was the last meeting on the island of León,
the Cortes assembling on the twenty-fourth at the church of San Felipe
Neri, at Cádiz.

[158] The method of election for the Cortes of 1813 (decree of May
23, 1812) provided for a preliminary election board for each colonial
province consisting of the provincial head, the archbishop, bishop,
or acting archbishop, the intendant (if there were one), the senior
alcalde, the senior regidor, the syndic procurator-general, and two
commoners (these last to be chosen by the others). One representative
was to be chosen for each 60,000 people. (See the essential clauses of
this decree in Montero y Vidal, Historia general, ii, pp. 406, 407.) On
the same day was also decreed the creation of provincial deputations,
of which one was specified for Manila. In this session of Cortes also,
the reorganization of the audiencias was decreed, but the Philippine
representative seems to have taken no part in the debate.

[159] Trouble had arisen over the administration by the board of the
obras pias which it was usual to loan out to those interested in the
galleon trade.

[160] These ordinances were unconstitutional because control of the
hospice was vested in a board headed by the captain-general, while
by the constitution such organizations were now to be controlled by
the ayuntamientos and provincial deputations. The despatch regarding
this matter was sent to the Cortes by the secretary of Ultramar,
November 27, 1812.

[161] On July 7, 1810, the governor of the Philippines proposed
the suppression of the galleon, and requested permission for the
inhabitants of the Philippines to ship goods in Spanish bottoms not
in excess of 1,000,000 pesos. The suppression was resolved upon by
the Cortes by article 3 of the decree of October 8, 1811, regarding
commerce.

[162] This decree (which is given by Montero y Vidal, Historia general,
li, pp. 412, 413) states that the inhabitants of the Philippines may
trade in Chinese and other Asiatic goods in private Spanish bottoms
with the ports of Acapulco and San Blas in Nueva España, under the
old terms of 500,000 pesos for the outgoing, and 1,000,000 pesos
for the return voyage. If the port of Acapulco be closed, they may
trade at Sonsonate. For four years the lower rates of duties granted
by Cárlos IV by decree of October, 1806, are continued. Boletas,
or tickets granting lading space, are to be furnished no longer.

[163] In accordance with a royal order of June 17, commanding the
representatives of the colonies to report the petitions pending, or
which had not been moved, that had for their object the welfare of the
colonies, Reyes petitioned the suppression of the Acapulco galleon;
permission of 1,000,000 pesos for the outgoing, and 2,000,000 pesos for
the return voyage; unlimited extension of the lower duties conceded
October 4, 1806; one or two Peruvian ports open to the commerce of
the islands; that natives of the islands be allowed to export goods in
Spanish bottoms to any point of the Spanish monarchy free of export and
import duties; trade on the northwest coast of America with Spaniards;
and that the permission be conceded to bring back all unsold goods
(in addition to the amount of imports allowed), on payment to the
treasury of a 6 per cent duty. The answers to these requests were
as follows: the Acapulco ship was suppressed by order of April 23,
1815; permission of export to the value of 750,000 pesos; the ports of
Callao and Guayaquil thrown open to Philippine trade; traffic with the
Spaniards on the northwest coast of America; permission to bring back
unsold goods to the extent of one-third the amount of imports allowed,
paying ten per cent duty for such excess; and free trade for Philippine
products at any port of the monarchy in Spanish bottoms for ten years.

[164] On the seventh he took the oath to observe the Constitution
of 1812; and on the tenth, by a decree ordered the reëstablishment
of the Secretaría del Despachó de la Gobernación[, the first acts
of which were the promulgation of the Constitution of 1812, and
the reëstablishment of all the organisms created by the Cortes of
1810-1813.

[165] Apparently appointed by the Secretary of Ultramar. Their
credentials were approved at the third preliminary meeting of July
5 or 6.

[166] A general decree of October 5, 1820, ordered a uniform and
general schedule of duties for the Peninsula and Ultramar; but this
law was modified by another law of December 20, 1821, recognizing the
impracticability of uniformity of duties for Spain and the colonies,
and providing that the schedule be uniform except for the differences
rendered necessary in the provinces of Ultramar.

