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                   The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898

   Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
   their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
    as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
   political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
   islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
                    close of the nineteenth century,

                         Volume XLIX, 1762-1765



 Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
  with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
                                Bourne.



                      The Arthur H. Clark Company
                            Cleveland, Ohio
                                 MCMVII








CONTENTS OF VOLUME XLIX


    Preface                                                         11

    Documents of 1759-1765

        Conquest of Manila by the English, 1762, and other events,
        1762-1765
            Plan of an expedition for the conquest of the
            southern Philippines. [Sir William Draper?; Canton,
            ca., 1759?]                                             27
            Letters to Clevland. Admiral Samuel Cornish; Manila
            Bay, October 31, and November 10, 1762                  44
            Letter to Lord Anson. Admiral Samuel Cornish; Manila
            Bay, November 1, 1762                                   60
            Letters to Earl of Egremont. Sir William Draper;
            Manila, November 1, and November 2, 1762                65
            Draper's Journal. Sir William Draper; [Manila?], 1762   81
            Rojo's Journal. Manuel Antonio de Rojo y Vieyra;
            Manila, December 23, 1762                              104
            Anda and the English invasion, 1762-1764. Simon de
            Anda y Salazar, and others; Manila and Bacolor,
            October 8, 1762-March 9, 1764                          132
            Rojo's narrative. Manuel Antonio de Rojo y Vieyra;
            [Manila, 1763]                                         176
            Synopsis of letter to Cárlos III. Simon de Anda y
            Salazar; Manila, June 22, 1764                         262
            Letter to Cárlos III. Simon de Anda y Salazar;
            Manila, July 23, 1764                                  269
            Letter to Gonzalez. Baltasar Vela, S.J.; Manila,
            July 24, 1764                                          288
            Synopsis of communications to Cárlos III. Simon de
            Anda y Salazar, Manila, June-July, 1764                296
            Draper's defense. In two parts. I. A plain narrative.
            [Sir William Draper; London, 1764?]. II. Colonel
            Draper's answer to the Spanish arguments. Sir William
            Draper; London, 1764                                   309
            Letter to Rueda. Eugenio Carrion, S.J.; San Pedro de
            Macati, July 8, 1765                                   333
            Letter to Mesquida. Bernardo Pazuengos, S.J.; Santa
            Cruz, July 20, 1765                                    336
            References. Editorial compilation of titles            343

    Bibliographical Data                                           347








ILLUSTRATIONS


    Plan of Manila Bay, October, 1762; photographic facsimile
    from copy in British Museum                           Frontispiece
    Manila and the Philippines, 1762; from Scots Magazine,
    1763, xxv, facing p. 224; photographic facsimile from copy
    in library of Harvard University                                35
    Chart of Philippines, showing path of Manila galleon; from
    London Magazine, 1763, xxxii, p. 292; photographic facsimile
    from copy in Library of Congress                                49
    Plan of city of Manila, showing sites occupied by the British
    in 1762; photographic facsimile of original manuscript in
    Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla                              95
    Plan of city of Manila and its fortifications, 1762; from
    Le Gentil's Voyage (Paris, 1779-1781), ii, plate 6;
    photographic facsimile from copy in library of Wisconsin
    Historical Society                                             107
    Plan of port of Cavite and its fortifications, by Tomás de
    Castro y Andrade, ca. 1762; photographic facsimile of
    original manuscript (in colors), in Archivo general de Indias,
    Sevilla                                                        183
    Plan of Mariveles Bay, 1764; in collection of Charts by
    Alexander Dalrymple ([London], 1781), ii, p. 63; photographic
    facsimile from copy in Library of Congress                     199
    Autograph signature of Simon de Anda y Salazar; photographic
    facsimile from original manuscript in Archivo general de
    Indias, Sevilla                                                285








PREFACE


The theme of the present volume is throughout the conquest of Manila by
the British in 1762, and events consequent to it. The various accounts
we have drawn from both Spanish and English sources, in order that we
might present the matter from the standpoints of each nation, and we
have aimed to give the story in great detail from as many points of
view as possible. The subject must have special interest for Americans
by reason of the operations of 1898. In some measure the captures by
both the British and the Americans are analogous, because in each case
it was rather a side demonstration than the main object of the war,
and because of the ease with which it was accomplished. Here, however,
the analogy ends, for British occupation was at the best precarious
while it lasted, and made scarcely any headway outside of Manila;
and while naturally the questions of religion, commerce, and civil
affairs generally were discussed, nothing lasting was done. It may
well be that the ease with which Manila was taken by the British gave
the Filipinos some idea, though slight, of separation from Spain, or
a desire for a larger degree of independence; although, in truth, all
such ideas appeared to be effectively stifled with the strengthening
power of the religious orders. Of special interest will be found the
operations of Anda y Salazar, a true patriot, though like the Count
de Frontenac, of Canada, of a hasty and impetuous nature; and his
contest with the incapable archbishop. It is to be noted throughout
that all English dates are one day in advance of the Spanish dates,
as the English had the same dates as the Portuguese, who reached the
Orient by way of the Eastern route. This is a momentous period in
many parts of the world.

The first document in this volume consists of a plan outlined by an
unknown writer, but one who has been among the Philippines (and who is,
perhaps, General Draper), for the conquest of the southern islands,
evidently received at London November 23, 1762--a good prelude to
the conquest of Manila. Weighing the arguments as to the expediency
of such a conquest, the author decides in favor of it, as the silver
which is taken from the Philippines to India in the Manila-India trade,
and which comes direct from America, will pass to India direct from
the latter country if the islands are conquered. The present plan,
however, does not contemplate the reduction of Manila. The islands
could be held either permanently or only until the conclusion of
peace, the advisability of taking them to rest upon either one of the
following reasons: that they are important enough to meet the expenses
of the expedition; or that the enemy can be harassed thence. The chief
end for which Spain holds the Philippines is religious, and if the
missions are considered, Manila might be ceded, though if that does
not happen, the holding of them will be an important item in the peace
conclusions. Operations carried on among the southern islands would
have especial point, for the Spaniards would fear an alliance between
the restless Moros and the enemy. The Spaniards care only about the
Acapulco galleon and do not trouble themselves about the rest of the
islands, which are governed badly. The natives, in danger from Moro
raids, are ripe for revolt. Proceeding directly to a consideration of
the southern islands, the writer names and describes the most important
of them, making use to some extent, in his description, of Colin and
San Antonio. The population that the British would receive by such a
conquest would be an advantage. The expedition should proceed first
against the fort of Zamboanga, which can be easily taken, and then
abandoned and demolished or left in charge of the present Spanish
garrison if they will take the oath of allegiance. Next the forts
of the islands of Misamis and Cebú should be taken, both of which
are important. They can count upon the help of the Moros, and of the
Boholans, the latter of whom are now in revolt. All this can be done
with one European ship with about fifty soldiers, and several smaller
ships, the best time for the expedition being the northeast monsoon.

This is followed by two letters by Admiral Cornish to one Mr. Clevland,
evidently some secretary in the office of the Admiralty. In the first
letter, dated October 6, 1762, Admiral Cornish reports the success
in the operations against Manila, which has fallen on the sixth of
October, and gives a short account of the expedition. After hastening
preparations for the expedition as rapidly as possible, he sends
Commodore Tiddeman with five vessels from Madras to Malacca on the
twenty-ninth of July. He himself following with all but two of the
remaining vessels on August 1, reaches Malacca on the nineteenth,
but Tiddeman fails to appear until the twenty-first because of
calms. Leaving Malacca on the twenty-seventh, the fleet makes the
coast of Luzón, September 19, but owing to rough weather is unable to
enter the bay of Manila until the twenty-third. Cornish and Draper,
abandoning the previous plan to attack Cavite first, resolve to
proceed directly against Manila, as that once taken, Cavite must also
fall. Accordingly troops are landed on the twenty-fifth through a
heavy surf, and occupy Moratta (Malate) one and one-half miles from
the walls. That same day also Cornish despatches three vessels to
capture a sail that is seen coming up the bay, which when captured is
found to be a vessel with the mail and news of the Acapulco galleon
"Filipino," which has itself remained behind at Cagayan. On the
twenty-sixth Draper's forces take up a position two hundred feet
from the glacis of the Manila wall, and Cornish lands 700 seamen to
aid them. Under cover of the fire from the ships Draper works on his
batteries. The entrenching tools, of which there is great need, are
supplied by the timely arrival of the storeship, although the latter
is driven ashore by the heavy sea. Draper opens with his batteries
on October 4, and to so good a purpose that the combined forces are
enabled to make the assault on the morning of the sixth, in which they
carry everything before them. Draper and Cornish immediately go ashore
to make arrangements with the governor. The surrender of Manila and
Cavite, and the islands and forts dependent on the former, is agreed
upon; and in addition the payment of 4,000,000 dollars or pesos as
a ransom to the English for the preservation of the city. Cornish's
ship captain, Kempenfelt, takes possession of Cavite on the tenth. In
that place are gained abundance of naval stores, and fresh food
is secured. The men have borne themselves well through the short
fatiguing siege, and land and sea forces have maintained harmonious
relations. Cornish encloses a list of the ships with the seamen
and marines landed from each one, and of those killed and wounded
during the siege. This shows a landing force of 1,017--17 killed,
and 17 wounded. The letter of November 10 reports the capture of the
"Santísima Trinidad" by two vessels detached for that purpose. This
large vessel, which had sailed for Acapulco some time before with
a rich cargo, but has been obliged to put back, is taken to be the
"Filipino" which is expected from Acapulco with the situado, until
actually boarded. For the present it is anchored at Corregidor Island,
but Cornish purposes to send for it soon.

In a letter from Cornish addressed to the famous Lord Anson, the
former mentions the great advantages that accrue to his fleet in the
possession of Cavite, for he can obtain all needed supplies and food,
and can repair his ships, some of which are unseaworthy. He complains
bitterly of the East India Company, whose employees at Madras, with
the exception of but one, have endeavored to obstruct the expedition
in every way. The two companies of troops furnished by the company
are composed of French deserters and released prisoners. Further
information can be secured from Captain Kempenfelt, the bearer of his
despatches, who is also in charge of some engraved plates containing
a map (the famous one by Murillo Velarde) of the islands.

Letters from General Draper to the Earl of Egremont, dated November 1
and 2, respectively, are practically duplicates, the first appearing
to be the rough draft of the second. They announce the taking of
Manila on October 6, and praise the bravery and forbearance of the
men who acted with great humanity, notwithstanding that Draper's own
secretary is killed under a flag of truce. In company with Cornish,
Draper dictates the conditions under which Manila will be preserved
from pillage, which are accepted by the Spanish. The East India
Company is to have one-third of the ransom. Manila and Cavite have been
delivered to the Company's representative, as per orders. It would be
well to hold Manila and the islands, if possible, for they are very
wealthy. The season and the need of repairing the ships prevent the
taking possession of the other places ceded. Draper praises highly
Admiral Cornish, his officers, and the seamen and marines for their
efficiency, as well as his own officers and men, especially the
79th regiment. Following these letters are three sets of "proposals"
and "conditions," all dated October 6. The first, consisting of 12
"proposals" made by the archbishop-governor and others, touches
rights of property, religion, trade, residence, and government;
all the proposals are granted by the conquerors, but some of them
with certain reservations. The second set, consisting of the four
"conditions" under which Manila will be preserved from pillage, is
proposed by the British and accepted. The latter outline the status of
the Spanish officers and men, who are all to be regarded as prisoners
of war. All military stores must be surrendered, as well as Cavite and
other places dependent on Manila. In addition a ransom of 4,000,000
dollars or pesos is to be paid, half immediately and the balance at
some future date, for which hostages are to be given. The third set,
consisting of "proposals," and also submitted by the British, relates
to the surrender of Cavite, and the method of payment of the ransom.

The important journal of the British operations, kept by General
Draper, and sent with his letter of November 2, follows. The first part
of the journal is rather general in nature, while the latter part is
more specific and definite; but as a whole it well supplements the
preceding letters by Cornish and Draper. The troops, consisting of
the 79th regiment, a company of royal artillery, 30 artillerymen
furnished by the East India Company, 2 companies of Frenchmen,
also furnished by the Company, 600 Sepoys, and other natives, and
reënforced by Cornish's seamen and marines, a total of 2,300 men,
sail July 29 and August 1 for Malacca, where they are to water,
taking precautions on the way to prevent the Spaniards from learning
of the expedition. Malacca is left August 27, and the fleet anchors
in Manila Bay September 23, completely surprising the Spaniards. A
summons to the governor on the twenty-fourth elicits no satisfactory
reply, and, accordingly, operations are begun immediately. From that
date until October 6, when Manila is taken by easy assault, the siege
is one of ceaseless activity on the part of the British, who struggle
against heavy seas and rains which aid the Spaniards. The latter, 800
strong, are reënforced by 10,000 Pampangos, "a fierce and barbarous
people." To the latter is due the killing, under a flag of truce,
of Draper's secretary, Lieutenant Fryar, who is sent to the Spanish
lines with a nephew of the archbishop-governor who has been captured
with a vessel despatched from the Acapulco galleon. This has arrived
on the Luzón coast in September, with news of the war, and Cornish
endeavors to capture it. The British base of land operations is the
suburb of Malate, from which successive advances are made, although
a few sallies by Spaniards and Pampangos give the British forces
considerable trouble. The Pampangos, however, meet with so severe
losses, that becoming disheartened, all but 1,800 of them desert. The
British landing force, consisting of both troops and seamen and
marines, is well supported by the ships. At the assault, one hundred
Spaniards and natives who refuse to surrender are all killed. The
archbishop-governor and his chief officers retire to the citadel and
surrender at discretion. The officers are allowed to give their parole,
but all natives are simply dismissed. When Cavite is surrendered, three
hundred Spanish troops mutiny and desert with their arms. The total
number of Spanish officers and men, taken prisoners, both of the army
and navy, amounts to 361. The British loss, as shown by an appended
list, is 36 killed, and 111 wounded. Many war supplies are captured
in Manila and Cavite, a goodly proportion of which is unserviceable.

This is followed by the journal of the archbishop of the defense and
assault of Manila, from the appearance of the British in Manila Bay,
September 22, until the capture of Manila October fifth. It differs
in some of its details from Draper's journal, especially in the
number of the British forces, and the number of the British killed
(both undoubtedly exaggerations on the part of the archbishop),
and gives details not mentioned by Draper.

This is followed by a valuable series of documents (mainly in synopsis)
concerning Simon de Anda y Salazar, the patriotic auditor, and the
English invasion. The various letters, etc., consist of communications
between Anda and the weak archbishop, Rojo; Anda and the British;
the archbishop and the Filipinos; and the British and Diego Silang,
the insurgent. By means of them one may follow fairly accurately the
course of events after the taking of Manila. Throughout, Anda's tone
is one of intense bitterness toward the archbishop, whom he accuses
of venality and collusion with the British. The archbishop, on the
contrary, accuses Anda, whom the British proscribe, of usurping
power not his own, and of lack of patriotism. The abortive Chinese
insurrection, instigated by the British, is put down by Anda with
terrible vengeance. There are charge and countercharge between Anda
and the British (whose proscription Anda has met) of inhumanity, each
side striving to clear itself from such an imputation. Anda is slow to
accept the assurances of peace, and to grant a truce to hostilities,
for he fears some British treachery. He demands that they leave the
islands, in accordance with the terms of the treaty (made in February
1763), and by which they should have left the islands in August
1763. Early in 1764, the treaty is sent on a British vessel which also
carries orders for the British to go to the Coromandel coast; with
which the Spaniards are left in peaceful possession of the islands.

The archbishop-governor writes a long relation of events (probably in
1763) preceding and following the assault by the British, in which his
chief aim is to justify his own conduct, as many charges have been
preferred against him. He has been mindful of the peace and harmony
of the islands, has healed breaches, has encouraged agriculture, has
looked after the defense of the islands, and increased the navy. The
repair of the public works has engrossed a part of his attention,
but his plans are not to be perfected, for the English spoil that. He
has also bettered the condition of the treasury; and in view of
the fact that the whole concern of the people is centered about the
annual trading galleon, has tried to improve the lethargy, idleness,
and vice into which they fall when that matter is attended to. He
relates the story of the siege and assault, and the dispositions
of the British, and the general events of the period immediately
following. Throughout he justifies his own conduct, as in the letters
to Anda, recounting his troubles with various Spanish officials,
the British, and Anda. He protests that he has acted only for the
interests of the Spanish monarch, and indignantly repels the idea
that he has been in collusion with the British. This is in many ways
an especially interesting document, and supplements the information
of the other documents considerably.

In a letter to King Cárlos III, dated June 22, 1764, Anda relates
the measures taken by him in his office as Audiencia, governor and
captain-general. These measures cover a wide range, extending to things
social, economic, moral, and religious. A fixed tariff for provisions,
etc., the coinage, the Chinese, who are allied with the British, the
military, the seculars, the surveillance and care of the Filipinos,
the churches, agriculture, proscription of certain British officers,
the curfew, prohibition of gambling games, regulation of the sale of
intoxicants, and strict regulations regarding theft--all these engage
his attention.

Another letter from Anda to Cárlos III, dated July 23, 1764, is
devoted entirely to the archbishop, who is characterized as wanting
in loyalty. Anda, while protesting his own loyalty and devotion to
the crown of Spain, declares the many acts of the archbishop (who
is now dead) during and after the assault. The latter has written
violent letters to Anda, and has acted entirely in the interests of
the British. His boon companions have been the traitors Orendain and
Fallet, by whom he has been influenced to sign the cession of the
islands. Anda has been proscribed at his instigation as a rebel, but
that cannot be, as he has never consented to become a vassal of the
British, and his loyalty to the Spanish monarch is known. Although
the archbishop was urged to give up his foolish pretensions to the
governorship, he would never do so. That position rightfully belonged
to Anda after the assault, and even the British always spoke of
the archbishop as the ex-governor. The latter's want of loyalty is
exemplified by his refusal to send the royal seal to Anda, though he
could easily have done so.

Baltasar Vela, S.J., of Manila, writes his nephew, Brother Antonio
Gonzalez, S.J., of Madrid, July 24, 1764, informing him that the
British have at last left Manila, after a rule there of eighteen
months. That city fell because of the lack of political sense of the
Spaniards and their insufferable pride, for it could have been easily
defended, as it is impregnable almost by its location alone. Its
loss he charges to the methods of Spanish traitors who won over the
archbishop, so that it was arranged that everything should be left
open for the assault by the British on the fifth of October. There
was no breach made in the walls, he affirms, but the British soldiers
scaled them by means of holes in the soft stone. The attempt to kill
Anda was arranged by the traitors with the Chinese and British. The
latter were aided throughout by the traitorous Spaniards, the Chinese,
and the natives whom they manage to corrupt; but most of their plans
outside Manila come to nought. The letter closes with several personal
matters, among them a request for reading matter.

A series of representations, forty-six in all, made by Anda and
Francisco de la Torre (governor ad interim) in June and July of 1764,
treat in part of the matters covered in preceding documents. Notices
are given of the insurrections in Ilocos and Pangasinan, both of which
have been instigated and aided by the British, and both of which are
finally put down, the latter with the aid of Bishop Ustariz. Anda
praises the religious orders, especially the Augustinians, although
he notes that some of the religious of St. John of God have been
discontented. Joló affairs and the British alliance with the king of
that island are discussed briefly. Orendain, who has been disloyal to
the king, has gone with his family to Madras with the English. The
fines imposed upon Villacorta and Viana do not appear to have been
rightly adjudged. Torre asks that a rule be given regulating the
conduct of the single member left to represent the Audiencia, as
in the case of Anda, should such a contingency again occur. Anda's
conduct deserves only complete and hearty approval.

Two declarations are presented by General Draper (both probably in
1764), in which he protests against the charges of inhumanity that
have been brought against him in regard to the affair at Manila, and
urges the payment of the remainder of the ransom which the Spaniards
refuse. The Spaniards charge the British with breaking the agreements
of the capitulation, but it is they themselves who have broken them
all. By various subterfuges they have endeavored and are endeavoring
to escape the payment of the ransom. Less than one-half million
dollars of the four millions have as yet been paid. The story of the
siege and subsequent events is in part gone over, including some
little of Anda's operation. The action of the East India Company,
to whom the city was turned over shortly after the assault, causes
the captors to lose about 200,000 dollars. The second declaration
is made necessary because of the new arguments put forward by the
Spanish to evade payment of the ransom bills given on the Spanish
treasury at the capitulation of Manila. The British have a right to
that city until all the ransom has been paid.

A short letter from Eugenio Carrion, S.J., to Joseph de Rueda, S.J.,
written from San Pedro Macati, July 8, 1765, notes the conclusion
of peace and the arrival of a new proprietary governor, Francisco
Raon. Francisco de la Torre, governor ad interim, has left Manila in
a good state of defense and has begun operations against the Moros,
which will doubtless be continued by Raon. This will make the trade
of the Visayan Islands flourishing once more. In their retirement
from the islands the British have lost one-half their boats and men,
the latter numbering in all 8,000. News of the Chinese affairs will
have been received through the Portuguese fathers. There are still
about thirty fathers in that empire, ten or eleven of whom live
openly in Pekin, while the others are in hiding. Carrion prays that
the Society may safely weather the storm (the approaching suppression)
that has assailed it as a whole.

The last of this series of documents is a letter from Bernardo
Pazuengos, S.J., the Philippine provincial, to Joaquin Mesquida,
S.J., the procurator-general, written from Santa Cruz. The first
part of the letter, dated June 17, 1765, complains of Francisco
de la Torre, who has lived as a libertine and has been especially
hostile toward the religious orders. The arrival of a new governor
is awaited eagerly by all the decent inhabitants. The Jesuits and
Dominicans are fully resolved to resign their missions as existing
conditions of affairs will not permit them longer to hold them. So
poor are the fathers, whose stipends are no longer paid, that they
are compelled to make their shoes out of the parchment of their
books. Their missions are heavily in debt. The Moros, and even the
Christians, have raided the missions. The Visayan Islands are ruined,
and one-half their inhabitants have been killed and captured. Jesuit
estates have been burned. The Recollects have escaped no better, in
all probability. Auditor Galban has declared that the pious funds are
the ruin of the islands and of trade. Vigorous measures are being taken
against the Jesuits. The fiscal urges action against all the religious
orders. The arrival of the "Santa Rosa" with the new governor on July
3 is noted. The letter finally closes on July 20.


The Editors

January, 1907.








DOCUMENTS OF 1759-1765


    CONQUEST OF MANILA BY THE ENGLISH, 1762, AND OTHER EVENTS,
    1762-1765

        Plan of an expedition for the conquest of the southern
        Philippines. [Sir William Draper?; ca., 1759?]
        Letters to Clevland. Admiral Samuel Cornish; October 31, and
        November 10, 1762.
        Letter to Lord Anson. Admiral Samuel Cornish; November 1, 1762.
        Letters to Earl of Egremont. Sir William Draper; November 1,
        and November 2, 1762.
        Draper's Journal. Sir William Draper; 1762.
        Rojo's Journal. Manuel Antonio de Rojo y Vieyra; December 23,
        1762.
        Anda and the English invasion, 1762-1764. Simon de Anda y
        Salazar, and others; October 8, 1762-March 9, 1764.
        Rojo's narrative. Manuel Antonio de Rojo y Vieyra; [1763].
        Synopsis of letter to Cárlos III. Simon de Anda y Salazar;
        June 22, 1764.
        Letter to Cárlos III. Simon de Anda y Salazar; July 23, 1764.
        Letter to Gonzalez. Baltasar Vela, S.J.; July 24, 1764.
        Synopsis of communications to Cárlos III. Simon de Anda y
        Salazar; June-July, 1764.
        Draper's defense. In two parts. I. A plain narrative. [Sir
        William Draper; 1764?]. II. Colonel Draper's answer to the
        Spanish arguments. Sir William Draper; 1764.
        Letter to Rueda. Eugenio Carrion, S.J.; July 8, 1765.
        Letter to Mesquida. Bernardo Pazuengos, S.J.; July 20, 1765.
        References.


    Sources: The first document, the third, and the first part of
    the fourth, are from MSS. in the British Museum; the second,
    second part of the fourth, and the fifth, are from Scots Magazine
    for 1763; the sixth, from Le Gentil's Voyage, ii, pp. 232-235,
    236, 237-239, 241, 242, 243-247, 248-252, 255-259; the seventh and
    eighth, from original MSS. belonging to the Ayer Collection; the
    ninth, tenth, and twelfth, from the Ventura del Arco transcripts
    (Ayer Collection); the eleventh, fourteenth, and fifteenth, from
    the original MSS. in the Simancas archives; the thirteenth, from
    the two publications named therein; the sixteenth, editorial
    compilation of titles.

    Translations and Compilations: These are by James A. Robertson.








PLAN OF AN EXPEDITION FOR THE CONQUEST OF THE SOUTHERN PHILIPPINES


Before we consider this Subject in the View of Probability Let us
examine how far it may be expedient: It is well known a very lucrative
Commerce is carried on from India to Manila under Sanction of Moorish
Colours. It might therefore be alleged that considerable Disadvantages
would accrue to the General Commerce of India were the Spaniards
deprived of the Philippin Islands from a Presumption that the Silver
now received from thence would be lost. But when the footing on which
the Spaniards at present admit this Commerce is duly attended to,
It cannot be doubted a quite contrary Effect would follow.--Silver
is the Produce of the Trade carried on from Manila to America and
if the Spaniards had not Manila America would open her Arms to the
Importers of those Conveniences which India & China only can afford
them: This Navigation might be opend if supported in time of Open
war by a Port on California.

It is true this Circumstance may be reckoned not entirely relative to
the present Plan which does not propose the Conquest of Manila. But it
cannot be deemed quite foreign to the Subject as the Possession of the
Southern Islands would be a great restraint on the Spaniards at Manila.

There are two Reasons fully sufficient to warrant Attacks in
war. The Conquest of a Place important enough to answer the
expences of the Expedition by maintaining it after the war is over
or by relinquishing it at the Conclusion of a Peace on a valuable
Consideration & distressing an Enemy by harassing him in different
Quarters & facilitating any other attempt against him or preventing
his acting offensively: The Expedition here proposed may be considered
in either Light. Certain it is the Chief Motive of the Spaniards for
maintaining these Islands arises from religious Zeal So that admitting
the Southern Islands to be subdued It is far from being impossible
that in Consideration [of] Permission to the Missions Manila itself
might then be ceded & Perhaps Valuable Commercial Priviledges granted
also to Us.

But if the Spaniards should not acquiesce in valuable Cessions for
Permissions to the Missions they must be extremely piqued & alarmed to
have so large a part of their Dominions severd from Manila particularly
as they suffer already greatly from the Inroads of the Moors and the
relinquishing them would undoubtedly be a Point of Consequence in a
Treaty of Peace.

But supposing the Spaniards are so indifferent about them as neither
to give any valuable Consideration in lieu or for Permission to the
Missions, It is necessary to shew the Islands would answer the Charge
of Conquest & be worth maintaining.

However Previous to this we think it most eligible to consider the
Subject in a different Light we mean as it may effect the War:--The
Philippin Islands are so far severd from the other Spanish Dominions
that any attack of them can have no Influence on other parts So that
Manila only can be affected by the Expedition here proposed. If
there be any attempt intended against the Capital It undoubtedly
would have infinite Good Effect to alarm the out Islands perhaps in
drawing some force from Manila but much to the purpose by perplexing
them with the apprehension of a Junction with the Moors & Southern
Islanders to attack them behind & cut of all resource by Land &
starve them by a Blockade at the same time that their apprehensions
would be justly raised of a General Revolt of the Indians under their
Dominion who tired out with oppressions are weary of the Spanish Yoke
& ripe for Revolt. Some as Bohol have rebelld & the Tagalas who lye
around Manila have implord the Assistance of Sooloo to protect them in
Independance. The Spaniards consider nothing but the Galleons Cargo &
Erections Leaving the Moors almost without Molestation to ravage &
spread Distruction thro the Southern Islands from whence they have
carried into Captivity many thousands within these few Years & have
in a manner put an End to Commerce from the hazard to which Coasting
Vessells are exposd. It is no wonder if the Natives who are still
forced to pay Tribute should be ready to join any Power from whom
they may expect Protection.

Besides Luzon which is not at present under Consideration There are
9 considerable Islands.

Paragua of which a part only is under the Spanish
Jurisdiction;--Mindanao whereof they have--the sole Possession on
the W. N. & part of the E. Coasts Samar, Leyte, Bohol, Zibu, Negros,
Pany & Mindoro.

The Islands of mean Size are more numerous; Besides Dumaran whereof
part is claimed by Sooloo we may reckon 23 worth naming--Luban,
Maricaban, Marinduque, Tablas, Romblon Sibuyan, Masbate, Burias,
Ticao, Capul, Catanduan Polo; Maripipi, Panamao, Mactan, Siguyod,
Panaon Guimaras, Cuyo, Lalutaya, Sinacapan, Calamian & Buvugan.

It is proposed to give some account of each of these tho it is not
to be presumed we can treat of each with much or equal Precision.

The Chief Establishment of the Spaniards on Paragua is at Tyty on the
No. End The Fort named St. Isabel de la Paragua is built a top of a
small rocky hill, the further part not a musquet Shot from the Sea &
part of it washed by the waves; It is built of Stone: They have in
the same Province several other small Forts on the Islands Cuyo,
Lalataya, Linapacan & Calamian or Culion but all these last are only
Garrisond by the Natives or Militia & indeed are only intended for
Security against the Inroads of the Moors. [1]

The Possession of Tyty seems rather as a Check on the Moors than from
the Number of its Tributarys or Produce at least under its present
Masters; this part of Paragua abounds in excellent Harbours scarce
any exceed that of Tyty but Malampaya on the West Coast: the Island
is very populous but the greatest part are under the Jurisdiction
of Sooloo if we consider the whole Island the Productions are very
valuable & by description few surpass it Gold, Cowrees, Rice, Canes,
Rattans, Batata, Kuma False Amber & many other valuable articles are
in abundance It is very populous on the East Side but the Natives
are almost solely Joloan: Their antipathy to the Spaniards would not
probably prevent the English reaping the Benefit of their Industry &
Commerce to the Articles abovementiond we may probably add Birds Nest
as the Calamianes abound in the whitest & as the Nature of this part
of Paragua promises to yield it in abundance.

The two Islands of Calamianes give name to the Province the first
Spanish Establishment having been made there: They are 3 considerable
Islands Linapacan, Calamian & Busvazon [2] besides a great Number of
small ones on every side. They yield Birds Nest; wax which they gather
twice a year, the Land is rugged & the seas dangerous; the Natives
are bold & industrious & have Rice, Hogs & Poultry in abundance.

Under the same Jurisdiction are the Islands Cuyo which are 5 in
number close together & contain about 500 Familys. They are docile &
more attached to the Spaniards than the Calamians or Paraguans: they
have abundance of rice, Hogs & Poultry. The whole Jurisdiction does
not seem to contain above 4 or 5000 People. [3]

The Islands Leyté, Samar & several small ones adjoining are under
the Jurisdiction of the former.

Samar which is divided from Leyte by the narrow Strait of S. Juanico
lyes on the East of the Philippins. On the Side which looks to the
Ocean it is named Ibabao & that part within is called Samar the Port
of Borongon on the East Side formerly afforded Shelter to the Galleons
from a Dutch Squadron in 1620 & Palapa on the North might have done
the same to the Cabadong [4] It is entirely sheltered from all winds
& we presume is what Anson's Voyage calls Ialapy Calbalagan is the
Chief Town & residence of the Alcalde; The Island is very full of
fine Timber [word illegible] for Ship buildg the country is Rough &
Mountainous but its Plains are fertile in rice wax & abacca of which
last they manufacture Cloth. It in common with the other Philippins
abounds in Cattle.

Leyte is more fertile on the East Side where the Plains are so fertile
that the Crops yield 200 fold: a ridge of high Mountains divide it
nearly in the middle which occasions a very great Diversity of Seasons:
So that whilst it is winter on the N. Side (which happens during the
N. E. winds) it is Spring on the South & vice versa. In the middle
they have double Seasons & both good Crops. It has on all Sides many
rivers which fall from these high Mountains & in these rivers and
Seas are great abundance of excellent Fish particularly the Harbor
of Quibot opposite to the Island of Camote. This Island abounds in
fine Timber for Ship Building & Harbours for their Security. Besides
Quibot there are several on the west Coast, Palompong, Lagnoag, Tigas,
Leyti, &c. Leyte is the only one on the No.--Cacaliaton on the E.--&
on the So. Liloan formed by this Island & Panaon which strait is very
famous for being the Entrance of Magellan & Legaspi to the Islands;
& there are still remains of some small Guard Houses built by Legaspi.

The Plains abound with Game as Deer Hogs & Fowls, besides Domestick
ones & the Plenty of Cattle originally brought from China: It yields
Rice wax & Abacca Cloth which is their common wear. It also abounds
in Coconut Trees, & Fruits of various kinds. The People of these two
Islands are open & ingenious & the Climate is cooler than Manila.

Leyte has 19 Towns which contain 45,229 Souls, Liloan 330, Poro 1505,
& Samar 53,260 in 17 Towns the whole 100,332. It ought to be observed
indeed that this Numeration was before the late Incursion of the
Moors who for abt 10 years passed have annually infested the Islands
carrying into Captivity seldom less than 1000 tho chiefly women &
Children: So that we shall suppose they do not now exceed 80,000 altho
we presume this deduction too great as the Number of the Inhabitants
of the other Islands are from so late Information as 1761, & as many
of the Captures have been made from the other Islands particularly
the small ones of whose Inhabitants we have no Numeration & even many
from the Island Luzon which we now consider.

Annexed to the Province of Leyte are several smaller Islands which in
general as well as the two larger abound in Cacao: Panamao also yields
much Sulphur & Maripipi, which affords by report a most agreeable &
remarkable appearance, Plenty of Gold.

Bohol adjoining to Leyte also appertains to the Province of Zebu it
is a rocky & barren Island of Rice but rich in Mines of [illegible]
a[n]d ores of gold it also yelds Cowries. [5] It contains 9 Towns
which are all situated on the Sea ashore they are never infested
by the Moors being esteemed a valiant People they have no Forts nor
Spaniards on the Island but Jesuit Fathers they have however enclosd
most of their Towns for Security against Invasion: It is reported they
offerd to protect the Islands against the Moorish Inroads if they
were exempted the Tribute But this offer was refused Undoubtedly it
would well answer the expence were they not only freed from Tribute
but paid a ratio of Rice which they obtain by Commerce with the other
Islands, for this Service Some of them are at present revolted &
having killed two Fathers retired into the Mountains.

They have many tame & wild Hogs & the Seas are full of Fish: Cotton
is in abundt. & their women Manufacture it into fine Cloths. The
Natives are whiter & better disposed than their Neighbours but speak
the Bissaya Language. It is pretended the Sooloos originally came
from Bohol or the Natives of it from Sooloo for it is not well agreed
which & not much Probability to support either opinion. It contains
at least 40,000 People.

Zebu the Next Island to Bohol was that on which the Spaniards first
established themselves: it has an excellent Harbour formed by that of
Mactan, a small Island chiefly famous for the Death of Magellan. Zebu
was greatly injured by the removal of the Seat of Government to
Manila. However it has still many Inhabitants particularly Sangleys
some whereof are worth 20,000 Dollars. there are many Houses & Convents
of Stone: The Number of Inhabitants on the Island is about 25, or
30,000. The Productions of this Island are Borona a small Grain like
Millet which is the chief food of the Common People as rice is scarce,
Tobacco Abacca & Cotton of which two they make Cloth; It also produces
the Best Cacao & some Gold & the Mountains yield some wax & Civet.

Seguiyod [6] which is a small Island to the Southward of Zebu is
inhabited by a valiant People but is remarkable for little else except
the number of Fire-Flies from which it is said the Name Isla de Fuegos
was given it.

Negros is divided into two Jurisdictions under the Corregidor of Ylog
the Southern Part to Dumagueté & the N. Part under the Corregidor of
Sily established about 10 years ago. The Island is double Land; very
fruitful in rice which it transports to Zebu & other places adjoining:
Yonote or Gumatty: The Coasts are inhabited by Bissayas to the Number
of 20,000 & the inland by many Negros who are hitherto unsubdued &
Are very savage.

The Next Island to be mentioned is Pany: Not without reason held
the most populous & fruitful of the Philippins: It is divided
into two Alcaldeas Capis which contains 40,000 People & Ylo Ylo
which has 100,000. It is not only the Granary of Samboango &ca. but
sends considerable Supplies to Manila; There are also about 10,000
independant Savages in the Mountains.

This Island besides very great Quantities of Rice, [has] very
fine wheat; Plenty of Wax, oil, Abacca; Dammer & several kinds of
Cloth of which their women manufacture some very fine: The People
are strong, corpulent & fit for any kind of Labor. They are much
inclined to hunting the wild Hogs & Deer which are plenty as well as
Tame Cattle. The E. Coast has many excellent Harbours but the W. is
destitute of Shelter for Shipping the whole Island abounds so much in
Rivers that there is nowhere a league of Coast without one & to this
[is] owing the extraordinary fertility of the Country.

The Island Mindoro is high double Land with rugged Mountains covered
with wood & abounding with various kinds of Palms as Buru, Yonote,
or Gumatty of which they make Sago &ca. & in all Country Fruits: In
some Places Rice is very plenty as well as Cowrees but the People are
the most indolent of the Philippins; The Mountains which yields much
wax is inhabited by various tribes of independant Savages. There is one
Jurisdiction on the Island the Corregidor whereof resides at Baco:--The
Island Marinduque is under this Jurisdiction & yields Dammer wax &
Rice: it is remarkable for an excellent Harbour capable of admitting
the largest Ships & sheltered from all winds. The Inhabitants in this
Jurisdiction are about 20,000.

The Spanish Dominion on Magenda [7] comprehends the whole Coasts from
Samboangan by the North to Carayas. In General it yields much Gold,
particularly Butuan, wax, Cinnamon, Civet, good Cacao, Cotton, Sago,
Rice, & Pepper thrives very well, they have many fine woods Brazil
Ebony &ca. & the Country also yields Sulphur & Salt Petré. It is not
indeed without Reason this is held the richest of the Philippins
& from its many Lakes & Rivers extremely convenient for inland
Commerce. The Natives are very numerous inland & besides those
under the Spanish Yoke may be divided into three Denominations--The
Subanos or Nation of the Rivers who are Gentiles & very numerous. The
Illanon who are under many petty Princes situated around the Lake
of Mallanao & the Magindaos: the two last being Mahometans & at war
with the Spaniards. The Natives under the Spanish Dominion are few
in Number compared with the others & we omit their Number to make up
any Deficiency in the other Jurisdiction. [8]

Amongst the smaller Islands which remain unmentioned Masbate is the
Chief: it yields wine Civet, some amber & when the Spaniards first
settled much Gold. The others are not remarkable for their Productions
except Polo which yields much Gold & Ligu [i.e., Ligao?] Alloes Lampon
opposite to this Island has been proposed for landing the Treasure
from Acapulco in war for which it is extremely convenient being only
36 hours Journey to Manila.

It may appear wonderful that so many Islands so excellent in Situation
should yield so little for foreign Commerce except Provisions however
that is not to be ascribed to the Barreñess of the Country but solely
to the Indolence & Bad Government of the Spaniards--However it is
past doubt that were there a more equitable Jurisdiction established,
that the Benefit attending the Possession of these Islands would be
very considerable to be convinced of this it is only requisite to
take a review of the Number of People they contain:


                        Calamian abt.      5,000
                        Leyte Province   100,332
                        Bohol abt.--      40,000
                        Zebu abt.--       25,000
                        Negros            20,000
                        Pany             140,000
                        Mindoro abt.      20,000
                                         -------
                        Total            350,332


From which making a deduction of 20,000 for the Captives made by the
Moors the Number of Indians in these Islands, exclusive of Luzon,
under the Spanish Dominion must exceed 330,000. The Value of such an
acquisition we presume is too evident to need Discussion.

We are now to consider the Practicability of the Conquest.

There are several Forts of Stone on the Southern Islands besides
Stockades. But as all these were originally intended against the
Moorish Incursions they are not formidable to a European Power if we
may be allowed to form a Judgemt from those esteemed by the Spaniards
the strongest viz. Samboangan & Ylo Ylo. of which two we have had an
opportunity to form some Idea from Personal Observation.

Samboangan Fort & Town mount 65 Guns. But as the Fort is upon the
Shoar & deep water close to it the reduction is a matter of few hours
the Garrison when Compleat abt. 2 or 300 Guushinanzas but at present
very few as we have been assured.

Ylo Ylo is of Stone cracked in several Places it mounts about 50
guns some 18 & 24 pounders & 3 Mortars & had in the End of 1761 a
Garrison of 46 Guerchinanyas & 34 Pampanga Soldiers this is the only
Fort on Pany & is within Pistol Shot of Shipping but of difficult
access & indeed I do not conceive in the S. W. winds that it would be
practicable to go thither with large Ships It has no Ditch or Glacis.

Such being the Condition of the two Principal Let us pass [to] a
Description of the others but as they occur in the Expedition proposed.

It is proposed that a Europe Ship shall sail for Sooloo in Company
with one or more smaller Vessells equipped for war with a Detachment
of abt. 50 Europeans & some Seapoys for Sooloo the Europe Ship to
take in the Cargo there for China & to proceed for Samboangan the
reduction of which Fort we consider as a Matter of Course. The only
Use of Samboangan is to prevent the Incursions of the Moors by the
Strait of Basilan But this is a Point of no Consequence as it only
makes them pass on the S. Side of Basilan it is therefore proposed to
dismantle Samboangan or to leave it with the present Spanish Garrison
provided they will take the Oath of allegiance till a General Peace
settles the Fate of the Philipinas & in that Case to leave them only
a Quantity of Ammunition sufficient for occasional Defence.

It is then proposed to proceed to Missamis where a small Stone Fort
built lately to command the Pass of Panguel Lake This Place is a
Station of the utmost Consequence as the Possession of it opens a
Communication with the Illanon with whom by the mediation of Sooloo
the Confederacy must be made. The Possession of Missamis will be
supported by a Garrison of 25 Europeans & a Guard Ship for which
Service a Ship built for a Man of War there may be used & it mand
with a Detachment of 30 Men from the Europe Ship whose Place may
be supplied with transports or Guachinanyas from Samboangan It is
proposed to make a Declaration at taking Samboangan that in Case the
Islands do not submit they must stand the Consequence of the Moorish
Incursions & a Confederacy with the Moors may be made to aid them in
infesting the Spanish Districts by supplying them with Ammunition. The
General Terror of the Moors will influence as well the Indians as the
Padres to submit when they find that this only can protect them from
in truth the greatest of all Calamitys.

It is proposed the Ships shall proceed from Missamis to Zebu the
reduction of which City will be a matter of equal Facility & Importance
as the Fort is very inconsiderable close to the Sea without Ditch & the
Garrison according to the Spanish writers a Compy of 100 Guichenangas
& another of Pampangas & Cagayans tho it appears that it is now even
more inconsiderable. Adjoining to Zebu is Bohol now in rebellion &
said to be apostatized certainly they have murderd & ejected at least
some of the Fathers they are considered as of the same Original as the
Sooloos & are held the Bravest of the Philipinas. Such Circumstances
evince not only the Facility of a Confederacy with them but of the
Consequence of this in making a Divission against the Spaniards &
protecting the Conquerd Islands to which it may not be improper to
observe that some time ago the Boholons offerd if the King of Spain
would remit the Tribute that they would protect at their own Charge
all the Bissayas which Proposal was however neglected.

There is a Ship at Sooloo which may have good Consequences we mean
redeeming with Captives as may be found useful as Guides in the
different districts of the Bissayas.

The reduction of Zebu should terminate the action of the Europe
Ship which should then proceed to China with her Cargo & on her
return call at Manila to Convey the Sultan if he can not be sent
sooner. The operation of the other Vessells should be directed towards
the reduction of Leyte & Samar which are destitute of Forts & which
are solely under the Jurisdiction of the Jesuits.

The N. E. Monsoon is the most convenient time for the attack of Ylo
Ylo unless a Detachment could be made from Magendanao. The reduction
of Pany is an important Object in two Lights as a Granary to the
Bissayas in general & therefore a Security for their Submission &
as a Place from whence all our Possessions & even Manila itself may
have resource. However the Junction of Bohol & the Moors seem to
require the Zebu Rout.

[At the beginning of this document is written the date "23 Novr. 1762,"
probably the date of the receipt of this plan in London. [9]]








LETTERS FROM CORNISH TO CLEVLAND


Admiralty Office, April 19.

Copy of a letter from Vice-Adm. Cornish, [10] to Mr. Clevland, dated
in the bay of Manila, the thirty-first of October 1762.


It is with the greatest pleasure I have the honour to acquaint their
Lordships with the success of his Majesty's arms, in the reduction of
the city of Manila, which was taken by storm on the morning of the 6th
instant. [11] In my letters of the 23d and 31st of July, I acquainted
their Lordships with my proceedings to that time; after which I used
every possible means at Madrass for dispatch, the decline of the
S. W. monsoon making it of the utmost importance. To promote this end,
I completed the Elisabeth, Grafton, Lenox, Weymouth, and Argo, with
such of the troops and military stores as they were to take on board,
and on the 29th sent them away under the command of Commodore Tiddeman,
to proceed to Malacca, with a view that they might complete their water
there by the time I should arrive with the remainder of the squadron.

Having accomplished the imbarkation of everything designed for the
expedition, with a dispatch much beyond my expectation, as we had from
the whole time of my being there a violent surf to contend with, I
sailed the 1st of August with the ships under mentioned, viz. Norfolk,
Panther, America, Seaford, South-sea castle storeship, Admiral
Stevens storeship, Osterly company's ship, leaving the Falmouth,
at the request of the president and council, to convoy the Essex
India ship, who was not ready to sail, having the treasure to take
on board for the China cargoes, and to bring to Manila such of the
company's servants as were to be put in possession of that government,
if the expedition succeeded.

The 19th, I arrived at Malacca, and was disappointed in not finding
Mr. Tiddeman there; who did not join till the 21st, having met with
long calms. The difficulty of watering the squadron at this place
made it the 27th before I could leave the road.

On the 2d of September, I arrived off Pulo Timean, and was joined
by Capt. Grant in the Seahorse, whom I had detached, upon my first
arrival at Madrass, to cruise between this island and the streights
of Singapore, to stop any vessels he might suspect going to Manila.

On the 19th, I made the coast of Luconia; but was drove off again by a
strong N. E. wind, which separated some of the squadron. The 22d, the
gale broke up, and the wind shifting to the S. W. the 23d we recovered
the land again. The next day [we] entered the bay of Manila, and,
in the close of the evening, anchored off the fort of Cavite, with
the whole squadron, except the South-sea castle and Admiral Stevens,
the Falmouth and Essex having joined me off the coast. In the night
I sent the masters to sound about the fortifications of Cavite; and,
by their report, found that it might be attacked by ships.

The 25th in the morning, the wind not being favourable to attack
the Cavite, I took two of the frigates, and with Gen. Draper, [12]
and some other officers, reconnoitred the shore about Manila, and
observed some churches and other buildings to stand near the works on
the south side of the town, particularly toward the S. W. bastion. We
had some design of attacking Cavite first, to have had the conveniency
of that port for the shipping; but considered, that though the attack
should be attended with all the success we could hope, yet it would
cause a delay at least of two days before we could land at Manila,
which time would afford opportunity to the enemy to demolish these
buildings near their works, and to prepare many obstacles to our
landing, and perhaps recover from that consternation our unexpected
arrival had thrown them in; and farther, Manila being the Capital,
if that fell, Cavite would in consequence.

From those considerations, I joined in opinion with the General to
take advantage of circumstances so favorable for a descent, and land
the troops with all dispatch, and endeavour to get possession of some
posts near their works, which, if effected, would greatly facilitate
the reduction of the city.

In consequence of these resolutions, I immediately made the signal on
board the Seahorse for the squadron to join me, and for the troops to
prepare to land. About seven in the evening, the 79th regiment, with
the marines, in the boats, under the direction of the Captn Parker,
Kempenfelt, and Brereton, pushed for the shore; and under the fire of
the three frigates, effected the landing at a church called the Moratta
[i.e., Malate], about a mile and a half from the walls. [13] We had
no opposition from the enemy, but some difficulty from the surf, which
run high, and bilged all the long-boats; but happily lost no men. [14]

The next morning the General took an advanced post about 200 yards from
the glacis; and there, under cover of a blind, intended his battery
against the face of the south-west bastion. The number of troops being
small, I landed a battalion of seamen, consisting of about 700 men,
under the command of the Captn Collins, Pitchford, and George Ourry.

The 25th, I dispatched three armed boats after a galley coming up the
bay to Manila. They came up with her, resolutely boarded her, and took
her, notwithstanding she kept up a smart fire with patteraroes and
muskets. She mounted two carriages and seventeen brass swivel guns,
and had eighty men. By letters, found in her, we discovered she was
dispatched from the galleon St. Philippina [i.e., "Filipino"] from
Acapulco, and whom she had left the 10th of September at Cajayagan,
[15] between the Embocadero and Cape Spiritu Santa. Upon this
discovery I came to a resolution to send the Panther and Argo [16]
in quest of her; but it was the 4th of October before the weather
permitted their sailing.

The 28th of September the General acquainted me that he was beginning
to work on the battery; and that if some ships could get near enough
to throw shot on the works of the town opposed to it, it might take
off some of the enemy's fire and attention, and thereby facilitate its
construction. In consequence of this, I ordered Com. Tiddeman, with
the Elisabeth and Falmouth, towards the town, as near as the depth
of water would permit, and to place the ships in such a position as
would best answer the purpose intended; which was accordingly done
the next day, and their fire had a very good effect.

On the 30th, the South-sea castle arrived with stores, which were much
wanted, particularly the intrenching tools; for want of which the army
had been so greatly distressed, that I was obliged to employ all the
forges in making spades, pickaxes, &c. for them. The 1st of October
it began to blow fresh, and in the night increased to a hard gale,
[17] which drove the South-sea castle ashore near the Polverista, a
little to the southward of our camp. This accident however had some
considerable advantages attending it, as the situation she lay in
made her cannon a protection for the rear of our camp: it was likewise
the means that all her military stores were got on shore with safety
and dispatch, and the army supplied with the provisions she had on
board, both which were articles they stood in immediate need of, and
which could not have been supplied by boats, as it continued blowing
weather for several days after, and the surf breaking very high on
the beach. This gale was from W. S. W. directly on the shore, which
gave me much concern for the safety of the squadron, particularly for
the Elisabeth and Falmouth, who were only in four fathom water, and,
as I have since been informed, with the sand of the sea struck; but
the bottom being mud, and soft to a considerable depth, they received
no damage. On the 4th in the morning, the General opened the battery,
which was so well managed, and seconded by the ships before the town,
that in four hours the defences were taken off, and the next day in
the evening the breach was made practicable.

On the 6th, at day-light in the morning, the General's regiment,
with the sea-battalion, mounted the breach, made the attack, and soon
got possession of all the bastions, which completed the conquest. I
immediately went on shore, and, with the General, had a meeting with
the Spanish governor, and some of his principal officers; when a
capitulation was agreed on, that the town and port of Cavite, with
the islands and forts dependent on Manila, should be given up to his
Brittanic Majesty, and that they should pay four millions of dollars
for the preservation of the town and their effects, (a copy of which
capitulation I have inclosed).

On the 10th, I sent Capt. Kempenfelt [18] in the Norfolk, with the
Seaford and Seahorse, to take possession of Cavite, agreeable to
the capitulation. By this acquisition we are in possession of a very
large quantity of naval stores; and beside the advantage of almost
every convenience for refitting a squadron, the people are supplied
with fresh meat and vegetables in a great plenty.

The siege, though short, was attended with many difficulties, and
great fatigue, in which both the officers and men exerted themselves
with the utmost chearfulness. We had constantly fresh gales, a lee
shore, and consequently a high surf, to contend with, which made it
always difficult, frequently hazardous, and sometimes impossible,
to land with boats. The rains fell very heavy, and our little army
were surrounded and harassed by numerous bodies of Indians, who,
though undisciplined, and armed only with lances, bows and arrows,
yet by a daring resolution, and contempt for death, they became
not only troublesome, but formidable. I have the satisfaction of
acquainting their Lordships, that throughout the whole expedition,
the most perfect harmony and unanimity has subsisted between his
Majesty's land and sea forces.

You will receive with this, an account of the number of officers and
men, both seamen and marines, that were landed from the squadron, as
likewise of the killed and wounded in each corps. It is with concern
I acquaint their Lordships with the loss of Commodore Tiddeman, who
in attempting to enter the river in his barge, the morning after the
reduction of Manila, was drowned with five of his people, by which
unhappy accident his Majesty has lost a brave and experienced officer.

Capt. Kempenfelt, by whom I send this (and [who] will present to you
for their Lordships a plan of the town of Manila, and the port of
Cavite) has been of the greatest assistance to me during the course
of this enterprise. He is very capable of furnishing their Lordships
with many particulars necessary for their information; and his great
merit makes it my duty to recommend him as a very able officer. [19]
I am, &c.


S. Cornish


[The list of which Admiral Cornish speaks is herewith given. This
we take from the London Magazine (xxxii, p. 222), as only the totals
landed, killed, and wounded are given in Scots Magazine.]





An Account of the Number of Seamen and Marines landed from his
majesty's Squadron under the Command of Rear Admiral Cornish; as also
of the Number killed and wounded during the Attack of Manila.


Norfolk, Rear Admiral Cornish, Capt. Richard Kempenfelt. 2 commissioned
officers, 12 petty ditto, 96 seamen, landed. 2 seamen killed. 1 ditto
wounded. Marines. 2 commissioned officers, 9 non-commissioned ditto,
34 private, landed. 1 private killed.

Elizabeth, Commodore Tiddeman. Capt. Isaac Ourry. 1 commissioned
officer, 2 petty ditto, 76 seamen, landed. 1 seaman killed. 5 ditto
wounded. Marines. 2 commissioned officers, 3 non-commissioned ditto,
21 private, landed.

Grafton, Capt. Hyde-Parker. 1 commissioned officer, 3 petty ditto,
100 seamen, landed. 2 seamen wounded. Marines, 2 commissioned officers,
6 non-commissioned ditto, 32 private, landed. 1 private wounded.

Lenox, Capt. Robert Jocelyn. 1 commissioned officer, 5 petty ditto,
119 seamen, landed. 4 seamen killed. 2 ditto wounded. Marines. 3
commissioned officers, 4 non-commissioned ditto, 38 private, landed. 1
private wounded.

Falmouth, Capt. William Brereton. 1 commissioned officer, 2 petty
ditto, 50 seamen, landed. 2 seamen killed. Marines. 2 commissioned
officers, 1 non-commissioned ditto, 11 private, landed.

Weymouth, Capt. Richard Collins. 3 commissioned officers, 7 petty
ditto, 80 seamen, landed. 1 seaman killed. 1 ditto wounded. Marines. 2
commissioned officers, 6 non-commissioned ditto, 26 private, landed. 2
private killed.

America, Capt. Samuel Pitchford, 2 commissioned officers, 2 petty
ditto, 61 seamen, landed. 1 seaman, killed. 1 ditto wounded. Marines. 1
commissioned officer, 4 non-commissioned ditto, 22 private, landed. 1
private killed.

Panther, Capt. George Ourry, acting Captain. 1 commissioned officer,
2 petty ditto, 50 seamen, landed. Marines. 1 commissioned officer,
5 non-commissioned ditto, 24 private, landed.

Argo, Captain Richard King. Marines. 2 commissioned officers, 3
non-commissioned ditto, 22 private, landed.

Seahorse, Captain Charles Cathcart Grant. Marines. 1 commissioned
officer, 2 non-commissioned ditto, 26 private, landed.

Seaford, Captain John Peighin. Marines. 1 commissioned officer,
2 non-commissioned ditto, 18 private, landed. 2 private killed.

Officers killed and wounded, &c. belonging to the

Norfolk, Lieut. Peter Porter, and Mr. White, surgeon's second mate,
killed.

Lenox, Thomas Spearing, second Lieut. of Marines, wounded.

Total officers, seamen, and marines: landed 1017. killed 17. wounded
17.

N. B. The surgeons, armourers, and other artificers, are not included
in the above account.

Norfolk, off Cavite, October 31, 1762.


S. Cornish





Copy of a letter from Vice-Adm. Cornish, to Mr. Clevland, dated in
the bay of Manila, the 10th of November, 1762.


In my letter of the 31st of October, I acquainted you of my having
sent Capt. Parker, with the Panther and Argo, in quest of the galleon
Saint Philipina, from Acapulco bound to Manila.

The 7th instant, Capt. King in the Argo, returned, with a letter
from Capt. Parker, acquainting me, that in consequence of my orders,
having the 30th of October, got the length of the island Capul, near
the entrance into the Embocadero, in pursuit of the Saint Philipina,
where the Argo had come to an anchor (and which he intended to do
for that night), just as the day closed saw a sail, and stand to the
northward; at eight in the evening he got sight of the chace, about
two leagues to leeward, but unluckily, by the rapidity of a counter
current to what the chace was in, was drove among the Narango's,
[20] in the utmost danger of being lost, and obliged to anchor: the
frigate having escaped the danger, got up with the chace, and engaged
her near two hour; but was so roughly handled, that Capt. King was
obliged to bring too to repair his damage. By this time the current
slackened, which enabled Capt. Parker to get under sail with the
chace in sight. About nine the next morning he came up with her, and
after battering her two hours within half-musket shot, she struck. The
enemy made but little resistance, trusting to the immense thickness
of the sides of their ship, which the Panther's shot was not able
to penetrate, excepting her upper works. Capt. Parker was no less
disappointed than surprised, when the General came on board, to
find, that instead of the Saint Philipina, he had engaged and taken
the Santissimo Trinidad, [21] who departed from Manila the 1st of
August for Acapulco, and had got 300 leagues to the eastward of the
Embocadero; but meeting with a hard gale of wind, was dismasted and
put back to refit. She had 800 men on board, and pierced for sixty
guns, but when Capt. King engaged her, had only six mounted, and but
thirteen when taken. She draws thirty-three feet of water, and is a
much larger ship than the Panther. I cannot ascertain the value of
her cargo, but there is to the amount of one million and a half of
dollars registered, and she is reputed to be worth three millions.

Capt. King left the Panther with her prize at an anchor about three
leagues south of the Corregidow [i.e., Corregidor], at the mouth of
this bay; and as I have sent a reinforcement of men with launches
and warps, I hope very soon to have them in safety. [22] I am, &c.


S. Cornish








LETTER FROM ADMIRAL CORNISH TO LORD ANSON


Admiral Cornish to Lord Anson [23] on the operations at Manila


My Lord

It affords me the most sensible pleasure to congratulate you on the
success of His Majesty's Arms in the reduction of Manila with its
dependancies.

The possession of the port of Cavita is an acquisition of great
Consequence to the Squadron, by which I shall be enabled with a plenty
of Stores of all kinds and a Number of Artificers to refit many of
the Ships, that in their present condition it would not be safe to
proceed with them to Sea; having these advantages together with a
good Hospital and plenty of Provisions, I shall be able to give new
Health to the People, to proceed from this place with the Squadron, in
a better condition than it has been since my Arriving to the command.

I gave Captain Parker an order to Command the Panther, as She was
a Clean Ship, and joyn'd the Argo with him to go in quest of the
Galleon St. Phillipina who was at Cayayagan between the Bocadero &
Cape Spirito Santo the 10th of Sept.; and proposed remaining there
till the Monsoon was broke up; As Capt. Parker was with your Lordsp
and is very well acquainted with those Seas I have the most sanguin
hopes of his success.

I am very sorry to mention that the Company's Servants at Madrass
took every method in their Power to obstruct the expedition, except
Mr. Pigot (who proved himself hearty in it & wished it success) their
behaviour on this occasion was shamefull; they would admit only of
two Companys of their own Troops to goe on the Expedition; and those
composd. of French deserters, [24] and Prisoners they released on this
Occasion; of two thousand Seapoys they were to furnish about 500 only
was embarked; they even refused a small Vessel which would have been of
great use, the Master being a good Pilot in ye Streights of Mallacca
and well acquainted with the Bay of Manila, he was threaten'd to be
turn'd out of their Service, for Shewing a readyness for going with me;
but of these Circumstances and many others regarding their behavior
in the outset of the Expedition your Lordship will receive particular
Information from Genl. Draper. I wish I could forbear to tell Your
Lordsp that My Constitution is much hurt by my long Continuance in
the West & East Indies during the course of this war, and puts me
under the necessity of begging whenever the Public service will admit,
that Your Lordship will indulge me with the favor of being relieved.

For a more particular State of the Squadron I take the liberty of
referring your Lordship to Captn. Kempenfelt, whom I send with my
dispatches, and will have the Honour to present to you some Coppar
Plates of the Philippine Islands, that were found in Manila. [25]
This Gentleman having approved Himself a very able & diligent officer,
as such I beg leave to recommend Him to Your Lordship's Protection. I
have the Honour to be with the greatest Respect Your Lordship's most


obliged & most humble Servt

Sl. Cornish


Norfolk, off Cavita in the Bay of Manila 1st of Novr. 1762.

[Endorsed: "Copy of a Letter from Admiral Cornish to Lord Anson giving
an acct. of Taking of the Manila Islands: Novr. 1st, 1762. Rece'd at
the Admty. April 14th, 1763 at night."]








LETTERS FROM GENERAL DRAPER TO EARL OF EGREMONT


A copy of Brigadier General Draper's Letter to the Rt. Hoñble The
Earl of Egremont his Majesty's Principal secretary of State for the
southern Department [26]


Manila Novr. 1st. 1762

My Lord

I do myself the Honour of sending Lieut. Colonel Scott late adjutant
General to inform you of the success of his Majesty's arms in the
conquest of manila, [27] and the Cession of the Phillipin Islands
to the British Throne, on the 6 of October, we took that Capital
by storm, wherein nothing could equal the conduct & bravery of the
officers & Troops--but their moderation afterwards notwithstanding
the great Provocations to Exert all the severities & Rigours of war,
as my secretary Lieut. Fryer had been murdered with a Flag of Truce
but British Humanity was superior to vengeance the Troops considered
rather how Englishmen should act than what the spaniards ought to
suffer they received all the suppliants to Mercy: as the Distruction
of so fine a City was not the object of the War, Admiral Cornish & I
Dictated the inclosed Conditions to the Governour & Chief Magistrates
they were most readily accepted & we flatter ourselves that the Term's,
considering their situation were as moderate for them as Beneficial
for us, the East India company is to have a third part of the Ransom.

In obedience to his majesty's Commands, I have delivered up Manila &
the port of Cavite to the Gentlemen appointed to receive them in
behalf of the Company with all the Cannon ammunition and Warlike
stores found therein, according to the inclosed Lists, the Kings
Goodness has granted them one of the richest Cities & Islands in the
World, in Fertility & every other blessing of nature not inferiour to
any belonging to the British Crown, if the turn of affairs in Europe
can perpetuate Possession it may prove a source of Commerce & wealth
not to be equalled in any other port of the Globe; the season of the
year & the Condition of the squadron will not permit Mr. Cornish to
take Possession of the subordinate Islands that have been ceded to
his Majesty, till the ships are repaired the admirals zeal for his
Majesty's service & his great & essential service to us, during the
whole course of the Expedition & fatiguing operations of the siege
are beyond all praise all the other officers of His squadron Exerted
themselves to the utmost upon [e]very occasion, the Captains Collins
Pitchford and George Ourry who commanded the corps of five hundred
seamen, whom the admiral was so obligeing to support me with behaved
with the greatest spirit & good Conduct, & were of singular use to
us their men and the marines behaved with their usual activity Life
and Intrepedity.

In my letters from Madrass & their Duplicates I took the Liberty to
inform your Lordship how much I depended upon the great abilities
of Colo. Monson for the success of the Interprize; the Reduction of
the place has been so much owing to his Consumate skill & Bravery
that it would be doing him the highest Injustice not to name him
in a particular manner I blush to give him orders & most humbly beg
leave through your Lordship to recommend him to his Majesty & shall
esteem my own poor services most abundantly rewarded by any mark of
the Royal favour to him and the following Gentlemen. Lt. Colo. Scott,
Major Barker, who Commanded the artillery, Captain Stevenson chief
Engineer (with majors Cotsford & Barnard) Captain Fletcher major of
Brigade my nephew Captn. moore Captain Pemble aides de camp they
have all acted in their several departments with such great merit
as much facilitated my good fortune the two Corps of his Majesty's
& the Company's artillery & their other Troop's behaved Exceeding
well. In the last place I beg leave to represent the services of my
own Regiment which under the good conduct of their former & Present
field officers, the Majors Fell and Drake, has the Peculiar merit
of having first stop'd the Progress of the French in India, turned
and decided the fate of the War there, and Carry'd the Glory of his
majesty's arms to the utmost verge of Asia, seventy three officers &
above eight hundred men have fallen the victims of their own vallour &
the cause of the Publick, since the Regiment left England, besides
the numbers who have been wounded the widows & orphans Occasioned
by this severe service are very numerous, Your Lordships goodness
encourages me to mention them as objects of Compassion

I am My Lord with the greatest respect

Your &ca

signed Willm. Draper Brigr. Genl. & Commr. in chief.

Captn. Fletcher has ten stands of Colours to lay at his majesty's Feet.


[The following letter, dated one day later than the above, appears to
be a second and more careful draft of substantially the same letter.]

Whitehall, April 16. 1763. On Thursday night, Lt-Col. Scott
arrived with the following letter to the Earl of Egremont, from
Brig-Gen. Draper, who also arrived himself about the same time.



Manila, Nov. 2, 1762.

My Lord,

I do myself the honour of sending Lt-Col Scott, late adjutant-general,
to inform your Lordship of the success of his Majesty's arms in the
conquest of Manila, the surrender of the port of Cavite, and the
cession of the Philippine islands.

On the 6th of October we took the capital by storm, after twelve
days operation, which are detailed in my journal. Our loss upon this
occasion would have been trifling, but for the death of Maj. More,
a valiant good officer; and it is with particular satisfaction I can
assure your Lordship, that the firm bravery and perseverance of the
troops could only be equalled by their humanity after victory. Out
of respect and deference to Adm. Cornish, we waited till he came on
shore; and, being desirous to save so fine a city from destruction,
we jointly dictated the annexed conditions to the Governor-General (the
Archbishop), and the chief magistrates; who most readily embraced them.

Considering their critical situation, and vast opulence, the terms
were as reasonable for them as beneficial to us. We allow the India
company a third part of the ransom, the whole of which amounts to
a million Sterling; [28] and, according to my instructions, I have
this day delivered up Manila, one of the richest cities and islands
in this part of the world, with the port of Cavite, to Dawson Drake,
Esq; and the other gentlemen appointed to receive them on behalf of
the company, with all the artillery, ammunition, and warlike stores
found therein, agreeable to the inclosed inventories.

I have appointed Maj. Fell of the 79th regiment to be commandant of the
garrison; which must consist of all the troops brought from Madrass,
as the great extent of the place, its very numerous inhabitants,
and unsettled country, with the importance of the Cavite, demand at
least this force for an effectual security.

The season of the year, and condition of the squadron, oblige us to
defer the taking possession of the subordinate places ceded to the
crown, until the ships have had a sufficient repair; and I have the
pleasure to acquaint your Lordship, that the large quantity of naval
stores taken in the royal magazines at Cavite, supply most excellent
materials for this purpose, in which the Admiral is indefatigable;
whose zeal for his Majesty's service, great cordiality, and constant
attention to us during the whole course of the expedition, and
fatiguing progress of the siege, are beyond all praise. The other
officers of the fleet exerted themselves to the utmost upon every
occasion. As a small acknowledgment of our many obligations to Mr
Kempenfeldt, the Admiral's Captain, I begged his acceptance of the
government of the citadel and port of Cavite, till it was given up
to the company. His prudent and excellent regulations there, were of
the greatest utility to the public service.

The Captains Collins, Pitchford, and George Ourry, who commanded
the battalion of seamen, behaved with great spirit and conduct; and
Capt. Jocelyn, who was intrusted with the care of the disimbarkations,
gave us all the assistance that could be wished or expected from a
diligent good officer. The marine officers and corps were of great
service, and the seamen astonished us with most extraordinary proofs of
activity and valour, particularly those who assisted at our batteries.

The reduction of Manila has been so much owing to the consummate skill
and bravery of Col. Monson, that I fear my faint representations
cannot do justice to his merits; and I most humbly beg leave,
through your Lordship, to recommend him to his Majesty: together
with the following officers, viz. Lt-Col. Scott; Maj. Barker,
who commanded our artillery; Capt. Fletcher, major of brigade; the
Engineers Capt. Stevenson and Cotsford, and Ens. Barnard; the Captains
Moore and Pemble, aides-de-camp, who have all acted in their several
departments with extraordinary merit, and greatly facilitated my good
fortune. Both the Royal and the Company's Artillery, with their other
troops, behaved very well. In the last place, may I presume to point
out the services of the 79th regiment, which, from the good conduct
of their former and present field officers, has the peculiar merit of
having first stopped the progress of the French in India, and not a
little contributed to the happy turn and decision of that war under
Col. Coote, and has since extended the glory of his Majesty's arms to
the utmost verge of Asia. Twenty-three officers, with upwards of 800
men, have fallen, in the cause of their country, since the regiment
left England: numbers of the survivors are wounded. Your Lordship's
goodness encourages me to mention them as objects of compassion and
protection. Capt. Fletcher has nine colours to lay at his Majesty's
feet. [29]----I have the honour to be, &c.


William Draper, Brig-General, and Commander in Chief.




Proposals made to their Excellencies his Britannic Majesty's
Commanders in Chief by Sea and Land, by his Excellency the Archbishop,
Captain-General of the Phillippine Islands, the Royal Audience,
the City, and Commerce of Manila.


Art. I. That their effects and possessions shall be secured to them,
under the protection of his Britannic Majesty, with the same liberty
they have heretofore enjoyed.--Granted.

II. That the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman religion, be preserved
and maintained in its free exercise and functions, by its pastors
and faithful ministers.--Granted.

III. That the families which are retired into the country may have
free liberty to return unmolested.--Granted.

IV. That the same indemnification and liberty may extend to persons
of both sexes, inhabitants of this city, without any prejudice or
molestation to their interior commerce.--They may carry on all sorts
of commerce as British subjects.

V. Having great confidence in the manners and politeness of their
Excellencies the Britannic Generals, hope they will use their best
endeavours in preserving peace and quietness in the city and suburbs,
chastising all people who shall dare to oppose their superior
orders.--Granted.

VI. That the inhabitants of this city may enjoy the same liberty of
commerce as they have had heretofore, and that they may have proper
passports granted them for that end.--Answered by the 4th article.

VII. That the same liberty may be granted to the natives of the
country for bringing in all manner of provisions, according to their
usual method, without the least opposition or extortion, paying for
them in the same manner as hath been heretofore practised.--Granted;
but any person coming in with any fire-arms, or offensive weapons,
will be put to death.

VIII. That the ecclesiastical government may be tolerated, and
have free liberty to instruct the faithful, especially the native
inhabitants.--They must not attempt to convert any of our Royal
Master's Protestant subjects to the Popish faith.

IX. That the use and exercise of the economical government of the
city may remain in its same freedom and liberty.--Granted.

X. That the authority, as well political as civil, may still remain
in the hands of the Royal Audience, to the end that, by their means,
a stop may be put to all disorders, and the insolent and guilty be
chastised.--To be subject to the superior controul of our government.

XI. That the said ministers and royal officers, their persons and
goods, be in full security, be maintained in their honours, with
a stipend sufficient for their support, his Catholic Majesty being
answerable for the same; upon those conditions the above-mentioned
ministers will be under the protection of his Britannic Majesty, in
the same manner as the rest of the inhabitants. His Catholic Majesty
must pay for their support.

XII. That the inhabitants may have free liberty to reside within, or
out of the city, as shall be most convenient for them.--Still to be
subject to the revocation of our government, if they find it necessary.

Done at head-quarters in the city of Manila, this 6th [30] Day of
October, 1762.


S. Cornish W. Draper

Man. Ant. Arzp. de Manila, Gov. y Cap. Gen. de las Philipinas.

Francisco Henriquez de Villacourta

Manuel Galban y Ventura

Francisco Leandro de Viana




Conditions on which the city of Manila shall be preserved from
Plunder, and the Inhabitants preserved in their Religion, Goods,
Liberties and Properties, under the Government and Protection of his
Britannic Majesty.


Art. I. The Spanish officers of every rank shall be esteemed as
prisoners of war, upon their parole of honour, but shall have the
liberty of wearing their swords. The rest of the troops, of every
degree and quality, must be disarmed, and disposed of as we shall
think proper. They shall be treated with humanity.

II. All the military stores, and magazines, of every kind, must be
surrendered, faithfully, to our Commissaries, and nothing secreted
or damaged.

III. His Excellency the Governor must send immediate orders to the
fort of Cavite, and the other forts under his command, and dependent
upon Manila, to surrender to his Britannic Majesty.

IV. The propositions contained in the paper delivered on the part of
his Excellency the Governor, and his council, will be listened to,
and confirmed to them, upon their payment of four millions of dollars,
the half to be paid immediately, the other half to be paid in a time
to be agreed upon, and hostages and security given for that purpose.

Done in the city of Manila, Oct. 6, 1762.


S. Cornish W. Draper

Manuel Ant. Arzp. de Manila, Gov. y Cap. Gen. de las Philippinas.

Francisco Henriquez de Villacourta

Manuel Galban y Ventura

Francisco Leandro de Viana [31]


All the islands subordinate to Luconia, and Manila its capital, and
which are at present under the domination of his Catholic Majesty,
must be ceded to his Britannic Majesty, who must be acknowledged
sovereign till the fate of these islands is decided by a peace
between the two Kings. Their religion, goods, liberties, properties,
and commerce, shall be preserved to the inhabitants of those islands
who are subjects of Spain, in as ample a manner as they are confirmed
to the inhabitants of Manila, and the island of Luconia. All the
governors and military shall be allowed the honours of war; but give
their parole, as the officers have done at Manila and Cavite, not to
serve or take up arms against his Britannic Majesty.

Dated at Manila, Oct. 30, 1762.


S. Cornish W. Draper

Man. Ant. Arzp. de Manila, Gov. y Cap. Gen. de las Philippinas.

Francisco Henriquez de Villacourta

Manuel Galban y Ventura

Francisco Leandro de Viana [32]



[We add here also, as being its proper place, the following
"Proposals," taken from Draper's Plain Narrative, pp. 27-30, which
we find nowhere else.]



Proposals of their Excellencies his Britannic Majesty's Commanders in
Chief, which are agreed to by the Most Illustrious Governor of these
Islands, as likewise the Royal Audience, the City and Commerce with
the Clergy, both secular and regular.


Art. I. That the Governor would give immediate Orders for delivering up
the Port of Cavita, with its Fortifications, which has been executed
by an Order to the Castiliana of the said Port, which was shewn to
their Excellencies, and sent to the Serjeant Major of the said Port.

II. To satisfy the Four Millions of Dollars, which are immediately
demanded by the aforementioned Commanders in Chief, all the Capitals
of the public Funds, such as the Misericordia, the Ordentercarra,
[33] and the religious Communities, as also what belongs to the
Archbishop, which shall be found in being; and what shall be wanting
of the Compliment of the said Four Millions, shall be made up by
the Capitals which the said Ship Phillippina shall bring in, with
Condition, that if the said Ship should be taken by his Britannic
Majesty's Ships before the Time that the Advice dispatched by his
Excellency the Governor shall arrive to her, ordering her to come
into this Bay; or if the Capital therein should not be sufficient
to compleat the said Four Millions, they will give a Bill on his
Catholic Majesty; and if the said Ship should not be taken with the
Capital therein contained at the Time that the Commander of the Ship
Phillippina may receive Orders to conduct her here, the whole shall
be given up to make up the Sum of Four Millions. But in Case there
should not be sufficient to make up the whole Sum, they will give
Bills on the Treasury of his Most Catholic Majesty.

In this Manner the said Proposals are agreed to on the Part of his
Excellency the Governor and his Council, and confirmed by their
Excellencies the Britannic Commanders in Chief, according to the
fourth Proposition of their Excellencies, bearing Date the 6th Day
of October, 1762.

Signed by the Archbishop and the Ovidores of the City of Manila.

Counterpart signed by


Rear Admiral Cornish and Brigadier General Draper








DRAPER'S JOURNAL

A journal of the proceedings of his Majesty's forces on the expedition
against Manila


The troops allotted for this enterprise were the 79th regiment,
and a company of the Royal Artillery. The auxiliaries furnished by
the gentlemen at Madrass, consisted of thirty of their artillery,
six hundred Seapoys, a company of Caffrees, one of Topazes, and
one of pioneers; to which they added the precarious assistance of
two companies of Frenchmen, inlisted in their service, with some
hundreds of unarmed Lascars for the use of the engineers and park
of artillery. As a compensation for this feeble supply of men, they
favoured us with some very good officers in every branch of the
service. Rear Adm. Cornish reinforced our little army with a fine
battalion of five hundred and fifty seamen and two hundred and seventy
good marines. So that the whole force for the land operations amounted
to two thousand three hundred men; who, with the necessary stores,
were imbarked on board of his Majesty's squadron, and two India ships
employed as transports, with an activity and dispatch that did great
honour to all concerned in those arrangements. [34] The preparations
were commenced, completed, and shipped, in three weeks, through a
raging and perpetual surf, by which some lives were lost.

As Maj.-Gen. Lawrence was of opinion, that the settlements would be in
danger if more forces were drawn from the coast, the two battalions
of the company's troops, all the cavalry, six thousand Seapoys, with
the part of Col. Monson's, and the highlanders, then at Madrass,
were left for their security. The Medway, York, and Chatham, that
were hourly expected, had orders left for them to remain for the
protection of the trade. We sailed, with the Admiral's division, the
first of August. The Seahorse, Capt. Grant, was previously dispatched
through the streights of Malacca to the entrance of the China sea,
to stop all vessels that might be bound to Manila, or sent from any
of our neighbouring settlements to give the Spaniards notice of the
design. Commodore Tyddyman, with the first division of the fleet and
troops under Col. Monson, sailed two days before us, that our watering
might be more speedily completed at Malacca; where we arrived the
nineteenth of August. We there bought up a large quantity of rattans
to make gabions, a good number of which was finished on board the
several ships. The twenty-seventh we sailed for our second rendezvous,
off the island of Timon. The necessary signals and instructions were
then given for landing on the coast of Luconia.

On the twenty-third of September we anchored in Manila bay; and soon
found, that our visit was unexpected; the Spaniards were unprepared
[35] To increase as much as possible the visible confusion and
consternation of the enemy, we determined to lose no time in the
attack of the port of Cavite, that was at first intended, but proceed
directly to the grand object, judging that our conquest there would of
course occasion and draw after it the fall of Cavite. On the morning
of the twenty-fourth, we sent an ineffectual summons to the town, and,
with the Admiral and other principal officers, examined the coast,
in order to fix upon a proper spot for landing the troops, artillery,
and stores. We found a most convenient place about two miles to the
south of Manila. Accordingly, all the boats were immediately prepared
by the proper signals: and three frigates, the Argo, Capt. King;
Seahorse, Capt. Grant; and Seaford, Capt. Peighin, were sent in very
near the shore to cover the descent. The 79th regiment, the marines,
a detachment of artillery, with three field-pieces, and one howitzer,
fixed in the long-boats, assembled in three divisions under their
sterns; the left, commanded by Col. Monson, quartermaster-general;
the centre by me, with Lt-Col. Scott the adjutant-general; the right
by Maj. More, the eldest field officer. As we had determined to land
near a church and village called Malata, that was opposite our left,
the other two divisions, which had been separated only to amuse and
distract the attention of the enemy, were ordered to join that as
soon as possible. About six in the evening we pushed, with an even
front, for the shore, under the prudent and skilful management of
the Captains Parker of the Grafton, Kempenfelt the Admiral's captain,
and Brereton of the Falmouth, who had the direction of the boats. The
frigates kept up a brisk fire to the right and left of us, to protect
our flanks, and disperse the enemy, who were beginning to assemble
in great numbers both horse and foot, to oppose our descent. This
cannonade had the desired effect. They retired, and left us a clear
coast. But a violent surf arose, many boats were dashed to pieces,
our arms and ammunition much damaged; providentially no lives were
lost. We formed upon the beach, marched, and took possession of the
Malata, fixed our outposts, and passed the whole night under arms. The
Spaniards were employed in burning part of their suburbs.

The twenty-fifth we seized a fort which the Spaniards had abandoned,
named the Polverista, [36] that proved a most excellent place of arms,
for covering the landing of our stores, and securing our communication
with the squadron. Col. Monson, who was detached with two hundred
men to view the roads and approaches to Manila, occupied the Hermita
church, large and commodious, about nine hundred yards from the
city. We made the priest's house the headquarters; sent orders to
Maj. More to march up with the 79th regiment to secure and maintain
this post, which was of the utmost consequence, both from its strength,
and the great cover it afforded us from the rains that had deluged
the country, and made it impossible to incamp; for we too soon found,
that the monsoon had broke upon us. The surf continued dangerous; the
rains increased; the landing of our artillery and stores became very
hazardous; our remaining troops were put on shore with much peril,
and some loss; Lieut. Hardwick was drowned. But the courage and
activity of the seamen surmounted all obstacles; they got on shore
part of the Seapoys, some provisions, and such stores as were first
wanted, and by signals demanded from the squadron; the officers of
which were indefatigable in giving us all possible assistance; and
Capt. Jocelyn, who was intrusted with the care of the disimbarkation,
did every thing that could be wished or expected from a diligent
good officer. We left the marines at our first post, the Malata,
to be near the Polverista, to preserve our communications, and guard
our stores and park of artillery. The men, from the good conduct and
example of their officers, behaved very well, and were of great use
upon all occasions. As the rains had forced us to seek the protection
of the houses that were under the fire of the bastions, the Spaniards
cannonaded our quarters, which were much nearer the walls than the
usual rules of war prescribe. They attempted likewise to burn more
of their suburbs, but were prevented by the great activity and good
conduct of Capt. Fletcher, major of brigade, and Capts Stevenson and
Cotsford, the engineers; who having advanced under cover of the houses
to St. Jago's [i.e., Santiago] church, near the sea, and within three
hundred yards of the town, reported its importance so sensibly, that
we posted a body of men there, notwithstanding its contiguity to their
bastions. The enemy soon fired upon us; but not with perseverance or
effect enough to dislodge us. We had some few men killed and wounded.

Twenty-sixth. The Admiral sent on shore the battalion of seamen under
the command of the Captains Collins of the Weymouth, Pitchford of the
America, and George Ourry from the Panther. They were cantoned between
the 79th regiment and the marines. The rest of the company's troops
of all sorts were likewise landed, and put under cover. The Spaniards
advanced out of the garrison, under the command of the Chevalier
Fayett, [37] with four hundred men, and two field-pieces; and from a
church, about two hundred yards to the right of that we yesterday took
possession of, near the sea, begun a cannonade upon the right flank
of our post. Some Seapoys, under Ens. Carty, who behaved very well,
were first sent to skirmish with them, supported by three piquets of
the 79th regiment, and one hundred seamen, all under the command of
Col. Monson, who soon drove the enemy back into the town. In their
precipitate flight, one of the field-pieces was left upon the glacis.

The superior skill and bravery of our people were so evident from
this affair, that it occasioned a second summons to the Governor;
but to no purpose: the answer was much more spirited than their
conduct had been. [38] Col. Monson had orders to keep possession of
this second church, if he found it tenible: for as we had not men
enough, or dry ground to make regular approaches, we were forced into
these measures, rash as they seem, and contrary to all rules of our
profession, by our critical situation. From the top of this post, which
we called No 2, we had a perfect view of the enemy's works. The front
we were obliged to attack, was defended by the bastions of St. Diego
and St. Andrew [i.e., San Diego and San Andrés], with orillons and
retired flanks, a ravelin which covered the royal gate, a wet ditch,
covered way, and glacis. The bastions were in excellent order, lined
with a great number of fine brass cannon; but their ravelin was not
armed, the covered way out of repair, the glacis by much too low,
and the ditch was not produced round the capital of the bastion of
St. Diego, which determined us to attack it, and make our dispositions
accordingly. [39] The negligence and omission of the enemy to post
sentries in the covered way, gave us an opportunity of sounding the
ditch; which perilous enterprise was effected by a small party of the
79th regiment, under Capt. Fletcher, who begged leave to undertake
it. The Spaniards fired from their bastion, and killed or wounded
three of our people. The depth of the water was only five feet, the
breadth about thirty yards. As the great extent of this populous city
made it impossible to invest it with our handful of men, two sides
were constantly open to the Spaniards, to introduce supplies of men
and provisions, and carry out their effects. They availed themselves
of our weakness. Their own garrison of eight hundred men of the
Royal regiment, under the command of the Marcus of Villa Mediana,
brigadier-general, was augmented by a body of ten thousand Indians
from the province of Pampanga, a fierce and barbarous people. These
disadvantages were not to be remedied, as we could not take possession
of Minondo, Tondo, and La vera Cruz, the posts which commanded
the river, and communication with the country. The inundations had
secured their Parian suburb; but no difficulties could check the
ardor of the troops, who labored incessantly in making fascines and
gabions, and preparing everything for the construction and opening
of our batteries. One for small shells was completed this night,
and played upon the bastion of St. Diego. Its position was behind the
church, nearest the sea, called No 1. The officers of the artillery
and engineers exerted themselves in a manner, that nothing but their
zeal for the public service could have inspired.

Twenty-seventh. The Governor sent out a flag of truce, to apologize
for some barbarities committed by the savages lately mentioned, who
had murdered some straggling seamen; and to request, that a nephew
of his, taken in the bay, might be sent on shore. This gentleman had
been dispatched from the Philippina galleon, just arrived on the coast
from Acapulco, with the first advices of the war. Hostilities ceased
till eleven at night, when we recommenced our fire from the mortars,
increased them to four, and placed a six-pounder on our left flank,
as a further security for our post at St. Jago's church. As the
capture of the galleon, and her treasure, might be well esteemed a
national object, Mr. Cornish proposed sending the Panther and Argo
from the squadron to intercept her, which was consented to; and the
officers of the navy very generously agreed to our sharing any prizes
that might be taken in this cruise, as we had before consented to
their sharing with us in any booty that might be taken at land; and
the distribution to be made according to the rules his Majesty has
fixed for the sea-service. The Admiral likewise sent on shore eight
twenty-four pounders ship guns, and two eighteen-pounders, for our
battering train; as, to save time, we brought only the land-carriages
and platforms from Madrass.

Twenty-eighth. The Governor's nephew was landed. My secretary,
Lieut. Fryar, was ordered to conduct him into the town with a
flag of truce. In the mean time, a large party of the garrison,
intermixed with Indians, sallied out to attack our second post,
No 2. by which Lieut. Fryar was advancing to the ravelin-gate. The
barbarians, without respecting his character, inhumanly murdered him,
mangling his body in a manner too shocking to mention. In their fury
they mortally wounded the other gentleman, who had endeavoured to
save Mr. Fryar. Our party received their onset with much firmness
and bravery, and repulsed them with some loss on their side. As it
was evident that the Indians alone were guilty of this horrid piece
of barbarity, our soldiers shewed them no mercy.

Twenty-ninth. The Admiral, at my request, ordered the Elizabeth,
Com. Tyddyman, and the Falmouth, Capt. Brereton, to place themselves
as near the town as the depth of water would permit, and second our
operations, by enfilading the front we intended to attack; but the
shallows kept them at too great a distance to answer the purpose
effectually, though their shot struck much confusion and terror into
the inhabitants. We continued our bombardment day and night.

Thirtieth. The engineers traced out Adm. Cornish's battery for
eight twenty-four pounders, on the left of St. Jago's church; but
the violence of the rains retarded our progress; and the absence of
two ships, that had on board a considerable quantity of fascines,
and many of our working and intrenching tools, put us to some
inconveniences. The Admiral's goodness supplied these defects: all
the smiths and carpenters in the fleet were employed in making those
instruments; and by their industry and dispatch, we were enabled to
proceed. The Elizabeth and Falmouth persevered in their cannonade
upon the town, which was returned from the enemy's sea-line without
any effect.

October first and second. The weather grew so very tempestuous,
that the whole squadron was in danger, and all communication with it
entirely cut off. [40] The violence of the storm forced the South-sea
castle storeship (which was lately arrived) from her anchors, and
drove her on shore: even in this situation the ship was of great
use. Capt. Sherwood enfiladed the whole sea-beach to the southward,
and kept in awe a large body of Indians, who menaced the Polverista,
and our magazines at the Malata. Nothwithstanding the deluge of
rain which accompanied the wind, by the perseverance of the troops
and seamen, we completed the battery for the twenty-four pounders,
raised a mortar-battery for the heavy shells of ten and thirteen
inches, made a good parallel and communication from the church to
the gun-battery, and established a spacious place of arms on the
left of it, near the sea. The roaring of the waves prevented the
enemy from hearing the noise of our workmen in the night. They gave
us no interruption, but seemed to trust entirely to the elements;
while the Governor (the Archbishop) gave out, that an angel from the
Lord was gone forth to destroy us like the host of Sennacherib. [41]
On the afternoon of the 2d, the seamen, with wonderful activity,
brought up and mounted all the guns in the battery; which we masked.

Third. The weather became moderate. At day-light the battery was
opened against the left face of the bastion of St. Diego, towards
the saliant angle. One hundred seamen were appointed to assist the
corps of artillery in this service. Our cannon, by the most excellent
skill and management of Maj. Barker, and the officers under him, were
served with such justness, quickness, and dexterity, that the twelve
pieces on that face of the bastion were silenced in a few hours, and
the Spaniards drove from them. We had but two men killed. At night
we began a battery for three guns, on the left of our place of arms,
to silence those that were in barbet upon the orillon of the bastion
of St. Andrew, which annoyed our flank. We maintained a brisk fire of
grape and musketry all the night, to prevent the enemy from repairing
their embrasures and remounting the cannon. The mortars, now augmented
to seven, were kept constantly playing upon the gorge of the bastion,
and the contiguous defences.

Fourth. About three hours before day one thousand of the Indians
attacked the cantonment of the seamen. They were encouraged to this
attempt by the incessant rains in which they flattered themselves our
fire-arms would be useless. Their approach was favoured by a great
number of thick bushes that grew upon the side of a rivulet, which
they passed in the night, and by keeping close, eluded the vigilance
of the patroles. Upon the alarm, Col. Monson and Capt. Fletcher,
with the piquets, were dispatched to the assistance of the seamen,
who very sensibly kept firm in their posts, and were contented to
repulse them till day-break; when a fresh piquet of the 79th regiment
appearing upon the Indians right flank, they fled, were pursued,
and dispersed, with the loss of three hundred men. Had their skill or
weapons been equal to their strength and ferocity, it might have cost
us dear. Although armed chiefly with bows, arrows, and lances, they
advanced up to the very muzzles of our pieces, repeated their assaults,
and died like wild beasts, gnawing the bayonets. This attack cost us
some few men; but we lost a most excellent sea officer, Capt. Porter,
lieutenant of the Norfolk, sincerely and justly lamented by all. We
had scarce finished this affair, when another body of them, with part
of the Spanish garrison, again attacked the church No 2. forced the
Seapoys from their post in it, nearest the town, and took possession
of the top, from whence they killed and wounded several of our people,
who were entirely exposed to all their weapons. Notwithstanding this
disadvantageous situation, the European soldiers maintained their
post behind the church with great firmness and patience, and at last
dislodged the enemy, with the assistance of some field-pieces, and the
good conduct of Maj. Fell, field-officer of the day, Capt. Fletcher,
and other brave officers sent to their relief. The Spaniards left
seventy dead behind them, in and about the church. On our side,
Capt. Strahan, of the 79th regiment, a very good officer, was mortally
wounded, and forty private men wounded or killed. This was the enemy's
last effort: all their Indians, excepting one thousand eight hundred,
discouraged by their losses, returned home. Our working parties and
the fire of our batteries, which had been a little interrupted by these
attacks, recommenced with greater spirit than ever. We found likewise
the good effects of giving the enemy no time to repair their embrasures
or carriages in the night. They opened only an inconsiderable fire
from three or four embrasures in the curtain, too oblique to have
much effect: before night those defences were ruined.

Fifth. Maj. Barker's fire was so violent, that the breach appeared
practicable. Our cannon from the three-gun battery silenced those
of the enemy on the orillon of St. Andrew. We were in hopes that the
Spaniards would be sensible of their danger, and think of giving up
the town. But they were obstinate, without bravery, or any generous
resolution of defending the breach. In the evening, the design of
storming the place was communicated to the principal officers of each
department only, and the necessary preparations made. [42]

Sixth. At four o'clock in the morning we filed off from our quarters,
in small bodies, to give the less suspicion; and, by degrees, assembled
at St. Jago's church; observing the utmost silence, and concealing
ourselves in the place of arms, and the parallel between the church and
the battery. Maj. Barker kept up a brisk fire upon the works, and those
places where the enemy might be lodged or intrenched. Our mortars were
well applied for the same purpose. At day-break we discerned a large
body of Spaniards formed on the bastion of St. Andrew, which gave us
reason to imagine they had got some information of our design, and
intended to annoy us with their musquetry and grape from the retired
flank of that bastion, where they had still two cannon placed: but
upon the explosion of some shells that fell among them, they went
off. We took immediate advantage of this, and by the signal of a
general discharge of our artillery and mortars, rushed on to the
assault, under cover of a thick smoke that blew directly upon the
town. Sixty volunteers of different corps, under Lieut. Russel of
the 79th, led the way, supported by the grenadiers of that regiment:
the engineers, with the pioneers, and other workmen, to clear and
enlarge the breach, and make lodgments, in case the enemy should have
been too strongly intrenched in the gorge of the bastion, followed:
Col. Monson and Maj. More were at the head of two grand divisions
of the 79th: the battalion of seamen advanced next, sustained by
the other two divisions of the 79th: the company's troops closed the
rear. They all mounted the breach with amazing spirit and rapidity. The
few Spaniards upon the bastion dispersed so suddenly, that it was
thought they depended upon their mines. Capt. Stevenson had orders
to make a strict search to discover them; but our precautions were
needless. We met with little resistance, except at the Royal gate,
and from the galleries of the lofty houses which surround the grand
square. In the guard-house over the Royal gate one hundred of the
Spaniards and Indians, who would not surrender, were put to the
sword. [43] Three hundred more, according to the enemy's account,
were drowned in attempting to escape over the river, which was very
deep and rapid. [44] The Governor and principal officers retired to
the citadel, and were glad to surrender as prisoners at discretion,
as that place was in no good posture of defence. [45] Capt. Dupont of
the 79th, with one hundred men, took possession of it. The Marquis of
Villa Mediana, with the rest of the Spanish officers, were admitted
as prisoners of war on their paroles of honour; and to conciliate
the affections of the natives, all the Indians who fell into our
hands were dismissed in safety. Our joy, upon this fortunate event,
was greatly clouded by the loss of Maj. More, who was transfixed with
an arrow near the Royal gate, [46] and died immediately, universally
lamented for his good qualities, Capt. Sleigh of the grenadiers, and
some other good officers, were wounded. We had about thirty private
men killed or wounded. In consequence of the terms dictated to the
Spaniards, the port of Cavite and citadel, with several large ships,
and a vast quantity of warlike and naval stores, were surrendered to
us. Capt. Champion, with 100 marines, and as many Seapoys, imbarked
on board the Seahorse to take possession of it. The Spanish garrison
of 300 men, on the approach of our people, mutinied against their
officers, plundered some houses, and went off into the country with
their arms.

As a small acknowledgment of the great services which the whole army
had received from Capt. Kempenfelt, the Admiral's Captain, I begged
he would act at Cavite with a commission as governor for his Majesty,
being well assured that no one could discharge that trust with more
conduct and abilities. [47]


Spanish officers of note prisoners of war

Don Felix de Eguiluz, Lieutenant-General of Artillery.

The Marquis of Villa Mediana, Brigadier-General, and Colonel of the
King's regiment.

Don Miguel Valdes, Lieutenant-Colonel, and Commandant of the second
battalion of ditto.

Don Joseph de Riarte, Lieutenant-Colonel, and Governor of the Cavite.

Don Francisco Rodriguez, Serjeant-Major of ditto.

Don Manuel Fernandes Toribio, Commandant and Serjeant-Major of the
citadel of St. Jago.

Don Christoval Ros, Serjeant-Major of Manila.

Don Thomas de Castro, [48] Chief Engineer, and Colonel of the King's
regiment.

14 Captains, 13 Lieutenants, 12 Ensigns, 2 Adjutants, 1 Physician,
1 Surgeon, 11 Serjeants, 261 Rank and File.

Of the Marine, 4 Captains, 2 Ensigns.

Of the Artillery, 1 Captain-Commandant, 2 Lieutenants, 1 Ensign,
1 Adjutant, 1 Commissary.

Of the Irregular Pampangos, 1 Captain, 2 Lieutenants,
1 Ensign.
2 Adjutants of the Cavite.
2 Adjutants of the citadel of St. Jago.
4 Adjutants of the city of Manila.
1 Captain and Engineer of ditto.
Of the Cadet Company                                    5
The Governor-General's life-guard                       8

Killed and Wounded of the British forces

79th reg. Killed: Maj. More, Capt. Strahan, Lieut. Fryar, 6
privates. Wounded: Capt. Sleigh of the grenadiers, Lieuts Hazlewood
and Garnons, Ens. Hog, 45 pr.

Battalion of seamen. Killed: Capt. Peter Porter, lieutenant of
the Norfolk, Mr. White, surgeon's mate of ditto, 7 pr. seamen,
5 marines. Wounded: Second-Lieut. Thomas Spearing, of the marines,
of the Lenox, Mr. Neal, midshipman of ditto, one serjeant, 18 pr.

Company's troops. Drowned: Lieut. Hardwick, one serjeant, 2
pr. Wounded: one serjeant, 5 pr.

Artillery. Killed: one pr. Wounded: one serjeant, 3 pr.

Seapoys. Killed 8. Wounded 31.

Abstract

                               K.    W.   Tot.

                  Officers     6     6     12
                  Serjeants    1     3      4
                  Private     29   102    131
                              --   ---    ---
                              36   111    147



Return of brass and iron ordnance, powder, shot, shells, &c. found
in the town and citadel of Manila.


Brass ordnance, 342 serviceable, 8 unserviceable.

Iron ordnance, 108 serviceable, 15 unserviceable.

Brass mortars, 6 inch and beds ... 2
Iron howitzers 7.

Carriages, 66 serviceable, 85 unserviceable.

Of the above, 4 brass guns and 7 swivels were spiked, and 8 wounded.

Shot, of all sizes, from 28 pounders to four ounces, 18,073.

Grape ditto 2411.

Double-headed 118.

Link 88.

Spiked 39.

Lead, one and a half pounders, 1000.

Shells, from 13 inch to 7 inch, 44.

Hand granadoes 248.

Gunpowder boxes 38, computed to contain    2280 lb.
Ditto matt bags 141, computed to contain   6345 lb.
Cartridges filled, 894                     4989 lb.

Musquets, repairable 270, unserviceable 257.

Ditto barrels 360.

Spontoons 4; halberts 12; bayonets, very old, 200; spunges, with
rammer-heads, unserviceable, 200; bamboo cartridges, of different
sizes, 240.




Return of brass and iron ordnance, &c. found at Cavite.


Brass ordnance, 137 serviceable, 1 unserviceable.

Iron ditto, 68 serviceable, 24 unserviceable.

Iron howitzers and carriages, 11 serviceable.

Carriages, 96 serviceable, 41 unserviceable.

Shot, of all sizes, from 52 pounders to 3 pounders, 13,620.

Double-headed ditto 411.

Link ditto 347.

Grape ditto 987.

Shells, 13 and 8 inch, 18.

Powder-boxes 138, containing 7680 lb.

Cartridges 1221, containing 7904 lb.

Musquets, 280 serviceable, 12 unserviceable.

Bayonets 108, cutlasses 28.








ROJO'S JOURNAL

Journal of what occurred at the attack and defense of the city of
Manila, the capital of Philipinas islands, and of the archipelago of
San Lazaro, from September 22 to October 5, 1762, the day on which it
was taken by assault by Brigadier Guillermo Drapert, commander-in-chief
of the British troops of the East Indias.


Before commencing this journal, it is fitting to give a brief
description of the location of Manila, and of the destitute condition
in which the enemy found its fortifications and defenses in order
that we may present a clear idea of the vigorous resistance that was
made even to the last extremity. [49]

The city of Manila, according to the map of Father Murillo, is located
in 14° 40' of north latitude, and 158° 35' east longitude, on a
tongue of land which terminates in a point, and forming the figure
of a jug or flagon, whose extremity or neck is formed by the above
point itself and contains the royal fort of Santiago. At the west it
is terminated by a large bay at the north by the Pasig River, which
bathes its walls. On the land side from south to east, it is defended
by four flat bastions with their casemates, and right flanks covered
with orillons, and with ditches, covered way, and glacis. Along the
sea, the city is fortified by a long curtain with five little flat
bastions, a reduct located at a great distance from the wall. The
lines of defense have such disproportion from one another, that those
bastions cannot be defended reciprocally. It is impossible, further,
to prevent the approach by the curtain, because there is neither
ditch nor terreplein. Then too, the parapets are only one foot wide,
and the curtain six.

The curtain embracing the north side, bathed by the river, and which
has a kind of curvature where it forms two reëntrant angles, is in
the same condition of weakness as that of the sea, and is defended
by two small bastions, which present the same defect noted above in
their lines of defense.

From the bastion of San Gabriel to the gate of the Parián on the east
of the city, is located a false screen or barbacan with its parapet
and banquette. It is defective, for it is fallen, and has no gate
for the retreat of the soldiers. The gate of the Parián is covered
and defended by a small outer work in the form of a crown, and the
royal gate by a ravelin so poorly placed and so poorly ordered, that
it cannot defend the faces of the collateral bastions of San Andrés
and of the foundry. The flanks of the two latter bastions are not any
more capable of defending the faces of the ravelin. It must be added
to the above that all those fortifications are very old and defective:
the walls; the chemise, or revetement, three feet thick at the cordon,
without counterfort; the escarp and counter-escarp fallen in part;
and almost everything useless.

The covered way is very short and filled with thickets and bushes. Its
parapet is in ruins and it has no stockade or palisade. It is so low,
that it leaves the most essential parts of the bastions and curtains
open clear to the foot. The embrasures are poorly placed. The gates on
the sea side, are pierced through, and so old and so used up, that they
cannot offer any resistance at all. The esplanades of the boulevards
are so irregular and so rough, that it is impossible to maneuver
with the artillery, which, besides, was mounted on ship's carriages
so old that they could not be fired without danger of being dismounted.

The royal fort of Santiago is composed of two demi-bastions which
dominate the city, and of a third one which points outward and
prevents the approach of the enemy. It has two circular platforms,
and several flanks intended for the same use. The curtains which
unite these bastions have no terreplein, and the places from which
to fire are distributed without any measure or proportion.

The garrison of this place consisted of the royal regiment, which
has been composed, since its creation, of twenty companies of one
hundred men apiece, under the command of captains, lieutenants,
and ensigns. These companies have never been full, and have never
amounted to fifteen hundred men. When the enemy arrived, this regiment
was diminished to such an extent both by the mortality and desertion
of some men, and by the different detachments which were told off for
the galleons and for other posts, that there were not more than five
hundred and fifty-six soldiers. There were only eighty cannoneers,
and those even were native Indians, who were but little skilled in the
management of artillery. At the arrival of the enemy, four militia
companies were formed, of sixty men each, and called commercial
troops. [50]

Manila never thought that it would be attacked by European nations. It
supported the security in which it existed on the distance and
remoteness of its position, in relation with Europe, and on the fact
that such an example had never happened, although the two crowns
had often been at war. In such confidence, they had been satisfied
with putting the place in a state of defense against the Moros and
neighboring nations who were little skilled in the art of war, the
management of large artillery, muskets, and in the terrible artifice
of throwing bombs, grenades, shells, etc. For in order that Manila
might be defended against European nations, it would have needed
four thousand well drilled men and all the corresponding equipment,
things which this city has lacked even to the present. [51]

In this state of defense, on the twenty-second of September, 1762,
at half-past five in the evening, a powerful fleet of thirteen vessels
was seen. Although so unexpected a novelty caused the greatest surprise
and the greatest astonishment, since there was no news in Manila of the
war, and it was not supposed even that it had been declared, it was
suspected nevertheless, that that was a hostile fleet. Consequently,
his Excellency, Archbishop Roxo, governor and captain-general, gave on
the spot the orders necessary and in accordance with the circumstances,
to put the place in a state of defense, without forgetting to send
to Cavite the help needed there.

While the preparations for the defense were being made, it was decided
that it was necessary to write to the commander of the squadron,
in order to tell him that he was to announce his nationality, for
what purpose he had come, and the reason why he had entered the
bay, without first having announced himself. The following night,
an officer was assigned to bear this letter. [52] About eleven
o'clock, next morning, a boat which had been sent from the squadron,
drew up to the fort. It bore two English officers, and ours who was
returning, with a communication signed by Admiral Samuel Cornis, and by
Brigadier-general Drapert, commander-in-chief of the land forces of his
Britannic Majesty assigned for the present expedition. In their letter
they announced that they were coming by order of their sovereign,
for the conquest of the islands. Consequently, they urged that the
city of Manila, its fortifications, and its territory, be surrendered
to them. If that were not done, or indeed if any resistance were made
(which they did not expect, unless the authors of the resistance were
crazy), they had brought formidable forces to make themselves masters
of all the land by force of arms, and they would immediately commence
hostilities after hearing the answer. [53]

The captain-general answered them that the proposition which had just
been made could not be accepted by subjects so faithful to their king,
and that they were all resolved to sacrifice their lives for the
defense of religion and the honor of the arms of their sovereign. [54]

As soon as they had received the answer, the entire squadron began
to move about six o'clock on the evening of the twenty-third. They
approached as near as possible to the south shore of the city, opposite
the reduct called San Antonio Abad, which was used as a casemate,
and which was one good half-league distant from the city. That same
night, and until daybreak, the people busied themselves in taking
all the gunpowder from that post. But it was necessary to abandon the
said post with some effects and a goodly quantity of saltpetre, for
the enemy landed at that same place, under support from the artillery
of their ships. They took possession of the reduct as well as of the
churches of Malate, [55] Nuestra Señora de Guia, and Santiago, of the
suburbs and shops along the seashore, between the church of San Juan
de Bagumbayan, which was eighty-five toises from the city, and the
reduct. That same night two pickets of musketeers were detached from
the garrison, commanded by ----, with orders to attack the enemy,
to dislodge them if possible, and to prevent at the same time, the
disembarking which was being continued along various places on the
shore. The pickets suffered a very severe fire from the musketry
of the enemy, who were stationed in the church of Santiago, and the
neighboring houses, so that they retired in disorder.

On the twenty-fourth, about eight o'clock in the morning, they began
to salute the enemy with artillery from the boulevards of the foundry
and from San Andrés, but with little effect, because the enemy were
behind the churches which protected them. [56]

At nine in the morning, a small galley entered the bay, coming from
the Embocadero of San Bernardino, with the news that the galleon
"Philippino" had anchored in Palapa, on its return from Nueva
España. The hostile squadron detached a swift frigate and four armed
chaloupes, which gave chase to the galley. Having fired some shots at
it, the galley made shore at Tambobo. At the same time the majority
of the people on that galley, soldiers and passengers leaped into
the water. Two chaloupes captured it. The captain, a subaltern, who
was in charge of the galley, and some persons who had stayed aboard,
were made prisoners of war. The chaloupes tried to tow the galley,
but not being able to succeed in it, they took all that they could
out of it, [57] except two six-pounder cannons which they were unable
to move; and thereupon abandoned the galley and went back to their
squadron. The captain-general had that galley set afire, after the
two cannons had been taken out of it.

The following night it was resolved to make a vigorous sortie in
order to discomfit the enemy who were fortifying themselves with all
haste in the churches of which we have just spoken, namely, Nuestra
Señora de Guia, Malate, and Santiago. Two four-pounders were detached,
with the necessary artillerymen and the men needed to manage those
cannons, fifty musketeers of the regular troops, some militiamen,
and eight hundred Indian natives with their spears. In charge of
this expedition was Monsieur Fayette (a Frenchman in the service of
Manila). He attacked the enemy at their posts. [58] The action lasted
the greater part of the night, with a sharp fire on both sides; but
Monsieur Fayette having recognized the invincible strength of the corps
opposed to ours, and that fresh forces were continually coming to the
enemy, ordered our men to retire a bit, and take position before the
church of San Juan de Bagumbayan, where he kept his post all night,
firing on the church of Santiago until nine o'clock of the morning
of the twenty-fifth, when all the troops came back under protection
of a new force which was sent them from the city. [59] From that
time until three o'clock in the afternoon, firing was suspended,
because an officer of the hostile camp was received in the place,
who was charged with a special mission. [60]

The bombardment continued without cessation. It did much damage to
the buildings and killed some persons. The bombs that were picked
up entire, were eighteen inches in diameter. They were kept to
send back to the enemy in two mortars which were found in the
royal magazines. That same night, some cannons loaded with grape
were discharged on the enemy. To it was joined a fusillade which
produced a good effect, for on the day of the twenty-sixth, [61]
several corpses were to be seen from the place scattered between the
glacis and the hostile trenches. Some muskets that had been left by
those killed were picked up. Since the enemy did not take them away,
their bodies were buried in the bellies of hungry foxes and dogs
which were very numerous there, and which devoured them in a short
time in the sight of our men who manned the walls.

At eight in the morning, some Indian and mestizo spearmen presented
themselves before the enemy's trenches, without that movement on
their part having been preceded by any order. On approaching the
advanced outposts who were occupying the sacristies of the church
of San Juan de Bagumbayan, the bakery, and other neighboring houses,
those Indians (although few in number), threw themselves on the enemy
with such fury that they gained possession of the posts which have
just been mentioned. They drove out the hostile musketeers, wounding
and killing all that they met. But the English were promptly succored
by a reënforcement of three hundred fusileers, who regained the posts
that they had lost, and caused the Indians to retreat, to whom a signal
was made from the bastion of San Andres to leave a clear field so that
the fire of our artillery could have free play. The artillery did,
by this means, great harm to the enemy.

During the progress of this bloody action, an officer of the camp
was perceived, who was carrying a white flag. He was followed and
accompanied by a young man clad in black, and by a drummer beating the
chamade. The fire of our artillery was suspended, but the fusillade
of the enemy continued with unequaled obstinacy, against the Indian
spearmen who always sustained that fire. Consequently, the Indians
attacked the English officer, killed him, and gave seven mortal wounds
to the young man who accompanied him. The drummer was also killed,
and another person who appeared to be the servant of the officer. The
Indians cut off the head of the latter, but not being longer able to
endure the hostile fire they retired to the covered way of the royal
gate, which was opened for them so that they could reënter. Following
are the facts of the case. The nephew of the archbishop, Don Antonio
Sierra de Tagle, having been made prisoner on board the little galley
and conducted aboard the flagship, of which we have spoken above,
the English commander-in-chief had offered in advance to grant him
his liberty, and the English officer was conducting him for that
purpose. That young man died of his wounds. [62]

During the whole of this day, the bombardment continued with fury,
the enemy having increased their batteries of the church of Santiago
by three mortars. After dinner an officer was despatched to the
camp of the enemy to agree upon a truce, so that they could take
away the body of their officer who had been killed. They did so,
but many other dead bodies were left. On our side also, some who had
been wounded were brought in.

On the morning of the twenty-eighth, a message was received from the
English commander-in-chief, who urgently demanded the head of the
English officer which the Indians had taken: as well as the author of
that deed, with the threat that if it were not done, he would send the
heads of all the prisoners whom they had in their power, and especially
those of two officers, who had been made prisoners aboard the little
galley. That demand was completely satisfied, and we were exculpated
from a deed in which we had no part, and the blame for which was to
be attributed to the lack of civilized customs among the Indians,
and especially to the Sepoys, who, as has been said, did not cease
to continue hostilities by their constant fire. Our captain-general
(the archbishop), mounted on horseback, and went to see the hostile
camp, in order to appease the trouble that that affair had aroused,
and in fact it did not go farther.

The bombardment continued without cessation, and from half-past five
in the evening until seven the flagship and another ship fired on the
city, but with very slight result, for the balls which were fired
horizontally were all buried on the shore, and those to which they
gave a slight elevation, nearly all passed over the city, and were
lost on the other side.

That same day, two mortars were fixed and placed in a battery on the
rampart of the foundry, with which many bombs were thrown into the
hostile camp and into the trenches.

On the twenty-ninth, [63] at six in the morning, the flagship and
another vessel commenced to cannonade the bastion of the foundry,
and made a desperate fire, which continued until eight o'clock with
the same activity. From that time until ten it was moderated. In the
afternoon of that same day, two craft entered by way of the great
strait (of Mariveles). Immediately two of the enemy's squadron were
detached, which having joined the two which were coming, anchored
with them near Manila. It was learned afterward that those craft
were two English frigates, which had become separated from the body
of the squadron in a great storm; as was also the case with the
"Namur," which had lost its masts and had been forced to put in at
Canton. Hence their total squadron numbered sixteen sail.

The thirtieth, the bombardment continued, and the vessels fired
some shots from their cannons. [64] From the city four chaloupes
were seen which had overturned; they were coming ashore with men and
war supplies. The same accident happened to a champan which they had
captured in the days preceding. This accident had happened through
the violence of the west wind which had freshened. This was at four
in the afternoon, and at six, a bomb-ketch made shore opposite the
reduct of San Antonio Abad.

October first, the Indians of Passay reported that a raft had made
the shore, which was built of large masts, small masts, and yards
that had belonged to the bomb-ketch; that this raft had on it the
moorings, and artillery of the above bomb-ketch. They reported that
they had seen many people drowned on the beach. Upon this report,
the native cavalry was detached in order that they might seize those
effects. But when they arrived at the place, they were repulsed by the
enemy's musketry, who had hastened from their general quarter of Malate
and from the powder factory in order to protect the raft and its load.