[167] The secretary of Hacienda considered the privileges of the
company for the importation of cotton goods as unconstitutional and
contrary to the prosperity of national manufactures. At the meeting
of August 18, it developed that the company had transferred its
monopoly to a foreign merchant of Cádiz. The company was allowed to
present its argument, but the report of the committees on Commerce
and Hacienda was adopted. Later the company presented a petition
requesting the liquidation of the government's indebtedness to it,
the privilege of selling its stock of cotton goods, and various other
concessions incident to the closing up of its affairs. This petition,
sent to the Cortes by the secretary of Hacienda, was referred to the
committee on Commerce on November 2. On the fifth, a petition was
presented by the Philippine representatives and Gregorio Gonzales
Azaolo, of Sevilla, asking that the prohibition of the importation
of cotton goods should not affect the Philippines until the industry
was developed or established in those islands. This petition having
been referred to the committees on Commerce and Hacienda, their
report on November 8 recommended the opening of the Oriental trade
to all Spaniards trading in Spanish bottoms. This recommendation was
embodied in article 3 of the decree of November 9, specifying the
kinds of goods which Spanish ships trading by the Cape of Good Hope
could introduce into Spain or Spanish America.

[168] The decrees of the Diarios de las Cortes show no decree of this
date confirming a previous decree of March 7, 1820, granting exemption
of duties for ten years on natural and industrial products of the
Philippines, when imported in Spanish bottoms into the Peninsula,
as declared by Montero y Vidal. The decree of December 21, 1820,
providing for the abolition of the monopoly on tobacco and salt
after March 1, 1821, and providing customs and consumption duties,
seems not to have affected the Philippines.

[169] In October, 1820, the preliminary board for the election
of representatives was organized in Manila, but inasmuch as the
elections were not held until after the Constitution had been
sworn to in Manila in May, 1821 (and later in the provinces), no
regularly-elected representatives were present at the second session.

[170] Wrongly called a decree by Montero y Vidal. This order was
addressed to the Secretary of War in answer to a question raised by
the Council of War.

[171] The special discussion arose over the item of 50,000 reals for
missions and a note in the report reflecting on the native clergy in
the Philippines. Some of the Americans, who were quite fully imbued
with the free thought of the French philosophical school, declared
for the suppression of the missionaries (meaning friars), inasmuch as
they were useless and even harmful. The committee answered this by
asserting that the missionaries in the Philippines were used by the
government as civil and political agents, and that they did do much
good work in their own legitimate line. The passage concerning the
incapacity of the native clergy was meant to apply to the Philippines
alone, but if desired it could be removed as it was not essential to
the report. An American representative moved that the 50,000 reals
be used in the establishment of normal schools in Ultramar. The
Philippine representatives seem to have taken no part in the debate
except that Camus y Herrera moved that the obnoxious clause concerning
the Filipino clergy be stricken out. The report was accepted as read.

[172] Each university was to have a public library, a drawing school,
a chemical laboratory, cabinets of physics, natural history, and
industrial products, another of models of machines, a botanical garden,
and an experiment farm. The university to be established in Manila was
to have theological and law courses for the doctorate. Manila was also
to have a medical school, a school for veterinary medicine, a school
of fine arts, and commercial and nautical schools. Professorships were
to be filled by competition, and those for the Philippines were to
be examined by persons designated by the Subdirection of Studies in
Mexico. Girls were to be taught to read, write, and cipher; while the
older female students were to be taught the work suitable to their
sex. This matter of education for girls was left to the provincial
deputations.

[173] On the twenty-third there was a discussion as to the legality
of the substitutes for the representatives of Ultramar being allowed
to hold over; and it was finally declared that only those for the
Philippines and Peru could sit during this session.

[174] This exclusion was in accordance with a decision of the committee
on Credentials handed in February 11, 1822, to the effect that
government employes did not cease, to be such until their resignations
were accepted by the government. Posada did not present his credentials
at the meeting of February 15, declaring that they had been robbed
with his baggage en route from Cádiz to Madrid. He did present them,
however, at the next meeting of February 20. At the third and fourth
preliminary meetings (February 22 and 24) the matter was debated,
and he was excluded on the grounds of being still a government employe.

[175] Foreman states wrongly (p. 362, ed. of 1906) that seventeen
deputies were elected and sat during the Cortes of 1820-23, and he
names eight of them. He may have confused the names of electors with
those of representatives. The four elected (of whom only three are
known) were perhaps elected for the districts of the archiepiscopal
see and the three suffragan sees of the Philippines; although Montero
y Vidal says that both Sáenz de Vizmanos and Posada were elected from
Nueva Cáceres.

[176] Although a provincial deputation had been organized in Manila
in 1822, almost its only act was to petition (April 12, 1823) for
more missionaries.

[177] Fernando's infant daughter, Isabel II, ascended the throne
under the regency of her mother María Cristina. Through the efforts
of the liberals, six important decrees were passed March 24, 1834:
suppression of the Consejo de Estado, during the minority of the queen;
suppression of the Consejos de Castilla and de Indias, in whose place
was established a Tribunal Superior de España é Indias; suppression of
the Consejo Supremo de Guerra, and in its place the establishment of
the Tribunal Supremo de Guerra y Marina y de Extranjería; suppression
of the Consejo Supremo de Hacienda, replacing it by a Tribunal Supremo
de Hacienda; an order to the Secretary of the Despacho de Gracia y
Justicia to propose the new organization of the Consejo Real de las
Ordenes; and the institution of a Consejo Real de España é Indias to
have general supervision of American and Philippine matters.