At daybreak of the second, the enemy placed in operation a battery
of eight twenty-four pounders against the flanked angle of the
bastion of the foundry, and against the face which looked upon their
camp. That battery was so well served, that at ten in the morning,
all the parapet of that part was on the ground. At the same time,
they directed their mortars (nine in number and of various calibers)
toward the bastion itself. The flagship and another vessel bombarded
the same bastion on the side looking seaward, with such fury that
along the shore and beyond the walls on the landside, more than four
thousand twenty-four pound balls were collected. But what molested
us still more was the musketry of the enemy, which was placed in
the tower and church of Santiago, which they had arranged for that
purpose by opening in all the roofs several windows so that they
dominated us. They saw also all that occurred in the city, and
although the greatest efforts and the most powerful attempts were
made to batter down the church with our artillery, we were unable to
do it, or to dislodge the enemy from that post. But it is incredible
that our bastion being open without a parapet on either side, it is
incredible, I say, that of the various officers who sustained it,
and of all the musketeers and artillerymen who were obliged to fire
in barbet, there were killed only two artillerymen, two musketeers,
and three pioneers, in spite of a desperate fire which all those
men suffered from five different parts. It is true that more than
twenty wounded and maimed were taken out, among whom was a lieutenant
belonging to the artillery who lost his right arm. The greater part
of the officers were wounded and bruised from blows with stones,
and had contusions, but that did not prevent them from sticking to
their posts. The vessels ceased their fire at orisons. That of the
camp continued all night with the same activity, so that the artillery
of our bastion having been dismounted, they were obliged to abandon
that post, leaving there only a few sentinels without shelter.

At the same time, various assemblies and parties of Indians from
the provinces were formed to the number of five thousand more or
less. But only two thousand five hundred Pampangos were found who
were deemed capable of undertaking anything. Consequently, it was
resolved to make a sortie. [65] It was to be undertaken at the close
of the night of the third, as follows. The Pampangos were to form in
three columns. The first column was to attack the church of Santiago
on the side where the enemies had their batteries of cannons and
mortars. The second was to hurl itself on Malate and Ermita where
the general quarters were located. The third was to invest by the
sea side. Those three columns were to be supported by two pickets of
musketeers, commanded by the sargento-mayor of Cavite, two captains,
and four subalterns. At the hour set, our Pampangos and pickets sallied
out in the best order, but scarce had they set foot outside the Parián
gate, when they began to utter loud cries in disorder and make a great
racket. That allowed the camp of the enemy to get into readiness to
receive them. In spite of that, the Pampango troops entered their
camp, killed the advance sentinels, and caused great damage to the
enemy. Those Indians themselves suffered no less from the hostile
musketry. They would have suffered still more if confusion had not
reigned there; for the enemy, in their fear of killing one another,
did not dare to play some cannon loaded with grape, which they had
prepared and posted in different places. The pickets seeing this
disorder, halted before the church of San Juan de Bagumbayan, whence
they fired against the church of Santiago, thus protecting the retreat
of the Pampangos, which took place at nine in the morning. The action
was bloody on both sides. One soldier of the pickets was killed and
eight wounded. The mortality among the Pampangos was heavy. It was
learned afterward that the enemy having lost some of their officers,
who were killed in the action, had had more than sixty Pampangos,
whom they had captured and taken prisoners, hanged in their camp. That
action so intimidated and disconcerted all the other Pampangos that
they all retired to their respective villages, so that there remained
very few of them who would return to Manila.

That action did not at all interrupt the fire of the battery against
the bastion of the foundry, so that when daybreak came, it could
be seen that an eighteen-pounder cannon had fallen into the ditch,
and it could not be recovered. The greater part of the face and the
terreplein of the same bastion had also fallen, and their ruins had
dried up the ditch. But what caused the greatest anxiety was that the
engineer recognized that the enemy was busy making a new battery for
the purpose of dismounting the artillery, the collateral flanks of the
bastions San Andrés and San Eugenio, which flanked and defended the
entrance to the covered way and the approach to the breach. In fact,
that battery began to play at noon with so great activity, that it
dismounted the cannons of the flanks in two hours time, overthrew the
parapets, and killed some fusileers and pioneers. Twice were other
parapets made with beams and bags of sand, but each time they were in
ruins the moment after. Consequently, the men were obliged to retire
from those bastions. The bastion of San Andrés did not suffer so much,
for it was stronger. However, it had one cannon of the caliber of
eighteen, which was placed in the elevated flank, dismounted. We had no
other hope than in another cannon of equal caliber, of the two which
were in this flank, for while we still had two cannons of the caliber
of four in the low place, the latter could be of but little service.

Our captain-general, having been informed of everything, called the
council of war in the afternoon of the same day; and that council
lasted until the night. The master-of-camp, the sargento-mayor of the
city, the sargento-mayor of Cavite, the sargento-mayor of the royal
regiment, those of the militia, and the deputies of the merchant body,
of the city, and of the various ecclesiastic orders were present,
all being introduced by the ordinary engineer. The latter, having
reported the fatal condition of the place, advice or opinions were
mutually given. All, with the exception of the military men, were of
the opinion to continue the defense, by making use of the ordinary
means for the repairs necessary to the bastions, and by making ditches,
etc. The military men thought that we ought to capitulate. [66] But
having asked them whether they thought that we ought to capitulate
immediately, they answered no, and that they said it only because
the breach had commenced, and that it would be practicable next day,
and it would be difficult to make the ditches and repairs necessary
to prevent the city from being taken by assault.

Having been informed of everything, our captain-general gave the orders
and made all the preparations necessary for beginning the work, and
for making the proposed ditches. He watched all the operations and
all the movements of the enemy. [67]

At dawn on the fourth, the enemy began to fire shells into the
city. They set fire to several of the buildings, and together with
the shot from the mortar batteries and the fusillade from the tower
of Santiago, which resembled a shower of hail, threw the garrison
and the inhabitants into great consternation, which gradually
increased. [68] All the day of the fourth, and the following night,
were passed in this perplexity, no means being found by which to escape
the danger. Although orders for the ditches and the defense of the
breach were renewed, in order to prevent the assault, and activity
was redoubled and the necessary efforts made, yet there was no means
of executing any of those things, because of the continual and deadly
fire of the enemy.

Consequently, there was no means of getting the bearers of fascines
to work. Finally, at six o'clock in the morning of the fifth, the
enemy's troops left their posts in three columns. The first directed
its course toward the breach; the second toward the royal gate;
and the third marched along the highway surrounding the covered way,
toward the east and bordering on the plaza de armas.

The few soldiers left us occupied the gorge of the bastion of the
foundry, the royal gate, the flank of the bastion of San Andrés,
and the curtain joining them. The enemy were supported by their
batteries and by the fusileers of the tower of Santiago, who poured
in a steady fire. Consequently, it was impossible for ours to occupy
the breach in order to defend the approach. The approaching columns
discharged two rounds with their muskets, by which they swept the two
collateral bastions, the curtain, and all the posts which could oppose
them. Finally, all together, they mounted the breach, and seized the
bastion of the foundry. At the same instant they attacked the royal
gate, which they battered down with axes and iron levers.

After some slight opposition on our side, some officers who were
there, not being able to defend those posts, the enemy fired from
there on the other posts which they seized also following the cordon,
and went to present themselves before the fort whither the governor
and captain-general had retired.

At that moment, the militia, the regular troops, and the Indians who
were in that fort, threw themselves in disorder from the top of the
walls. Many threw themselves into the river, where a number of them
were drowned. Consequently, when the captain-general reached the fort,
he found only the castellan, Monsieur Pignon, his second, and one
artilleryman. The few troops that he found were in confusion and were
throwing themselves from the wall. The enemy's column which entered
by the royal gate directed its course toward the plaza de armas and
seized the palace. [69] That which marched by the highway, took the
small fort which defends the bridge across the Pasig River. Thence
it went to the city, entering by the Parián gate. [70]

The fort flung a white flag, and terms of capitulation were proposed,
which the British officers refused to accept. At the same moment the
colonel pressed the fort to surrender, else indeed hostilities would
be continued and arms used. The captain-general pressed and greatly
embarrassed, resolved to go in person with the colonel, under the good
faith of the guaranty of his person in order to treat concerning the
capitulation with the general. In fact, they discussed the matter at
length in the palace. The archbishop desired to have military honors
accorded, insisting on this point several times but not being able to
obtain it. He was compelled to give an order for the surrender of the
fort, and all the men were made prisoners of war with the exception of
the captain-general. The military were granted the honor of keeping
their swords and the repeated demands of the captain-general could
obtain nothing else. [71]

The city was given over to pillage, which was cruel and lasted for
forty hours, without excepting the churches, the archbishopric, and
a part of the palace. Although the captain-general objected at the
end of twenty-four hours, the pillage really continued, in spite of
the orders of the British general for it to cease. He himself killed
with his own hand a soldier whom he found transgressing his orders,
and had three hanged. [72]

In the doings of that day, the sargento-mayor of the royal regiment,
two captains, two subalterns, about fifty soldiers of the regular
troops, and thirty of the commerce militia were killed on our side,
and many were wounded.

In the other doings, and especially in the last sortie, more than
three hundred Indians were killed, and more than four hundred wounded.

The number killed on the side of the enemy we have not been able to
learn exactly. It has been learned only by some circumstances, that in
the review made two days after the taking of the place, the enemy had
lost more than a thousand men, among whom were sixteen officers. Among
those officers, was a sargento-mayor of Drapert's regiment, who was
killed on the day of the assault by an arrow; and the commandant of the
regiment of Chamal, who was killed by a musket ball, as he was watching
with a glass the approach from the tower of Santiago. The vice-admiral
[73] was drowned when coming ashore in a small boat which overturned;
and the same accident caused the death of some sailors and soldiers.

The forces of the enemy consisted of fifteen hundred European
soldiers, chosen from Drapert's regiment, and from the battalion of
the volunteers of Chamal; two artillery companies of sixty men apiece;
three thousand European sailors, fusileers and well disciplined;
eight hundred Sepoys, with muskets, forming two battalions, and
fourteen hundred of the same troops destined for the fascines. That
formed an army of six thousand eight hundred and thirty men.

The two mortar batteries, which, as has been said, were of different
caliber, threw more than five thousand bombs into the city. [74]
The land batteries and those of the ships fired more than twenty
thousand shots from twenty-four pounders, and ruined the city in many
places. The enemy sent about twenty-five shells, which set fires in
five different places; and if all diligence had not been employed,
the city, or the greater part of it, would have been in ashes. Manila,
December 23, 1762.








ANDA AND THE ENGLISH INVASION, 1762-1764


[The following is synopsized and translated from a series of documents
bound together under the following modern title: "Documents for
the history of the invasion and war with the English in Filipinas,
1762-1764; faithfully copied from the originals in 1765."]

[Anda y Salazar, [75] in a letter written from Bulacan, October 8,
1762, to the archbishop, Manuel Antonio Rojo del Rio y Vieyra,
states that in accordance with his appointment by the latter as
visitor-general of the provinces, he appoints the necessary persons
for the performance of that duty, forms a court, and goes to Bulacan
on October 4. There on presenting his credentials he is recognized
by the alcalde-mayor José Pasarin. Manila is taken by assault by the
British next day, and the president and auditors of the Audiencia
remaining in the city are taken prisoners. Citing laws clxxx and lviii
of título xv, book ii, of the Recopilación [76] Anda declares that,
by virtue thereof, the Audiencia is continued in him alone; and since
the archbishop (who has been acting as governor and president of the
Audiencia) is also a prisoner, the duties of the office of governor
and captain-general devolve upon him. He says:]

Having been aware of the respect and love with which the natives
venerate their parish priests, ministers, and missionaries, and that
these, by means of their greater knowledge of the nature, customs, and
civilization of the natives, can maintain them and incite them to the
defense of the country, against the English enemy: I have considered it
fitting and necessary to send the present to your Excellency, by which,
in the name of Don Carlos III, the Catholic king of España, I request
and ask you, and in my own name, petition you, by means of the curas,
rectors, and other members of the secular clergy of your diocese,
to be pleased to represent to, persuade, and inform the natives of
their obligation to maintain themselves as vassals of their natural
king and sovereign, and to conserve this country under his dominion
and fidelity, and to defend it from the English enemy, so that the
latter may not make them their tributaries. For notwithstanding
the loss of Manila, if the natives remain firm in their loyalty
to their sovereign, the islands can be conserved and defended. In
order to obtain this, I am ready to follow and conform to the useful
orders of your Excellency with the understanding of your flock,
and to those of the curas of the doctrine, with the understanding of
their parishioners. I hope that the curas will, through their zeal,
instruct, animate, and encourage the natives thoroughly in the matters
that may be necessary at this critical time; and that your Excellency,
immediately on receiving this despatch, may be pleased not to neglect
this useful measure (so that it may so appear for all time) and aid
me by having the missionary ministers, each one by his particular
despatch, answer immediately, for the profit and advantage that the
incidents and events may require, and return the despatches to me,
so that I may file them with the papers of their kind. [77]

[The archbishop answers this letter under date of Manila, October 10,
as follows:]

In your Lordship's commission granted with the preëminence that is
fitting, you will proceed according to your prudence and to present
circumstances. The first point is the Catholic faith. 2d, loyalty to
the king, our sovereign. 3d, to faithfully observe the treaties which
are now being drawn up with the British chiefs, for good faith is the
rule of all good operations. Your Lordship had my commission before
the surrender. The just procedure of your Lordship must be moderated
to this event and to this time.... [78]

[To the above, Anda replies on October 20. [79] Citing the contents of
the archbishop's letter, he says that his actions are to be governed by
laws lvii [80] and lviii of título xv, of book ii of the Recopilación
and since the governor is at present not able to govern, upon him
devolves the duty of preserving peace and administering justice. "In
this province [Bulacan], I have obtained not only complete quiet, but
all its inhabitants are inclined not to admit any other religion than
that which they profess or other dominion than that of our Catholic
monarch." So long as certain thorns in his path do not contradict the
principal object of loyalty to the king and religion, Anda winks at
them, and does not inflict punishment. He continues:]

I said and I repeat that the presidency and government fell to the
royal Audiencia; and I add that the latter is conserved and continued
in me, that I am the sole and only minister, that by my absence from
that capital because of the commissions confided to me at a convenient
time, I remained free from the enemies, and as such capable and proper
by law, so that in my person is met the prescriptions of law clxxx
of the above-cited book and título, since my associates are lacking
and have been imprisoned with your Excellency in the fatal loss of
that capital.

[By a law which he has made in his capacity as Audiencia and governor,
on October 5, [81] he has enjoyed and enjoys, and will continue
to enjoy the titles of governor, captain-general, president, and
Audiencia, which fell to him in view of said laws. But he will use
them only until archbishop and Audiencia are at liberty when he will
yield them all, and exercise only his commission. The first two points
in the archbishop's letter could have been excused, as it might have
been taken for granted that Anda would observe them. The third needs
explanation, for he cannot see that he is bound by the treaty that
is being made with the British, and he will defend the rest of the
provinces with his life. He continues:]

Neither before nor since the surrender of that city, did your
Excellency, or anyone else have, or do you possess any power to
surrender to the enemy the domain of these islands--before, because
you were not sovereign of them, but only administrator; since,
because not even this weak title was left to you, nor the power of
liberty. And since the enemy entered by assault and at discretion,
they only have a right to what the sack gave them in itself in the
territory gained by them. The rest is absurdly and ill surrendered,
and contrary to all rights of war. Consequently, if this letter
reaches you in time, I summon your Excellency, in his Majesty's
name, once and a thousand times, not to go to the pass of signing
the surrender of these islands. And should it be already signed,
I protest to your Excellency the wrong and that I shall in no wise
obey so unjust and absurd a treaty. If the British wish to dominate
this country, their chiefs know that it must be by first gaining it
with their arms according to right of war, but to surrender it through
the panic of terror, like children, would be a vileness and treason,
which I shall not permit so long as I am governor, and which does not
belong to my loyalty. Your Excellency also tells me that I received
your commission before the surrender, and that my just proceedings must
be regulated to this event and to this time. I answer also by asking
your Excellency to please explain a trifle more clearly in regard to
the security that I alone shall have by my just proceedings, which
cannot be one jot turned aside from loyalty to the king (whom may God
preserve) and besides from these provinces, without giving or allowing
terms for their foreign execution to the slightest degree. [82] Your
Excellency gave me your commission before the surrender of that city,
in order that I might maintain these provinces under the dominion of
his Majesty after the fatal event which was feared. [83] In any other
way the commission would have been superfluous. And is it possible that
without regarding consequences, your Excellency tells me to faithfully
observe the treaties with the British leaders, and that I regulate my
just procedures to the result and the time of the surrender of that
city? If your Excellency, although a vassal of the king of España,
his minister, and so honored, counsels me after this manner, what is
allowed to the British leaders? [84] Your Excellency knows that when I
left that capital, you did not give me the royal seal, without which no
Audiencia provision can be despatched. I beg your Excellency to please
have it sent to me, or to have the lieutenant of the grand Chancillor
come to exercise his employment, if he is not detained in that capital.

[The archbishop answers Anda's letter on the twenty-third, ordering
him to present himself before him by the twenty-fifth, without
fail. He sends the translation of a passport given by the English,
which he attests (while keeping the original), so that Anda may come
safely.] [85]

[Anda, however, does not trust in the passport, as shown by his letter
of October 25, in answer to that of the archbishop. In this letter
he protests that he is a faithful vassal of the king, and since he
is not a vassal of the archbishop, and since he knows nothing of the
terms of the treaty that has been made with the British, he refuses
to go to Manila. Such conduct would make him run the risk of being
called a traitor to his king. He is greatly exasperated because
the archbishop has not sent the original passport, but instead a
translation attested by himself as a true copy, while he retains the
original in his possession in order that it may run no risks. This
copy means nothing, as the British soldiers will pay no attention to
a passport signed by the archbishop and purporting to come from their
own commander, whereas they would recognize and obey the signature of
the latter. Besides, the date of the passport is the twenty-fifth, [86]
and that could not be. In the passport also, the archbishop acts as the
clerk of the British, and in his letter as a minister of the Catholic
monarch, but the two capacities are not conformable. Lastly, Anda
cannot leave the natives secretly (as the archbishop has suggested),
as they love him so that they will not allow him out of their sight,
and he must not leave them or risk his person.]

[In his reply to Anda, on the twenty-sixth of October, [87] the
archbishop complains bitterly of the former's lack of courtesy in
his letter of the twenty-fifth, in omitting his name and title as
captain and governor-general. His letter, the archbishop declares,
is full of nonsense. It is a specious pretext to boast of being a good
vassal, but it is not a mark of loyalty to seize authority belonging
to another, by which he has incited trouble among both Spaniards
and natives. On account of his absurd action, the British leaders
have proscribed him and placed a price on his head, as a disturber
of the provinces. The archbishop had sent the translated copy of
the passport for Anda's own safety, but he sends the original now,
and thus places all the risk on Anda's own shoulders. Although he
is obliged for the present to endure these insults thrust upon him
by Anda and those who imitate him, in order to avoid scandal, a time
will come when he will compel their obedience. He informs Anda that
the English calendar is one day in advance of that of the Spanish in
the Orient. He protests his loyalty and Anda's excesses.]

[On October 30, the archbishop issues a manifesto to "the faithful
natives and their leaders of these Philipinas Islands." [88] Writing as
archbishop and governor, he informs them that the city of Manila has
been taken by assault by the English on the fifth of October, after a
vigorous defense. The British are enemies, but are most generous and
cultured and have granted freedom of worship, and permission for the
people to proceed freely with their trade, on condition of the payment
of four million pesos, and the surrender of all the fortifications
of the islands with military honors to alcaldes and officers. The
British ask only that the people keep quiet (the islands being as
it were, a deposit), until their monarch and the Spanish ruler come
to terms. The natives are to be for the present subordinate to the
British, although their loyalty to the Spanish king is not to be
lessened. At some length, the archbishop entreats the natives to
attend to their religious duties, and not to turn aside to listen
to the vulgar. They must maintain good relations with the British,
for these, although conquerors, live in harmony with the Spaniards
and if their soldiers commit any wrongs against the natives they will
be punished. Reward and punishment alike will come from God. [89]

Again on November 4, the archbishop writes to Anda. In it he states
that he has been recognized throughout his negotiations as the
representative of the Spanish monarch, and the true governor and
captain-general, and that he is not a prisoner. Much harm has resulted
from Anda's provisions, which he has enacted as royal. By his order
to cut off provisions from Manila, he has succeeded in angering the
British against the Spaniards and natives in Manila; and it will
result in the British carrying their conquest further by going out
into the provinces to get food, and the Spaniards in Manila will
all perish of hunger if they are not first put to the sword. This
will mean the extinction of the Spaniards and the destruction of
Christianity in the islands, the maintenance of which is the only
object of the Spanish monarch. Anda can see how much service he is
doing to the king by his actions. He must not congratulate himself that
the British are few, for they number over six thousand, and they have a
swift craft by which they can easily descend on the fortifications in
the islands. Anda's action in ordering the removal of the treasury to
Pampanga is bad, for that money could have been included in the four
millions demanded by the British, one million of which is demanded
immediately. Besides the generals will cease to advance the necessary
money for the payments incumbent upon the king, as now, and for which
the archbishop gives orders on the king to them. The archbishop is not
under obligation to communicate the articles of capitulation to Anda,
as the latter requests, as they are only due the king. The result
of the councils in which the capitulation was made has been signed
by the royal Audiencia and the archbishop, and the former has only
had the courage to make separately a protest, which the archbishop
made openly to the generals. They have not been able to resist the
promise of the four millions for a ransom. It was to be raised from
the money in the treasury, and that on board the ship "Philipino" [90]
if the latter were not already captured by the British. The remainder
is to be paid by the king. For the contribution of one million,
demanded immediately, the silver in the churches has been given with
the exception of the chalices, cups, and monstrances, although the
sum raised by this means and by the efforts of the citizens does
not reach that amount. The archbishop has given all his plate and
pectorals. He closes by strictly ordering Anda to revoke and cease to
enact royal provisions, and cause disturbances which are opposed to the
service of the king. Anda is sufficiently honored by his commission,
and if he executes that prudently, the pacification of the villages
will ensue, for which purpose it was given. The archbishop has had a
right to enter into the negotiations that have taken place in regard
to the surrender of Manila and its environs.]

[An edict signed by "Dauzon Drak," [91] the English governor at Manila,
and by others, on November 4, states that since the governor (i.e.,
Archbishop Rojo), together with the auditors, has conceded to the
English the island of Luzón with the adjacent islands belonging to said
government, according to the agreement made between Samuel Cornis,
commander of the water forces, and Guillermo Draper, commander of
the land forces of the British; and since "the government of Manila
is conferred on us Daussone Drake and his council: we announce to
all" the natives living in the provinces of Bulacan and Pampanga,
freedom to practice the Roman Catholic religion, and exemption from
all tributes and personal services imposed by the Spaniards. Further,
they are to have all the privileges of British subjects, "provided
they immediately renounce the subjection and obedience that they
have given to their auditor, Don Simon de Anda y Salazar, who has
dared to violate the agreement made between the abovesaid generals
commanding and his Excellency, the governor and captain-general of
the royal Audiencia of these islands, who declares himself by his
own act the governor and captain-general of all the islands, without
any authority, and is now a declared rebel and disobedient to the two
Majesties in the said districts." If the natives behave peacefully,
no violence will be shown them, but if they obstinately continue to
follow Anda, they will be treated as rebels.]

[An order of Anda, dated Bacolor, November 11, provides for the safe
arrival of the Chinese vessels which will come for the trade at the
regular time of the monsoon, and the boat commanded by Antonio Pacheco
which has been trading in China. The alcalde-mayor of the province of
Zambales is ordered to set a sentinel at Cape Bolinao, in order that
he may give advice of the coming of any boat, so that it may be warned
not to enter the bay of Manila, now in the control of the English,
but to go to the province of Cagayan instead, where the Chinese can
hold their fair. The abovesaid alcalde-mayor is to provide for the
sentinels, eight in number (two of them corporals) who are to be given
the same rations as those of the island of Corregidor. Eight soldiers
(two of them corporals) who are to be furnished in connection with
this duty by the alcalde-mayor of Pangasinan are to be provided for
by the latter at the royal expense from the coffers of that province.]

[From Bacolor, Anda addresses a letter to "Governors of the natives,
officials of justice and war, chiefs, cabezas de barangay, and all the
natives of the village of Binalotongan, in the province of Pangazam,"
under date of November 18. He has been informed by their alcalde-mayor
and the provincial vicar, Andres Melendez, O.P., of the village of
Lingayen, that they had revolted, and that, in order to quiet them,
certain demands, which they had made, had been granted for the
present in a signed paper. Now, if ever, when the country is beset
with foreign foes, is their perfect loyalty needed. In regard to
the signed paper, Anda declares that they ought not to make use of,
but rather, burn it. That they be excused from paying the rest of
the tribute due from them, until Anda and the government be again in
Manila, is preposterous. That demand shows that they believe that
the government will not have the strength to reëstablish itself
there. Now, indeed, they ought to aid with more than the tribute,
which is their recognition of vassalage to the Spanish monarch, in
fact, with their lives, possessions, and services, but nothing more
than the tribute due is asked from them. All the other villages pay
the tribute. Two regiments of Tagálogs and Pampangos are being formed
to defend the country against the English, with their own arms and
the king's pay. Their village alone has complained, and is become
a reproach to the others, which look askance at it. Anda is certain
that they will desist from their attempts and contribute the rest of
their tribute. Another of the points in the paper that was signed is
that they have demanded the dismissal of two cabezas de barangay, who
they declare have shamed them when their first petition was presented
in the tribunal; but Anda does not even know what the petition was nor
how they were shamed. They ought to present their case in the regular
way, and not forcibly dismiss the two cabezas de barangay. Let them
be restored to their places and their petition filed before Anda,
who promises to judge it rightly. They have also asked that neither
the prison guard of four men whom they were bound to furnish, nor a
money equivalent for their services if they were not furnished, be
longer demanded. That is a great abuse, and cannot be allowed. Their
contention that no justice should be appointed who does not come
from their midst, Anda approves. If the paper was signed through fear
of arms and in order to quiet them, it is null and void, and he who
holds it is in danger of being regarded as a traitor. Anda asks them
to send him the paper in order that he may destroy it, and to thus
prove their loyalty. The troops of Bulacan and Pampanga are about to
take the field against the English. Anda had intended to ask them,
but recent developments have decided against it. [92]]

[A communication from Anda, dated Bacolor, December 21, recites the
conditions of pardon for the Sangleys of Guagua concerned in the
conspiracy of the day before. [93] These are as follows: 1. Surrender
of all their arms, and examination of their houses, without any
resistance. 2. Married Sangleys in the villages of the province to be
restored to their houses, if not in too great number. 3. Both married
and single Sangleys of Guagua to move with families and possessions
to places indicated by government. 4. Must not keep arms henceforth,
nor go the villages of Lubao, Guagua, Sesmoan, [94] and Mecabebe,
as those places are the keys of the province. 5. Must take out
necessary and usual licenses. Certain captains are ordered to inform
the Sangleys of these conditions, and to examine the houses in search
of hidden arms which are to be confiscated. A classified register of
all Chinese by villages is to be made; and for the present soldiers
are to be quartered on them. On the twenty-second, the governor of
the village of Apalit is ordered to go immediately in pursuit of the
Sangleys who fled from Guagua, and in case of resistance and refusal
to surrender to kill them all. If they surrender, they are to be taken
to Bacolor. The same order is given to the governors of Calumpit,
Hagonoy, and Malolos. On the same date, the governor of Guagua is
ordered to forbid the sale of nipa wine and destroy all found in the
taverns, in order to avoid the possibility of drunkenness and offenses
against God, especially now "when it is feared that the Sangleys are
coming from Manila with the English, according to the treaty which
the latter have made with the Sangleys of this province."

[A series of documents dated December 22, 23, 27, 30, and 31, 1762, and
February 4, 1763, treat of the Sangley conspiracy in the province in
conjunction with the English and the Sangleys of the Parián of Manila
and the terrible vengeance taken. Anda informs all the officials and
people of the province of Pampanga of the discovery of the conspiracy a
few days before it was to be sprung. This was to have been on Christmas
eve, when many people would be engaged in their devotions and others
would be celebrating by becoming intoxicated. The Chinese of the
province, together with about one thousand others from the Parián,
were to kill right and left and thus prepare the way for the entrance
of the English. On being discovered, the Chinese make a stand on the
twentieth of December, but are forced to flee refusing the promises
of safety if they laid down their arms. The officials are ordered to
watch carefully and kill all the Chinese they can find; and not allow
the sale of wine. The ecclesiastics are also warned to keep a strict
watch and not to open their churches on Christmas eve, without placing
guards. The vengeance taken on the Chinese captured is terrible, for
one hundred and eighty-one of them are killed or commit suicide, as
is testified by Captain Balthasar Casal. For the future most strict
measures are to be taken in regard to the Chinese in the province,
and many restrictions are imposed upon them, in order that they may
constantly be kept under the close surveillance of the authorities.]

[An edict, signed by Drake, Brook, and others, of the British
government, on January 23, 1763, offers a reward of five thousand
pesos for the capture of Anda, inasmuch as, assisted by various
ecclesiastics, he continues hostile to the British government, and
is inciting the natives of Bulacan and Pampanga provinces against it,
stipulation being made that Anda is not to be killed. Those natives who
leave Anda's faction will be allowed freedom of worship, and exemption
from the tribute and from personal services. The ecclesiastics, all
of whom are considered as vassals of Great Britain, will be punished,
severely if they refuse to cease their disturbances. [95]]

[Anda writes (probably in January or the early part of February,
1763) to the Manila cabildo and merchants, stating that he has
just heard that the archbishop is discussing with the British the
sending of a trading ship to Nueva Espana. Since this is not a proper
procedure, Anda considers it his duty to require a stop put to it,
and orders it to be strictly forbidden for the following reasons:
1. The ship cannot be sent with a legitimate register, by the
English, as a state of war exists with them, nor by the archbishop,
as he is not governor. 2. Trade between England and the Philippines
is forbidden even in times of peace, as is also trade by way of the
South Sea. 3. What merchandise is taken will be that of the enemy,
as the Spanish merchants of the Philippines are in no condition
to send goods, and it is not proper to send the goods of an enemy
under pretext that they are those legitimately belonging to the
city. 4. The privilege of trade granted to Manila has ceased since
Manila has passed to another government, and cannot be regained until
regulations are passed in favor of the rest of the islands which
are still loyal. 5. The word of honor given to the British was only
not to take up arms against them, and they owe nothing else to them,
and hence, can and should remain loyal to Spain. Consequently, this
effort should be resisted as strongly as possible.]

[On February 12, Anda addresses a long and most bitter and denunciatory
letter to the archbishop, accusing him of connivance with the British,
and the utter disregard of Spanish interests. He reminds the archbishop
again that he has assumed the office of governor in accordance with
certain laws in the Recopilación. The archbishop must cease his
disloyal practices, which are prejudicial to the rights of those
domains and the irreparable loss of the inhabitants. Through his
folly, Manila was taken by assault, and then the fort of Santiago
surrendered without a blow. To this is added the disastrous sack
which lasted longer than the time allowed by the rules of war; with
its accompanying evils of bloodshed, violations of the women, and
profanation of the churches. All this instead of causing the sentiment
of pity in the breast of the archbishop, has caused him to rejoice in
the success of the British. He has ceded the islands as if they were
his own property, or as if he had authority to do so, thus failing in
his oath to defend the government. The four million pesos which he has
promised, has also been in contravention of right. Both the cession
and the promise of the indemnity are null and void. The British threat
to take vengeance on the Spaniards if their demands were not met, was
a boast that would not have been carried out. The fort of Cavite could
have been defended for it was in good condition, but it was handed over
without any attempt at defense. This would have saved great trouble,
and consultation between the two crowns would have been unnecessary
had it not been done. The British now demand the cession of all the
islands, but that could have been avoided, as Anda is governor, not
he. The archbishop has been guilty of usurping a title and office
that do not belong to him, but to Anda, in view of developments at
Manila. He has endeavored to cause Anda to retire to Manila, and
abandon the defense, even sending him a passport for that purpose--a
most base attempt. He has sent orders to the alcaldes-mayor to have
the Spaniards, who have withdrawn from Manila, return thither, his
object being to have them give their word of honor to the British,
a course that will necessarily weaken the Spanish defense of the
provinces. He has secured food and supplies for the British, and
has induced certain Chinese from a trading champan to settle in the
Parián, in order that the British may have greater strength. He has
endeavored to dislodge the Augustinians, who side with Anda, [96]
from their villages and supply their place with seculars. He has done
these things to curry favor with the British and through his vanity
and love of figuring. Lastly, he is attempting to have a ship sent to
Nueva Espana to trade at Acapulco. But this is clearly against all
right, for the only goods that would be sent would be English, and
besides, since Manila and Cavite are now virtually British colonies,
all commerce between them and the Spanish-American possessions is
forbidden, a fact still further enforced by the condition of war now
prevailing. The poverty of the Spaniards, with the assault and sack,
does not allow them to ship any goods at present. Anda earnestly urges
the archbishop to cease all his disloyal practices else he threatens
to cry him as a traitor to the king and an ally of the English.]

[The Jesuit provincial Bernardo Pazuengos, [97] who claims to be sent
by the English governor of Manila, asks for secret audience with Anda
at Apalit, February 26. This being granted on the afternoon of that
day, no results are obtained for the provincial can show no written
credentials authorizing him as envoy, claiming that he has been
appointed and empowered only verbally, and ordered to treat secretly
with Anda. He claims not to know in what light Anda is regarded by the
British governor--whether as the legitimate governor or as an usurper.]

[The archbishop writes to Anda, under date of March 21, informing him
of the arrest of Villacorta on account of his communication with Anda
(his letters having been seized), and that the sentence of death has
been passed upon him, because he has broken his word of honor. Other
Spaniards, some of them religious, have also been arrested. He asks
that the disturbances among the natives cease, and that they be
instructed in their religious duties and in loyalty, and resume their
work. [98] He writes this letter in his ecclesiastical character in
his solicitude for the souls of his flock. The archbishop is doing
his best in behalf of Villacorta. [99]]

[In answer to this letter Anda writes a long and bitter reply. Although
he says that the archbishop's letter merits no answer for its lack
of courtesy, yet he answers it in hopes that the archbishop may see
the error of his ways. He recalls to the latter's memory that he
was appointed visitor general of the islands, with the real mission
of protecting them if the English captured Manila, and in case such
happened, he was to write to the bishops, prelates of the religious
orders, and the alcaldes-mayor, urging and ordering them to defend
the islands and the Catholic religion. Accordingly, he did so on the
fall of Manila, and received enthusiastic support from ecclesiastics,
officials, and natives. [100] The archbishop has, on the contrary,
endeavored to influence the prelates, religious, and natives to submit
to the British, so that one might imagine that he has lost his wits. He
has written Anda to retire to Manila and leave the government of
the provinces to the enemy, but the English will be entirely wiped
out if they do not relinquish their ideas, for they cannot settle
themselves firmly in the islands. Santiago Orendain [101] as well
as the archbishop has played into the hands of the British; and
because Anda has not fallen in with their ideas he has been branded
as a traitor and rebel. The archbishop has influenced the British
against Anda, and they recognizing the opportunity to create civil
war in the islands have proceeded against the latter. The British
have also made an offensive and defensive alliance with the king of
Joló, [102] but the archbishop has offered no serious objection to
such a procedure, which is to make war upon the Catholic religion,
for it will inundate the islands with Mahometans, in addition to
the English Protestants. This is opposed to the treaty between the
Joloans and Spaniards, as well as to the agreements made between the
English and Spaniards. The English answer the archbishop's letter of
protest of such an alliance by saying that the Spaniards have failed
to keep their promise; whereat the archbishop, instead of declaring
a holy war, and calling on the people to defend their religion with
their lives, accepts the situation. The English have profaned the
churches, but the archbishop has done nothing. The manner in which the
archbishop protected the notorious criminal Orendain in the meeting of
the Audiencia, when his violent language attracted the attention of
citizens, left much room for doubt as to his sanity. Anda continues
as follows with a harsh attack on the archbishop, which although
possibly too violent, throws much light on the life of the times:]

The memory of that letter, which your Excellency wrote to the bishop
of Zebù, when the latter was president, governor, and captain-general
of these islands, does not fail to corroborate this idea [i.e.,
of the archbishop's sanity]. In that letter you advised him that
in order that you might undertake to consecrate him, he must first
assure your Excellency, among other things, that he would not hold
dances of women and men in the palace, as that was entirely opposed
to modesty, prudence, and a delicate conscience of bishops, as well as
outside the object of the consecration. That advice was very worthy of
praise, although it would appear that it was idle and could have been
excused because of the solid virtue and religious conduct of Señor
Espeleta. But (oh human misery and weakness!) your Excellency did not
practice that healthful counsel in the celebration of the patronage of
our Lady of Guadalupe. For, to the universal confusion and laughter
of all your flock, and of the respect due to your exalted dignity,
your Excellency invited to your palace, all the ladies of distinction
and the women of the lower class, in order that they might celebrate
said festivity with contradances, fandangos, and other dances, which
lasted on different nights from six in the evening until one or two in
the morning; and those ladies made use of your Excellency's privy and
bedroom for that indecent although natural easing of the body. Neither
was your Excellency dissuaded by the consideration that during the
carnival days of the year 1762, you preached, as a good shepherd and
vigilant prelate, against dancing, portraying with just arguments the
spiritual risks and ruin which followed from it and especially from
those dances in which the dancers hold one anothers' hands and clasp
arms, as well as from those which caused some immodest movements;
and yet, it was public and notorious that on the night preceding said
sermon and on the following night, your Excellency had in your palace
the greatest concourse of men and women of all classes ever seen in
Manila, and the same women whom your Excellency chid in the pulpit, and
[whose procedure you] considered as an action very near to spiritual
ruin, were incessantly engaged in dancing. It is worth noting that
some ladies excused themselves from attending said party, and you
expressed your indignation, saying that you would compel them to
attend such functions. Equally, or much more, is this idea confirmed
by the reflection of what happened in Cavite, on the occasion of
your Excellency having gone to inspect the keel of a ship which was
to be constructed; for under this pretext, your Excellency invited
and even compelled many ladies of Manila to go to said port, where,
and on distinct nights, your Excellency made the round of the village
amid fine music and ladies, inciting the latter to sing the Chairo,
the Forito, and other profane songs, interpolating them with the most
holy rosary which was recited in the church, and after the round,
the abovesaid dances were held at your Excellency's lodging, and you
presided at all parts of it, inciting them like the worst pander and
dancing director. Thus, your Excellency, not only were some of the
ladies ashamed of your excesses, but it is also apparent to me that the
ecclesiastics--seculars and regulars--of said port were scandalized,
and entirely trustworthy and prudent persons assert that the repair
of the spiritual damage which you caused by your bad example would
cost great labor; and if the mention of it to you by your subjects
can avail for your conversion and repentance, I am ready to do it,
for the sake of your soul. What shall I say, then, of what happened in
your Excellency's apartments in the hamlet of Nagtaja, where for the
space of all one summer, of last year, there was no let up of music
and dancing until daybreak, and banquets of men and women, that in
order that the latter might take their siestas, they made use of your
Excellency's apartments, obliging you to leave them, although not to
so great a distance that they did not discommode you? And it is quite
worth noting that at the same time that your Excellency was occupied
and dazzled in these festivities, so opposed to your character [of
your office], the English were planning the conquest of Manila, and
with it the ruin of all the islands. Consider, now, your Excellency,
in view of the above, whether such procedures and conduct in a prelate,
of the truth of which there cannot be the slightest doubt, are those
of one who is in the possession of his right senses.

[The archbishop's letters have no effect and fail of their purpose
when events prove that he does quite the contrary to what he writes
and preaches and counsels. Experience shows that he is making use of
apparently virtuous means to deliver the islands over to Calvinism
and Lutheranism; and that would inevitably have happened had not Anda
instituted a vigorous defense, aided by the bishops and other pious
and loyal Spaniards and natives, all of whom recognize the legitimacy
of his government and deny all the authority of the archbishop and
Orendain. Anda is sorry for the plight in which Villacorta is, and
would aid him if he could, but if such aid must be at the expense of
the islands, then he will not move in his defense--which he would
not do for anyone, not even his own parents. He will take full
vengeance for it later. However, he believes that the English are
but making use of the archbishop in order to secure a suspension of
hostilities. Besides, he can do nothing toward bringing about peace
if he is a declared traitor and rebel, and even if the enemy recognize
him as true governor, he cannot have anything to do with such proposals
unless they are made to him in writing and in due form. This matter of
Villacorta is only a pretext to make Anda hated by the people, and a
scheme by which the English can gain possession of the provinces. In
all their machinations they have made use of the archbishop to aid
them to gain their ends. When the fort of Santiago was surrendered
to the British, a verbal agreement was made with General Draper by
the archbishop "that the persons, wealth, and possessions of all the
persons in said fort were to be free, as were also the wealth and
possessions of those in the city, with the sole difference that the
latter were to be prisoners; that the practice of religion and the
exercise of its tribunals were also to continue in the same manner as
before the capture of the city, commerce also being free, etc." The
British have, however, not kept this agreement, and the archbishop
justly treated them at that time as robbers and pirates. But if that
was so in October how can the archbishop now aid or abet them in
the ruin of the islands, and draining the treasury, city, churches,
and pious funds, besides giving warrants for two million pesos on
the king--and all this without any opposition. With the sack and
the capture of the "Santisima Trinidad," a sum greater than the four
million pesos unjustly demanded has been raised. How can they expect
Villacorta to keep his word of honor, which it was unnecessary for
him to give as he was in the fort? If he gave such word it was under
compulsion. All this should be represented by the archbishop to the
judges who condemned Villacorta. Anda earnestly entreats the latter
to reform in his manner of living, and to cease his excesses. [103]]

Letter from the castellan of Cavite, Monsieur Brerreton, to the
insurgent of Ylocos, Diego Silang. [104]

My Dear Sir:

Yesterday the governor handed me the letter which your Grace was
pleased to send him, in which your Grace promises to be loyal to his
sacred Majesty, the king of Gran Bretaña, my master. You may believe,
Don Diego, that your letter gave me especial pleasure and great joy--so
much so that I resolved to send you one of his Majesty's ships under
my command, in order to assure your Grace of my protection, and aid in
the name of my master, against the common enemy, España. I have been
very sensible of the many injuries which your Grace has suffered under
the tyrannical government of the Spaniards; but 1 am very pleased to
know that your Grace has opened your eyes, and that your Grace will
strengthen and encourage your people to humiliate the sovereignty of
so cruel a nation. For motives of this nature, the king my master drew
his sword in defense of his vassals, and of other nations, his allies,
who suffered the lash of the Spanish tyranny in different parts of the
world. Your Grace can rest assured of the consideration of the king
my master, when he learns of your Grace's loyalty and the injuries
which your Grace and good compatriots have suffered from the hand of
the one by whom you ought to have been protected and aided, from the
general whom his Majesty despatched, together with the admiral. On
the general's return he will give information of the conquest of
these islands, and is well instructed to represent to his Majesty
the completely favorable attitude of the natives of them.

The admiral went with the greater part of the squadron to protect
the dominions along the coast and Yndia. He has left me particular
instructions to cultivate harmonious relations and friendship with
the province of Ylocos and the other nations of the north. I am sorry
that I have not paid your Grace a visit, but important business has
prevented me. However, your Grace can rest assured that I shall be
most vigilant in extending help to you.

In a short time, your Grace will have troops and war supplies. This
despatch is to assure your Grace of our friendship and my satisfaction
at receiving your letter, and because of your loyalty. In order that
your Grace may communicate it to all the people, especially to those
under your command, I am sending your Grace a small bronze cannon in
token of affection.

I hope that the provinces of Pangazinan and Cagayan will soon follow
your worthy example and tear off the chains of Spanish slavery.

I am also sending your Grace the edict published by the two leaders
of sea and land, when we conquered our enemy. For my part I assure
you that I shall religiously observe it, and I invite you when time
permits, to despatch your boats to this capital, where they will be
welcomed for their trade. The bearer of this letter is a captain in
his Britannic Majesty's service, and he will inform your Grace of
particulars. Hence, I shall not go to great length to repeat, with
my accustomed sincerity, that I shall employ all my strength in your
defense, in order that your Grace may free yourself from the Spanish
yoke. I shall not cease to beseech God, our Lord, to preserve your
Grace for many years. Manila, May 6, 1763. [105]


B. Brerreton


[Addressed: "To Don Diego Silang, alcalde-mayor and war-captain for
his Majesty in the province of Ylocos."]



[Under date of March (sic in original; May?) 15, the British commander
of the forces in Manila, Roberto Eduardo Fell, writes Anda, asking
him to see to it that acts of barbarism and cruelty such as have been
practiced by Anda's troops against the British, on many occasions,
be discontinued. He denies that the British soldiers have broken the
laws of warfare, and during the sack, many officers tried to restrain
them at the risk of their own lives, while the Spanish troops have
on the contrary fired more than once at the white flag, thus not
adhering to the honorable conduct of Spaniards in Europe. He does not
ask for discontinuance of the war, but only observance of the common
humanities of war.]

[Anda answers the preceding letter on the twenty-first of May, in
which he deals at length with the charges of inhumanity and cruelty
made against the Spaniards by Fell, and in sarcastic terms makes
counter charges of cruelty and lack of good faith on the part of the
English. "Manila," he says, "was lost, because it was poorly defended,
the citadel because it was basely surrendered, as was also the port
of Cavite; and not because there was a lack of brave Spaniards, but
because they had the misfortune not to have a leader to manage them,
with less ignominy, disorder, and confused foresight, than those
displayed by the archbishop." After the English entered by assault,
they committed many acts of cruelty, killing often without quarter. The
English have not always respected the white flag, and have used it
for unlawful purposes, such as sending an officer into the Spanish
camp to offer amnesty and pardon to deserters if they would return to
their companies. When Anda was as yet without troops or weapons, the
English proscribed him as a traitor, and put a price on his capture,
alive or dead. Since the English have acted thus inhumanely toward
him, is Anda obliged to regard the laws of warfare? Anda refers to a
British edict of May 17 which he says appears to be in the same hand
as the letter received from Fell. Such a thing does not argue for the
good faith of the English. [106] Anda denies in heated terms charges
of personal cruelty and encouragement of inhumanity and cruelty. He
has used his efforts to restrain his men, especially the natives who
are barbarously inclined. He has even offered a reward of five hundred
pesos for each English officer captured alive and brought in living.]

[A manifesto or edict published by the British government in Manila
under date of June 6, and sent to Anda, "former auditor of the royal
Audiencia and supposed governor of the Filipinas Islands," threshes
the whole matter over again. The acts of the British are carefully
excused of all cruelty, while on the other hand, the inhumanity and
cruelty of Anda and his troops are proved clearly to the satisfaction
of the English. The latter are called pirates and robbers by Anda, but
the term is misapplied; for the British did not take a just vengeance
for the death of one of their officers who was killed under the white
flag. Anda has been, and is, a rebel to the king of Spain, for he has
not regarded the commands of the archbishop, the rightly constituted
Spanish representative of Spanish sovereignty. The archbishop has
never made public the commission with which Anda claims that he left
the city. What more are Anda's men than canaille (a name to which Anda
objects), for they are rebels to the proper authority, and are made up
of vagabond Indians, robbers, and murderers, and some few deserters who
are captained by some irreligious friars, and some persons who broke
their word of honor not to take up arms against the British? Anda has
not scrupled to reward murderers by political offices and money. The
British manifesto offers five thousand pesos for the capture of Anda,
but stipulates that he is to be kept alive. Anda is trying to seduce
the natives and set them against peace and order. If his armed bands
continue, it will result in the shedding of much blood and in the
destruction of the country, for Anda can never drive out and defeat
the English, and reconquer Manila. Even if the city is returned to the
Spaniards, it must either be left to the natives or reconquered from
them by the Spanish king. Auditor Galban, the fiscal, Leandro Viana,
and the marquis of Monte Castro, and many others, have broken their
word of honor and have gone over to Anda. This is a violation of a
most sacred oath. It cannot be excused by saying that the British have
broken their promises, for their promises had nothing to do with the
word of honor given by the Spanish prisoners of war. Anda is breaking
the rights of nations by receiving and welcoming such violators of
their word. Even Villacorta, the only auditor who remains in the city,
has long been holding traitorous communications with the rebels. [107]
In spite of all these things, and the non-fulfilment of the Spaniards
to pay the two million pesos in cash of the four settled upon for
their ransom (failing even to pay the one million which the British
consented to take in cash, because the Spaniards have not given as
freely as they can), the British have ever treated them with the
honor characteristic of the English nation. The peace of the islands
has been prevented by the conduct of the Spaniards.]

[Letters from Anda to Bishop Bernardo Ustariz and the people of the
province of Ilocos in general, respectively dated June 13, and 12,
return thanks for the victory over the insurgent Silang, and mention
the celebrations with solemn mass that have been held in Bacolor. The
indult issued by the bishop to the Ilocans is approved. Pedro Bicbic,
the chief justice, and Miguel Vicos, are especially thanked for
their part in the victory and remuneration will be made to them. For
the present, the bishop is to have charge of civil affairs in the
province. The arms taken from Silang and distributed by the bishop
to the loyal Ilocans are given them as their own; and report is to
be made the king, so that he may fittingly reward them.]

[Anda writes to the archbishop under date of July 29, refusing
to assent to the truce offered by the latter between Anda and the
British, and which the archbishop declares to have been arranged for
between the sovereigns. Anda demands that communications of such a
nature must be made him directly by the British authorities and not
through the archbishop, whom he cannot trust, and who is, besides,
a prisoner. Indeed, the archbishop has no business to meddle with
the matter at all. Anda distrusts the sincerity of the British, and
suspects some plot to invade his territory. The archbishop should be
mindful of the verbal agreement which he himself made with General
Draper when he surrendered the fort of Santiago, and how it was
completely disregarded. Anda insists on official recognition and the
drawing up of documents that can be used as proof of any negotiations
entered into between himself and the British.]

[The British in Manila publish an edict on September 19, declaring
Anda responsible for any further bloodshed because of his disregard
of the news of the suspension of hostilities, as arranged between
the deputies of the two sovereigns. The first news of the suspension
was brought by a ship from Madras on July 23, 1763, and was sent
forthwith to Anda by the archbishop. The preliminaries of peace,
signed by each side, were brought from the same port on August 26. But
although Anda was also informed of this immediately, he has paid no
attention to it, and has steadfastly dared to violate the orders of
his sovereign. Hence, if he does not acquiesce in the suspension, he,
or any of his adherents, will be attacked, wherever met, with arms;
and at the first opportunity, information regarding his obstinacy
and arrogancy will be sent to Spain. [108]]

[In regard to the alleged suspension of hostilities by the British,
Anda issues two edicts or proclamations, dated September 28,
and October 24, respectively. He complains that he has not been
treated by the invaders as rightful governor, and that no legitimate
messages have been transmitted to him. The attempt of the British
is to inflame the natives against him by a system of trickery. To
publish a suspension of hostilities, and then to commit all sorts of
excesses (as the English have done) is hardly sincere. Anda issues
these proclamations in order that the people may not be deceived by
the trickery and double-dealing of the enemy.]

[The wrongs inflicted by the English, in which are included excesses
and outrages of all sorts, form the subject of Anda's letter of
November 2, to Thomas Becus [Backhouse], commander-in-chief of the
British forces. Several instances of the cruelty of the soldiers are
mentioned, especially those in which no quarter has been shown to
Spaniards who have surrendered. Although the British have published
a suspension of hostilities they have continued to commit all manner
of outrages, such as robbery, arson, bribery, etc., and Anda has been
informed of this suspension only extra-officially. The cannons and
war supplies of Manila and Cavite have been despoiled unlawfully,
for these places are held by the British forces only for the time
being and all their effects are on deposit. [109] Anda asks Becus
to use his influence in restraining these outrages, and to urge the
matter properly with his government. He protests against the payment
of salaries on the Spanish royal account by the British for such
expenses have been met from the situado annually sent to the islands;
and some that have been paid are unauthorized. His last proclamation
is enclosed, and the British are asked to act honorably and cease all
excesses. Especially do the Spanish loyalists wish to have the British
officer Slay [110] delivered to them for proper punishment, for he has
been most guilty and brutal in his overstepping of civilized warfare.]

[In his reply to the preceding letter (November 22), the English
commandant shows himself to be more of a diplomat than Major Fell. He
writes in a conciliatory, yet firm tone, and in a far different
spirit than former English letters. He insists that justice has been
the keynote of the English government since he has taken command of
its forces during the past month. Had he commanded in place of Major
Fell (whom he does not like), and had any outrages been committed by
his soldiers, they would have been punished. He is opposed to war,
but recognizes therein, his responsibility for his own orders. Only
after receiving Anda's letter has he learned that the cannon and
supplies of Manila have been removed and carried to Madras. They
will be replaced, if an order to that effect is received from the
king. Anda's complaints would have had more weight had he consented
to observe the truce arranged between the two sovereigns; but his
threats of vengeance are not quite in good point, especially since the
truth that the treaty has been ratified is proved. Becus deprecates
the possibility of civil war between the factions of the archbishop
and Anda. It would be better for all to join forces and improve the
condition of the country. The British troops will soon leave Manila,
and it will be wise for all to avoid civil war. The outrages committed
in Santa Cruz and in its environs were by bands of ladrones who called
themselves Anda's men. [111] They have committed wanton destruction
of property, and have been guilty of torture and murder. He justifies
his sending military detachments outside Manila for food supplies, as
self preservation is the first requisite the world over. The rupees,
some of which have been put into circulation, are of more value than
the peso, and of better quality, and there is no need to withdraw
them. There has been no false coinage except by some Chinese who have
been hanged. He challenges Anda to prove that bribery and corruption
are common, and that he has refused justice to Spaniard or native. He
would be glad of an interview with Anda.]

[Anda replies in a short paper of January 23, 1764, to the
preliminaries of peace submitted to him by the British commandant. He
outlines his position, and his right to the title of governor and
captain-general, and presents objections to some of the articles.]

[An edict published by Anda, January 24, 1764, states that when the
British give truthful declaration that they will abide exactly by
articles 21 and 22 of the peace preliminaries that have been signed
between the English and Spanish, and which relate to the evacuation of
the places occupied by the former, then hostilities will cease, and the
British will be given all necessary help in their transportation. But
until such time, the war will continue.]

[Anda writes a letter to the English governor Drake, in which he
indignantly refuses to believe the assurances of the latter as
to his humane proceedings, and accuses him of citing instances of
cruelty to Spaniards and natives, profanation of churches, and other
atrocities. He knows this because he has seen it himself in the
provinces where he has been. Drake's actions, leveled also against
those of his own nation, who would have been humane and obedient to
the orders of their sovereign, are those of a pirate and traitor,
and such as befit barbarians.]

[In a note addressed to the British military and civil chiefs
of Manila, January 28, Anda cites two clauses of the treaty of
February 10, 1763, made between the English and Spanish. Article 22
provides: "that all the countries and territories that might have
been gained by conquest in any part of the world, either by the arms
of his Britannic and most faithful Majesty, or by those of his most
Christian and Catholic Majesty, which are not comprehended in the
present articles, article of cession, or article of restitution,
shall be returned without raising any difficulty, and without asking
compensation." Article 22 provided that restitution and evacuation
of places that might have been captured in the East Indies were to
be made within six months. That time, declares Anda, was in August,
1763, yet the British still hold Manila and Cavite, and if they do
not leave in the next month, they must remain until the monsoon of
1765. He earnestly asks that the terms of the treaty be observed,
and all hostilities suspended. In such case, the British will be
furnished with food and all necessary supplies at a just price;
otherwise hostilities will continue. A vigorous protest is made
of all the damage occasioned by Silang and other insurgents in the
provinces who have been aided by the British. Following this note,
Anda addresses another to the same officials February 3, citing article
I of the peace preliminaries, to the effect that orders will be sent
to the three powers to suspend hostilities, and that passports will
be given to the ships of the three powers that are to be despatched
to bear the news of the treaties of the three powers. But since such
orders have not been received by the royal Audiencia, they have
no authority to cease the war unless the British agree to certain
proposals of the royal Audiencia.]

[March 9, a note from the British officials to Anda (in which he is
addressed by his proper titles in full), [112] informs him of the
arrival of an English vessel from Fort St. George with the definitive
treaty, [113] of which a copy will be sent him as soon as possible. The
British are ordered to return to the Coromandel coast, and intend
to do so if the monsoon permits. [114] In order that Anda may aid
so far as possible, they ask provision of seven or eight thousand
cavans of rice and other provisions and supplies in proportion. A
note from Anda of the same date, states that he was about to send
his agents to Manila, but was holding them until receiving the copy
of the treaty above-mentioned. These agents will have power to treat
on all matters. Anda would go himself, but necessary business renders
it impossible. On the tenth, Anda writes again to the effect that he
will facilitate the furnishing of supplies to the British as far as
possible. He will appoint persons to arrange details of the delivery
of Manila and Cavite, though the delivery itself is to be made to
the troops in military style. [115] Another note from Anda on the
same date, announces that he has appointed the treasurer, Nicólas
Echauz, Sargento-mayor Francisco Salgado, and the infantry captains,
Mariano Thobias and Raymundo Español, to formally receive the effects
of Manila and Cavite, and to treat of other points that may arise.]








ROJO'S NARRATIVE

Relation of the operations of the archbishop of Manila, governor and
captain-general of the Philipinas, during the time of his government,
of the measures taken during the time of the siege or blockade by
the English of the capital of Manila, of its capture by assault,
of the events which followed this unfortunate occurrence. Written
for the defense of his fame and name which were abused and trampled
under foot by envy through its calumnies, injuries, and reproaches
by word and writing in letters and great libels.


[The archbishop [116] begins his relation with a short introduction,
in which he states that his defense against the libels that have been
published against him will consist of a synopsis or summary of his
deeds while archbishop and governor, and of events during the English
siege and invasion. He considers the libels themselves as unworthy an
answer in kind and hence will not satisfy an idle curiosity to such
an extent; and even if the charges made against him were true, to
defend himself so, would only increase the scandal. He is answerable
for his errors, not to the ignorant crowd, but to his king, and to
the learned and prudent men of the Spanish nation.]


Part first. Of the operations of the archbishop during the time of
his government of the islands.

[The archbishop finds it necessary to refer to the events of this
period as some of them are connected with the events of the two
following periods; and because complaints have been made of him. The
first thing noted is the peace that the archbishop brought about
in the ranks of the Augustinians who had split up into various
factions, and who had sought the aid of the law. He also heals the
breach between the visitor and the provincial of the Recollects,
first succeeding in getting a peaceful entry for the visitor. One
of the matters under the latter's jurisdiction having been settled
in favor of the defendant, a religious, whom the order had condemned
and deprived of honor, the breach opens again, but is finally settled
by a council of Dominican and Augustinian religious, the visitor, the
provincial and definitors of the Recollects. By the ship "Philipino,"
the archbishop asks the viceroy of Mexico for one hundred soldiers,
but asks him not to send criminals or evil-minded men. He asks
also that fifty thousand pesos of the annual situado be in small
change in order to replace the clipped coin in circulation and also
to prevent further counterfeiting, which is so widespread. He also
turns his attention to the troops, appointing officers and opening a
recruiting station. He sends one hundred soldiers to Zamboanga, as well
as the annual supplies, including two thousand pesos extra. Eighty
soldiers are sent to the province of Caraga which has been ravaged
by the Moros of late. These are in command of Nicolas Norton, [117]
an Englishman, who has become a naturalized Spaniard. The latter is
commissioned to cultivate spice and cinnamon, the working of which
he understands thoroughly. With him goes a Recollect missionary
to attend to spiritual matters, and good results are promised to
Christianity. The new bishop of Zebù is despatched to his diocese,
taking with him six thousand pesos of the funds of that bishopric,
which has been adjudged him by the Audiencia. [118] The archbishop has
a part in the pacification of Bohol through the above bishop and the
alcalde-mayor newly appointed to that province. [119] They succeed in
reducing the chief insurgent Dagahoy and three thousand men, after the
province had been in rebellion for over fourteen years, during which
two Jesuits have been killed. "At the beginning of the archbishop's
term of government, a contagious epidemic of smallpox showed and
declared itself, which had stealthily and slowly gained a foothold
in the city and spread rapidly through the villages in its environs,
without escaping little or big of the very great population of the
natives." The archbishop meets the issue by various spiritual and
temporal measures, detailing ecclesiastical ministers to administer
the sacraments, in which both regulars and Jesuits aid manfully. "A
holy field was assigned for burials, because of the horror caused
by the dead in the churches, and to prevent the pest from spreading
because of the stench. He appointed four deputies from the regidors,
and a like number from the ecclesiastical cabildo with instructions
and orders which he gave to attend to all the necessities of the
poor and sick." He gives these men one thousand pesos of his own
income, and various sums resulting from fines, especially from play
(more than two thousand pesos) for the charitable work. A council
of physicians is called to write a prescription which is posted up
in all the churches of the villages and in other public places. The
archbishop keeps a sharp eye on temporal and spiritual matters,
during the entire time of the epidemic. The general calamity is still
further heightened by a violent typhoon which occurs on October 12
of this year, when the epidemic is at its worst. Relief to both is
accorded through the many supplications made to heaven. The epidemic
spreading through the provinces, the measures for spiritual and
temporal relief are extended thither. In the middle of the month of
December the archbishop begins to suffer from a disease of the eyes
which lasts for more than two months, which obliges him to use a signet
seal instead of writing his name, in order that the business of the
country might not cease. January 20, the anniversary of the birth of
the king is held with great solemnity, and despite his affliction,
the archbishop fulfils his share in the ceremonial celebrations. It
is learned that Auditor Francisco Villacorta has not been present
at the celebration because his carriage has been detained at the
palace-door leading to the living apartments of the governor, and
where the archbishop-governor has prohibited entrance on account of his
illness, the Audiencia using the other or general door. As punishment
for his non-attendance he is ordered to remain a prisoner in his
house and threatened with a fine. This gives occasion for a breach
between the official and the archbishop-governor. In the following
month are held the celebrations in honor of our Lady of Guadalupe,
the ceremonies being both ecclesiastical and social. [120] Among
the latter are three afternoons given up to bullfights, "which was
properly an entertainment, without any fear of danger, for the bulls
hereabout are not courageous and fierce like those of both Españas,"
and anyone could indulge in the sport, even the unskilled. There are
also musical entertainments and dancing which are designed chiefly
for the ladies. The illness of the archbishop, however, compels him
to hold aloof from the celebration. During Lent and the three days of
jubilee in honor of the coronation of the pope, the proper ceremonies
are observed, but the archbishop's illness allows him to take but
little part in them.]

16. Since the archbishop assumed the responsibility, at the beginning
of his government, of the many measures which were necessary for the
fulfilment of that post, among various others to which he attended,
he set his gaze and hand to the navy which was both in a backward
state and important. He immediately endeavored to get boats, and was
able to purchase three galleys--one a large one, and two small--and
two champans. He gave order and money to the new alcalde-mayor of
Pangasinan for two galleys and two champans; to the alcalde-mayor
of Sorsogon for two more galleys, and sent him a shipbuilder; to
the alcalde-mayor of Orani and Zambales order and money for a like
number of the above-mentioned boats. Since he also had an order from
his Majesty to construct two fragatas of fifty cannons, this was the
chief thing to which he turned his attention. Having been informed of
the great amount of wood which had been collected for this purpose
by Mariscal Arandia, in the two cuttings which he had ordered in
various places, and that said wood was for the most part used, and
that at the moment of the conclusion of his government, his successor
had had the cutting stopped, the archbishop again established them,
in the districts which were found to be most suitable. Consequently,
methodically and economically, the necessary timber was collected
for a fragata, and the speedy sending of a like amount or more for
the other fragata.

[All the preparations having been made, the work is started in
the shipyards at Cavite, whither the archbishop goes in person. In
that city he is royally entertained by the castellan of the fort,
two bullfights being arranged for him, and musical concerts being
given nightly during the five or six days of his stay there. The
archbishop while there spends his time as follows: in the morning
he celebrates mass, and goes to others attended by his suite, among
whom are Manuel Galban, the auditor, and Francisco Viana, the fiscal;
visits the royal storehouses, and the walls which are being repaired;
during the remainder of the afternoon, if there is time, he visits
the environs of the village; and at the time of the Angelus goes to
the church where there is music. Thence, preceded by the musicians,
he goes to his apartments where he listens to a concert until nine,
at which hour he sups. Many complaints are made of this, as well as of
the festivities in the palace at Manila and the time which he spends
in his summer residence of Nagtahan, where he passes the hot months,
namely, April, May, and a part of June. By his efforts to construct
a navy, the archbishop believes that he is doing his duty. He plans
to restrain the Moros from their raids, and has the coasts of the
Visayan Islands guarded.]

19. ... But the embassy of the sultan of Mindanao happening to come
almost at the same time as that of Ba[n]tilan, who is governing the
islands of the sultan of Jolo, [121] both with propositions of peace,
and of valuable conditions, it was becoming very apparent that many
advantages would accrue to our side, and the hostility of the Moros
be kept in check.

20. In regard to what was advised and ordered by his Majesty,
the archbishop received these two embassies, and that from Jolo,
with the previous consent and pleasure of the king of said island,
Don Fernando I, who was greatly obliged by this attention, as well
as by others which the archbishop had observed toward him. For the
archbishop had given him a house and a carriage within the city,
and had taken him from the most unworthy lodgings where he lived in
the royal fort, because of having recognized the need of repairing
it and having begun said work.

21. The ambassador or envoy from Bantilan incited said Don Fernando
to petition and repeat his writings to the archbishop, so that his
cause which had been so long delayed might be reviewed. This cause was
so foggy and laden with many knotty and ancient points which having
been examined and an extract having been made in regard to the whole
matter, the archbishop sent it for a consultative vote to the royal
assembly and in view of what the assembly stated in regard to their
duty to declare him free from prison and with the authorization to
be able to go to his kingdom, the archbishop reserved his consent,
taking the time to arrange the voyage of said Don Fernando and his son,
Prince Isrrael; and having taken measures in regard to his embarcation,
and the other necessary things, fixing the voyage for November of that
same year 1762: the preliminaries of peace were given and concluded,
and the new and voluntary proposition of the said king and his
son, signed by both, in it they conceded that the Spaniards could
have a settlement and build their fort in their principal island of
Jolo. In the meanwhile, the principal fortress of said island was to
be surrendered to them as a mark of the confidence that they had in
them and of the love which they professed to so good a king as the
Catholic monarch. Also, in the island of Basilan the Spaniards were
to be allowed to place their fortress. He ceded other distant islands
which would be freely surrendered, and which were of no use to them. No
other nation was to be permitted to settle in his kingdom without the
consent of the Catholic king. All was accepted with the reservation
of the rights of his Catholic Majesty, to whom a report was to be made.

22. The other ambassador from Mindanao proposed, and it also appeared
in the letters from his sultan, that he would cede Sebugay, where
he was stationed, as he was minded to move to another part of his
possessions. He would maintain the ancient peace of his ancestors
with the Spaniards, and would aid them against the other Moros, if
they gave him arms. Nothing was concluded with this envoy, because,
although the proposals were advantageous, while the archbishop was
giving the matter his attention, and although he was pushing the
matter urgently, the unexpected surprise of the English occurred. That
also occasioned this great harm that our islands would have remained
in security, and with precautions so that they might not be invaded
by the Moros, who have ruined them for so long a time; and with the
above-mentioned project for the settlement of the Spaniards in Jolo,
the settlement which the English claimed and agreed upon with Bantilan
would have been annulled. But everything was frustrated because divine
ordination must prevail over human ideas.

23. During that time also the disturbance which was roused up against
the Society of Jesus was quieted, some anonymous and libelous writings
being scattered and read freely, and now prohibited with two others of
new writings in these islands, which insulted it even to excess. By
means of an edict and censure that was fulminated, these infernal
stigmas were taken back, and the author of the two above-mentioned
writings having been discovered, namely, a regular, he was corrected
by means of his prelate, who without being induced and with only the
notice had begun to punish him; and it was necessary to moderate that
prelate because of the exhaustion and great age of the culprit who now
recognized his error. So much the more did the archbishop push this
matter as it was apparent to him, and he had experienced the truly
apostolic zeal of that order in these parts, and that its workers
watched with their accustomed spirit and fervor in all that concerned
the good of souls; and in the visit of the archbishopric, they labored
with the archbishop with great fruit and his consolation. Because of
their merit, and through his long and very intimate experience of the
wisdom and spirit of those religious, he wrote to his Holiness who has
protected them so greatly in their adverses. He stated to his Holiness
what his conscience dictated to him in favor and approval of those
evangelical workers and peculiar coadjutors of the bishops. But this
letter perished with the others in the captured ship "La Trinidad."...

[24]. At the same time and at the beginning of his government, noting
the orders that his Majesty had given and the extreme need of his
royal works for rebuilding or repairing them, the archbishop sent
master workmen and intelligent men to report on their condition. In
view of their inspection and in accordance with what they themselves
discovered, after a thorough inspection, those men stated the need
because of the ruin which was threatened, either in whole or in
part, of said buildings, with danger to those who lived in them
and with their dread and uneasiness. In consideration of that,
after investigations and contracts with the masters of the art, he
proceeded to the adjustment of each one, under bonds to grant them
their pay in three instalments, one-third at the beginning of the
work, another third when it was half done, and the last third at its
completion. Thus was a good beginning made in them all, and some of
them were half finished, in which condition they were overtaken by
the event of the war, for all would have been finished during the
first three months of the following year.

[The royal works needing repair are the hospital, the royal college
of Santa Potenciana, the college of San Phelipe, and the royal fort of
Santiago; and the sum necessary to be expended on them is slightly in
excess of forty thousand pesos. The wall of Cavite is also in a very
bad condition, repeated complaints of which have been made to the
government, and to which the archbishop cannot turn a deaf ear. The
terrible hurricane of October 12, 1761, has damaged the walls still
more. Plans are drawn up by the engineers, to put which in operation
would cost one hundred and fifty thousand pesos, and would take more
than eight years. But because of the expense and time necessary, the
engineers are told to discuss a new plan, and accordingly propose
a double stockade of palma brava, which can be constructed for ten
thousand pesos and which will last at least fifteen years. This plan
is followed and is nearing completion when the English enter. The
cracks in the walls of Manila are stopped up, but the war with the
English shows its weakness, for it has been built, not so much to
withstand artillery and civilized warfare, as the attacks of Moros. It
is designed to repair the esplanades of the walls and the gun carriages
mounted thereon, but the English arrive before the stone and timber for
it can be gathered. Twenty men are kept busy, for more than two months,
polishing the one thousand two hundred muskets formerly brought by
Governor Arandia, which have become very rusty. Various other measures
are taken to bring up the military strength of the city, which is in
a wretched state so far as defense is concerned. The treasury enters
upon a new life with the assumption of government by the archbishop,
for although it has but ten thousand pesos from the new tax, and the
sums left by the bishops [espolios] in 1761, by September 22, 1762,
when the English appear (and the annual situado has not yet arrived),
it has 138,633 pesos 5 tomins, 6 granos. This sum includes 36,897
pesos, 5 tomins, 6 granos, in espolios, 40,000 pesos, which the
executor of the property of Governor Arandia is ordered to deposit
there so that a pious foundation may receive the sum left it by the
abovesaid governor, and over 60,000 pesos belonging to the treasury
by right. Payments are prompt, and by the methods adopted many losses
are avoided. So far as possible, definite times are set aside for the
administration of justice and government matters. Two serious matters,
especially noteworthy because of their difficulty, are settled by
the archbishop. The first is the case of Dr. Santiago Orendain, who
was proceeded against by the predecessor of Rojo, the bishop-governor
Espeleta, the case being managed by Francisco Villacorta, one of the
auditors. The archbishop settles the matter, (which had assumed so vast
proportions that Villacorta has been excommunicated), but it breaks out
again. Orendain asks for a review of his case, which is concerned with
the administration of the funds of the Cruzada [122] of which he has
been treasurer, and the archbishop accordingly examines the records
which fill over five thousand folios. Orendain is at last declared
free after two years' imprisonment. The archbishop quashes the case by
his decree of November 27, 1761, as he is anxious to restore harmony,
and orders the records sent to the king. The fiscal, Francisco Viana,
appeals to Auditor Simon de Anda, who has recently come to the islands,
and the matter is again stirred up, but it is at length disposed of
definitely, and the records ordered sent to the king. [123] The other
case is a dispute with Simon de Anda y Salazar in regard to the power
of a single auditor to act as the entire Audiencia in the absence of
other auditors, in the issuing of royal provisions. This special case
arises over the property of the late governor Arandia, in regard to
which the judge of the property of deceased persons has recourse to the
royal Audiencia. Anda, on coming to the islands, takes up the case,
and Auditor Davila falling mortally ill, he endeavors to take entire
charge of the matter, even to the issuing of a royal provision. This
the archbishop-governor opposes on the grounds that Anda may not
issue such provisions alone. Although law 180 of the título regarding
audiencias allows one auditor to act as the Audiencia in case of the
absence of the other auditors, that auditor cannot determine matters
finally, and despatch royal provisions; as other laws of the same
titulo forbid that. Among such laws are 62, 63, of titulo XV, book ii,
and as well, 88, 106, et seq., and 111. [124] Notwithstanding Anda's
wrath, the archbishop maintains good relations with him, and seeks
ever to propitiate him, acting so throughout with the other auditors
and the fiscal. Since entering upon his government, it has been the
custom of the archbishop to invite all classes of people to his mass,
in order thereby to promote sociability and restrain complaints and
disturbances. The people of Manila are "only busy for two or three
months each year, getting ready their bales for the Acapulco ship,
and during the rest [of the year] recline at ease. This ease is the
pillow and stimulus of other vices, and one of the effects which is
experienced is the multitude of clerks, and the huge amounts of copying
paper which are consumed throughout the year, especially during the
time of the above-mentioned despatch. Since from a few days after his
arrival at this city, the archbishop realized that the discord and
complaints of Christian charity arose from that vice of laziness, and
that already the dominant vice was the painful detriment of souls, he
began to use the arms of the Church against the terrible Goliath." For
this purpose he begins a mission, in which the love of God and one's
neighbor is preached. The doctrine is also explained throughout
the year every Sunday in one of the three churches assigned for that
purpose. After the archbishop assumes the government of the islands his
custom of expounding the doctrine is not abated but rather increased;
and he keeps a careful watch over all ecclesiastical dispositions.]


Part Second. Of occurrences immediate to the siege in the year 62;
and of the measures taken during that time; and those following the
siege until the year 63.

1. In due time, namely, at the beginning of May, a galley was
despatched to the Embocadero with the fitting aid to meet and assist
the ship "Philipino" which was on its return from Acapulco. In the
middle of May, another galley was despatched for the same purpose,
so that after having met the said ship and after having left it with
the other galley in San Jacinto, it might proceed to Cobadonga and the
island of Leyte. For a long time no authentic news had come from that
place except the ravages of the horrible epidemic which had caused
a great mortality, and among the deceased was the alcalde-mayor. A
person was sent in the said galley to take his place with the fitting
instructions. That person was to repair the casualties which might have
occurred, by aiding those stricken with the plague in the same manner
prescribed by the general measure for all the islands as abovesaid.

2. Shortly after a despatch was made to Calamianes, by a lesser
alcalde for another official, in charge of that so important post
which is located at the point of Paragua, where the construction of
a fort had been commenced during the term of the preceding governor,
and concluded in that of the archbishop. The latter sent some recruits
and some necessary supplies by that one. Then he also despatched an
intelligent and well-instructed alcalde to the place called Bugason,
[125] which abounds in people and rice, and which could not be well
administered by the alcalde of Yloylo, nor be conveniently stocked with
food at Samboangan:  for the expenses and difficulties were doubled in
conducting the fruits and royal treasury to said capital, whence it was
separated under the suitable measures, which made manifest the need
and utility of that separation, advantageous for the royal treasury
of the above-mentioned presidio of Samboanga, and very convenient for
preventing them from giving shelter to the Moros in those districts.

3. The reception of the returning ship and of the one despatched
annually to Acapulco, [126] is the entire occupation of this commerce
and of the inhabitants [of this community]. It holds and calls
the attention of the governors considerably. The latter begins to
despatch measures for the careening of the ship and other things for
its preparation, at the beginning of the year. There was no other ship
than the very large one called "La Trinidad" [127] of which advice
was given to the merchants in regard to the cargo. Its keel having
been inspected, and the ship careened fully, as it was apparent to
the archbishop because of the inspection which the merchants made,
that they did not wish or could not prepare hastily more than one
thousand piezas; and having completed the distribution or allotment of
the tickets in the best manner that this labyrinth of entanglements,
complaints, and vileness permits, they began to stow the cargo in the
ship, and although it was a small cargo, they were retarded greatly
by the vendabals which began at the end of June.

4. At that time happened two events of little importance and
considerable bulk, which the archbishop expedited easily. One was in
regard to the master of the silver collecting the chests, according
to the new order of his Majesty, and the owners not taking them
to the palace, where they had formerly been gathered, whither he
agreed; and in regard to this matter also, the representation of the
commissary of the Inquisition, a person of learning and probity, who
was well considered because of his merit and the due respect to the
holy tribunal. But by the demand of the city and the register being
already shut away, the chests containing it had to be opened for the
necessary note of those who had not been included in said register.

5. The other event was that four merchants of the said city having
prepared some bales, the city delayed giving them audience in order
that they might obtain permission to register it. The hold being about
ready to be closed, they went to the archbishop. The latter granted
them license to embark some bales, on condition that the tickets of
the poor which were left could be accommodated. The others were to be
for the benefit of the royal treasury. The outcry and clamor of the
city, which held many consultations, was great, and greater in their
letters to the viceroy and his Majesty, with ill-founded complaints
that they were deprived of liberty in regard to asking more or less
cargo space. But the archbishop, having been well informed regarding
the royal orders, and aware that the true motive for anger was the
rivalry of the merchants to their other associates, and the application
of the tickets to the royal treasury, he convinced those of the city of
these puerilities and the papers which they had written in opposition
were effectively withdrawn and they asked that the archbishop should
so do. He had only advised the viceroy on account of the attempt
of the merchants, in order that said number of piezas might not be
confiscated. In fact the merchants were convinced, and satisfied,
and thanked the archbishop.

6. With its small cargo of one thousand one hundred and forty-eight
piezas, this ship was able to sail from the port of Cavite, August
1. That same day the vendavals returned with greater force than ever
(and winds which are contrary for leaving the mouth of this bay)
and they blew with tenacity and without intermission all through
August. And although the pilots did their best, and in fact once did
get out through the mouth, they anchored at the islet of Fortuna,
and had to return to the bay and take shelter behind the mountains
of Cabcave. [128]

7. The anxiety caused by this delay obliged the archbishop to call a
meeting of the best pilots, and examine the ancient papers in regard to
the direction of the ship at departure, to see whether it was through
the Embocadero, or by way of Cabo Bojeador which lies at the northern
end of this island. With the assistance of the fiscal and other
intelligent persons, the pilots believed that the course by way of Cabo
Bojeador was more expeditious and advantageous, if the ship left at the
latest by the beginning of July; but, if it were despatched, as usually
happened, at the end of July, or in August, it was to be feared that
the terrible typhoons or hurricanes of the China Sea which reach as
far as the said cape and farther, would carry it away. Consequently,
it was more advisable for the said ship to pursue its voyage through
the Embocadero, and the vendavals would be favorable to it until they
left it, and farther until they reached the Marianas. It was not late,
for other ships had left at the beginning of September. This opinion,
having been attested, was sent to the commander of the ship so that
the pilots might be informed of it. The ship left the mouth in fact on
the third of September, and reached San Jacinto in four days, where it
took wood and water aboard, and where it was overtaken by two boats or
champans with the reënforcement of food, sails, and other supplies,
which had been asked and which they would need. They sailed from the
Embocadero on the thirteenth of said month with a favoring wind. But
when they had sailed three hundred leguas, they were met by a most
violent storm. We shall discuss this misfortune in due time.

8. On the fourteenth of the said month of September word was received
from the river of Canas, in a latitude a short distance from the islet
of Fortuna, that a ship and its boat had been seen in said river. That
piece of news communicated by two Indians, caused great anxiety in
Manila, and people variously conjectured as to whether it were the
"Philipino" or whether the "Trinidad" had put back, or perhaps whether
it were some foreign ship. Order was immediately given for an official
to go from Cavite to prove the news, and follow the ship as far as
possible. But after three days of this diligence, and the ship had
not been found, it was asserted that another ship had been seen in
Mariveles. Through the neglect of the alcalde-mayor of Orani, in not
having imparted this news immediately, as he must have had bantayes
[129] or bajias in Mariveles, he was ordered to be imprisoned, and an
official put in his place. Without delay a message [cordillera] was
despatched through all the Embocadero, ordering people to be on their
guard, as a ship, whose destination and nationality were unknown, had
been seen. If the "Philipino" had already entered, it was to be advised
(and a letter was written to the commander with this order) not to
enter by the bay, but by Sorsogon, Camarines, or any other place, in
order to discharge its silver and despatches, and to be on the lookout,
and give full report of everything. This order was duplicated within
three days, and a galley was being prepared with an official already
appointed and the instruction advisable for this same measure. But on
going to execute it, and on embarking with the galley, on the afternoon
of September 22, it was frustrated by the sudden entrance into the bay,
at five in the afternoon of the same day, of the English squadron.

9. The entrance of this squadron composed of thirteen ships,
which formed in line and with wind or easter astern, entered
and took possession of the bay, surprised our minds greatly. They
stretched from the middle of the bay in a circle to the point called
Sangley. The confusion of Manila and its environs with so unlooked-for
a squadron, in an unprepared place can not be imagined. The people
ran through the streets. Those of the suburbs came into the city,
those of the city went outside, and there were some persons (as was
learned afterward), who started immediately for the mountains and
for Laguna. The archbishop could do no less than be surprised, and
much more the chief inhabitants and auditors who surrounded him. But
it was immediately resolved to write to the leader of the squadron,
and that was done with courtesy, asking him his nationality and
destination and granting him port and provisions according to his
need and the custom of civilized nations.

10. In the meanwhile, one of the most pressing anxieties and one
of danger was attended to, in regard to a large amount of powder,
stored in what is called the powder works [polverista], where it is
manufactured, and which is three-quarters of a legua from the city
along the beach. But in the morning of the following day, a great
portion of it remained to be brought, and the archbishop found it
necessary to go a-horseback accompanied by his Majesty's fiscal and
several others. At twelve o'clock, this task was really finished,
in which there was necessarily a great waste of this material. When
they reëntered, some of the ships were almost within cannon-shot,
and were threatening in that direction, which is toward the south,
with respect to the city.

11. The reply of the generals was, with their letter or challenge,
arrogant, and to the effect that Manila and its forts should be
surrendered to the king of Gran Bretaña, from whose power the most
remote possessions of the Catholic king were not free, whose court,
through its evil conduct, had proclaimed war against Ynglaterra. If
the Spaniards of Manila were not infatuated, they would surrender,
in order not to experience the severity of their powerful arms.

12. In view of this arrogance, the archbishop, in general council,
made the answer that was dictated by the zeal, love, and loyalty to
his king and sovereign, namely, that they would sacrifice their lives
in defense of his arms and domains, and that they would make all the
defense possible. [130] They wondered at the so unlooked-for news,
and the first notice they had of the declaration of war, was that
given by the said generals with these threats and armed hand and
squadron. Having given the measures ordering the provinces to come to
the aid of the capital promptly, and those which exigency permitted,
having considered the few regular troops, and having given the musters
for the militia companies, the city suffocated with the consternation
of the conflict to which it was pledged, and which was so necessary,
was placed in a state of defense.

13. On the night of that day, the enemy began to disembark toward the
south. The Indians of the said places of the environs were not able
to resist the fire from their boats and ships. The people in those
places got under shelter of two regular companies who were obliged
to retire. The enemy found all they could need for their rearguard
and trenches in the strong edifices of the churches of Malate and of
Nuestra Señora de Guia, whence without loss of time, and with ease
they surrounded and took possession of the equally strong churches of
San Tiago and San Juan de Bagumbayan, whence it became necessary for
our men to retire. And although our men made three sallies, the enemy
were only driven out for a little time from the last place. In the
last sally, especially, their attack was arranged in three different
parts in order to kill some people, but with greater mortality on
our part, and through the inequality of arms and discipline, ours
yielded ground notwithstanding that the native troops who had come
in from the neighboring provinces, were now very numerous.

14. Meanwhile, a few clashes occurred, that of greatest consequence
being the death of an English officer who had left their camp with a
white flag and came toward our camp, and whom our natives attacked
without anyone being able to restrain them. They assassinated him
and hacked his body into many pieces. In the endeavor to shelter him,
Don Antonio de Sierra Tagle, the nephew of the archbishop, received
many mortal wounds from lance thrusts, from which he died in a few
days. He was a prisoner, [131] and knowing him to be a relative,
the generals sent him back with the above-mentioned unfortunate
officer. The said generals learning of that assassination and
mutilation, through the infraction also of the symbol of peace
(a white flag), demanded the aggressors, with the threat that if
the demand were not accorded, they would send back the heads of the
officers whom they had captured. But the archbishop having ordered an
investigation of the matter, it resulted that the Spaniards were not to
blame, and that they had ceased firing, and all hostility, on seeing
the symbol of peace. Notwithstanding this the sepais [i.e., Sepoys]
continued their fire, on account of which the Indians in irritation,
committed that assassination. With the letter and testimony of those
investigations, which the archbishop wrote to the general, the matter
seemed to be dropped.

15. The English made their trenches in a short time and mounted their
artillery and began to bombard the city at the bastion of the foundry,
as their fire was insufficient to reach the bastion of Carranza,
[132] and the active efforts which were able to be made in order to
undo their labors and dislodge them [i.e., the British]. Of not a
little importance (amid the inequality of forces and of practiced
soldiers) was the form in a cordon of some people of this vicinity
who were considered most fitting, and of some of the natives of the
environs from the site of Pasay which is at the south near the powder
factory to that of San Lazaro, which lies to the east. The archbishop
took that precaution, as it was very necessary, in order to guard
the Pasig River at the point where the provisions are traded, and
to obtain some opposition against the enemy. The fire of the latter,
by means of their land and ship artillery, and their bombarding, in
which the bombs fired exceeded four thousand, and the number of balls
of twenty-four, a trifle more, threw the city and all its inhabitants
into great consternation. On that account, and because the breach [in
the walls] was begun to be opened, in a general council on the night
of the third of October, what ought to be done in such a conflict
was discussed. [133]

16. Although the military men thought that they ought to capitulate,
other reputable votes were against it. One of them, namely, the fiscal,
[134] asked the engineer and military men, if what they said was [to be
understood as] in the present, and if they were to proceed immediately
to the capitulation. Receiving the negative answer, he, following
the advice of others, counseled defense. In view of everything and
the rest which appears in said council, the archbishop gave the
orders, which appear in the records, in regard to the work, labor,
and the defensive works, with the provision of materials, workmen,
and foremen, giving charge of these operations to the engineers,
and having appointed the chiefest military men to the most important
posts, and having ordered their vigilance in regard to the operations
of the enemy. But nothing sufficed, for, redoubling their fire, on the
following day, and adding bombs, which they discharged with their fire,
which caught in two buildings, to which it was so necessary to hasten,
the day and its night passed in moments of confusion and agony. At
six in the morning of the fifth of the above-mentioned October of
62, [135] having gained possession of its breach and of the bastion
of the foundry, [136] the English extended their troops along both
sides of the wall, and another column through the royal gate which
they forced; so that there was nothing else for the archbishop to do
than to wave the white flag and retire to the fort of San Tiago with
the ministers, and some officials and citizens. Notwithstanding that
he knew nothing of militia, and had never seen such functions, and
had at his side none but equally inexperienced men, and one or two
officials who had scarcely any knowledge more than was speculative,
yet as God aided, and the loyalty of our hearts, he did what he could
and what he comprehended.

17. Before this misfortune befell that of the capture of the galley
which had been despatched by the commander of the "Philipino," with
notice of its return from Acapulco and that it had put back to the
village of Palapa. Two days after the siege began, namely, on the
twenty-fourth of September, the galley entered the bay and came within
sight of the squadron (of which it had no news). A fragata gave it
chase and several barcas, it having been beached already toward the
north in Bancusay. Although some of those who came in it were able to
escape by swimming, its officers and the above-mentioned Don Antonio
Sierra Tagle were captured. The enemy took possession of everything in
the galley, and of many letters from which they gathered information
of the "Philipino" and of the place where the latter lay. Two days
later they sent a fragata and a ship in order to capture it; for the
day before they had been joined by a ship and two fragatas which had
become separated, or could not follow the squadron.

18. From some quite damp letters, among them that of the commander
of the "Philipino," which had been carried by those who escaped by
swimming, the archbishop learned (and it was the first news) that the
"Philipino" was in Palapa; that it had been unable to enter by way of
the Embocadero because of stormy weather; and that on leaving Acapulco,
by a letter of the viceroy to the commander, the latter had learned
of the breaking out of war with Ynglaterra, and he was advised to
have a care. Consequently, he must have come with that information;
but said commander knew nothing of what was happening in Manila. In
view of all things, and with the unanimous opinion of auditors and
principal citizens, a letter was written to the commander, giving him
an order to fortify himself in Palapa, and to land the silver and
chests. Fortifying himself as well as possible in said port, which
is very difficult to get at, and only very experienced persons know
its entrances, which with but slight work can be made impassable,
the said commander was to hold his ship in readiness for sinking by
burning, if the ships of the enemy met it. This letter was sent with
all care, by a person very skilful in the coasts of the Embocadero,
so that it reached Palapa in a very few days. It had been duplicated
as a precaution to what might happen to it at its first sending.

19. The rest that was done for the defense of the place was placed
in the diary. Some measures not necessary there were stated here as
belonging to the operations of the archbishop, such as those in regard
to withdrawing the treasury and the commission of Auditor Don Simon
de Anda. Both measures were vigorously promoted by the auditors--the
first, at the request of the treasurer, Don Nicolas de Echauz [137]
on the first day of the siege. Although it was at the instance of the
auditors, the archbishop resisted it strongly, for the reason that
the treasury could not be in better security than where there was
security of their lives. But reiterating their instances for various
reasons, and that it was advisable under any circumstances to have
placed the money outside the city, the archbishop had to comply; and
ordered that some quantity having been left, the greater part should be
withdrawn. Accordingly, this was done, and the sum of one hundred and
eleven thousand pesos withdrawn. Of the amount left in the treasury,
ten thousand pesos were paid out in order to supply the city with
provisions. In regard to that various precautions were taken, and a
commission was given to the fiscal, in order that he might attend to
those supplies. Other sums also followed for the current expenses,
all of which made the sum of twenty-four thousand pesos, account of
which is to be given by the accountant, Don Fernando Carabes of whom
it was demanded urgently by the archbishop.

20. The other measure in regard to Auditor Anda was passed with greater
haste by the auditors themselves on the third of October. Because of
the conflict in which we found ourselves, they told the archbishop
that it was advisable to despatch him outside the city with the title
of governor and captain-general. These titles were to be given him,
in order that he might keep the natives quiet in their Christian
instruction and in their obedience to the king. But notwithstanding
that this measure clothed itself in so specious reasons, the archbishop
answered that neither he nor the Audiencia had any authority to create
a governor and captain-general, which was the proper privilege of his
Majesty; and that it was enough to give him the title of visitor of
the land for the so just end that was claimed (which is in accordance
with the orders of his Majesty), and the title of lieutenant of the
captain-general which could be conferred on him. This was the custom
followed in like commissions to ministers. Since that seemed advisable
to the ministers and fiscal, it was executed with the celerity that
the present conflicts demanded. Furnishing him with official paper,
and a notary and advocate, the above-mentioned auditor Anda left
immediately that night. [138]

21. Other operations during the time of the siege which looked to the
care and watch of the city, the archbishop practiced vigilantly. For he
visited the walls personally, even at night, and some of the bastions,
namely that of the foundry and that of the fort. He went out daily on
horseback. Accompanied by various persons he examined the gates and
outside walls, the small fort, and the house of San Fernando, where,
as well as through all Bancuray and Tondo, the natives who descended
from the provinces lodged. Regulations were made there for them, and
they were aided with provisions. The arms that it was possible to give
were furnished them, and they were drilled in some manner. In short
the archbishop omitted nothing in order that he might go to give the
orders which appeared advisable, and personally, at the sites where
his presence seemed necessary or advisable.

22. The archbishop having retired, then, as above-mentioned, into the
royal fort of San Tiago, the articles of capitulation were begun to be
drawn up there. They were concluded after great labor, and received the
unanimous consent of the auditors and other military men and citizens
who were present. The enemy already having taken possession of the
city, extended their troops in two columns toward the said fort,
along the walls, and other companies in front protected by the royal
chapel. As a white flag was immediately flung in the fort, there was
no hostility directed toward the small citadel. Two officers entered
with a message from their general, demanding surrender. But within
a short time the colonel of those troops appeared, and demanded an
instant surrender, or one would be forced by arms. The archbishop gave
him the articles of capitulation with a message to his general. He
refused to receive them, and there were no means or manner to get
him to receive them and take them to his general. Consequently,
they had to abide by what the colonel tenaciously answered, namely,
that the general's order was the one which he had already expressed,
and that it was now no time to tire themselves out in demands and
replies concerning the surrender.

23. At this pass, and in view of what was already passing in
the presence of the archbishop in said fort, as the soldiers were
throwing themselves from its esplanade and from the walls, and casting
themselves into the river, and as some officers and regular troops
there, who never surpassed eighty in number were also in part doing
the same as the other soldiers, with not a few of the citizens;
and as the said fort was in itself indefensible, and the principal
curtain which looked on the city, and in front of which was the enemy,
was threatening to fall into ruins; the archbishop found no other
expedient in this conflict than to offer the colonel to accompany
him to treat with his general in regard to the fort and surrender
under his word of honor of the exemption from harm and safety of
his person. He condescended to that without any of the bystanders,
or auditors who surrounded him offering to take that matter upon
themselves, or even to accompany him, except the master-of-camp and
another officer. With them and the said colonel, he went to the royal
palace where the general had already taken up his quarters.

24. After the salutation and the respective courtesies, in which
General Draper was profuse (and he showed special veneration to the
archbishop), the latter handed him the articles of capitulation that
had been drawn up, and which treated of the surrender of the fort. The
general answered that Admiral Cornish, whom he was awaiting from his
ship, must also be consulted. But after a long time with incessant
interruptions because of the continual coming of the general's officers
to get his orders, and of many of ours who presented themselves to him,
the general said that since Cornish was giving time, the archbishop
should give the order for the surrender, and that that would be best,
because he knew the harshness of the nature of said admiral. Answer
was made that the order would be given under all the military honors
which were fitting. All these conferences passed by means of two
interpreters--one in the English language, and the other in the French
with a mixture of Latin in which the archbishop talked and which the
general understood, although they both pronounced it in accordance
with their native languages. Consequently, it was difficult for them
to understand one another. Nevertheless, the archbishop comprehended,
and not confusedly, that the general agreed to the condition proposed,
and the archbishop gave the order for the surrender of the fort. The
latter did not properly merit this name because of its weakness, and
the dislodging already mentioned, by which it could have no defense,
but manifest danger of life to those who remained there, and even of
those who remained in the city.

25. Great was the confusion of that day, and the grief of the
fierce sack. After the sack had lasted six hours, the archbishop
requested the general to forbid it, saying that neither church nor
palace would be left. The general went in person to attend to this,
and by the diligence of his men killed one, and maltreated another,
who was wounded in an arm, and commanded three to be hanged among
whom was an Indian of tender years, and it appears with small grounds
as only a few balls were found on him. But as a matter of fact, the
sack continued for more than thirty hours, as was asserted to the
archbishop, on account of which the latter made frequent requests of
the general. But in this madness of the sack, the very house servants
had not a little part and guilt, taking advantage of this unfortunate
occasion. And as regards the suburbs of the city, malicious persons
and robbers by profession (who abound in these districts) as well as
the very natives who had come from the provinces, and much more, the
characteristic perversity of the Sangleys executed this destruction
on the churches and many houses. [139]

26. The afternoon of the same day, both chiefs, Draper and Cornish,
sent the archbishop the conditions under which the city would be
free from the sack, the life of the citizens, and their possessions,
commerce, and religion, saved, namely, by the surrender of Cavite, and
the payment of four million pesos, two million to be paid at once. In
this manner, they would consider the articles of the capitulation
that had been signed by the archbishop, auditors, and city. Those
articles were sent shortly after on the same day by the generals,
approved with some restrictions as may be seen by all in their
originals and in the testimonies placed in the collection of papers.

27. From that afternoon a general council was called of all estates,
who met on the following morning to deliberate in regard to said
conditions. The archbishop ordered all to discuss the matter of
the said millions, while he was treating with the military men and
auditor of war in regard to Cavite. The latter excused themselves
from expressing an opinion under pretext of being prisoners of war,
whereupon the archbishop wrote to the general, asking him to declare
that those who were in the fort were not prisoners, and that meanwhile
he could not answer regarding Cavite. But he had not despatched said
letter, before he received a message from the generals in regard to
the fulfilment of their conditions, with the instant and terrible
threat, that if the contrary was done, they would put them all to
the sword without excepting a single person. Within a few moments
the same message was repeated by means of a Siquite [Sepoy?]. Both
messages were heard by all the Spaniards of the council, and by
many others who were in the palace; and it was learned for certain
that the order was given to the colonel, who had drawn up his
troops in front of the palace, and had taken the entrances of the
streets. Answer was made that a reply would be given in a very short
time. The archbishop, thereupon, turning to all the above-mentioned
persons in the council, told them that they should determine without
delay what was most advisable in regard to the millions, and that
they should do it while he was deliberating with the military men
regarding Cavite. The latter, with the auditor of war (forgetful
of their opposition toward giving an opinion a short time before),
not only gave one, by which Cavite was to be immediately surrendered,
but even asked that with great insistence. Being reprimanded and asked
why now they gave their opinion which they had refused so tenaciously
a short time before, they answered that circumstances had changed in
a few moments by the ruin that threatened all in a short time. [140]
The council also resolved that the four millions should be given, the
silver of the pious funds, chaplaincies etc., found existing being
given immediately, while the rest demanded would be given from the
wealth in the ["Philipino?" MS. worn]. What remained would be paid
by his Majesty, since there was no other recourse except his royal
clemency. The paper containing this proposition was signed by the
archbishop, and by the auditors and chief citizens.

28. In such a predicament, in which the archbishop conceived all
without any exception to be defendants and thrown into consternation,
he found no other means than to agree to the above-mentioned
proposition, which put in writing and signed by the chief persons,
was taken by two commissaries to the generals, and also the order for
the surrender of Cavite, stating that no move toward resistance would
be made, and taking the precaution of sending a suitable officer for
that purpose. The generals answered the commissaries that, if what they
said was contained in the paper, they would allow them to ascertain
that through their interpreter; and that since two of their ships had
gone in search of the "Philipino," if they had already captured it,
they [i.e., the Spaniards] ought not to reckon on it in the payment,
of which they could make use if it were not already captured. In
accordance with this, a letter was to be written to the commander of
the "Philipino;" and the abovesaid notice was to be executed ordering
him to come from Palapa to this [city? MS. worn]. This letter agreed
to by all the council and signed by the archbishop was shown to the
generals and was despatched to [that commander?] by two of the chief
inhabitants, who sent it safely; though as yet we are ignorant of its
receipt, and it has been rumored that it has been intercepted on the
way, and that even a contrary order has been given without us knowing
by whom.

29. The sum found in the pious funds, chaplaincies, etc., was really
ascertained and delivered. There was some difference in it because
of the small coins which had been clipped, and which were received
by weight. To this sum was added the amount of the wrought silver of
the churches (in which it appears that in some churches some of the
silver was reserved). There was a measure enacted by the archbishop,
in virtue of what was discussed in the general council and of present
circumstances. The superiors and the administrators of said church,
who were notified thereof, agreed, and they made the delivery without
any answer or protest; for they saw well that, although the secular
estate contributed with ¡ts interests in the "Philipino," it would be
impossible to get during those days a suitable distribution among the
citizens (and as it seemed), the destruction of the sack had left them
without money or anything of value, as they declared. Besides all their
powers could never make enough and be sufficient for the whole or half
of the contribution demanded. And the silver of the churches being in
sight, it was the best stimulus and incentive of greed, robbery, and
of violence, and with profanation of the altars and of the sacristy,
as had already been begun to be experienced, not only from the English
troops, but also from the natives themselves and the domestics, and the
especially covetous Sangleys. Not only did these misfortunes disturb
the heart of the archbishop, but also the gloomy consideration of the
Moros, those ancient enemies, who annually raided the provinces, and
of whom it was conjectured that, hearing of our fatality, they would
feed themselves with more audacity on their robberies, sacrileges,
and piracies, as, in fact, has been experienced even in a village near
the mouth of Marivelez which is the mouth of this bay. Thence, after
their accustomed molestations, they have taken one hundred captives
of both sexes, and, from the island of Marinduque, they have taken
one hundred persons and the Jesuit missionary of that island.

30. It befell that in order to obviate so many inconveniences,
they did not hesitate in taking from the altars the silver for the
redemption and relief, which was the least danger to the faithful
Catholics. By this arrangement, the payment of his Majesty was reduced,
from whose royal magnificence has originated the rich adornment
of the churches. But the sacred vases which belong immediately to
divine worship were always reserved, as were also the chalices, cups,
and monstrances. In these circumstances, the archbishop voluntarily
delivered all his valuables and vases without reserving his pectoral
or anything else, in order to aid so far as he was concerned in the
ransom of the city, and in order that he might serve as an example,
so that his [MS. worn] might not excuse himself from contributing
voluntarily whatever was possible. And as it was not proper that, in
these public calamities, and of the despoliation of his own spouse,
the cathedral church, he should remain with adornment and should not
be deprived of everything; and although his said possessions were
not of any considerable importance, he had the consolation of not
reserving anything and of giving them up with good will. Of money in
cash he gave none, for he had none, nor, since he has been in these
islands, has he had any left from his pay and stipends, for he has
spent them all in the support of his household, on the poor, and
for the relief of many necessities, always grieving at not helping
them all, because excessive sums would have been required (as those
necessities were many and grave). For this same reason, by order of
the [English] commissary of artillery, the bells were taken down (as
spoils that belonged to them) from the churches of the city and its
environs. The archbishop, grieving over the loss of his charge, set
his mind on ransoming the bells of the cathedral and royal chapel,
but since he had not come to these islands with wealth to execute
it, he gave an order against his agent in Cadiz, ordering him to
pay the sum of five thousand pesos for which they were redeemed,
notwithstanding that a very small sum remained in the possession of
the said agent to comply with the order. But the great confidence
which assists him in the above-mentioned animated the archbishop.

31. Advised of the scattering of the Spaniards since the day of the
assault, and that they were going to the villages and mountain, where
they were in danger from the barbarians and the revolted natives
(as was experienced in many disasters, thefts, and murders), and
their families in other directions not any more secure, and others in
the city and its precincts, an order was issued for all to assemble
and come to live in the city with those who were there. That order
had little effect, for each one followed his own opinion and will,
and began to lose his obedience to his superior. This was aided not a
little by the example of those who by their employ and dignity ought
to have given a better example.

32. Better fruit was obtained in ecclesiastical matters (although
that not sufficient and advisable), for the prebendaries and some of
the secular clergy continued to assemble at the cathedral, and in the
convents of the regulars some religious remained. They were requested
and charged not to abandon their churches, and to endeavor to have
a suitable number of subjects for the continuance of divine worship,
and to be the relief and consolation of the faithful, and that they
might be able to attend to their necessities in the administration
of the sacraments.

33. Thus was it done for the most part, but it was not that which
was advisable and sufficient to meet other casualties, which the
superiors of the Society satisfied. He was the only provincial prelate
who remained living [in the city], together with that of St. John
of God, whose superiors and subjects complied perfectly with their
respective ministries. On account of this defect, or non-existence of
the superior, it appears that the persecution by the English of the
Augustinian fathers or their opposition to them had no reparation;
and although their provincial was indeed near Manila, his passage
to the city was prevented. [141] The other superiors, although not
provincials, met respectively what arose in their orders, but their
powers did not reach to the subjects outside [the city] nor did they
gain the respect of the English within. And the English qualifying
as having committed excesses those Augustinian religious and others,
who appeared before them, who were commanding the natives outside,
proceeded to imprisonments, exiles, and confiscations of property,
especially in the above-mentioned, taking possession of their church,
money, valuables, and everything else that they had. [142] It is
enough to have touched this point, for it would be most tedious to
set forth all its particulars in detail; and it does not belong to the
archbishop to qualify the facts, since each superior must give account
of them to the king, our sovereign, with the religious sincerity which
he professes, and to show their complaints with the same truth. But he
cannot restrain his wonder as to how the father visitor and the father
of this province of San Juan de Dios, the reverend Father Puga, [143]
a priest, with his community attended and attends to his institute,
sheltering and assisting so great a number of sick and poor amid
so great calamity and so many necessities, and who not having the
slight regular alms, does not fail at all to his sick, the religious
aiding them. This is properly a miracle of charity. The persecution
which this superior and community has suffered, from the one who has
taken command of the government is as painful as their patience is
praiseworthy and exemplary.

34. The destruction which was experienced in the suburbs of Manila
and in other more distant places, from robbery, murders, and other
execrable atrocities, obliged the archbishop to endeavor to restrain
the evildoers and insurgents by means of Don Josef Busto, a person of
spirit and of great experience in the land, with a company of men to
his satisfaction. He was ready to do it, but asked a suitable salary
after he had formed his account. [144] Thereupon, the archbishop
ordered that one of the citizens, who had not suffered from the sack
and was wealthy, to make ready two thousand pesos which would be placed
to his account and apportioned to the sum which was to be demanded from
him for the contribution of the millions; and that the senior auditor,
who exercised the office of auditor of war, would give the instructions
and powers necessary to said Busto for the above-mentioned end. But
both persons excused themselves most strongly, the above-mentioned
citizen with the frivolous remark that he had nothing which he could
supply, the auditor by saying that he was a prisoner of war, and a
mere assessor in these matters. The first was a bit of frivolity,
and the second a pretext, for when the governor is an ecclesiastic,
the auditor expedites and determines by himself criminal causes which
arise; and thus did it happen with the archbishop during the time
of the siege and before in like causes with the same auditor. But
since the reins of obedience and respect had already been broken,
and there were no forces to reduce them to their duty, like other
matters, this remained thus without the due remedy, and the disasters
continued through insolence and libertinage.

35. During this time also, Auditor Anda had declared himself
governor, captain-general, and royal Audiencia, and had despatched
messages [cordilleras] ordering himself to be so recognized in the
provinces. And he had ordered and commenced to cut off the provisions
in the two districts of Bulacan and Laguna whence they come to the
city. In these raids, happened the murders of natives and English
in the suburbs, and the latter were mutilated and treated with other
contempts suitable for barbarians. Other events had preceded with the
religious of Bulacan where Anda was, and the English chiefs of whom
it was spoken variously. The archbishop cannot speak with exactness,
as he does not know of those events, only that on one occasion,
posterior to that time, in which the Augustinian [145] fathers were
discussed before many, the archbishop alleged publicly in their
favor (led rather by his inclination to piety than by the judgment
which he had formed then of their guilt or innocence), as well as in
favor of all the religious who were present in their convents; for he
held several divine offices, and protected them so far as he could,
although he was unable to prevent the English from embarking and
sending nine of them in the English fragatas which went to Madrasta.

36. It appears that, on account of the said causes, and (as is
known) from other apprehensions or imaginations, the British leaders
proscribed the above-named auditor, and it was added that they had
offered a reward for his person. The auditors learning this, went to
the archbishop with this notice, and great fright; and for the time
being there were no means by which to assure their lives. But within a
short time a hasty message from the general to the archbishop, ordering
him to cause that auditor to appear, together with the alcalde-mayor of
Bulacan and other nearby alcaldes in order that, on the twenty-fifth
day of October, they might, together with the city and the military
men, take the oath of allegiance to his Britannic Majesty, and give
their word of honor not to take arms against his nation during the
war, and until the kings should agree or decide the fate of these
islands. The archbishop replied to this message that he was unable to
cause the appearance of Auditor Anda, since they had proscribed him,
which was equivalent to handing him over to death; and that so long as
Anda was not secure of his life he could not make him appear. In regard
to the alcalde of Bulacan and the others, he could as little cause
them to come, because in the lack of any one to govern and restrain
the natives, their disturbance and revolt would increase all the more.

37. In order that he might inform the auditors of this event, the
archbishop had them summoned, and with them, namely, the fiscal and
the senior auditor, he began to discuss what they ought to do in regard
to Auditor Anda. While they were conferring thus, Auditor Galban came
with the marquis of Monte Castro, who were with General Draper at the
time when my above-mentioned reply or message was given to him. He
sent them so that they might discuss and talk over this point with
the archbishop. They told him that he could rest assured of the life
of Anda, and the general answered the same through his envoy. The
conference lasted for more than three hours, with various commotions,
without the auditors caring to express their opinion, giving as an
excuse that the said general had told those above-mentioned that they
were all prisoners of war, with the exception of the archbishop. On
the night of said day, said ministers presented to the archbishop
a writing, leaving in his hands and judgment as the one to whom the
matter pertained, the appearance of said Anda.

38. But in order to meet this matter better, he had some of the
foremost military officers invited, to whom he told all that had
passed. They were of the opinion that he should cause the said Anda
to retire, under security of his life, for he was incurring a great
danger, and exposing the lives of many with his disturbances; and
to shut off the provisions carries the same risk. [They were all of
this opinion] except one military man, who asserted that if Bulacan
was a separate province and had a fort or bastion, Anda ought not to
be summoned, for then he could defend himself. But said province is
very near Manila, being separated therefrom by only a distance of
three or four hours, and it never had a bastion or fortress except
that which very lately was constructed by order of the said Anda,
and which the English demolished as will be told later.

39. In accordance with this opinion, the archbishop asked the
general for assurance of the life of the abovesaid, in writing,
and it was sent to him in the English language. The archbishop had
it translated into our language, and kept in his possession the
original paper. The above-mentioned copy was enclosed to him, and at
the bottom of it the archbishop assured him that it was a faithful
copy, and that he had had it copied into our language in order that
Anda might understand it. He gave Anda strict orders to appear,
but the latter replied discourteously with several absurdities,
which the archbishop answered by noting his rudeness, and stating
that he should have been addressed with the title of governor, and
of Anda's disrespect in judging him [i.e., the archbishop] to be
the secretary of the British. The archbishop also showed Anda other
errors which he suffered, and sent him the original paper of safety,
so that he might make use of it in the way that he pleased, and said
that he would make a charge before God and the king of his excesses.

40. From that time until the present Anda continued his orders
to prevent any food from being taken down to the city. But he has
never been able to succeed in more than that the price of food has
risen. He has not considered that the greater part of the garrison were
prisoners in the city with the archbishop, with their officers, two
togated ministers, and the officials of the royal treasury (except the
treasurer), and the majority of the persons composing both cabildos,
ecclesiastical and secular, various religious of all the communities,
a convent of nuns, the beateríos and schools of both sexes, and most
of the citizens of all classes and estates. He has not reflected
that his obstinacy in this measure in any event and in any manner in
which it might have any desired effect, resulted, before any injury to
the English, in that of all these vassals of the king, afflicted and
opposed by both parts. He has taken no account of the lack of success
that could be hoped for from such a project, as has been shown, as
he has not sufficient arms or disciplined men with which to oppose a
nation which, besides having the city garrisoned and that of Cavite,
and in both a good provision in the storehouses, dominated also the
sea with their boats, with which in case of necessity, they could
furnish provisions in plenty. [146]

41. This temerity has been the origin of many evils, which have
increased the misfortune of these inhabitants, both secular and
religious. They have been reduced to prison on various occasions,
with sufficient contempt, occasioning that, together with injury
to the natives, notable disturbances, disasters, fires, murders,
robberies, and rapines have been experienced through the same agents
and other evildoers. They have even been propagated through diverse
places and estates with the destruction of their fields and herds;
and, on the other side, the English irritated, not only have committed
in the vicinity of Manila, many annoyances, burning of villages and
buildings, and taking by force of arms (without resistance), all kinds
of grain and animals, food, and a very great number of buffaloes,
which were destined for the plough and the cultivation of the land,
but they have also penetrated into some provinces with very few men,
taking therefrom whatever they have wished, as they did in the month
of November in the village of Pasig, where especially the food of all
the Lake of Bay was gathered, and where trenches had been made in the
church and convent. With all kinds of arms they had been occupied
by ten thousand Indians, who were defeated at their first arrival
by five hundred English. About one thousand five hundred of both
sexes and all ages were killed, part of them with gun and cannon,
and part precipitated into and drowned in the river Pasig. From that
time a detachment of English troops remained in said village. [147]
For that reason the English have penetrated about all the lake and
through the province of Taal and Balayan, and have always brought
vast supplies of food for their troops and for the storehouses. All
these inhabitants always furnish them (for their money) with flesh,
wheat, and palay. In any other way they would have suffered many more
miseries. In the month of February, they did the same in Bulacan,
which was the province where the above-mentioned Anda had established
his fort in the church and convent. They advanced and forced his
trenches, where some Spaniards and religious were killed, and four
hundred Indians were put to the sword. The only difference was that in
this place they did not carry back provisions or fortify themselves,
but retired after demolishing the fortifications in the convent. They
have also made many extortions in other villages which they would
not have done had they not been provoked. [148]

42. All these injuries and many others, which are the necessary sequel
of them, the archbishop thought over from that beginning, [which had
been] without any fruit or advantage to our side, but, indeed, had,
on the contrary, the pernicious effects that experience has proved,
and which had already commenced to show themselves. Consequently,
he found it necessary to write to Anda again, mitigating with the
greatest mildness the ardor of his preceding letter, in order that
Anda might consider these calamities, and change direction, increasing
and arranging the terms of his commission as visitor of the land and
lieutenant of the captain-general. But there was no other answer to
this letter except notice of its receipt written on its envelope.

43. A like effect was obtained by the order that he gave in his letter
to the treasurer, ordering him to transfer to the city the money in
his care, in order that it might escape the theft which many evil
natives had attempted. They would have succeeded in one of their
most vigorous attacks, had not this disturbance been calmed by the
alcalde of Pagsanjan, the marquises of Villamediana and Monte Castro
being present. The latter were abused by three Franciscan religious,
who, armed, captained the Indians in order to get possession of the
treasury. In order to avoid this danger and the loss of this money,
the archbishop had conferred with the generals, saying that he would
hand it over to them on condition that it be reckoned as a part of
the millions demanded, and that they supply him with the pay for the
ministers, officers, troops, and others whose support depended on his
Majesty. The relief of the community would also follow the exhibition
of this treasury, and would lessen the payment of his Majesty. Nothing
sufficed to make the treasurer Echauz obey. He went to Pampanga with
the treasury, which he placed at the disposition of Auditor Anda,
who began to use it recently for the expenses which he believed
advisable or necessary, according to his projects.

44. To the question of the British, which was urgently put to him,
in regard to the royal treasury and possessions, the archbishop
responded briefly and truly, showing them that the king, his master,
had no temporal interest in these islands, but only that strictly of
the souls of his vassals, and the causing them to live as civilized
beings and Christians, according to the Catholic law for their
salvation; and that in order to maintain them with his ecclesiastical
and secular ministers, he spent the tributes which were collected with
so great right, and the two departments only of buyo and wine. In this
regard he distributed very large sums annually from the treasury of
Mexico. In no other manner could these islands subsist.