[178] The first news of reform and the fact that the new Cortes were
to be summoned was received unofficially at Manila by a United States
ship sailing from Cádiz in June, 1834, and reaching Manila toward
the end of the same year.

[179] No provision was made in the third Cortes for substitute
representation for Ultramar (except in the decree of August 21, 1836,
calling a Cortes for October 24 under the rules of the Constitution of
1812), which is in point with the ignorance manifested throughout this
period by the officials at Madrid with regard to the Philippines. This
accounts for the islands having no representation for some of the
sessions of the Cortes.

[180] Andrés García Camba resided in Manila during 1825-35, and became
so popular that he was elected a deputy to the Spanish Cortes; he was
afterward (August, 1837-December, 1838) governor of the Philippines,
and wrote a book (published at Cádiz, 1839) regarding his experiences
while holding that office. Himself liberally inclined, he was
constantly opposed by reactionary influences. Although his name does
not appear in the pamphlet Filipinas y su representación en Cortes,
he is generally considered as its author; and he alludes to it in the
memoir above mentioned. (Vindel, Cat. bib. filip., nos. 1881, 1886.)

[181] Foreman says that Lecaros was a mestizo; and Montero y Vidal
that he was a Filipino lawyer. The board of electors was mainly
composed of peninsulars.

[182] Camba proposed (Filipinas y su representación en Cortes,
1836) a special mode of election to Cortes for the Philippines,
which was to be by the Manila Ayuntamiento, as that was the only
political organization in the islands worth mentioning, and was in
direct contact with affairs. The law to be adopted for Ultramar,
Camba argued, must take into account the condition of the country and
the inhabitants. During this session, the Philippine representatives
presented two petitions to the Secretario, del Despacho de Hacienda,
asking in one for a moderation of the excessive duties on the
introduction of Spanish brandy into the Philippines, and in the other
the sending of few pensioners and subaltern employes to the islands,
as this was a prejudice to the native Philippine Spaniards. Lecaros
presented a plan to Mendizábal, the provisional president of the
Consejo de Ministros, for the suppression of the monopoly on tobacco
in the Philippines, but Mendizábal took measures to make the monopoly
more remunerative to the state. See Montero y Vidal, Historia general,
ii. pp. 554, 555, note.

[183] He wrote Memoria sobre las Islas Filipinas (Valencia, 1842).

[184] July 31, 1837, the new commercial treaty made September 22,
1836, between the governor of the Philippines and the sultan of Joló
was referred to the committees on State and Commerce, was reported on
favorably on October 4, and was accordingly approved on the twelfth
of October. This treaty stipulated that every three-masted schooner
porting at Joló with Chinese passengers from Manila was to pay 2,000
pesos fuertes, and lesser boats in proportion to their size. As the
most important cargo ever sent to Joló from Manila never exceeded
2,500 pesos in value, it is hard to see the value of this treaty so
greatly lauded in Madrid. No Joloan vessels went to Manila. In this
matter the officials showed a woful ignorance of the Philippines,
the minister of the navy stating that all vessels stopped at Joló on
their way to the Philippines. This treaty, as well as the one made
by the governor of Zamboanga with the chief of Maluso near Basilan,
only made the Moros bolder in their piracy. See Montero y Vidal,
Historia general, ii, pp. 557-560.

[185] On May 25, 1869, an amendment was presented by Julián Pellón
y Rodriguez in the Spanish Cortes demanding that parliamentary
representation be granted to Filipinas. Among the signers to this
amendment were Victor Balaguer and Francisco Javier Moya. (Vindel,
Cat. bib. filip., no. 1883.)

[186] The host was stolen at least three other times in the history
of the Philippines: once in Camarines; once in Malate; and in 1730
from the Franciscan convent and church at Maycavayan. See San Antonio,
Chronicas, i, p. 181.

[187] In 1808, the Manila diocese comprehended the provinces
and districts of Manila, Bulacan, Batangas, Cavite, La Infanta,
Laguna, Mindoro, Morong, Nueva Ecija, Pampanga, Principe, Tarlac and
Zambales. It had 219 parishes, 24 parish missions, 16 active missions,
259 parish priests, or missionaries, and 198 native secular priests
who acted as assistants to the parish priests (who were mainly
regulars). See the Rept. of the Phil. Com., for 1900, i, p. 132,
and iv, p. 107.

[188] Foreman, Philippine Islands (N. Y., 1906 ed.), p. 597, note 2.