45. The city, orders, and Spaniards having been summoned to the royal
palace, in order to express their loyalty and not to take arms against
his Britannic Majesty, before his generals, an act in which their
loyalty and love to his Catholic Majesty, their legitimate king, shone
forth brightly, through the unwillingness, sadness, and repugnance,
with which it was celebrated. Slightly before as well and separately
was given the word of honor not to take arms during the war or until
another arrangement was made by the sovereigns (in a certain Latin
form, and which necessarily contained nothing of vassalage to his
Britannic Majesty), by the archbishop, auditors, and royal officials
present. The polite representation of the archbishop to the generals
in the said house where they were lodging, namely, the archiepiscopal,
enabled them [i.e., the above officials] to gain exemption from mixing
with the others, or in their formula [of loyalty or allegiance to
the British sovereign].

46. Thence, at their instance, they [i.e., the cabildo, religious,
and Spaniards] were conducted to the royal palace, and in the presence
of so numerous a gathering, a paper was read, in which the archbishop
was reproved as one who robbed from the churches, the sum to which
their silver amounted, and that of the pious funds already delivered
and received; and that in regard to this, that silver would soon
complete a million. And now he was about to surrender the forces
and islands dependent on Manila. By that paper the heart of the
archbishop was wounded as if by a double-edged sword. On two points
he was unable to restrain his wrath, and he uttered in the presence
of the two generals the words that his zeal dictated to him, namely,
that the instance and threat of the victors had been necessary for
the withdrawal of the abovesaid silver, and there were no other
resources near at hand. He does not rob, who makes use, in extreme
need, of the most sacred thing, which is destined in such cases most
suitably to the living temples of God, namely, His faithful. But he
cannot clear himself from this sacrilegious crime, who causes it by
violence, and who willingly and eagerly receives its effects, and
whatever is left over and above them. In regard to the second point,
that meant to attempt another act of violence quite contrary to the
day and to the act which was being celebrated on it to the honor and
memory of the birthday of his Britannic Majesty, whose protection
he implored, so that such a matter might not be discussed on such
a day. And the archbishop insisted that he would sacrifice his life
for his faithfulness to his king, and for his honor, which would be
vindicated by his Catholic Majesty, his sovereign.

47. With this expression of anger, the archbishop retired to his room,
where the above-mentioned paper was sent him. In order to deliberate on
its contents, he had a general council summoned for next day, October
26, consisting of the ministers, the chief military men, and the city
and ecclesiastical [cabildos]. In a few words the archbishop explained
to the council the arguments pro and con regarding the cession of the
islands. Since he gave all his attention and time to this, he ordered
a council of those interested to discuss, with the assistance of the
fiscal, and under the presidency of the senior auditor, the matter
of the completion of the million. The result of that discussion will
be stated later.

48. But in regard to the point of the islands, which was discussed
in general council, the regulars excused themselves from voting, by
saying that their rules forbade them to vote on war questions, and that
they feared to act irregularly. The archbishop was unable to overlook
this pretext, and told them that they had voted in like assemblies
at the time of the siege, and had permitted or given license to their
subjects to take all kinds of arms, to patrol the walls, and to guard
the posts which were entrusted to them; and had sent the Indians
from their villages to take part in the conflict. They had not done
otherwise in their missions exposed to the dangers of the Moros, than
to manufacture and buy all sorts of arms, and importune the superior
government to supply arms to them, and afterward to handle them and
make use of them in defense of their parishioners, and to fight the
enemies of the faith and religion. At present it was not necessary
to take these arms or to make use of them, but it was necessary to
declare what was advisable in regard to conceding or denying the
submission of the provinces in which religion and the instruction of
their neophytes were at stake. But nothing was sufficient to get them
to give their vote, that which the archbishop had alleged causing them
great irritation. As their obstinacy angered the archbishop still more,
he did not have them summoned to the second council.

49. In the voting of that council of the twenty-sixth, it happened
that the engineer, by whom the voting commenced, refused strongly to
pass any opinion, saying that he was prevented from doing so, as he
was a prisoner of war. This murmur spread among the other military
men present, and they added that the license of the generals was
necessary in order that this council might be held. Consequently, it
was necessary for the archbishop to explain these matters, by telling
them that this was not a clandestine council, but one called openly and
in plain sight and with the knowledge and suffrance of the generals. In
it they were not discussing the taking of arms by the prisoners for the
defense of the provinces, but whether the islands were to be yielded
under present circumstances by the archbishop-governor. Thereupon,
the voting went on with varying results. When it came to the fiscal's
vote, he again was obstinate on the points prisoners of war and the
license of the generals for the council, and he said that he would
accordingly take his position on the principle of it. The archbishop
answered what he had said in regard to the said points, and that this
was to place in doubt what he had signed. Thereupon, there was great
altercation, anger, and notable incivility, with visible signs of
the agony which the archbishop was suffering from this blow. But the
altercation having subsided, and all of them having quieted down, the
fiscal and other ministers declared their vote. Since it was now very
late and the vote was not cleared up, and since it could not be well
enough discerned at that time, it was ordered that the same council
be convoked on the following day, with the exception of the regulars.

50. In fact, on the following day, October 27, another council was
held in the afternoon. At it the archbishop had the Latin letter
read which he had received on the morning of that day from General
Draper, with the date of the twenty-eighth (which corresponds to
the twenty-seventh of our reckoning and calendar). The vote was put,
and some who had given their vote in the negative on the preceding
day, namely, not to surrender the islands, retracted, and voted
affirmatively. The ministers and some others expressed their opinion
and gave it in writing. The vote was equally cast with but a little
difference of one or two votes. The archbishop asserted that he would
decide without delay what appeared most advisable to him, commending,
as he had done, so grave a matter to our Lord, so that He might inspire
him as to what was for His best service and that of His as well as
our Catholic king. Before dissolving this council, an envoy came from
General Draper with another letter bearing date of the twenty-eighth
(which corresponds in our calendar to the twenty-seventh) written
in the English language. It was read there by an interpreter. It
was reduced to saying that, with only the cession of a few places of
little importance, he would save (he gave to understand with whom he
spoke, namely the archbishop) the lives of a multitude; that he was
sure that his Catholic Majesty would consider himself as well served;
and that those who were endeavoring to persuade the archbishop not
to yield, if they did not promptly change their opinion, would answer
with their lives, and that the auditors were to affix their signatures.

51. All those present having heard the context of the above-mentioned
letter, without any more being added or mentioned than what was
declared in the above-mentioned council, it was dissolved, and the
thorn (which was very sharp) remained in the heart of the archbishop
in deliberating on so serious a point. In that deliberation the
least thing involved was the danger to his own life, of which he was
tired and of which he almost desired the end. But that is always
placed in the hands of divine Providence who directs everything
positively or permissively for His greater service and glory. Not
only did he consider the extermination of the city and the lives
of many with which he was threatened, but also (and which was very
easy), the uneasiness of the villages and missions of the provinces,
in great part ruined and destroyed by their old-time enemies, the
Moros, who with a little stimulus and encouragement from their new
enemies would assault them on all sides and would finish with their
mission ministers and justices. It was greatly to be feared that
if the natives were offered exemption from tribute, and subjection,
they would be the instruments of these disasters.

52. This effort tied the hands of the English, who irritated by a
negative answer, could have assigned two fragatas of their squadron to
coast along the provinces, and cause this horrible uneasiness. If they
did that, (unless it was averted by divine Providence), the ruin of
the instruction and faith of the neophytes would be experienced. These
reasons having been meditated upon before Jesus Christ, our life,
from whose service depended that of a Catholic king, the archbishop
resolved on the twenty-eighth to avoid the greater evil, and to assure
the conservation of the islands, and the teaching and doctrine of
our holy religion in them by keeping their natives quiet. Thereupon,
on the said day, and on the following, the twenty-ninth, he wrote
letters to the prelates and to the provinces, with the intention of
using them opportunely; [149] and without making mention of those
letters, he replied on the date of the twenty-ninth [150] in the Latin
language to the above-mentioned letter, also in Latin, of General
Draper, explaining to him diffusely and vigorously the difficulty of
What he asked. His reasons, if they did not suffice to convince him,
lessened the violence and force which were uttered a thousand times
in said letter.

53. He summoned the auditors in order to show this letter to them,
but they did not come as they were busy, answering that they would
come if the matter were urgent. But the instances of the general
of the day before having been repeated for the reply, it was sent
to him in said letter between seven and eight in the morning of the
said day, the twenty-ninth. But after eleven o'clock on the same day,
the general sent his letter of the thirtieth of the same month (which
corresponds to our date of the twenty-ninth) with the message for me
not to bother myself, that that letter was to be signed by myself
and the auditors, to whom he sent word that if they did not do it,
he would have them immediately thrown into a galley. Instantly upon
receiving this message they immediately appeared, and signed the letter
together with the archbishop, both the original letter in English
and its translation into Spanish. It was sent to the said general,
and said auditors only gave notice that they had made their protest
before the notary, and that it should not be written at the foot of
said letter, in order that the general might not happen to see it,
if he asked for said original letter. With such fear did they proceed,
but the archbishop showed them the copy of his letter above-mentioned,
in which is manifest his protest with the declaration of repeating
it a thousand times.

54. This point has been treated with prolixity, for besides being one
of the most serious, and one of greatest pain, it has been shifted and
juggled [adviterado?] variously, blackening enormously the conduct of
the archbishop, even to affirming that it is evident that he had an
understanding with the English for this cession, in a journal full of
false entries and of black impostures, composed by the fiscal. But God
be thanked, that the evidence of this criminal calumny is false, and
the weak apprehensions or inferences on which it is founded have been
clearly dissipated. For what is affirmed is false, namely, that the
cession of the islands had been discussed or made before October 26,
and that letters had been written for their surrender, as the first
council was held on the said day, and the second on the following day
(the twenty-seventh and the twenty-eighth). On the twenty-ninth, the
archbishop made his resolution, and wrote the rough drafts of said
letters with his own hand on the twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth. The
statement also is false, namely, that on the twenty-ninth, said letters
were sent with one of the same date in which the archbishop answered
the general ceding the islands. For these original letters are yet
in possession of the secretary of the assembly, and neither then nor
at any time have they been sent or delivered. So true is this that
the commanders having gone--Draper on the twelfth of November [151]
of the past year, and Cornish on the first of March of the present
year, who never asked him for a letter for the surrender of the
islands--the British government tried afterwards to get the archbishop
to give letters of surrender for Zebu, Yloylo, and Zamboanga, which
he refused and did not give, as appears from his letters, rejecting
the instances of the above-mentioned British government.

55. Also false is the end of this report, which asserts, not indeed
that it is presumed, but that it is presumed if not proved, that
the archbishop tried to shield himself. Without this protection or
shelter, he made the cession in his letter of the said twenty-ninth
day, as is said above, with the signature of the auditors, which they
placed in the letter of Draper on the thirtieth (in our calendar,
the twenty-ninth), which in view of and after the receipt of that
of the archbishop, the said general sent on that same twenty-ninth
day, with the threatening message that he would send them to the
galleys. Only the constancy of the archbishop can be well inferred. In
his protest he asserts and [MS. worn] to the general in consideration
of his threat of the extermination of the city the lives of many,
which did not move the animosity of the auditors for their signature
until they received the personal threat of their own imprisonment.

56. The ambiguous letter of Draper of the twenty-eighth (in our
calendar, the twenty-seventh), is slight foundation for so gross a
suspicion and its proof; in which he seems to infer that the archbishop
had made the cession, and infers on the other hand, that he was in
condition of acting in regard to the cession. For the letter says
that those who endeavored to persuade him not to make the cession
would answer with their lives. It is a proof of the sincerity of the
archbishop that he showed the said letter in the second council, for
if it contained anything suspicious, or anything by which he would be
discovered to be lacking in application, it would have been very easy
for him to suppress it and return it to the general, in order that
the latter might write another, in which nothing would be understood
in regard to the secret understanding. It is not the mark of a good
reason and less is it Christian to assert so great a crime as proved
without having had any motive. For to such infamies, one is moved
either by self-interest or the expectations of honors, or important
posts which both lacked. For the archbishop had previously stripped
himself of all his few valuables and pectorals, without reserving
any; and he was clothed in the greatest honors and employments with
which the powerful Catholic king can honor a vassal of his in these
islands. And only by depriving himself of this recognition, and
of his character as a Christian and archbishop could he offend so
enormously against his king and religion because of the expectation
or promise of greater honors in Londres or with the very crown of
all Ynglaterra. Through the mercy of God, the archbishop has not
been abandoned by His divine hand in his right judgment or in the
works of his misery and weakness. Neither does he live so forgetful
of quid prodest homini, [152] etc.

57. The reason of the archbishop not having used said letters which
they falsely affirmed had been delivered, and of the originals being
conserved in the possession of the secretary, was that having been sent
(as he thought they ought first to be sent) to the regular superiors
living in Manila on the thirtieth (the following day) of October, who
[MS. worn] to their most [MS. worn] in the margin to be understood by
it the said original message [cordillera]. The above-mentioned reason
having been given, the rumor spread among the populace that the said
letter had been the cause of the disaster of the alcalde-mayor of
Pagsanjan, [153] who was lanced by the Indians themselves on the
gallows. That was mentioned to the archbishop by a trustworthy and
God-fearing person who grieved at his carelessness in said letter.

58. Surprised at this information, the archbishop had the
above-mentioned letter brought into the presence of the said person,
together with the others, and had the secretary read them with their
dates. By their very dates, namely, the twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth
of October, it was plain that they could not have occasioned the event
of Pagsanjan which occurred the day before, namely, the twenty-seventh
of the same month. This casualty was made more impossible by the
distance of said village from Manila, which is at the least three days'
journey. The legitimate cause of this insurrection and tyrannical
murder of their alcalde was that which appears in the documents formed
of this matter, where it is evident that this cloud of dust which was
raised was no other thing than the racial inconstancy and disloyalty
of the natives of that village and its environs. The fact that the
archbishop had not had any support or reply to the contents of his
letter from the superiors of Manila, and the knowledge that Auditor
Anda had already sent his message [cordillera] through the provinces,
[154] in which he declared himself to be governor and captain-general,
made it necessary for the archbishop not to disturb the provinces and
accede to the times and to the circumstances thereof, and ordered that
none of the said letters be sent. That order was executed as given
and the originals were kept in the possession of the secretary. That
which can have happened, and of which there is frequent experience
in any part, as well as in this city, is that a copy of one or more
of said letters may have been drawn by the infidelity of some clerk
without the archbishop or his secretary being able to remedy it,
and in this way their contents may have become known and explained
by the malicious rivalry in as sinister a manner as is usual.

59. In regard to the other point of the completion of the million,
the archbishop entrusted it to the senior auditor, Don Francisco
Villacorta, [155] in order that having assembled those interested,
together with the fiscal, they might determine what the matter
demanded according to its circumstances. They held several meetings,
in one of which a plan was adopted for demanding of each person the
contribution in accordance with his wealth and the sack which he had
suffered. But there was great opposition, and some made complaint
to General Draper and to the archbishop. The latter assembling them
all, exhorted their help to the extent possible, to which they were
obliged by their conscience and by the circumstances, in order to
avoid greater extortions. For the representation to the general
of not having promised to complete the million was not received,
but this matter was strongly insisted upon. Finally, the only
success achieved was in getting each one to offer what he deemed
best. With the valuables and money [given], scarce did the sum reach
twenty-six thousand pesos. But a very great quantity was needed to
complete the million in addition to that raised by the pious funds,
the chaplaincies, and the silver of the churches. This reached the
sum of four hundred and forty-three thousand pesos. [156] However
great the effort and attempt made by the English to have the million
paid, yet it was found impossible on the part of the citizens to raise
hastily a greater sum than that above-mentioned because of the sack and
destruction which they suffered even in their furniture and houses; and
because some few, who could have aided, were not living in the city,
but had taken to the mountains in several places, while some others,
as was said, placed what money they could in safety outside the city,
so that the richest who were absent refused to aid.

60. At this time the two fragatas, which had been assigned by
the enemy, at the time of the siege, to capture the "Philipino,"
entered the bay with the ship "Trinidad," which they had fought and
captured after a vigorous defense on the twenty-ninth and thirtieth of
October. This ship left for its voyage to Acapulco from the Embocadero
under a favorable wind on September 13, but lost its mast in a severe
storm at a distance of three hundred leguas at the parallel of the
Marianas. It was all but gone, and it became necessary to put back
[which was done] with great difficulty. When it was in the Embocadero
near San Jacinto, without being aware of what was happening in Manila,
it was attacked by said two fragatas and captured. From the time of its
arrival, the claim was begun to be made that it was not a legitimate
prize, the freedom of trade, possessions, and property having been
agreed upon in anticipation. And although the instance of the commerce
body was continued to the British government for this declaration,
the government sent it to Admiral Cornish, and the latter after many
delays, and by nature serious, harsh, and hard, because the Spaniards
had not fulfilled the stipulation regarding the millions, answered
that that matter belonged to the admiralty of Londres, whither it
was sent. [157] He would never consent to have the cargo remain on
deposit, or to have it delivered to those interested in it, under
the guaranty which was lastly proposed by the archbishop, he having
previously supported the right of the citizens to its restitution;
for said admiral said that it was no time now to discuss this matter,
as he was just about to sail, and left on the first of March with
his squadron, taking said ship. [158]

61. Its cargo consisted of one thousand one hundred and forty-eight
piezas, but all that was sent outside of the hold, consisting of boxes
of presents, valuables and things of value, he had placed at auction,
without taking the formality to summon those interested or making any
note of what was taken possession of and seized. Some of the boxes of
letters which were filled with water, and which were seized by them,
they opened and took cognizance of their contents. The archbishop was
unable to get the return of these letters and official papers, which
he demanded repeatedly. For it was well to burn the private letters,
which the enemy themselves declared to be false and entangling, as
they themselves noted. But no one was ignorant of the many accounts and
fabulous stories which were written by several persons. The archbishop
was also unable to obtain some canes which he was sending--one for
the king, and the other for the prince. Their distinction was that
they were made of fine bamboos of these islands, and the handles
were engraved skilfully with the royal arms by noble natives of
the islands. Neither did [he obtain] the valuables left by Mariscal
Arandia as a legacy to our sovereigns.

62. As the whole business or object of the English was the treasure of
the "Philipino" they sent two more fragatas to look for it, and in them
went persons authorized by this community. Inasmuch as four citizens
had been made prisoners or detained in houses of this city, as well as
Auditor Don Francisco Villacorta and the fiscal, Don Francisco Viana,
one cannot imagine the efforts of the archbishop, personally and in
writing with the generals and the British government for the release
of the above-mentioned, especially the ministers. After some days and
petitions, he was able to succeed on condition that four men should
be chosen to make the abovesaid efforts. In fact they were chosen by
the citizens and sailed in said fragatas, although they were unable to
make the port of Palapa because of very violent storms which putting
them in danger of shipwreck made it necessary for them to put back
to Manila after ninety days.

63. Seeing that their attempt was frustrated and that the rumors
that they heard were that the silver had been removed from the
"Philipino," and placed in safety, Admiral Cornish, irritated and
just about to sail, attempted a new sack. Although by demand of the
British government, it appears that he went to quiet his officers,
yet he was implacable, and it appears that having been advised by the
said government that it would resist on its part the sack within the
city, without desisting from his attempt, said admiral set his gaze
on the suburbs, especially on Santa Cruz, [159] where the most of
the Spaniards are. Already were the dread and consternation great,
and the destruction and mortality which were threatened by the fury
of this hostility were feared. The archbishop, having been notified
thereof by some Spaniards, exerted all his strength and care to avoid
this disaster, and moderate, and cause the admiral to set some bounds
[to the matter]. Discussing the matter with the latter in several
visits which he paid to him, he was able to persuade him and agree to
give him an order for the two millions. In case that the "Philipino"
(as was already inferred) came with its wealth or the fragata which was
assigned for this purpose transported them, from that property would
be completed the amount of the other two millions, having liquidated
the account in regard to the sum already raised, and taking account
of the amount of the sack that they had suffered and which was to
be regulated.

64. In this manner everything remained quiet. It was no time or
season for answer or reply, especially with the admiral who was so
strong and hard in his resolution. No other expedient was found with
which to meet the conflict than the above-mentioned order. Neither
could he avoid in the nearness of his embarkation the new sack of
the church and convent of St. Augustine (with the exception of the
reliquaries which the archbishop, feigning ignorance, had caused to
be kept in the cathedral); nor that the admiral should not sack the
houses of the marquis of Monte Castro and of Don Andres Blanco--the
first because he had failed in his word of honor, and the second
because he had not taken part in the contribution--in which were
included various persons who lost their property.

65. The account of the sack which Cornish furnished to the
archbishop is quite ridiculous and improbable as to the amount of
twenty-nine thousand pesos at which he puts it, since by means of
the investigations which the archbishop was able to carry on the
sack amounts to more than eight hundred thousand pesos; and almost
one-third of the inhabitants were absent so that it has been impossible
to adjust their loss through the absence of many persons. However,
it is a fact that the total amount must be lowered by what the Indians
and house servants took in these robberies and destruction. But this
adjustment could not be made at the time when Cornish threatened the
new sack; for these investigations are being made at present, and as
yet the last has not been heard from because of the absence of not
a few inhabitants who have still to make their declaration. Neither
would the irritation of Cornish, had these investigations even been
finished, have considered our account and adjustment, both because
of his impetuous nature, and because of the so vast discrepancy of
his account to that above-mentioned. Consequently, it was only the
time to yield and to enter into some kind of agreement by means of
the above-mentioned order. This recourse was necessary and inevitable
under the circumstances leaving it for the consideration of our king
and his ministers who might take the advisable measures in view of
what had happened.

66. The admiral departed, as has been said, the first of March. He left
orders to his castellan of Cavite to go in a fragata to Palapa. In
fact the latter did so, and through a citizen, who was selected
by the merchant body, the order was given from the beginning for
the commander of the "Philipino" to bring the silver or deliver it;
so that, having reduced the amount which was lacking to complete the
millions, the remainder might be delivered to the Spaniards interested
and sent to its destination. Already it was more than probable by
this time that the silver of the said ship was placed in safety;
and the above-mentioned castellan, who went to Palapa, found that
it was so. He found the said ship without any crew or any cargo; and
notwithstanding some investigations which he made to get the silver,
he ordered the "Philipino" to be set afire and returned to Manila
without having obtained anything else than having made his efforts
in vain. [160] But he did not cease to make all efforts ashore and
by sea in small boats to get the silver, but the same result followed
of not obtaining any success.

67. Before these incidents, by others which intervened through the
withdrawal of some Spaniards and officers, notwithstanding their oath
and word of honor, the English caused to enter into the city those
who were suspected, among them being the two ministers who were the
only ones outside the walls, Don Francisco Viana and Don Francisco
Billacorta. The latter effected his entrance into the city on receipt
of the message; and the former his retirement to Pampanga at the
end of January. Auditor Villacorta entered and left the city freely,
but had the heedlessness [to write] certain letters to Auditor Anda,
and the misfortune to have them intercepted. It resulted therefrom
that he was seized and in a very short time he was considered by a
council of war, which sentenced him to the list punishment. [161]

68. Almost at the same time the rumor spread abroad of the offensive
and defensive alliance of the British government with the king of
Jolo. In consideration of the treaty which that sultan had a few months
previously celebrated in favor of his Majesty and the Spanish nation,
and of the irreparable injuries that would result to these islands
from the newly-contracted alliance, the archbishop had recourse by
a very strong and expressive letter to said government, laying upon
it all the responsibility in regard to said alliance. However, he
resisted strongly for the reason which he expresses in his reply. But
this alliance has reached such a point that the government has sent
Prince Ysrael, son of the said sultan, to Jolo; and then tried to
get the archbishop to give him a letter for the surrender of Zebù and
other islands, [162] but its petitions and exigencies to obtain said
letter were unsuccessful. The archbishop refused to give it for the
reasons which are expressed in his letters to the British government
on this matter. So far has the archbishop been from giving letters
for the surrender of the islands, that he refused and resisted what
was petitioned from him in instances and even by threats a long time
after the cession had passed.

69. The archbishop excused no effort in the so serious matter of the
cause of Auditor Villacorta, by message, visits, and letter, but all
he could obtain was the suspension of his execution. The British
conceded that on condition that the defendant himself, the father
provincial of the Society, and the archbishop write to Auditor Anda,
ordering him to suspend hostilities, and not to prevent the entrance
of food. I have no doubt that the two letters were couched in good
terms. That of the archbishop was dated March 21, [and was written]
with the care and attention that it expresses. These letters were
given to the British who sent them by the most reverend Father Sierra,
a Dominican, who brought back the answers and placed them in the hands
of said British government. The latter, after a few days, sent his
to the archbishop opened, after having made a copy of it, which was
translated into the English language. Consequently, it was necessary
for the archbishop to demand that the said copy be destroyed, as it
touched and blackened his honor. [163] But the British government
did not comply with this request, and only promised not to let it
out of its possession, except to its superiors. Already the contents
of said letter had been divulged among the Spaniards and English,
a fact that deeply penetrated the heart of the archbishop, for its
style and its contents, alone ought to be buried in profound silence.

70. This letter, of which a rare copy will be found in the histories,
is handed in to the royal hand and most just comprehension of his
Majesty under other covers. The same diligence is practiced in another
letter of the fiscal with his diary and manifesto, all written in the
same ink and formed almost with the same pen as the above-mentioned
letter of the other minister. Both of them have not been ashamed of
staining their pens with blood against the laws of decency, truth,
justice, and charity, to the offense of God, of their oath of obedience
to the laws of the Indias, and in contempt of the archiepiscopal
dignity, and of the archbishop's representation in these islands
of the royal person of his Majesty. By their example they fermented
the people, who have become scattered and corrupted with scandals,
murmurings, disgust, and spite against their own prelate, pastor
and father.

71. This impudence in the village, and almost universal among all
classes of persons and estates, with the exception of some few of
reason and judgment, is the fire that has deeply penetrated the feeling
and pierced the heart of the archbishop. He maintained himself and
still maintains himself firmly in the face of his enemies, in order
that he might attend to the conflicts and needs of the said village
and of our peoples, and not deprive the city and the many persons of
both sexes who have found it impossible to leave it, of shelter; to
attend, at the same time, to the protection of the churches as well
as possible; and to see that the holy religion and divine worship
are encouraged without commencing to grow weak in the capital. He
has succeeded in doing this in the greater part through the divine
Mercy; and to so great a degree have Church functions and all the
ecclesiastical ministers succeeded for the welfare of the faithful,
that edification and not a little wonder is caused by the fact that
the faith and worship of our Lord Jesus Christ are seen to shine
forth in the midst of so many hardships, conflicts, and necessities.

72. In this the royal favor and protection of the king, our sovereign,
has the greatest and best share. The ecclesiastical cabildo and its
ministers, the girls' school of Santa Potenciana, the troops which
were left, the invalid and sick officers in the hospital of San Juan
de Dios, the archbishop and his household, and many others who are
aided by the king's pay, have been able to be maintained through his
generous pity. With all this was concerned the provision which the
archbishop enacted with the British governor in regard to the supply
of the pay which he has administered without fail. In the regulation
of them, the distribution has been made according to the circumstances
of the persons and of the time, with the economy which has appeared
advisable. Of the amount of these salaries, he has given and will
give the orders against his Majesty's treasury, on whom depends
the subsistence of the above-mentioned vassals who have only lived
and been able to support themselves with these aids of his Majesty,
without having any other help so far as the human is concerned.

73. But in order that no thorn might be wanting to the archbishop to
pierce him in regard to this same so favorable and equitable provision,
since he assigned therein only half pay to the wearers of the toga
(in consideration of the fact that if they moderated themselves under
the present circumstances, it appeared sufficient, as they no longer
respected his Majesty, reserving for the latter's justification, the
payment of the other half for an opportune time), they were very angry,
and made an outcry against the archbishop in a most impudent letter,
in which they retorted but without foundation and with a vicious
comprehension, that the archbishop was applying to himself more than
half pay, although he took only the half which belongs to him as
governor, and nothing more, not even any stipend as archbishop. But
said ministers requested, and it was given them in its entirety or as
a reward until October five, without them having been willing in the
future to accept the half pay which was assigned to them under the
above-mentioned reasons; and although their right remained safe to
them at all times, it would have demonstrated that they would have
been insufficient had the archbishop changed his provision. But it
was shown that one-half the pay was quite sufficient for a minister
to maintain himself with moderation and economy, as was proved in
the case of Don Pedro Calderon, who arrived at this capital with the
captured ship "Trinidad," and who requested that he be furnished
with half pay under bond. It was conceded to him in this manner,
and he supported himself, daughter, and household with it.

74. Notwithstanding so many contradictions, conflicts, accidents,
and enemies, on all sides which have undermined the robust health
of the archbishop, placing him in the extremity of dying, he has
been experiencing the most special providence of the Most High. Not
without astonishment do they see him with life and that he has been
able to attend to the conflicts of all and to the continuous attacks
which pressed on him constantly from all sides. There has not been
any Spaniard or native, or people of these, or any religious, who
have been in prison, or experienced hardship, or necessity, whom he
has not helped or protected with the offices of charity, mediation,
and petition with the English, from whom he has many times obtained
either the protection or justice which has been fitting. Consequently,
he has encountered the enemy for all this class of people, even with
danger to the respect of his dignity and of his person. Individual
mention of the cases and persons would be infinite; and much appears
in his letters to the English on various matters. But the gratitude
that has been his due is that of a people made peevish by the wicked
leaven of the examples and inducements of persons, who by their rank
and post, special honor, and greater obligation, and because of being
singularly benefited by the archbishop, ought to be quite other, and,
at least, without the abandon of the fear of God and Christian charity.

75. The inevitable situation in which the archbishop finds himself,
because of being in front of the enemy and in their presence, in order
to attend to the various grievous casualties which frequently occur
would become more tolerable to him, if he did not experience from his
own people and from the one who commands them, and from those whom they
incite for the latter, that they have vomited forth their fury against
his person. It seems incredible, but it is a fact, that the wrath and
imprudent acts of the abovesaid who have soullessly trampled on his
dignity have cost him more pangs than the presence of the enemy, who
have respected him, although they have caused him great mortification.

76. From this fatal experience it comes, that the situado and wealth
of the "Philipino" having been assured as abovesaid; and adding that
in the same security, in which it is considered, it runs great danger
from the very ones who are guarding it, and from other evildoers:
the archbishop does not dare to ask for it for the help and pay of
those who are supported in the city at the expense of his Majesty,
but continues to ask and receive that help and pay from the British
government, by which the royal treasury is doubly burdened. This
treasure has as yet escaped the hand of the English, but it has fallen
into so many that it is difficult for it to come into the hands of
those interested; for besides its great danger, it is asserted that
the expenses of its conduction, which is not finished as yet as far
as Pampanga, exceed one hundred and twenty [pesos] to the thousand,
while the pay which is distributed with free hand and other expenses
are in excess of thirty thousand pesos per month, as the archbishop
has been assured.

77. It is true that there would be no little difficulty in conducting
these sums, which the archbishop asks, to the city, and that they would
run many dangers; but the difficulty from which Auditor Anda would
remove and free himself in its sending is greater and insuperable. This
person, quite filled with wrath against the archbishop, by his
apprehensions as mistaken as exorbitant, and by his scandalous
productions, and who appears to be only trying to make his conduct
and zeal for the royal service shine out by blackening that of the
archbishop, refused to send the despatches of his Majesty, and those
belonging to the archbishop himself, and which had been brought by the
"Philipino," although he was ordered to deliver those that belonged to
all the tribunals, [religious] communities, and private persons. This
refusal shows what would happen to any request for the silver. For
if since this retention is opposed to the sovereign respect of his
Majesty, by detaining the orders that he may direct to the archbishop
in his royal decrees, Anda is trampling also upon the public faith,
in what corresponds to the letters, business, commissions, pious
funds, and matters of conscience which may be concerned in them, it
being quite to the prejudice of the government of the archbishopric
and to the public scorn and disrespect of its pastor.

78. Anda's despatch also in regard to the royal seal made it necessary
for the archbishop to take extreme precaution so that this royal jewel
might not be endangered. This being in the power of the archbishop,
had been conserved in his possession with so great secrecy without the
least fear. But the said instance and procedure of said open despatch
to the vice-chancellor, who was in the house of the archbishop, in
his service, divulged the secret in Pampanga, and to not few persons
of this city. Consequently, not without manifest danger could it
be sent, or could it be preserved in the possession in which it
had been, and besides to deliver these royal arms to Anda was to
place them in a cruel hand for the abuse and atrocities which are
experienced, and without it being possible in present affairs to
have their authoritative use, for which they were destined by their
sovereign owner.

79. The many persons who are fed with the silver have gone to Pampanga,
among whom is a considerable number of military officers--some in order
to get what belongs to them, and others for the consideration of larger
pay, and all of them and all the other Spaniards incited and threatened
by said auditor have been made to incur the inobservance of their oath
and their word of honor. And from this irregularity and from others
of which the cowardice of the fiscal and his inducements for the same
purpose, furnished an example, have come other disorders and disasters
of the enemy who have been irritated by these proceedings. Never
did the archbishop dissuade or induce any to remain in the city
or to leave it, although he well knew that it was impossible to
divert some families and the religious communities, and much more
those of the feminine sex; but all the fatal consequences that have
been mentioned have aided to compress the spirit of the archbishop,
who by the singular blessing of God has been able to live and remedy
some of the fatalities.

80. He considered nothing more necessary than to petition for mail
posts and opportunity to give account of everything to his Majesty,
from whose Catholic zeal alone can one hope for the remedy, unless
the divine Providence miraculously clears the way just as is asked
from Him, without believing that it is to tempt God, through the
most extreme necessities in most important matters, and of His
divine service, which intervene and are contained in the present
conflicts. And the efforts dictated by the archbishop's prudence and
obligation, such as giving a report to his king by two posts, doubling
the despatches in the last, by which there comes to be a fourth post,
must not be omitted.

The first was in December, when the engineer, Don Miguel Gomez, was
sent, who was equipped as well as possible. The second was in March
of the present year, by equipping two officers, Don Christoval Ròs,
and Don Andres de la Torre; and at the same time in another English
fragata with sufficient safety and prudent security. He duplicated the
despatches in two English fragatas, addressed to his agent at Cadiz.

81. These are the most important occurrences during the time of the
siege, and the period following it. Both the other occurrences previous
to the siege, possess the truth that is noted; and these [succeeding
it] are proved by the papers and their instruments which have been
drawn up. Other verification and authentication was not ready at hand,
as it was sent by the letters in the posts above-mentioned which have
not gone so bare of certain necessary documents and are not of very
small bulk.








SYNOPSIS OF LETTER FROM ANDA TO CARLOS III


June 22, 1764, Don Simon Anda y Salazar sent a letter to the king,
in which he showed the measures adopted by him during or in the time
of the war with the English, in regard to economic matters of police
and public order. They were as follows.

In regard to the fact that prices for provisions, which had become
dear because of the English invasion, should be fixed at the prices
regulated by custom and tariff, as well as the freight duties of the
craft, day wages of stevedores, rent of beasts of burden, and wages
of rowers, it was ordered that a tariff be formed in the provinces
of Bulacan and Pampanga, as they had none. [164]

[The tariff was ordered] so that the coins of two and one-half tomins,
one and one-half tomins, diminished by waste, from the value of their
stamp, might be received at their intrinsic value; in order that
in a determined time, the Sangleys might present themselves under
penalty of two hundred lashes, and confiscation of their property,
as it was learned that many of the dwellers in the Parián of Manila
had entered Pampanga, and had united with those who resided in the
villages of the province, and were preparing arms. The object was to
disarm them and send them to the Parián. But many of them presented
themselves armed and offered to give bonds that they were peaceful
and that their arms were employed in the service of his Majesty.

He ascertained that the agreement that they had made with the English
was that one thousand Chinese should enter from the Parián of Manila,
and distribute themselves through the villages, so that they might
fire them at that hour of Christmas eve when the natives should be in
the temples, in order that by reason of the confusion, free entrance
into the province might be secured for the English. He proceeded
to imprison and punish many of them, and gave orders to maintain a
suitable guard at the entrances of the bars and villages from the
twenty-third to the twenty-fifth of December, 1762; and the religious
ministers of the doctrine were not to open their churches or celebrate
the divine offices, and to act with all manner of precaution.

Seeing that the Chinese aided the English in their expeditions,
and that the chief Sangleys were censuring such conduct as well as
that of others of those who plotted the insurrection in Pampanga,
he suddenly pardoned them on condition that they would not reside
in the provinces without license from the governing Audiencia, not
to reside [there] longer than the time he would set, pay a tribute,
and not carry food or aid the enemy.

Some submitted, but acted deceitfully, introducing false barrillas into
the villages, withdrawing the pesos, giving information to the enemy,
and going freely from the Parián of Manila to the provinces. [165]
Others aided the English and supplied them with food. Consequently,
it was ordered that the alcaldes-mayor should form a list of the
Sangleys, of their provinces, prohibiting their admission unless they
had permission from the Audiencia. No one of them was to go from the
provinces to Manila and Cavite, under penalty of the confiscation of
his property. That checked their insolence in large part, it is said.

He ordered the arms collected for the use of the soldiers.

He forbade more wine than was necessary to be taken from the province
of Laguna, because of the disorders produced by drunkenness. In
Bacolor the sale of nipa wine was by retail.

He ordered the soldiers who had dispersed when the capture of Manila
and Cavite by the English took place to present themselves. They
did so, as did also the officers, showing the arms that they
possessed. [166]

In the province of Pampanga, he permitted the free circulation of the
barrillas (money made of pinchbeck and tin which the ayuntamiento of
Manila coined for purchase at retail, and whose value was that of one
grano of a tomin), but since the Sangleys introduced many counterfeit
ones, he had to prohibit their circulation.

He ordered Don Francisco Javier Salgado to investigate the extortions
and losses caused in the villages of Tondo and Cavite by the militia
of Laguna and Tayabas who were assigned to oppose the English,
because the leaders of such militia could not make them observe
the due subordination. But no injured one presented himself, and
accordingly he says that there is no one against whom to proceed,
in spite of the fact that the order was published by edict.

He published an edict in regard to weights and measures, in order
that they might not be made less or clipped.

He forbade the seculars who had fled to the provinces to obey the
summons of the archbishop that they return to Manila.

He ordered the Indians not to go out of their villages without a
passport from the gobernadorcillo to villages within the province;
and from the governing Audiencia to Manila and its environs, so that
they might not carry provisions to Manila.

That order not being sufficient, he issued other edicts making the
prohibition more strict especially against the Spaniards.

Having seen that the four churches that were under the cannon of
the fort of Manila had been used by the English as fortifications,
who committed all manner of profanations, he ordered the necessary
arrangements to be made in the villages to burn them, if the enemy
attacked. [167] That order poorly understood, exposed the church of
Viñan [168] to being unnecessarily burned, but it was saved by order
of Anda. He also censured the first provision which he had to revoke.

He prosecuted and punished several spies sent by the English to
ascertain what Anda and the loyal troops were doing.

He permitted free trade among the provinces, so that they might have
food in abundance. He ordered that all the lands of Pampanga be
planted, so far as possible, with rice, sugarcane, etc., and that
land in the village of San Ysidro be given to the Tagálogs who had
fled from Manila.

He arranged that the food for the provision of the warehouses be
bought by the parish priests, and that they be paid in cash instead
of demanding them through apportionment.

He went out to defend the loyal troops who were maltreated and insulted
by the English generals who treated them like dogs. He offered ten
thousand pesos for the heads of Drak, Esmith, and Broche. [169]

He granted general exemption from tribute, polos, and personal
services, in view of the fact that the English said that they had
gone to the islands to free the people from them, which measure proved
very useful.

He ordered that in Bacolor and surrounding villages, the bell be rung
at nine o'clock at night for all people to retire, and not to be seen
on the streets, in order to avoid disorders.

He forbade the sending of skins to Manila in order that the English
and Chinese might not use them.

[He forbade] illuminations at night, on the eve and day of the
anniversary of birth and the saint's day of the king and prince
of Asturias.

He prohibited by edict the Pangasinans from living with their herds
on the lands of San Ysidro in order to avoid disorders with the
inhabitants of the village over the pastures.

He prohibited games of dice, cockfighting, and cards, in order to avoid
the excessive thefts and robberies that were committed. He ordered
whoever committed a theft of the sum of one peso to be punished with
the capital penalty.

He published a judicial defense in reply to the considerations of
father Fray Antonio de las Huertas, of the Order of the Preachers,
to a memorial which was presented in the royal Council of the Yndias
by Father Luis de Morales, of the Society of Jesus, provincial of
his order for the province of Filipinas.

Father Pedro de Espinar of the Society of Jesus, provincial general
of his order for the provinces of Yndias in Madrid, is the author of
the memorial. [170]

It is the defense of the Society of Jesus against the writings of the
archbishop of Manila, Pardo, and his partisans, published in Madrid,
and the Roman court, which attributed to the Jesuits complicity in the
questions aroused by the governor of Filipinas and the Audiencia. [171]




LETTER FROM ANDA TO CARLOS III


Sire:

This capital having been taken by assault, October 5, 62; your
archbishop-governor, auditors, troops, and citizens having been
made prisoners; the fort of Santiago and port of Cavite having
been surrendered; all the islands having been ceded afterwards,
and four millions of pesos; and the city having been sacked with
the greatest severity for the space of forty-eight hours: I having
declared myself that same day, in the province of Bulacan, where I was,
as royal Audiencia, governor, and captain-general of said islands, in
accordance with the law, very great was the effort of your archbishop
to efface this image of your Majesty which had remained in these
islands, represented, although unworthily, in my person. In order to
show that more conclusively, I enclose his own manifest letters with
the testimony. Those letters gave motive to this your royal governing
Audiencia to form an informatory process from them of pure and naked
fact, in order to instruct your royal mind. I shall not refer to
them in extenso in this my representation which is directed to your
Majesty. Upon examining them, will you please state which of the two
proceeded more in accordance with right, law, and religion, to the
love and fidelity which each one owes his sovereign as a good vassal:
the reverend archbishop, who tried by so many methods, to cast to
the earth this legitimate image which represented and defended your
royal rights, even to the point of declaring him a traitor, rebel,
and disobedient to his own sovereign, and to that of Gran Bretaña;
or I, who suffering and enduring all these things, made use of your
royal power, insulted and abased by so many enemies and traitors,
by making you truly recognized again in these vacillating fields of
Christianity, until you became the terror of all the many enemies who
had declared against you, reducing the greatest and most principal
from a victorious conqueror to a truly starving prisoner. For the
latter did not even have more than nor even as much as the balance
of the cannon of the fort which he occupied, a limit set for his
soldiers under pain of losing life if they went beyond it. [172] Thus
did I redeem not only the relief and liberty of this most afflicted
community and its environs, but what is more yet, its wealth and the
most principal thing, the religion and the honor due your Majesty,
which being so exposed seemed about to be entirely lost.

I protest, Sire, that whatever I say in this my representation and
advance in my treatise, is not for the purpose of injuring that
venerable prelate whom I have ever regarded with the respect due
the prince of the Church; and if I transgress in any way, and do
not express myself with that moderation suitable, I protest that my
words may not serve as an offense to his dignity, and that I have been
actuated in this by only a real affection, with the desire that your
Majesty may be informed of the acts of turbulence which have occurred
in these domains, in order that you may better provide for the best
government and relief of them.

So far as I am concerned, I claim or desire no other satisfaction than
what I have in this as I have desired to serve your Majesty, since the
greatest satisfaction is for your royal piety to consider itself as
well served by me if you find it consistent. [173] But if it should
appear to your supreme comprehension that the so public excesses of
your reverend archbishop, as appear from the said testimony, of which
I shall enclose some here, merit satisfaction, this alone concerns
your Majesty.

I am unaware as to the motives of said prelate, that made him, although
it had no bearing on the end, for which he despatched me from the fort,
and so to the injury of your Majesty's interests, when finding himself
a prisoner of war with my associates, order me in a letter of October
10, 62, among other things: "to observe faithfully the treaties which
were being arranged with the British chiefs in Manila." Although I
answered him from the province of Bulacan in the most courteous and
fitting terms, this was not sufficient to restrain his pen, and on
the twenty-sixth of the same month he wrote me pouring out instead
of ink, blood and rage against my loyal procedure.

In the so great consternation in which the loss of Manila placed your
vassals, and for this reason many of the criminal class having fled
from prison, and continuing their depraved morals, they threw into
disorder the environs of this city and its immediate villages. Your
reverend archbishop did not allow the perverse Orendain and Don Cesar
Fallet [174] the declared enemies of your Majesty, to stir from his
side. They, availing themselves of the disturbances caused by these
malevolent persons, painted those disturbances to his Excellency,
saying that there was sedition and unrest among all the Indians, who,
having conspired against the Spaniards, were persecuting them as
wild beasts; that already in one province one of them had elevated
himself as emperor and refused obedience to your Majesty; that the
province of Bulacan was in the same condition; that all the others
would follow their example; that one of these days they would have
Señor Anda tied up, if they did not first deprive him of life; that
consequently, as it was advisable to the services of both Majesties
and for the public quiet, and so that so much Christian blood might
not be shed, his Excellency ought to yield all the islands, and cause
Señor Anda to descend; that if he did not condescend to do so, nothing
else would result than the ruin of all these domains, the loss of
Christianity, and the execution by the English of the sentence that
had been pronounced of putting to the sword all the Spaniards; that
your Majesty would never be able to consider yourself as well served;
and that consequently he should have a regard to his conscience.

I understand well, Sire, how if he considered all those motives, and
that from them would follow the total ruin of these islands, he should
then on that account have condescended to redeem them [from ruin]
by ceding them, in regard to the fact that this could not be of any
service to the English, since it only concerns your Majesty. But to
give credit to these two traitors, who knowingly exaggerated these
disturbances to him, and not to proceed, with more knowledge, to
write me in place of the letters ordering the Spaniards to descend,
to inform him regarding the condition of the provinces, and advise me,
for my course, of what was happening in Manila, by directing prudently
so glorious an end after the twenty odd days that the fort had been
taken; and continuing the obligation to surrender these domains with
the tenacity which his above-cited letters show, (although the most
of the suggestions of the two traitors were now seen to be false,
as the provinces were quiet), he proceeded to sign the cession, and
even after seeing the Catholic arms so flourishing and powerful, whose
victories, patent to all the world, were incredible to his Excellency,
yet he prosecuted this undertaking even to the grave. [175] In truth,
Sire, I do not know what apology that venerable prelate can give your
Majesty for such actions.

In view of an anonymous letter which your royal Audiencia received in
Bulacan, in regard to the English having offered a reward to whomever
would take them my head, and other methods, in which apparently the
reverend archbishop was prudently walking, I despatched to this latter
a request and petition asking him to abstain from such procedures and
not to summon the alcaldes, natives, or Spaniards who had retired,
both because his powers had expired, and because although he did
possess such powers, they ought to be used to the benefit of your
Majesty, and not in opposition to you. But this did not even restrain
him in the idea that had taken possession of him, since already
from the twenty-third day, he had ordered me to descend to Manila,
and although he saw my resistance in my accommodating myself to his
ideas, which were so opposed to your royal rights, he wrote me lastly
on the fourth of November in the terms that his said letter shows,
[176] and which I myself am ashamed to mention, referring myself to
the enclosed testimony.

He ordered the alcalde-mayor of Bulacan, Don José Pasarin, who
recognized me from the first as your royal Audiencia, to cause all the
Spaniards and their families to descend to Manila, even threatening
him with censures if he did not obey. This order included among the
Spaniards my assembly secretary, my advocate, my fiscal, and Doctor Don
Domingo Arañaz, [177] one of the advocates of this city. But neither
they nor said alcalde-mayor, recognizing the very great service which
was being done for his Majesty and for religion in [not] consenting
to the ideas of the reverend archbishop to deprive me of those whom I
considered capable of some aid in sustaining the weak remnants of your
Majesty's adherents, would pay any attention [to the order]. On the
contrary, they were the ones, who with my attendants accompanied me in
all my labors, and formed my only consolation in the total abandonment
and persecution which I suffered during the first six months. For all
the other Spaniards who were in that province, carried away either
by these persuasions, or through their terror and the threats of the
enemy, or from seeing the many atrocities committed by the Indians
against them through some trouble that they had had with them, at
the most, I am sure, by their natural inclination to live according
to their own wishes, or for the reason of the party of your Majesty
being so few in numbers, went down, and some with their possessions,
to render obedience to the English.

He ordered the marquis of Monte Castro to return to Manila; and Don
Andres Blanco, who could not do so through his indisposition, to send
his son, availing himself, in order to oblige them the more, of the
expressions which may be seen in the letters of testimony which are
worth your Majesty's attention.

He wrote in terms apparently so Christian to the provincials of
the Franciscan and Recollect orders, and recognizing himself as the
greatest sinner, confesses that he alone is the cause of all these
misfortunes and that God is punishing his flock for his sins.

Anyone would believe, in view of this so simple understanding of
himself, and a so clear confession of his defects, that it was a
true repentance and grief at seeing the miseries and havoc from
which this city and its environs were suffering, in spiritual and
temporal matters. But it is not so, Sire, for at the same time,
he sends pastoral letters to said provincials, for the Indians of
their provinces, in which, with the greatest simulated virtue, and
pretending the greatest advantages to your royal rights, he persuades
them to become subject to the English. For that purpose he sings a
thousand praises of this nation but for the purpose of surprising
the incautious simplicity of these silly Indians, for whom he had
said letters translated into their languages in order that the poison
which they held might work effects more favorable to his ideas.

Neither the threats of the enemy, nor the ostentation which this one
made of his power, nor the alliance of the apostate Sangleys, declared
in his favor and against your Majesty, nor the abandonment in which
I remained because of the absence of the few Spaniards, who were in
the provinces, nor the endurance of which I made use to dissimulate
many things which I heard and saw among these poor miserable Indians
for want of instruction, education, and communication with civilized
people, nor the schisms and rebellion of some provinces: none of these
things, Sire, was so keenly felt by me as the acts of the reverend
archbishop, which were so irregular and far from the truth; of a
prelate, who instead of furnishing an example, served as a stimulus
to the traitors who leaning on the authority which is represented
among such lofty subjects, were confident of the virtue and zeal of
this prelate, only to become inflamed against me and avail themselves
of his destructive ideas of this your state and religion.

It is left for the supreme intelligence of your Majesty to consider
the great grief caused this royal Audiencia which was governing, to
see an ecclesiastical prelate who had just been military and political
head, who spared no means in order to sacrifice these your domains,
which he ought to have conserved for so many reasons, or at least
have maintained an indifferent attitude in the condition of prisoner.

What Catholic and loyal vassal of your Majesty could see without
great grief a pastor persuading his sheep in said letters that they
should submit to Gran Bretaña? Further on, he says: "If you do as I
exhort and advise you, you will receive the reward from God, and for
the contrary, the punishment; and if you observe, this, you will be
good vassals of my king and my faithful children."

In truth, Sire, such propositions in writing from an ecclesiastical
prelate are of the greatest scandal for the community and very
suspicious for the faith due to both Majesties.

What doctrine, what religion is this, in which one sees that a pastor,
so repentant and full of grief for the troubles of his flock in the
power of the heretical enemy, at the same time, with so efficacious
and mild words induces those who are free to surrender to the same
enemy! That is the same as to deliver them to the wolf so that that
animal may tear them to pieces, and destroy them with the same
hardships which he bewails in the others. To recognize a sin, to
confess it with show of repentance and to commit a greater of the
same kind: what doctrine, I repeat, is this?

A rare thing, the eagerness with which this reverend prelate undertook
and prosecuted a matter so extraordinary and harmful! A good proof of
this truth is what results from the above-cited letters written to the
subjects abovesaid, and which are expressed in the said testimony which
I enclose. The archbishop signs some as governor of Manila, although
a prisoner; in others as governor and captain-general; and in others,
he adds, "of these islands."  But if these islands had been already
ceded to the enemy, and that surrender had been made, who could commit
a greater incongruity than to call himself governor of what he had
already lost, since he surrendered and ceded it to the English?

The letter which he writes to the Marquis of Monte Castro begins thus:
"Yesterday afternoon, the present governor of Manila and his council
imprisoned, etc., Manuel Antonio, archbishop-governor." Consequently,
at one and the same time we have three governors--the Englishman,
recognized by the archbishop; the latter, for thus he signed; and
myself, because your Majesty gave me that post by your laws.

Whether the honors of such post ought or ought not to be kept for him
does not serve as an excuse to the reverend archbishop; or that he
had hopes of again holding such office by the right of postliminy: for
this at most does not go beyond honors, and hopes are kept without in
any way becoming real, for this office was confirmed in me already by
virtue of laws lvii and lviii, book ii, título xv of the Recopilación;
[178] and even according to the first, by the right of postliminy,
the reverend archbishop had no right to administer that office, again,
since it orders expressly that when your royal Audiencia assumes the
office, it hold it until your Majesty appoints to it. [179]

The fact is that in the despatches sent by the English to the traitor
Diego Silang to Ylocos, and in the edicts which they published, when
they name the reverend archbishop, they say "ex-governor." How could
it be otherwise, as he was in the domains of the king of Ynglaterra,
and was not the one appointed by the latter, and their governor would
be opposed to your Majesty. That was the manner of procedure in regard
to the title, until his burial. He performed judicial acts by means of
the false secretary Monrroy and others in whatever he thought best,
with the most special circumstance that he was always in favor of
the English and opposed to the rights of your Majesty and your vassals.

And hence it is seen that although the English treated him with the
greatest contempt, and confessed that I was acting as a loyal vassal
of your Majesty, he would never relinquish the title of governor,
or recognize in me your royal Audiencia, in accordance with the laws;
and he died in the same conviction, as one may see by his last will,
when he left to the governor, who should come from España, a carriage
and its horses, so that he might make use of it, and ordered this
cabildo to deliver to the same a sealed box, containing the papers,
which were to be sent to your Majesty. Thus was it done without any
mention of me, except to persecute me, as if I were not governor in
your Majesty's name.

Of this fact and others, my successor, Don Francisco Javier de la
Torre, will give account. The latter brought to the royal assembly the
measure in regard to your royal seal which was melted by order of the
archbishop, who always refused to send it to your royal Audiencia. And
although I petitioned it from him in my first letter of October 20,
62, and there followed in regard to it a measure on which I report
separately in so far as it concerns me, the pretext that is inferred
because of such a demonstration with this so estimable jewel of your
Majesty is surprising; and it is surprising to say that he executed it
because of its difficulty in the gates of the city and the risk which
it ran of falling into the hands of the enemy. However, it is a fact
that there was no danger at all. For when I petitioned it of him, I
told him that he could deliver it to the person who carried my letter,
a man in whom I had complete confidence. Besides he could have sent
it safely by the religious whom the English used as their ambassadors
to me, or by the adjutant whom the reverend archbishop himself sent
to me to inform me of the suspension of hostilities. But since his
intention was no other than to deprive this your image of whatever
rights could represent it, legitimately and truly, on that account it
was more difficult for him to send the royal seal of so little bulk
than to me the withdrawal from the fort of the sum of more than one
hundred thousand pesos of property which your Majesty needed for your
troops, and which I placed in the royal storehouses of those provinces.

It appears that the disrespect committed toward so sacred a jewel
in which your Majesty is immediately represented, cannot be greater,
and it would surely have been treated with more honor if it had fallen
into the hands of the enemy. This fact is sufficient to confirm the
persecution that was declared, by which he aimed to erase your royal
name from these domains. For in truth, what other impulse could he
have had, when it is public and well known that the English meddled
with nothing that concerned his palace after the sack? Above all
he was immune and free from this for a long time after, and no one
would deny that if he delivered it safely to the cabildo when melted,
in the same way he could have delivered it entire.

By the letter written by the above-mentioned prelate, under date
of October 30, 62, to Don Andres Blanco, your Majesty may see that
he treats me as a rebel. The English condemned me as a rebel and
disobedient to both Majesties on the fourth of November. It resulting
from said sentence that I was condemned by both parties, it is proved
conclusively that I was condemned by the reverend archbishop before I
was condemned by the English, and that the archbishop concurred with
them when they sentenced me. And it is a fact, and all Manila knew
it and saw him present at the council of the English on the day on
which they pronounced so unheard-of a sentence.

With these facts cited, and signed by the hand of the reverend
archbishop, one can recognize clearly the faith that is merited by
a letter which it appears that he wrote in regard to his actions
and the protests of which I am told he made before dying. If all
those who died were St. Pauls and the reverend archbishop had shown
the actions of such an one and of a royal vassal of your Majesty,
it is certain that his sayings and expressions ought to be of great
appreciation. But since he was so opposed to the rights of your
Majesty, to those of religion, and that which is least to my honor,
it has been absolutely necessary to draw up this informatory process
purely and nakedly made, so that after examining it, your Majesty
may take the most advisable measures.

I confess to being the least and most useless of your vassals, but
in fidelity, zeal, and disinterestedness to your Majesty's service,
I do not yield to the highest. Consequently, so far as it concerns
me, I would have kept quiet about the ugly stigma of traitor, simply
in order not to reveal the omissions of a prelate, recognizing its
nullity because of the defects of jurisdiction in this one and in the
English; and that I cannot be a rebel to your Majesty when defending
your states, nor to the English since I am not nor have any desire of
being an English vassal. Hence said sentence well understood becomes
a new proof of my nobility and loyalty. It is a shame to the truth
of the nation that it has had a vassal of so extraordinary thought,
and that he could take example from the very enemy. For although it
is true that these followed the rules, because of their utility and
convenience in this matter, of the reverend archbishop, notwithstanding
that they gave me the title of general and commander-in-chief of the
troops of your Majesty in the provinces, and finally recognized me as
your Audiencia, governor, and captain-general. However, the reverend
archbishop, although your vassal, and so honored, passed to the other
life, without doing it. It is a fact that the English declared me a
rebel and traitor; confiscated and sold my property as such; declared
your troops in public edicts to be canaille and robbers; and your
artillery captured in the foundry of Bulacan for more contempt, was
placed under the gallows of this city. Barbarous and unheard of are
these acts of disrespect against the supreme honor of your Majesty,
to whom it alone belongs to ask for the fitting satisfaction, and
to me to report it. But surely the English would not have incurred
them, had the reverend archbishop borne himself as he ought to have
done as a prisoner and had he not treated me as an insurgent. But
since the reverend archbishop and his partisans and many traitors of
both estates whom your Majesty has had, forced the title of rebel
and insurgent against me; and although I was unworthy, I was the
only one in whom your royal name was conserved which since it was
becoming utterly despised in these islands, it appeared absolutely
necessary to me, because of the vassalage which I owe to your Majesty,
to defend your name, although opposed by so many dangers to my life,
surrounded by traitors and assassins, who came from Manila to attack
my person, which without a soldier or the slightest war equipment,
during the first six months it was conserved, I believe, by divine
Providence alone for defending a cause so just as the side of your
Majesty. [180] On the day when they captured the fort, the enemy had
more friends in it than your Majesty, but much of it was in imitation
of a prelate who had just been governor, whose persuasions and threats
were alone directed to surrendering everything to the English.

Even if I had understood the law badly, and I had no right by it to be
the governing Audiencia, it was sufficient to have hoisted your royal
standard, so that every loyal vassal might follow it, and with greater
reason, those of character, distinguished and honored by your Majesty.

I received a letter from the governor of Zamboanga, Don Ygnacio
Andrade, which an English captain left him for the reverend archbishop,
written in the port of San Jorge, June 7, 1762, and signed by Jorge
Pigot, Governor of Madrast. By its expressions one can see the close
and previous correspondence which the reverend archbishop had with
the English. It must be noted that the said captain, Darrimple [i.e.,
Dalrymple] whom it cites later as having sounded all these islands,
of which repeated advices were given to the reverend archbishop,
came to cast anchor in this bay, in the year 61, without allowing
aboard his vessel the guard which the fort sent to him. And instead
of securing him, he showed him many courtesies. That captain dined
at the palace, examined all the walls, its strength, the beach, even
the powder factory, sounded the entire bay, and information having
been given to the fort of this innovation, by a sentinel, yet he was
allowed to go out freely when he pleased. For those special favors,
the said governor of Madrás gives him [i.e., the archbishop] many
thanks, and although it is not expressed in the letters, the head of
the staff which he sends him. The said governor of Zamboanga sent it
as a gift from the English to the reverend archbishop, who did not
care to have his name mixed up in a matter so delicate.

Lastly, I add for the more complete conviction of your reverend
archbishop, the fact that he refused to send the seal to this your
royal Audiencia, which existed as long as it cared in the barrio of
Santa Cruz; and that rice growers lived outside the walls of this
city, where trade and commerce with the provinces was both free and
continuous, and whence I got the one hundred thousand pesos of said
effects, and most of the war supplies which were the greatest danger,
but not the royal seal.

May God preserve the Catholic royal person of your Majesty for the
protection of these fields of Christendom. Manila, July 23, 764. [181]


Don Simon de Anda y Salazar








LETTER FROM VELA TO GONZALEZ


My brother, Antonio Gonzalez:


The letter which you wrote from Madrid arrived together with that
of this place, but no other has arrived. By the same boat also came
[news of] the peace, whereupon the English again delivered the place
to our governor. [182] It was almost bare of cannon, as the English
had taken them. For eighteen months were we under the rule of the
heretic, with sufferings greater than can be imagined there. They
acted toward us worse than do the victorious Turks toward those whom
they conquer. However, Manila well deserved it, not indeed, because of
its total lack of all Christian procedure, but singularly because of
its cursed neglect of politics, as if the whole world had to respect
and fear us because of our boasting that we are Spaniards.

Manila is a place, which, by its fortification, by its swampy site,
by its location surrounded by a river larger than the Tajo at Toledo,
and by a low sea, and because the only time at which it can be attacked
is at the time of the fierce winds and heavy and almost continuous
rains--it is, I say--for all these reasons, almost invincible, with
less than a medium defense of true militia. For no power can place
here fifteen or twenty thousand well drilled men. All that would be
necessary, in order to oppose a moderate defense by one thousand or
one thousand five hundred well-drilled men, established in Manila,
and aided by the inhabitants and volunteer Indians. But on the
present occasion, when the sole sinews of the English were about one
thousand five hundred Europeans, and the rest [of their men] about five
thousand, whom they said were ragamuffins from Asia, with the carriages
and horses of Manila driven along its beach, the English could not
have effected a landing. But our archiepiscopal government, counseled
by worthless hearts and by traitors, allowed the English to disembark
without opposition. The fifteen ships cannonaded to no purpose; and
because a cannon caused the greatest ship to retire, order was given
not to fire from the fort without orders, and that it was to be used
for the attack by land. Some commanded, others countermanded, because
they asserted that they would anger the English more. A reënforcement
of drilled Indians came, but they were not allowed to make a sally,
for the archbishop-governor said that it was better to seize the enemy
without grievously vexing him. In a sally, the Indians reached quite
to the artillery abandoned by the English. The enemy rallied, and the
Indians not having any disciplined reënforcement, fell back. Four days
of heavy rains, and boisterous winds, which God sent, and by which
one ship was driven ashore, and the others endeavored only to look
out for themselves, gained nothing for the obstruction of the English,
neither toward the sea, nor toward [land]. Their powder was used up,
and they dead with hunger and with cold, could not resist. It was
thus that the traitors arranged it with the worthy archbishop, who
would listen to no one but to those who had the boldness to introduce
English officers who had been invited to dine, into Manila. There
it was agreed that the assault was to be made October 5, and that
all would be defenseless and open. So it happened. At seven or eight
o'clock, it was ordered that the garrison of the attacked bastion and
of its lateral, should retire to breakfast. Some loyal men refused,
as they were fearful of the outcome. Thereupon, the English attacked
the bastion, which did not even have any breach, but some holes
which [occur] in the soft stone of this region. And climbing from
hole to hole, and those from below aiding those who were climbing,
they mounted the bastion. The lateral, although it did not have more
than three men, fired a cannon contrary to orders, and others also
captured the highest officer of the attack. It was enough to make all
the rest of the English retire; but encouraged by seeing their men
in the attacked bastion, and that the lateral was now firing no more,
for the three alone could not manage their cannons, the crowd mounted
the bastion, and then a traitor guided them. There was no reserve in
the fort for such a blow. They reached the square of the palace, where
only the Indians resisted them. But they yielded to the instances of
some Spaniards who saw that resistance was already dangerous. The
archbishop-governor left the citadel where he could have defended
himself very easily: and he could even have easily recovered the
fort and chapter house; but neither one nor the others did that. The
citadel was to be surrendered, as well as Cavite, but our ship which
was coming was to be left alone, if they had not already captured it
before the fifth of October. A few days after, all the islands were
likewise to be delivered up, and four millions [of pesos].

Auditor Anda departed one day before with authority from the governor
and Audiencia, to maintain royal jurisdiction in the islands. He did
so as by a miracle, having retired to Pampanga. The English wished
to first conquer Pasig, which was guarded by Indians. They attained
their end after a short bombardment, and opened a passage to the
provisions of Laguna. They thought it best also to go to Pampanga
to destroy Señor Anda, but having been attacked about one legua or
so from Manila by Señor Anda's men, they were completely routed,
and left many slain. The survivors fled to Manila as best they could,
notwithstanding that a third part of our men, deceived by the traitors
of Manila, did not attack, contrary to the order of Señor Anda. The
English and their allies, our traitors, seeing that it was difficult
by force, devoted their energies to trickery. First, they tried to
induce the Chinese to kill Señor Anda, as he was now cried by heralds
as a traitor to the king and a reward of two or four thousand pesos
promised to whomever should kill and deliver him up. The Chinese had
agreed upon the fitting night to kill him and all the Spaniards of his
faction. A few days before, having some suspicion, he seized a letter
from a Chinese written in Chinese characters to another Chinese of
Manila. He summoned a Chinese mestizo to interpret it. But either for
malice or through ignorance, the latter said whatever came into his
head. Thereupon, he made use of a Dominican Chinese, who declared the
treason of the letter. Days before the arrival of this declaration,
everything was already known, because a Chinese fired a blunderbuss at
Señor Anda which only damaged his coat. Thereupon, he seized as many
Chinese as he could with his small troop of Spaniards and Indians, and
after taking their depositions had them hanged. There were more than
two hundred [of them]. Many others who escaped informed the English
and Chinese of Manila, and the latter petitioned the English to kill
all the Spaniards of Manila, while they would do the same with those
outside, without excepting the ecclesiastics. The English would not
consent, but determined to attack Pampanga, encouraged more by the
treason of the Indians of Laguna who treacherously killed their alcalde
and other Spaniards, and set another ambush for those who escaped on
the following day, though the latter also escaped that. The cause for
this attempt was that the alcalde punished the captain of a village
because he had invited all the province to welcome the English with
a hundred maidens so that they might have their aid in killing all
the Spaniards. The hardships that the Spaniards, who fled from the
English, suffered in all the villages of Laguna, are unspeakable.

With these results the English were emboldened to besiege Bulacan, in
order to open a road to Pampanga. Aided by the Sangleys, and much more
by the Spanish traitors of Manila, who gave them the method of being
able to attain it, and secretly perverted many chiefs of the village,
the English set out on the roads shown them by the traitors. Although
it cost them many people, they seized the church, for the Spaniards
ran short of powder, as the Indians, induced by the Spaniards of
Manila, had hidden it. But the loyal Spaniards of Bulacan, by means
of stratagem and trickery, held the English besieged in the same
church. Three times did the latter receive reënforcements of supplies
and men from Manila, but they were never able to pass. Finally, those
who were left returned to Manila with great loss. And not even one
would have returned had it not been that continually, because of the
treachery of the Indians, they found the few Spaniards without powder.

The English tried, finally, to drive out the rest, so that they could
seize the silver of our ship, and attacked our advance troop with
great secrecy. They reached the troop at dawn. The fire was heavy, and
caused the English to retire completely routed; and had we not lacked
carriages to our cannons, not a single Englishman would have returned
to Manila, where they arrived scattered, and with many of the chief
officers wounded. Our killed did not reach the number of ten, while
theirs, counting the Chinese, exceeded one thousand. Next night they
endeavored to prevent our troops from taking the bells of Quiapo for
cannons, and without succeeding against only fifteen Spaniards, they
lost more than fifty English and more than two hundred Chinese. They
attempted to enter Pampanga by sea with one ship and small boats,
but they left many dead on the beach and some of their boats, while
the ship and those who could get back to it fled to Cavite. In fine,
we have found them cowardly; and had they not been aided by traitors
and Chinese they would not have captured Manila, nor after capturing
it could they have retained it two months. The losses which have been
incurred because of them exceed four millions. Father Joaquin Mezquida
and Father Patricio del Barrio are going [to Spain] as procurators,
and they can tell much, although not all.

Father Mezquida is taking one hundred pesos so that my brother,
your uncle, Manuel, may divide them equally among your mother, my
sister Ana, my brother Lucas, and my sister Juana; the children also
of my brother Joseph sharing equally--not each one a part, but one
part among them all. I do not know whether this will reach the ship,
and I am making the greatest efforts in writing, for I am secretary
to the provincial Pazuengos whom you knew there.

My brother will tell my brother Manuel that I wrote him quite at length
by the ship captured by the English, thanking him for the aid which
he extended to Ana's two children; and that in regard to the other
matter between him and his wife, it is better for him to do it alone,
and it will be better for his nephews, and that he should forget
the wrongs that come to his mind. Tell him also to send me by Father
Patricio two pairs of gray worsted stockings because my legs get cold,
some pairs of scissors of good temper, and some boxwood combs. I tell
you this in case I can not write it to him. And since my [brother]
lives in Madrid, let him get from the fathers the Mercurios [183]
and interesting papers that are published and send them to me. Little
by little, my brother can get many of them, for after some months,
people do not care for them, and do not object to giving them.

Tell your mother, when you see her, to pray God for me often, and that
I hope that my desires of seeing her in heaven soon will be answered,
for now my health is not what it was before. Manila, July 24, 1764. My
brother's humble servant,


Baltasar Vela (rubric)


[Addressed: "To Brother Antonio Gonzalez, of the Society of Jesus,
and if he be dead, to his superior. Madrid."]








SYNOPSIS OF COMMUNICATIONS BY ANDA TO CARLOS III

Substantial extract of the result and purpose of forty-six
representations made to his Majesty by Don Simon de Anda Salazar,
informing him of what he has done as Audiencia, governor, and
captain-general of Filipinas during all the time that the English
occupied the city of Manila and its port of Cavite, under terms of
the capitulation which was made between the English general and the
reverend archbishop who was governing those islands at that time.


All the representations are dated June and July, of last year
1764. Among them some relate that the archbishop-governor and the
other auditors of that Audiencia having been made prisoners of war
in Manila, Don Simon not having been included among them because of
being in the village of Bulacan at that time, attending to the general
inspection of all the provinces of the district of that Audiencia,
in accordance with the order and prescription of law clxxx of título
xv, book ii of the laws of the Yndias, by which it is ordered that if
the auditors of the Audiencia are absent and only one of them remain,
the Audiencia is to be conserved and continued in him as said governor
and captain-general, in accordance with other determining laws.

Under this character, he proceeded immediately to enact measures
according as his spirit dictated to him, both for the military,
and in order to restrict the English to the vicinity of Manila,
causing himself to be obeyed, assembling troops, furnishing arms,
getting ammunition, and doing in this line whatever he could, the most
experienced and practical general making sallies, holding functions,
remaining glorious in his expeditions, and the enemy conquered and
intimidated.

In regard to what concerns the representation of the Audiencia, he
exercised all the jurisdiction which belonged to it, administering
justice to the parties at law, punishing criminals, and fulminating
causes against those under suspicion of disloyalty.

As governor he attended to all economic matters. In order that
provisions might not fail, or be sold at a dearer price than they
had before the siege of Manila in those provinces, for that purpose
he made regulations, published edicts, imposing severe penalties
on those who transgressed them. By this method he obtained the end
which he desired. He also succeeded in getting the royal official
treasurer who had removed the treasury from Manila as soon as the
squadron of the enemy entered that bay, to transfer it from the
province of Laguna to that of Bulacan, where the above-mentioned
Don Simon was stationed in order that he might have some means to
meet the needs that might arise. He forbade anyone to dare to go
to the city of Manila, or under any pretext, to carry food, or arms
[thither]. Neither was permission given to give entrance, lodging,
aid, or help to the English. Those vassals obeyed that as well as the
calced religious of St. Augustine, who had the province of Bulacan
in charge. The Augustinians attended the several meetings which he
called, all of them showing love and zeal for the service of their
king and sovereign, and a blind obedience to Don Simon de Anda, whom
they recognized as Audiencia, governor, and captain-general. They
succeeded in preventing the blotting out of the name of his Majesty
from those provinces, and observed a steadfast obedience to him. [184]

There result also the various measures which he enacted in order to
assure the patache "Filipino" and its wealth, which came from Acapulco
and had arrived at the province of Leite, and which was thought to be
exposed to surprise and capture by the enemy. Those attempts succeeded
so happily that they were landed and taken overland to the province
of Pampanga.

The treasure carried by said patache belonging to his Majesty, the
ecclesiastical estate, and the trade of those islands, reached the sum
of two million two hundred and fifty-three thousand one hundred and
eleven pesos. To that sum was added fifty-six thousand pesos which
were collected from various private persons, in obedience to the
order despatched for that purpose. And with previous proof that they,
the interested persons, were faithful vassals, and by virtue of the
reports of two arbitrators of the commerce, he delivered them some sums
so that they could support themselves. He also caused the wine casks,
chests, and other articles of volume, which the said patache carried to
be kept until he placed all in safety with the exception of the cargo
of a champan which was lost in the province of Batangas. Among those
effects was the stamped [i.e., official] paper. As soon as Manila
was surrendered and the English dislodged, Don Simon placed in the
hands of his successor, Don Francisco de la Torre, the testimony of
the acts which he had drawn up in this particular for its convoy,
and asserts that from the saving of the wealth of said patache has
resulted the conservation of the islands, and that the English did
not leave them completely desolate, since without this aid, the
subsistence of the state would have been impossible.

He also gives information that the English declared him a rebel
and offered a reward for his head, having made two embassies to him
through Father Bernardo Pazuengos, provincial of the Society of Jesus,
and Fray Pedro Luis de Sierra, of the Order of Preachers. The first
one having gone without any credentials or authorization, but only
as referring to the British governor, and having refused to make a
deposition before a notary who might attest it, saying that he was
to treat alone and in secret with Don Simon in regard to the matter
for which he went, therefore audience was refused him, and he was
despatched with a warning.

At the second embassy, inasmuch as letters were taken from the
archbishop and from the auditor Don Francisco Enrriquez de Villacorta
and from the above-mentioned father provincial in which they intimated
to him that they would admit means of peace, in order to free the said
auditor from the sentence of death, passed upon him by the council of
war of the British nation, because some letters which he had written
had been intercepted, he would not consent to it, and despatched
the religious and ordered edicts to be published in opposition to
theirs, offering ten thousand pesos to whomever would deliver alive
or dead each one who had signed the edict [against him]. Finally,
there was a suspension of hostilities until the evacuation of the
fort. During this interim, the province of Ylocos revolted and
rendered homage to the king of Gran Bretaña. At its head was Diego
Silan, a Pangasinan Indian, a plebeian, who, according to public
report, had been a coachman in Manila. He succeeded in getting the
English to appoint him alcalde-mayor for life of that jurisdiction,
and he accomplished many atrocities and acts of sacrilege. They
seized the alcalde-mayor and his family; took possession of the arms
and effects belonging to his Majesty; and the recognition of paying
him tribute and of assisting with the polos and personal services;
obliged the reverend bishop, Don Fray Bernardo Ustariz, to retire and
take to flight, because he tried to reduce them to reason; committed
many thefts and extortions in the estates; and burned many houses,
proceeding with inhuman cruelty. An expedition was made against them,
in which they were almost defeated, but since the loyal people of
Ylocos were cowardly, and as they were not accustomed to fight, the
tyrant was allowed to reform his forces and to continue with greater
violence to further his prowess and to increase his troops.

Having been informed of such fatal occurrences, and treating for
the common relief, he gave commission to said bishop and to the
vicar-provincial of that province to pacify it. He communicated to them
all his own powers, and wrote various letters to the villages which
remained loyal, exhorting them to continue so. But not having been
able to obtain any results by this method, he drew up a cause, and
gave it in review to the fiscal. The latter petitioned that the most
severe punishments be meted out to Diego Silang and the insurgents. As
a result he ordered that a peremptory order of imprisonment and an
edict of citation be issued, entrusting the measure of its publication
to Fray Francisco Antonio Maldonado, an Augustinian religious,
and promising a reward to whomever would communicate it to Diego
Silang, and a greater one if he should obtain his reply. Don Diego
Aldais, a Spanish mestizo, moved by his good zeal, determined to do
this. He passing through the village of Santa Lucia, was seized by the
partisans of the traitor and his letters intercepted. They deprived
the religious ministers of the right to communicate [with one another]
and imprisoned their diocesan prelate. By various letters which he
received, he discovered the alliance which the Ilocans had made with
the Pangasinans, [185] Sangleys, and the English enemy, to whom the
province had been delivered, the go-between in so execrable an outrage
being Don Santiago Orendain, as was proved also by a rough draft
of another letter which he made and sent to Diego Silang, which was
intercepted in his state by Don Manuel Alvarez and presented to him
[i.e., to Anda].

Informed that the Ilocan Indians were committing disorders in this
state, some following steadfastly the party of his Majesty, and
others that of Diego Silang, [186] he determined with the advice of
experienced persons, to appoint a chief justice and a master-of-camp as
generalisimo, a sargento-mayor of the Catholic villages, and another
master-of-camp and a sargento-mayor in the name of the Monteses
infidels. He despatched them their titles in the name of his Majesty,
granting them the fitting powers for the pacification. That provision
resulted in happy successes, the most happy being that Don Miguel Vicos
killed Diego Silang, at the very time that said tyrant had resolved
to kill the reverend bishop and other religious ministers whom he had
seized. Therefore, that province began to settle down until it became
quiet and restored to the obedience of his Majesty, said prelate having
promised (and Don Simon confirmed it in his Majesty's name) a general
pardon to the natives of that province and exemption from tribute
during the whole time of the war on the necessary condition that they
furnish their ministers of the doctrine with the necessary stipends
for their support. He declared as faithful and noble the villages of
Santa Catalina, Vigan, Bantay, and San Vicente, as they were the ones
which chiefly took part in the enterprise, and opposed the mutiny; and
he gave them the arms which were taken from the leader of the sedition.

He also gives information of another insurrection which was stirred up
in the province of Pangasinan, and which originated in the village of
Binalatongan, which was under the spiritual charge of the religious of
St. Dominic. Those natives, also instigated by the English, taking
as their leader Juan de la Cruz Palaris, an unworthy man, who had
also been a coachman in Manila in the employ of Auditor Don Francisco
Enrriquez de Villacorta, revolted, under the pretext of various unjust,
extravagant, and malicious demands: such as that the sum of money which
they had paid on the account of their tributes was to be restored,
since they could not have any trade with Manila, as the English were
in power there, and if the latter were to make them pay tribute,
they would be paying a double tribute; that four men, whom they
gave as a guard of the prisoners of the prison were to be relieved
from the polos; that the dignity of cacique was to be taken from two
heads of barangay; that the boys schoolmaster was to be changed as
he was a flatterer; that the badge of general master-of-camp of that
province was not to be given outside the village of Binalatongan;
that the alcalde, the father ministers, and their convents were
to be removed if they did not aid them in the attainment of their
attempt, and they would build new churches and would establish new
fathers. Finally they petitioned that no one who did not originate
from his village should hold the staff of office in the tribunal.

This insurrection, after various incidents in which it was necessary
to give the fitting authorizations to various religious, and appoint
Don Juan Antonio Panelo, a person of great merit and conduct as his
lieutenant, in order that they might pacify and reduce that province,
and that some Spaniards might accompany the latter, giving them the
necessary instructions; yet they could do nothing, since, fearful of
the death which the insurgents wished to inflict on them, they fled
the province. Consequently, he gave commission to other religious;
prepared soldiers so that they might go to reduce the province, under
command of Don Fernando Arayat. The latter's troop departed on the
expedition, and the Pampangos advancing on their march, took position
in front of the enemy. Having sent an embassy to them, so that they
might submit, they answered that they did not wish it, since, if his
Majesty had muskets, they had cannons and muskets. Notwithstanding
that they had them, the commandant, having summoned them in writing,
and inviting them to make peace, and seeing the contempt that they
showed of his proposition, was compelled to make war upon them,
attacking them in the trenches which they had made with thirty-four
muskets and five hundred natives, counting Pampangos and Cagayans,
after summoning them to peace five times. They replied to his summons
from the trench that they had flung their banner to the breeze,
with a shot from a cannon of the caliber of four, and two shots
from falconets. Thereupon, Don Pedro Hernani, lieutenant of Spanish
infantry, with one sergeant, one corporal, and twenty soldiers, began
to cross the river in pursuit of the Cagayans, leaving Alférez Don Jose
Solorzano as a reserve. Don Pedro Hernani invested the trenches with
so great courage, that he succeeded in taking the banner from them,
although he suffered the misfortune of being run through the breast
with a lance and fell dead. But Don Pedro Fagle substituted him, and
picked up the flag, which he delivered to his commandant. The latter
afterward presented it to Don Simon de Anda. It was two varas long
and a trifle more narrow. At each corner it had a two-headed eagle,
and in the center an escutcheon with its border, and within it the
arms of the Order of St. Dominic. They also wounded a Spanish soldier
with a poisoned arrow from which he died raving. Since the number of
the enemy was vast, their position advantageous, and the river which
they had in front, not being able [to be crossed] as it had swollen,
obliged them to retire. But desiring to avoid all confusion of blood,
and manifesting to them the love of his Majesty for his vassals, he
[i.e., the Spanish commander] forbore to attack them again, reiterating
that he would act mildly, entrusting the matter to another Dominican
religious and the practical business to the master-of-camp Manalartay.

Finally, the bishop of Nueva Segovia, Don Fray Bernardo Ustariz,
having taken upon himself the obligation of pacifying them, set
about various measures and succeeded in reducing them. A few days
afterward they sent a deputation to Don Simon, asking mercy, bearing
recommendations from the abovesaid bishop, and manifesting their
repentance. They recognized his Majesty as their only sovereign and
asked for an alcalde-mayor to govern them. He condescended to this,
pardoning them with warning that he would proceed against them in
case they repeated their error. Juan Palaris and Domingo Magalog,
his brother, were included in the pardon. He ordered Don Joaquin
Gamboa to be restored to his office as alcalde-mayor, but the latter
resigned. Consequently, the office of alcalde-mayor was given to Don
Jose Acevedo. Various measures were taken so that the families who
had retired to Pampanga and fled the insurrection, might be restored
to Pangasinan.

He also recommends the religious orders for the good services which
they have rendered, especially that of the calced Augustinians, who
have suffered total ruin, as have those who have most shown their
love and fidelity during the invasion of the English.

He also manifests the distrust which he recognized in some religious
of St. John of God, as they had opposed a government measure conducive
to the royal service. But since this was a prohibition to taking from
an estate, which they had, food for their hospital of Manila, it is
to be noted that this is a complaint or accusation more befitting
an indiscreet zeal, namely, of the charity with which the religious
must have worked, in order that their sick might not perish, without
one being able for this reason to attribute it to disloyalty.

Lastly, he gives account of the measures which he took in order to
continue the aid which had been established on his Majesty's account
in honor of Fernando I, king of Joló. He states that, at the beginning
of the expedition, the king showed himself loyal to his Majesty, and
recognized Don Simon as Audiencia, and governor, asking him to assign
him to those provinces or to send him to his country, whence he would
send him the aid, which he asked of him. Having advised him that he
would transfer him to Pampanga, he promptly arranged his voyage, and
having arrived at the village of Pasig, he was overtaken by an accident
which impeded him for six days. During that interim, the enemy made him
a prisoner. The English, taking advantage of the occasion, sent him
to Joló. Afterward when the English evacuated Manila, they took the
prince Ysrael and all those of his kingdom. It was presumed that the
English had made some agreement with him, so that they might establish
themselves in Joló. That would be to the great prejudice of the Visayan
provinces and their trade both because of the English and the Moros.

In a separate measure, both Don Simon de Anda, in his representations,
and the royal lieutenant, Don Francisco de la Torre, governor ad
interim of Filipinas, discuss the receipt of a royal decree, despatched
July 18, 1762, by which a fine of two thousand pesos was declared
against the auditor Don Francisco de Villacorta, and the fiscal,
Don Francisco Leandro de Viana, because of the irregularity of the
process which they prosecuted against Doctor Don Santiago Orendain,
which they have not made manifest because of having produced various
exceptions which appear from the records which he remits. In regard to
this affair, he has not wished to make any innovation until his Majesty
decide as to the matter what he considers just. He encloses a report
of the royal officials in favor of the conduct of the above-mentioned
fiscal Viana.

He also reports with records, the summary investigation of the crime
of disloyalty, which was incurred by Doctor Don Santiago Orendain as
being partial to and director of the British government. Don Simon
delivered that matter to his successor, so that he might continue
it. This man and his family went with the English when they evacuated
the fort of Manila, to the city of Madras.

The royal lieutenant also discusses, when advising of the receipt of
a royal decree, dated July 23, 762, the question of not forbidding
Sangley converts from going to the house of the catechumens, and gives
information of the league which the Christian Sangleys made with the
English, and the atrocities which they committed. He publicly ordered
their rites, and concluded with petitioning the total expulsion of
the Sangleys who have kept the title of Christian, as was done with
the infidels; in which Don Simon and the ecclesiastical estate also
coöperate with convincing and practical reasons.

From all the above, it results from this extract that measures could
have been taken in regard to only the two matters: one in regard to
the absolute expulsion of the Christian Sangleys from those islands;
and the other ordering that a rule be given as to what ought to be
done in the future in a like case, when one single minister remains as
governor as happened to Don Simon, and restitution [of the government]
having been made, if the governor has acted with ignominy, whether
the staff of office is or is not to be given to him by the minister
who has held the command. These two measures look toward the future;
for what was done by Don Simon is approved by his Majesty and whatever
said Don Simon has done ought to be approved--the posts which he has
given, the expenses which he has incurred, and which he has made on
the account of the royal treasury. In a word he has become worthy,
not only of the reward which he has now obtained from the royal
magnificence, but also of eternal memory.








DRAPER'S DEFENSE


A PLAIN NARRATIVE [187]

The Conquest of Manila, Cavita, and the whole Phillipine Islands,
having been of late the Topic of Conversation, from the Crown
of Spain's Refusal to pay the Bills drawn by its Archbishop and
Captain-General, in Consequence of the Capitulation; [188] and having
Reason to apprehend, that the Public are as ignorant of the Nature and
Importance of that Acquisition, as they seem to be unacquainted with
the Particulars relative to the Capitulation, and its Consequences;
I think it a Duty incumbent on me to set the material Transactions
of that Expedition in a proper Point of View, as well as in Justice
to my own Conduct and Character, as to the Officers and Men serving
under me: and for the particular Information of the Representatives
of the Nation, who have condescended to think our Services deserving
their public Approbation of our Conduct, in the particular Honour of
their Thanks conveyed to us by their Speaker.

Manila is the Metropolis of the Phillipine Islands, situated in a
large Bay on the Island of Luconia, in the Latitude 14, 40 North,
Longitude 118 East, from London, in Possession of the Spaniards,
and maintained by the Crown of Spain, at the Request of the Church
for propagating the Christian Faith among the Indians, for which
they have a large annual Allowance from Mexico, for the Maintenance
of their public Officers and Clergy, and for the support of their
Convents: They are also indulged with Ships, built and navigated
at the King's Expence, to bring the said Allowance in Money:
These Ships go laden with Merchandize belonging to the Inhabitants
(a still further Indulgence allowed them) from Manila to Acapulca,
and return with Money: The King's is registered; and the Remainder
(about as much more) a smuggling Trade, and connived at.

This trade is so very prejudicial to Old Spain, the Cargoes they send
being China Silks, India Cottons, Spices, &c., for the Use of the
People in America, that the Cadiz and Bayone Companies have frequently
presented the strongest Memorials and Remonstrances to the King,
setting forth the Damage sustained by it, but without any Success,
the Church always getting the better of them.

In Consequence of Orders from Europe to attack Manila on the War
with Spain, the Squadron and Troops sailed from Madrass the First of
August, 1762, and arrived in the Bay of Manila the 24th of September
following; and after summoning the Town to surrender, and receiving
for Answer their Resolution to defend it, the Troops were immediately
landed, and began the Siege. A breach being made the 6th of October,
we stormed and took the City, on which the principal Inhabitants
retired into the Citadel, but sensible they could not hold it long,
sent out a Flag of Truce, desiring to capitulate. The Terms offered
were, on paying "Four Millions of Dollars, they were to have their
Churches, Convents, Palaces, and other public Buildings, with the Town
preserved, the Plundering stopped, with the free exercise of their
Religion, and other Liberties; otherwise to be Prisoners of War,
and put on Board the Squadron, and sent to the Coast of India as such."

These Terms they accepted; and whilst the Articles were settling,
they pleaded their Inability to raise immediately the Sum demanded,
unless we would admit the Phillipina (which was arrived ¡n the Port of
Pallapa, on the Island of Semar from Acapulca) into the Capitulation,
and the Vice Roy to send Letters to the General that commanded her,
to deliver her up to our Ships, which had been sent after her; to which
we assented, on Condition that the said Phillipina was actually in the
Port of Pallapa, and delivered up to our Ships in Consequence of the
said Letter. This is the only Ship ever admitted into the Capitulation
(and that Conditionally) and which, instead of being delivered up, or
ordered to proceed to Manila, agreeable to the promised Letter of the
Vice Roy, was, by other Letters, privately sent unknown to us, directed
not to comply with the Vice Roy's Letter, but to land the Money on
the Island where they were, and secure it in the best Manner they
could until they should receive further Directions from Manila. [189]

All things being thus agreed upon, the plundering the Town was
immediately Stopped [190] and the City restored to Order, an
Account taken of the Ordnance and military Stores, and the Garrison
established, which took up the whole of the Troops of the Expedition;
and the Place (in Obedience to his Majesty's Instructions) delivered
up to the East India Company's Agent for their Use and Benefit, until
his further Pleasure should be known. During these Transactions
the Treasure remaining in the Town (a great deal being conveyed
out during the Siege) was collected together, and the principal
Inhabitants voluntarily taxed themselves to pay the Remainder as
far as two Millions; and if the Phillipina was not to be got at, we
were to take Bills on the King of Spain for the other two Millions,
which the Captain General, or Viceroy, (who was also Archbishop)
declared he had Authority to draw, and would be duly honoured.

As soon as the Place was in Possession of the East India Company, the
Spaniards perceived the King's Officers had no further Power over them,
and therefore stopped any further Collections toward the Payment; and
from the Excess of Lenity hitherto shown them, soon grew insolent,
broke every Part of the Capitulation by retiring into the Country
and joining Anda, one of the Royal Audience, who had taken up Arms,
and proclaimed himself Captain General, while their Priests and Friars
publicly exhorted Rebellion, and preached it meritorious to take up
Arms and destroy us.

As several of the principal Men of the Place were likewise concerned
with him, the Captors were justly apprehensive that little or nothing
more was to be got by fair Means, and were willing to secure what
was still in their Power; and therefore ordered their Agents to
bring into the City what Merchandize was belonging to the said Men
in the Suburbs, as a Security till they made good their Ransom. But
were greatly surprized to find the East India Company's Governor
had placed Guards, and would not suffer the Agents to remove any
one Thing, by which the Captors lost upwards of 200,000 Dollars. The
Captors therefore to secure what little yet remained in their Power,
gave Directions to seize, and dispose of a Ship, named the Santo Nino,
[191] that lay in the Port of Cavita at the Time of the Town being
taken, and placed her Produce to the Account of the four Million
(altho' she was not mentioned or included in the Capitulation). This
was the only Ship taken in the Port, and sold for only 16,000 Dollars,
and which the Spaniards have since artfully and jesuitically endeavored
to propagate to be the Santissima Trinidad; tis therefore in this
Place necessary to make known, that the Santissima Trinidad sailed
from Manila on the 1st of August, which was upwards of seven Weeks
before the Squadron arrived there, and had proceeded several hundred
Leagues on her Voyage to Acapulca; when meeting with a Storm she
was dismasted, and endeavouring to put back to refit was met with
off the Island of Capul by two of our Ships, the Panther and Argo
(the two Ships that were detached after the Phillipina) and after an
Engagement taken by them, above two hundred Miles from the Port of
Manila, and which Ships knew nothing at that Time of the Surrender
or Capitulation of Manila. These two Ships that were sent after the
Phillipina (in Consequence of Intelligence obtained by a Gally we
took in the Bay soon after our Arrival) had got as far as the Island
of Capul, in their Way to Palapa, when they met with the Trinidad,
and she being much disabled, and having a great Number of Men on
Board, they were obliged to return to the Bay of Manila with her;
on which, as soon as possible, two Frigates were dispatched again
after the Phillipina, but before they could reach the Streights of
St. Bernardino, the North-East Monsoon was set in, and the Weather
too stormy to pass the Streights, and after ten Weeks fruitlessly
attempting it, were obliged to return.

The Squadron being obliged (by Instructions on that Head) to return
to the Coast of India for the Protection of the East India Company's
Settlements, before the North-East Monsoon was expired, sailed from
the Bay of Manila the beginning of March, leaving orders with the
Commanding Officer of the Ships left for the Protection of the Place,
so soon as the South-West Monsoon prevailed, to proceed to Palapa,
in order to take Possession of the Phillipina, who, on his Arrival,
found only the Ship, the Treasure having been carried in small Vessels
to the Island of Luconia by Orders from the Inhabitants of Manila,
who had all this Time amused us with the Promise of the Money of
this Ship for Payment, and even sent Men as Hostages [192] in our
Ships to get it, notwithstanding they themselves well knew it was
removed from that Place. Through the whole of the above Transactions,
the Spaniards by Evasions avoided complying with the Capitulation
in every one Respect, except in the bringing in the Money from
the Misericordia and Ordentercara, which was out of their Power
to secrete. They basely and ungratefully took up Arms against us,
after having their Lives given them. They preached publicly in their
Churches Rebellion, and meritorious to destroy us.

And these people have still furthermore the Impudence to charge us
with an Infringment of the Capitulation, and the Effrontery to claim
the Santissima Trinidad, which was taken above 200 Miles from Manila
by two of his Majesty's Ships, who knew nothing of the Surrender of the
Place, nor was in any Shape mentioned or included in the Capitulation,
having sailed on her Voyage seven Weeks previous to our Arrival,
as may be seen by the Capitulation annexed hereto.

It is true they have given Bills on the King their Master for Part of
the Ransom, which he does not acknowledge they had a Right to draw,
and therefore refuses Payment of. But surely I may with Equity be
permitted to add, that as he allows them a very large Sum annually
for their Support, and has again put the Place into their Possession,
is he not bound in Honour and strict Justice to oblige his Subjects
to make good their solemn Covenant and Capitulation, having the Means
so fully in his Power?


The Account of Ransom stands correctly thus:


                                  dollars r. d.      dollars r. d.
Ransom agreeable to Capitulation                   4,000,000  0  0
Received from the public
Funds and Collections             515,802  3 10
Plunder taken from
the Seamen and Soldiers            26,623  0  0      542,425  3 10
                                                   ---------------
Remains due to the Captors                         3,457 574  4  2


One third of which is the Proportion belonging to the East India
Company.

The King's Instructions were, if we succeeded in the Conquest of
Manila, to deliver up the Fortifications, with the Cannon, Stores and
Ammunition, to the East India Company, until his Majesty's Pleasure
should be signified with Regard to the future Dispositions of the
said Conquests, &c.

Upon the Peace, when the Place was delivered up to the Spaniards,
the East India Company applied to the Secretary of State for Leave to
carry the Artillery and Stores to Madrass, but received for Answer,
That they must remain for the Defence of the Place; but were afterward
told, That if the Spaniards would give Security for the Payment of
the Value of them, they were to be left; if they would not, the East
India Company might remove them to Madrass. This last Answer did not
arrive in India till after Orders had been sent to deliver it up,
and the Season too late to send that Year. [193]

[Here follow the "Conditions" and "Proposals," q.v., ante, pp. 75-80.]

[At the end of the copy of this book from which we publish is written
by hand: "with Admiral Cornish's Compliments."]








COLONEL DRAPER'S ANSWER TO THE SPANISH ARGUMENTS


To the Earl of Halifax, His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State
For the Southern Department. [194]


My Lord,


Armed with that Boldness which Innocence inspires, and the
Consciousness of having done my Duty, both as an Officer, and a Man
of Honour and Humanity; I presume again to lay before your Lordship
my Answer to the Spanish Ambassador's Memorial.

This Reply is something more copious than the former, which I had
the Honour of presenting to your Lordship in March last: The new
Arguments that have been urged to evade Payment, requiring fresh
Reasons to endeavour to enforce it.

I was in great Hopes, that the good Faith, Honour, and Punctuality of
the Spanish Nation, would have made this Publication unnecessary. But
finding, that they have absolutely refused Payment of the Ransom Bills,
drawn upon their Treasury by the Governor of Manila, and do now claim
the Restitution of the Galeon, I am constrained, for the Sake of
those brave Men, to whom I am obliged and indebted for my Success,
to assert their Rights, in the best Manner I am able.

Many of them, my Lord, from the too usual and sanguine Hopes of their
Profession, have already anticipated their supposed Profits, and may
live to repent their fatal Success in a Jail; unless the powerful
Intercession of the Government will rescue them from impending Misery
or Destruction. They vainly look up to me for that Protection, which
in their Names, I again request from your Lordship's good Offices.

I must add, that the calumnious and envenomed Attack upon my own
Character, demands the most public Justification: Being described
both at Home and Abroad, as a Man void of all Faith, Principle, or
common Honesty; and so, indeed, I should be most deservedly thought,
were I guilty even of the smallest Part of what the Spanish Memorial
accuses me. A Dey of Tunis, or Algiers, would blush to make use of so
black an Instrument of Perfidy and Piracy. I owe, therefore, this open
Vindication of my Conduct, both to my Sovereign, and to my Country,
whose Representatives were pleased to honour me with their public
Thanks, the greatest of all Rewards, and indeed, the only one I have
received for my late Services.--Sed mihi facti fama sat est. [195]

My Silence, perhaps, may be misconstrued; it may be suspected that
I have sacrificed the deluded Partners of my Expedition, to private
and base Considerations; (for something of a dark and private Treaty
has been whispered about) but, I thank Heaven! my Behaviour has been
such as will bear the Light of Day; and the all-searching Eye of Truth.

The Spaniards have assigned my Breach of Faith in the Capitulation,
as one Reason for their Refusal of Payment: I cannot, therefore,
servilely stoop, or submit to the heavy Load of Guilt, with which they
have endeavoured to overwhelm me. But perhaps, a Second Gondemar [196]
is arrived amongst us: Yet the Happiness of the Times, we have the
good Fortune to live in, forbids me to carry the Allusion any farther;
nor have I the Vanity to compare myself to the great Raleigh, even
in Miniature; a very unjust and vindictive Accusation, forms the only
Part of the Parallel betwixt us. But as the execrable Days of James the
First can never be renewed under the Reign of our most just, good, and
gracious Sovereign, I will not harbour the least Suspicion that I shall
resemble that illustrious Man in his Misfortune; or remain unprotected,
or be sacrificed for my poor Endeavours to serve my King and Country;
to whose Judgments I most dutifully and humbly submit my Cause.

I have the Honour to be, my Lord, With great Respect and Esteem,
Your most obedient, humble Servant,


    William Draper




The Spanish Arguments for refusing Payment. [197]

The English Generals who made themselves Masters of Manila proposed,
on the [198] Fifth of October,  1762, a Capitulation to the Archbishop,
who acted as Governor; by which they promised to preserve the City from
Pillage, if the Governor and principal Magistrates would consent to,
and sign the Articles of, the said Capitulation; which they were forced
to do, being threatened to be put to the Sword, in Case of Refusal.

Notwithstanding this shameful Capitulation, extorted and signed by
the Means of Violence and Rigor, General Draper ordered or suffered
the City to be sacked and pillaged, for forty Hours, by Four Thousand
English, who plundered it of more than a Million of Dollars. [199]

Therefore the said Capitulation ought to be void, because it was
signed by force; and because General Draper first violated and broke
the Capitulation, by permitting the City to be pillaged. Consequently,
that Capitulation only, which was proposed by the Governor, accepted
of, and signed by Admiral Cornish and General Draper, upon the seventh
of October, ought to be considered and respected in this Affair.

The First Article of which grants to the Inhabitants of Manila, the
peaceable and quiet Possession of all their Effects; the Fourth and
Sixth grant them the Liberty of Commerce, under the Protection of
his Britannic Majesty.




Refutation

It is a known and universal Rule of War amongst the most civilized
Nations, that Places taken by Storm, without any Capitulation, are
subject to all the Miseries that the Conquerors may chuse to inflict.

Manila, my Lord, was in this horrid Situation; of Consequence the
Lives of the Inhabitants, with all belonging to them, were entirely
at our Mercy. But Christianity, Humanity, the Dignity of our Nation,
and our own Feelings as Men, induced us not to exert the utmost Rigours
of the Profession, against those wretched Suppliants; although my own
Secretary, Lieutenant Fryar, had been murdered, as he was carrying a
Flag of Truce to the Town. The Admiral and I told the Archbishop and
principal Magistrates, that we were desirous to save so fine a City
from Destruction, ordered them to withdraw, consult, and propose such
Terms of Compensation as might satisfy the Fleet and Army, and exempt
them from Pillage, and its fatal Consequences.

The Proposals they gave in, were the very same, which the Spaniards
most artfully call a Second Capitulation; and were afterwards agreed
to, and confirmed by us (with a few Restrictions) but at that time
were so unsuitable to their desperate Situation, that we rejected them
as unsatisfactory and inadmissible. As Conquerors, we took the Pen,
and dictated those Terms of the Ransom which the Spaniards  thought
proper to submit to; for they had the Alternative, either to be passive
under the Horrors of a Pillage, or compound for their Preservation;
they accepted the latter.

The Objection and Pretence of Force and Violence may be made use of
to evade any military Agreements whatsoever, where the two Parties
do not treat upon an Equality; for who, in War, will submit to an
inconvenient and prejudicial Compact, unless from Force? But have
the Spaniards forgot their own Histories? Or will they not remember
the just Indignation expressed against Francis the First, who pleaded
the like Subterfuge of Force and Violence, to evade the Treaty made
after the Battle of Pavia, and his Captivity?

Should such elusive Doctrines prevail, it will be impossible,
hereafter, for the Vanquished to obtain any Quarter or Terms
whatsoever: The War will be carried on usque ad internecionem; [200]
and if a Sovereign shall refuse to confirm the Conditions stipulated
by his Subjects, who are in such critical Situations, the Consequences
are too horrid to mention.

By the same fallacious Sophistry, a State may object to the Payment
of the Ransoms of Ships taken at Sea, and to Contributions levied
in a Country which is the Seat of War. But it is always allowed,
that in such Cases, a Part must be sacrificed to save the Whole;
and surely, when by the Laws of War, we were entitled to the Whole,
it was a great Degree of Moderation to be contented with a Part.

The Destruction that we could have occasioned, would have trebled
the Loss they suffer by the Payment of the Ransom. The rich Churches
and Convents, the King of Spain's own Palace, with its superb and
costly Furniture, the magnificent Buildings of every Sort, the
Fortifications, Docks, Magazines, Founderies, Cannon, and in short
the Whole might have been entirely ruined, the Spanish Empire in Asia
subverted, and the Fruits of their religious Mission lost for ever,
[201] together with the Lives of many Thousand Inhabitants, who were
spared by our Humanity. As a suitable and grateful Return for this
Lenity, the Spanish Memorial affirms, that after the Capitulation
was signed, General Draper ordered or permitted, the City to be
sacked and pillaged forty Hours together, by Four Thousand English,
who plundered it of more than a Million of Dollars.

As my own Character, both as an Officer, and a Man of Honour, is so
wickedly attacked by this unjust Accusation, I must beg Leave to state
the whole Affair, in its true Light; and do appeal for its Veracity
to the Testimonies of every Officer and Soldier, who served in the
Expedition, and to all of the Marine Department.

We entered Manila by Storm, on the 6th of October 1762, with an Handful
of Troops, whose Total amounted to little more than Two Thousand;
a motley Composition of Seamen, Soldiers, Seapoys, Cafres, Lascars,
Topasees, French and German Deserters. [202]

Many of the Houses had been abandoned by the frightened Inhabitants,
and were burst open by the Violence of Shot, or Explosion of
Shells. Some of these were entered and pillaged. But all military
Men know, how difficult it is to restrain the Impetuosity of Troops
in the first Fury of an Assault, especially when composed of such a
Variety and Confusion of People, who differed as much in Sentiments
and Language, as in Dress and Complexion.

Several Hours elapsed, before the principal Magistrates could be
brought to a Conference; during that Interval, the Inhabitants were
undoubtedly great Sufferers. But, my Lord, this Violence was antecedent
to our Settling the Terms of the Capitulation, and by the Laws of War,
the Place, with all it's Contents, became the unquestionable Property
of the Captors, until a sufficient Equivalent was given in Lieu of
it. That several Robberies were committed, after the Capitulation
was signed, is not to be denied; for Avarice, Want, and Rapacity,
are ever insatiable: But that the Place was pillaged for Forty Hours,
and that Pillage authorized and permitted by me, is a most false
and infamous Assertion. The People of Manila, my Lord, have imposed
upon their Court, by a Representation of Facts, which never existed;
and to make such a groundless Charge the Reason for setting aside,
and evading a solemn Capitulation, is a Proceeding unheard of until
now, and as void of Decency, as Common Sense.

The following Extracts from the Publick Orders, given out the very Day
we entered the Town, will sufficiently convince your Lordship, of my
constant Attention to the Preservation of those ungrateful People;
who have almost taught me to believe, that Humanity and Compassion
are Crimes.


Extracts


    October 6th, Manila.


"The utmost Order and Regularity to be observed.

"All Persons guilty of Robberies, or Plundering the Churches and
Houses, will be hanged without Mercy.

"The Guards to send frequent Patroles both Day and Night, to prevent
all Disorders.

"The Drummers to beat to Arms, the Officers to assemble with their Men,
and call the Rolls.

"The Adjutants to go around the Town, and take an exact Account of
the Safe-guards, posted for the Protection of the Convents, Churches,
and Houses.


    October 7th.


"All the Inhabitants of Manila are to be looked upon and treated as His
Britannick Majesty's Subjects: They having agreed to pay Four Millions
of Dollars, for the Ransom and Preservation of their City and Effects.

"The Criminals executed for Robbery and Sacrilege, to be buried at
Sunset." [203]

I hope the foregoing Extracts, are sufficient to vindicate my
Character. Moreover, the strictest Search was made on board the
Squadron by the Admiral's Orders, and amongst the Troops, to recover
what had been stolen and secreted; and all the Money, Plate, and
Jewels, so recovered, were put into the Treasury, and allowed, and
accepted of as Part of the Ransom.

Now let us examine the Foundation of the Spanish Pretensions. In
the first Place, they have misstated the Propositions, and made our
Proposals antecedent to theirs, which is impossible. For how could
our Fourth Proposition take Notice of, and consent to theirs, unless
from a previous Knowledge and Perusal of what they had to offer? And
indeed, the whole force of the Spanish Arguments, depends entirely
upon the Second Capitulation, as they are pleased to term it: But the
Liberty of Commerce, and all the other Privileges which they there
insist upon, were granted conditionally, upon their Compliance with
the Fourth Article of our Propositions. It expressly declares, that
the Proposals contained in the Paper, delivered on the Part of his
Excellency the Governor and his Council, will be listened to, and
confirmed to them, upon their Payment of Four Millions of Dollars;
the Half to be paid immediately, the other Half to be paid in a Time
agreed upon; and Hostages [204] and Security given for that Purpose. It
is therefore most evident, that they had not the least Shadow of Right
to any Privileges, until this Article was most punctually fulfilled.

How it has been fulfilled, has been but too clearly manifested, by
the Court of Spain's Refusal to pay the Two Millions of Dollars, for
which we trusted to the Honour and Punctuality of that Nation. Until
that Sum is paid, it is impossible even to name the Galeon.


Postscript

It is now pretended that the Spanish Governor exceeded his Powers,
that he had no Authority to draw Bills, of such a Nature, upon his
Court: But will not unforseen Events, demand unforseen Expedients? In
Europe, where the Distance will allow of it, it is undoubtedly the
Duty of every Governor or Commander, to consult his Sovereign (if
an Opportunity offers) before he presumes to give his Consent to, or
ratify any Agreement that may be prejudicial or dishonourable to his
Crown. But can such Formalities be required or observed at the Distance
of half the Globe? The Persons entrusted with such remote Commands,
must be left to their own Discretion; to the Fertility or Barrenness
of their own Invention and Resources. A State may undoubtedly punish
the Man who is found to have betrayed its Dignity or Interests; but
at all Events, it must abide by his Decisions, how prejudicial soever.

We find in History, that the Romans, have sometimes delivered up
to the Enemy such of their Generals, who had made a shameful or
disadvantageous Peace, without the Consent or Approbation of the
Senate: But that Practice has been universally condemned upon the
truest Reasons; because the Delivery of an Individual could never
be adequate to the Advantages they might acquire by the breaking
of a bad Treaty; or compensate their Enemies for the Opportunities
and Advantages they might give up, or lose, upon the Faith of such
an Agreement.

I flatter myself that the Spaniards will not copy that great Nation
in its Defects, but imitate its Virtues.

It is also asserted, that the Ransom Bills were given and accepted
only to preserve the private Property of the Inhabitants; But I do
most solemnly aver, my Lord, that the Ransom was general, as well as
particular. Can Six Hundred Pieces of Brass and Iron Ordnance? can
the Fortifications of the Citadel and Town of Manila, with those
of the Citadel and Port of Cavite, the publick and royal Magazines,
Store-houses, Docks, &c. be called private Property? They belonged,
most undoubtedly, to his Catholic Majesty, and by the stern Rules of
our Profession, might have been destroyed, had the Admiral and I been
disposed to have carried on the War with that Barbarity, of which other
Nations have more than once set us the Example: But we considered
rather how Englishmen should act, than what our Enemies might have
suffered. But let us, for a Moment, admit that the Bills were drawn
for the sake of preserving private Property only: Even in that Case
the Spaniards are bound in Honour to oblige the People of Manila
to pay the Money; and they are now very able to discharge the Debt,
since they have received all the Treasure of the Philippina Galeon.

Our Court has shewed them a most bright and laudable Example,
by taking Care that all the Ransom Bills, due even to the Enemy's
Privateers, should be most punctually paid, since the Conclusion of
the Peace. Surely such upright Proceedings on our Side will infuse
the same religious Observance of good Faith in all concerned in this
Business. Otherwise we must say with Grotius, ab Injustitiâ excusari
nequeunt, qui, cum pacta improbent, tamen retinent, quæ, sine pactis
non haberent. "They cannot avoid the Imputation of Injustice, who
disapprove of Treaties, and yet keep Possession of what they could
not have been possessed of, but by the Means of those Treaties."

We have an indisputable Right to Manila, and all its Dependencies,
if the Ransom Bills are not faithfully paid.

I do therefore, my Lord, in the Names of all concerned (the Navy,
Army, and East India Company) implore the Assistance and Protection
of the Government, and its effectual good Offices, to maintain our
most just Rights, and recover the Part of the Ransom as yet unpaid.

[Here follow the "Proposals" and "Conditions," q.v., ante, pp. 75-80.]








LETTER FROM CARRION TO RUEDA


Jesus

    Pax Christi, etc.


After our misfortunes which happened at the capture of Manila by the
English, we are breathing a bit. Hardships have not been lacking here
since then, but they have been accompanied by relief.

Last year it was God's will to bring us safely the ship "Santa
Rosa" with peace signed and a new governor ad interim for these
islands. [205] As no other boat was left, the said "Santa Rosa"
was fitted up and now it has returned to us, bringing us the
regularly-appointed governor Don Francisco Raon. This is the beginning
of the recuperation of these islands.

For the rest, one could have feared the total ruin of these domains,
according to the unbridled manner in which the Moros were killing and
capturing through the Bisayas. The governor ad interim has placed
Manila in a state of the best defense against European powers,
and has opened about it a very wide ditch and made some very high
intrenchments. If eight thousand Europeans were necessary to capture
it before now fourteen or sixteen thousand will be necessary.

There is no doubt but that the present governor will perfect these
works, and that he will more eagerly check the boldness of the
Morillos. [206] That being done, the trade of Bisayas will again
flourish, which is almost necessary for the conservation of this
capital.

God has placed a very heavy hand upon our friends the English in
their retirement. It is enough to say that seven of their fourteen
ships have been lost, and one-half the men whom they brought here,
who numbered in all about eight thousand. Of a truth their hopes saw
a sorry fulfilment. Cruel Micenas, fugitibo Eneas, etc.

Concerning the unhappy condition of the missions of the empire of
China, your Reverence will already have had accurate information
through the Portuguese fathers who were ordered to be taken to
Europa by their not king--"I am not king," as he said at the time
of the earthquakes, and as he has caused us to see afterward in our
misfortunes. [207] What has become of Father Master Manuel Guevara,
who was confused with the Portuguese? Has he died or has he been
restored to our province of Toledo? If he is living, a thousand
greetings [to him].

We have had the latest news from two Portuguese fathers (who had
come here previously from the provinces, and who on that account did
not fall into the clutches of the sparrow-hawk), which is reduced to
saying that about thirty fathers are left in that empire--about ten
or eleven in the court of Pequin, and the others scattered through
its vast provinces. Those of the court are living openly with the
license of the emperor and the rest are keeping hid. But all lack
the aid which formerly was sent to them from Goa. May God aid them
and give them strength to leave the shore after so fierce a storm,
and withdraw us all from the other storm which is lashing all the
vast body of the Society. [208] San Pedro Macati, July 8, 1765.

Your Reverence's humble servant,


    Eugenio Carrion (rubric)


I beg your Reverence to communicate this letter to the reverend father
Orea, as one of those small morsels which was supplied to him when
he was our beadle in the school of Murcia.

[Addressed: "My Father Joseph de Rueda."]








LETTER FROM PAZUENGOS TO MESQUIDA


Jesus

    Pax Christi.


I am writing this letter, in doubt as to the arrival of your Reverence,
and with hopes of the arrival here of the ship "Santa Rosa" and with
desires of the coming of a governor to free us from the abominations in
which we are. Don Francisco Xavier [de la] Torre is the most detestable
robber ever seen in the East or West Indias, a man without shame or
trace of Christianity. All this might be tolerated if he took any
care of the defense of the Indians; but he has wholly abandoned the
fields of Christendom, saying that a cornucopia of the islands is
given to him, and that the king our sovereign will abandon them,
or transfer them to the French. Thereupon, he has given himself
over to a libertine life, so far as his morals are concerned. He
looks after nothing else than selling the offices dear, and robbing
king and vassals. He obtains it all with abun[dant] [209] stipends,
but does not pay them, but feigns very well that he issues vouchers
for them. But [what?] will your Reverence say on learning that he
has bondsmen who give him opinions, ... testimonies contrary to
all justice and truth? We have a bishop ...; and for that reason I
have already sent four [students] so that they may be ordained [at]
Zebu. I am sure that it will be necessary to send all the others, who
have finished and who are studying. He has hoisted the flag against the
religious orders with all his might, and I am sure that all the orders
will write this year, resigning their ministries into the hands of his
Majesty. [210] The Society and the Dominicans are determined to do it,
for the auditors and some of the city have resolved to censure and
dishonor them. The Frenchman Solano, formerly a barber and wig-maker is
alcalde-in-ordinary of Manila, and today a regidor of this city. Who
would believe that such a ... thing could be? This vile man, incited
by the governor, by the auditor, ... and by the fiscal of his Majesty,
had the insolence to get out on the highway of Meyha with two thousand
workmen and widen it by more than two varas. Although he knew that
it was ecclesiastical property, he answered that the last thing that
leaves the body is the soul. What can such governors, [such] auditors,
and such alcaldes occasion, if not the ruin of the community?

Not less ruined are the Bisayas, as they are without stipends,
and cannot be helped from here, since they have no boats which can
resist the Moros, for the governor has not made a grain of powder
nor a single boat, although it is a fact that he has cost the king
almost a million pesos. The fathers are compelled to go almost
naked, and they have had to make shoes out of the parchment of their
books. They have been assisted as much as possible, and already
those missions owe thirty thousand pesos to the province. Of the
ten churches built of stone and mortar, and a like number of houses
in the residence of Hilongos, only two are left, and all the rest
are ruined and burned by the Moros. Your Reverence may conjecture
almost the same thing of other less defensible villages. All [the
inhabitants of] the two villages which were formed under the charge
of Samboangan are dead or captives, and I am sure that the missions
of the Recollects have suffered greater ruin, proportione servata;
for I am told that the entire jurisdiction of Caraga is reduced to one
thousand tributes. Since your Reverence left, one-half the Indians of
Bisayas have been captured or killed. May God bring us a governor,
may God bring us some auditors, who shall recognize and appreciate
the defense of the Catholic religion and of the poor Indians!

The estates of Calatagán and Looc, burned and sacked by the Moros; the
estates of Meysilo and La Piedad, burned and sacked by the Christians;
that of San Pedro Tunasan, sacked by the Indians, commanded by six
Franciscan friars; Lian and Nasugbú delivered to the Joloan [? Jelaco
in transcript] king by treaty; that of Naic abandoned to the robbers;
San Pedro Macati burned by the English, with the exception of the
house and church! Those which have suffered less are Marquina, Payatas,
and Calamba, although they have suffered considerably.

Don Manuel Fernandez Thoribio has been appointed governor of
Samboangan, and has secret instructions to ascertain what estates
and what manner of livelihood the Jesuits have. In general, all
the alcaldes who have been sent out carry instructions against
the regulars. The fact is that stipends are not to be paid to the
ministers, and no alms or aid is to be given to carry on the missions.

Since my arrival, neither from the royal treasury of Mexico, nor
from these [in Manila], has the least stipend [been given] to the
four subjects in Samboangan ... treasury, by royal decree, that they
be paid here, and from those of here, for ... in order to pay from
the treasury of Mexico. Consider, your Reverence, what must be the
condition of this po[or] province.

There is another war declared, in which Señor Galban has unfurled
the banner against [the] pious [funds]. He declares that the pious
funds are the ruin of [trade] and of the islands; as if the trade
of the islands had any other foundation. I, ... procurator, have
come to the opinion that God is abandoning this His kingdom; ... I
doubt that on other occasions, there may have been greater or equal
mi[sfortunes], but surely, the ministers of the king, our sovereign,
must have had more application and better intentions. It might be
that Señor Cegado has them, since he is ... it. They pass no measure
that is not intended for the ruin, and tell ... the liberty in which
they live, would be to paint a detesta[ble] and scandalous community.

Against us in particular, is aroused a very perplexing storm,
... the case, that in the college of Manila, a [mis]sion was held
during Lent. On the next to the last day, Father Puch explained the
seventh command[ment] and named the kinds of robbers that existed. He
named alcaldes-[mayor?] of provinces, adding what St. Xavier said of
these at seeing ... that they received the decree deleantur de libro
viventium. [211] On the ... day, while I was resting, I received a
bloodthirsty denunciation from Señor Galban, which I [sho]wed to Father
Puch, who explained on Sunday afternoon in great-detail what I have
mentioned, and what he ought to say. But on the third day, I received a
royal provision passed by an extraordinary meeting of the assembly, in
[which] they told [me] to censure Father Puch who was to be ordered to
give sat[isfaction] to the royal assembly, and to the public for the
excesses committed upon the alcaldes-mayor. The last two days of the
mission, I formed their ... assessorship at the university of Santo
Thomas, and at four of the ... all acquitted, and I with them, Father
Puch. Thereupon, I presented myself before the royal assembly on the
twenty-seventh [of] March, and they have been silent until now. They
gave the matter for review to the fiscal, who presented himself in
person on the seventeenth of May with a fiscal review, in which he
censures and reproves my conduct, and reproves and censures that
of Father Puch. He censures all the religious orders, for, he says,
we are all united in incriminating the alcaldes-mayor; that there is
no obedience to the king in the islands; that the religious are the
masters of the islands, despotic, tyrannical, cruel. He requests the
royal assembly to reproduce before the king our sovereign, the memorial
of Palafox against the religious, and that secular priests be assigned
to the ministries; and that although the provision taken in the royal
assembly ought to be urged on me, and although another ought to be
despatched against the Dominicans, already the conspiracy of all the
religious is known, and that the royal assembly will obtain nothing
more than disrespect, disobedience, and insults, and that it will be
best to inform the king, our sovereign, of everything, passing by my
petition of testimony made in triplicate in order that I might have
recourse to his Majesty. I have seen nothing, and have been informed
of nothing. Thereupon, I sought my remedy, and have recourse with
three testimonies to the king, our sovereign. I greatly fear, however,
that the matter will be neglected in Madrid, and the connivance of
our procurators; but for this I also ask the remedy farther on.

A boat was built in Pangasinan in order that it might be sent to
Nueva España. It was launched in the middle of May in a river, but
it could not get out because of the bar. Means are being discussed,
hopes abound, but it is now considered impossible for a voyage to
be made this year. The "Santa Rosa" was expected at the end of May,
but we are sure that there will be no voyage unless one of the ships
from the mainland is bought. If the "Santa Rosa" brings no money we
must all go to live in Visayas and Tagalos. To this point have I come,
today, June 17. If there is anything to add later, I will add it in
a separate paragraph, or in another letter.

The "Santa Rosa" arrived July 3, with the new governor. The "Santa
Rosa" is being prepared for its return trip to México, for the ship
of Azevedo has not arrived, and is not expected, although it left
the bar on the third of this said month. The boat of Misamis is
being equipped for México. I do not consider it necessary to give
instructions to your Reverence, for I expect that without them,
you will perform the duties of your post fully, and our friendship.

Santa Cruz, July 20, 1765.

Your Reverence's most affectionate servant,


    Bernardo Pazuengos (rubric)


[Addressed: "My Father Procurator-General, Joaquin Mesquida."]








REFERENCES


Accounts of the capture and occupancy of Manila, and contemporaneous
events, will be found in the following:

1. Vivar, Pedro del, O.S.A.--Relación de los alzamientos de la ciudad
de Vigan, cabecera de la provincia de Ilocos, en los años de 1762 y
1763. Composed in 1764; published as part of vol. iv, of Biblioteca
Histórica Filipina. An account of the insurrections of Diego Silán
and Nicolás Cariño.

2. Castro, Agustin Maria de, O.S.A.--Reseña sobre la guerra de los
ingleses ca. 1765. MS. in Augustinian archives, Manila; and a copy
of which is owned by Eduardo Navarro, O.S.A., at Valladolid. Cited
by Montero y Vidal, and by Pérez (Catálogo).

3. Le Gentil de la Galaisière, Guillaume Joseph Hyacinthe Jean
Baptiste.--Voyage dons les mers de l'Inde (Paris, 1779-1781), ii,
chapter ii, articles xvii and xviii, pp. 230-275. This book contains
the Journal of Archbishop Rojo concerning the siege. Le Gentil
criticises the method of the British operations; and influenced by
his friendship for Rojo's nephew passes a severe criticism on Anda,
which has caused him in turn to be criticised by the Spaniards.

4. Malo de Luque, Eduardo (pseudonym of Duke of Almodovar).--Historia
política de los establecimientos ultramarinos de las naciones europeas
(Madrid, 1784-1790), v, chaps. ix, and x, pp. 234-310. Contains many of
the original documents and letters connected with the conquest period.

5. Martinez de Zúñiga, Joaquin, O.S.A.--Historia de las Islas
Philipinas (Sampaloc, 1803), chaps. xxxiii-xxxvii, pp. 601-687. Treats
of siege, capture, insurrections, operations of Anda, and the peace.

6. Mas, Sinibaldo de.--Informe sobre el estado de las islas Filipinas
(Madrid, 1843), i, no. 2. Uses preceding authorities largely.

7. Buzeta, Manuel, O.S.A., and Bravo, Felipe, O.S.A.--Diccionario
(Madrid, 1850), ii, pp. 289-291. A very short and unsatisfactory
account.

8. Ferrando, Juan, O.P.--Historia de los PP. Dominicos en las islas
Filipinas (Madrid, 1871), iv, chaps. viii-x, pp. 611-742; v, chap. i,
pp. 1-25. Contains Dominican history and general account of the
conquest, etc.

9. Montero y Vidal, José.--Historia general de Filipinas, ii,
chaps. i-iii, and part of iv, pp. 7-119; and portion of appendix, where
he gives various documents of conquest period. Uses foregoing freely.

10. Jordan de Urries, Pedro, marqués de Ayerbe.--Sitio y conquista
de Manila por los Ingleses en 1762 (Zaragoza, 1897). Based on
ordinary authorities, and especially on an unpublished MS. written
by Alfonso Rodríguez de Ovalle, to the marqués de Cruillas, ancestor
of the marqués de Ayerbe, which is conserved in the library of the
latter. Ovalle sailed on the "Santa Rosa" with royal despatches
notifying the city of Manila of the treaty of peace between Spain
and England. While in the Philippines, he wrote a minute journal,
accompanying it with plans and statistics, of the late events in
Manila and the provinces. The dates of this journal are September 13,
1762-March 13, 1764.

11. Diez Aguado, Manuel, O.S.A.--Biografia del P. Agustín Ma. de
Castro, Agustino (Barcelona, 1902). This contains a short account
of the siege and capture of Manila. It is drawn in large part from
Augustinian sources. The author has had the benefit also of manuscript
material possessed by Augustinian friars in his convent at Valladolid,
some of which manuscripts were written by Castro. [212]

12. War Department.--Annual Report, 1903 (Washington, 1903),
iii, appendix ix, pp. 435-454. Part i, Historical sketch of the
walls of Manila, compiled and written under direction of various
U. S. military officers. Part ii, translation of chapter ii,
of no. 10, by Capt. A. C. Macomb, 5th U. S. Cavalry; rather free
translation. Contains many half-tone reproductions of Manila walls
and fortifications.

13. MSS. in the Archivo general de España, at Simancas; estado
6958.--Concerning the capture, sack, capitulation, and surrender
of Manila, the propositions of the English, its recovery, etc.;
1762-1765. This contains also the documents regarding the capture of
the "Santissima Trinidad." This legajo contains much correspondence
from the Spanish minister in England; and a number of letters written
in English. Legajo 6954 is dated "London, 23 de Sept. 1763;" and
treats of the restitution of the Philippines.








BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA


The following documents are obtained from the original MSS. in the
British Museum:

1. Plan of an expedition.--Jure Empt. 19, 298; Plut. CLII. E.

2. Letter to Lord Anson.--Hardwicke papers; Vol. DL. Navy papers,
1693-1779; Add. 35, 898; fol. 278, 279.

3. Letters to Earl of Egremont (letter of Nov. 1).--East India military
letters; Add. 5939; fol. 80 verso--82 verso.

The following are taken from Scots Magazine for 1763; from a copy
belonging to the library of the Wisconsin Historical Society:

4. Letters to Clevland.--Pp. 232-235.

5. Letters to Earl of Egremont (letter of Nov. 2).--Pp. 225-227; the
third set of "Proposals" are taken from Draper's A plain narrative
(pp. 27-30).

6. Draper's Journal.--Pp. 227-232.

One document is from Le Gentil's Voyage, from a copy belonging to
the library of the Wisconsin Historical Society:

7. Rojo's Journal.--ii, pp. 232-235, 236, 237-239, 241, 242, 243-247,
248-252, 255-259.

The following are from MSS. in the Ayer Collection:

8. Anda and the English invasion.--From MS. (copy of 1765), entitled
"Documents for the history of the invasion and war with the English
in Filipinas, 1762-1764."

9. Rojo's narrative.--From original MS., entitled "Operations in
Manila."

10. Synopsis of letter to Cárlos III.--From Ventura del Arco
transcripts, iv, pp. 641-649.

11. Letter to Cárlos III.--From Ventura del Arco transcripts, iv,
pp. 597-620.

12. Synopsis of communications to Cárlos III.--From Ventura del Arco
transcripts, iv, pp. 621-640.

The following are from the original MSS. in the Archivo general de
Simancas, all bearing pressmark "Secretaría de Gracia y Justicia;
leg. 691."

13. Letter to Gonzalez.

14. Letter to Rueda.

15. Letter to Mesquida.

One is from two small bound pamphlets belonging to the Ayer Collection:

16. Draper's defense.--I. A plain narrative (London,
1764?). II. Colonel's Draper's answer to the Spanish arguments
(London, 1764).

17. References.--Editorial compilation of titles.








NOTES


[1] This paragraph was canceled by its author. A sidenote reference
at this point is to San Antonio's Cronicas de ... San Gregorio.

[2] Probably the island of Busuañga, the largest of the Calamianes
Group; spoken of previously as Buvugan.

[3] A sidenote reference at this point is to Colin's Labor evangelica,
and San Antonio's Cronicas.

[4] The Manila galleon captured by Anson, whose real name was
"Nuestra Señora de Cabadonga." See the account of its capture in
Kerr's Hist. and Coll. of Voyages, xi, pp. 489-501.

[5] Opposite this point is a sidenote reference to Colin, apparently
to his Labor evangelica.

[6] i.e., The island of Siquijor. Ylog is probably for Ilong, and Sily,
for Silay.

[7] i.e., Magendanao, or Mindanao.

[8] See VOL. XLIII, appendix, and notes.

[9] It is known that Draper when in Canton suggested the conquest
of the Philippines (see note 12, post), and was ordered to outline
his plan fully. That fact suggests that the present document is the
fuller outline, and hence that Draper is its author.

[10] Facts regarding Samuel Cornish are few. In 1743, when captain of
the fifty-gun ship "Guernsey," he destroyed a Spanish privateer of
twenty-two guns, which had taken shelter under an eight-gun battery
near Cape de Gatt. He also performed numerous other services of
the same kind, and took and destroyed a fleet of zebecks laden with
provisions. In 1756 he was captain of the "Stirling Castle," a vessel
carrying 480 men, most of them the refuse of jails and the scum of
the streets. In 1759 he was sent with reënforcements to the East
Indies, in the "Lenox," Captain Robert Jocelyn commanding, where he
was reënforced in 1760 with five ships. He was at the reduction of
Pondicherry in 1760, and at the reduction of Mahe in 1761. Thence
he went to Bombay to refit, and went to meet Commodore Keppel for
the attack of Bourbon and Mauritius, although these orders were
later changed. His promotions are as follows: captain, 1742; rear
admiral (white), 1759, (red), 1761; rear admiral (blue), 1762, (red),
1770. He was made a baronet in 1766. His death occurred October 30,
1770. See Allen's Battles of British navy (London, 1878), i, pp. 147,
148; Clowes's Royal Navy (Boston and London, 1898), iii, pp. 23, 196,
240, 565.

[11] The war with Spain came partly as a consequence of the so-called
"Family compact" signed between France, Spain, Naples, and Parma,
at Versailles, August 25, 1761. England declared war against Spain,
January 2, 1762. The diplomatic history of this period is especially
tortuous.

[12] Sir William Draper was the son of a collector of customs of
Bristol, where he was born in 1721. He received his education at
Eton and King's College, Cambridge. Entering the military service,
he went to the East Indies, where he entered the services of the East
India Company, attaining the rank of colonel in 1760. In 1761 he was
promoted to the rank of brigadier-general for the expedition to Belle
Isle. When in Canton, China, whither he went for his health after
the defense of Madras in 1759, he took occasion to study conditions
in the Philippines, and learned that the Spaniards had no fear of
attack since they were so far from Europe. He communicated plans to
Lord Anson and Lord Egremont for their conquest at the first rumors
of war with Spain, and was ordered to outline his plan fully. The
colors taken at the storming of Manila were given by him to King's
College, where they were hung in the chapel. When the 79th regiment
was reduced he was given command of the 16th regiment of foot, but
resigned that post. His health rendered it necessary for him to retire
to South Carolina, in 1769, and while in America he made a tour of
the colonies. In 1769 he married the daughter of Chief-Justice Lancey
of New York, by whom he had one daughter. He had reached the rank of
lieutenant-general in 1779 when he was appointed governor-general of
Minorca, which office he held until the surrender of that island. His
death occurred January 8, 1787, while in retirement at Bath. See New
and general biographical dictionary (London, 1798), v, pp. 146, 147;
Chalmers's Biographical dictionary (London, 1813), xii, pp. 316-318;
Rose's New general biographical dictionary (London, 1848), vii,
pp. 138, 139; and Campbell's Lives of British Admirals (London, 1817),
v, pp. 175, 176.

[13] The churches taken by the English and used as forts before the
assault were afterward demolished by them in order that the Spaniards
might not make use of them for like purpose against them (Montero y
Vidal's Historia, ii, p. 15, note 1).

[14] Had our men taken thought to prevent the disembarking, perhaps
they could have driven the enemy back, for they disembarked on a
day when the waves were high and when there was a heavy surf, which
overturned a lancha carrying a cannon of the caliber of eighteen. All
its men fell into the water, and its equipment was rendered almost
useless. Their men left the other lanchas with the water up to their
breasts carrying their muskets and cartridge-boxes on their heads. Amid
this discomfort, two hundred men reached the beach. They immediately
formed ranks and allowed the others to disembark more quietly. See
Martinez de Zúñiga's Historia, pp. 604, 605.

[15] i.e., The small island of Cahayagan, at the west entrance to
port of Palápog, north of Samar Island.

[16] The "Panther" carried sixty-four guns, and the "Argo" thirty. See
Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 15.

[17] During the gale, the chief boat of the English, which was
trying to disembark troops on the beach at Tondo, was obliged to
give up the attempt because of the fire that was directed from the
fort of Santiago. This ship would have been surely lost, had not
the archbishop, confused and lacking good advice, ordered a complete
cessation of firing from the citadel. See Montero y Vidal, ii. p. 23.

[18] This officer, later a subordinate admiral, was in 1782 in command
of the "Royal George," a three-decker of 108 guns, generally extolled
as the finest ship in the British navy. While preparing for the relief
expedition to Gibraltar under Admiral Howe, and while the vessel was
heeled over for some trifling repairs, a sudden squall caught it,
filling it with water, so that it sank with all on board, scarcely
a person being saved. The wreck long obstructed the anchorage at
Spithead. See Yonge's History of British navy, i, pp. 392, 393.

[19] This letter is published in the following eighteenth-century
magazines: London Gazette of April 16-19, 1763, from which this letter,
as well the other letters published by them, were taken by the other
magazines; London Chronicle, xiii, no. 986, April 19-21, 1763, pp. 379,
380; Gentleman's Magazine, xxiii, pp. 177-179; London Magazine, xxxii,
pp. 219-221; Dublin Magazine, 1763, pp. 255-257; Universal Magazine,
1763, pp. 206-208; and vol. ii of The Field of Mars, 1781.

[20] i.e., The Naranjos Group lying in the strait of San Bernardino,
south of Sorsogon, and consisting of six small islands: San Andres,
Medio, Escarpada, Aguada, Dársena, and Rasa.

[21] Its artillery was in the hold, and it only carried above hatches,
five cannons of the caliber of eight, and four of the caliber of
four. Notwithstanding this surprise, the unfortunate condition of
the vessel, and the formidable force of the English, its commander,
who was a Gallego, and the other Spaniards who were aboard it, as if
they knew what had happened in Manila, and were of a mind to vindicate
the luster of their fatherland, there at stake, fought desperately,
and received 1,700 balls of the caliber of 18 and 24. Thirty-five
of the English were killed and eighteen Spaniards in addition to the
wounded. The ship after being captured was towed to Cavite, where it
arrived November 12, 1762. The silks, spices, gold dust, and other
effects that it contained, were worth 2,000,000 pesos fuertes. See
Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 16, 17, note 2.

"The Holy Trinity ['Santisima Trinidad'], a rich galleon, taken at the
Manilas by Adm. Cornish, arrived in Plymouth Road, June 9, commanded
by Lieut. Mainwaring Wilding." (Scots Magazine, 1764, xxvi, p. 348.)

"The Santissima Trinidad, the galleon which was taken in her voyage
to Acapulco during the siege of Manila, is now advertised for sale at
Plymouth. This ship is one of the largest ever seen in Britain. She
is upwards of 2000 tons burthen; the gun-deck measures 167 feet 6
inches; the breadth, 50 feet 6 inches; the depth of the hold from
the poop-deck, 30 feet 6 inches; and her draught of water when she
arrived at Plymouth was 28 feet." (Ut supra, p. 515.)

"On the 14th of August, the great cause of the Manila ship, Santissima
Trinidad, was determined by the lords of appeals for prizes, the
sentence affirmed, and the Spanish claim wholly rejected." (Ut supra,
1765, xxvii, p. 493.)

[22] Also published in London Gazette, April 16-19, 1763; London
Chronicle, 1763, pp. 380, 381; Gentleman's Magazine, 1763, p. 179;
London Magazine, 1763, p. 221; Dublin Magazine, 1763, pp. 257, 258;
Universal Magazine, 1763, pp. 208, 209.

[23] Lord George Anson was descended from a family long established
in Staffordshire, and was born at Shugborough manor, in the parish
of Colwich, April 23, 1697. Choosing the sea as his career, he became
second lieutenant May 9, 1716. In 1718 he took part in the action near
Sicily in which the Spanish fleet was destroyed. The years 1724-27 he
spent in a naval position in South Carolina, erecting there the town
Anson Bourgh, and giving name to a county. He made two other trips to
South Carolina, where he had acquired considerable property. On the
outbreak of hostilities with Spain in 1739, he was chosen commander
of the fleet to attack the Pacific Spanish-American settlements, and
while engaged in this mission made his celebrated circumnavigation
of the world, capturing the Philippine galleon on June 20, 1743. He
arrived at England, June 15, 1744, after many dangers, in which he
displayed great hardihood and courage. Shortly after his return,
he was made a rear-admiral of the blue, and soon after that was
elected to Parliament. December 27, 1744, he was appointed one of
the commissioners of the admiralty, and April 23, 1745 was made a
rear-admiral of the white. July 14, 1746 he was appointed vice admiral,
and during that and the succeeding year performed many services for
his country. June 13, 1747, he was appointed to the peerage. Most of
the rest of his life was passed as a member of the admiralty board,
he finally becoming its head, having attained the rank of admiral. He
died June 6, 1762, so that the letter written by Cornish never reached
him, being written indeed some months after that event. See New
and general biographical dictionary (London, 1798), i, pp. 389-391;
Chalmers's General biographical dictionary (London, 1812-1817), ii,
pp. 294-311; Rose's New general biographical dictionary (London,
1848), ii, pp. 489-500; Barrow's Life of George Lord Anson (London,
1839); and the various editions of his Voyages.

[24] Le Gentil (Voyage, Paris, 1781, ii, pp. 247, 248), says of these
Frenchmen: "The English, on arriving at Manila, had with them about
three hundred and fifty Frenchmen, enrolled by force. These people
formed a plan to desert them at the first opportunity. The English
had not yet finished their battery, when the little French troop sent
two trusty men to confer with the place and to agree with them for
a sortie, during which the French troop would take the side of the
Spaniards. Two men were sacrificed; they went without weapons, their
arms crossed, to present themselves at the gate of the city. Instead of
opening it to them, they were allowed to be massacred by the Indians
who did not know them. At Manila, innumerable chimerical ideas have
been formed as to the sudden arrival of these two men. But what can
two men who come without weapons and with crossed arms to present
themselves at the gate of a city do? What is there to fear from them to
refuse to receive them? I believe that they were taken for English at
Manila, and that a poorly understood religious motive was the reason
for the very great fault of not opening the gate to them. Whatever it
was, this treatment did not engage others to sacrifice themselves. But
the English, having some doubt of some resolution on the part of
the French, put it out of their power to attempt anything to their
prejudice, by placing them between the Sepoys and their national
troops, with orders to fire on these French, if they were seen to
comport themselves differently than the others."

[25] Scots Magazine for 1763, xxv, p. 235, contains the following
in regard to these plates: "They write from London, of April 21,
thus. 'There were found at the Manilas, among many other curiosities,
and brought here by Col. Draper, eight copper-plates, on which are
engraved a most particular map of the Philippine islands, adorned
with the customs and habits of the inhabitants of those parts,
which was done by order of the governor, in 1734, and dedicated
to his Catholic Majesty.'--By an advertisement since inserted in
the papers, some few impressions are proposed to be taken of these
original copper-plates." What is probably one of these impressions was
sold recently by the firm of Henry Stevens, Son and Stiles, London,
to the Library of Congress. This is the celebrated Murillo Velarde
map. The map is printed in four sheets, as are also the pictures
(three to a sheet) of the "customs and habits of the inhabitants,"
and are so arranged that the map is in the middle with the pictures
grouped on its right and left sides. The map as sold by the above
firm was arranged in two large sheets, with a margin left so that
the sheets could be easily joined. The whole map if pasted on one
single sheet with the pictures would measure about 1170 mm. wide,
and 1082-1087 mm. high. The difference in height between the two
halves seems to be due to the lines not being drawn quite true on
the plates, although shrinkage of paper may affect it slightly. This
map is described by Pardo de Tavera in his El mapa de Filipinas del
P. Murillo Velarde (Manila, 1894); and La carte des Philippines du
Pere Murillo Velarde (Paris, 1898), the latter being a separate or
"Extrait du Bulletin de geographie," No. 1, 1897. Marcel reproduces
several of the pictures. The map contained in the Ayer Murillo Velarde
is unaccompanied by the pictures, and was engraved in 1744. We are
indebted for much of this note to the courtesy of the above-named firm.

[26] Lord Egremont was a man of small ability who succeeded Pitt as
secretary of state. See Hunt's Political History of England (New York
and London, 1905), x, p. 32.

[27] Le Gentil (ii, pp. 264, 265), says that the British made many
mistakes in the expedition against Manila. They should, he says, have
first seized the posts about Manila, and the city would have fallen
of its own accord because of its weakness, without the necessity of
a siege; and in addition the "Filipino" would not have been able to
escape. Another mistake was made in allowing Anda to form his army.

The following communications are interesting as showing the diplomatic
side of the British expedition against Manila. These letters all bear
the same pressmark as the present document (all being contemporary
government copies of the real originals), and are to be found at
folios 15-16 verso, 23, 23 verso, 33 verso, 34, and 45.


21 Janry 1763

To Gover. Crommelin

Sir

As it is my duty to acquaint his majesty's principal Secretary of
State with all important Transactions in which his majesty's Troops in
this part of the World are concerned. I beg leave to request you will
send me the Paragraph of the Letter relative to the Capture of Manila
that I may transmit it to England by this opportunity. I also request
you will order the Packet to be kept open until you have received my
Letter which shall be sent as soon as possible. Had I been acquainted
with this sooner, I should not have troubled you to detain the Packet.

I am

&ca. S. L. M.



From the Goverr.             21 Janry 1763

Sir

I am favoured with yours of this date and agreeable to your Request
our Secretary is directed to send you a Copy of the advise we received
yesterday relative to the Capture of manila and to keep the Packet
open till he receives your letter.

I am &ca.

Signed Cha Crommelin



From Mr. Ramsay             21 Janry 1763

Sir

I am directed by the Hoñble the Presedt, and Council to tend you
the accompanying copy of a Paragraph of a Letter from the Chief and
Factors at Tellicherry containing the agreeable news of the surrender
of manila to his majesty's arms on which important acquisition,
I beg leave, Sir, to congratulate and am respectfully Sir &ca

Signed Andw. Ramsay Secry



Copy of a Paragraph of a Letter from the Chief & Factors at Tellicherry
to the President and Council at Bombay dated 10 January 1763 it
received 20th following LB Express Boat, "We addressed you under
the 28th. & 29th. ultimo LB ship Royal Admiral and the Chief
having received by a Private Letter from the Resident at Calicutt,
the agreeable news of a Macao ship arrived at Cochin, bringing
advice of the surrender of manila in four days to Admiral Cornish
we dispatch this Boat, tho unacquainted with any other particulars,
Chiefly to advise your Honour &ca, of it, and Request your acceptance
of our Congratulations on so Considerable an acquisition. Immediately
on our learning any further accounts we shall send away another Boat
with them,

A True Copy.

signed Andw. Ramsay Secry.



To the Earl of Bute     21 Janry 1763

My Lord

Having the Honour to Command his Majesty's Troops here, I esteem it
my duty to send your Lordship the enclosed Paragraph of a Letter of
the Governour & Council here received yesterday from the Chief and
Factors at Tellicherry of which we hourly expect confirmation. I
have the Honour to congratulate your Lordship on the success of his
Majesties arms & of being with the highest respect

My Lord

2 Duplicates             Your Lordp. &ca. LB Express over Land
S. L. M.



From Mr. Ramsay Secretary     2d February (sic) 1763

Sir

I am directed by the Hoñble the President and Council to send you the
enclosed attested Copy of a Paragraph of a Letter received yesterday
from the Chief and Factors at Tellicherry and to acquaint you that
the Tartar snow, which has hither to been detained at Surat Bar,
in Expectation of receiving a more Certain and particular accot. of
the Capture of Manilha will shortly be dispatched from thence, if
therefore you have any further advices to transmit to Europe you will
be pleased to prepare them, as soon as possible that they may be duly
forwarded by Sir &ca.

signed Adw. Ramsay Secry

follows the Paragraph

"We have received no further particulars regarding Manilha except
that the day of it's surrender was the 6th october.



To Mr. Ramsay           2d February 1763

Sir

I have just now received your Letter enclosing a Paragraph from
Tellicherry, and I here with send you a Letter for the secrety. of
state, which I desire you will forward by the Tartar snow,

I am &ca.

S. L. M.



To the Earl of Bute          2d February 1763

My Lord

Having just now had the enclosed Paragraph sent me by the Governour &
Council here I do myself the Honour of immediately transmitting it
to your Lordship

I am &ca.

S. L. M.



A letter from "Captain Duff of the 89th Regimt.," dated "Fort
St. George 24 Jañry 1763" contains the following:

"In my letter sent by Captn Morrison I mentioned the news of this
place at that time, in particular the arrival of Captain Wood of the
Company's Troops from Manilha with the account of the surrender of
that place to General Draper the 6th of last October he says that
the Field officers have all made their fortunes and that General
Draper with Colonel Scott and two or three more officers were to go
home in November on board the seahorse man of War. It is said each
of the field officers have Cleared £ 12,000 and in the event of the
acapulco ship being taken, of which they seemed to be pretty certain
they should share very near as much more. The General and admirals
shares are prodigious."

The above paragraph was sent by S. L. M. to the "Governour & Council,
4 march 1763"

A letter from "General Lawrence, Fort, St. George 9 February 1763"
says:

"The Expedition to Manila has deprived us of so many men & we are not
likely to have them again, that we are in great want here. I beg you
will remind the Governour of sending the remainder of Monsons whenever
opportunity's offer."

[28] A correspondent writes to the editor of Scots Magazine under
date of June 21, 1767 (see Scots Magazine for 1767, pp. 305, 306)
the following: "By an advertisement in the Daily Advertiser of
the 13th instant, notice is given to the officers and soldiers who
are intitled to share in the capture of Manilla, that they will,
on the 3d of July next, be paid their respective shares of the sum
of 8053 l. 17 s. 8d. arising from sales of stores taken at Manilla,
and other prizes; 'one third part of the sum being first deducted,
as the proportion allotted to the East-India company.' And as many
disputes have arisen concerning the right of the East-India company
to share in those conquests, permit me to state the matter in its
true light. In the years 1757 and 1758, the East-India company's
principal settlements in that part of the world, were in the utmost
danger of being totally ruined, and their trade destroyed, by the
superior forces of the French; and on a proper representation to
government, a fleet was fitted out at a very considerable national
expence, to save them from the then impending ruin. The forces sent
out in the year 1758 for this purpose, met with the desired success:
Calcutta was retaken; Pondecherry, Vellure, Arney, and several other
principal forts, cities, and garrisons, were taken from the French,
with money, stores, ammunition, and other effects, to the amount of
some millions, which the East-India company, or their servants, took
the entire possession of, and have appropriated to their own use,
though by the laws of conquest, as well as by his Majesty's gracious
declaration, the whole of the booty belongs to those brave officers,
soldiers, and seamen, who were at the reduction of those important
conquests. After the uncommon fatigues and hardships of his Majesty's
troops in the reduction of those places, they were ordered to the siege
of Manilla; which they took by storm: and that city being afterwards
ransomed by the Spaniards for one million Sterling, this powerful and
generous ally, the East-India company, was modest enough to demand
only one-third part of the entire ransom; and one-fourth part of
the said million Sterling being paid shortly after the conquest,
and hostages delivered to his Majesty's commanders, as sureties for
payment of the remainder, the East-India company were accordingly
paid one third part of 250,000 l. and the hostages delivered over
to their governor there; but, for reasons best known to themselves,
their governor thought proper to deliver up the said hostages to the
Spaniards, without taking any further security for the payment of
the remainder of the ransom, being 750,000 l. and therefore not one
shilling thereof has been since paid. This, Sir, is the true state
of this shameful and scandalous transaction, which I have no doubt
but you will speedily communicate to the public."

[29] Published with the first two of the following "Proposals" and
"Conditions" in London Gazette, April 16-19, 1763; London Chronicle,
1763, pp. 369-370; London Magazine, 1763, pp. 212-214; Dublin Magazine,
1763, pp. 245-248; Universal Magazine, 1763, pp. 199-201.

[30] This date is given as the 7th in Colonel Draper's Answer, and in
Draper's Plain Narrative; but all other sources available give the 6th.

[31] These signatures are omitted by Scots Magazine; we take them
from The Universal Magazine.

[32] These signatures are taken from The Universal Magazine.

[33] Possibly for Orden tercera, referring to the tertiary branch of
one of the religious orders.

[34] Draper's Journal should be compared throughout with Rojo's. The
Spanish figures for the English force are as follows: 13 warships,
which the blind authorities believed to be a Chinese trading fleet
(Malo de Luque's Establecimientos ultramarinos, Madrid, 1790, v,
p. 238); 1,500 European soldiers; two companies of artillerymen;
3,000 European seamen armed with muskets; 800 Sepoy musketeers,
and 1,400 for work--a total of 6,830 men. See Montero y Vidal, ii,
p. 13; and Rojo's Journal, post.

[35] Some Armenian merchants from Madras told the archbishop that
a squadron was being prepared there for the capture of Manila. A
certain secular priest had a letter which contained the same news;
while Father Cuadrado, O.S.A., received another letter which mentioned
the declaration of war between England and Spain. On September 14, word
was received in Manila from the outposts on the island of Corregidor
of the appearance of a vessel there the preceding day. A small boat
sent ashore from this vessel inquired how many vessels were in the
bay, and whether the "Filipino" had entered. This vessel left on the
17th without any salute. This produced no other sensation in Manila
than some slight suspicions, and no preparations were taken. Word was,
however, despatched to the "Filipino" to make some other port than at
Manila. See Le Gentil's Voyage, ii, pp. 236, 237; Montero y Vidal,
ii, pp. 12, 13; and Sitio y conquista de Manila (Zaragoza, 1897),
by Marquis de Ayerbe, pp. 33, 34.

[36] While the Spaniards were deliberating on the defense of this
place, the British captured it. Two companies of fifty men each
who had been sent for its defense fled on seeing the British before
them, with the exception of twenty-five men, under Captain Baltasar
Cosar. See Sitio y conquista de Manila, p. 38.

[37] Called César Fallet in the Spanish accounts, but Le Gentil
gives his name as Fayette. He was a French officer then in the Spanish
service, and was later at Pondicherry. See post, Rojo's Journal. Rojo's
account makes the Spanish force larger.

[38] The council of war called on the twenty-fifth of September
(the twenty-sixth, English date) because of the English summons for
surrender, was attended by the following, under the presidency of
the archbishop: Auditors Villacorta, Galbán, and Anda; the fiscal
Francisco Leandro de Viana; the marquis de Villamediana, master-of-camp
and commandant of the garrison; Martin de Goicocoa, sargento-mayor
of the city; the marquis de Monte-Castro y Llana Hermosa, Leandro
Rodríguez Varela, alcalde-in-ordinary; José Antonio Memije y Quirós,
alguacil-mayor; Antonio Díaz Conde, provincial alcalde of the
Hermandad; Alberto Jacinto Reyes, accountant; and Fernando Carabeo,
royal official. After Draper's letter was read, all voted unanimously:
"That inasmuch as this place was in condition to continue its defense,
as no especial harm had been seen to have been done by the enemy,
notwithstanding the continual and lively firing from the 23d when
the siege commenced until the present, therefore they are unanimous
and in harmony in their opinion that this place should be defended
until the last extremity; and the enemy should be informed to the
effect that the Spanish arms did not surrender to any power, for
they alone venerated their sovereign, whose royal sovereignty never
deserted his faithful vassals, not even in the most remote part of
this dominion, as were these islands, in which the love and loyalty
of their inhabitants was great, and obliged them to the defense of
this place." See Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 16, 17.

[39] Cf. Rojo's description of the fortifications of Manila, post.

[40] Various boats were overturned during the wind, and some of those
who escaped to land, among them some Malabar deserters, begged shelter
from the Spaniards, but it was refused them with volleys, whereupon
they fled. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 50, 51.

[41] "In Manila was a Beata who lived on the alms sent her from
Mexico, or those which she collected in Manila. She maintained and
supported a certain number of girls, who consented to retire with
her and to lead the same manner of life--that is to say, a life of
retreat and repentance. They followed the rules of no particular
order. That community did not have the approbation of the court of
Rome, but that did not prevent it from being tolerated, and even
from being in excellent odour. She was called Mother Paula. The
fiscal had much confidence in her, and sent the greatest part of
his possessions to the house of this woman. This Beata assured
him that Manila would not fall; that the English were all going to
become Catholics; and that the fulfilment of her prediction would
speedily be seen. The fiscal believed her. Completely enthused,
he went to find the archbishop. 'Sir,' said he, on saluting him,
'we have nothing to fear; I have just left Mother Paula; the English
are all going to be converted to the faith; we shall drink excellent
wine at their expense.'" See Le Gentil, ii, pp. 240, 241.

[42] Accompanying the map shown on p. 95, is the following:

"Notice:

"Although yellow is generally used to designate works projected, it
has been necessary to employ it here in the stone buildings existing,
for the lack of carmen. For lack of verdigris, emery has been employed
in the wash for the seashores, rivers, etc.

"That part washed with Chinese ink represents the islands that have at
present houses of wood, bamboo, and nipa. Those which are designated
by lines without washing were burned during the siege.

"The squares or islands with houses are represented by dots. Those
unwashed are of stone, which were also burned.

"The part washed in verditer shows the gardens and rice fields.

"In the delineation and washing of this plan, several defects are
noted, which are to be excused as it was made at sea, under the
necessary discomfort of the balancing of the boat, and lack of what
was needful for its perfection. The explanation is sent separately,
as there is no room on this sheet [marco]." Scale 200 Castilian varas
to 4 1/4 cm. The size of the original MS. map is 59 x 48 cm.

[43] The Marquis de Ayerbe says (Sitio y conquista, p. 60) that
forty of these men were killed, among them being several wounded men,
one of whom was the sargento-mayor, Martin de Goycoa (sic).

[44] Many of the inhabitants of Manila fled to the Pasig after the
assault, and when attempting to swim across, were fired upon by the
British, with horrible carnage. See Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 27, 28.

[45] The captors imposed several contributions on the conquered. They
seized a champan and its money and effects that was despatched without
a passport by Fernando Calderón to the provinces for purposes of
trade. See Sitio y conquista, p. 70.

[46] At the assault of the royal gate, the enemy lost but four men, one
of whom was a major, who received an arrow in the face. The commander
of the regiment, Miguel Valdés and some men basely fled. See Sitio
y conquista, pp. 60, 61.

[47] Published with the following appendices in London Gazette, 1763;
London Chronicle, 1763, pp. 377-379; Gentleman's Magazine, 1763,
pp. 171-176; London Magazine, 1763, pp. 214-219; Dublin Magazine,
1763, pp. 248-255; Universal Magazine, 1763, pp. 202-206; and vol. ii
of The Field of Mars, 1781.

[48] A number of maps by this man exist in the archives of the Indies,
at Seville.

[49] See Report of the War Department for 1903 (Washington, 1903),
iii, pp. 434-446: "Historical Sketch of the Walls of Manila."

[50] "The English knew as much of the weakness of that city as
the Spaniards themselves, because of the voyages that they made
there annually. There was (and the same was true in 1766 and 1767)
the greatest freedom of going everywhere, of seeing and visiting
everything. When I left that city, I could easily have given an
idea of the plan of the fortifications of that place. The Spaniards
were without distrust in this regard. The English knew besides that
the garrison was very weak, and composed of Mexican soldiers, good
enough indeed, but of little skill in the military art, as they had
never fired a gun; and composed, in a word, of soldiers, sufficient to
impose on Negroes, but incapable of opposing well disciplined troops,
accustomed for some years to fighting in India." See Le Gentil, ii,
p. 236.

[51] Cf. with this statement the letter by Baltasar Vela, S.J., post,
pp. 288-295.

[52] This was Lieutenant Fernando Arcaya. See Sitio y conquista de
Manila, p. 36.

[53] Ferrando (Historia de los PP. dominicos, Madrid, 1871, iv,
p. 621), says that the first summons for surrender from Cornish and
Draper demanded the immediate delivery of eight million escudos,
the equivalent of four million pesos.

[54] "After consulting the royal assembly of these islands the governor
replied: 'Gran Bretaña must know already that fear and threats are not
the securest method nor the most fitting means to celebrate treaties
with the noble servants of the Spanish sovereign. History has shown the
world that Spaniards know how to die like good men for their God, for
their king, and for their fatherland, but never to yield in the face
of danger, much less to be intimidated by arrogant threats. Go, then,
and bear this message to your chiefs; and tell them that we here are
ready in any event to sell our lives dear.'" See Ferrando, iv, p. 621.

[55] After the taking of the Augustinian convent at Malate, the
archbishop issued a circular to all the religious orders, telling them
"that it was now time for them to leave their cloisters and aid in
the defense of the city," which they did gladly. Later, he ordered
all the orders to furnish soldiers, and many of the religious entered
the ranks. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 39, 50.

[56] "These were the two churches that Arandía desired to have
demolished one year before his death, and for which the friars tried
to excommunicate him. It is quite certain that these two citadels
which were only eighty toises from the body of the city, hastened and
furthered the capture of the city. By favor of these churches, the
English raised and formed their batteries of cannons and mortars with
the greatest ease.... I have seen the ruins of one of these churches,
whose walls were yet high enough to make excellent retrenchments with
very little labor." See Le Gentil, ii, pp. 239, 240.

[57] In this boat were captured money amounting to 30,000 pesos,
and other objects of value. See Sitio y conquista, p. 42.

[58] The Marquis de Ayerbe (Sitio y conquista) gives this force
as consisting of two companies of fifty Spaniards, and more than
two hundred Indians and mestizos with spears, muskets, and two
eight-pounders. He was seconded by José del Busto.

[59] Of this sortie, Le Gentil says (ii, p. 243): "This sortie was only
a kind of boast and bravado, for how could one flatter himself, with at
the most sixty men (for I do not take any account of the eight hundred
Indians and two small cannons) that he could give any trouble to six
thousand men of good troops, withdrawn into two or three citadels,
which it would really have been necessary to have besieged in order
to try to dislodge them; for the walls of all these churches are made
of cut stone, and are as thick as the walls of the royal observatory,
namely, five or six feet thick, and are octagonal." The reënforcements
sent to Fayette consisted of two Spanish companies and 1,500 Indians,
commanded by Pedro Iriarte; and later one other company commanded by
Fernando de Araya.

Opinions are divided as to the conduct of Fayette (Fallet), some
accusing him of treason and others exonerating him. Ferrando (iv,
p. 623) says, when speaking of his night sortie, that he retired only
because of superior numbers, and adds: "Without reason and justice,
the suspicion of treason against the French official (Sr. Fallet) who
directed that sortie according to good principles of [military] science
(which do not always triumph over tenfold the number of legions),
would lie then on the conscience of the country." At the assault,
however (ut supra, p. 628), Fayette, who was ordered to guard the
breach in the wall, was with some reason accused of treason because
of the lukewarmness which he displayed in its defense; and because he
finally went over to the British lines, being received there gladly. In
fact when the British were forming for the assault Fayette had ordered
the Indian archers to retire from the breach under pretext of taking
some refreshment and rest before the assault--which was well calculated
to aggravate suspicions. The English, seeing this move, were quick
to take advantage of it. Monterory Vidal says (ii, p. 27) that he
played the traitor at the assault by not offering any resistance. The
Marquis de Ayerbe (Sitio y conquista, p. 44) calls him a Swiss.

[60] This was doubtless the officer with the second British summons for
surrender. It was probably at the council held in consequence of this
(see ante, note 38), that the fiscal, Leandro de Viana, was appointed
to see after the supply of provisions for the defense of the city. He
issued orders to the alcaldes-mayor of the various provinces, and to
the procurators of the convents, from whose estates much rice and
other effects were received. Viana advised the archbishop to leave
all military matters to the sargentos-mayor of Manila and Cavite,
but the latter refused to do so. See Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 17.

[61] On the twenty-sixth 3,000 Indian archers from the provinces
of Pampanga, Bulacán, and Laguna; but neither these volunteers nor
4,000 others armed with quivers, who joined later were very greatly
feared by the English because of their inexperience in the art of war
and their primitive armor. A contemporary paper gives the following
data: "Report of the men-at-arms whom it has been possible to collect
inside and outside the place, without including the troops or militia:
600 men from the province of Bulacán, in Bancusay; 1,950 Pampangos,
in San Fernando and the barracks of the accountancy; 150 Pampangos in
the palace, in charge of Santa María; 133 men in the archiepiscopal
house, 38 of them with muskets being Tagalogs; 110 men from Meycaoyan
and Bocaue, in the house of Dorado; 153 men from Hagonoy; 150 men
from Bulacán; 60 from Guiguinto; 72 from various villages; total
3,378." See Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 18.

[62] He refused absolutely to accept the freedom offered him by Draper
until he received an order from the archbishop to that effect. See
Sitio y conquista, p. 43.

[63] The Marquis de Ayerbe (Sitio y conquista, p. 48) says that 500
Indians left the plaza de armas in command of the archbishop, ministers
of the Audiencia, and some of the citizens, on the twenty-ninth,
but that they were quickly put to flight by the English fire.

[64] September 30, the Spaniards received a reinforcement of 609
men from Bulacán, as follows: from Paombong, 82 men, under command
of Sebastian Lorenzo; Bocaue, 149 men, under command of Augusto
Percumenla; Calumpit, 16 men, under Juan Panganiban; Malolos, 45 men,
under Anastasio Bautista; Obando, 53 men, under Pedro C. Salvador;
Angat, 79 men, under Nicolás de Aquino; San José, 30 men, under
Nicolás Matías; Polo, 75 men, under Juan Roque; and Bigáa, 80 men,
under Domingo Francisco. See Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 21. On the first
and second of October they were furnished with arrows, spears, and
other weapons (Sitio y conquista, pp. 51, 52).

[65] At dawn of the third of October, a sally was made by 2,000
Pampangos arranged in three columns: the first in command of Francisco
Rodríguez and their valiant leader Manalastas; the second in command
of Santiago Orendaín; and the third, in command of the volunteers
Esclava and Busto. The first reached the church of Santiago, which
they found empty, but were driven thence by the British. The second
bore down upon Ermita, where they were at first successful, but were
speedily driven back by the British, with a loss of 200 men, Orendaín
fleeing at the beginning of the engagement, which is regarded as proof
of his treachery. The third column, which was to have attacked by
the sea side, grew faint hearted and retreated. Many natives, alarmed
because the British had hanged more than sixty Pampangos whom they had
captured, returned to their homes. See Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 22, 23.

[66] The military men who were mainly Americans, counseled surrender,
at the council held by the archbishop on the third of October,
but their advice was overruled by the marquis de Monte-Castro,
the magistrates, the religious, and the merchants. This council,
as is evident from the record by Orendaín, the government secretary,
was called on account of a threatening letter from the British. See
Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 23-25, and note; and post, pp. 206-208.

[67] Some religious were ordered by the marquis de Monte-Castro to lead
some Indians to the foundry to make tools for making the ditch. But
this was not done, in spite of Father Pascual Fernández, of the
Society of Jesus, teacher of mathematics, and the other religious,
having worked with the greatest zeal. See Sitio y conquista, p. 56.

[68] The governor continued to give various orders which were
not obeyed, and the master-of-camp limited himself to ordering the
religious to prevent the Indians from mounting the bastions, on this
account great confusion reigning in the city.

[69] As the British troops debouched into the square of the palace,
their column could have been annihilated by the batteries of the fort
of Santiago, but the archbishop did not permit them to fire, as he
feared the vengeance of the English general. See Montero y Vidal,
ii, p. 28.

[70] At the Parián gate, the resistance was but slight. Seventeen
of the British were killed there, and but five of the Spaniards. See
Sitio y conquista, p. 61.

[71] The archbishop promised the conquerors 1,000,000 pesos for the
expenses of their squadron if they were exempted from the sack.

[72] Ferrando (iv, p. 631) says: "Finally the killing ceased, but the
sack continued contrary to the previous agreement, without the lewdness
of the soldiers pardoning either the honor of the married women or
the virginity of girls, who were everywhere the victims of their
brutal appetites.... According to old histories, many young women,
who had taken refuge during the danger, at the beaterio of Santa Rosa
of this city of Manila, were violated. The venerable mother Paula,
foundress and directress of said institution, asserted that not one
of the girl boarders and collegiates of the house had been violated
by the brutal soldiery."

"There also entered the plaza de armas on this day [October 5],
five hundred marines, dressed, armed, and uniformed like the regular
English troops, who committed all kinds of excesses in the convents,
churches, and houses." A MS. by Alfonso Rodriguez de Ovalle entitled
Sitio de Manila (written in 1763), cited by Marquis de Ayerbe, p. 60.

[73] Evidently Lieutenant Hardwick.

[74] The following account of the assault is taken from Le Gentil,
ii, pp. 252-255:

"Archbishop Roxo was a capable man for the good management of
finances. He was clever in business and very zealous for the
service of the king. But he did not understand anything of military
affairs. Consequently, the factions which were formed, and which he
was unable to resist, were the cause of his not capitulating in time,
and those factions caused the misfortune of Manila.

"It would be difficult to form an idea of the embarrassment in which
this prelate found himself, and of the consternation of the entire
village. I have been assured that the name of Arandia, that man whom
the friars had, two years previously, dubbed a heretic, and toward
whom they had been so hostile that no one could be found who would
take charge of his funeral oration, was heard pronounced several
times. 'If Arandia were living,' said one, several times during the
siege. It was perceived then that they lacked a man to direct. Several
times the archbishop wished to capitulate, but he was prevented. Don
Andres Roxo has assured me very emphatically, that had the archbishop
been alone, and had he not been besieged on one side by the auditors,
and on the other by the friars, he would not have waited until the
English had mounted to the assault. It was in fine a notorious fact
at the time of my stay in Manila, that the fiscal and especially an
auditor, who has died since my departure, were the cause of Roxo not
capitulating in time. Many councils, indeed, were held, but nothing
was determined there. These councils, besides, were very illy made up;
for, if the military men were excused from it, what good could come
from appealing from the auditors there, who knew nothing in this line,
and from fanatic friars. The latter made use of Mother Paula, whom
they pretended had had visions of St. Francis. They carried the news of
those visions to the archbishop, and did what they could to support him
in the flattering idea that St. Francis would work a miracle in favor
of the inhabitants of Manila and that one would see him on the breach,
with his cord in his hand, defending and sustaining the assault, as
he had formerly repulsed the Chinese, who, so they said at Manila,
had risen against this city to the number of more than twenty thousand.

"While the English were pressing Manila, the auditors were besieging
the archbishop, and prevented any one from approaching to speak with
him. Monsieur Fayette, more experienced than the other officers,
seeing the evident danger which was threatening the city, tried,
in spite of the difficulty in penetrating thither, into the presence
of the archbishop, to leap the barrier. Auditor ---- was performing
constant guard duty in the anti-chamber. It was impossible for Monsieur
Fayette to get nearer. He told the auditor what brought him. The latter
sent him back very roughly, giving him to understand that he was an
ignoramus in the trade; that the governor was better informed than he;
that the ministers of the king, who were there to assist the governor
by their counsels, knew all that was to be done. 'Do you take us,'
said he in wrath, 'do you take us for traitors to our fatherland? Do
we not know our obligations?'

"Monsieur Fayette retired. That same afternoon, the archbishop desired
to go in person to view the breach (a fact that has been attested to
me) but Auditor ---- and the fiscal prevented him. They did not wish,
they said, to have his most illustrious Lordship expose himself to so
evident a danger. It is true that, since they were near his person in
order to assist him with their counsels, it would have been necessary
for the two auditors to have accompanied him in his visit.

"Don Andres Roxo has shown me a copy of one of the letters written
to the king by this prelate, when he was near death, in which he
gave his Majesty an account of his conduct, and asked his pardon
for the errors which he had committed. When speaking of the matter
that we have just seen concerning the visit to the breach, he says
'Would to God that a cannon ball had then shortened my days.'

"Next morning bout six o'clock, the same officer (Monsieur Fayette)
returned to make a second attempt. He succeeded finally in getting
quite into the apartment of the archbishop, but it was after he had
deceived and thrown the watchful auditor off his guard. It was then
too late to deliberate. A messenger announced that the enemy were at
the breach, in possession of the bastion of the foundry.

"The English were divided into three columns. The one which was to
mount the breach was preceded by thirty volunteers and pioneers who
were the first to mount, but who probably well knew that they would
find but very little or no opposition.

"The breach was scarcely practicable, and these volunteers had some
difficulty in mounting. Arrived at the bastion, they saw no one to
dispute the ground with them. They cried out to their comrades that
they had found no obstacles, and in fact, the few people that had been
stationed on the bastion had become affrighted, and had fled in both
directions along the wall. Some even threw themselves down from the
walls. The column seeing that these volunteers met no resistance on
the bastion, bravely mounted the breach, and took the bastion. The
volunteers went to the royal gate, where they found a feeble guard,
who, frightened, had taken refuge under an altar of the Virgin which
was in the guardhouse, and before which all the guard were wont to
recite the rosary night and morning. The guard thought that they
were safe from all danger, but the English, having few scruples,
massacred them. They opened the gates to the rest of the troops,
who were only Sepoys, who composed the second column. Thus was Manila
taken by assault."

[75] Anda's baptismal record which is published by Montero y Vidal, ii,
appendix, pp. 606, 607, shows that he was baptized in the church of San
Esteban Protomártir in the village of Subijana de Alava on October 23,
1709. His burial (ut supra, p. 608) is noted in the burial book of
the Manila cathedral under date of October 31, 1776. He was buried
by the famous archbishop, Basilio Sancho de Santa Justa y Rufina,
who was, like Anda, a fighter. See also VOL. XVII, pp. 297, 298.

[76] Law clxxx is as follows: "In some of our Audiencias of the
Indias, it has happened, and it might happen, that the auditors of it
may be absent, and only one auditor remain. We declare in such case
that the Audiencia is to be conserved and continued with only one
auditor." [Felipe III, San Lorenzo, August 14, 1620.] For law lviii,
see VOL. XVII, pp. 313, 314.

[77] All the religious orders but the Jesuits proved loyal and
assisted with money and actual force. The latter maintained most
cordial relations with the enemy. In the summary exposition which was
sent to the pope regarding this matter, it was shown that they preached
against the government, and that their provincial had illicit relations
with Draper during the occupancy of Manila. This was partly the reason
for their expulsion by Cárlos III. In the archives at Simancas, legajo
288 of "Gracia y justicia," exists a document charging the Jesuits
as traitors for their action during the war with the British. See
Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 36, and note. See the letter, post, in which
the Jesuits charge the archbishop with direct treason. The following
items from British magazines are instructive and may partly explain
the Jesuit letter.

"Letters from France advise that his Catholic Majesty will be no
great loser by our taking the Manilas, as the whole of that trade
was in the hands of the Jesuits. A proposal was made to the late
King of Spain, to put a stop to that trade, it being a loss to both
his Majesty and the Spanish nation; but the Jesuit had art enough to
prevent its taking effect." (Scots Magazine, 1763, p. 235.)

"London, Nov. 3. They write from Cadiz, that the treasure belonging
to the Jesuits at Manilla, lately confiscated by orders of the court,
was said to amount to near 20,000,000 pieces of eight, exclusive of
jewels, diamonds, and church-plate." (Scots Magazine, 1763, p. 605.)

"London, Sept. 24. According to letters from Madrid, three eighths of
the treasure drawn from the commerce carried on between Manilla and
Acapulco, had centred among the Spanish Jesuits, amounting annually
to eight millions of dollars." (Scots Magazine, 1767, p. 494.)

[78] This letter is published by Malo de Luque, v, pp. 268, 269; Mas,
i, p. 142; and Montero y Vidal, ii, appendix, p. 579.

[79] Published in Malo de Luque, v, pp. 269-276; Mas, i, pp. 142-146;
and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 580-583.

[80] Law lvii is as follows: "We order that in the absence of viceroy
or president, so that he cannot govern, our royal Audiencias succeed
to the government, and that the government reside in them, as it could
in the viceroy or president when they performed those duties. The
senior auditor shall be president, and he alone shall make and enact
all the measures belonging to and annexed to the president. And if
the president should be captain-general, the senior auditor shall
also exercise that office until his successor is appointed by us, or
until one is sent who shall have powers to act as such by our orders,
unless the opposite or contrary is ordered in some Audiencias by the
laws of this book." [Felipe II, Toledo, May 25, 1596, ordinance 43,
concerning Audiencias; Felipe IV, Madrid, April 8, 1629; and in this
Recopilación.]

[81] This testimony, which is given by Mas, i, pp. 139-141, and
Montero y Vidal, Historia, ii, appendix, pp. 577-579, notes that
Anda was appointed by the archbishop, in his capacity of governor
and captain-general, as lieutenant governor and captain-general of
the islands, in due form, sealed with the arms of the archbishop
and countersigned by Ramón Orendain, chief government secretary,
on October 1. On the same day he was appointed visitor general, by
the royal Audiencia, of all the provinces of the islands, the royal
provision therefor being despatched with the royal seal registered by
Andres José Rojo, lieutenant of the grand chancellor, and countersigned
by Juan de Monroy, assembly secretary. He was received in his official
capacity in the province of Bulacan, and when, on the fifth, news was
received of the assault and capture of Manila by the British, upon him
devolved the duties of the royal Audiencia, and of the governor and
captain-general. The treasurer Nicolás de Echauz Beaumont was ordered
to move the moneys in his charge into the interior. Accordingly he
went to the province of Laguna, but for greater security was ordered
to go later to Pampanga.

[82] Montero y Vidal's version reads "loyalty to the king, ... and
defense of these provinces, without giving or allowing terms for
their foreign subjection to the slightest degree"--a better reading.

[83] Anda left Manila with but 500 pesos. See Sitio y conquista, p. 80.

[84] Montero y Vidal reads "what is not allowed."

[85] This passport reads as follows: "This is to certify that
Don Simon de Anda y Salazar, minister of his Catholic Majesty,
has my permission to come with all safety to this city. This order
is directed to each one to whom it pertains, so that he may allow
him to pass, in accordance with its contents. Guillermo Drapert,
commander-in-chief. General barracks, October 25, 1762. I retain
the original in my possession, in order that it may run no risk
[of being destroyed or lost]. Your Lordship may come without the
slightest fear. The Archbishop."

[86] This date is easily explained by the fact that the British used
the calendar of India, which was one day in advance of that of the
Spanish in the Philippines.

[87] An edict issued by Anda on October 26, 1762, after protesting
against British occupation, orders the alcaldes-mayor to pay no heed
to despatches or orders issued by the archbishop, either in his own
name or that of the British. The bearers of such despatches are to
be arrested.

[88] On September 24, the British leaders had issued their first
manifesto for the native populations, reassuring the natives that
no harm would be done them and that they would be allowed freedom of
worship if they did not aid the Spaniards. See Ingleses en Filipinas
(MS.), pp. 80, 81; and Sitio y conquista, pp. 39, 40.

[89] Published by Montero y Vidal, in his Historia, ii, appendix,
pp. 587-589. It is dated October 28 in this version, and is signed by
Juan Monroy and Ramon de Orendaín, in addition to the archbishop. It
is also contained in another MS. belonging to Edward E. Ayer, where
it is dated October 28.

[90] The "Filipino" carried according to a contemporaneous account,
two and one-half millions of pesos fuertes. See Ferrando, iv, p. 624.

[91] Dawson Drake took over the command of Manila October 10, 1762. See
Sitio y conquista, p. 69.

[92] Other things demanded in the petition of the natives were: the
return of the tribute that had been collected; the removal of the
schoolmaster and the church fiscal; the removal of the alcalde-mayor
of the province; permanence of office for the then master-of-camp of
the province (Ferrando, iv, p. 660).

[93] The Marquis de Ayerbe says (Sitio y conquista, pp. 91-93)
that nine hundred Sangleys conspired against Anda at Guagua, who in
connivance with those of Manila, numbered more than 5,000. Anda was
informed of the conspiracy by a native. By his promptness of action,
he attacked and defeated the entrenched Sangleys, capturing from them
nine barrels of powder, many guns, and nine thousand pesos.

[94] In the Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar, Madrid, there is a tastefully
carved plate of some hard Philippine wood, on which are three separate
inscriptions, also carved in the wood. This plate was set up by Anda on
the gate of the village of Sesmoan in the province of Pampanga. When
the walls were destroyed, this plate was preserved in the house of
the parish priest and was later (1857) sent to Manila where it was
preserved in the Audiencia building (June 1, 1858), as a memorial of
the signal services of Anda.

[95] Published by Malo de Luque, v, pp. 278-281; Mas, i, pp. 167,
168; and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp, 590, 591.

[96] The provincial and all the fathers of the college of Santa Cruz
were imprisoned on mere suspicion; and the same was done with the
prior of the Augustinian convent. All the religious and students of
Santo Tomás were imprisoned, and charged with urging the soldiers
to desert. The British took advantage of this to search the convents
and carry off what they wished. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 75, 76.

[97] Bernardo Pazuengos was born at Garnica in the diocese of
Calahorra, May 22, 1706. He was admitted into the Jesuit order,
October 9, 1720, and went to the Philippines in 1732, where he taught
philosophy and theology at Manila. Returning to Spain as procurator,
he went to Mexico in 1754. In 1764 (sic, in Sommervogel, but this
date must be an error, as he is provincial in 1763), he was made
provincial of the Philippines. See Sommervogel, vi, cols. 413, 414.

[98] When Villacorta was arrested, the English promised to liberate
him if Anda would retire from Pampanga to some other province (Martinez
de Zúñiga, p. 648).

[99] Published in Malo de Luque, v, pp. 290-292; Mas, i, pp. 170-172;
and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 593, 594.

[100] The library of Mr. Edward E. Ayer, of Chicago contains a
series of manuscripts bound into one document, and entitled: "Papers
apropos of the representation of the royal Audiencia and the posts
of governor and captain general having devolved upon Sr. Don Simon
de Anda y Salasar; and the measures taken by him as such during the
invasion of the English at that capital." From a paper accompanying
this MS. we translate as follows: "In the 63 useful sheets of which it
is composed, it contains original testimonies of those appointments,
acts, measures, and autograph orders, dictated and directed by Anda to
all the authorities of those islands in order that he might keep the
country obedient and under the dominion of his Majesty, during the
war sustained against the English in 1762 and the following years,
in which the English gained control of Manila and Cavite, until they
were expelled and said places recovered by the Spaniards; with the
original replies and testimonies of obedience and respect, which were
given to Anda as such captain general by the prelates, alcaldes-mayor,
provincial chiefs, reverend fathers of the religious orders, and all
the natives of the country; evidence of the offers made him; replies
of the said Anda to them; and other details interesting on account
of their text, and the form and originality which they show." These
are the originals, or contemporaneous copies thereof, and cover the
years 1762-1764. Lack of space forbids the use of any of them here.

[101] A German lay brother and Santiago de Orendaín went completely
over to the English. They burned many summer residences in the suburbs,
and caused all the prisoners to swear allegiance to the British,
although many failed to keep this forced oath. See Sitio y conquista,
pp. 73, 74.

[102] Among the prisoners taken by the enemy were the king of Joló and
his son Israel, who bore themselves like brave men, and more honorably
than some of the Spaniards who fought there. When the British forces
left, the king of Joló also fled in a ship of the English East India
Company. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 90, 130.

[103] Published in part in Malo de Luque, v, pp. 293-310; Mas, i,
pp. 172-181; and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 594-602. The most interesting
part, that reproduced above, is omitted by each of these writers.

[104] Space will not permit us to give in extenso an account of the
insurrection headed by Diego Silán or Silang. It was the most obstinate
of all the insurrections that broke out against the Spaniards during
the English occupation. Diego Silán was born December 16, 1730, in
Pangasinan province. As a lad he served the cura of Vigan, but being
sent down to Manila, the boat in which he took passage was wrecked on
the coast of Bolinao. All his companions were killed by the barbarous
inhabitants, but he was kept as a slave, being finally ransomed by a
Recollect friar. Later he became a messenger for the parish priest at
Vigan, and being found trustworthy was appointed to carry the letters
to Manila annually at the time the Manila boat was expected. In this
service, he acquired a wide acquaintance; and it was comparatively easy
for him after the assault of Manila to rouse the natives, under pretext
of protecting themselves from the British since the Spaniards were no
longer able to defend them. Demands formulated and presented by the
insurgents include the deposition of the alcalde-mayor, Antonio Zabala;
that office to be held by the provisor Tomás Millán; the election of
one of the four chiefs of Vigan as justice; the expulsion of all the
Spaniards and mestizos from the province; the appointment of Silán to
make head against the English. The insurrection makes great headway,
and is soon found to be an attempt to break with all Spanish authority,
and the insurgents are incited by the British, who appoint Silán
alcalde and governor of the province of Ilocos. Silán meddles with
ecclesiastical matters, opposing Bishop Ustariz, whereupon the latter
pronounces an interdict in Vigan. Augustinians seized by Silán are
imprisoned three separate times. Silán is finally killed by a Spanish
mestizo, Miguel Vicos, May 28, 1763. This insurrection was quickly
put down after the death of Silán, who was its life and exhibited a
certain amount of shrewdness and resource. But shortly after, another
insurrection was started under Silán's uncle, Nicolás Cariño, which
gained considerable headway, although it was finally stifled and quiet
restored. Anda took various measures against these insurrections,
but it was impossible for him to leave his post in Bulacan, where
English matters occupied his attention. These insurrections were
perhaps the most serious that the Spanish power in the Philippines had
yet suffered. For accounts of them, see Relación de los alzamientos
de la ciudad de Vigan, cabecera de la provincia de Ilocos, en los
años de 1762 y 1763, by Pedro de Vivar, O.S.A. (written in 1764; but
published in Manila, 1893, in vol. iv, Biblioteca historica filipina),
in which many documents are given; and Montero y Vidal's Historia, ii,
pp. 77-114. Isabelo de los Reyes, the Ilocano writer and demagogue,
praises Silán highly. See also post, pp. 298-306.

[105] Draper and Cornish sent an edict to the Filipinos on September
24, 1762, announcing that the Filipinos need have no fear of the
British fleet, provided that they do not join the Spaniards or assist
them in any way. They will be received under British protection; their
women and children will be free from outrages; full prices will be
paid them for food; they will be free to go and come as they please;
and freedom of worship will be conserved to them. If they do, on the
contrary, aid the Spanish, then they must fear the punishment that
will be inflicted. May 13, 1763, Silang writes the British assuring
them of obedience and non-aid to the Spaniards. In the same month,
the British write Silang promising to send him soon, troops, weapons,
and war supplies. The British successes in Manila, Pasig, and Maysilo,
are mentioned, while in the month just past, the fort of Batangas in
Bulacan has been captured. They are attracting all the natives of the
islands to their banners, and have treated them humanely, freeing them
from the tribute and the various ecclesiastical oppressions. The
Augustinians have been especially active against the British,
and against the vows of their profession have taken up arms, thus
occasioning the shedding of much blood. They have also treated Silang
cruelly. Therefore the British will esteem it if Silang will secure the
Augustinians, the alcalde, Antonio Zavala, and all other Spaniards,
and send the same to the English, taking possession besides of all
their property and estates. The lack of priests for the present may be
filled by seculars until the archbishop can appoint others. The British
wish to conserve the Catholic religion. No duties shall be charged
on their trading boats. The provinces of Pangasinan and Cagayan will
also be admitted under the protection of the British, if they desire
it. Silang's aid is asked against Anda and his men. With the letter
are sent copies of a manifesto inviting trade. (All these documents
are contained in the manuscript entitled Ingleses en Filipinas.)

[106] This edict is as follows: "Inasmuch as many malcontents of the
district of Señor Anda frequently come to the villages of Santa Cruz,
Binondoc, etc., for the purpose of killing the officers and soldiers
whom they meet; and since said malcontents flee precipitously as soon
as our troops go out in pursuit of them: therefore, notice is given
to all the Spaniards living in said villages, to come to live within
the city of Manila inside of one week, since we can protect them in
this way. If, perchance, they neglect to obey this order, they must
stand the consequences, for if many of said canaille gather together,
it is feasible that the governor will be necessarily obliged to order
the cannon fired among the houses, for the purpose of driving them
away." (Published in Malo de Luque, v, pp. 284-285; Mas, i, p. 183;
and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 602, 603). This edict Anda answered on the
nineteenth at Bacolor. In it the British are styled as dishonorable
men, for regarding as rebels those who are loyal to their king, and
for their offer of a reward for Anda alive or dead. The statements
in the edict of the seventeenth, namely, that the loyalist Spanish
troops are canaille and that they are on the lookout for opportunity to
murder British officers, are branded as utter falsehoods. In return,
the three men who have signed the above edict--Drake, Smith, and
Brook--are proscribed, and a price of ten thousand pesos offered for
each one, dead or alive. This edict further orders that the humane
treatment of the Spanish toward English captives or deserters be
continued as hitherto, to the extent possible. (The version from
which we condense is evidently an abridgment of the edict, which is
given entire by Malo de Luque, v, pp. 285-290; Mas, i, pp. 183-185;
Ferrando, iv, pp. 647, 648; and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 603-605.)

[107] January 28, 1763, the fiscal Viana fled the city, going to
Anda's camp, where he was gladly received, and where he became very
useful. Later Villacorta also escaped to Anda's camp. The latter and
Galbán, who had been very far from doing their duty in the time of
danger, conspired to wrest the command from Anda in case of Rojo's
death, on the grounds that most persons believed that the government
of the islands should be given to Bishop Ustáriz of Nueva Segovia. The
Franciscan and Recollect provincials, and the Jesuit superior declared
that the command belonged to Anda; while the other religious institutes
were neutral or sided with Bishop Ustáriz. The Augustinians pronounced
for Villacorta. See Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 65, 66.

[108] The preliminary peace treaties were signed between Great Britain,
France, and Spain, November 3, 1762, and the treaty of peace at Paris,
February 10, 1763.

[109] A Manila paper published in 1904 tells of the finding near
the Pasig River, during a removal of a part of the old Manila wall
on that side, in order to increase the customs warehouse capacity,
of two old British cannons, probably six-inch mortars, with the royal
arms of England and an eighteenth-century date upon them, that were
turned up by the workmen. Evidently these cannons were brought by
the British at the time of the siege of Manila. (Letter from James
A. LeRoy, October 20, 1904.)

[110] This man commanded a British force sent out to invade the
provinces and cripple Anda. He was opposed chiefly by Busto who had
joined Anda some time before. The British force attacked the church and
convent of Marisanto, where they were opposed by the alcalde-mayor,
about seventy Spaniards, and about five thousand natives, as well
as by Busto. Finally, the English took the convent and killed the
alcalde-mayor, and some Recollects and other Spaniards. Some of the
wounded took refuge in a garret of the convent, but were captured and
handed over by Slay to the Sangleys, who killed them after inflicting
severe tortures. Only two escaped by swimming across the river. See
Sitio y conquista, pp. 95-98.

[111] Some of the religious quit their habits and became leaders of
bands of ladrones. Most of the religious, however, remained loyal. See
Sitio y conquista, pp. 79, 80.

[112] By the death of the archbishop, January 30, 1764, the British
changed their tactics and recognized Anda as legal governor and
captain-general. But even after this the British soldiers sacked the
churches and houses of Cavite. See Sitio y conquista, p. 126.

[113] This treaty is published in Scots Magazine for 1763, pp. 134-142.

[114] When the British forces left, about four hundred prostitutes,
who were abandoned by their departure, fled from Manila. See Sitio
y conquista, p. 130.

[115] The Spanish troops entered Manila May 31, 1764, possession of
the city being taken by Anda, accompanied by Busto, since the new
governor ad interim, Francisco de la Torre, was sick. That night a
banquet was given to the British commanders. June 4, Brereton tendered
a banquet to Anda and other officials on his ship, the English praising
Anda profusely. June 10 and 11, the British vessels left the bay for
India. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 129-131.

[116] Montero y Vidal (ii, pp. 66, 67) says of the archbishop:
"The unfortunate archbishop Rojo died January 30, 1764. The
English gave him a solemn funeral, their troops granting him all the
military honors. This prelate was more imbecile than traitor.... His
obstinacy in submitting the islands to the dominion of the English;
his struggles against Anda, ... the absolute ignorance as to his
powers, and his mission and obligations; his pardonable ignorance of
whatever concerned the military defense of the archipelago; ... his
calm submission to whatever the English advised, even in matters
which were clearly opposed to the integrity and interests of Spain;
and other inexplicable acts: ... give an exact idea of the capacity and
character of the unfortunate one who had the misfortune to exercise a
command in such anxious times, for which he lacked the intelligence,
valor, and the conditions necessary for its proper performance." See
also ante, pp. 129-131, note 73.

[117] See document by this man in VOL. XLVII, pp. 251-284.

[118] At the death of Governor Arandía, June 1759, the government
ad interim was assumed by Miguel Lino de Espeleta, bishop of
Cebú. When Rojo took possession of the archiepiscopal see, July 22,
1759, he claimed that the government belonged to him. The auditors
Villacorta and Galbán voted for Espeleta, and Calderon and Dávila for
Rojo. Espeleta, however, was backed by the troops, and the matter was
accordingly decided in his favor. His first measure was the repeal of
the celebrated ordinances of good government compiled by Arandía. His
next step was the prosecution of Santiago Orendaín, the favorite of
Arandía, as he believed him to be the originator of the regulations
contrary to the religious, charge of the prosecution being given to
Auditor Villacorta. Orendaín took refuge in the Augustinian convent at
Tondo, but was given up and lodged in the fort of Santiago. Escaping
thence, he was received into the Recollect convent, whence he was
taken by soldiers. The matter stirred up the opposing forces, and
excommunications followed in rapid succession on both sides, the two
auditors, Calderon and Dávila being among those excommunicated. The
matter was quashed by the archbishop upon the arrival of a royal
decree appointing him governor ad interim (July, 1761). Orendaín was
liberated and the records of the case sent to Madrid. See Montero y
Vidal, ii. pp. 7-9.

[119] See account of this revolt in VOL. XLVIII.

[120] See Anda's letter to the archbishop, ante, pp. 156-158.

[121] See VOLS. XLIII and XLIII; appendices in vol. ii of Montero y
Vidal's Piratería; Barrantes's Guerras piraticas, appendix: for the
negotiations between the king of Joló, and his brother Bantilan,
and the Spaniards and English respectively. The king Ali-Mudin
and his son were taken to Joló by Brereton when the British forces
evacuated Manila in 1764. The king abdicated in favor of his son
Israel. Thereupon, the Joloans divided into two factions, one in
favor of the English and the other, headed by Israel, against them
(Montero y Vidal's Piratería, i, p. 338).

[122] "The most singular of these imposts, however, is the Crusade. It
was born in the ages of folly and fanaticism during which millions of
Europeans set forth to wear themselves out in the East for the recovery
of Palestine. The court of Rome revived it in favor of Ferdinand,
who in 1509 undertook to wage war against the Moors of Africa. It
still exists in Spain, where it is never less than 12 sols 6 deniers,
or more than 4 livres. One pays more dearly for it in the New World,
where it is collected only once in two years, and where it rises
from 35 sols to 13 livres, according to the rank and fortune of the
citizens. For this sum, people obtained the liberty of being absolved
by their confessors from crimes reserved to [the cognizance of the]
pope and the bishops; the right to use on days of abstinence certain
forbidden articles of food; and a multitude of indulgences for sins
already committed or which might be committed. The government did
not strictly oblige its subjects to take this bull, but the priests
refused the consolations of religion to those who neglected or
disdained it; and perhaps there is not in all Spanish America a man
sufficiently courageous or enlightened to brave this ecclesiastical
censure." (Raynal, Etablissemens et commerce des Européens, ii,
pp. 310, 311.)

[123] Orendain was a mestizo (a lawyer by profession) and
maintained cordial relations with Diego Silán, the insurgent; and
the communication of the latter may easily have taken place under his
auspices. He bought the Augustinian convent and its library which were
sold by the English with the understanding that if the latter abandoned
the country, the religious could not claim their property. Embarking
with the English after the peace, he was killed in Cochinchina by
order of the king of that country. Vivar's Relación, p. 299, note.

See also ante, p. 121, note 64.

[124] The laws above mentioned are as follows:

Law lxii: "We declare that the appointment of those who are to be
judges of the causes and suits, which are handled in our royal
Audiencias, belongs to the viceroys and presidents of them, in
those cases, which by virtue of our cedulas, or in any other cases
shall arise; and this must be observed in accordance with what is
the practice in our councils and Audiencias of these kingdoms of
Castilla." [Felipe III, Madrid, March 28, 1620.]

Law lxiii: "The appointment of the judge who is to supply the absence
of auditors because of their death or inability, for the determination
of matters with the auditor remaining in the Audiencia, belongs to the
president of the Audiencia. This is to be the rule on all the occasions
that arise, any ordinance to the contrary notwithstanding." [Felipe
IV, Madrid, September 30, 1634.]

Law lxxxviii: "We declare and order that, in our Audiencias of
the Indias, the least sum for the examination and determination of
suits shall be and shall be considered to be three hundred thousand
maravedis; and that if the sum does not exceed that amount, suits
may be examined and determined by two auditors whose votes must be in
harmony in every respect. Two auditors may also try and sentence, in
all instances, suits representing a greater sum, in the same manner,
except the Audiencias of Mejico and Lima. In those Audiencias it
is our will that three votes be unanimous in every particular in
order to try and sentence suits representing a greater sum, as is
prescribed by the laws of these our kingdoms of Castilla." [Cárlos I,
in the new laws of 1542; Felipe II, Aranjuez, September 24, 1568;
Felipe IV, Madrid, September 22, 1626.]

Law cvi: "We order and command that when the auditors agree upon the
sentence, they summon the clerk of the cause, and secretly order him
to write before them the points and the effect of the sentence which
they are to give. It shall be set down there and written neatly, and
shall be signed before it is pronounced; or at least when it shall be
pronounced, it shall be brought in written neatly and be signed by
all who were in the assembly, although the vote or votes of one or
some may not conform to the contents of the sentence. Consequently,
at least in ordinary matters, the sentence shall not be pronounced
until it is agreed upon and written neatly and signed. After it
shall be published, it cannot be changed in any wise. The clerk shall
immediately give in the court a copy of it to the party if he asks
it, under penalty of a fine of two pesos for the courts." [Cárlos I,
and the queen regent, Madrid, July 12, 1550, ordinance 14, concerning
Audiencias; Felipe II, in said ordinances, no. 144.]

Law cxi: "The auditors of our Audiencias where there are no alcaldes
of crime, shall try criminal causes in the first instance in the city
where the Audiencia resides, and five leguas about it, provided that
the prison orders are assigned by at least two auditors." [Cárlos I
and the queen regent, 1530.]

Laws cvii-cxix refer to the manner of signing sentences; law cx
relates to the action of the Audiencia outside the five-legua district.

[125] A village on the west coast of Panay.

[126] See Anson's description of the voyage of the Acapulco galleon,
Kerr's Hist. and coll. of voyages (Edinburg and London, 1824), xi,
pp. 406-411.

[127] This vessel made three efforts to make the voyage. In the
second it lost its topmasts. Having refitted with spare masts, it
sailed again on October 2. Struck by a severe storm, the vessel lost
its masts again near the Ladrones, thus necessitating its return to
the Philippines. See Le Gentil, ii, pp. 224, 225.

[128] Point Cabcabe, located on the southeast coast of Bataan.

[129] Bantay is the Tagalog word for sentinel, and in the text is
given a Spanish plural. See Noceda and Sanlucar's Vocabulario.

[130] A minute of the council of war held September 25, 1762, signed
by Ramon de Orendaín, with names of those attending and the decision
pronounced by the archbishop is contained in a MS. owned by Edward
E. Ayer.

[131] In our original the word is pasionero, which is "one who sings
the passion during holy week." It seems probable that it is an error
of the amanuensis for prisionero, "prisoner."

[132] According to manuscript maps in the archives of the Indies,
at Seville, by the engineer Feliciano Márquez, dated September 30,
1767; and the pilot Francisco Xavier Estorgo, of 1770, the bastion
of Carranza is another name for the bastion of San Andrés. An Irish
pilot named Raymond Kelly was killed by the British while defending
this bastion (see Sitio y conquista, p. 61)

[133] At the council held on the third of October, it was proposed
that the women, children, and aged be sent out of Manila. It was also
proposed that the governor, courts, and most of the citizens withdraw,
leaving the city in charge of a leader with instructions for its
defense or surrender. The fiscal recommended system and order in the
matter of provisions and supplies, and the advisability of assigning
pay to the Indians. But no decided action was taken as many disputes
marked the council. The religious were, however, urged to look after
the Indians, and aid in the defense of the walls, being permitted in
case the city was indefensible, to capitulate, as well as to spike
the cannon. Reports of this council, and the ones held on October 26
and 27, and the reply of the officials to the archbishop on October
23, are to be found in an original MS. owned by Edward E. Ayer. An
extract from the council of the third is given by Montero y Vidal,
ii, pp. 24, 25, note; and one from the council of the twenty-sixth,
appendix, pp. 584-587. See also Sitio y conquista, pp. 56, 57.

[134] The fiscal Viana, in a deposition made July 6, 1764, attests
his losses by the sack of Manila in 1762. He lost his silver service,
best clothing, and other things, all amounting to a value of about
4,000 pesos. In the "Santisima Trinidad" he lost 600 pesos. From the
beaterio of Santisima Trinidad was also taken a trunk full of silver
plate and money belonging to Viana. (From an original MS. belonging
to Edward E. Ayer.)

[135] Draper sent forty Frenchmen ahead the morning of the assault to
fill up the ditch with the ruins of the bastion; to examine whether
there was any ditch which impeded their passage; and communicate
everything by signs. This duty was accomplished satisfactorily,
for they met no obstacle. See Mas, i, p. 131.

[136] The column that occupied the wall by the left of the foundry
took possession of everything as far as the bastion of the gate of
Santa Lucía. The greater part of the people were killed, and the gate
of Santiago alone was left free. See Sitio y conquista, p. 61.

[137] Ferrando gives this name as Nicolás de Ruiz (Historia, iv,
p. 627), but all other accounts give it as Echauz.

[138] Anda was sixty-two years of age when he left Manila to undertake
the defense of the provinces. See Mas, i, p. 138.

[139] "Since the natives of these islands, who were living at present,
had never seen war like this, and now saw with their own eyes the
effects of it, namely, the change of government, the cowardice of the
Castilians, and the complete upheaval of order, they were caused great
surprise, and thought that the end of the world was come. Consequently,
most of them, that is, the herd, not all, began to commit thefts and
to commit assaults on the highway, committing many murders, rapes, and
other outrages, as is usual on these occasions; especially those who
had been imprisoned in the jails for crime, to whom liberty was given
in order that they might be of service in this war. Notwithstanding
that the English hanged very many without trial or examination, as I
saw several times in this place after it was lost, where I stayed for
some months. They needed no gallows, for the criminals were hanged
from any window grating like bananas." From History of the siege of
Manila, by Father Agustín de Santa María, whose MS. is conserved in
the Augustinian archives of Madrid. See Mas, i, p. 135, note.

[140] The castellan of Cavite at first refused to surrender the fort,
and prepared to defend it. But the soldiers deserted and the natives
began to loot the arsenal, whereupon the castellan also fled. See Mas,
i, p. 136.

[141] The Augustinian fathers were imprisoned in their convent,
although they were permitted to leave it at times provided it should
be within the city. Suddenly a counter order was given and they
were deprived of that permission. It was believed that the English
were making such demonstrations in order that the Augustinians
might surrender to them the silver that they had hidden. But since
the procurator was firm in not revealing it, they were treated as
traitors because their brothers favored the side of Anda. The English
collected religious to the number of twelve, and embarked them to
take them to Europa. One of them was released at the request of the
archbishop. After the fathers had embarked, the English entered their
convent and sacked it, so that nothing was left in it. They found six
thousand pesos of coined silver which had been hidden in a garden,
and the wrought silver which had been concealed when the question
of paying the million was discussed. They did not pardon the relics
of the saints, which they threw on the ground, in order to take
the reliquaries in which they were kept. See Martinez de Zúñiga,
pp. 641, 642.

[142] In the convent of the Augustinians in Manila, the British seized
8,000 pesos in money, and 20,000 in goods. The archbishop under threats
of the conquerors ordered the heads of the Augustinian order to submit
to the British authorities. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 73, 76.

[143] Probably Juan Manuel Maldonado de Puga, author of Religiosa
hospitalidad, which has appeared in our VOL. XLVII.

[144] The archbishop offered José Pedro Busto (who had come to the
islands with his friend Governor Arandía) the post of provincial in
the name of the British government with a salary of 5,000 pesos per
year, together with the perquisites of the office and the aid that he
would need. But he refused it, and left Manila with twenty Cagayans,
who accompanied him, and although pursued by mounted Sepoys, was
not overtaken. Joining Anda, he became the real military arm of the
opposition. At an estate held by the Jesuits in Mariquina, and where
he was aided by the Jesuits, he urged the natives to resist British
rule, being followed by the majority of them, whereupon he was able
to attack and punish some of the ladrones of the region. He obtained
many advantages by fighting in guerrila fashion. When Anda finally
entered Manila as the British were about to evacuate the city, Busto
accompanied him. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 85-89. et seq.

[145] The British exiled the superior of the Augustinians from Manila,
and forbade him to live in any of the four neighboring provinces; and
confiscated all the property of that order (Sitio y conquista, p. 83).

[146] Anda's force, says Le Gentil (ii, p. 262) consisted of about
9,000 men, of whom 2,000 were armed with muskets, and about 300
Europeans, most of whom were French deserters from the British. To such
an extent did the desertion of the French occur that the British sent
those left them (about 150) back to India. Anda refused the offer of
a French sergeant to endeavor to cause the desertion of the Sepoys,
on the ground that they were Mahometans. Anda's force, before he
surrendered the command to Francisco de la Torre, is specified by
Ayerbe (Sitio y conquista, pp. 132, 133), as follows: 12 infantry
companies, consisting of 1,370 men, of whom 223 were deserters from
the British; 2 cavalry companies, consisting of 293 men, of whom 100
were Spaniards, and the rest Cagayans, and 50 of whom had muskets,
50 blunderbusses, and the rest spears; 100 cavalry dragoons; 281
artillerymen, some of them deserters, most armed with sabers, and a
few with muskets; 100 Indians commanded by the native colonel, Santos
de los Angeles. 60 being infantry with muskets, and 40 cavalry with
short firearms and spears; 300 native and mestizo commissary troops
armed with muskets and bows and arrows, whose duty it was to prevent
the entrance of food into Manila; 3 Boholans, armed with lance and
shield, who acted as Anda's bodyguard; 400 Visayans, armed with bows
and arrows; 2,000 Indians, enlisted in the villages near Polo, as
a reserve; in addition to the natives used in other employments. Le
Gentil (ii, pp. 266-268) accuses Anda of inaction, although he had an
army of more than 10,000 men. But he adds that Anda could not count
on his native troops, and had no large guns.

[147] The British troops under Thomas Backhouse, who invaded the
provinces November 8, 1762, easily forced an entrance into the
village of Pasig, driving the natives who opposed them like a herd
of frightened sheep (Mas, i, pp. 162, 163).

[148] Anda's agents scoured the environs of Manila for contributions,
and it is said that they committed many exactions. See Le Gentil,
ii, p. 269.

[149] The letter written by the archbishop on October 29, to the
provincials of the religious orders. His own sins he fears have been
the cause of the loss of Manila and other places. But God has been
merciful in much, and liberty, trade, and religion are preserved for
the inhabitants. An attempt is being made to collect the one million
of the ransom money demanded, and the rest will be taken from the
"Filipino" and bills of credit on the Spanish monarch. It is necessary
to cede the islands because of the force of the enemy in order to
avoid greater misfortune. This cession is merely a temporary deposit
made to the British sovereign. The aid of the religious is asked in
preserving order and the statu quo, by not opposing the British.

[150] A copy of the letter written by the archbishop to Draper under
date of October 29, 1762, and translated from the Latin, in which
it was couched, into Spanish, is contained in a MS. owned by Edward
E. Ayer. The archbishop servilely addresses Draper as "Prudent and
most clement conqueror," and "most humane sir." The inhabitants are
doing their best to gather the million demanded at once, and the
archbishop has given all the silver of his church (except what is
absolutely necessary for the sacrifice of the mass) and even his
pectorals. He bewails the fate that makes it necessary for him to
cede the islands to the English. Draper's letter on the twenty-seventh
(twenty-eighth, English calendar) of October follows this, although it
should properly precede it. It dwells on the humanity of the English,
and the fact that by the cession of a few places, the archbishop has
avoided much ruin, for the English arms would easily have reduced
them; and the inhabitants have been left freedom of worship, trade,
their possessions, churches, and convents. Those who persuade the
archbishop through a false sense of honor not to cede the islands will
be responsible for the consequences. The auditors are to immediately
sign the cession. The cession signed on the thirtieth (English date)
is as follows: "Sir: All the islands subordinate to that of Luzon,
of which Manila is the capital (in the manner and form at present
under the dominion of his Catholic Majesty) are to be ceded to his
Britannic Majesty. The latter is to be the recognized sovereign until
the peace between both kings decides their fate. Their religion, goods,
privileges, possessions, and trade are to be conserved to the subjects
of España who inhabit these islands, in the same manner that they
have been conserved for the inhabitants of Manila and on the island of
Luzon. All the alcaldes, governors, and military men shall enjoy the
honors of war if they give their word of honor not to serve or bear
arms against his Britannic Majesty during this war. The archbishop
and auditors shall sign this agreement. [Signed] Guillermo Draper." It
is to be noted that the archbishop's synopses of the various letters
mentioned in the text correspond with the letters themselves.

[151] When Draper left Manila, he took what he wished from the
archbishop's palace in which he lived. See Sitio y conquista,
pp. 76, 77.

[152] A reference to Matthew xvi, 26, the Latin of the Vulgate being:
Quid enim prodest homini si mundum universum lucretur, animæ vero suæ
detrimentum patiatur? Aut quam dabit homo commutationem pro anima
sua? This reads as follows in the Douay version: "For what doth it
profit a man, if he gain the whole world, and suffer the loss of his
own soul? Or what exchange shall a man give for his soul?"

[153] Various disorders were committed in Laguna province by the
Indians. Dissatisfied with their alcalde-mayor because he favored
the archbishop, the captain of Pagsanban issued a circular against
the alcalde-mayor, treating him as a traitor. In return he was
arrested and publicly lashed. The Indians, infuriated, ill-treated
the alcalde-mayor's family, killing his brother-in-law, and later
the alcalde himself. For this they were pardoned by Anda, who saw
himself powerless to pursue any other course just then. See Mas, i,
pp. 159, 160.

[154] Anda wrote Bishop Ustariz asking his coöperation in the
maintenance of quiet in the provinces, in view of the British invasion,
and the danger that threatened the Catholic faith. This letter the
bishop sent to the Augustinian provincial with one of his own, asking
him to conserve Spanish interests as much as possible, and to enrol
the aid of the natives. An order promulgated by Anda, October 6, 1762,
enjoins watchfulness on the part of the alcaldes-mayor. They are to
forbid all passage to Manila, both of persons and supplies; are to deny
all aid to the British and all strangers in their jurisdiction; and
are to arrest or kill all suspects. See Vivar's Relación, pp. 294-296.

[155] Villacorta, whom Le Gentil terms a "just and impartial man,"
asserted that Anda was unjust toward Rojo, who was very sincere in his
devotion to the Spanish sovereignty (Le Gentil, ii, p. 271). Villacorta
had however himself conspired against Anda.

[156] See the British figures regarding the ransom money, post.

[157] The admiralty archives in England may have various data
regarding this.

[158] With Cornish also went Auditor Pedro Calderon and his daughter,
who went to Spain, and some missionaries, officers, and soldiers
(Sitio y conquista, p. 77).

[159] More than four hundred houses were ruined in the barrios of Santa
Cruz and Binondo by the British after the assault (Sitio y conquista,
pp. 72, 73).

[160] The British found some copper on the "Filipino," and before
setting fire to the vessel, spiked the cannon (Sitio y conquista,
p. 72).

[161] In order to secure the release of Villacorta, it was alleged
that he was insane; but his release was only accomplished after a
money payment (Sitio y conquista, p. 75).

[162] In the province of Panay, the alcalde was corrupted by the
English, but was prevented from surrendering the province, as he was
seized and imprisoned by the Augustinians there, an act approved by
Anda. In Cebú, quiet was restored after the alcalde was hanged with
the aid of the loyal Augustinians. See Mas, i, pp. 161, 162.

[163] See synopses and excerpts of these letters, ante, pp. 153-160.

[164] The provinces of Pampanga and Bulacan remained faithful during
the English invasion and were the only resource for the Spaniards
(Mas, i, p. 160).

[165] The Indians and Chinese revolted in San Pablo de los Montes,
killing their priest, Francisco Fierro, O.S.A. The people of Tanavan
also killed their priest, Andres Enriquez, O.S.A. Other priests
of other orders were killed, but members of the Society of Jesus
escaped. For they showed themselves two-faced, since on one side,
they were for the English, while on the other side, they declared
for Anda, who, however, greatly mistrusted them. See Mas, i, pp. 160,
161 (citation from the MS. of Jesus de Santa Maria).

[166] Ferrando (iv, p. 638, note) has the following from a contemporary
MS.: "But the most celebrated and comical, was the disappearance
of one hundred and thirty-five American soldiers, who by means of a
rare stratagem deceived the vigilance of an English company which was
guarding them in the castle of San Fernando or the alcaicería of the
Chinese. In order that they might succeed in their projected attempt,
they mined a bit of land as far as the outlet of the guardhouse, and
then asked for permission to enact a farce. Their request was granted
without any difficulty, and on the day assigned for the representation,
the one who took the part of the comedian began to make his conclusion
while the others were going out of the mine. Finally the comedian
concluded by saying that he was going to call his companions, and
went away to where they had escaped. When the sentinels saw that they
delayed in coming, suspecting what had really happened, they searched
the place where the actors ought to have been. But the latter were
already outside of Tondo, and immediately joined a company which Anda,
previously notified of the project, had sent them. On account of this
jest the English were greatly ashamed, and although they were angry
at the occurrence, yet they praised the ingenious stratagem."

[167] This order was given at Apalit, January 27, 1763, and the four
churches mentioned were those of Malate, Ermita, Santiago, and San
Juan de Bagumbaya. The alcaldes and other officials were ordered to
fire any public buildings, churches, or convents, which might serve
as fortification to the enemy, immediately, if the village were
attacked. See Malo de Luque, v, pp. 281-284; alto Montero y Vidal,
ii, appendix, pp. 591-593, where it is published entire.

[168] Biñang, in Laguna.

[169] i.e., Drake, Smith, and Brook, the representatives of the East
India Company, who were left in charge after Draper and Cornish left.

[170] This is the "Manifesto juridico defensorio en respuesto de los
reparos hechos por el Padre Fray Antonio de las Huertas, de el Orden de
Predicadores, a un Memorial que en Real Consejo de las Indias presentó
el Padre Luis A. de Morales de la Compañia de Jesus, Procurador de
su Religion, por las Provincias de Filipinas. Escrivele el Padre
Pedro de Espinar de la Compañia de Jesus, Provincial General de su
Religion, por las Provincias de Indias [Madrid, ca., 1680]." Pedro
de Espinar died at Madrid, August 31, 1795. Luis de Morales was born
at Tordesillas, September 29, 1641, and entered the Society August
28, 1658. After going to Manila he acted as missionary at various
places, and in 1685 went to Europe as procurator. He was appointed
visitor of Mexico, and then provincial of the Philippine missions,
and finally rector of the Manila college, where he died, June 14,
1716. See Sommervogel's Bibliothèque.

[171] This last paragraph is evidently a note by Ventura del Arco.

[172] The British forces were greatly diminished through intemperance,
sexual excesses, the heat, and carelessness of diet. They asked aid
from Madras, which was about to be sent when the news of the peace
came. At that time the forces at Manila were reduced to eight hundred
men, and were already resolving on means of defense, and if need be,
capitulation. See Le Gentil, ii, pp. 265, 266.

[173] Le Gentil (ii, pp. 272, 273) records that Anda was made a
counsellor of Castile by the king as a recompense for his services. In
addition he also asked money from the friars for the service which
he had rendered them, but they refused to give him any, employing to
convey their refusal a lawyer of Manila, named Dr. Aranas.

[174] Fayette was offered the command of the government at Zamboanga
for the English; as was also a Spaniard named Luis Sandoval: but it
was refused by both (Mas, i, p. 137).

[175] The English took charge of Rojo's obsequies since the Spaniards
were too poor to do so, according him military honors on a magnificent
scale (Le Gentil, ii, p. 271).

[176] See synopsis of this letter, ante, pp. 142-143.

[177] See ante, pp. 136-137, note 80.

[178] Le Gentil (ii, p. 268, et seq.), who was influenced by his
friendship with Rojo's nephew, jests at Anda's pretensions to the
office of governor and captain-general and underrates his ability.

[179] During the sickness of the archbishop, the question arose
as to his successor in the government (an office really held by
Anda). Villacorta, who had joined Anda, and who had been left
in Bacolor by the latter who had gone to attend to camp matters,
claimed the office as senior auditor. Anda, hearing of the matter,
immediately returned to Bacolor. Villacorta passed the matter off as
mere conversation. But Anda investigating further, found that Galbán
and Viana claimed that Bishop Ustáriz should be governor, in accordance
with royal orders. Anda sought advice from various ecclesiastics, but
they all refused any direct answer except the Jesuit, Franciscan, and
Recollect provincials, who declared in Anda's favor. The discussion
was finally ended by the arrival of the new governor ad interim,
Francisco de la Torre. See Mas, i, pp. 188-191.

[180] On arriving at Bacolor, Anda speedily improvised a powder
factory and foundry, and assumed the offensive immediately. The powder
factory was directed by fathers Eugenio Garrido, parish priest of San
Miguel de Mayumo, and Agustín María Castro, O.S.A.; and the foundry,
by Father Facundo Acosta. See Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 39 and note.

[181] The original of this letter exists in Academia de la Historia,
Madrid, "Colección Mata Linares, tomo 97" (Montero y Vidal, ii,
p. 50, note).

[182] Shortly before leaving Manila the British lost a ship which
was burned at Cavite, forty-three men perishing (Sitio y conquista,
p. 130).

[183] This is probably the Mercure de France, which was founded by
Visé, in 1672, under the name of Mercure galant, and is the second
oldest paper of France. The name Mercure de France was adopted
by Lefevre in 1714. In 1788 a political part was added under the
title "Historical and political news." The publication of the sheet
was abandoned in 1799, resumed again for the years 1814-1823, and
definitely abandoned in 1825. A number of papers have adopted the name
Mercure in imitation of it. See Grand Dictionnaire (Paris), vol. xi.

[184] When Manila was surrendered, in order to receive the Augustinian
convent, it was necessary for the provincial to make a contract to pay
10,000 pesos, in case that the confiscation of its effects should be
considered as proper in the courts of Madrid and London. The British
court approved the operations of the English council, and by virtue
of their sentence, an Englishman went to Madrid to collect the 10,000
pesos. See Mas, i, p. 195, note.

[185] Upon the outbreak of the first insurrection in Pangasinan,
Anda wrote to the religious for aid in quelling it; and in order to
quiet the insurgents, promised them full pardon (Mas, i, pp. 148, 149).

[186] A communication from Drake to Silán, May 9, grants him the titles
of governor, alcalde, and sargento-mayor, of Ilocos. Montero y Vidal,
ii, p. 100.

[187] The title-page of this pamphlet (which is without date of
publication, or author) reads as follows: "A plain narrative of the
reduction of Manila and the Philippine Islands." This is listed in
the bibliography issued by the Library of Congress, Books of the
Philippine Islands (p. 124), under the joint authorship of Sir Samuel
Cornish and Sir William Draper, because the signatures of both are
appended to the several "Conditions" and "Proposals" inserted at the
end (which we publish elsewhere). It is probable, however, that the
latter alone is the author of the Plain narrative, as is evident
if it be read in conjunction with the following pamphlet, Colonel
Draper's answer, which is signed by the latter. From the internal
evidence furnished also by the latter pamphlet, we are inclined to
believe that the Plain narrative was published at London in 1764,
and prior to Colonel Draper's answer.

[188] The following items from various British magazines contemporary
with the siege show the considerable place taken in English politics
by the question of the ransom:

The Gentleman's Magazine for 1764 (vol. xxxiv, p. 544) says, under
date of November 15: "A categorical answer came over from the courts
of France and Spain, relative to the payment of the subsistance money
due for the prisoners of the former, and the ransom of the Manillas,
both which, according to this report, have been absolutely refused
by the said powers."

The London Chronicle for February 28-March 2, 1765 (vol. xvii,
no. 1279) says: "We hear the Spaniards want to deduct 1,230,000
piasters, or pieces of eight, out of the ransom of the Manillas,
for the damages and losses the inhabitants sustained on the 6th of
October 1762, when it was taken by storm by the English forces."

"London, Jan. 25. By letters from Madrid we are assured that Lord
Rochfort had, in consequence of orders from England, demanded the
final sentiments of the Catholic ministry, respecting the payment of
the Manilla ransom, in order to be transmitted home for the inspection
of the grand council of the nation; and it was current there, that
this long protracted affair would soon be amicably adjusted." (Scots
Magazine, 1766, p. 48.)

"London, May 20. They write from Madrid, that some dispatches,
just received from Manilla, in the East Indies, which the court had
impatiently expected, would possibly hasten the final payment of
the ransom-bills; and that Lord Rochfort appeared to be on very good
terms with the Catholic ministry." (Ut supra, p. 270.)

"London, Aug. 29. According to letters from Madrid, one reason alledged
for the non-payment of the Manilla ransom is the delay of the expected
flotas from New Spain, which has rendered the treasury very bare of
money." (Ut supra, p. 441.)

"Paragraph of a letter from Madrid. Our politicians are at a loss
to know what will be the result of the demand made by the English
ambassador, for the payment of the Manilla ransom. If the English
court are really in earnest, it is generally thought by those who
pretend to be conversant in court-affairs, that the Spanish court
would rather pay it, than venture another war with G. Britain. All I
can say in the matter is, that it should be immediately insisted on,
as, in all probability, this court will prevent the further progress
of trade between Manilla and the South seas, as they seem to think the
whole riches of the mines will be centered in China, with which this
court has no trade. This seems probable enough since the expulsion of
the Jesuits, as it was through their interests that trade has so long
subsisted; and what confirms it the more is, that the court will not
pay for the additional fortifications of that place (Manilla) since
it has been given up by the English. But if one may add his thoughts,
I believe two or three ships, properly authorised, to back the above
demand, would be more powerful intercessors." (Ut supra, 1767, p. 549.)

"London, Nov. 19. A letter from Madrid has this passage: 'Sir James
Gray, the British Minister, has already entered upon his negotiation,
of which the Manilla affair and the West-India commerce are the first
objects.'" (Ut supra, p. 605.)

[189] If this Ship was not admitted in the Capitulation by any
Accident of Non Compliance with the Terms of the Vice Roy's Letter
in that Case, we agreed to take his Bills on the King of Spain,
he assuring us they would be duly paid. (Note by Draper.)

[190] The damage sustained by the Inhabitants before the plundering
could be stopped, was estimated and deducted from the Ransom. (Note
by Draper.)

[191] A Spanish Galleon sailing from the Havannah a Month before
the Arrival of Sir George Pocock and Lord Albemarle to attack that
Place, and taken in her Passage to Cadiz by two English Cruizers
off the Canary or Western Islands, might with the same Degree of
Equity be claimed by the Spaniards under their Capitulation for the
Havannah. (Note by Draper.)

[192] See ante, pp. 71, 72, note 28.

[193] This is reprinted in vol. ii of The Field of Mars (London,
1781). See Bibliography of Philippines (Washington, 1903), p. 124.

[194] The full title of this book is as follows: "Colonel Draper's
answer to the Spanish arguments, claiming the galeon, and refusing
payment of the ransom bills, for preserving Manila from Pillage
and destruction: in a letter addressed to the earl of Halifax,
his Majesty's principal secretary of state for the southern
department. London: printed for J. Dodsley, in Pall-mall. MDCCLXIV."

Scots Magazine for 1764, pp. 455, 456, comments as follows on the
money received by the English from the conquest of Manila:

Three distributions have been made of the money hitherto received
on account of the capture of Manila. The first consisted of 526,306
Spanish dollars collected in specie, jewels, gold and silver plate,
and merchandise, received in part of the four millions of dollars to
be paid agreeable to the capitulation, including the plunder taken
from the seamen and soldiers after the conquest, amounting to 496,000
dollars. The second arose from the balance of the first account,
and the amount of sundry naval, victualling and ordnance stores,
confiscated and secreted effects, amounting to 92,561 dollars and a
fraction. The third arose from the sale of vessels, merchandise, naval
and victualling stores, and confiscated effects, sold at Manila and
Fort St. George, amounting to 43,280 pagodas and a fraction. Of each of
these the East-India company received one third. Distribution has also
been made of the effects saved out of the Spanish galley attacked and
destroyed by three of the boats of the squadron in the bay of Manila,
amounting to 13,319 dollars and a fraction. The total distribution
to each class, being cast into Sterling money, comes out thus:


    Between the Admiral, General, and
    Commodore,  1/8th                                £.14120 12 9
    To the Captains of the navy, and Field-officers
    of the army, 2/8th, each                            1539  0 8 1/2
    To the Lieutenants and Masters of the navy, and
    Captains of the army, 1/8th, each                    165  4 8
    To the warrant-officers of the navy, and
    subalterns of the army, 1/8th, each                   80  0 5 1/2
    To the petty officers of the navy, and non-comm.
    officers of the army, 1/8th, each                     30  0 1
    To the seamen and soldiers, 2/8ths, each               6  0 3


[195] i.e., The renown of the deed is enough for me.

[196] A famous Spanish Ambassador, in the Reign of James the
First. (Colonel Draper's Answer, p. 9, note.)

[197] These arguments are presented by Draper in French and English
parallel texts, the latter evidently being translated from the former.

[198] The Spaniards, by sailing to Manila, by the West, are a Day
later in their Computation of Time in that Country. (Colonel Draper's
Answer, p. 13, note.)

[199] The Marquis de Ayerbe says that the British soldiery left nothing
of value in the private houses, and rendered useless what they did
not care to carry away. They committed numberless atrocities. At the
convent of St. Dominic, they cut off the head of the Virgin of the
rosary. They sacked and profaned the churches. The archives of the
Audiencia, secretaryship, offices of the treasury, and many private
papers, were burned. They were aided by the servants of the Spaniards
and the natives who had come to defend the capital. On the petition
of the archbishop, guards were placed by Draper in the convent of the
nuns of Santa Clara and in the beaterios. That being done, Draper
ordered the sack for three hours, a period which was prolonged to
more than forty. The drunken soldiers violated the defenseless women,
looted, destroyed, and profaned the churches, being aided in this by
the Chinese and criminals who had been given their liberty. At the end
of twenty-four hours, the archbishop protested, but notwithstanding
the orders of Draper, the sack continued. The most inhuman deeds are
said to have been committed by the natives. See Sitio y conquista,
pp. 67, 68; and Montero y Vidal, pp. 31, 32, and note.

[200] i.e., "Even to the death."

[201] Before the sack began, Draper ordered all the Indians to leave
Manila. He also ordered whatever had been taken from the churches
to be restored, but nothing was found except some vestments taken by
the Sepoys, who appeared on the walls dressed in the same. Especially
were the sacred places treated with deep respect. The religious were
allowed to return to their convents, in an endeavor to gain their
powerful influence. Especially did he try to win over the Augustinian
ex-provincial Remijio Hernandez, then in charge of the province,
writing him several letters. But he was unable to obtain his desire,
for Hernandez remained firm in his loyalty. See Mas, i, pp. 134,
135, 137.

[202] A letter written to the London Chronicle, and published in
that paper, for the issue of December 27-29, 1764, no. 252, p. 618,
attests the humanity of General Draper. The writer, an eyewitness
of the storming of Manila, asserts that Draper took very careful
precautions to avoid the excesses that are liable to occur at such
a time, with the miscellaneous troops under his command. As soon as
the capitulation was in force, the chief men of Manila were allowed
to retire into the country to escape possible contagion from the
carnage. The writer denies any personal motive for the declaration, as
he was really at Manila against his will, and has no connection with
army or navy. "The following is nearly an exact list of the troops,
that were employed on that expedition: 500 regulars, Mr. Draper's
own regiment; 250 Marines; 500 seamen; 600 Seapoys (black troops);
250 French, who, to be free of a prison, had entered into the
Company's service--a total of 2,100. The increasing these to 4000,
and representing them as let loose to every degree of rapine, after
the capitulation, are both equally unjust, and carry their conviction;
nor can there be any greater evidence of Mr. Draper's humanity and
presence of mind, than that with such a body of troops he should
restrain their impetuosity at such a period." If the Spaniards fail
in paying the ransom, they should surrender the city in the condition
in which it was at the time of the surrender.

[203] Col. Draper's answer to this point is contained in Scots Magazine
for 1764, pp. 722-724; and an extract is given in London Chronicle,
1764, p. 612.

[204] When Colonel Draper left Manila, all the Oyidores (the first
Magistrates of the Place) were taken as Hostages: What has been done
with them since that Time, he supposes Mr. Drake,  the Deputy Governor,
will inform the East India Company, and the Ministry. (Colonel Draper's
Answer, p. 27, note.)

[205] Francisco Javier de la Torre.

[206] The diminutive of Moros.

[207] Evidently a reference to Sebastian Joseph Carvalho e Mello,
Marquis Pombal, the Portuguese prime minister, who expelled the
Jesuits from Portugal by the decree of September 1, 1759; and to the
famous Lisbon earthquake of November 1, 1755. See Nicolini's History
of Jesuits (London, 1879); Cretineau-Joly's Histoire de la Compagnie
de Jésus (Paris, 1859), v; and Griesinger's Jesuits (London, 1903,
3d ed.).

[208] The storm against the Jesuits, which ended with the expulsion
of the order in 1770.

[209] The original of this document is worn in many places. Matter in
brackets is conjectural readings; otherwise the lacunas are indicated
by periods.

[210] This trouble with the Jesuits arose first from the sermon
preached by Father Francisco Javier Puch, S.J., March 9, 1764, in
which he accused the alcaldes-mayor of robbing both king and natives
(Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 116, 117; and Ferrando, v, pp. 9-16).

[211] i.e., Let them be erased from the book of life.

[212] One of these MSS., entitled Breve noticia de los Religiosos
Agustinos Calzados de esta provincia de Filipinas..., and which
belongs to Bernardino Hernando, O.S.A., reader in the Valladolid
convent, has the following data in regard to the contributions made
to the English: "From the royal coffers, 12,469 pesos; from the
governor, 6,991; from the cathedral, 9,000 pesos in coined silver,
and 33,973 in wrought silver; the church of Quiapo, 716 pesos in
wrought silver; that of Ermita, 5,117, ditto; from [the Order] of
St. Dominic and tertiary branch, 16,028 in coined silver, and 11,616
in wrought; from the tertiary branch of [the Order of] St. Francis,
58,000 pesos in coined silver, and 970 in wrought; from [the Order
of] St. Augustine, 25,556 pesos in coined silver, and 11,025 pesos
in wrought silver; from the Society, 40,434 pesos in coined silver,
and 8,794 in wrought silver; from the Misericordia, 196,042 pesos,
2 reals, and 4 granos in coined silver; from the minor Ruiz, 1,472
pesos in wrought silver, and 836 of the deposit belonging to Varela:
all of which items make a total of 459,420 pesos. The wealthy citizens
and families, to wit: Infante, Reyes, Jugo, Villar, Suárez, Ocampo,
Memije, Varela, Bogan, Piñón, Monteroso, Mazo, Neyra, Lizárraga,
Ruano, Noriega, Castro, Solano, Otal, Casañas, Cachit, Mantilla,
Barrio, León y Verdugo--48,777 pesos. The sack amounted to 418,442
pesos. The English seized 25,000 pesos from [the property of] the
absent Blanco; from the marqués de Monte Castro, 8,000 pesos; from
the marquesa de Salinas, 10,000 pesos; in the seizure of San Pablo,
the convent of the Calced Augustinian fathers, 60,000 pesos, which
were buried, in coined silver, and 40,000 in wrought silver. To all
these items must be added 2,000,000 pesos which were charged against
his Catholic Majesty's treasury. The total sum is 3,069,639 pesos."